Uz Etruscanvol1

August 6, 2017 | Author: alazraq | Category: Ethnic Groups, Anatolia, Tribe, Ottoman Empire, Race (Human Categorization)
Share Embed Donate


Short Description

Download Uz Etruscanvol1...

Description

The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples

1

2

THE ETHNICITY OF THE SEA PEOPLES DE ETNICITEIT VAN DE ZEEVOLKEN

Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam op gezag van de rector magnificus Prof.dr. S.W.J. Lamberts en volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties. De openbare verdediging zal plaatsvinden op vrijdag 28 april 2006 om 13.30 uur door

Frederik Christiaan Woudhuizen geboren te Zutphen

3

Promotiecommissie Promotor: Prof.dr. W.M.J. van Binsbergen Overige leden: Prof.dr. R.F. Docter Prof.dr. J. de Mul Prof.dr. J. de Roos

4

To my parents

“Dieser Befund legt somit die Auffassung nahe, daß zumindest für den Kern der ‘Seevölker’-Bewegung des 14.-12. Jh. v. Chr. mit Krieger-Stammesgruppen von ausgeprägter ethnischer Identität – und nicht lediglich mit einem diffus fluktuierenden Piratentum – zu rechnen ist.” (Lehmann 1985: 58)

5

CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................................................................................................................ 9 Note on the Transcription, especially of Proper Names.................................................................................................... 11 List of Figures................................................................................................................................................................... 12 List of Tables .................................................................................................................................................................... 13 1. Defining Ethnicity....................................................................................................................................................... 15 2. Ethnicity and Protohistory .......................................................................................................................................... 21 3. Historical Setting ........................................................................................................................................................ 29 4. An Historiographic Outline......................................................................................................................................... 35 5. Contemporary Sources................................................................................................................................................ 43 6. Lukka and the Lukka Lands........................................................................................................................................ 57 7. Ethnogenesis of the Greeks......................................................................................................................................... 59 8. The Rise and Fall of the Mycenaean Greeks............................................................................................................... 69 9. From Danaoi to Dan.................................................................................................................................................... 77 10. Etruscan Origins.......................................................................................................................................................... 79 11. The Aeneas’ Saga: Etruscan Origins in parvo ............................................................................................................ 89 12. Philistines and Pelasgians ........................................................................................................................................... 95 13. Teukroi, Akamas, and Trojan Grey Ware ................................................................................................................. 107 14. The Central Mediterranean Contribution .................................................................................................................. 111 15. Concluding Remarks................................................................................................................................................. 117 Appendix I. On the Decipherment of Cretan Hieroglyphic ............................................................................................ 123 Appendix II. On the Position of Etruscan ....................................................................................................................... 135 Appendix III. A Luwian Trifunctional Divine Triad Recorded for Crete ....................................................................... 141 Appendix IV. Pelasgian Demeter and Zeus .................................................................................................................... 143 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... 147 Nederlandse Samenvatting: De Etniciteit van de Zeevolken .......................................................................................... 163 Curriculum Vitae Frederik Christiaan Woudhuizen........................................................................................................ 167

7

PREFACE Significance of the topic

It will further be argued that the ‘‘prime mover’’, which set into motion the whole process leading to the upheavals

Bringing down the Hittite empire and dealing Egypt a

of the Sea peoples, is formed by the truly massive migra-

blow from which it never recovered, the Sea Peoples’ epi-

tion of bearers of the central European Urnfield culture

sode at the end of the Bronze Age was crucial for a shift of

into the Italian peninsula c. 1200 BC.

the economic and political centre of gravity of the Mediter-

Building upon over a century of scholarly Sea Peo-

ranean world away from the Levant and towards Greece,

ples’ research, and offering a combination of various spe-

Africa Minor, and Italy. Soon this shift was to give rise to

cialist

the splendors of archaic and classical Greece developing

approaches from a variety of disciplines, this study will of-

into Hellenism, Carthage, Etruscan civilization, Rome, the

fer the reader synthetic perspectives onto a crucial period

Roman empire, early Christianity, and, in the long run, the

of human history.

(and

therefore

often

relatively

inaccessible)

emergence the modern western European civilization, dominated by speakers of Indo-European languages, but

Acknowledgments

greatly influenced by a Levantine religion (Judaism). For better or worse, the Sea Peoples’ episode was one of the

The work I have been engaged with let us say about the

few major turning points in world history, comparable to

last eight years could not have been accomplished without

the period of the great migrations which led to the collapse

the help of good friends and colleagues. First of all, my

of the Roman empire, or the rise and early spread of Islam.

sincere feelings of gratitude are due to my supervisor Wim van Binsbergen, who initiated the project, arranged a sti-

The present book’s argument

pendium to work it out granted by the Erasmus University, and, in addition to stimulating supervision, provided a

With the help of modern anthropological theories about

theoretical framework on ethnicity suitable for the analysis

ethnicity, I seek, in the present study, to determine whether

of the Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age. Next, the

the enigmatic Sea Peoples were merely a bunch of pirates

Indo-Europeanist Frits Waanders was so kind to proofread

or whether they constituted a set of coherent ethnic enti-

an early draft of the entire manuscript and save me from

ties, temporarily making common cause in pursuit of the

many errors in spelling and judgment – needless to say that

richnesses of, and hence a better life in, the Near East.

remaining ones are my sole responsibility. Furthermore, I

Of vital importance to this endeavour is the question

am greatly indebted to the specialist in Linear A, Jan Best,

of the homelands of the various groups which make up the

who so to say raised me in the interdisciplinary field of

Sea Peoples. In order to tackle this problem, an inter-

protohistory and kindly proofread an early draft of the sec-

disciplinary proto-historical method has been applied,

tions on the Greeks and the Pelasgians. For the systemati-

which makes full use of the available archaeological, his-

zation of the transliteration of the Ugaritic texts, I am

torical, and linguistic data as provided by Egyptian, Levan-

much obliged to the Assyriologist Frans Wiggermans,

tine, Anatolian, Aegean, and central Mediterranean

whereas in matters of Egyptian hieroglyphic I was guided

sources.

by the Egyptologists J.F Borghouts and Willem van Haar-

As such, the work aspires at an historical synthesis, in

lem. Also of much help was the letter (d.d. 11 January

which the Masperonian thesis of a homeland for the Sea

2002) by the archaeologist Manfred Bietak on the sensa-

Peoples in Asia Minor and the Aegean is balanced with the

tional find of Minoan tephra at Tell el-Dab‘a/Avaris. Un-

opinion of others who rather attribute such a role to the is-

failing support came from the members of the editorial

lands of Sardinia and Sicily and the Italian peninsula in the

board of Talanta, consisting of Jan de Boer, Ton Bruijns,

central Mediterranean. It will be shown that both the “Ana-

Roald Docter, Jorrit Kelder, Vladimir Stissi, Jan Stronk,

tolian thesis” and the “central Mediterranean antithesis”

Reinier Telling, and Maarten de Weerd, which not only

are partly valid, and that some of the groups of the Sea

generously facilitated a prepublication of the section on the

Peoples originated from Anatolia and the Aegean, whereas

Etruscans, but also brought to my attention relevant litera-

others rather came from the central Mediterranean region.

ture and, where necessary, severe criticism. My work also 9

profited from the collaboration with Winfried Achterberg, Kees Enzler, and Lia Rietveld, as duly acknowledged in the bibliography. Further, my thanks are due to the Etruscologist Bauke van der Meer, the Classical archeologist Eric Moorman, and the Mediterranean archeologist Jacques Vanschoonwinkel, for kindly bringing relevant literature to my attention. Finally, I am indebted to Ulrich Seeger (cf. 2002) and Peter Broers for allowing me to use their fonts Bock and Kefas2, respectively, as sources of special characters.

10

NOTE ON THE TRANSCRIPTION, ESPECIALLY OF PROPER NAMES In the transcription of proper names, I have in most in-

as with Pelasgians. When originating from a Latin source,

stances preferred one closest to the Greek original: thus

the Latin forms of the proper names are preferred, as in

Akhaians, Herakles, Herodotos, Homeros, Korinthos, etc.

the section on the Aeneas’ saga. As far as possible, I have

Encouraged by the German saying that “Jeder Kon-

preferred to use (in general discussions outside the con-

zequenz führt zum Teufel”, however, I have not aimed at

text of my presentation of original texts) the simple s in-

being entirely systematic in this respect, since I found it

stead of the cumbersome sh for the transcription of the

hard to transform the current English forms of Cilicia, Crete, Crimea, Cyclades, Mycenae, Thucydides, Tiryns,

sibilant š in Hittite personal names and Philistine place names, thus Hattusilis, Suppiuliumas and Askalon, As-

Troy, Tyre, etc. into less familiar ones closer to the Greek

dod. However, for the sake of clarity sh is maintained for

original. The same license has been adopted with respect

Eshtaol, Kadesh, and Laish as well as for the ethnonyms

to the ending of the ethnonyms, now using the Greek one,

of the Sea Peoples from the Egyptian sources, hence Ek-

as with Danaoi and Teukroi, then using the English one,

wesh, Teresh, etc.

11

LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 12. Sites and cemeteries (a) in Late Helladic

Frontispiece. Rowers depicted on a Late Helladic IIIC sherd from Seraglio on Kos (from Sandars 1980:

IIIB and (b) in Late Helladic IIIC (from Popham 2001:

131, afb. 92)..................................................................... 5

282-3) ............................................................................ 75 Fig. 13. Distribution of biconical urns in the Urnfield

Fig. 1a. Diagram of the extremities in the spec-

world (from Hencken 1968: 441, fig. 452) .................... 81

trum of possibilities of the relation between ethnic

Fig. 14. Distribution of house urns (from Bouzek

groups and the indicia language, religion, and material

1997: fig. 49) ................................................................. 82

culture ............................................................................ 16

Fig. 15. Distribution of (a) proto-Villanovan and (b)

Fig. 1b. Diagram of the partial relationship between

Villanovan sites (after Hencken 1968: fig. 466) ............ 83

ethnicity and its indicia, kinship, material culture, lan-

Fig. 16. The Heroon of Aeneas at Lavinium (from

guage, and religion......................................................... 21

Somella 1974: Taf. VII)................................................. 90

Fig. 2. Distribution of the Greek dialects (from Hall

Fig. 17. Settlement of the Sea Peoples in the Levant

1997: 154, Fig. 25)......................................................... 23

and the remains of the Egyptian sphere of influence (from

Fig. 3. The ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples in Egyp-

Bietak 1993: 295, Fig. 4) ............................................... 96

tian writing, transliteration, and standardized transcription

Fig. 18. Figurines from (a) Asdod, (b) Cyprus, and

(from Kitchen 1982: IV, 4 and Kitchen 1983: V, 40) .... 36

(c) Mycenae (from Sandars 1980: 165, afb. 116) .......... 97

Fig. 4. Plan of Ramesses III’s temple at Medinet

Fig. 19. Comparison of (a) Philistine chamber tombs

Habu, Thebes (after Cifola 1991: 12) ............................ 51

from Tell Fara with (b) Mycenaean prototypes (from

Fig. 5. Land battle scene of Medinet Habu (from

Waldbaum 1966: 332, Ill. 1; 336, Ills. 11-14)................ 97

Oren 2000: 96, Fig. 5.5)................................................. 53

Fig. 20. Late Helladic IIIC1b ware with “antithetic

Fig. 6. Sea battle scene of Medinet Habu (from Oren

horns” and “bird looking backwards”: (a) Crete, (b) C y -

2000: 98, Fig. 5.6).......................................................... 53

p r u s , a n d ( c ) P h i l i s t i a (after Schachermeyr 1979:

Fig. 7. Prisoners of war: (a) Hittite, (b) Amorite, (c) Tjeker, (d) Sherden, (e) Shasu, and (f) Teresh (from Nibbi

160, Abb. 41a; Noort 1994: 122, Abb. 36; 115, Abb. 38)

1975: Pl. I) ..................................................................... 53

....................................................................................... 98 Fig. 21. Distribution of Trojan grey ware (from

Fig. 8. Map of Lycia (from Mellink 1995)............. 58

Heuck Allen 1994)....................................................... 110

Fig. 9. Distribution of centres of radiation of Late Helladic I material. (a) Pottery in combination with archi-

Fig. 22. Sherden in the Egyptian reliefs from the

tectural remains (Pylos, Kirrha, Thebes, Eleusis, and Ath-

reigns of Ramesses II and Ramesses III with (a) long

ens); (b) pottery in shaft graves, tholos- and chamber

slashing swords and round shields, and (b) javelins (from

tombs (Koryphasion, Peristeria, Epidauros Limera, Lerna,

Sandars 1980: 29, afb. 12 and 32, afb. 14) .................. 111 Fig. 23. Statue-menhirs from Corsica: (a) Cauria

Mycenae, Prosymna, and Thorikos). Sources: van Royen

(with horns reconstructed on the helmets), (b) Scalsa

& Isaac 1979 and Hope Simpson 1981 .......................... 63

Murta (from Grosjean 1966b, Fig. 5; Sandars 1980: 99,

Fig. 10. Reconstruction of the split between Greek

afb. 60)......................................................................... 113

and Thraco-Phrygian on the basis of the development of

Fig. 24. Distribution of Urnfield culture and the route

the mediae aspiratae (after Haas 1966: 209) .................. 66

of the Sea Peoples; (a) c. 1180 BC; (b) 12th-10th century

Fig. 11. Sites in southern and central Greece de-

BC (after Kimmig 1964: 269-70, Abb. 17-8) .............. 116

stroyed and/or abandoned at the end of Late Helladic

Fig. 25. Origins of the Cretan hieroglyphic script. (a)

IIIB. 1. Teikhos Dymaion, 2. Pylos, 3. Nikhoria, 4. Menelaion, 5. Ayios Stephanos, 6. Krisa, 7. Tsoungiza, 8.

Luwian hieroglyphic (56 signs); (b) Egyptian hiero-

Mycenae, 9. Zygouries, 10. Berbati, 11. Prosymna, 12.

glyphic (14 signs) ........................................................ 128 Fig. 26. Cretan hieroglyphic seals with the categories

Midea/Dendra, 13. Tiryns, 14. Orkhomenos, 15. Iria, 16. Gla, 17. Eutresis, 18. Thebes, 19. Brauron. Source: Hope

“man’s name”, “title”, and “place or country name”

Simpson & Dickinson 1979 ........................................... 72

(drawings of the original publications, except in the case of # 309) ................................................................130-133

12

LIST OF TABLES Table 5. Correspondences between Cretan hiero-

Table 1. Overview of the mention of the Sea Peoples in the various E g y p t i a n sources from the Late Bronze

glyphic and Egyptian hieroglyphic (values as attested for

Age ................................................................................ 56

Cretan hieroglyphic) .................................................... 125 Table 6. Correspondences between Cretan hiero-

Table 2. Literary traditions with a bearing on the

glyphic and Cretan Linear ........................................... 127

transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I, c.

Table 7. Correspondences between Cretan hiero-

1600 BC. ....................................................................... 63

glyphic and Cypro-Minoan.......................................... 127

Table 3. Developments in the innovative group of Indo-European languages related to the progressive use of

Table 8. Seals with the categories “man’s name”, “ti-

the horse ........................................................................ 67

tle”, and “place or country name”................................ 130 Table 9. Trifunctional divine triads among various

Table 4. Correspondences between Cretan hiero-

Indo-European speaking groups. ................................ 142

glyphic and Luwian hieroglyphic (values in square brackets attested for Cretan hieroglyphic only) ............. 124-125

13

1. DEFINING ETHNICITY In a work which deals with the ethnicity of the Mediterra-

units of speech sound distinguished by the language users

nean population groups which attacked Egypt at the end of

themselves (hence -emic).2 Another pair of concepts is

the Bronze Age, commonly referred to as the Sea Peoples,

formed by primordialism and instrumentalism. According

it should first of all be specified what “ethnicity” actually

to the primordial approach, the ethnic features of a specific

means and how we will put this concept into practice. To

group are immutable qualities, inherited from father to son

this aim, it is interesting to note that the word is derived

and mother to daughter, and thus a historically “given”. As

from Greek ethnos (plural ethnƝ), “number of people living

opposed to this, the instrumentalist approach, initiated by

together, body of men; nation, people; foreign, barbarious

Frederik Barth in his classic Ethnic Groups and Bounda-

nations; class of men, caste, tribe”.1 According to Werner

ries of 1969, holds that ethnic features can be manipulated

Sollors in his Theories of Ethnicity, A Classical Reader of

for certain causes by the members of a specific group and

1996, the modern formation ethnicity came into use during

that hence the ethnic boundaries are permeable. Accord-

the Second World War (1940-1945), being first attested in

ingly, instrumentalists will stress the dynamic and negotia-

a publication by W. Lloyd Warner (p. vii). As a definition

ble nature of ethnicity, whereas primordialists will do the

of this term, the same author presents the one formulated

opposite. In reality, the truth lies somewhere in between

by R.A. Schermerhorn in 1970, which runs as follows

these opposites, some ethnic boundaries being difficult to

(ibid., p. xii):

cross or even impermeable in a certain period of time, especially when there is a high ethnic conscience (= ethnici-

“An ethnic group is … a collectivity within a larger society having real or putative common ancestry, memories of a shared historical past, and a cultural focus on one or more symbolic elements defined as the epitome of their peoplehood. Examples of such symbolic elements are: kinship patterns, physical contiguity (as in localism or sectionalism), religious affiliation, language or dialect forms, tribal affiliation, nationality, phenotypal features, or any combination of these. A necessary accompaniment is some consciousness of kind among members of the group.”

zation), and others, or the same but in a period of time when there is a low ethnic conscience, being easy to cross. Furthermore, dynamism also needs to be called into play in order to account for the fact that an ethnos can die out (= ethnothanasia) or be newly created (= ethnogenesis). The determination of an ethnic identity is in essence an historical process. As we will be working in the protohistory, which lacks contemporary works of history, the definition of ethnicity needs to be translated into protohis-

Not explicitly mentioned in this definition, but of vital

torical categories of evidence. In addition, these categories

importance to our subject, is the fact that ethnic groups are

of evidence should be workable in the context of the east-

in most of the cases referred to by a name, coined either by

ern Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age, which with

themselves or by outsiders, which we call an ethnonym.

societies ranging from highly developed multiethnic em-

In the study of ethnicity, various approaches can be

pires through individual kingdoms and city leagues to

encountered. In the first place, the ethnic group under con-

merely tribal forms of organization3 is far more complex

sideration can be studied from the perspective of the mem-

than, for example, the modern African one where the vari-

bers of this group themselves. This approach is called

ous ethnic groups are all of a similar degree of organiza-

emic. Alternatively, the ethnic group under consideration

tion – in the words of van Binsbergen: like cookies shaped

can be studied from the perspective of outsiders. The latter

with different cookie moulds from one and the same large

approach is called etic. As explained by Wim van Binsber-

rolled out slab of dough.4 Hence, following in the tracks of

gen, these terms are rooted in the field of linguistics, where phonetics furnishes a purely external description of a lan-

2 Van Binsbergen 1999: 43.

guage (hence -etic), and phonemics deals with the smallest

3 For the definition of tribe as “an ethnic group within the global

space but outside the politically dominant civilization”, see van Binsbergen, forthc. 10.

1 LSJ, s.v.; in modern literature, one also finds the plural ethnoi or

ethnƝs (from singular ethnƝ) or the originally French form ethnie used for both singular and plural.

4 Van Binsbergen 1999: 69; the same observation to some extent

15

Jonathan Hall in his Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity of

two or more languages, like the Franks on the east (Ger-

1997, we might – apart from ethnonyms – suitably adopt

manic) and the west (Romance) side of the Rhine or the

the following indicia for the distinction of ethnic groups: 1.

Swiss (German, French, and Italian). Similarly, a religion

kinship or “race”, 2. language or dialect, 3. religion, and 4.

can be shared by two or more ethnic groups, like in the

material culture (= the materialisation of shared cultural

case of the Orthodox religion adhered to by the Greeks and

traits).5 As we will see in the next section, these indicia for

numerous Slavic population groups, or a single ethnic

ethnic groups are very close to the categories of evidence

group can be characterized by two or more religions, like

distinguished by the ancients themselves to this aim.

the Dutch by Protestantism and Catholicism. In certain

Of the given indicia for the distinction of ethnic

cases, the differences of religion may cause a once united

groups, the first one, kinship or “race” is a tricky one, as

people to break up into different ethnic groups, like in the

one has to steer carefully between the Scylla of “Blut und

case of the former Yugoslavia, now being split up into

Boden” theory of indigenous development and the

Serbia (Orthodox), Croatia (Catholic), and Bosnia (partly

Charybdis of an invading “Herrenvolk”. In effect, how-

Muslim). And finally, a material culture can be shared by

ever, although Egyptian artists do distinguish phenotypal

two or more ethnic groups, like in the case of the Flemings

features in their reliefs, the eastern Mediterranean in the

and the Walloons in Belgium, or a single ethnic group can

Late Bronze Age appears to be not particularly preoccu-

be characterized by two or more material cultures, like in

pied with the “race”

issue.6

the case of the Phrygians using grey ware in the west and

To all probability, this results

so-called mattpainted ware in the east (see Fig. 1a).7

from the fact that the eastern Mediterranean population is thoroughly mixed: even the Ionians, who were so proud of their pure blood, had killed the male Carians and taken the

language 1 religion 1 culture 1

female ones as their wives at the time of their colonization

language 1 religion 1 culture 1

language 2 religion 2 culture 2

of western Asia Minor, as Herodotos slily remarks (Histories I, 146). In the course of our investigations, we will exethnos 1

perience that in all cases of a migration some measure of

ethnos 2

ethnos 1

mixing between the invaders and the indigenous population took place, so that the category of “race” will not figure prominently in our treatment – not in the least also because we lack the sources whether the population groups

Fig. 1a. Diagram of the extremities in the spectrum of possibilities

under discussion considered themselves of pure descent (=

of the relation between ethnic groups and the indicia language, re-

emic point of view).

ligion, and material culture.8

A complicating factor in our work with the remaining three indicia for the distinction of ethnic groups is the fact

Given this complicating factor, it cannot be denied,

that, as duly stressed by Hall, the boundaries of speech

however, that the different indicia for the distinction of

communities, religious entities, and material cultures are

ethnic groups often overlap and that precisely here we may

not always coterminous. Thus, to stipulate the extremities

find a nucleus of an ethnic group (see Fig. 1b, below): if

of the entire spectrum of possibilities, a language can be

we would assume otherwise we would throw away the

shared by two or more ethnic groups, like in the case of the

child with the bathwater (for an elaboration of this point of

English and the Americans or the formerly west- and east-

view, see section 2)! The latter observation should not be

Germans, or a single ethnic group can be characterized by

mixed up with Gustav Kosinna’s adagium that “cultural provinces clearly outlined archaeologically coincide in all periods with precise peoples or tribes”,9 which simplifies

also holds good for Europe during the Bronze Age.

the actual state of affairs in an irresponsible manner. In

5 Hall 1997: 19 ff. I consulted Jones 1997, but did not grasp her

coming up with a protohistorical method. For a definition of culture as “everything one acquires as a member of society”, see van Binsbergen, forthc. 11.

7 Haas 1966: 17.

6 Cf. Snowden’s (1997: 121) characterization of the Graeco-

8 I am indebted to Wim van Binsbergen for drawing this diagram.

Roman world as a “society which (…) never made color the basis for judging a man.” But see now Isaac 2004.

9 Demoule 1999: 194.

16

similar vein, to accuse Georges Dumézil of racialism, as

concrete named groups in interaction; and

Tim Cornell does,10 because he discovered the remnants of

3.

a process, involving both the interaction of these

a tripartite Indo-European religious ideology among vari-

ethnic groups over time, and the dynamics (emer-

ous peoples speaking an Indo-European tongue, means an

gence, maturation, change, decline, replacement,

irresponsible mixing up between the categories of kinship

etc.) of the overall ethnic space they constitute to-

or “race” and religion, elements of the latter of which

gether; of this process, we distinguish at least three

namely can also be inherited by genetically mixed descen-

important movements: a. ethnogenesis, as the redefinition (through changes in the classification system) of the overall ethnic space so as to accommodate a new ethnic group (often with repercussions for the other groups already recognized within that space); b. ethnicization, as the internal process of “taking consciousness” through which members of an essentially non-ethnic category in the socioeconomic-political space redefine their identity increasingly in ethnic terms (usually under the influence of a local elite); c. ethnothanasia, the decline and eventually loss of ethnic consciousness by an ethnic group, which merges with another ethnic group already existing in the same geographic space or having newly arrived there.

dants. On the other hand, we cannot rule out the possibility that in the overlap of our protohistoric indicia for ethnic groups lurks yet another ethnic group, which, notwithstanding the fact that it shares in with the same phenotype, language, religion, and material culture of a particular ethnic group, simply considers itself distinct, like some of the Dryopes in Greece11 or the Asturians – who, while speaking Spanish, being Catholic, and sharing the Spanish material culture, consider themselves Celtiberians – in Spain.12 As we will also see in the next section, here our protohistoric method by its mere definition simply fails to help us out. As cogently argued by van Binsbergen, the shortcomings of our protohistorical method can be partly compensated by working within a theoretical framework, based on

Much of the structure and dynamics of ethnicity de-

experience with ethnic studies from the historical period.

pends on the framing of communities into wider organiza-

In the following, then, I will present a summary of van

tional settings, be they states, regional cultic networks, or

Binsbergen’s attempt at such a framework in his Ethnicity

commercial networks. In themselves, these latter forms of

in eastern Mediterranean protohistory, Reflections on the-

organization are alternative, and hence competing, ways of

ory and method (forthc.), sections 1-3.

structuring wider socio-political space.

Starting point is the realization that ethnicity is not

The ethnic name may be either geographically based

just a classification of human individuals in terms of an

or referring to some quality of the designated group as per-

ethnic lable, but a way of creating a wide-ranging, supra-

cepted by others or the group itself. The process of naming

local socially structured space as a context for social, eco-

is contrastive: by calling the other category “A”, one’s

nomic, political, military, and ritual interaction over a rela-

own category in any case is identified as “not-A”. The lat-

tively vast area. To underline this, there can be

ter is usually also given a name, “B”, by those which it has

distinguished three constituent aspects to make clear what

called “A”, and third parties within the social space can ei-

ethnicity is about: 1.

ther adopt this nomenclature or replace it by one of their own invention. With the naming, a classification system is

a system of classification into a finite number of

imposed. Obviously, it is impossible for an ethnic system

specific ethnic names; 2.

to comprise only one ethnic group (in that case the group

a socio-political structure, notably the devise to turn

usually identifies itself simply as “humans”) – the plurality

the overall, neutral geographical space into an ethni-

of subsets is a precondition for ethnicity. The distinction

cally structured space, accommodating a number of

between ethnic groups, side by side in the same social space, tends to involve an element of subordination and hierarchy, at least from the perspective of the historical ac-

10 Cornell 1997: 14, note 18.

tors themselves.

11 Hall 1997: 74-7.

We would call a named set of people an “ethnic

12 Fernandez 2000.

17

group” only if certain additional characteristics are present,

opposition through nomenclature offers a logical structure,

namely:

which is further ossified through ascription (i.e. being made into a birth right) and which presents itself as uncon-

x x

x

when individual membership is primarily derived

ditioned, bounded, inescapable, and timeless (= primor-

from a birth right (ascription);

dial); on the other hand, the actual processual realization

when the set of people consciously and explicitly dis-

(through the construction of a culture coinciding with the

tinguishes itself from other such sets by reference to

group boundary, through distinctive cultural symbols,

specific cultural differences; and

through a shared historical consciousness, through that part

when the members of such a set identify with one an-

of membership which is non-ascriptive but acquired)

other on the basis of a shared historical experience.

means flexibility, choice, constructedness, and recent change (= instrumental). Both, entirely contradictory, as-

The social process creates boundaries, but also in or-

pects of ethnicization belong to ethnicity. As a result, eth-

der to cut across them. Thus, most ethnic groups include a

nicity is often of a highly kaleidoscopic nature, constantly

minority of members who have gained their membership

changing in shape and difficult to pin down to specific,

not at birth but only later in life, in a context of marriage,

general analytical formulae. Above all, it should be real-

migration, language acquisition, adoption, the assumption

ized that for every set of historical actors involved their

of a new identity and new life style, religious conversion,

particular vision on ethnic relations and ethnic history is

etc.

per definition that of partisans, and therefore must be subjected to severe historical criticism before it can be used as

Boundary markers include:

an historical source. x

a distinct ethnic name;

x

a distinct home territory (although many members of

The given (1)

any ethnic group may have taken up residence, temx

x

model of nominal ethnicity within a continuous cultural space

porarily or permanently, outside that territory); associated with the home territory, a distinct language or dialect (although many if not most adults will be at

is only one of several very distinct shapes that the ethnic

least bilingual);

space can take in different periods and in different regions.

distinct traditional authorities (kings, chiefs, head-

Several major alternative models are:

men); x

(2)

distinct details of custom, especially in the sphere of

The immigrant model, found in all continents

expressive, ceremonial, and ritual production (music,

throughout history, where a set of immigrants

dance, puberty rites, other life crisis ritual, patterns of

(not necessarily less numerous than the original

sacrification, hairstyle and clothing, royal ritual)

population) have managed to insert themselves

which may be taken as distinguishing ethnic markers

into the local geographic space, and while re-

between adjacent ethnic groups even though in fact

taining a selection of linguistic and cultural spe-

the spatial distribution of the custom in question may

cific traits (often as a result of continued

be much more widespread.

contacts with these immigrants’ original home, which may be quite distant, and both culturally

In general, ethnicity is conceived as holistic and bun-

and linguistically very distinct from their new

dled, involving language, cultural customs, somatic fea-

host society), have begun to function as an integral part of that host society’s ethnic space.

tures, territory, and political leadership, which integrated (3)

package is claimed to determine the total mode of being of

The conquest model, found in all continents

that person. In reality, however, ethnic groups often differ

throughout history as a variant of the immigrant

from each other only with respect to a very limited selec-

model, in situations where an immigrant domi-

tion of cultural features functioning as boundary markers.

nant minority (of pastoralists, metal-workers,

Now, ethnicization displays a remarkable dialectics which

warriors with superior skills and weapons, etc.)

one might consider its engine: on the one hand, the binary

has imposed itself as a distinct ethnic minority

18

upon a pre-existing local population, retaining

distinct ethnic identity, to inform especially the

its distinct identity and thus its prerogatives of

more private, intimate aspects of life (family,

inequality through a package that, in addition to

reproduction, recreation, religion) and main-

military, technological superiority, may include

tained by a selection of language and custom and a tendency to endogamy.

a language and customs different from the local (7)

majority, special ritual functions, and a strategy (4)

Very common and widespread (e.g. in south

of endogamy.

Central Africa, Central Asia, the Ottoman em-

The millet system that was the standard form of

pire, medieval Europe, the Bronze Age Mediter-

ethnic space under the Ottoman empire in the

ranean, etc.) is the specialization model where,

Middle East and eastern Europe from the late

within an extended ethnic space, each ethnic

Middle Ages to the early 20th century AD (al-

group is associated with a specific specialization

though in fact this may be traced back to the

in the field of production, circulation or ser-

Babylonian, Assyrian, and Achaemenid empires

vices, so that the ethnic system is largely also a

of the second and first millennium BC, as medi-

system of social, economic, and political inter-

ated through Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine,

dependence, exchange, and appropriation. Agri-

and early Islamic empires): the state’s overall

culture, animal husbandry, fishing, hunting,

political and military space encompasses a

trading, banking, military, judicial, royal, reli-

number of distinct ethnic groups (Turks, Jews,

gious, recreational, performative, artistic func-

Greeks, Circassians, etc.) each of which are

tions may each be associated (in actual practice,

largely self-contained in cultural, linguistic,

or merely in ideology) with specific ethnic

marital, judicial, and religious matters, and each

groups. Often such a specialization model is

of which displays – both in life-style and in

combined with, or is a particular application of,

physical appearance – a distinct identity (per-

some of the other systems listed above.

petuated over time because these ethnic groups

(5)

are endogamous), although they share the over-

More models could easily be added to this list. Each

all public economic space production, exchange

of these models displays a different mix, a different pack-

and state appropriation, often against the back-

age of cultural, linguistic, and ritual elements, with differ-

ground of a lingua franca.

ing degrees of explicit ethnic consciousness at the level of

The colonial plural societies of Asia, Africa,

the social actors involved. It is therefore important to re-

and Latin America in the 19th and 20th centu-

peat that the specific composition of the distinct package in

ries AD, which mutatis mutandis are rather

a concrete ethnic situation in space and time, can never be

similar to the millet system, but whose top-

taken for granted and needs to be established by empirical

ranking ethnic groups in terms of political

research in each individual case.

power (the European civil servants, agricultural settlers, and industrialists, with their secondary entourage from the distant metropolitan colonizing country) in fact function as an example of the conquest model (3). (6)

The melting-pot model of the urban society of North America in the late 19th and 20th centuries AD, where very heterogenous sets of numerous first-generation immigrants rapidly shed much of the cultural specificity of their society of origin, although it is true to say that the descendants of many of these immigrant groups, rather than disappearing in the great melting pot of Americanness, continue to stand out with a

19

2. ETHNICITY AND PROTOHISTORY The study of the Sea Peoples, whose attack on Egypt and

the ethnic indicia: “Someone is a Lue [= ethnic group in

the Levant marks the watershed between palace-bound

Thailand] by virtue of believing and calling himself a

Late Bronze Age empires and more or less polis-oriented

Lue”.15 It is clear that we are at a loss to trace this type of

Early Iron Age societies, leads us into the field of Mediter-

ethnic group with a protohistorical method, as the contem-

ranean protohistory as there are not yet any contemporary

porary epigraphical records or literary sources of a later

works of history to inform us about the course of events.

period we will be working with often fall short in present-

As a result of this, we have to content ourselves with

ing the so-called emic point of view.16 The best thing we

piecemeal preserved epigraphical records, often of a

can do is to reconstruct distribution patterns of language

propagandistic nature, or bits of information from literary

groups and archaeological cultures, and assume that where

sources of a later date, which can be supplemented by

these two overlap the nucleus of an ethnic entity will to all

relevant archaeological data. However, as the title of this

probability be lurking at the background (cf. Fig. 1b).

monograph suggests, our aim is not merely to study the protohistorical Sea Peoples as such, but in particular to focus on their ethnicity, thus stimulating us to combine the

kinship

methods of ethnic studies with that of protohistory. The factors which play a role in the definition of ethnicity are neatly summed up by Herodotos when he makes the Athenians answer to the Spartan envoys, who feared that Athens might come to terms with Persia:

religion

“There is not enough gold in the world, nor any land so beautiful, that we would accept it in return for colluding with the Persians and bringing Hellas into slavery. There are many important reasons to prevent us from doing so, even if we wished to … there is a Greek nation – our shared blood and language, our common temples and rituals, our similar way of life.”13

ethnicity

culture

language

In similar vein, Jonathan Hall distinguishes “race”,

Fig. 1b. Diagram of the partial relationship between ethnicity and

language, religion, and shared culture as factors in the self-

its indicia, kinship, material culture, language, and religion.17

expression of ethnic groups. Rightly, he stresses in this connection that these factors are not defining criteria of

According to Hall, this latter approach is fallacious,

ethnicity, but indicia, as he goes to great length to show

because linguistic and cultural boundaries are seldom co-

that, for example, a language may have a more restricted

terminous.18 However, in my view that is overstating the

distribution than the ethnic group or, vice versa, may have

evidence: there are numerous instances in which archaeo-

a wider distribution than the ethnic group, or that the eth-

logical cultures overlap with language groups, especially

nic group may be bilingual or multilingual, or change from

in contrastive situations like, for example, the colonization

one language to another altogether (cf. section 1).14

by the Greeks of culturally different regions in the Early

Another point rightly emphasized by Hall is that the

Iron Age.

determination of ethnic identity is in essence an historical

As far as the Black Sea area is concerned, there is un-

process. Thus it can happen that individuals consider themselves as members of an ethnic group without distinguishing themselves from other ethnic groups by any of

15 Hall 1997: 24. 16 Cf. Lomas 1997: 2.

13 Histories VIII, 144; cf. Hall 1989: 165.

17 I am indebted to Wim van Binsbergen for drawing this diagram.

14 Hall 1997: 19-26.

18 Hall 1997: 23.

21

certainty about the 8th century BC colonization of Sinope

fied), whereas pottery finds range from Rhodian, Chian

and Trapezus on the northern Anatolian coast, because this

(one inscribed with a dedication by Sostratos [= Aeginetan

cannot be backed up by archaeological evidence. But the

trader who also dedicated an inscription at Graviscae in

refoundation of Sinope by the Milesians Kretinos and

Etruria] to Aphrodite), Samian, Clazomenian, Lesbian

Koos after the period of the Kimmerian invasion coincides

(bucchero) from the Aegean islands to Spartan, Korinthian,

with late 7th century BC east-Greek and a little Korinthian

and Attic from the Greek mainland. Interesting also is a fa-

pottery from graves. Similarly, the Milesian colonization

ience factory producing scarabs and other Aegyptiaca for

of Histria in present-day Romania, which is variously

the Greek market.20

dated to 656/5 (Eusebios) or the late 7th century BC

Finally, the Greeks also expanded into the western

(pseudo-Skymnos), is archaeologically matched by Middle

Mediterranean. The earliest site in this area is Pithecussae

Wild Goat (= east-Greek) style pottery dating from c. 630

on the island of Ischia before the coast of present-day

BC onwards. Furthermore, the likewise Milesian colony at

Naples. This emporion produced Euboian and Korinthian

Borysthenes or Berezan, an emporion near the mouth of

ware next to Greek inscriptions (among which the famous

the river Bug, the foundation of which is dated to 646/5

Nestor cup) dating from c. 770-675 BC, which coincides

BC by Eusebios, produced a wide variety of east-Greek

nicely with the fact that according to literary evidence

(besides some Attic and Korinthian) pottery from occupa-

Euboians from Khalkis and Eretria were once stationed

tion deposits dating from the second quarter of the 7th cen-

here. Of these two Greek population groups, the Khalkidi-

tury BC onwards. Here were also found Milesian coins

ans went over to the Italian mainland and settled at Cumae

(late 7th century BC) and a Greek inscription on a bone

– “the oldest of all the Sicilian and Italiotic cities”21 – , an

plaque (late 6th or early 5th century BC). As a final exam-

event reflected in the archaeological record by Greek in-

ple from the Black Sea region, we may point to Khersone-

humation graves dating from c. 725 BC onwards.22 But as

sos in the Crimea, which was founded by Dorians from

Naxos in Sicily is the earliest Greek colonial foundation in

Herakleia Pontica (the latter being a Megarian colony) in

the west, we should refrain from considering Pithecussae

422/1 BC, but used already before this date as a trading

and Cumae as purely Greek enterprises. In Pithecussae,

station. Next to burials in amphorae from Samos and

next to Greek inscriptions, Aramaic and proto-Etruscan

Thasos dated to the beginning of the 5th century BC, “os-

ones came to light, indicating the presence of Aramaean

traka” from about the same time were found here inscribed

and Tyrrhenian merchants and/or resident aliens from

first in the Megarian alphabet and later in the Milesian one

North Syria and the Aegean, respectively, whereas Cumae

with Dorian personal

names.19

is named after Kume in Aiolia on the coast of western

If we turn to Egypt, it so happens that pharaoh Psam-

Anatolia, and, next to Greek graves, produced a very rich

metichos I (664-610 BC) granted Greeks, who had served

Etruscan cremation burial, the so-called fondo Artiaco, and

him as mercenaries, the right to settle in a trading colony

an Etruscan inscription in the earliest period of its exis-

called Naukratis – a site 3 km from present day el-Niqrâš

tence.23 The story of the subsequent colonization of Naxos

along the western branch of the Nile delta. The validity of

(by the Khalkidians, 734 BC), Syracuse (by the Korin-

this historical information is underlined by the fact that

thians, 733 BC) and the other sites in Sicily, and their im-

Greek pottery is attested for the earliest layer of the site

portance for the absolute chronology of Greek (especially

dating from c. 630 BC onwards. The privileged position of

Korinthian) pottery, may be considered familiar by now.24

the Greeks at Naukratis is subsequently reinforced by

Still interesting to adduce is that the historical tradition of

Amasis (570-526 BC), under whose rule the Greeks built a

the Phokaians from Aiolia in western Anatolia sailing all

joint sanctuary, the Hellenion. In this sanctuary pottery has been found inscribed with the Greek text “to the gods of the Greeks”. Next, there have been excavated temples of

20 Boardman 1994; cf. Boardman 1999: 118-33.

individual states, like that of Aphrodite (Chian), Hera

21 Strabo, Geography V, 4, 4.

(Samian), Apollo (Milesian), and the Dioskouroi (unspeci-

22 Boardman 1999: 165-9. 23 Buchner 1982: 293; Woudhuizen 1992a: 154-64; Woudhuizen

1998-9: 176-8 (cf. section 10, esp. notes 298 and 303-5 below).

19 Tsetskhladze 1994: 115-23; for the Berezan inscription on a

24 Boardman 1999: 169 ff; cf. Dunbabin 1999 (esp. 435-8).

bone plaque, see Onyshkevych 2002.

22

the way to Tartessos just outside the pillars of Herakles in

myth goes, return to their ancestral lands some time after

southern Iberia is reflected in the archaeological record of

the Trojan war. In fact, the evaluation of the historicity of

Huelva by north-Ionian bird bowls and Aiolian bucchero

this event is a central theme in Hall’s study of ethnicity in

dating from c. 630-580 BC.25 Apparently to accommodate

antiquity.

this long-distance trade the Phokaians founded colonies

The problem of the coming of the Dorians and the re-

along the route at Marseilles (= Massalia, c. 600 BC) and

turn of the Heraklids involves three categories of evidence:

Ampurias (= Emporion, also c. 600 BC).26

linguistic, historical (or mythical),27 and archaeological.

With a view to linguistics, it deserves our attention

The linguistic thesis is presented by the map of the distri-

that there can be distinguished four types of names for the

bution of the Greek dialects (see Fig. 2). What strikes us

Greek colonies in general: (1) after or derived from geo-

about this distribution is that speakers of Arkado-Cyprian –

graphic names in the motherland, like Cumae, Megara Hy-

which is the dialect closest to the Mycenaean Greek lan-

blaia, and Naxos; (2) based on Greek divine names, like

guage as attested for Linear B tablets from the Late Bronze

Apollonia, Herakleia, and Posidonia; (3) based on Greek

Age – besides their extension to Cyprus (not on the map),

vocabulary words, like Emporion, Naukratis, Olbia, and

are locked up in the Arkadian upland plain in the centre of

Khersonesos; or (4) derived from local geographic (espe-

the Pelopponesos and entirely surrounded by speakers of

cially river) names, like Borysthenes, Gela, Histria, and

the West Greek or Doric dialect. From this distribution pat-

Sybaris.

tern it may be extrapolated that Arkado-Cyprian was once spoken in a wider area including the coastal regions of the Pelopponesos in order to explain the maritime connection with Cyprus, and that West Greek or Doric is a latecomer in the region, having been introduced in the Pelopponesos and spread to Crete, the Dodekanesos, southwest Asia Minor, and Rhodes after the downfall of the Mycenaean civilization. The historical antithesis consists of mythical traditions that the Dorians once lived in various regions of Thessaly (first Phthia in the south and later Histiaiotis either at the foot of the Pindos mountain in the midwest or between mounts Ossa and Olympos in the northeast) and Phokis (Dryopis, later called Doris). In Thessaly, the Dorians became associated with a royal house descended from

Fig. 2. Distribution of the Greek dialects (from Hall 1997: 154,

Herakles, who during his labors visited the region of His-

Fig. 25).

tiaiotis and helped the Dorians to defeat their enemies, the Lapiths, in return of which he received a third share of the land and the kingship from them. Now, Herakles is, like

Thus far our interdisciplinary method to detect proto-

Eurystheus, who through the wiles of Hera became king in

historical ethnic groups, notwithstanding its shortcomings,

his place, a member of the Perseid dynasty of Mycenae.

seems to work fairly well. But what about less contrastive

This latter dynasty was subsequently replaced by the house

situations, when a population shift takes place from one

of Pelops, to which Agamemnon, the king of Mycenae at

point to another within a cultural continuum? The best ex-

the time of the Trojan war, belongs. After a futile attempt

ample of such a case is the migration of the Dorians from

of the Heraklids to regain their throne under Herakles’ son

various regions in Phokis and Thessaly to the Peloponne-

Hyllos, the great-grandson of the latter, Temenos, together

sos under the leadership of Heraklid kings, who, as the

27 In general, concerning the category the historical or mythical

evidence as presented by the literary sources, Forsdyke’s (1957: 162) adagium that “Plausible fiction can only be distinguished from fact by external evidence (…).” should be applied whenever possible.

25 Cabrera & Olmos 1985; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 150. 26 Shefton 1994: 61-3 (east-Greek and Korinthian wares reported

for the earliest layer); 70-1

23

with the Heraklids Kresphontes and Aristodemos, led an

Instead of addressing Eder’s archaeological results,

army of Dorians to the Pelopponesos, drove out the last

however, Hall energetically persists in his disqualification

representative of the Pelopids, Teisamenes, the son of

of the literary traditions on the return of the Heraklids and

Orestes, and divided the Pelopponesos in three parts, Te-

the coming of the Dorians as mere inventions – a very un-

menos himself taking Argos, the sons of Aristodemos

satisfactory point of view for an adherent of what he calls

(whose father had been killed by a thunderbolt) receiving

the “historically positivist” school like myself.31 And he

Sparta, and Kresphontes being allotted Messenia.

puts some venom in this, when he associates the interdisci-

Apparently, the literary traditions tally very well with

plinary method propagated here – in his words the “cul-

the linguistic evidence, but the missing link to solve the

ture-historical” approach – with its nationalistically

riddle of the Dorian invasion once and for all is formed by

colored application by Gustav Kossinna and the subse-

the archaeological side of the story. Like others before

quent abuse of the latter’s views for the “Blut und Boden”

him, Hall is not able to find archaeological evidence for a

propaganda of the German Nazi’s.32 In section 1 above we

migration from the region of Thessaly to the Pelopponesos

have seen how Kosinna’s adagium that “cultural provinces

and gets so frustrated that he altogether denounces the

clearly outlined archaeologically coincide in all periods

mythical stories as inventions of later date (whether, and if

with precise peoples or tribes” falls short of explaining the

so, how he revaluates the evidence of the dialects is not

complexities of reality and that the different categories of

clear).28

evidence need to be tackled individually.

The solution of this problem, however, has been

presented by Birgitta Eder in a thorough study of the ar-

If, for the sake of argument, we would join Hall in his

chaeological evidence from the Argolid, Lakonia, and

rejection of the interdisciplinary method propagated here

Messenia from the end of the Late Bronze Age to the Pro-

notwithstanding its noted shortcomings and deficiencies,

togeometric period. As Eder convincingly shows, all three

the immediate consequence would be that the phenomenon

regions of the Pelopponesos suffer from heavy depopula-

of ethnic groups detectable for the historical period did not

tion during the Submycenaean period (= dearth of material

exist in protohistorical and prehistorical times – a basically

evidence) and receive new population impulses at the end

improbable assumption. The more so, because already in

of the Submycenaean and beginning of the Protogeometric

this early period we are confronted with ethnonyms – those

period (= reappearance of material evidence). In the course

of the Sea Peoples being at the heart and core of the inves-

of this latter process, there are some traces of discontinuity

tigation we are presently embarking on – , which Hall him-

in material culture with that of the previous Mycenaean

self considered “a vital component of ethnic conscious-

one in the form of graves for individual burials dug in for-

ness”.33

mer habitation areas (Mycenae and Tiryns), the introduction of handmade ware with affinities to pottery of middle

Homeros and History

Greece (Tiryns and Asine), and the (re)introduction of apsidal houses.29 As after the low ebb in material finds from

An important literary source for the reconstruction of the

the Submycenaean period the archaeological culture in the

early history of the region of Greece and the Aegean is

regions of the Pelopponesos under discussion develops

formed by Homeros’ epics the Iliad and the Odyssey. As

without a break from the Protogeometric period to the

related forms of six from the total of nine ethnonyms of the

Classical one and beyond, Eder rightly concludes that this

Sea Peoples figure in them, the Homeric poems also have a

is the time that the ancestors of the historical Dorians have

direct bearing on our topic.34 The fundamental question is,

arrived – and, we would like to add to this conclusion, that

however, which period do the Iliad and the Odyssey re-

the ancestors of the historical Dryopes, a distinct ethnic

flect, the Late Bronze Age or the Early Iron Age, or both,

group inhabiting Asine in the Argolid until the end of the 8th century BC, might be among them!30

31 Hall 2002: 73-89; Hall 1997: 41. 32 Hall 1997: 129; Hall 2002: 38. 28 Hall 1997: 56-65; 184-5; Hall 2002: 73-89.

33 Hall 2002: 55.

29 Eder 1998: esp. 57 (Mycenae); 58-62 (Tiryns); 67-8 (Asine).

34 Akhaioi-Ekwesh, Danaoi-Denye(n), Lukioi-Lukka, Pelasgoi-

30 On the Dryopes, see Strid 1999.

Peleset, Sikeloi-Shekelesh, and Teukros-Tjeker.

24

Finike (c. 1200 BC),37 Jacob Katzenstein convingingly

or none at all? A lot of ink has been spilled on this question, and I

demonstrates that the prominent position of the Sidonians

am not aiming to present an exhaustive treatment of the

among the Phoenicians dates from the refoundation of

relevant literature, but only to briefly adstruct my own po-

Tyre by the Sidonians in 1197 BC to the Assyrian con-

sition in this matter. One work needs to be mentioned here,

quest of the city at the end of the reign of Eloulaios, 694

however, and that is Martin Persson Nilsson’s Homer and

BC: in this period the kings of Tyre were addressed as

Mycenae (1933), which, in my opinion, offers the best in-

“king of the Sidonians”.38

troduction to the Homeric question.35 As the latter author

Next, it so happens that the standard burial rite in the

goes at great length to explain, the Homeric poems are the

Homeric poems is cremation. The latter rite is already

result of a long lasting epic tradition, in which bards con-

known in the Late Bronze Age for Hittite royal burials,39

stantly rehandled their material for instant public perform-

and there are more than 200 cinerary urns reported for the

ances and old and new elements are mixed together like

cemetery of Troy VIh.40 But for Greece, one is especially

currants and raisins in a well-kneaded dough. Conse-

reminded of the burial of the hero of Lefkandi in the 10th

quently, the efforts made by many a scholar to distinguish

century BC and the burials at the west gate of Eretria from

early and late passages are altogether futile: there can, with

the 8th century BC.41 In general, it may be stated that the

the help of archaeological, historical, and linguistic data,

popularity of the rite of cremation in Greece is an Early

only be distinguished early and late elements!

Iron Age feature.

Among the late elements, the first that comes to mind

A further Early Iron Age feature is the use of the term

is iron. This metal is mentioned 23x in the Iliad and 25x in

basileus as a mere substitute for anaks “king”. Both these

the Odyssey.36 Now, it is clear that in the Homeric poems

titles are already found in Linear B, where they occur as

a conscious attempt is made at archaizing by having the

qa-si-re-u and wa-na-ka, respectively, but only the latter

weapons made of bronze. Only in two instances, Iliad IV,

renders the meaning “king” here, whereas the former de-

123 and Odyssey XIX, 13, the poet (= poetic tradition

notes a functionary of lower rank in, so far specified, the

epitomized in Homeros) makes a slip of the tongue and

bronze industry.42 It is interesting to observe in this con-

speaks of weapons of iron. In this respect, then, the Iliad

nection that the titular expression anaks andrǀn, with only

and the Odyssey may be assumed to have reached their fi-

one exception in which it is associated with Eumelos of

nal form in about the same period and not the one earlier

Iolkos (Iliad XXIII, 288), is reserved for the supreme

than the other as is often assumed. Note further in this

commander of the Greeks, Agamemnon.

connection that the iron club of Areïthoös (Iliad VII, 141-

Also in the field of armory and fighting methods

4) is a special case: it may have been made of meteoric

Early Iron Age elements have slipped in. Thus the warriors

iron, which was already known in the Bronze Age, or it

are often equipped with a round shield, two spears, and

may be one of those rare objects of mined iron on the pro-

greaves – the latter in one instance from tin (Iliad XVIII,

duction of which the Hittites had a monopoly during the

613). As Robert Drews cogently argues, the innovative

Late Bronze Age.

round shield is introduced into the eastern Mediterranean

Another definite Early Iron Age element is formed by

by Sherden mercenaries from Sardinia fighting in the

the close association of the Phoenicians with the Sidonians

Egyptian army from the beginning of the 13th century BC

– the latter being mentioned 4x in the Iliad and 13x in the

onwards. Its earliest attestation in Greece is on the warrior

Odyssey. Although George Bass makes a strong case for

vase from Mycenae, dated to Late Helladic IIIC, i.e. just

Canaanite shipping to Greece and the central Mediterranean already in the Late Bronze Age on the basis of the

37 Bass 1997.

shipwrecks found by him off the coast of Lycia at Ulubu-

38 Katzenstein 1973: 58-63; 130-2.

run near Kaú (c. 1300 BC) and at cape Gelidonya near

39 Haas 2000 (esp. 66-7). 40 Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 195. 35 Other pertinent literature: Page 1959, Webster 1960, and Latacz

41 Popham, Touloupa & Sackett 1982; Bérard 1970 (cf. section

2003.

10, esp. note 288 below).

36 Gehring 1901, s.v. sidƝreios, sidƝreos, sidƝros.

42 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: glossary, s.v.

25

after the end of the Bronze Age.43 Drews further shows

The palace-bound civilization of Late Bronze Age

that the round shield is used together with a slashing

Greece was characterized by an intricate system of admini-

sword, two spears or javelins, and metal greaves in hand-

stration on clay tablets inscribed in Linear B. Homeros, on

to-hand fighting by skirmishers.44 In an earlier period,

the other hand, is totally unaware of this script – his only

Greek infanterists were used to the towershield, which

reference to a regular script, the sƝmata lugra “baneful

covered the entire body. The latter shield also turns up in

signs” in the Bellerophon story (Iliad VI, 168), defines this

the Iliad particularly in association with the Salaminian

as an exotic phenomenon.

hero Aias. But sometimes the poet (= poetic tradition

It also seems reasonable to suggest that the use of

epitomized in Homeros) gets confused and calls the tower-

clothing pins or fibulae, as referred to in both the Iliad (X,

shield (sakos) “small” (Iliad XIV, 376) and wrongly asso-

133; XIV, 180 [both verbal forms]) and the Odyssey (XIX,

ciates it with greaves (Iliad III, 330-5), whereas the round

226; 256), constitutes an Early Iron Age feature, because

shield (aspis) is stated to “reach the feet” (Iliad XV, 645-

these objects only turn up in graves from the latter period.

6).45

Note in this connection that the peronƝ according to Hero-

Another striking Late Bronze Age reminiscent be-

dotos is a characteristic feature of Doric dress.49

sides the towershield is the boar’s tusk helmet (Iliad X, 261-5). An important factor, however, in Late Bronze Age

Finally, there are some names paralleled only for

fighting is formed by the chariot. In Egyptian reliefs it is

Early Iron Age texts. This has a bearing on the Arimoi in

shown that the chariot was used as a mobile platform to

the territory where Typhoeus is situated, which probably

shoot arrows with the composite bow.46 In the Iliad the

refers to the volcanic island of Pithecussae off the coast of

chariots are sometimes used for fighting with a long lance

present-day Naples in Italy, and hence we are likely to be

or spear, just as it is depicted on a Late Helladic IIA seal

dealing here with Aramaeans (Iliad II, 781-3);50 the Kim-

from Vapheio in the Argolid.47 But in general the original

merians, who invaded Anatolia and northern Mesopotamia

use of the chariot as a mobile platform from which the

from the Russian Crimea at the end of the 8th century BC

warrior actually fights seems no longer clear to the poet

and therefore are thoroughly out of place in the context of

and he stages it, in line with pictorial evidence from Late

Odysseus’ visit to the underworld somewhere in the central

IIIC,48

as a taxi for elite warriors to move to the

Mediterranean (Odyssey XI, 14); lake Gygaia in Maeonia,

front, where they get out and fight on foot as infanterists

likely to be named after the Lydian tyrant Gyges, who

(note, however, that in some instances, as at the beginning

ruled from 685 to 657 BC (Iliad XX, 390-1; cf. II, 865);51

of Iliad XII, this tactic is merely determined by the terrain,

and the Dorians on Crete, who, as we have shown above,

because the chariots cannot possibly cross the ditch in

can only be surmised to have colonized the island at the

front of the wall near the ships of the Greek camp).

end of the Submycenaean or beginning of the Proto-

Helladic

geometric period (Odyssey XIX, 177). Notwithstanding these Early Iron Age features, which

43 Drews 1993a: 177-9.

have filtered in during the hundreds of years of improvised

44 Drews 1993a: 176-208.

epic performances by the bards and which no doubt can be

45 For the erroneous coalescence of these data into a very “big

multiplied by closer study, the heart and core of the Ho-

round shield” which can only be carried by fairy tale heroes, see van Wees 1992: 17-22.

meric poems reflects a Late Bronze Age politico-historical

46 Drews 1993a: 104-34; Drews 1988: 84 ff.

statement is formed by the fact that Heinrich Schliemann

47 Crouwel 1981: Pl. 11; cf. Wiesner 1968: F 27; F 95.

on the basis of the geographical information in Homeros’

setting. One of the strongest arguments to underline this

epics excavated the citadels of Troy (1870), Mycenae

48 E.g. Crouwel 1981: Pl. 59; note that Crouwel’s (1981: 119 ff.)

(1876), and Tiryns (1884) – an empirical approach in the

downplaying of the early evidence for Mycenaean warriors actually fighting from the chariot, reducing it to the scene of the seal from Vapheio just mentioned to the neglect of, for example, the scenes on the stelae from the shaft graves (Crouwel 1981: Pls. 357), is induced by his preoccupation with the most common Homeric use of the chariot as a taxi, so that his conclusion (Crouwel 1981: 151) that the iconographic evidence agrees with this particular Homeric use is not only a simplification of the state of affairs but in effect rests on circular reasoning.

49 Lorimer 1950: 337; cf. also porpƝ mentioned in Iliad XVIII,

401. For the Dark Ages in general, see Desborough 1972 and Snodgrass 2000. 50 Bernal 1991: 192. 51 Kullmann 1999: 192.

26

humaniora which comes closest to experiment in the natu-

may also be added53 the mythical Amazones, an enemy

ral sciences. To these epoch-making finds, Carl Blegen

whom the Phrygians run up against when trying to carve

supplemented the discovery of the Mycenaean palace of

out a territorium for themselves along the Sangarios river

Pylos (1939), which was destroyed at the end of the Late

in Anatolia at the time when Priamos still fought himself

Bronze Age and therefore cannot possibly be accommo-

(Iliad III, 184) and whom Bellerophon stumbles upon dur-

dated in an Early Iron Age environment. To this comes

ing his adventures inland from Lycia (Iliad VI, 186).

that the king of Mycenae, Agamemnon, is endowed with

Furthermore, another strong argument in favor of the

the power to call all the other Greek kings from both the

Late Bronze Age politico-historical setting of the Homeric

mainland and the Aegean islands to service in war – which

poems is provided by the catalogue of the ships. As far as

presumes a political unity reflected in the archaeological

the Greek mainland is concerned, it stands out that Aitolia

record by the so-called Mycenaean koinƝ of Late Helladic

and Thessaly are represented, but northwest Greece is not.

IIIB, but never reached again until the unification of

This coincides with the distribution of Late Helladic IIIB

Greece by Alexander the Great at the start of the Hellenis-

ware in connection with settlements and chamber tombs

tic period.

with multiple burials, from which northwest Greece is ex-

The historical validity of the supreme power of the

cluded: apparently the latter region is not Hellenized be-

king of Mycenae is further emphasized by the recognition of the king of A®®iyawa (= Greek Akhaians) as a great

fore the Early Iron Age.54 Similarly, as duly stressed by

king in correspondence with the Hittites, namely in the so-

Minor are also not represented, which, as far as the last

called Tawagalawas-letter from presumably the reign of

mentioned area is concerned, is historically correct since

the Hittite great king Muwatallis II (1295-1271 BC). The

the Aiolian, Ionian, and Doric migrations to western Ana-

latter source of evidence further affirms the historicity of

tolia date from the Submycenaean period onwards. A prob-

Agamemnon’s father and predecessor, Atreus, who appears

lem is posed, however, by the position of Miletos (= Hittite

in the so-called Indictment of Madduwattas from the reigns of Tud®aliyas II (1390-1370 BC) and Arnuwandas I (1370-

Millawanda), which according to Homeros is inhabited by

1355 BC) as Attarissiyas, the man of A®®iyƗ (= a short-

it definitely belonged to the Mycenaean (archaeologically)

hand variant of A®®iyawa). Moreover, in a treaty also from

or Akhaian (historically) sphere of influence at the time of

the reign of Muwatallis II the kingdom of Troy is referred

the Trojan war (c. 1280 BC). As Millawanda is in the Hit-

to as Wilusa, the Hittite equivalent of Greek Ilios (<

tite records reported to have changed sides during the reign of Tud®aliyas IV (1239-1209 BC), the Homeric position of

Joachim Latacz, the Cyclades and the west coast of Asia

Carians and sides with the Trojans (Iliad II, 686), whereas

*Wilios), and turns out to be headed by a king named Alaksandus, the Hittite equivalent of Greek Aleksandros. As a matter of fact, in the aforesaid Tawagalawas-letter, a conflict between the Hittite king and his A®®iyawan col-

Khalybes from the Black Sea coast, which is linguistically possible, but chronologically inadequate as these latter are only attested for the Early Iron Age. Note in this connection that Hittite involvement in Mysia is assured by their foundation of Sarawa there, see Woudhuizen 1992a: 138.

league over Wilusa is explicitly mentioned – an incident which inflated in Greek memory to the famous Trojan war (see further section 8 below)!

53 Smit 1988-9: 54, with reference to Garstang 1929: 86 f. for the

In alignment with the Hittite evidence, it is of no little

Amazones and 172 for the Keteioi; see further Leonhard 1911: 156. Note with Gindin 1999: 225-6 that the relation between Keteioi and Amazones is enhanced by the fact that the name of the leader of the former, Eurypylos, is a masculine variant of that of the queen of the latter, Eurypyle. The same author also rightly stressed the relation of the name Telephos with the Hittite royal name Telepinus (p. 248-9), and that of his second son Tarkhǀn with the Luwian divine name Tar® unt (p. 225). The close knit fabric of mythical associations is further elaborated by the fact that the wife of Telephos is recorded to fight from the chariot like an Amazone (Gindin 1999: 248-9). On top of this, the leader of the Keteioi is called a megas basileus “great king” by Quintus of Smyrna, see Gindin 1999: 231.

consequence for the historicity of the Trojan war that the Hittites, as first realized by Thomas Webster, are staged in Homeros’ account of it as allies of Troy in two capacities: first in the enumeration of the Trojan allies at the end of book II of the Iliad as Halyzones from far away Alybe – a city, like the Hittite capital Hattusa, associated with silver – (Iliad II, 856); and second as KƝteioi, whose leader Eurypylos, the son of the Mysian king Telephos, is killed by Akhilleus’ son Neoptolemos (Odyssey XI, 521).52 To this

54 Smit 1989: esp. 180 (map); cf. Latacz 2003: 266, Abb. 22, and 52 Webster 1960: 67; Meyer 1968: 12 identifies Alybe with the

section 8, Fig. 12a below.

27

Miletos may be due to an historical hypercorrection.55 Finally, the close contacts of the Mycenaean Akhaians with the Hittites as attested for Hittite correspondence can be further illustrated by the fact that Homeros in two instances has applied a standard expression from Hittite texts in annalistic tradition according to which the chief deity, in the case of the Hittites the stormgod, runs before the king and his army in battle to secure victory.56 Thus, in one passage Apollo, the chief god of the Trojans, mentioned in form of Appaliunas as one of the local oathgods in the Alaksandus-treaty,57 precedes the Trojans with the aegis in their attempt to storm the Greek wall (Iliad XV, 307-11), and in another Athena, one of the deities on the Greek side, precedes Akhilleus when he conquers Lyrnessos and Pedasos to the south of mount Ida (Iliad XX, 94-6)!

55 Latacz 2003: 278 ff.; 339 f. See further section 8 below. 56 For the earliest example, see Bryce 1998: 135 (annals of

Tud®aliyas I, 1430-1400 BC); Woudhuizen 1994-5: 181, note 131; Woudhuizen 2004a: 38, note 42 (the literal translation of Hittite píran ® uya- or ® uwƗ(i)- is “to run before”); see Yalburt, phrases 4, 7, 11, and 32 for Luwian hieroglyphic examples. 57 Latacz 2003: 58; 138 (§ 20).

28

3. HISTORICAL SETTING In this section I will present a brief overview of the main

beyond. Accordingly, we appear to be confronted with two

historical developments in the Near East with a bearing on

concerted invasions by Indo-Europeans in the 23rd century

the Levant from the catastrophic events at the end of the

BC: one by the ancestors of the later Tocharians across the

reign of Narâm-Sin of Akkad and during the First Interme-

Caucasus into Mesopotamia and another by the ancestors

diary Period in Egypt to those marking the end of the

of the later Hittites, Luwians, and Palaians across the

Bronze Age. In doing so, I will base myself on Redford

Bosporus into the Anatolian highland and along the west-

1992 (with chronology adapted to Kitchen 1989) and

ern and southern coasts into the plains of Konya and

Bryce 1998, unless indicated otherwise.

Cilicia – the latter event marked by the spread of Trojan

At the end of his reign, Narâm-Sin of Akkad (2291-

IIg ware with as its “Leitmotiv” the so-called depas am-

2255 BC) was defeated by a group of mountain dwellers

phikupellon.

called the Guti, who conquered Babylon and ruled it for a

The upheavals at the end of Late Bronze Age II in the

period of about one century. At the time of their onslaught

23rd century BC also affected the Greek mainland, Crete,

on Babylon, these Guti came from the mountainous region

and the Levant. In Greece, for instance the “House of the

of the Lower ZƗb in western Iran. A later source from the

Tiles” at Lerna was burned down and covered by a tumu-

time of Hammurabi (1792-1750 BC) reports that part of

lus – a burial custom characteristic of the Kurgan culture

their land was called Tukri. From this piece of information,

of the Russian steppe. This event is commonly associated

W.B. Henning deduced that we may well be dealing with

with the arrival of the earliest Indo-Europeans in southern

the Tocharians inhabiting the Tarim basin along the west-

Greece (see further section 7). As far as Crete is con-

ern border of China in the historical period, who addressed

cerned, the flourishing settlements at Vasiliki near the bay

themselves both as Tugri and as Kuþi (<

Guti).58

If this is

of Mirabello and Myrtos (Fournou Korifi) along the south

correct, we actually have here the first historical evidence

coast were destroyed by fire and the ruins of the first cov-

about a group of Indo-Europeans.

ered by simple hovels and that of the second by a peak-

In about the same time as the Gutian onslaught on

sanctuary – a completely new phenomenon for the is-

Akkad, at the end of Early Bronze Age II, there is massive

land.62 Against the background of the events in Anatolia

evidence for large-scale destruction of settlements in Ana-

and Greece, it seems not farfetched to assume that the

tolia, especially in the Konya region and Cilicia later oc-

Indo-European invasions also affected eastern Crete – an

cupied by Luwians. The subsequent lack of reoccupation

assumption which would allow us to explain the evidence

suggested to James Mellaart that the affected regions be-

for the Luwian language in Cretan hieroglyphic documents

came the grazing grounds of nomads.59 The origin of the

dating from the Middle Bronze Age onwards (see further

nomads in question may perhaps be indicated by the evi-

section 12 and appendix I). Finally, the Levant bears testi-

dence of the royal burials at Alaca Höyük, which are of

mony of a similar lapse to nomadism as Anatolia: if Indo-

similar type as those of the later Mycenaeans and Phry-

Europeans were responsible for this development, as

gians, and characterized by solar discs and theriomorphic

Marija Gimbutas argued on the basis of Kurgan-like shaft-

standards recalling counterparts from Horoztepe and

tombs (among which a twin catacomb grave) at Bâb edh-

Mahmatlar in the Pontic region: all these elements have

Drâ east of the Dead Sea, these have not been traced in the

been attributed by Ekrem Akurgal to

Indo-Europeans60

records which surface again from the Middle Bronze Age



nomadic cattle-breeders and herdsmen originating from61

onwards.63

the steppe zone north of the Black Sea, the Caucasus, and 62 Caskey 1971: 803; Best 1981b: 8-9. Note that according to

Hiller 1985 : 127 there was no peak-sanctuary at Myrtos after its destruction, even though Warren 1972: 92 does suggest such a function for an Early Minoan III arc-shaped building.

58 Henning 1978. 59 Mellaart 1971: 406-10.

63 Gimbutas 1973 groups these Indo-European migrations together

60 Akurgal 1992: 1-5.

as her “second wave of Indo-Europeanization”. As opposed to this, Best 1976: 218 associates these graves with the apsidal hou-

61 Mallory 1989.

29

It lies at hand to correlate the fall of central authority

Byblos or through direct contacts with Egypt itself (see

during the First Intermediate Period in Egypt, assigned to

further section 12 and appendix I).

about 2140 BC, with the upheavals at the end of Early

The period of the Assyrian merchant colonies ended

Bronze Age II.

in destruction, and when the smoke screen rose, a new era

Under the 11th dynasty the unity of Egypt was re-

had arrived. From a military point of view, a dominant fac-

stored and the country rose to great power during the 12th

tor in this new era was formed by the war chariot, which

dynasty. At that time Byblos in the Levant was drawn

maintained its central position untill the end of the Bronze

within the orbit of Egyptian influence, as can be deduced

Age. It is true that experiments with the chariot are already

from inscriptions by its rulers in Egyptian hieroglyphic and

recorded for the Karum-period, as the Anatolian king Anit-

the influence of the latter script on the indigenous Byblian

tas, who ruled in the late 19th century BC and is consid-

proto-Linear script. Synchronous with the rise of Egypt

ered the founder of the Hittite royal house, reported his

under the 12th dynasty (= 20th and 19th centuries BC) was

acquisition of forty teams of horses in the course of his

the regular trade connection between Assyria and Anatolia

capture of the town Salatiwara – teams of horses which no

as examplified by Assyrian trading colonies or kƗru asso-

doubt pulled war chariots.66 Now, the war chariot was in-

ciated with major Anatolian towns. The cuneiform tablets

troduced in the Near East by Indo-Europeans, to be more

from the kƗru inform us that the Assyrian merchants im-

specific speakers of Indo-Aryan, the forerunner of Indo-

ported annukum “tin” and woolen textiles in exchange for Anatolian metals, especially silver and gold. The metal tin

Iranian. These Indo-Aryan chariot fighters, thanks to their military superiority, conquered the Hurritic population liv-

played a crucial role in international trade from c. 2000 BC

ing along the upper Euphrates river, and established a

onwards, when the bronze industry went over from arsenic

royal house here. At least, this course of events is deduci-

bronze to the much harder alloy of copper and tin for the

ble from the fact that the 14th century BC text by a Mitan-

production of weapons and other artefacts. In response to

nian horse trainer named Kikkuli contains Indo-Aryan

the introduction of cuneiform writing by the Assyrian trad-

technical terms, that the Mitannian royal house was char-

ers, the indigenous Anatolians – who on the basis of ono-

acterized by personal names with the Indo-Aryan element

mastic evidence were to a large extent Indo-European, in

ratha- “chariot”, and that the Mitannian nobility consisted

casu Hittite and Luwian – developed their own writing

of maryannu, an Indo-Aryan indication of chariot fighters.

system, the so-called Luwian hieroglyphic, which to some

Next, they went on to the Levant and even further to Egypt

extent follows the model of Egyptian hieroglyphic but de-

in the south, where they founded the royal house of the

rives its values acrophonically from the indigenous Anato-

Hyksos (= “foreign ruler”), also known as the 15th dynasty

lian vocabulary.64 Under influence of the international tin

(c. 1720-1550 BC), which was centred at Tell el-

trade, the island Crete, which lies on a junction of mari-

Dab‘a/Avaris in the eastern Delta.67 The connection of the

time trade routes, acquired great wealth and developed a

Hyksos with the Levant is stressed by the fact that in the

palatial

civilization,65

with a script to write down the eco-

lowest levels of their capital Tell el-Dab‘a/Avaris so-called

nomic transactions basically derived from Luwian hiero-

Tel el-Jehudiya ware has been found comparable to that of

glyphic but with a more substantial Egyptian component

Byblos, and that, when they were finally kicked out by

than the original received either through the medium of

Ahmose, the founder of the 18th dynasty who had organized his own chariot force, a remnant of their regime fled to Sharuhen on the coast south of Gaza. Yet another Indo-

ses of Mesҕer, dated c. 3300 BC, which by and large coincides with the early 3rd millennium BC date of a comparable twin catacomb grave at Palermo in Sicily (Conca d’Oro culture) and catacomb grave with a single chamber of the Rinaldone culture in Tuscany, see de Vries 1976. At any rate, early Indo-European presence in the region is indicated by the river name Jordan, based on ProtoIndo-European *dƗnu- “river”, see Rosenkranz 1966: 136.

Aryan conquest with the help of the chariot is that of Babylon by the Kassites, who, in the wake of the Hittite king Mursilis I’s sack of the latter city in 1595 BC, took over control and founded a royal dynasty here. Finally, as

64 Woudhuizen 1990-1; Woudhuizen 2004a: appendix I. 66 Drews 1988: 101-2.

65 Note that the Mari-texts from the reign of Zimri-lim (early 18th

67 See now Oren 1997, and note especially the warrior graves and

century BC) bear testimony of kaptaraim “Cretans” (< Kaptara- = Biblical Kaphtor “Crete”) involved in the tin-trade, see Dossin 1970: 99.

introduction of the horse as characteristic elements of Hyksos culture.

30

evidenced by the decoration of their stone stelae the rulers

In the long run, however, the major concurrent of the

buried in the shaftgraves at Mycenae in Greece around

Egyptians for control in North Syria was not the kingdom

1600 BC were chariot fighters, and therefore likely foreign

of Mitanni, but that of the Hittites. These had already cam-

conquerors. In his eager to whipe out the last remnants of the

paigned in the region under the kings of the Old Kingdom, Hattusilis I (1640-1620 BC), who burned down Alalakh

hated Hyksos, Ahmose (1550-1525 BC) grabbed the op-

along the lower Orontes river, and Mursilis I (1620-1590

portunity to conquer Palestine in toto and brought back

BC), who, as we have already noted, went all the way to

Byblos into the Egyptian sphere of influence, thus laying the foundations for the Empire period. This imperial policy

Babylon, but both were not able to consolidate their conquests. The same holds good for Tud®aliyas I (1430-1400

of territorial expansion was subsequently continued by

BC) of the New Kingdom, who is recorded to have made

Ahmose’s successor, Amenhotep I (1525-1504 BC), who

peace with Aleppo, probably after a campaign in the wake

conquered Tunip along the upper Orontes river, and Tuthmoses I (1504-1492 BC), who campaigned up to the Eu-

of Tuthmoses III’s defeat of Mitanni. After a period of serious troubles under Tud®aliyas III (1360-1344 BC), in

phrates river. However, after a lull especially during the

which the Hittite realm had to be rebuilt from scratch, the

reign of Hatshepsut (1479-1457 BC), it reached its zenith

Hittites manifested themselves again in the North Syrian

under Tuthmoses III (1479-1425 BC), who even crossed

theatre during the reign of Suppiluliumas I (1344-1322

the Euphrates, defeated Mitanni, and incorporated North

BC). The latter defeated Mitanni decisively and was sub-

Syria up to and including Ugarit, where a garrison was sta-

sequently able to draw Mitanni’s dependencies in North

tioned. As a corollary to Tuthmoses III’s defeat of Mitanni,

Syria within his orbit. But that is not all, Suppiluliumas I

the latter sought a truce with Egypt, which materialized

also extended his sphere of influence to Kadesh, Amurru,

under Amenhotep II (1427-1400 BC) in an alliance ce-

and Ugarit, which fell under Egyptian suzerainty. When he

mented by the marriage of Amenhotep II’s son, the later

beleaguered Karkamis along the Euphrates river and ex-

Tuthmoses IV, with the daughter of the Mitannian king Ar-

pected retaliation by the Egyptians for his transgression in

tatama I. What followed is a period of consolidation by di-

their dominions, a miracle happened: the Egyptian queen,

plomacy, vividly described in the Amarna tablets covering

whose husband Tutankhamun had been murdered, asked

the period from the later part of the reign of Amenhotep III

Suppiluliumas I for a son to be remarried with, which

(1390-1352 BC) to the reign of Tutankhamon (1336-1327

would mean not only an alliance but also that a Hittite

BC).68 Most striking in this correspondence is the reluc-

prince became king of Egypt. Unfortunately, the son which

tance of Akhenaten (1352-1336 BC) to comply with the

Suppiluliumas I sent for the marriage got killed by machi-

desparate appeals by his loyal vassal king of Byblos, Rib-

nations of the Egyptian court. Nevertheless, he was able to

addi, and curb the encroachments on the latter’s territory

consolidate his foothold in North Syria without the danger

by the upcoming power of Amurru under the leadership of

of Egyptian retaliation, and, after the capture of the city, he

Abdi-asirta and his son Aziru. The story ended with the death of Rib-addi by the hand of Aziru. The Amarna tab-

appointed one of his sons, Piyassilis, as king of Karkamis, who under the Hurritic throne-name Sarri-Kusu® ruled

lets also provide early mentions of some groups of the Sea

from here as viceroy over the dependencies in North Syria

Peoples, namely the Lukka and the Sherden – the first as

– an arrangement which through the latter’s heirs would

pirates raiding Alasiya (=

Cyprus)69

last to the end of what now truly may be called the Hittite

and the coast of Egypt

Empire.

and the second as body guards or mercenaries of Rib-addi of

Byblos.70

After the untimely death of his elder brother, the youngest son of Suppiluliumas I inherited the throne and ruled as Mursilis II (1321-1295 BC). His main achieve-

68 Moran 1992: xxxv.

ment was the conquest of Arzawa in western Anatolia,

69 Hellbing 1979; note, however, that Egyptian ’Isy is not an alter-

from where he deported as much as 65,000 or 66,000 pris-

native indication of Cyprus, as the author maintains, but a reference to the western Anatolian region Asiya or Assuwa, see section 8.

oners of war to other parts of the Hittite realm. Furtherrenders the sequence kwkwn s rwqq “Kukkunis, son of the Lycian”, see Albright 1959; but cf. van Seeters 1966: 79, note 24, who dates this inscription c. 1700 BC.

70 The earliest mention of the Lukka occurs in an Egyptian hiero-

glyphic text on an obelisk from Byblos dated c. 2000 BC, which

31

treaty with Egypt of 1259 BC – an entente between the two

more, he rearranged the western province into four Arzawa lands, Mira-Kuwaliya, the Se®a River Land, HapallaAppawiya, and Wilusa, each under a vassal king – an ar-

great powers which lasted till the end of the Bronze Age. Furthermore, his wife Pudu®epa played a vital role in ce-

rangement which lasted to at least an advanced stage of the reign of Tud®aliyas IV near the end of the 13th century

menting the relationship by dynastic marriages, which boiled down to a one-sided affair in which Hatti dispatched

BC, its resilience being due largely to the fact that it was

princesses to the harem of the pharaoh, but the latter did

cemented by dynastic marriages so that the vassal kings in

not return the favor as no princesses of Egypt were allowed

question became members of the royal family themselves.

to be betrothed to a foreigner – with all possible conse-

Mursilis II was followed by his son and successor, Muwa-

quences for foreign claims on the throne (the request by

tallis II (1295-1272 BC). By this time, the Egyptian throne

the widow of Tutankhamun for a Hittite prince to remarry

had come into the hands of a new and militant dynasty,

with mentioned above was quite exceptional, indeed, and, as we have seen, doomed to fail). In the reign of Hattusilis

founded by a former general, Ramesses I (1295-1294 BC). 1223 BC), it became clear that Egypt wanted to regain its

III mention was first made of shipments of grain from Egypt to Hatti, which later under Merneptah became so

former dependencies in North Syria by force. In anticipa-

important that they were claimed “to keep Hatti alive”.

tion of the coming war with Egypt, Muwatallis II moved the Hittite capital from the somewhat eccentric Hattusa to

Evidently, the Hittite Empire suffered from food shortage,

Tar®untassa in the south. Furthermore, to gather allied forces or mercenaries he launched a campaign in the west.

sponsible, as it often is, for its final downfall. The son and successor of Hattusilis III, Tud®aliyas IV

Therefore, it comes as no surprise that at the inevitable

(1239-1209 BC) exercized an active military policy in the

showdown of forces which eventually took place near

west. In the text of a bronze tablet found during the late 80s of the last century in the capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa,

With the accession of his descendant Ramesses II (1279-

but it is a longstanding problem which cannot be hold re-

Kadesh in the fifth year of Ramesses II’s reign (1274 BC), alia, aided by troops from Arzawa (§ later Lydia), Darda-

which meticulously describes the borders of the viceregal province of Tar®untassa under his uncle Kuruntas, a cam-

nia (= Troas), Masa (= Mysia), Karkisa (= Karia), and

paign against Par®a (= Perge) along the Kastaraya (=

Lukka (= Lycia). (Interesting for our purposes is that the

Kestros) in Pamphylia to the west of Tar®untassa was an-

same records bear testimony of Sherden mercenaries on

ticipated, the spoils of which would fall to Kuruntas. Next,

the Egyptian side.) During his campaign in the west, how-

a Luwian hieroglyphic text from Yalburt commemorizes a

ever, Muwatallis II wanted to avoid a conflict with the A®®iyawans (= Akhaians or Mycenaean Greeks), who

campaign in the Xanthos river valley of Lycia, where the

the Hittites according to the Egyptian records were, inter

towns Talawa (= Tlǀs), Pinata (= Pinara), and Awarna (= Arinna) were subdued, as Tud®aliyas IV proudly claims,

were in control of Millawanda (= Miletos) at the time, and for this reason settled his dispute in diplomatic terms, addressing the king of A®®iyawa as his brother and hence in-

for the first time in Hittite history. After this, the so-called

cluding him into the illustrious ranks of the great kings (see further section 8). According to the Egyptian records,

wanda (= Miletos), which formerly resided under the king of A®®iyawa (= Akhaia or Mycenaean Greece), turned

again, the Hittite forces at the ensuing battle of Kadesh

sides and joined the Hittites.71 In this manner, then, a long-

numbered in total 3,500 chariotry and 37,000 infantry. The

standing source of troubles in the west was eventually eliminated. Tud®aliyas IV’s next move was in the east: in a

Milawata-letter informs us that the governor of Milla-

propaganda of Ramesses II claimed the outcome as an outstanding victory for the Egyptians, but at the end of the day the bone of contention, Kadesh, remained within the

71 In the Milawata Letter mention is made of an exchange of hos-

sphere of influence of the Hittites! The eldest son of Muwatallis II, Ur®itesup, who on

tages from Pina(ta) and Awarna with those from Atria and Utima, which can only be situated after Tud®aliyas IV’s Lycian campaign. Also prior to, and as a kind of conditio sine qua non for, the change of sides by Millawanda is Tud®aliyas IV’s campaign against Tar®undaradus of the Se®a River Land (= the Meander valley) as reported in his Chronicle, when A®®iyawa is specified to have withdrawn, see Garstang & Gurney 1959: 120-1 (note that according to Güterbock’s (1992) improved translation of this text, Tar®undaradus is stated to have relied on the king of A®®iyawa.)

his ascendance took the throne-name Mursilis III, occupied the throne only for a brief period (1272-1267 BC), before he was deposed by his uncle Hattusilis III (1267-1239 BC). The latter distinguished himself particularly in international diplomacy, as he was responsible for the peace

32

treaty with Sausgamuwa of Amurru he forbade the latter to serve as an intermediary for trade between A®®iyawa and

ples (this time the Peleset, Tjeker, Shekelesh, Denye(n),

Assyria – the new enemy in the east since Suppiluliumas

Shamra/Ugarit and Ramesses III’s (1184-1153 BC) memo-

I’s decisive victory over Mitanni. Bereft of his stronghold in western Anatolia, the king of A®®iyawa was no longer

rial at Medinet Habu, came as a flash of lightning in a clear

considered a great king, which must have been a recent

Under the energetic leadership of Ramesses III, the

development as he was first enumerated among the great

second pharaoh of the 20th dynasty, Egypt survived the

kings in the text of the Sausgamuwa treaty but then deleted. The ultimate goal of Tud®aliyas IV’s campaigns in

onslaught by the Sea Peoples, who, unsuccesful in their

the west, and a further guarantee for the success of his

places along the Levant, especially in the Philistine penta-

economic boycot against the maritime trade between A®®iyawa and Assyria, was the conquest of Alasiya (=

polis. In the former Hittite Empire, there was some conti-

Cyprus), which he achieved near the end of his reign.

where the viceregal family planted by Suppiluliumas I

Notwithstanding a serious defeat against the Assyrians un-

maintained its position through Aritesup and Initesup, and in the former province of Tar®untassa, where likewise a

and Weshesh) as vividly described by the letters from Ras

sky by total surprise.

plan to settle in Egypt, took up their abode in various

nuity in the earliest phase of the Iron Age at Karkamis,

der the able leadership of Tikulta-Ninurta (1233-1197 BC) somewhere in between of the given events, we cannot avoid the conclusion that the reign of Tud®aliyas IV

descendant of the Hittite royal family, Hartapus, son of

marked a high point in the history of the Hittite Empire. After the death of Tud®aliyas IV, there was a short

Luwian hieroglyphic, both these branches of the Hittite

reign of his eldest son, Arnuwandas III (1209-1205 BC). In

after this imperial afterglow, a dearth of material sets in

this period, to be more exact the fifth year of Merneptah

which lasts to the beginning of the 10th century BC, when

(1213-1203 BC), the Egyptians had to deal with an attack

a new royal house at Karkamis under great king Uratar®undas entered the stage.73

Mursilis, is recorded. According to their inscriptions in royal family claimed the imperial title of great king. Only

by the Libyan king Meryey, who was supported by mercenaries from various groups of the so-called “Sea Peoples”, viz. the Sherden, Shekelesh, Ekwesh, Lukka, and Teresh. Merneptah succeeded in defeating this coalition and in preventing the Libyan king Meryey to settle himself in the Nile-delta – apparently the latter’s ultimate objective. Arnuwandas III was succeeded by his brother Suppiluliumas II (1205-1180? BC). The latter was forced to reconquer Cyprus-Alasiya, again, which apparently had taken advantage of the mishap during the short reign of Arnuwandas III. After his victory, he set up a memorial (= Niúantaú at Bo÷azköy/Hattusa) also for that of his father, who did not have the time to do so. Later in his reign, Suppiluliumas II was forced to conduct a campaign in western Anatolia against, inter alia, Masa (= Mysia), Wiyanawanda (= Oinoanda in the upper Xanthos valley), and Lukka (= Lycia), the ensuing victory of which he commemorated in the Südburg monument at Bo÷azköy/Hattusa. The same Luwian hieroglyphic inscription, however, shows him very much in control of the imperial machinery in provinces like Pala, Walma, and Tar®untassa.72 The final downfall caused by the Sea Peo-

72 On the Yalburt and Südburg texts, see Woudhuizen 2004a, sec73 See Woudhuizen 1992-3 and Woudhuizen 2004a: appendix V.

tions 3 and 7, respectively.

33

4. AN HISTORIOGRAPHIC OUTLINE In this section we will present an outline of the most im-

central Mediterranean, the Ekwesh with the Akhaians in

portant modern literature on the Sea Peoples. Special atten-

mainland Greece, and the Lukka with the Lycians in south-

tion in this historiographic outline will be given to the

west Asia Minor. These suggestions were subsequently

identification of the individual population groups, which is

amplified by François Chabas in his Études sur l’Antiquité

still a matter of debate. Another point of interest is the

Historique d’après les sources égyptiennes et les monu-

cause (or causes) of their sudden appearance on the stage

ments réputés préhistoriques of 1872, who connected the

during the period aptly called the catastrophe at the end of

Tjeker with the Teukroi of the Troas in northwest Asia

the Late Bronze Age. Our main purpose, to determine

Minor, the Denye(n) with the Daunians and the Weshesh

whether the shortlived coalition of forces which we call the

with the Oscans, the latter two both at home in Italy.

Sea Peoples consists of a number of individual cohesive

Moreover, he ventured to equal the Peleset, which we have

ethnƝ, is a question barely touched upon in the literature: it

seen to be identified with the Biblical Philistines since the

surfaces only in the discussion between Gustav Adolf

time of Champollion, with the Pelasgians of Greek literary

Lehmann and Wolfgang Helck in the 1980s and in Drews

sources – an equation, as far as the Philistines are con-

1993. For convenience’s sake, I will in the following use

cerned, with a respectable history, first being put forward

standardized transcriptions for the ethnonyms of the Sea

by Etienne Fourmont in 1747.

Peoples as commonly used in the English language. An

The proposals of de Rougé and Chabas, with identifi-

example of how these ethnonyms can be written in Egyp-

cations of the ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples running as

tian hieroglyphic – the writing is not standardized and

widely as from the western part of Asia Minor in the east

therefore can vary per attestation – and their proper trans-

via mainland Greece in the centre to Sicily, Italy, and Sar-

literation is rendered in figure 3.74 Note that the eth-

dinia in the west were almost directly challenged by Gas-

nonyms are distinguished as such by the determinative of

ton Maspero – who, by the way, coined the term Sea

foreign people (Gardiner 1994: T14 + A1).

Peoples (“peuples de la mer”) in 1881, which is an apt

The modern literature on the Sea Peoples commences

form of address considering the association of these peo-

with the decipherment of Egyptian hieroglyphic by Jean-

ples with the sea and islands in the midst of the sea in the

François Champollion in the first half of the 19th century

Egyptian texts – in review articles of the former authors’

AD. In his Grammaire égyptienne of 1836 he proposed to

works and, more elaborately, in his monographs Histoire

identify the Peleset as mentioned in the texts of Ramesses

Ancienne des peuples de l’orient classique of 1875 and

III (1184-1153 BC) in his mortuary temple at Medinet

Struggle of the Nations, Egypt, Syria and Assyria of 1910.

Habu (Thebes) with the Biblical Philistines – an identifica-

In Maspero’s view, then, the homeland of the Sea Peoples

tion which goes unchallenged till the present day. Follow-

should be restricted to western Anatolia and mainland

ing in his footsteps, Emmanuel de Rougé set out in his

Greece. Thus, apart from embracing the equation of the

contribution to the Revue Archéologique 16 of 1867 to

Ekwesh with the Akhaians of mainland Greece, the Sher-

connect the other ethnonyms in the same texts and in the

den were supposed to be linked up with the Lydian capital

one of Merneptah (1213-1203 BC) on a wall of the main

Sardis, the Shekelesh with the Pisidian town of Sagalassos,

temple at Karnak (Thebes) with names of known Mediter-

and the Weshesh with the Carian place name Wassos. His

ranean peoples or locations on the basis of similarity in

main reason for the central position of Anatolia in his re-

sound (“Gleichklang”). Thus he proposed to identify the

constructions was formed by Herodotos’ location of the ul-

Teresh with the Tyrrhenians or Etruscans, the Shekelesh

timate homeland of the Tyrrhenians in Lydia (Histories I,

with the Sicels, the Sherden with the Sardinians, all in the

94). Like in the case of the Tyrrhenians, these Anatolian peoples were suggested to have moved after their attack on Egypt to their later Central Mediterranean homelands.

74 As the Egyptologist J.F. Borghouts assures me, the use of Gar-

Only the Philistines were supposed to have turned east and

diner 1994: T 12 “bowstring” (phonetic value 3r) for Gardiner 1994: V 4 “lasso” (phonetic value w3) in the ethnonym Ekwesh is a peculiarity of the Karnak text, paralleled, for example, in the writing of Meswesh.

settled in Canaan.

35

(a)

(b)

I

II

no.

hieroglyphics

transliteration vocalization as employed in (Borghouts)

the present study

1*

š3rdn

Sherden

2*

š3krš3

Shekelesh

3*

͑k̙̙3w3š3

Ekwesh

4*

rkw

Lukka

5*

twrš3

Teresh

1

prwst

Peleset

2

t3k3r

Tjeker

3

š3krš3

Shekelesh

4

d3͑n͑w

Denyen

5

w3š3š3

Weshesh

Fig. 3. The ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples in Egyptian writing, transliteration, and standardized transcription (from Kitchen 1982: IV, 4 and Kitchen 1983: V, 40).75 (a) Merneptah, Karnak, marked with * in column I above (b) Ramesses III, Medinet Habu

75 I am indebted to J.F. Borghouts for providing the transliteration, and to Wim van Binsbergen for identifying the specific transliterated

strings with the hieroglyphic sections, and preparing and tabulating the graphics in this table.

36

The view of Maspero that the Sea Peoples originated

Remarkable is that in connection with the Denye(n) he

solely from the eastern Mediterranean has had a great in-

spoke against their relation with the Danuna in Cilicia and

fluence on his successors, even up to the present day (cf.

in favor of that with the Danaoi of the Argolid in mainland

Redford 1992: 246). At any rate, it has been taken over

Greece. Moreover, he sided with Hall in his opinion that

without much critical reflection by H.R. Hall, who domi-

the Peleset were not originally at home in Crete, but used

nated the field in the first half of the 20th century AD. In a

this island as an intermediary station in their way to the

first contribution to the Annual of the British School at

Levant. In connection with the Sherden, finally, he re-

Athens 8 of 1901-2, he expressed himself in favor of Mas-

marked, with reference to an earlier contribution by

pero’s identifications with the only noted exception of

Wainwright (1939: 148), that the Teresh were known to

Weshesh, which he preferred to connect with Cretan Wak-

the Hittite world (probably implying a linguistic relation of

sioi instead of Carian Wassos. Next, in a collection of pa-

the ethnonym with Tarwisa (= Troy), which, however, is

pers to the memory of Champollion which appeared in

dubious), but the Sherden and the Shekelesh not and hence

1922 Hall presented a useful summary of the literature on

that the latter might be assumed to originate from outside

the topic of the Sea Peoples up to that moment. In this

of it – the first rudimentary attempt to bring the contro-

summary, he proposed to identify the Denye(n), whom

versy between de Rougé and Chabas on the one hand and

Maspero had equated with the Danaoi of the Argolid in

Maspero on the other to a higher level.

mainland Greece, with the Danuna of Cilicia as mentioned

Next, Paul Mertens presented in the Chronique

in the El-Amarna texts from the reigns of Amenhotep III

d’Égypte 35 of 1960 a nice overview of the Egyptian

(1390-1352 BC) and Akhenaten (1352-1336 BC). Hall’s

sources on the Sea Peoples from their first occurrence in

work culminates in his contribution to the first edition of

the El-Amarna texts and those of Ramesses II (1279-1212

the Cambridge Ancient History, which appeared in 1926.

BC) up to their alignment with the Libyan king Meryre (=

Here he expressly distinguished the Sea Peoples, which, as

Meryey) in the reign of Merneptah and their ultimate at-

we have seen, according to him originated from western

tack on Egypt in the reign of Ramesses III. However, as far

Anatolia and mainland Greece, from the Keftiu, i.e. the

as origins are concerned, he did not choose between the

designation of the Cretans in Egyptian texts. Confronted

central to east Mediterranean thesis of de Rougé and the

with the Biblical sources, according to which the Peleset

solely east Mediterranean antithesis of Maspero, whereas,

originated from Crete, he came up with the solution that

in connection with the Peleset, he followed Bonfante

they had come from Asia Minor via Crete. Furthermore, he

(1946) in identifying them as Illyrians who migrated to the

noted in alignment with his earlier association of the De-

Levant via Crete.

nye(n) with the Danuna, that some of the Sea Peoples, like

The first to address the question what caused the up-

the Sherden and the Lukka, were already mentioned in the

heavals of the Sea Peoples at the end of the Late Bronze

El-Amarna texts. Of them, the Sherden were stipulated to

Age was Wolfgang Kimmig in a lengthy paper in the Fest-

have fought both on the Egyptian side and that of the Sea

schrift Tackenberg of 1964. In his view, these are a mere

Peoples in the upheavals at the time of Ramesses III. Fi-

function of the expansion of the Urnfield peoples of central

nally, in true Masperonian way, he envisioned the Sherden,

and eastern Europe into all directions, so also to the Medi-

Shekelesh, and Teresh, after their failing attack on Egypt,

terranean in the south. As Kimmig keenly observed, the

as being on their way to their ultimate homes in the central

contribution of bearers of the Urnfield culture to the

Mediterranean. The career of Hall ended with his “going

movement of the Sea Peoples is indicated by their ships as

Caucasian” so to say: in his last contribution on the subject

depicted in the reliefs at Medinet Habu having bird head

of 1929 he explained all ethnonyms of the Sea Peoples as

protomes at the stern as well as the prow – a typical Urn-

reflections of similar sounding Caucasian tribal names – a

field feature. He further rightly stipulated that some of the

fine example of the dangers of the etymological approach

Sea Peoples were already in contact with the Near East

when applied without further backing.

when the expansion of the Urnfielders motivated them to

After the second World War, the first to take up the

look for new homelands in an agreeable surrounding. Al-

subject of the Sea Peoples again, was Alan Gardiner. In his

though he tried to avoid the vexed question of the origins

Ancient Egyptian Onomastica of 1947 he meticulously de-

of the Sea Peoples as much as possible, Kimmig restricted

scribed all that was known at the time of a number of the

his Urnfield model for the cause of the latters’ movement

ethnonyms, especially so of the Sherden and the Peleset.

to the eastern Mediterranean: an incursion of Urnfielders 37

into mainland Greece in his eyes set the whole process in

gion. As opposed to this, Stadelmann assumed that the

motion.

Sherden, Shekelesh, and Teresh went to the central Medi-

Against the background of Kimmig’s answer to the

terranean to find their new homes in Sardinia, Sicily, and

question of causality, Richard D. Barnett’s treatment of the

central Italy, from where they maintained trade contacts

Sea Peoples in the 3rd edition of the Cambridge Ancient

with their former comrades in arms in the Levant up to the

History, which first appeared as a separate issue in 1969

time that the Phoenicians seized the opportunity to take

and subsequently as an integral part of Volume II, 2 in

these over.

1975, means a step back to the level of identifications on

The following years are dominated by a German

the basis of likeness in sound, in which the author sides

scholar, Gustav Adolf Lehmann. In a series of works, start-

with Maspero’s eastern Mediterranean thesis: thus the

ing in 1970 and continuing to 1996, he tried to reconstruct

Teresh are said to originate from Lydia, the Shekelesh to

an historical outline of the events that led to and made up

be on their way to Sicily, whereas for the Sherden a home-

the catastrophe at the end of the Late Bronze Age, using a

land in Cyprus is taken into consideration, from where, of

wide range of sources from Egyptian hieroglyphic through

course, they departed to colonize Sardinia. As far as the

Ugaritic alphabetic up to Hittite cuneiform. With only

Peleset are concerned, he saw no problem in identifying

slight adaptations, this historical picture forms the basic

them with the Philistines and having them colonize cities

background for my own studies on the ethnicity of the Sea

in Canaan – in his view Gaza, Askelon, Asdod and Dor –

Peoples; for a brief summary of the main events, see sec-

from Crete. From an historical point of view, Barnett

tion 3 above. Two points are of special interest to us here,

pointed to the fact that the famine reported by Herodotos

namely Lehmanns’ position on the cause (or causes) of the

(Histories I, 94) as the cause of part of the Lydian popula-

upheavals of the Sea Peoples and that on their ethnic rele-

tion to leave their country and settle in Etruria might be a

vance. Now, as to what caused the catastrophe, it can be

reflection of the grain shipments by Merneptah to keep the country of Hatti alive. Furthermore, he suggested that the

deduced from the distribution map of groups of the Sea

naval victory of the last Hittite great king Suppiluliumas II

mykenisch-frühgriechische Welt und der östliche Mittel-

(1205-1180? BC) against the island of Alasiya has a bear-

meerraum in der Zeit der “Seevölker”-Invasionen um 1200

ing on his battle against the Sea Peoples having gained

v. Chr. of 1985 (p. 47) and the accompanying text (pp. 43-

themselves a foothold on

Peoples in the central and eastern Mediterranean in Die

Cyprus.76

9) that he considered the Adriatic as the source of trouble

In the same year that Barnett’s contribution first ap-

for the wider Mediterranean, population groups here possi-

peared, Rainer Stadelmann put forward an interesting pa-

bly being uprooted by developments in the Danubian area.

per in Saeculum 19 in which he offered an alternative

As against this model, it might be objected that the afore-

answer to what caused the upheavals of the Sea Peoples. In

said distribution map rather reflects the situation after the

his view the prime move is made by the Phrygians, who,

catastrophe, when the Sea Peoples had been subject to a

originating from the Balkans, overran the Anatolian pla-

widespread diaspora. With respect to the ethnic relevance

teau at the end of the Late Bronze Age and destroyed the

of the ethnonyms, Lehmann pointed out that the Egyptian

Hittite Empire. As a corollary to this migration, the Philis-

depictions of the Sherden in reliefs from the reigns of

tines joined the Phrygians in their movement from the Bal-

Ramesses II and Ramesses III with very specific features

kans to Asia Minor, but, instead of settling here, they

testifies to the fact that at least the nucleus of the Sea Peo-

moved on to the Levant and Egypt via Crete and Cyprus.

ples consisted of pronounced ethnic groups (p. 58; see also

Having been defeated by Ramesses III, the Philistines set-

our motto). In a review article of Lehmann’s work of 1985

tled in Palestine – an event which was previously assumed

in Gnomon 58 of 1986, Wolfgang Helck reacted against

by Albright (1932) and Alt (1944) to have been orchestred

this inference with the words that

by the Egyptian pharaoh, but, taking the evidence at face

“Der Gedanke, daß wir es mit reinen ‘Seeräuber’ zu tun haben, die sich – durch eine Naturkatastrophe veranlaßt – in den Ausgangszentren des bisher von ihnen nur auf See geplünderten Handels festsetzen, wird nicht herausgezogen.” (p. 628).

value, the latter appeared no longer in control of this re-

76 For a critical review of Barnett’s contribution to the Cambridge

Hand-in-hand with this degradation of the Sea Peo-

Ancient History, pointing out numerous instances of sloppiness, see Astour 1972.

38

ples as mere pirates goes Helck’s denial of a migrational

valuable for their rich illustrations.78 However, as far as

aspect to the period of the upheavals set in motion by the

the origins of the individual population groups are con-

expansion of the bearers of the Urnfield culture – whereas

cerned, the author happens to be wavering between the

in his Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und

views of de Rougé on the one hand and Maspero on the

2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. of 1971 he still held the Phrygian

other hand. Thus the Sherden are in first instance linked up

migrations from the Balkans to Anatolia responsible as a

with either Sardinia or Sardis, whereas later they are sup-

prime mover for the ensuing catastrophe.

posed to have migrated from Cyprus or North Syria to Sar-

An even more extreme position with reference to the

dinia. Similarly, the Shekelesh are now associated with

migrational aspect of the upheavals of the Sea Peoples than

Anatolia and then with southern Italy and Sicily. Only with

the one maintained by Helck was presented by Alexandra

respect to the Teresh Sandars straightforwardly committed

Nibbi in her The Sea Peoples and Egypt of 1975. Accord-

herself to an Anatolian homeland, be it Lydia or the Troas.

ing to this author the Sea Peoples are all Asiatics living in

The latter region is also considered the place of origin of

the Nile delta, with the exception of the Peleset, the identi-

the Tjeker and, less persuasively, of the Weshesh, whilst

fication of whom with the Philistines from Palestine as

the Lukka, the Ekwesh, and the Denye(n) are more or less

proposed already by Champollion she accepts. At the

conventionally identified as the Lycians of southwest Ana-

background of Nibbi’s views lurks the interpretation of

tolia, the Akhaians of western Anatolia, the Aegean islands

what is generally considered as the Egyptian words for the

or mainland Greece, and the Danuna of Cilicia, respec-

Mediterranean sea (w3d-wr “great green”), islands (͑ww),

tively. Finally, the Peleset are, like the Teresh, traced back

and sea (ym) as references to the Nile delta and inland

to an Anatolian homeland. Also as far as the causes of the

lakes here. She even went as far as to suggest that Retenu,

catastrophe are concerned, Sandars’ position is rather dif-

which is generally considered as an indication of the Le-

fuse, now stressing internecine war and internal decay (=

vant, is a reference to the Nile delta, too. I think it is not

systems collapse), then economic crisis and last but not

advisable to follow Nibbi in her extremist

standpoint.77

least attacks from hostile tribes or states along the borders.

In the next year, 1976, August Strobel published his

This unsatisfactory mixture of causes of the catastrophe

Der Spätbronzezeitliche Seevölkersturm, Ein Forschungs-

should not surprise us, because, as long as the problem of

überblick mit Folgerungen zur biblischen Exodusthematik,

the origins of the Sea Peoples remains unsolved, the re-

which offers a wealth of detailed information on the indi-

lated problem of these causes can in fact not possibly be

vidual groups of the Sea Peoples and the Near Eastern

adequately dealt with.

texts in which they appear, and hence may serve us as a

In his book on Caphtor/Keftiu, subtitled A new Inves-

valuable reference book. However, it is less outspoken

tigation, from 1980, John Strange also pays some attention

about the matters which primarily concern us here, like the

to the Sea Peoples (pp. 138-142; 157-165). In doing so, he

origins of the Sea Peoples, the causes for the catastrophe –

is exceptional in presenting the spelling of the five eth-

though Strobel favors a severe drought in this respect – and

nonyms recorded for Medinet Habu in Egyptian hiero-

the articulation of the Sea Peoples’ ethnicity.

glyphic writing. As far as the origins of the Sea Peoples

Still a classic in the field is Nancy K. Sandars The Sea

are concerned, however, he adheres to common views in

Peoples, Warriors of the ancient Mediterranean 1250-

the literature at the time according to which most of them

1150 BC of 1978, which two years afterwards appeared in

originated from Asia Minor (Denye(n)), particularly its

Dutch translation as De Zeevolken, Egypte en Voor-Azië

western outskirts (Lukka, Shekelesh, Teresh, Tjeker), but

bedreigd, 1250-1150 v.C. – both editions being highly

some came from farther west, the Aegean (Ekwesh), or north, the Caucasus (Sherden), and the Balkans (Peleset). Crucial to his main theme, the identification of Biblical Kaphtor and Egyptian Keftiu with Cyprus, is the fact that a

77 In variant form Nibbi’s extremist point of view has recently

substantial number of the Sea Peoples can be shown to

been embraced by Yves Duhoux, according to whom (2003: 272) “la base opérationelle des envahisseurs était le centre du Delta”. Although I am not challenging the fact that, for example, w3d-wr “great green” in certain contexts does refer to the Nile and the Red Sea, it certainly goes too far to deny that in other contexts, like that of the Sea Peoples, it clearly denotes the Mediterranean Sea.

have colonized the Syro-Palestine coast from the latter is-

78 Cf. the reviews of this book by Muhly 1979 and Snodgrass

1978.

39

land, which Strange correlates to the well-known Biblical

delta as evidenced by the fact that they take with them

information that the Philistines originated from Kaphtor,

their wives and children in oxcarts.

hence his adagium Kaphtor = Cyprus. Although Cyprus

In 1984 appeared the Lexicon der Ägyptologie, Band

may have functioned as a way station for some of the Sea

V, edited by Wolfgang Helck and Eberhard Otto, which

Peoples in their trek to the Levant, it is an oversimplifica-

contains the lemma Seevölker written by Rainer Stadel-

tion of the evidence to consider it as their main sallying

mann. This section is well-referenced and therefore still

point – as we will see, the diagnostic ceramics in the form

handy to consult, notwithstanding its Masperonian bias

of Mycenaean IIIC1b ware have a much wider distribution,

(e.g. the Sherden are traced back to Sardis, and, with the

including Crete and western Anatolia. To this comes that

Shekelesh and Teresh, believed to have reached the central

there is positive evidence, duly assembled by Strange him-

Mediterranean only after the resurrections at the end of the

self, indicating that Alasiya is the Late Bronze Age name

Bronze Age) and the mistaken opinion that the Sherden

of Cyprus, and Kaptara (> Kaphtor) or Keftiu that of Crete.

only fought on the side of the Egyptians in the land- and

In line with Lehmann’s view on the cause of the up-

sea-battles of Ramesses III’s years 5 and 8 (as a distinction

heavals of the Sea Peoples, Fritz Schachermeyr in his Die

the Sherden on the side of the enemies wear horned hel-

Levant im Zeitalter der Wanderungen, Vom 13. bis zum 11.

mets without a sun-disc in between them).

Jahrhundert v.Chr. of 1982 traces the origin of some of the

Subsequently, Jacques Vanschoonwinkel dedicated a

Sea Peoples back to the Adriatic, in particular Illyria, from

section to the Sea Peoples in his L’Égée et la Méditerranée

where the Shekelesh and Sherden are supposed to have

orientale à la fin du IIe millénaire of 1991. In this section,

migrated to the Levant by sea, uprooting the Mycenaean

he decisively refuted Nibbi’s thesis according to which the

Greeks along the route, and the Tjeker and Peleset to have

Sea Peoples (with the noted exception of the Philistines)

done the same by land, in this way causing the fall of the

are Asiatics who had already been living in the Nile delta

Hittite empire.

for a long time. As it comes to the question of the origins

Another milestone in the study of the Sea Peoples

of the Sea Peoples, however, Vanschoonwinkel merely

next to Sandars’ work is formed by Trude Dothan’s The

sums up the various possibilities circulating since the times

Philistines and their Material Culture of 1982, which pro-

of de Rougé and Maspero without showing any preference

vides the archaeological evidence of the settlements in

for the one or the other. No wonder, therefore, that his

Palestine on a site to site basis – an indispensable working

view on the cause or causes of the catastrophe is as diffuse

tool. For a more popular representation of this material, fo-

as that of Sandars – adding in particular violent earth-

cussing on the personal contribution of Trude and her hus-

quakes.

band Moshe Dothan to the excavation of Philistine sites,

One of the most important and stimulating contribu-

see Trude Dothan & Moshe Dothan, People of the Sea, The

tions on our topic is formed by Robert Drews’ The End of

Search of the Philistines of 1992.

the Bronze Age, Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe

In the next year, 1983, Günther Hölbl argued em-

ca. 1200 B.C. of 1993. In this work, the author set out to

phatically for the historical relevance of the Egyptian texts

treat the various causes of the catastrophe as suggested in

on the Sea Peoples by Merneptah at Karnak and by

the relevant literature, like earthquakes, drought, systems

Ramesses III at Medinet Habu in his contribution to the

collapse, and migrations, in order to refute them all; in his

Zwettl Symposium – dedicated to the Aegean and the Le-

criticism of the migrational explanation, he launched a ve-

vant during the period of the Dark Age. In doing so, he

hement attack on Maspero’s identification of the Sherden,

was able to distinguish two phases in the period of the up-

Shekelesh, and Teresh with peoples from Anatolia, main-

heavals of the Sea Peoples: (1) a strictly military one at the

taining instead that these are just persons from Sardinia,

time of Merneptah in which the groups of the Sea Peoples

Sicily, and Etruria. As indicated by the subtitle of his

mentioned act as mercenaries or auxiliaries to the Libyan

book, according to Drews the real explanation of the catas-

king Meryre (= Meryey) – who himself takes with him his

trophe at the end of the Late Bronze Age constitutes a mili-

wife and children with the obvious intent of settling in the

tary innovation. In the palatial societies of the Late Bronze

Egyptian delta; and (2) a migratory one at the time of

Age empires, chariot warfare formed the heart and core of

Ramesses III in which at least some of the groups of the

the army, being supplemented only by infantry auxiliaries,

Sea Peoples mentioned are decided to settle in the Egytian

particularly handy for special tasks like guarding the camp

40

site or manoeuvring in mountainous terrain. At the end of

ics). In my opinion, his military explanation of the catas-

the Bronze Age, however, a new style of infantry is intro-

trophe, stressing the advancement of infantry, would gain a

duced with, amongst others, round shields, slashing

lot if the groups were indeed cohesive. In a contribution to

swords, metal greaves, and javelins, which can outmatch

the Journal of Near Eastern Studies 59 of 2000, Drews

the until then unchallenged chariotry, especially by elimi-

elaborates his anti-migratory view on the catastrophe at the

nating the horses with javelins thrown in full run. In gen-

end of the Bronze Age.

eral, this shift from chariotry to infantry warfare during the

The treatment of the Philistines by Ed Noort in his

period from the end of the Late Bronze Age to the early

Die Seevölker in Palästina of 1994 is, like the work of

phase of the Iron Age is undisputable. But it did take place

Drews just discussed, characterized by the modern fashion

more gradually than Drews wants us to believe. In the first

to minimalize the migratory aspect of the catastrophe. In

place, especially the Egyptian pharaohs from the time of

the end, however, he cannot but admit that the Philistine

Ramesses II onwards were quick to adapt to the military

culture of the Early Iron Age is a mixture of an intrusive

innovations by hiring Sherden mercenaries from (as we

element from Crete, the Peleset, with the indigenous Late

will argue) Sardinia, who were specialists in the new style

Bronze Age population of Canaan. Consistently within this

of fighting. Secondly, certain groups that overran the Late

frame of reference, he considers the mention of Abimelech

Bronze Age states during the catastrophe, like the Kaskans

in the Bible as a Philistine ruler in the period of the Patri-

of Anatolia and the Philistines of Palestine, still used

archs an anachronism.

chariots in their army during the Early Iron Age. This be-

In his work of 1999 on Ugarit, Cyprus and the Ae-

ing so, it should not be overlooked that one of the greatest

gean, Hans-Günter Buchholz, specifically discussed the

military assets of the Sea Peoples was (as their name im-

problem of the Sea Peoples, especially in his concluding

plies) their sea power: once they had cleared the waters of

remarks (pp. 708-741), where he presents a wealth of re-

the eastern Mediterranean from enemy ships, they could,

cent literature. Like many of his predecessors, however, he

just like the Vikings in a later age, attack any location of

considers it an open question whether the Sherden and the

their choosing by hit and run actions, thus leaving the land-

Shekelesh originated from the West or not.

locked imperial armies no chance at a proper defence! An-

In 2000 appeared a collection of papers edited by

other point of criticism of Drews’ views concerns his

Eliezer D. Oren entitled The Sea Peoples and Their World:

denial of a migratory aspect to the catastrophe, which leads

A Reassessment.79 Most shocking news is that Annie

him to the assertion that the Peleset and Tjeker were al-

Caubet informs us that the famous oven in Ras

ready living in Palestine during the Late Bronze Age – a

Shamra/Ugarit, in which tablets were found which pre-

supposition which, insofar as the period of Ramesses III is

sumably had a bearing on the last days of Ugarit, is not an

concerned, is simply untenable. As Drews himself admits,

oven at all but a ceiling from an upper storey. In addition

the innovative infantry is only effective when applied in

to this, Peter Machinist presents a valuable overview of the

“overwhelming numbers” (p. 211). Furthermore, the Pele-

sources on the Philistines in their pentapolis of Asdod, As-

set and the Tjeker are never mentioned in contemporary

kelon, Gaza, Ekron, and Gath. Also worthy of note here,

Late Bronze Age texts, thanks to which the situation in the

finally, is the fact that Shelley Wachsmann takes up the

Levant before the catastrophe is reasonably clear; for the

suggestion by Kimmig, again, that the ship(s) of the Sea

Peleset, Drews can only fall back on the Biblical account

Peoples as depicted at Medinet Habu are characterized by

of the Philistine ruler Abimelech from the times of Abra-

Urnfield influence for their having a bird head ornament at

ham and Isaac, which, however, is a patent anachronism.

the stern as well as the prow.

Finally, as we have just noted, in the period of Ramesses

The latest publication on the topic I know of is Eric

III some of the groups of the Sea Peoples clearly had the

H. Cline’s and David O’Connor’s contribution to a collec-

intention to settle in the Egyptian delta as evidenced by the

tion of papers edited by David O’Connor and Stephen

oxcarts with women and children depicted on the enemy’s

Quirke entitled Mysterious Lands, which appeared in 2003.

side in the reliefs of Medinet Habu. Of special interest to

This presents a handy and up-to-date overview of the

our main theme is the fact that Drews denies that the per-

Egyptian sources on the Sea Peoples, but, as it leaves out

sons referred to by the ethnonyms which belonged to the Sea Peoples “were ever a cohesive group” (p. 71; my ital-

79 Cf. Barako 2004.

41

all the relevant evidence from other sources, it fails to answer the question of their origins – not to mention that of their ethnicity. Whilst we are writing this overview of the literature of the Sea Peoples, a new major study on the topic has been announced by Killebrew et al. (in preparation), but it had not yet appeared.

42

5. CONTEMPORARY SOURCES The contemporary sources with a bearing on the period of

“[Year 5, 2nd month of] Summer, day (1), as follows: the wretched, fallen chief of Libya, Meryey, son of Ded, has fallen upon the country of Tehenu with his bowmen (…) Sherden, Shekelesh, Ekwesh, Lukka, Teresh, taking the best of every warrior and every man of war of his country. He has brought his wife and his children (…) leaders of the camp, and he has reached the western boundary in the fields of Perire.”81

the upheavals of the Sea Peoples at the end of the Late Bronze Age are threefold: Egyptian, Cypro-Minoan, and Ugaritic. Egyptian records inform us about the Libyan attack supported by allies or mercenaries from the Sea Peoples in year 5 of the reign of Merneptah (= 1208 BC), about the ultimate combined land- and seaborne attack of the Sea Peoples themselves in years 5 and 8 of the reign of

In conjunction with the information from the so-called

Ramesses III (= 1179 BC and 1176 BC), and, in the form

Athribis stele (numbers between parentheses), the count of

of the Wen Amon story, about the immediate aftermath of

the victims (lines 52-54) can be reconstructed as follows:

the crisis. Next, in Cypro-Minoan documents we encounter

Libyans 6359, Shekelesh 222 (200), Teresh 742 (722), Ekwesh (2201), Sherden – ( – ).82

representatives of the Sea Peoples engaged in maritime trade in the interlude between the Libyan invasion from the reign of Merneptah and the ultimate combined land- and

Note that the allies of the Sea Peoples are explicitly re-

seaborne attack from the reign of Ramesses III. Finally,

ferred to as being circumcised, for which reason their hands instead of their penises are cut off and counted.83

Ugaritic letters vividly describe the situation just before the ultimate attack by the Sea Peoples on Egypt in the reign of Ramesses III. I will present the Cypro-Minoan and

Cypro-Minoan

Ugaritic texts both in transliteration and translation, whereas in connection with the Egyptian ones I will con-

The Cypro-Minoan documents bearing testimony of repre-

fine myself to the translation only as a transliteration of the

sentatives of the Sea Peoples engaged in maritime trade

full set is, to the best of my knowledge, yet to be pub-

come from Enkomi (cylinder seal Inv. no. 19.10) and

lished.

Kalavassos (cylinder seal K-AD 389) in Cyprus and Ras Shamra/Ugarit (tablet RS 20.25) on the adjacent coast of the Levant. Of these documents, two were discovered in a datable context, the Kalavassos cylinder seal in an ashlar

Egyptian

(= dressed stone) building abandoned at the end of Late Cypriote IIC and the tablet from Ras Shamra/Ugarit in the

The chief source on the Lybian invasion is formed by the

remains of an archive of a villa in the residential area east

great historical inscription of Merneptah (1213-1203 BC)

of the palace, destroyed, like the entire town, at the end of

inscribed on a wall of the main temple at Karnak (Thebes).

the Late Bronze Age.84 Accordingly, we arrive at a date of

The inscription consists of 79 lines in sum, but unfortu-

c. 1180 BC as a terminus ante quem for the recording of

nately the text is only lacunarily preserved, about half of it being lost.80 The following two passages are relevant to our subject:

81 Breasted 1927: Vol. III, no. 574; Davies 1997: 155; cf. Drews

1993a: 49.

Karnak inscription

82 Breasted 1927: Vol. III, nos. 588, 601; Davies 1997: 163; cf.

Lehmann 1979: 490; Drews 1993a: 49.

Lines 13-15

83 Widmer 1975: 71, note 23. 84 For the exact location of tablet RS 20.25, see Buchholz 1999:

80 Schulman 1987: 23.

134-5, Abb. 34 (TCM).

43

these texts.85 That the Enkomi cylinder seal belongs to the

corded “on behalf” of the person in question: samuri

same chronological horizon is indicated by the fact that

manekaasi “on behalf of the Samian, representative of

some of the persons mentioned in its text also figure in the

the Maeonians (?)” in the text of the Enkomi cylinder seal,

texts of the Kalavassos cylinder seal and the tablet from

Remi taasa wetuti wasaka “on behalf of Remus, governor

Ras Shamra/Ugarit.

of this town” in the text of the Kalavassos seal, and Akami

The relationship between these three texts not only

pini Mali ati pini Apesa “on behalf of Akamas, representa-

involves the mention of the same persons, but also entails

tive of Malos and representative of Ephesos” in the text of

the underlying structure of recording.86 Thus, in all three

the tablet from Ras Shamra/Ugarit.89 If there are more de-

there can be distinguished basically four types of informa-

liverers, as in the case of the Enkomi and Kalavassos cyl-

tion, (1) heading(s), (2) indications of deliverers, (3) indi-

inder seals, these are likewise intended to be in the dative –

cations of recipients, and (4) indications of products. The

even if this case is not always properly indicated by over-

headings are mostly singled out as such by the locative in

sight or because of sloppiness. The recipients, distin-

-ti: Umi(a)tisiti “at Amathus” in the texts of the Enkomi

guished as such by the fact that they follow the deliverers

and Kalavassos cylinder seals, and Lamiyaneti kapariti “at

after a punctuation mark and/or a transaction term (telu, PI,

the Lamiyan trade centre” in the text of the tablet from Ras

etc.), are also rendered in the dative case, either in -ti90 or

Shamra/Ugarit.87 Of the deliverers, only the name of the

in -we91 as in the text of the Enkomi cylinder seal, or also

scribe, who identifies himself by the Luwian personal pro-

in -i as in the text of the Kalavassos seal, or exclusively in

noun of the 1st person singular emu or -mu “I”, is pur-

-i as in the text of the tablet from Ras Shamra/Ugarit –

posely put in the nominative – written without its proper

with only a few exceptions from oversight or sloppiness.

ending -s according to the standards in Linear B and Lu-

E.g.: Sanemeti Sikerisikaasi “to Sanemas, representative of

wian hieroglyphic at the time. Thus: Pika, tamika Likike -

the Shekelesh” and Lemapesiti Talimetu/natewe Sekeriya-

mu “Pi®as, I, trader from Lycia” in the text of the Enkomi

kati “to Lemapesi from Talmitesup’s town in Sangaria” in

cylinder seal, emu Sanema “I, Sanemas” in the text of the

the text of the Enkomi cylinder seal, Isimiriti mitisa “to the

Kalavassos cylinder seal, and Wesa -mu “I, Wesas” in the

servant from Smyrna” and tameki Pesewe “to the

text of the tablet from Ras Shamra/Ugarit. As opposed to

Pisidian trader” in the text of the Kalavassos seal, and Isi-

this, the main deliverer next to the scribe is written in the

pali “to Isiba‘al” in the text of the tablet from Ras

Luwian dative in

-i,88

to stress that the transactions are re-

Shamra/Ugarit. Finally, the indications of products, often occurring in abbreviation and in combination with numbers, so far identifiable appear to have a bearing on the

85 Yon 1992: 120 dates the destruction of Ras Shamra-Ugarit bet-

for maru “wool”,

PA

for

pharweha “cloth”, pupuru “purple (colored cloth)”,

RI

for

cloth industry: ketu “cotton”,

ween 1195 and 1185 BC, but note that her dates of the Egyptian pharaohs are 4 years higher than the ones presented by Kitchen 1989, which are followed here. The destructions in Cyprus at the end of Late Cypriote II, assigned by Karageorghis 1992: 80 to c. 1190 BC, are likely to be synchronized with the destruction of Ras Shamra/Ugarit.

linon “linen”, and ception of

E

SA

MA

for sarara “spun flax” – with the ex-

for elaiwon “(linseed) oil” in the text of the

Enkomi cylinder seal and

WA

or wane “wine” in the texts

of the Kalavassos cylinder seal and the tablet from Ras

86 For a full treatment, see Woudhuizen 1992a: 94-145 and

Shamra/Ugarit.

Woudhuizen 1994. 87 This ending corresponds with the Luwian hieroglyphic locative

singular in –ti, as attested for the Cekke text, see Woudhuizen 2005: section 1.

89 For the improvement of our interpretation of this phrase, see

88 Bulgarmaden, phrase 10: MutiƗ MASANAWATIti “for the divine mountain Muti”, Bo÷ça, phrase 4: MASANARUWANTti “to, for

section 13, note 530 below. 90 This ending corresponds with the Luwian hieroglyphic dative

Runt”, Karaburun, phrases 8 and 9: SapiƗ H ANTAWATti “for king Sapis”, Bo÷ça, phrase 2: MASANATARH UNTti “for Tar®unt”, see Hawkins 2000: passim; Çineköy, phrase 10: parnàwai “for the house”, see Teko÷lu & Lemaire 2000: 988, etc.; also cf. Woudhuizen 2004b.

singular of the pronoun in -ti, see Meriggi 1980: 322-3. 91 This ending corresponds with the Sidetic dative singular in -va

as attested for the form TrataĞeva “for Tratases” in Sid. no. 3, line 1, see Woudhuizen 1984-5: 124.

44

Enkomi cylinder seal (Inv. no. 19.10) 1.

u-mi-a-ti-si-ti˚

“At Amathus.”

2.

ya-sa.sa-ne-me-ti/i

“(On behalf of) Iasos: to Sanemas, this,

3.

te/ma-li-ki-pi-ti/E

delivery to Malkipi(ya)s, (linseed) oil”

4.

i1-ma-[..].pe-pa-e-ru-

“I-ma-??: to Pe-pa-e-ru,

5.

ti/RI1[/]sa-mu-ri.

linen” “On behalf of the Samian:

6.

i/ti-pa-pi-ti/PA/

this to Tispapi(ya)s, cloth

7.

ke-tu/.PA/e1-ma-pi-

(and) cotton,: cloth to

8.

ti/SA/pi-ka.E/

Ermapi(ya)s, spun flax” “Pi®as: (linseed) oil

9.

sa-ne-me-ti/li-ki-ke(-)

to Sanemas” “I, trader from

10.

mu/ta-mi-ka.pu-pu-

Lycia: purple (colored) cloth

11.

ru/u-li-mu-te-we/u-

to U(wa)s from Urimu(wa)s’

12.

we/MA1/le(?)-ma1-pe-si-

town, wool to Le-ma1-pe-si

13.

ti/ta-li-me-tu(or na)-te-we

from Talmitesup’s town

14.

se-ke-ri1-ya-ka-ti ta-

in Sangaria” “Trader (from

15.

mi-ka.se-wa-ru a-

Lycia): (to) lord Akamas,

16.

ka-mu a-pe-si-ka-a-

representative of Ephesos,

17.

si ta-mi-ka.mi-we-tu(or na)-

trader (from Lycia): to Mi-we-

18.

we pa-ma1-ti -ma 2 I a-

tu/na and Ba‘am 2 (units of) I”

19.

ka-i1-ru-tu(or na).wa1-we-

“(On behalf of) A-ka-i-ru-tu/na: to

20.

ru-ti/ya-ru/ri1-ti-

Wa1-we-ru, master (?) from the

21.

si-te-we/e1-ka-ta-ti

town of Rhytiassos (and) to E1-ka-

22.

pe-lu ka-ta-ri[-te]-ti

ta, lord from the town of Gadara;

23.

ta-mi-ka.se-wa-ru-ti

trader (from Lycia): to the lord

24.

ka-ta-ri-te 3 PA ma-ne-

from Gadara, 3 (units of) cloth”

25.

ka-a-si sa-mu-ri.te-lu

“On behalf of the Samian, representative of the Maeonians

26.

sa-ne-me-ti si-ke-ri-

(?), delivery to Sanemas,

27.

si-ka-a-si sa-mu-ri

representative of the Shekelesh” “On behalf of the Samian”

Kalavassos cylinder seal (K-AD 389) 12.

u-mi-ti-si-ti sa-mi-

13.

ya we-tu-ti.i-le-mi

“At Amathus, for the Samian town.” “On behalf of Ilm (he brings)

14.

i se-mi/a ne-si-

this for Samos, i.e. for the Hittite

15.

ri sa-re-ki/[I] SA.

from Sarawa: I (and) spun flax.”

16.

i-ya/pi-ti(?)[

“These (products) he gives (…)

17.

[ ]/a[

(…), i.e. (…:)”

18.

i-le-mi/[le(?)]-mu-ne[-ti]

“On behalf of Ilm to (the servant from) Lemnos,

1.

i-le-mi/i-si-mi-ri-ti

on behalf of Ilm to the servant

2.

mi[-ti]-sa/i-a 2 I/SA;

from Smyrna: these 2 (units of) I

45

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

(and) spun flax;” “On behalf of Remus he brings divine wine in veneration to the goddess Artemis” “I, Sanemas, to Iasos, on behalf of Remus, governor of this town, to Smyrna: I (and) spun flax.” “(On behalf of) the governor himself being given this to the Pisidian trader: cloth”

re-mi/a-wa/mu1-sa-se wa-ne/e-we1/a-ti-mi-we1 mu1-sa/wa-si-ri-ti1 e-mu sa-ne-ma/ya-sa-ti re-mi/ta-a-sa/we[-tu]-ti wa-sa-ka/i-si-mi-ri[-ti] I SA.wa-sa-ka e-pe[-se]/pi-mi-se/i2 ta-me-ki/pe-se-we1 PA

Tablet RS 20.25 from Ras Shamra/Ugarit 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

Side A a-ka-mi/pi-ni/ma-li a-ti pi-ni/a-pe-sa PI. i-si1-pa-li. a-we1-ri/ma-ka-pi-ti1 a-ta-ta-ne/pi-ni/ta-si-ri i-si-pa-ti/pi-ni/u-ri2-ka-si1 pi-ni/u-wa1-ri. a wa1-sa PI/pi-ni/ka-pi-li wa1-ta-ri.i-li-si-ri/wa1-si-ri-ti1 ta-pa-ri/pi-ni/i-li-ta-ma-ne a-we-si-ri/pi-ni/me-ni-wa-ri

“On behalf of Akamas, representative of Malos and representative of Ephesos, he (= Wasas) gives to Isiba‘al; (at) the entrepôt of the frontier outpost to Adadanu, representative of tasiri; to Sipat, representative of urikasi; to the representative of the frontier outpost.” “Wasas, representative of the municipal cloth industry, gives in veneration to the Syrian god (?); to Tabaris, representative of ilitamane; to Awesiri, representative of meniwari.”

Side B la-mi-ya-ne-ti/ka-pa-ri-ti1 we-sa -mu PI i-li-ma-li-ki/pi-ni/la-mi-ya-ti a-ka-mi PI/pi-ni/ma-ki u-we1-ta-sa-li/ a-mu PI ma-sa-we-li a-pe-mu -ma/ZITI-si/ma-ki 3 PA NE WA1 ya-me-ri/pi-ni/ma-ki sa-si1-ma-li-ki/ME 2 NE/PA

“At the Lamiyan trade centre: I, Wesas, give to Ilimalik, representative of Lamiya; on behalf of Akamas I give to Uwatasalis, representative of the customs collector; I give to Masawalis and Apamuwas, officers (?) of the customs collector: 3 (units of) cloth, NE (and) wine; to Yameri, representative of the customs collector; to Sasimalik: 2 (units of) ME, NE (and) cloth.”

The fragmentarily preserved tablet 1687 from Enkomi, in-

the foundation course of a hearth outside its proper context

scribed in the so-called Cypro-Minoan II script or Linear

in an Enkomi IIIA (= Late Cypriote IIIA) level, postdating

D, appears to contain correspondence dealing with a naval

the period of upheavals of the Sea Peoples.93

battle in the waters of southwest Asia

Minor,92

and hence

may plausibly be assigned to the same period as the Uga ritic correspondence given below. The tablet is found in

92 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 98-110; Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 93 Dikaios 1971: 885; Pl. 317.

64, note 39; Woudhuizen 1992a: 117.

46

Tablet 1687 from Enkomi Side A (15) a-ka-mu[/]e-le-ki/nu-ka-ru-ra/

“Akamas of Ilion, the great enemy, smote me.”

tu-pa-ta -mu Note that the phonetic reading of



KUR2.ME

in Ugaritic is nakrnj “enemies”, the root of which occurs here in variant nukar-

characterized by a/u-vowel change in combination with a suffixed form of Luwian ura- “great”.

Ugaritic The advent of the Sea Peoples in the eastern Mediterranean

seems clear from the contents that all four letters actually

waters is vividly described in four Ugaritic letters, three of

have a bearing on the city’s last days.

which (RS L 1, RS 20.238, RS 20.18) belong to the so-

The transcription of the texts, which varies in the dif-

called Rap’anu-archive, named after an Ugaritic dignitary

ferent publications, has been systematized and improved

living in the residential area east of the palace (Lehmann

by the Assyriologist Frans A.M. Wiggermann (letter d.d.

1979: 53; 59; cf. von Reden 1992: 266, Fig. 32), whereas

27 December 2003).

one (RS 34.129) originates from an archive which came to

Contrary to the sequence of their publication, I belief,

light as a result of military defense works in the south of

with Hoftijzer & van Soldt (1998: 343), that letter RS L 1

the city (Lehmann 1979: 481; Lehmann 1985: 32, note 64).

precedes RS 20.238, because in the latter an answer is

Although the destruction of Ras Shamra/Ugarit c. 1180 BC

given to the question from the former where the troops and

only serves as a terminus ante quem for both archives, it

the chariotry of the king of Ugarit are stationed.

RS 34.12994 1.

um-ma dUTU-ši-m[a]

“Thus says His Majesty, the

LUGAL GAL-ú

Great King.

a-na lúsà-ki-in-ni

Speak to the Prefect:

qí-bi-ma ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ 5.

10.

a-n[u]-um-ma it-tu-ka LUG[AL] EN-ka s̙̙e-® e-er

Now, (there) with you, the

mi-i[m-m]a la-a i-de

young. He knows nothing.

ù a-na-ku dUTU-ši a-na UGU-® i-šu um-da-e-ra-šu

And I, His Majesty, had

king your lord is (still too)

issued him an order

m

aš-šum ib-na-du-šu

concerning Ibnadušu,

ša LU2.MEŠ kur.uruši-ka-la-iu-ú

whom the people from

i[s̙̙] -bu-tu-šu-ú-ni ša i-na UGU-® i gišMA2.ME[Š]

ships – had abducted.

Šikala – who live on

us-bu-ú-ni ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ 15.

a-nu-um-ma n[i-i]r-ga-i-li

Herewith I send Nirga’ili,

it-tu-ia

who is kartappu with me, to



you.

kar-tap-pu

94 Malbran-Labat 1991: 38-9; cf. Dietrich & Loretz 1978.

47

a-na UGU-® i-ka um-da-e-ra-ku 20.

ù at-ta mib-na-du-šu

And you, send Ibnadušu,

ša LU2.MEŠ kur.uruši-ka-la-ú

whom the people from Šikala

is̙̙-bu-tu-šu-ni a-na UGU-® i-ia

had abducted, to me.

šu-up-ra-šu 25.

a-ma-te ša kur.uruši-ki-la

I will question him about the

a-ša-al-šu

land Šikala,

ù a-na ku-ta-li-šu

and afterwards he may leave

a-na kur.uruu-ga-ri-ta

for Ugarit again.”

i-tu-ur-ra 30.

i-ta-la-ka ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ (three erased lines)

RS L 195 1.

u[m-m]a LUGAL-ma

“Thus says the king [of

m

a-na am-mu-ra-pí LUGAL

Alashiya]. Speak to

kur

ú-ga-rít

Ammurapi, king of Ugarit:

qí-bi-ma 5.

¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ lu-ú š[u]l-mu a-na UGU-® i-ka May you be well! May the DINGIR-nu

a-na šul-ma-ni

gods keep you in good health!

PAP-ru-ka

¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯

10.

15.

ša tàš-pu-ra ma-a gišMA2.MEŠKUR2

Concerning what you wrote to

i-na ŠA3 A.AB.BA

me: “They have spotted

i-ta-am-ru-m[a]

enemy ships at sea”;

ù šúm-ma ki-it-tu

if they have indeed spotted

giš

ships, make yourself as

MA2.MEŠ

i-ta-am-ru

ù lu dú-nu-na[-ta]

strong as possible.

dan-níš i-na-an-n[a]

Now, where are your own

at-tu-ka [(x-x)]

troops (and) chariotry

ERIN2.MEŠ-ka

giš

GIGIR.M[EŠ-ka]

stationed?

a-ia-ka-ma-a

20.

aš-bu ul it-ta-ka-ma-a

Are they not stationed with

aš-bu i-i[a]-nu-um-ma-a i-na ® i?!-re-et lúKUR

you? If not, who will deliver

ma-am-ma ú-nam-maš-ka

Surround your towns with

URU.DIDLI.HI.A-ka BAD3.MEŠ

walls;

you from the enemy forces?

li-i-mi ERIN2.MEŠ

25.

ù gišGIGIR.MEŠ

bring troops and chariotry

i-na ŠA3 šu-ri-ib pa-ni



KUR

inside. (Then) wait at full

dú-gu5-ul

strength for the enemy.”

95 Nougayrol 1968: 83-9.

48

ù dú-nu-na-ta dan-níš ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯

RS 20.238 1.

a-na LUGAL kura-la-ši-ia a-bi- iʗa qí-bi-ma

Alashiya, my father: Thus

um-ma LUGAL kuru-ga-ri-it

says the king of Ugarit,

DUMU-ka-ma

your son.

“Speak to the king of

¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ 5.

a-na GIR3.MEŠ a-bi-ia a[m-qu]t a-na UGU-® i a-bi-ia lu-ú š[u]l-m[u

I fall at the feet of my father.

a-na E2.HI.A-ka NITLAM4.MEŠ-k[a]

May your estates, your

May my father be well!

ERIN2-ka

10.

consorts, your troops,

a-na gab-bi [m]im-mu-ú

everything that belongs to the

ša LUGAL kura-la-ši-i[a] a-bi- iʗa d[a]n-níš dan-níš

king of Alashiya, my father, be very, very well!

lu-ú šul-m[u] ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ a-bi a-nu-ma gišMA2.MEŠ ša 15.

lú.meš

KUR2

My father, now enemy ships

il-l[a]-ka

are coming (and) they burn

[U]RU.HI.A-ia i-na IZI : i-ša-ti

down my towns with fire.

i-ša-ri-ip

They have done unseemly

ù a-ma-at

things in the land!

[la]-a ba-ni-ta

20.

25.

[i-n]a ŠA3-bi KUR i-te-e[p]-šú a-bu-iʗa ú-ul i-[d]e

My father is not aware of the

ki-i gab-bu ERIN2.MEŠ E[N]

fact that all the troops of my

a-bi-ia i-na kur® a-at-ti

father’s overlord are stationed in Hatti and that all

aš-bu ù gab-bu gišMA2.MEŠ-[ iʗ] a

my ships are stationed in

i-na ku[r]lu-uk-ka-a

LukkƗ. They still have not

aš-bu [a-d]i-ni ul ik-šu-da-ni

arrived and the country is lying like that!

ù KUR-[t]u4 ka-am-ma na-da-at

My father should know these

a-bu-ia a-ma-at an-ni-ta5

things.

[l]u-ú i-de i-na-an-na

Now, the seven enemy

7

giš

MA2.MEŠ

ša

lú.meš

ships that are approaching

KUR2

[š]a il-la-ka-a[n]-ni 30.

have done evil things to us.

ù a-ma-at maš-ik-ta it-ep-šu-na-a-ši

35.

i-na-an-na šum-ma gišMA2.[MEŠ]

Now then, if there are any

ša lú.mešKUR2 ša-na-t[u4] i-ba-aš-ši-mi † é-m[a]

other enemy ships send me a report somehow, so that I will

[a-i]a-ka-am-ma šu-up-r[a]-ni

know.”

ù lu-ú i-de4 ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯

49

RS 20.18 1.

um-ma me-šu-wa-ra lú

MAŠKIM GAL

ša

“Thus says Eshuwara, the

kur

a-la-ši-a

chief prefect of Alashiya.

a-na LUGAL kurú-ga-ri-it

Speak to the king of Ugarit:

qí-bi-ma ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ 5

a-na ku-a-ša KUR-t[i]-ka4-ma

May you and your country be

lu-ú šul-mu

well.

¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ aš-šum a-ba-te.ME ša lúKUR2.ME

10.

As for the matter concerning

al-lu-ti DUMU.ME KUR-ti-ka4

those enemies: (it was) the

giš

people from your country (and) your own ships (who)

MA2.ME-ka4-ma

a-ba-ta an-ni-ta

did this!

i-te-ep-šu-ni ù i-te-eq-ta an-nu-ti DUMU.MEŠ KUR-ti-ka4

And (it was) the people i-[t]e-ep-šu

from your country (who) committed these transgression(s).

¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ ù it-ti-ia-ma 15.

So do not be angry with me!

lu la te-ze-em-me ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ ù i-na-an-na 20

20.

giš

MA2.MEŠ

But now, (the) twenty enemy ša



KUR2.ME

ships – even before they

i-na HUR.S[A]G.ME la-a-ma

would reach the mountain

it-ta[l-ka]-ni-me

(shore) – have not stayed

ù l[a] it-ta-za-za

around, but have quickly

ù ® a-mut-ta

moved on, and where they

it-ta-mu-uš-me

have pitched camp we do not

ù a-šar it-ta-dú-ú

know.

la ni-i-de4-me 25.

aš-šum ud-dá-i-ka4

I am writing to you to inform

aš-šum na-s̙̙a-ri-ka4

and protect you. Be aware!”

al-tap-ra-ku lu-ú ti-i-de4-me ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯ Translation of all four Ugaritic texts according to Hoftijzer & van Soldt 1998: 343-4

Egyptian Our main source on the upheavals of the Sea Peoples is

offers depictions of the battles and their description in text.

Ramesses III’s mortuary tempel at Medinet Habu,96 which

However, the monument commemorates not only the wars with the Sea Peoples from years 5 and 8 of Ramesses III’s reign (= 1179 BC and 1176 BC), but also preceding ones against the Nubians (considered to be fictitious) and the

96 i.e. Thebes.

50

whereas this cluster is followed by a town siege.98

Libyans (year 5) as well as successive ones against the Libyans (year 11), again, and the Asiatics (considered to be

fictitious).97

The information on the wars with the Sea Peoples of

The depictions of the land- and sea battle

Ramesses III’s Medinet Habu memorial is supplemented

against the Sea Peoples are located central on the outer

by the text of the Stele from Deir el Medineh and the Pa-

east side of the monument (nos. 31 and 37-9), whereas the

pyrus Harris.

texts describing the wars of year 5 and year 8 are situated on the inner west side of court 2 (nos. 27-8) and inner

Medinet Habu

north side of court 1 (nos. 44 and 46), respectively. Yet

Inscription of year 5 (= 1179 BC)

another text referring to a military engagement with Sea

“The northern countries quivered in their bodies, namely the Peleset, Tjek[er, …]. They were cut off their land, coming, their spirit broken. They were thr-warriors on land; another (group) was on the sea. Those who came on [land were overthrown and slaughtered]; Amon-Re was after them, destroying them. They that entered the Nile mouths were like birds ensnared in the net (…). Their hearts are removed, taken away, no longer in their bodies. Their leaders were carried off and slain; they were cast down and made into pinioned ones (…).”99

Peoples – this time in year 12 –, the so-called Südstele, can be found on the outer south side of the temple (no. 107) (Fig. 4).

Inscription of year 8 (= 1176 BC) “As for the foreign countries, they made a conspiracy in their isles. Removed and scattered in the fray were the lands at one time. No land could stand before their arms, from Hatti, Kodi, Karkemis, Yereth [= Arzawa], and Yeres [= Alasiya] on, (but they were) cut off at (one time). A camp (was set up) in one place in Amor. They desolated its people, and its land was like that which has never come into being. They were coming, while the flame was prepared before them, forward toward Egypt. Their confederation was the Peleset, Tjeker, Shekelesh, Denye(n), and Weshesh, lands united. They laid their hands upon the lands to the (very) circuit of the earth, their hearts confident and trusting ‘our plans will succeed!’ Now the heart of this god, the Lord of the Gods, was prepared, ready to ensnare them like birds. He made my strength to exist, while my plans succeed. (…). I organized my frontier in Zahi [= southern Levant], prepared before them, (to wit,) the princes, the commanders of the garrisons, and the Mariannu [= charioteers]. I caused the Nile mouth to be prepared like a strong wall with warships, galleys, and coasters, equipped, for they were manned completely from bow to stern with valiant warriors, with their weapons; the militia consisting of every picked man of Egypt, were like lions roaring upon the mountain tops. The chariotry consisted of runners, of picked men, of every good and capable chariot-warrior. Their horses were quivering in every part of their bodies, ready to crush the countries under their hoofs.

Fig. 4. Plan of Ramesses III’s temple at Medinet Habu, Thebes (after Cifola 1991: 12).

The scenes of the land- and sea battles are embedded in a pictorial narrative, which starts with the religious (1. command of the god, 2. pharaoh leaves the temple) and military (1. equipping the troops, 2. king’s departure, 3. march) preparations and ends with the military (1. seizure of prisoners, 2. celebration of victory, 3. return in triumph) and religious (presentation of prisoners to the god) outcome. The central military action in form of the land- and sea battle is broken in two by a lion hunt in the middle,

98 Cifola 1991: 15-6. 99 Edgerton & Wilson 1936: 30; cf. Breasted 1927: Vol. IV, no. 97 Widmer 1975: 68.

44; Pritchard 1969: 263; Strobel 1976: 8; Peden 1994: 17.

51

I was the valiant Montu [= war-god], standing fast at their head, so that they might gaze upon the capturing of my two hands; King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Usermare-Meriamon; Son of Re: Ramses III. As for those who reached my frontier, their seed is not, their heart and soul are finished forever and ever. As for those who came forward together on the sea, the full flame was in front of them at the Nile mouths, while a stockade of lances surrounded them on the shore, (so that they were) dragged (ashore), hemmed in, prostrated on the beach, slain, and made into heaps from tail to head. Their ships and their goods were as if fallen into the water. I made the lands turn back from mentioning Egypt; for when they pronounce my name in their land, then they are burned up. Since I have sat upon the throne of Harakhte [= manifestation of Horus] and the Great Enchantress [= uraeus] was fixed upon my head like Re, I have not let the countries behold the frontiers of Egypt, to boast thereof to the Nine Bows [= Egypts traditional enemies]. I have taken away their land, their frontiers being added to mine. Their chiefs and their tribespeople are mine with praise, for I am upon the ways of the plans of the AllLord, my august, divine father, the Lord of Gods.”100

Character’. It is Amon-Re who has overthrown for him the lands and has crushed for him every land under his feet; King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands: Usermare-Meriamon.”102 Depicted prisoners of war (Fig. 7): 1. chief of Hatti, 2. chief of Amor, 3. chieftain of the foe of the Tjeker, 4. Sherden of the sea, 5. chieftain of the foe Sha[su], 6. Teresh of the sea, 7. chieftain of the Pe(leset).103 Südstele, year 12 (= 1172 BC). Mention of Tjeker, Peleset, Denyen, Weshesh and Shekelesh.104

Stele from Deir el Medineh Pharaoh boasts of having defeated Peleset and Teresh who attacked Egypt.105

Papyrus Harris “I extended all the boundaries of Egypt: I overthrew those who invaded them from (or: in) their lands. I slew the Denyen in (= who are in) their isles, the Tjeker and the Peleset were made ashes. The Sherden and the Weshesh of the sea, they were made as those that exist not, taken captive at one time, brought as captives to Egypt, like the sand of the shore. I settled them in strongholds, bound in my name. Numerous were their classes like hundred-thousands. I taxed them all, in clothing and grain from the storehouses and granaries each year.” 106

Text to the scene of the land battle (Fig. 5) “His majesty sets out for Zahi like unto Montu, to crush every country that violates his frontier. His troops are like bulls ready on the field of battle; his horses are like falcons in the midst of small birds before the Nine Bows, bearing victory. Amon, his august father, is a shield for him; King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Ruler of the Nine Bows, Lord of the Two Lands (…).”101

The Wenamon story, as preserved on the Golenischeff

Text to the scene of the sea battle (Fig. 6)

papyrus, informs us about the period after the wars with

“Now the northern countries, which were in their isles, were quivering in their bodies. They penetrated the channels of the Nile mouths. Their nostrils have ceased (to function, so that) their desire is breathe the breath. His majesty is gone forth like a whirlwind against them, fighting on the battle field like a runner. The dread of him and the terror of him have entered in their bodies; (they are) capsized and overwhelmed in their places. Their hearts are taken away; their soul is flown away. Their weapons are scattered in the sea. His arrow pierces him whom he has wished among them, while the fugitive is become one fallen into the water. His majesty is like an enraged lion, attacking his assailant with his pawns; plundering on his right hand and powerful on his left hand, like Set[h] destroying the serpent ‘Evil of

the Sea Peoples, in which Egypt can no longer exert its power in its former dependencies along the coastal region of the Levant.

102 Edgerton & Wilson 1936: 41-2; cf. Pritchard 1963: 263. 103 Strobel 1976: 18; Sandars 1980: 106-7, afb. 68.

100 Edgerton & Wilson 1936: 53-6; cf. Breasted 1927: Vol. IV,

104 Kitchen 1983: no. 73, 9 f.; cf. Lehmann 1985: 23-4.

no. 64; Pritchard 1969: 262-3; Strobel 1976: 14; Drews 1993a: 51; Peden 1994: 29-31.

105 Lepsius 1900: Vol. III, 218c; Drews 1993a: 51.

101 Edgerton & Wilson 1936: 38; cf. Pritchard 1969: 263.

106 Breasted 1927: Vol. IV, no. 403; Strobel 1976: 18.

52

Fig. 5. Land battle scene of Medinet Habu (from Oren 2000: 96, Fig. 5.5).

Fig. 6. Sea battle scene of Medinet Habu (from Oren 2000: 98, Fig. 5.6).

Fig. 7. Prisoners of war: (a) Hittite, (b) Amorite, (c) Tjeker, (d) Sherden, (e) Shasu, and (f) Teresh (from Nibbi 1975: Pl. I).

53

Golenischeff papyrus

And the [Prince] of Byblos sent to me, saying: “Get [out of my] harbor!” And I sent to him, saying: “Where should [I go to]? (…) If [you have a ship] to carry me, have me taken to Egypt again!” So I spent twenty-nine days in his [harbor, while] he [spent] the time sending to me every day to say: “Get out (of) my harbor!” Now while he was making offering to his gods, the god seized one of his youths and made him possessed. And he said to him: “Bring up [the] god! Bring the messenger who is carrying him! Amon is the one who sent him out! He is the one who made him come!” And while the possessed (youth) was having his frenzy on this night, I had (already) found a ship headed for Egypt and had loaded everything that I had into it. While I was watching for the darkness, thinking that when I descended I would load the god (also), so that no other eye might see him, the harbor master came to me, saying: “Wait until morning – so says the Prince.” So I said to him: “Aren’t you the one who spend the time coming to me every day to say: ‘Get out (of) my harbor’? Aren’t you saying ‘Wait’ tonight in order to let the ship which I have found get away – and (then) you will come again (to) say: ‘Go away!’?” So he went and told it to the Prince. And the Prince sent to the captain of the ship to say: “Wait until morning – so says the Prince!” When morning came, he sent and brought me up, but the god stayed in the tent where he was, (on) the shore of the sea. And I found him sitting (in) his upper room, with his back turned to a window, so that the waves of the great Syrian sea broke against the back of his head. So I said to him: “May Amon favor you!” But he said to me “How long, up to today, since you came from the place where Amon is?” So I said to him: “Five months and one day up to now.” And he said to me: “Well, you’re truthful! Where is the letter of Amon which (should be) in your hand? Where is the dispatch of the High Priest of Amon which (should be) in your hand?” And I told him: “I gave them to Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded and Ta-net-Amon.” And he was very, very angry, and he said to me: “Now see – neither letters nor dispatches are in your hand! Where is the cedar ship which Ne-suBa-neb-Ded gave to you? Where is its Syrian crew? Didn’t he turn you over to this foreign ship captain to have him kill you and throw you into the sea? (Then) with whom would they have looked for the god? And you too – with whom would they have looked for you too?” So he spoke to me. But I said to him: “Wasn’t it an Egyptian ship? Now it is Egyptian crews which sail under Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded! He has no Syrian crews.” And he said to me: “Aren’t there twenty ships here in my harbor which are in commercial relations with Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded? As to Sidon, the other (place) which you have passed, aren’t there fifty more ships there which are in commercial relations with Werket-El, and which are drawn up to his house?” And I was silent in this great time. And he answered and said to me: “On what business have you come?” So I told him: “I have come after the woodwork for the great and august barque of Amon-Re, King of the Gods. Your father did (it), your grandfather did (it), and you will do it too!” So I spoke to him. But

“Year 5, 4th month of the 3rd season, day 16 [= 23rd year of Ramesses XI (1099-1069 BC)]: the day on which Wen-Amon, the Senior of the Forecourt of the House of Amon, [Lord of the Thrones] of the Two Lands, set out to fetch the woodwork for the great and august barque of Amon-Re, King of Gods, which is on [the River and which is named:] “User-her-Amon.” On the day when I reached Tanis, the place [where Ne-suBa-neb]-Ded and Ta-net-Amon were, I gave them the letters of Amon-Re, King of the Gods, and they had them read in their presence. And they said: “Yes, I will do as Amon-Re, King of the Gods, our [lord], has said!” I spent up to the 4th month of the 3rd season in Tanis. And Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded and Ta-net-Amon sent me off with the ship captain Mengebet, and I embarked on the great Syrian sea in the 1st month of the 3rd season, day 1. I reached Dor, a town of the Tjeker, and Beder, its prince, had 50 loaves of bread, one jug of wine, and one leg of beef brought to me. And a man of my ship ran away and stole one [vessel] of gold, amounting to 5 deben, four jars of silver, amounting to 20 deben, and a sack of 11 deben of silver. [Total of what] he [stole]: 5 deben of gold and 31 deben of silver. I got up in the morning, and I went to the place where the Prince was, and I said to him: “I have been robbed in your harbor. Now you are the prince of this land, and you are its investigator who should look for my silver. Now about this silver – it belongs to Amon-Re, King of the Gods, the lord of the lands; it belongs to you; it belongs to Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded; it belongs to Heri-Hor, my lord, and the other great men of Egypt! It belongs to you; it belongs to Weret; it belongs to Mekmer; it belongs to Zakar-Baal, the Prince of Byblos!” And he said to me: “Whether you are important or whether you are eminent – look here, I do not recognize this accusation which you have made to me! Suppose it had been a thief who belonged to my land who went on your boat and stole your silver, I should have repaid it to you from my treasury, until they had found this thief of yours – whoever he may be. Now about the thief who robbed you – he belongs to you! He belongs to your ship! Spend a few days visiting me, so that I may look for him.” I spent nine days moored (in) his harbor, and I went (to) call on him, and I said to him: “Look, you have not found my silver. [Just let] me [go] with the ship captains and with those who go (to) sea!” But he said to me: “Be quiet! (…).” (…) I went out of Tyre at the break of dawn (…). Zakar-Baal, the prince of Byblos, (…) ship. I found 30 deben of silver in it, and I seized upon it. [And I said to the Tjeker: “I have seized upon] your silver, and it will stay with me [until] you find [my silver or the thief] who stole it! Even though you have not stolen, I shall take it. But as for you, (…).” So they went away, and I joined my triumph [in] a tent (on) the shore of the [sea], (in) the harbor of Byblos. And [I hid] Amon-of-theRoad, and I put his property inside him. 54

Ta-net-Amon, the officers whom Amon put in the north of his land, and they will have all kinds of things sent. I shall send him to them to say: ‘Let it be brought until I shall go (back again) to the south, and I shall (then) have every bit of the debt still (due to you) brought to you.’” So I spoke to him. So he entrusted my letter to his messenger, and he loaded in the keel, the bow-post, the stern-post, along with four other hewn timbers – seven in all – and he had them taken to Egypt. And in the first month of the second season his messenger who had gone to Egypt came back to me in Syria. And Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded and Ta-net-Amon sent: 4 jars and 1 kak-men of gold; 5 jars of silver; 10 pieces of clothing in royal linen; 10 kherd of good Upper Egyptian linen; 500 (rolls of) finished papyrus; 500 cowhides; 500 ropes; 20 sacks of lentils; 30 baskets of fish. And she [= Ta-net-Amon] sent to me (personally): 5 pieces of clothing in good Upper Egyptian linen; 5 kherd of good Upper Egyptian linen; 1 sack of lentils; and 5 baskets of fish. And the Prince was glad, and he detailed three hundred men and three hundred cattle, and he put supervisors at their head, to have them cut down the timber. So they cut them down, and they spent the second season lying there. In the third month of the third season they dragged them (to) the shore of the sea, and the Prince came out and stood by them. And he sent to me, saying: “Come!” Now when I presented myself near him, the shadow of his lotus-blossom fell upon me. And Pen-Amon, a butler who belonged to him, cut me off, saying: “The shadow of Pharaoh – life, prosperity, health! – your lord, has fallen on you!” But he [= Zakar-Baal] was angry at him, saying: “Let him alone!” So I presented myself near him, and he answered and said to me: “See, the commission which my fathers carried out formerly, I have carried out (also), even though you have not done for me what your fathers would have done for me, and you too (should have done)! See, the last of your woodwork has arrived and is lying (here). Do as I wish, and come to load it in – for aren’t they going to give it to you? Don’t come to look at the terror of the sea! If you look at the terror of the sea, you will see my own (too)! Why, I have not done to you what was done to the messengers of Kha-em-Waset, when they spent seventeen years in this land – they died (where) they were!” And he said to his butler: “Take him and show him their tomb in which they are lying.” But I said to him: “Don’t show it to me! As for Khaem-Waset – they were men who he sent to you as messengers and he was a man himself. You do not have one of his messengers (here in me), when you say: ‘Go and see your companions!’ Now, shouldn’t you rejoice and have a stela [made] for yourself and say on it: ‘AmonRe, King of the Gods, sent to me Amon-of-the-Road, his messenger – [life], prosperity, health! – and WenAmon, his human messenger, after the woodwork for the great and august barque of Amon-Re, King of the Gods, I cut it down. I loaded it in. I provided it (with) my ships and my crews. I caused them to reach Egypt,

he said to me: “To be sure, they did it! And if you give me (something) for doing it, I will do it! Why, when my people carried out this commission, Pharaoh – life, prosperity, health! – sent six ships loaded with Egyptian goods, and they unloaded them into their storehouses! You – what is it that you’re bringing me – me also?” And he had the journal rolls of his fathers brought, and he had them read out in my presence, and they found a thousand deben and all kind of things in his scrolls. So he said to me: “If the ruler of Egypt were the lord of mine, and I were his servant also, he would not have to send silver and gold, saying: ‘Carry out the commission of Amon!’ There would be no carrying of a royal-gift, such as they used to do for my father. As for me – me also – I am not your servant! I am not the servant of him who sent you either! If I cry out to the Lebanon, the heavens open up, and the logs are here lying (on) the shore of the sea! Give me the sails which you have brought to carry your ships which would hold the logs for (Egypt)! Give me the ropes [which] you have brought [to lash the cedar] logs which I am to cut down to make you (…) which I shall make for you (as) the sails of your boats, and the spars will be (too) heavy and will break, and you will die in the middle of the sea! See, Amon made thunder in the sky when he put Seth near him. Now when Amon founded all lands, in founding them he founded first the land of Egypt, from which you come; for craftsmanship came out of it, to reach the place where I am, and learning came out of it, to reach the place where I am. What are these silly trips which they have had you make?” And I said to him: “(That’s) not true! What I am on are no ‘silly trips’ at all! There is no ship upon the River which does not belong to Amon! The sea is his, and the Lebanon is his, of which you say: ‘It is mine!’ It forms the nursery for User-het-Amon, the lord of [every] ship! Why, he spoke – Amon-Re, King of the Gods – and said to Heri-Hor, my master: ‘Send me forth!’ So he had me come, carrying this great god. But see, you have made this great god spend these twenty-nine days moored (in) your harbor, although you did not know (it). Isn’t he here? Isn’t he the (same) as he was? You are stationed (here) to carry on the commerce of the Libanon with Amon, its lord. As for your saying that the former kings sent silver and gold – suppose that they had life and health; (then) they would not have had such things sent! (But) they had such things sent to your fathers in place of life and health! Now as for Amon-Re, King of the Gods – he is the lord of this life and health, and he was the lord of your fathers. They spent their lifetimes making offering to Amon. And you also – you are the servant of Amon! If you say to Amon: ‘Yes, I will do (it)!’ and you carry out his commission, you will live, you will be prosperous, you will be healthy, and you will be good to your entire land and your people! (But) don’t wish for yourself anything belonging to Amon-Re, (King of) the Gods. Why, a lion wants his own property! Have your secretary brought to me, say that I may send him to Ne-su-Ba-neb-Ded and

55

“We have come after the blasted ships which you are sending to Egypt with our opponents!” But he said to them: “I cannot arrest the messenger of Amon inside my land. Let me send him away, and you go after him to arrest him.” So he loaded me in, and he sent me away from there at the harbor of the sea. And the wind cast me on the land of Alashiya [= Cyprus]. And they of the town came out against me to kill me, but I forced my way through them to the place where Heteb, the princess of the town, was. I met her as she was going out of one house of hers and going into another of hers. So I greeted her, and I said to the people who were standing near her: “Isn’t there one of you who understands Egyptian?” And one of them said: “I understand (it).” So I said to him: “Tell my lady that I have heard, as far away as Thebes, the place where Amon is, that injustice is done in every town but justice is done in the land of Alashiya. Yet injustice is done here every day!” And she said: “Why, what do you (mean) by saying it?” So I told her: “If the sea is stormy and the wind casts me on the land where you are, you should not let them take me in charge to kill me. For I am a messenger of Amon. Look here – as for me, they will search for me all the time! As to the crew of the Prince of Byblos which they are bent on killing, won’t its lord find ten crews of yours, and he also kills them?” So she had the people summoned, and they stood (there). And she said to me: “Spend the night (…).” (…)”

in order to ask fifty years of life from Amon for myself, over and above my fate.’ And it shall come to pass that, after another time, a messenger may come from the land of Egypt who knows writing, and he may read your name on the stela. And you will receive water (in) the West, like the gods who are here!” And he said to me: “This which you have said to me is a great testimony of words!” So I said to him: “As for the many things which you have said to me, if I reach the place where the High Priest of Amon is and he sees how you have (carried out this) commission, it is your (carrying out of this) commission (which) will draw out something for you.” And I went (to) the shore of the sea, to the place where the timber was lying, and I spied eleven ships belonging to the Tjeker coming in from the sea, in order to say: “Arrest him! Don’t let a ship of his (go) to the land of Egypt!” Then I sat down and wept. And the letter scribe of the Prince came out to me, and he said to me: “What is the matter with you?” And I said to him: “Haven’t you seen the birds go down to Egypt a second time? Look at them – how they travel to the cool pools! (But) how long shall I be left here! Now don’t you see those who are coming to arrest me?” So he went and told it to the Prince. And the Prince began to weep because of the words which were said to him, for they were painful. And he sent out to me his letter scribe, and he brought to me two jugs of wine and one ram. And he sent to me Ta-net-Not, an Egyptian singer who was with him, saying: “Sing to him! Don’t let his heart take on cares!” And he sent to me, say: “Eat and drink! Don’t let your heart take on cares, for tomorrow you shall hear whatever I have to say.” When morning came, he had his assembly summoned and he stood in their midst, and he said to the Tjeker: “What have you come (for)?” And they said to him:

At this point the papyrus breaks off. Since the tale is told in the first person, it is fair to assume that Wenamon returned to Egypt to tell his story, in some measure of safety or success (Pritchard 1969: 25-9).

El-Amarna

Ramesses II

Merneptah

Lukka

x

x

x

Sherden

x

x

Ramesses III

x

x

Shekelesh

x

x

Teresh

x

x

Ekwesh

x

Denye(n)

x

Tjeker

x

Peleset

x

Weshesh

x

Table 1. Overview of the mention of the Sea Peoples in the various Egyptian sources from the Late Bronze Age.

56

6. LUKKA AND THE LUKKA LANDS Since the time of Emmanuel de Rougé, who wrote in 1867,

coast. This seems to have formed part of Lukka according

the Lukka have straightforwardly been identified with the

to the combined evidence of El-Amarna text no. 38 and RS

Lycians.107

The latter are known from Homeros onwards

20.238 from Ras Shamra/Ugarit.113 Of these texts, the first

to inhabit the valley of the Xanthos river and its immediate

one bears reference to piratical raids on Alasiya (= Cyprus)

surroundings in

Anatolia.108

As to the precise habitat of

and apparently on the Egyptian coast by the people of the

their equivalents in Hittite texts, Trevor Bryce has put for-

land of Lukki, which is therefore likely to have had a

ward two specific theses, namely (1) Lycaonia to the east

coastal zone. The second informs us that the king of Ugarit

and (2) Caria to the west of classical Lycia. Of these two

has sent his entire fleet to the waters off the coast of Lukka,

theses, the first one is primarily based on the fact that in a fragment of Hattusilis III’s (1264-1239 BC) annals, Keil-

presumably, as suggested by Michael Astour, in an attempt

schrifturkunden aus Boghazköy (= KUB) XXI 6a, the

gean into the eastern Mediterranean.114 If this latter sug-

Lukka lands (KUR.KUR

to ward off the passage of the Sea Peoples from the Ae-

MEŠ URU

gestion is correct, we are dealing here with the Lycian

Luqqa) appear in a para-

graph preceding one on military campaigns against countries like Walma, San®ata, and Walwara known from the

coast, indeed.

border description of the province of Tar®untassa – a Hit-

by Bryce occurred thanks to the recent discovery of a

tite province situated to the east of (the) Lukka (lands).109 The second thesis takes as its starting point that in the so-

monumental hieroglyphic inscription from the reign of Tud®aliyas IV (1239-1209 BC) at Yalburt in the neighbor-

called Tawagalawas-letter (KUB XIV 3), probably from

hood of Ilgın. As demonstrated by Massimo Poetto, this

BC),110

A dramatic change in the state of affairs as presented

people from

text, which deals with a military campaign in the Lukka

Luqqa) are mentioned directly follow-

lands (lúkaUTNAi), bears reference to the place names Pi-

ing the destruction of Attarima. In the same letter Attarima

nata, Awarna, Talawa, and Patara, which are identifiable

is associated with Iyalanda, which for its association with

with classical Pinale or Pinara, Arñne or Arna, Tlawa or

Atriya must be located close to Millawanda (or Milawata).

Tlǀs, and Pttara or Patara situated in the valley of the

If Millawanda (or Milawata) may be identified with classi-

lower Xanthos river.115 It further mentions the place names Luwanda and H walatarna, which correspond to

the reign of Muwatallis II (1295-1271 Lukka (LUMEŠ

URU

cal Miletos (as is commonly asserted by now), it follows according to this line of reasoning that people from Lukka

classical Loanda and ȋbide or Kaunos in the valley of the

must be situated in its immediate Carian hinterland.111

Indus river.116 There can be little doubt, therefore, that, re-

What strikes us about these suggestions is that precisely

gardless the blank in the archaeological record, the Lukka

the region of the Xanthos valley and its immediate sur-

lands are situated precisely within the confines of classical

roundings in the middle are left out – a situation which, for

Lycia proper. This conlusion receives even further empha-

the lack of remains of Late Bronze Age settlements here,

sis if Machteld Mellink is right in her identification of the

appears to be neatly reflected in the archaeological record

Siyanta river, which figures in the border description of

(but as we will see deceitfully so).112

Mira in Mursilis II’s (1321-1295 BC) treaty with Kupantakuruntas, with the Xanthos river.117 A question which remains to be answered is whether the expression “Lukka lands” designates the same geo-

Bryce makes an exception, though, for the Lycian

107 De Rougé 1867: 39. 108 Bryce 1986: 13 “There can be little doubt that for Homer Ly-

cia and the Xanthos valley were one and the same”.

113 Bryce 1992: 128-9; for EA no. 38, see Moran 1992: 111.

109 Bryce 1974: 397 (with reference to Cornelius); Bryce 1992:

114 Astour 1965a: 255; cf. Otten 1993; Keen 1998: 27.

121-3; cf. Otten 1988: 37-8.

115 Poetto 1993: 47-8 (block 9); 78-80. Note that these identifica-

110 Smit 1990-1 ; Gurney 1990.

tions are only partly followed by Keen 1998: 214-20.

111 Bryce 1974: 398-403; Bryce 1992: 123-6.

116 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 174; Woudhuizen 2004a: 30-1.

112 Bryce 1974: 130; cf. Keen 1998: 214.

117 Mellink 1995: 35-6.

57

graphical range as Lukka or a wider one. To answer this question, we have little evidence to go on, as the Lukka lands are mentioned only twice, (1) in the fragment of the annals of Hattusilis III, KUB XXI 6a,118 and (2) the annal-

“in these lands, the great kings of Hatti, my fathers (and) grandfathers, no one has marched”, with which reference is made to the region of Awarna, Pinata, and Talawa in the lower Xanthos valley.124 As opposed to this, the earlier section of his campaign in the Indus valley concerns an uprising of territory already within the Empire, as it is expressly stated to be apa muwa- “reconquer(ed)”.125 The inclusion of the land of Par®a in the Empire, as hinted at in the Bronze Tablet from Bo÷azköy/Hattusa, plausibly antedates Tud®aliyas IV’s Lycian campaign as recorded for the Yalburt text. Finally, as we have seen, Wiyanawanda already figures as a border town of the province of Mira in the times of Mursilis II. From this sequence of affairs, we may safely deduce that the Hittites slowly, but confidently, encircled the region of the lower Xanthos valley before they ultimately went over to conquer it. The rationale behind this is easily explained by the geographic situation, according to which the lower Xanthos valley is separated from the surrounding regions by a spur of the formidable Taurus mountains (see Fig. 8). As I have argued elsewhere, the conquest of the lower Xanthos valley is not an objective per se, but a prelude to Tud®aliyas IV’s CyprusAlasiya campaign, launched by him in the final years of his reign and made more permanent by his son Suppiluliumas II.126

istic hieroglyphic Yalburt text from the reign of Tud®aliyas IV. Now, it is interesting to observe that in the introductory section of the Yalburt text Wiyanawanda (= classical Oinoanda in the upper Xanthos valley) appears to be included in the Lukka lands,119 whereas in the hieroglyphic inscription of Suppiluliumas II (1205-1180? BC) from the Südburg in Bo÷azköy/Hattusa the same place name occurs alongside Lukka as a separate entity.120 This distinction may be further illustrated by the fact that in the afore-mentioned treaty of Mursilis II with Kupantakuruntas (CTH 68) Wiyanawanda is staged as a border town of the latter’s province Mira.121 Next, as we have noted above, in the Yalburt text the region of Loanda and ȋbide or Kaunos in the valley of the Indus river is likewise included into the Lukka lands. Finally, in KUB XXI 6a the hostile Lukka lands are mentioned in one and the same paragraph as Par® a, which is convincingly identified by Heinrich Otten with classical PergƝ in Pamphylia, on the eastern border of classical Lycia.122 It is interesting to observe in this connection that in his treaty with Kuruntas on the Bronze Tablet from Bo÷azköy/Hattusa, Tud®aliyas IV is announcing a military campaign against the land of Par®a, which, when conquered, will be included in the territory of Kuruntas’ province Tar®untassa.123 If we take this evidence at face value, it may reasonably be argued that Lukka refers solely to the lower Xanthos valley with Patara, Awarna, Pinata, and Talawa, whereas the Lukka lands includes the regions to the north, west, and east of Lukka proper. In the Yalburt text Tud®aliyas IV proudly stipulates: i-tá-i -pa-wa UTNA-ná-i URA+H ANTAWAT-i H Á(TI)UTNA à-mi-i mTÁ(TI) H UH A-i na4-à H WA-Ɨ-sa-® a H WÁ-Ɨ-tá

118 Note that Steiner 1993: 129 draws attention to yet another instance of the Lukka lands in Hittite cuneiform (KUB XXI 31), but the context is too fragmentary to be of any use here.

Fig. 8. Map of Lycia (from Mellink 1995).

119 Poetto 1993: 48-9 (block 9); 80; cf. Woudhuizen 1994-5: 176

(phrase 4); Woudhuizen 2004a: 28; 32. 124 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 179; Woudhuizen 2004a: 35-6 (phrase

120 Hawkins 1995: 22-3 (phrases 1 and 4); 29; 54; cf. Woudhuizen

42). Note that the mention of hostages from Pina (= hieroglyphic Pinata) and Awarna in the Milawata-letter (KUB XIX 55) plausibly postdates Tud®aliyas IV’s Lycian campaign as recorded for the Yalburt text, see Woudhuizen 2005: 115.

1994-5: 200 (phrases 1 and 4); Woudhuizen 2004a: 78; 83-4. 121 Heinhold-Krahmer 1977: 201; cf. del Monte & Tischler, s.v. 122 Otten 1988: 37-8; VIII, 60-2; Par® a along the Kaštaraya

river, corresponding to classical PergƝ along the Kestros in Pamphylia.

125 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 176; Woudhuizen 2004a: 42 (phrase 12).

123 Otten 1988: VIII, 63-4.

Woudhuizen 2004a: 31-2.

126 Woudhuizen 1994-5: 175; cf. Woudhuizen 1994: 524-6;

58

7. ETHNOGENESIS OF THE GREEKS The decipherment of Linear B by the British architect Mi-

riods, what distinguishes the transition at c. 2000 BC from

chael Ventris has proved that Greek existed as a language

the previous one at c. 2300 BC is the presence at some

from the second half of the 15th century BC onwards: the

sites of Mattpainted ware, originating from the Cycladic

earliest tablets are in fact from the Late Minoan II-IIIA1

islands, and a little imported or locally imitated Middle

period at Knossos in Crete (= c. 1450-1350

BC).127

The

Minoan IA ware. It further deserves notice that at Lerna in

question which will be addressed here is: when did the

a context to be dated after the destruction of the “House of

Greek language, and hence probably the Greek ethnos – in

the Tiles” bones have been found, first, in the Early Hella-

later times at least the Greek language is one of the most

dic III period, of a horse-like animal and later, in the Mid-

distinctive features of the Greek ethnos – , come into be-

dle Helladic period, of a true horse.

ing? Was it the result of an immigration by proto-Greeks

A majority of the archaeologists, led by Caskey, is of

into the region we call Greece, or are there other processes

the opinion that in the two aforesaid transitional periods a

at work? In order to tackle this question, we will look at

new people arrived in Greece, coming from the north or

the relevant archaeological, historical, and linguistic evi-

east or both, which spoke an Indo-European language, if

dence.

not already Greek then at least about to become Greek.128

From an archaeological point of view, there are three

This majority standpoint is challenged by the penetrating

periods which might be of relevance to our question: first

study of René van Royen & Benjamin Isaac, who convinc-

the transition from Early Helladic II to Early Helladic III

ingly demonstrated that the transition from Middle Hella-

(c. 2300 BC), then the transition from Early Helladic III to

dic to Late Helladic I, usually considered to be without a

Middle Helladic (c. 2000 BC), and finally the transition

true break, shows evidence of discontinuity in occupation

from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I (c. 1600 BC) (for

in about the same way as the two foregoing transitional pe-

alternative opinions focussing on different periods, see ad-

riods. Thus it happens that sites are abandoned (Argos) or

ditional note at the end of this section). All these three

destroyed by fire (Eleusis, Kirrha) at the time of the intro-

transitional periods in varying degrees show evidence of

duction of the Minoanizing Late Helladic I ware.129 An-

discontinuity in occupation. The type site for the transition

other new feature of this period, next to the Minoanizing

from Early Helladic II to Early Helladic III is Lerna, ex-

pottery style, is the introduction of new types of graves:

pertly excavated by the Americans under the leadership of

shaft graves, tholos- and chamber tombs – the latter for

John Caskey. Here the so-called “House of the Tiles” went

multiple burials. Of these, the shaft graves at Mycenae de-

up in flames and was covered by a tumulus, new house

serve special mention for their extremely rich contents:

forms were introduced, characterized by apsidal ends, a

clearly here were buried valiant warriors who appreciated

new pottery style was developed, first hand-made only,

luxuries inspired by as far away a country as Egypt (think

which is baptized Minyan ware, and a new type of burial

of the daggers with Nilotic scenes, the gold masks and

came into fashion, namely individual burials in cist graves.

Heinrich Schliemann’s observation that one of the corpses

In the following transition from Early Helladic III to Mid-

was mummified). As manifest from the scenes on the ste-

dle Helladic, the new features characteristic of Lerna and

lae which marked their graves, the dignitaries in question

some other sites, are also introduced at places that re-

were specialized in chariot warfare. In line with these find-

mained untouched in the first transitional period, some-

ings, there has come into being a minority view according

times, as at Eutresis, after a violent conflagration.

to which the arrival of the proto-Greeks in Greece consists

Although related cultural traits were introduced at both pe-

of a so-called takeover by a comparatively small but wellorganized chariot-brigade in the transitional period from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I. As a variant, more

127 For the correlation of archaeological phases and absolute

chronology, see Warren & Hankey 1989; note however that the lowering of the dates of Amenhotep III and Akhenaten as per Kitchen 1989 has its repercussions for the date of the transition from Late Minoan IIIA1 to Late Minoan IIIA2, which should likewise be lowered from c. 1370 BC to c. 1350 BC.

128 Caskey 1973. 129 Van Royen & Isaac 1979.

59

closely linked up with the given majority view, these in-

Cretan type and of which as many as 120 in sum have been

vaders are also considered non-Greek foreigners.

found, served export purposes for the at that time still pre-

In order to decide between these conflicting views, it

dominantly Minyan hinterland of Thebes.134 Finally, the

may be of relevance to determine who were the inhabitants

Thracian nature of the ancient population of Phokis may be

of Greece before the arrival of the proto-Greeks. The most

further enhanced by the fact that the Thracian tribe of the

serious attempt to tackle this question is formed by Jan

Abantes are recorded to have moved from their city Abai

Best’s investigation into the origins of the cultural traits of

in Phokis to Euboeia across the Euripos.

the Middle Helladic period, in casu Minyan ware, cist

It is rightly stipulated by Casson that there is also evi-

graves with individual burials and apsidal houses. The

dence of Phrygians among the earliest inhabitants of

closest parallels for these three features he was able to

Greece. Most famous in this respect is, of course, the case

trace in the northern Balkans in the period antedating their

of Pelops, after whom the Peloponnesos (= “island of

introduction into Greece. As this region in historical times

Pelops”) is named. In later times, the presence of the Phry-

is inhabited by Thracian tribes, Best extrapolated that

gian Pelops in southern Greece was no longer understood

bearers of the Middle Helladic culture in Greece were

and he was considered an immigrant from Anatolia – the

kinsmen of the

latter.130

This conclusion could be backed

later habitat of the Phrygians. But the fact that the Phry-

up by literary tradition, according to which, as first noted

gians were originally at home in southern Greece is duly

by Stanley Casson, central Greece had once been inhabited

indicated by scores of Phrygian place names (Azania,

by Thracians.131 Thus it is recorded that the Thracians

Mideia, Mopsopia, Olympia, Phrikion, Phrixa, Phrixos,

with Eumolpos and his son Ismaros were driven from

Phrygia) and personal names (Adrastos, Akrisios,135

Eleusis by the Athenian Erekhtheus, and that they took

Atreus, Azan, Azeus, Kelainos, Kharites,136 Khlǀris,137

refuge at the court of the Thracian king Tegyrios in Boeo-

Phorkys, Phrixos, Proitos) attested in the historical records.

tian Tegyra.132 Furthermore, the Thracian king Tereus is

In some instances, like a-da-ra-te-ja (= Greek AdrƗsteja)

of old situated at Daulis in Phokis, and the likewise Odry-

or a-da-ra-ti-jo (= Greek AdrƗstijos), u-ru-pi-ja (= Greek

sian royal name Sitalkas is recorded as an epiklesis of

Olumpia), ke-ra-no (= Greek Kelainos), and mo-qo-so (=

Delphi.133

The presence of the Thracian tribe of

Greek Mopsos) the ancient nature of these names can be

the Odrysians in Phokis is strikingly confirmed by evi-

emphasized by their occurrence or of that of related forms

dence from Linear B. On an inscribed stirrup jar from the

in Linear B.138 With the Thracians and the Phrygians, we

destruction layer of the “House of Kadmos” at Thebes,

have by no means exhausted the historical documentaries

dated c. 1350 BC, the ethnonym o-du-ru-wi-jo “Odrysian”

on the earliest inhabitants of Greece. Yet another group

is recorded. As another inscribed stirrup jar was found in

which figures prominently in the sources is that of the

Orkhomenos, it seems not unlikely to assume that the stir-

Leleges, who Herodotos (Histories I, 171) identifies with

rup jars from the “House of Kadmos”, which in fact are of

the Carians from the Cycladic islands. Their presence in

Apollo at

southern and central Greece may perhaps be reflected in 130 Best in Best & Yadin 1973; cf. Coles & Harding 1979: 132 f.

To the three given comparanda should be added the tumulus for elite burials as attested for Vraca in Bulgaria during the Early Bronze Age, i.e. either previous to or simultaneous with its introduction in southern Greece, see Coles & Harding 1979: 136, Fig. 47. Note that the tumulus ultimately constitutes a North Pontic steppe or Kurgan element, further represented by sherds of corded ware as recorded for Armenokhori in eastern Macedonia, Eutresis in Boeotia, and Agia Marina in Phokis at the end of the Early Bronze Age, see Sakellariou 1980: 151.

134 Woudhuizen 1989. 135 Brother of Proitos, see Sakellariou 1986: 133; cf. Akrisias, the

Phrygian name for Kronos according to a gloss by Hesykhios, see Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985: 91. 136 Cult installed by Eteokles of Orkhomenos, see Pausanias, Guide to Greece IX, 35, 1; cf. Old Phrygian agaritoi “ungracious (D. sg.)” in G-02, see Brixhe & Lejeune 1984. 137 Wife of Neleus, descendant of the Minyan royal house of Orkhomenos, see Pausanias, Guide to Greece IX, 36, 4 – 37, 1; cf. the Phrygian gloss glouros “gold” (< PIE *ghlǀro- or *g̗ hel-), see Haas 1966: 144, 209 and cf. Gamkrelizdge & Ivanov 1995: 618, from which it follows that the personal name is of the same type as Greek Khruseïs and English Goldy.

131 Casson 1968: 102-3. 132 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Eumolpos. 133 Note in this connection that one of the harbors of Delphi, Krisa, exemplifies a Thracian toponym originating from ProtoIndo-European [= PIE] *krs- “black”, see Detschew 1976, s.v. Krisos.

138 Woudhuizen 1993b.

60

the archaeological record by the Mattpainted ware, which,

colonized the rest of Greece.141 Secondly, Jan Best de-

as we have seen above, originates from the Cyclades as

fended the thesis that the proto-Greeks were identical with

well and of which the introduction, as we have just seen,

the Hyksos, the foreign conquerors of lower Egypt in the

distinguishes the transition from Early Helladic III to Mid-

Second Intermediary Period (c. 1720-1550 BC), who were

dle Helladic. As a complicating factor, it should be real-

driven from the country by the founder of the 18th dy-

ized that there are still more population groups mentioned

nasty, Ahmose, and with their kinsmen from Canaan and

in the historical sources which cannot positively be as-

Syria took refuge to the southern shores of Greece.142 Fi-

signed to either of the three tribes identified so far for the

nally, Frank Stubbings likewise painted the picture of a

lack of evidence. On the whole, however, it may safely be

conquest of the Argolid by displaced Hyksos leaders from

stated

and

Egypt, only he did not consider them proto-Greeks, but a

Leleges/Carians we have discussed the most prominent of

foreign warrior caste who, like they did in Egypt, adapted

the population groups present in Greece before the Greeks

to the culture and language of the host country.143 Of these

or living there simultaneously with the Greeks in their ear-

three theories, the last two take into consideration the well-

liest history.

known historical evidence of Danaos, the ancestor of the

that

with

the

Thracians,

Phrygians,

From a linguistic point of view, it deserves attention

Danaoi, coming from Egypt to the Argolid, and of Kadmos

that the Thracian language, although barely known, is con-

with his Phoenicians founding the city of Thebes. The va-

sidered of Indo-European stock and most closely related to

lidity of this literary evidence is strengthened a great deal

Phrygian, this to the extent that one speaks of the Thraco-

by the fact that the Mycenaean Greeks are referred to by

Phrygian language

group.139

As opposed to this, Carian,

the name Tanayu (T͑n3y) “Danaoi” in the Egyptian hiero-

which, it must be admitted, also largely eludes us because

glyphic inscriptions from the funerary temple of Amenho-

the script in which the language is recorded still goes un-

tep III (1390-1352 BC) at Kom el-Hetan in Egyptian

deciphered, is generally assumed to be a member of the

Thebes.144

Indo-European Anatolian group of languages, together

Which of the three models about what happened in

with Hittite, Luwian, and Palaic. As such, it may be held

Greece c. 1600 BC is the right one? In order to answer this

responsible for place names in -ss- and -nth- in Greece,

question, we will examine them a little closer, starting with

which are decidedly of Indo-European Anatolian type.140

the one presented by Drews. This author takes as his start-

Furthermore, one may be tempted to point to related Ly-

ing point the view of the linguists Thomas Gamkrelidze &

cian type of names like Glaukos (= Linear B ka-ra-u-ko),

Vjaþeslav Ivanov, who argued that the Greek language is

Lykaon, Pandion, Sandion, and Leda. At any rate, we ob-

closely related to Armenian on the one hand and Indo-

viously have to reckon with at least two distinct pre-Greek

Iranian on the other hand, and that the homeland of the

linguistic layers of Indo-European (= IE) stock, namely

proto-Greeks accordingly must be sought somewhere in

Thraco-Phrygian and IE Anatolian.

the region of what was once Armenia, just south of the

If the bearers of the Minyan culture of Middle Hella-

Caucasus. Here they found in abundance the different sorts

dic Greece are rightly identified as Thraco-Phrygians, then

of wood to build their chariots and the horses to drive

it necessarily follows that the view according to which the

them.145 A problem posed by this view is that at the time

Greeks arrived or otherwise came into being in the only

that Greek is supposed to have split off from the parent

remaining transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic

language and the proto-Greeks are supposed to have under-

I at c. 1600 BC must be correct. Therefore, let us take a

taken their journey to their new home in Greece, the Ar-

look at the various theories proposed. In the first place, Robert Drews in his stimulating monograph on the subject argued that the proto-Greeks were a chariot gang who

141 Drews 1988.

came by boat from Pontos to Thessaly, from where they

142 Best in Best & Yadin 1973. 143 Stubbings 1973.

139 Crossland 1971: 857; contra Polomé 1982a: 888.

144 Edel 1966; cf. Woudhuizen 1992a: 73; pace Strange 1980: 22, note 33; 148.

140 Laroche 1957: 7; Laroche 1961a: 91; cf. Woudhuizen 1989:

145 Drews 1988: 32 ff.; 200-1; since 1995 the work of Gamkre-

193-4.

lidze & Ivanov is available in English translation.

61

menians are not yet living in Armenia! As related by

character up to well in Late Helladic III. The centre from

Herodotos (Histories VII, 73), the Armenians are an

which Mycenaean influence radiates, ancient Iolkos in the

apoikia of the Phrygians, who prior to their migration to

south, is still characterized by Minyan cist graves as late as

the Anatolian plateau inhabited the Olympos region in the

the Late Helladic IIB-IIIA period, whereas a Mycenaean

borderland of northern Thessaly and southern Macedonia

palace is reported here only from Late Helladic IIB or

on the European continent, and before this, as we have

IIIA1 onwards.150 From an historical point of view, the

seen above, even the region as far south as the Peloponne-

persistence of Middle Helladic traditions in Iolkos during

sos. There is some evidence that the Phrygians entered

the earlier phase of the Mycenaean period coincides with

Anatolia already in the Late Bronze Age, as according to

the “Minysche Schicht” of its royal house as represented

Homeros they are situated along the banks of the Sangarios

by Kretheus, Pelias (= the brother of Neleus who with Pe-

in the period before the Trojan war (c. 1280 BC). Moreover, a Hittite text from the reign of Tud®aliyas II (1390-

lasgians settles at Pylos c. 1600 BC, see further below), and Akastos.151

1370 BC) or Arnuwandas I (1370-1355 BC) makes mention of a certain Mita (= Phrygian Midas) of Pa®®uwa, a

Finally, it is noteworthy that Drews heavily leans on the linguistic thesis put forward by William Wyatt, who

region to the northeast of the Hittite capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa.146 However, there can be no doubt that the

maintains that the Indo-European invaders of Greece knew

greatest surge of Phrygians into the highland of Anatolia

Wyatt arrived at this conclusion by comparing the words

took place only after the fall of the Hittite empire at the

for chariot and its major parts to that for the four-wheel

end of the Bronze Age, when, under the name of Muski,

mule wagon, from which comparison it appeared that the

they are recorded by the annals of the Assyrian king Ti-

first category is based on Indo-European roots, whereas the

glathpileser I (1115-1077 BC) to have reached the region

latter is not. However, the conclusion that the Greeks in-

of the upper Euphrates in great numbers. As cogently ar-

troduced these Indo-European words is only valid in case

gued by Igor Diakonoff, this particular historical event

there is no evidence of Indo-European speech in Greece

triggers the formative phase of the Armenian people, in a country formerly inhabited by Luwians and Hurrians.147

prior to the Greeks, as Wyatt explicitly asserts.152 In the previous pages, we have seen reason to believe that there

Another weakness in the scenario presented by Drews

were Indo-European speaking tribes in Greece before the

is formed by the crucial role he attributes to the Thessalian

arrival of the Greeks or their otherwise coming into being.

plain in the colonization of Greece by the proto-Greeks.

This nullifies Wyatt’s reasoning. As we have noted in the

Thus it is assumed that the proto-Greeks first arrive in

foregoing, the horse was already known in Greece from c.

Thessaly and from there go on to take over central and

2300 BC onwards. In line with this observation, it is of in-

Greece.148

the chariot and the horse when they first entered Greece.

This view is contradicted by the ar-

terest to note that the Greeks have preserved the old cen-

chaeological evidence, which clearly shows that the

tum form for “horse”, Mycenaean i-qo (= later Greek

Mycenaean culture first develops in the Argolid and only

hippos), instead of taking over the new Indo-Aryan satem

at a later time spreads to more northerly regions like Thes-

form aĞva- which came in vogue in other regions under the

saly.149

In fact, the plain of Thessaly, just like the hinter-

influence of the from the late 18th century BC onwards

land of Thebes, remains predominantly Minyan in

modern chariot warfare (cf. Luwian asuwa-).153 Further-

southern

more, the Greeks preferred their own word for the chariot itself, Mycenaean a-mo (= later Greek harma), instead of 146 Woudhuizen 1993b; contra Drews 1993b, who also denies the

European origin of the Phrygians on account of the fact that archaeological evidence, for which he is tendentiously looking only c. 1200 BC, is lacking.

150 Hope Simpson 1981: 161; Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 135; Papadimitriou 2001: 129; cf. Smit 1989. Note that Stubbings 1973: 642 is mistaken in assigning the Mycenaean palace at Iolkos to the transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I.

147 Diakonoff 1984 (65; 117 assigns a date of c. 1165 BC to the invasion of the Muski, which is incompatible with the reign of Tiglathpileser I, but suits their first mention in the Assyrian records, see Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 463).

151 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Iolkos. 152 Wyatt 1970.

148 Drews 1988: 192-4.

153 In the centum languages the palatals k̗, g̗, and g̗ h develop into

149 Dickinson 1977: 24.

gutturals, whereas in the satem languages they become assibilized.

62

adopting the then modern Indo-Aryan indication ratha-.

sic outline in harmony with the relevant archaeological and

More in general, I do not understand why Wyatt does not

historical data. In order to estimate its validity, however,

take into account the evidence from Kassite, where the

we have to go more into detail. As we have noted earlier,

parts of the chariot, with only one exception, are all indi-

the transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I c.

cated by Akkadian instead of Kassite words (Balkan 1954:

1600 BC shows evidence of discontinuity in occupation.

127-30).

From an historical point of view, it is highly interesting to

If we next turn to the scenario presented by Best, it

observe that precisely the sites which show discontinuity

first deserves our attention that identification of the proto-

of occupation figure prominently in the stories about the

Greeks with the Hyksos from Egypt and their kinsmen

foundation of new royal houses or a memorable war (see

from Canaan and Syria, contrary to Drews’ thesis, is in ba-

Fig. 9). The evidence may be summarized as follows:

site

1.

Argos

4.

Thebes KirrhaKrisa Pylos

5.

Eleusis

2. 3

conqueror(s)

subjected or expelled

Danaos from Egypt

Pelasgos or Pelasgiotans Hyantes and Aones women & daughters

Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Da-

Pylos with Leleges

Pausanias, Guide to Greece IV, 36, 1.

Eumolpos with Thracians

Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v.

Kadmos with Phoenicians Cretans from Knossos Neleus with Pelasgians from Iolkos Erekhtheus from Athens

source naos. Pausanias, Guide to Greece IX, 5, 1. Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo 388 ff.

Eumolpos.

Table 2. Literary traditions with a bearing on the transition from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I, c. 1600 BC.

Square symbols: pottery in combination with architectural remains (Pylos, Kirrha, Thebes, Eleusis, and Athens). Triangular symbols: pottery in shaft graves, tholos- and chamber tombs (Koryphasion, Peristeria, Epidauros Limera, Lerna, Mycenae, Prosymna, and Thorikos). Sources: van Royen & Isaac 1979 and Hope Simpson 1981.

With respect to this overview it must be admitted that the association of Danaos with Argos is problematic, since the latter site is abandoned in the earliest phase of the Mycenaean period. Probably Argos has seized the myth at the expense of some other site in the Argolid. Furthermore, Thebes is not included in the list of sites which lent itself to a continuity/discontinuity analysis by van Royen & Isaac, even though it might be pointed out that the different orientation of the earliest Mycenaean walls as compared to their Middle Helladic predecessors rather suggests discon-

Fig. 9. Distribution of centres of radiation of Late Helladic I material.

63

tinuity.154 However this may be, what primarily concerns

effectuated by intermarriage (the mother of Eurystheus,

us here is the fact that in three instances the conquerors are

Nikippe, is claimed to be a daughter of Pelops). On the ba-

explicitly identified as foreigners, whereas in two instances these are just locals from Greece itself. From an archaeo-

sis of the probable mention of Atreus in an Hittite text from the reigns of Tud®aliyas II (1390-1370 BC) and Ar-

logical point of view, the latter adapted to the Mycenaean

nuwandas I (1370-1355 BC), where he occurs in the form

culture developed under the influence of the foreign invad-

of Attarissiyas, this takeover by the Pelopids may safely be

ers pretty quickly, so that they may fruitfully be consid-

assumed to be anterior to the late 15th century BC or be-

ered as local allies. In linguistic terms, these local allies

ginning of the 14th century BC – in fact it may perhaps

can, of course, not be held responsible for the introduction

even be surmised to have its archaeological reflection in

of the Greek language in Greece, which, in line with Best’s

the shift from shaft graves to tholos tombs, which occurred

scenario, must have been the privilige of the foreign invad-

in Late Helladic IIA.157 Because Danaos is reported to

ers. Hence, let us take a closer look at them.

have come from Egypt, it has been plausibly assumed that

What can be said about the language(s) of the foreign

he represents a conquest of the Argolid by the Hyksos, the

invaders? One group, which settled in Krisa, is straight-

foreign rulers of lower Egypt who were kicked out at about

forwardly identified as Cretans from Knossos. These may

the time of the shaft graves in Mycenae.

safely be assumed to have spoken one of the languages

Our question, therefore, is: who were the Hyksos? For

current on the island before the introduction of Linear B c.

sure, there was a Semitic component among them, as the

1450 BC, recorded for documents in Linear A and Cretan

first element of the name of one of their kings, Yakob-Har,

hieroglyphic, respectively. A good case can be made that

strikingly recalls Biblical Jakob.158 In addition to this, there may have been a Hurrian component among them: as

Linear A contains a west-Semitic idiom, whereas Cretan hieroglyphic probably bears testimony of both westSemitic and Luwian (see further section 12 below).155 At

pointed out by Wolfgang Helck, the sister and daughter of the Hyksos king Apophis bore Hurrian names.159 It is even

any rate, one thing is clear: our Cretans from Knossos did

possible that there was an Indo-European component

not speak a Greek vernacular. Next comes Kadmos with

among them, to be more specific of the Indo-Aryan type:

his Phoenicians. Taking this tradition at face value, the

thus Drews draws our attention to the fact that the Indo-

conquerors of Thebes are likely to have spoken a Semitic

Aryan term marya is used in Egyptian texts to indicate a

tongue. In fact, the name of Kadmos himself has been co-

charioteer or chariot fighter160 (note in this connection that

gently interpreted as representing the Semitic root qdm

the distribution of Indo-Aryan names [especially with the

“east”, whereas that of his sister Europa, whom he was so

elements aĞva- and ratha-] and terms over the Near East is

desparately looking for, may likewise be based on a Se-

intrinsically linked up with the spread of chariot warfare –

mitic stem, viz. ‘rb “west” (in Astour’s explanation, these

the latter being introduced in Egypt by the Hyksos).161

names stand for the morning and evening star, respectively, of which the one seems to follow the other endlessly). Furthermore, Kadmos is held responsible for the

157 Hope Simpson 1981: 14.

introduction of the mystery cult of the Kabeiroi, the great

158 Redford 1992: 98-122.

gods whose name recalls Semitic kbr “great”.156 Again,

159 Helck 1971: 101; contra van Seters 1966: 182-3, who considers the names in question west-Semitic. It is interesting to note in this connection that, as remarked by Stubbings 1973: 637, the Egyptian name Apophis occurs in Greek mythology in form of Epaphos (or Epopeus).

not a trace of the Greek language. Remains the case of Danaos, after whom the Greeks were named Danaoi. First of all, it is interesting to note that the royal house he founded in Mycenae ends with the reign of Eurystheus, af-

160 Drews 1988: 151.

ter whom the originally Phrygian, but by now fully Myce-

161 Mayrhofer 1974; considering the personal names Tar®undaradus, Piyamaradus, and Rhadamanthys, apparently based on the onomastic element ratha- “chariot”, the Indo-Aryan influence may even be assumed to have radiated to the Aegean, though, as we have seen, not to the Greek mainland. This latter suggestion is further enhanced by Schachermeyr’s (1984 : 98) and Latacz’s (2003: 312) identification of the Cretan personal name Meriones as a reflex of Indo-Aryan maryannu. As duly stressed by

naeanized, Pelopids take over: a clear instance of a reflux, 154 Symeonoglou 1973: 14-5; fig. 3. 155 Best & Woudhuizen 1988; Best & Woudhuizen 1989; Woudhuizen 2001b. 156 Astour 1965b; cf. Edwards 1979.

64

Evidently, the Hyksos were a highly mixed company. But

centum language.164 The same holds good for Thracian,

of all the things it may be, there is not a shred of evidence

which in an early inscription from Kjolmen shows the

for proto-Greek among them (the comparison of the Uga-

form ekoa “mare” (< PIE *ek̗wo-).165 Another outstanding

ritic royal name Niqmadu to Greek Nikomedes is an ingen-

feature is formed by the relative pronoun, in which respect

ious but futile attempt, not taking into account the fact that,

Phrygian with the form ios or yos exhibits a particular af-

considering the royal name Niqmepu as attested for

finity to the Mycenaean forerunner of later Greek hos, i.e.

Aleppo, the first element of the name appears to be

jo- as represented in the composite jo-qi (the use of these

Niqm-).162 And this is exactly the component which ac-

forms instead of reflexes of PIE *kwi- or *kwo- is an inno-

cording to the scenario of Best was so dominant that it

vation which Greek and Phrygian share with Indo-Iranian,

planted its language on the whole population of Greece. If

which has ya-).166 This Phrygian affinity to particularly

proto-Greeks were present among the Hyksos at all, and if

Mycenaean Greek can be further illustrated by the se-

they entered Greece, I think their numbers must be as-

quence lavagtaei vanaktei (D sg. in -i) from a dating for-

sumed to have thinned out to homeopathic proportions!

mula, the roots of which strikingly recall the Mycenaean

The third and final model is that of Stubbings, who, in

titulary expressions ra-wa-ke-ta (= Greek lƗvƗgetƗs)

line with Best, paints the picture of a military conquest of

“leader of the host” and wa-na-ka (= Greek (v)anaks)

the Argolid by displaced Hyksos rulers, but, contrary to

“king”, respectively. The preservation of the wau, a typical

Best, does not consider them proto-Greeks but simply for-

archaic feature, also characterizes Phrygian forms like

eigners who were not numerous enough to cause a lan-

ev(e)- (cf. Greek eu- “good”), venavtun (cf. Greek heauton

guage shift. The immediate consequence of this view is

“himself”), vetei (cf. Greek etos “year”), otuvoi (cf. Greek

that Greek developed from the languages of the population

ogdoos “eighth”), etc.167 Of these forms venavtun (with

groups already present in Greece at the time of the take-

first element ven- < PIE *swe-) is also interesting in an-

over by the foreign military caste, in casu Thraco-Phrygian

other respect, as it shows the loss of the initial s which in

and IE Anatolian. As a matter of fact, of these two lan-

Greek becomes h (a development which Greek has in

guages Thraco-Phrygian is so closely related to Greek that

common with Iranian and Armenian).168 Furthermore, it

it must be assumed to have once formed a linguistic con-

may be pointed out that both Phrygian and Thracian share

tinuum with the latter. The similarity of Greek to Phrygian

with Greek the use of the augment in the indicative of the

was noted already by the ancient Greeks themselves. Thus

past tense, cf. Phrygian edaes “he dedicated” and Thracian

Plato makes Socrates remark in a dialogue that the Phry-

edakat “he made” (this is again an innovation which Greek

gians have the same word slightly changed for pur “fire”,

and this time Thraco-Phrygian share with this time San-

hudǀr “water” and kunes “dogs” and many other words.163

skrit).169 If we realize, finally, that medio-passive forms in

Especially the case of kunes (< PIE *k̗(u)won-) is interest-

-tor reported for Neo-Phrygian are problematic as Old

ing, because it demonstrates that Phrygian, like Greek, is a 164 Note, however, that in New Phrygian satem influences as wit-

Drews 1988: 96-7, the temporary military superiority of the IndoAryan invaders, probably originating from the Transcaucasian steppes, during the late 18th and early 17th centuries BC is based on their combination of the Near Eastern war-chariot with horsecontrol in the form of the bit – a steppe innovation – , of which the seal impressions and seal depicted in Littauer & Crouwel 1979: figs. 33-4 and 36 bear testimony, whereas their Near Eastern opponents up to that time were accustomed to the technical inferior nose-ring, see, for example, the sealing depicted in Littauer & Crouwel 1979: fig. 29.

nessed by the form seiti < PIE *k̗ei- “to lie, to be put to rest” may have slipped in, see Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985: 132-3. 165 Woudhuizen 2000-1. Like it is the case with Phrygian (see the previous note), in the late period satem influences, as represented by esbi- “horse”, may have slipped in, see Detschew 1976: 171. 166 Crossland 1971: 866; cf. Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 339;

345. 167 Woudhuizen 1993b. The given examples are based on the Old

Phrygian texts (8th-6th centuries BC) as discussed in Woudhuizen 1993a. I have purposely avoided to make use of parallels from New Phrygian texts (2nd-3rd centuries AD), because, under the overwhelming influence of Hellenism, this is actually on the way of becoming a provincial form of Greek.

162 Best 1992-3. Note, however, that the ethnonym Danaoi is like-

ly to be based on the PIE root *dƗnu- “river” as exemplified by the Old European and North Pontic steppe river names Danube, Don, Dnieper, and Dniester (see Sakellariou 1980: 175-7), which would explain the mythical identification of the daughters of Danaos as waternymphs.

168 Crossland 1971: 853.

163 Plato, Cratylus 410.

169 Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 312.

65

Phrygian already bears testimony of the innovative middle

Thus, it appears that Caskey is essentially right in his as-

forms in -toy or -toi, Phrygian may well be considered to

sumption that in the transitional periods from Early Hella-

side with Greek with respect to the loss of the medio-

dic II to Early Helladic III (c. 2300 BC) and from Early

passive in -r- as well (yet another innovation which Greek

Helladic III to Middle Helladic (c. 2000 BC), a new people

and Phrygian share with

Indo-Iranian).170

Against the

arrived in Greece which spoke an Indo-European language

background of this considerable overlap in lexicon, phono-

which was later to become Greek. And Stubbings is essen-

logical, and grammatical features between Greek and

tially right in his assumption that in the transitional period

Thraco-Phrygian, then, I think it is not farfetched to as-

from Middle Helladic to Late Helladic I (c. 1600 BC)

sume that Greek came into being as a split from Thraco-

Greece was conquered by foreign invaders from Egypt and

Phrygian under the impetus of foreign tongue(s) intro-

Palestine who, however, were not numerous enough to

duced, as we have seen, by conquerors from Egypt, Phoe-

plant their language(s) on the at that time indigenous popu-

nicia, and Crete in the transition from Middle Helladic to

lation. The only ingredients which we have added is that,

Late Helladic I (c. 1600 BC) (see Fig. 10).

in accordance with Best’s view, the bearers of the Minyan culture were Thracian and Phrygian tribes, and that Greek is a split from Thraco-Phrygian taking place in southern

time scale:

and central Greece under the influence of foreign tongue(s) introduced by the conquering warrior caste of expert *b hrƗter-

P IE

*b hrug-

*d hƝ-

*g hlǀro-

charioteers who take over control of these areas c. 1600 BC. I can only hope that these new ingredients have been presented in such a manner that they will become as influential as the old ones.

c. 1600 BC

Additional note: Remaining models

teke

Linear B Iron Age

phratƝr

bratere phruges

Briges tithƝmi

edaes khlǀros glouros

In the above, I have not treated all models, only the historically viable ones. Remaining models for the ethnogene-

Fig. 10. Reconstruction of the split between Greek and Thraco-

sis of the Greeks are:

Phrygian on the basis of the development of the mediae aspiratae (after Haas 1966: 209). 171

(1) during the Neolithic, c. 6000 BC (Renfrew);172 (2) at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age, c. 3200 BC (Coleman);173

In retrospect, it may be concluded that our investiga-

(3) at the end of the Late Bronze Age, c. 1200 BC (Gru-

tion into the theories on the ethnogenesis of the Greeks has

mach, Hood).174

led us to a point of view which is very close to the one held by the majority of scholars and expressed by the con-

Of these models, the Neolithic option has become “en

tributors to the prestigious Cambridge Ancient History.

vogue” lately, being further propagated by Robert Drews in his collection of papers by various scholars entitled Greater Anatolia.175 In theory, however, a connection be-

170 Note that the supposed medio-passive forms addaketor and abberetor turn up instead of active addaket in variants of the protasis of the damnation formula, which usually runs as follows: ios ni semoun tou knoumanei kakoun addaket “whoever will bring any damage to this grave”, see Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985: 31; contra Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 341-3; 345. For the middle forms in -toy or -toi, see Woudhuizen 1993a: 5-6. It should be stressed in this connection, however, that passive forms in -r- have been preserved in Armenian as well, see Haas 1966: 247.

tween the spread of Neolithic agricultural economy with that of the Indo-European languages as defended by Colin Renfrew would lead us to assume a gradual diffusion of

172 Renfrew 1987. 173 Coleman 2000. 174 Grumach 1969; Hood 1974.

171 I am indebted to Wim van Binsbergen for drawing this dia-

175 Drews 2001.

gram.

66

linguistic features from an hypothetical centre, Anatolia in

and Early Bronze Age in Greece would seriously hamper

Renfrew’s view, to the outlying districts (= wave of ad-

the transmission of the pre-Greek place names in -ss- and

vance). Hence, it cannot explain the intrusion of a more

-nth-, no inhabitants being left to execute this transmission.

developed Indo-European layer as represented by Phrygian

Finally, arrival of the Greeks at the end of the Bronze Age

and Greek in between conservative IE Anatolian on the

is definitely ruled out by the decipherment of Linear B as

one hand and an as yet undivided Italo-Celtic in eastern

an old form of Greek.

and central Europe on the other

hand:176

like the presence

of an Hungarian speaking “island” in a Slavic speaking “sea”, this distribution pattern indicates disruption by immigrants from elsewhere than the hypothetical centre Anatolia – the more so because it is repeated to the east, with innovative Indo-Iranian in between conservative IE Anatolian on the one hand and Tocharian on the other hand. Moreover, the more developed features of Phrygian and Greek, which these have in common with Sanskrit, like the relative *yo-, the augment in the indicative of the past tense, and the loss of medio-passive -r-, or with Iranian, like the loss of initial s, are unlikely to have been crystalized already as early as the beginning of the Early Bronze Age. My reconstruction of the relatively late split between Phrygian and Greek on the one hand and Indo-Iranian on the other would be as follows: progressive use of the horse

developments in the innovative group of Indo-European languages

domesticated horse attested in mainland Greece

augment relative *yoloss of mediopassive -rloss of initial s

split of Indo-Iranian from Phrygo-Greek

chariot

satem

Indo-Iranian only

Table 3. Developments in the innovative group of Indo-European languages related to the progressive use of the horse

To this comes that the hiatus between the Neolithic 176 For the reflex of PIE *kwi- or *kwo- in Celtic, cf. the Celtibe-

rian indefinite kuekue- “whosoever” in kuekuetikui (D sg. in -i) “to whomsoever it may concern” as attested for the so-called reĞ bronze, see Meid 1996: 30-1; Meid 2000: 12; for the reflex of PIE *swe- in Celtic, cf. the Gallic reflexive pronoun of the 3rd person sue- “self-”, see Meid 1996: 31, and the possibly related Celtiberian forms Ğue and ĞueĞ, see Meid 1993, Glossar s.v. Note, however, that the significance of the relative *yo- for the innovative group of Indo-European languages is somewhat undermined by the fact that its reflex is also attested for conservative (also mediopassive -r and centum, see Meid 1993: 59 and 44, respectively) Celtiberian, see Meid 1993: 96.

67

8. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE MYCENAEAN GREEKS

In the history of the Greeks from the time of their forma-

which they ruled from the palace of Knossos.179 As first

tion to that of the downfall of the Mycenaean palaces, we

pointed out by Fritz Schachermeyr, this takeover of power

can distinguish three major phases: 1. the period of the

in Crete has its reflection in the wall paintings of Aegean

Minoan thalassocracy (c. 1550-1450 BC), 2. the Minoan-

embassies in the graves of Egyptian dignitaries. Thus, in

Mycenaean transitional period (c. 1450-1350 BC), and 3.

the tomb of Rekhmare, which was finished early in the

the period of the Mycenaean koinƝ (c. 1350-1185 BC).

reign of Tuthmosis III’s successor Amenhotep II (1427-

In the period of the Minoan thalassocracy, the Greek

1400 BC), the Minoan kilts with “codpieces” are replaced

mainland appears to have been at least partly subject to

by Mycenaean ones without “codpieces”, whereas in the

Minoan overlords. This is suggested by the Attic tradition

slightly later tomb of Menkheperreseneb a prince of the

according to which in the time of king Aigeus, the father of

land of Keftiu (= Crete) is depicted in altogether Mycena-

the Athenian hero Theseus, a yearly tribute of seven young

ean style with a beard.180 Further proof is afforded by the

girls and seven boys was due to the Cretan king Minos.

Linear B tablets from Knossos, which are accidentally pre-

These girls and boys, so the story goes, were to be sacri-

served by the fire that destroyed the palace at the end of

ficed to the Minotaur of the labyrinth in king Minos’ pal-

our Minoan-Mycenaean transitional period (= Late Minoan

ace at Knossos. That Theseus, with the help of Ariadne,

IIIA1/2, c. 1350 BC). Owing to the decipherment of Linear

the daughter of king Minos, slayed the Minotaur and freed

B by Michael Ventris in 1952, we know namely that this

Athens from the ignominious yoke of Minoan domination,

script was used to write Greek.181 At the same time, how-

does not, of course, alter the fact that the Athenians were

ever, a Minoan rest group is allowed to continue their own

tributaries beforehand.177

traditions in the Mesara plain, of which fact modest Linear

The period of Minoan thalassocracy ends with the for

A archives of about 150 tablets in sum at Hagia Triada (=

the Minoans disastrous eruption of the Santorini volcano.

HT) and two Cretan hieroglyphic inscriptions, the famous

The discussion on the chronology of this event – and hence

discus of Phaistos and the double-axe of Arkalokhori, bear

its impact – has recently received a new impetus by Man-

testimony (see further section 12 below).

fred Bietak’s sensational find of tephra from the Minoan

Within the frame of international politics, our Mi-

eruption of the Santorini volcano in Tel el-Dab‘a/Avaris in

noan-Mycenaean transitional period can itself be subdi-

a layer dated to the reign of Tuthmosis III (1479-1425

vided into three distinct subphases.182 The first subphase is

BC). As the reign of the latter pharaoh synchronizes with

characterized by the vicissitudes of the so-called Assuwian

Late Minoan IB, the eruption in question can now safely

league – a short lived coalition of forces from Troy in the

be held responsible for the massive destructions at the end

north to Lycia in the south of western Anatolia under the

of this particular period (c. 1450 BC).178 Having lost the

leadership of the royal house of the later kingdom of Ar-

ships of their fleet because of this disaster, the Minoans

zawa and named after the Asios leimǀn “Asian field” near

were an easy prey to the Mycenaeans of mainland Greece.

the latter’s capital Apasa (= Ephesos). As indicated by a

Soon after the eruption of the Santorini volcano, the

retrospective passage in a Hittite text of later date, the in-

Mycenaeans, archaeologically traceable by warrior graves

fluence of this league radiated to the islands (Luwian gur-

of mainland type and their predilection for so-called Ephy-

sawara) of the Aegean.183 Among these islands may well

raean goblets, took over control of the island of Crete, 179 Woudhuizen 1992a: 66-77. 180 Schachermeyr 1960; Schachermeyr 1980: 457-8. 177 Woudhuizen 1992a: 55.

181 Ventris & Chadwick 1973.

178 Bietak 2000: 194; this evidence now supersedes that presented by Driessen & Macdonald 1997 (end of Late Minoan IA, c. 1500 BC) and Manning 1999 (1628 BC). For an overview of the problem of the Santorini eruption, see Woudhuizen 1992a: 47-79.

182 See on this subdivision Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004, section 8. 183 Starke 1981.

69

have been Crete, since in the text of the Phaistos disc (if

reached to Uda and Tuwanuwa, which means to the territory south of the Halys river deep in the ancestral Hatti

we are allowed to make use of the reading and interpretation of the latter document recently put forward by a group of Dutch scholars, referred to in note 182) this town is

lands. Furthermore, the Egyptian pharaoh requests Tar®undaradus to send Kaskans, a people situated to the

called “Assuwian” (B 10-11) and in the tablets of Hagia

north of the Hittite capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa, but at the

Triada mention is made of a-si-ja-ka u-mi-na-si “of the

time even occupying Nenassa south of the Halys bow. The

Asian town” (HT 28a), which likely refers to Phaistos, again.184 The radiation of Assuwa’s influence to Crete

marriage of Amenhotep III with a daughter of Tar®undaradus was part of a grander scheme, namely to

might also account for its occurrence in form of Asiya

curb Hittite power both in the east and the west. Another

(’Isy) in the annals of Tuthmoses III for the years just after

part of this scheme was formed by the political support

the eruption of the Santorini volcano (in casu 1445 and

rendered to the Mycenaean Greeks. As argued by Eric

1441-1440 BC). This subphase ends with the defeat of the Assuwian league by the Hittite king Tud®aliyas I (1430-

Cline, this support is emanating from the discovery of

1400 BC).

Tiyi in the Aegean region, a concentration of which was

scarabs and faïence plaques of Amenhotep III and his wife

With the elimination of the Assuwian league by the

found in the capital Mycenae itself. Moreover, there is a

Hittites again a vacuum of power is created in the Aegean

remarkable correspondence between the findspots of these

region – thus marking the start of our second subphase.

Egyptian imports and the places mentioned in the list of

One of the parties taking advantage of this situation is Attarissiyas, the man of A®®iyƗ, in whom we may recognize

Aegean place names on a statue base found in Amenhotep

Atreus, the father of Agamemnon, king of Mycenae and

starting and ending in Crete, likewise attributes a central

leader of the Akhaians at the time of the Trojan war. According to the annals of the Hittite kings Tud®aliyas II

position to the Greek mainland if not actually to Mycenae

(1390-1370 BC) and Arnuwandas I (1370-1355 BC), this

ports plausibly suggested to reflect political support in-

Akhaian ruler repeatedly attacked Madduwattas – a Hittite

cludes western Asia Minor, as a scarab of Amenhotep III

vassal in the region of southwest Anatolia – and with the

has been discovered at Panaztepe in the Hermos valley, which conceivably belonged to the realm of Tar®unda-

III’s temple tomb at Kom el-Hetan, Thebes, which, though

itself. Interestingly, the distribution of the Egyptian im-

latter held a raid on the island of Alasiya (= Cyprus), using as much as 100 chariots.185

radus.187 The rationale behind lending political support to both Tar®undaradus and the Mycenaean Greeks in a con-

The third and final subphase of the MinoanMycenaean transitional period is characterized by the renewed prominence of Arzawa under its king Tar®unda-

tainment policy of the Hittites may perhaps be provided by

radus. This king corresponded with the Egyptian pharaoh

one is allowed to make use of the aforesaid reading and in-

Amenhotep III (1390-1352 BC) about the marriage of his

terpretation of this hieroglyphic text as recently offered by a group of Dutch scholars.188 Here great king Tar®unda-

the information from the discus of Phaistos – if, at least,

daughter to the latter. In this correspondence, recovered at Tell El-Amarna, it is stipulated that the land of Hatti is

radus, who, although not mentioned explicitly by name, is

“shattered”.186

The latter situation is plausibly connected with the historical preamble to a decree of Hattusilis III

likely to be identified as the sender of the letter, is staged

(1264-1239 BC) according to which before the reign of

ship of king Nestor of Pylos in mainland Greece189 – the

as the overlord of the Mycenaeans in Crete under leader-

Suppiluliumas I (1344-1322 BC) the realm of Arzawa 184 Meijer 1982: 97. For Luwian umina- “town”, see Laroche 1960a: *228; Woudhuizen 1994-5: 183; Woudhuizen 2004a: 41.

187 Cline 1987; Cline 2001; note, however, that a scarab of queen Tiyi has also been found outside the Aegean proper in Cyprus, see Kenna 1971: 24, no. 47.

185 Note the diffusion of Mycenaean ware from the Argolid, reaching Kos in Late Helladic IIB and Ialysos in Rhodes in Late Helladic IIB-IIIA1, thus providing us with stepping stones for Attarissiyas’ actions in southwest Anatolia and Cyprus, see Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 164-5.

188 Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004. 189 On the relation of Pylos with Crete, see Hiller 1996: 81-2 with reference to tablet fragments in Knossian scribal tradition from the old palace at Pylos and the mention in the Pylos tablets of the Cretan towns Aminiso “Amnisos” (PY 943) and Kotuwe “Gortys (D)” (PY An 233, etc.).

186 Moran 1992: 101 (= EA no. 31); cf. Mercer 1939: EA no. 31

(“zersplittert”).

70

latter no doubt also a vassal of the king of Mycenae.190 Hence, the political destinies of great king Tar®undaradus

The history of the Mycenaeans during the period of the koinƝ can be followed from the sidelines by their role in the Hittite sources, where they are addressed as A®®iyawa “Akhaians”.196 Basic to this role is the fact that

of Arzawa and the Mycenaean Greeks are intricately linked up with each other. An interesting detail in this connection is that with the specification of Phaistos as Assuwian Tar®undaradus refers back to the Assuwian league of

with Millawanda (= Miletos) they have a foothold in west-

his predecessor of about a generation ago in order to le-

since, according to his annals, the Hittite great king Mur-

gitimize his claim on Crete.

silis II (1321-1295 BC) razed Millawanda down to the

ern Asia Minor. This history begins with a major setback,

This intricate political situation in which Nestor of

ground in the third year of his reign, which information

Pylos, who, as we have just noted, was a vassal of the king

agrees with an archaeologically detected destruction layer

of Mycenae, ruled over Crete in his capacity as vassal of great king Tar®undaradus of Arzawa, and in which there

for Miletos in the Late Helladic IIIA2 to Late Helladic IIIB

was some room for the continuity of Minoan traditions,

their hold on the site, as in the next episode, under the Hit-

was abruptly put to an end by the Mycenaeans from the

tite great king Muwatallis II (1295-1271 BC), a certain Pi-

Argolid at the beginning of Late Helladic IIIA2 (c. 1350

yamaradus, who is the father-in-law of the governor of

BC), when these burned down the palace of Knossos and introduced megaron houses and standardized types of pot-

Millawanda, Atpas, raided Hittite territory apparently with the backing of the king of A®®iyawa. Muwatallis II, who

tery, the so-called Mycenaean koinƝ, all over the island.191

was preparing himself for the battle of Kadesh with Egypt

This expansionism of Mycenaeans from the Argolid coin-

(1274 BC), preferred to settle the matter in diplomatic terms, and, in doing so, addressed the king of A®®iyawa as

transitional period.197 The Mycenaeans, however, retained

cides with their conquest of Thebes – which had strong Cretan connections as examplified by the inscribed stirrup jars! – and the setting up of Orkhomenos as a Minyan (=

his “brother”, which means recognition as an equal and hence great king. His A®®iyawan colleague was of the

non-Greek) satellite state in central Greece.192 Further-

same mood, as with respect to a former conflict about

more, the Mycenaeanization of Thessaly to the northeast

Wilusa (= Homeric Ilios or Ilion) he is stated to have re-

probably sets in from Late Minoan IIIA2

onwards.193

marked:

Fi-

nally, the Mycenaeans from the Argolid extend their influ-

LUGAL KUR

ence over the Aegean islands and as far east as Miletos – a

® a-at-ti- uʗa-an-aš-kán ú-ug 8. ku-e-da-ni

A.NA [INI] M URU

former Minoan colony named after Milatos in Crete194 –

uʗi-l[u]-[š]a še-ir ku-ru-ur 9. e-šu-u-

en nu- uʗa-[m]u a-p[í]-e-[d]a-ni INIM-ni la-ak-nu-ut

on the west coast of Asia Minor. 195

10. nu- uʗa ták-šu-la-u-en X (X) X- uʗa-an-na-aš ku-ruur a-a-ra  “In der Angelegenheit von Wilusa, der entwegen der König des Landes Hattusa und ich uns feind waren, in der hat er mich umgestimmt, und wir haben uns vertragen. Ein … Krieg ist Unrecht für uns.”198

190 Note in this connection that according to Homeros, Iliad XI,

690-3 Herakles defeated the Pylian king Neleus and killed 11 of his 12 sons, leaving only Nestor as his successor. 191 Schachermeyr 1980: 446; Woudhuizen 1992a: 75.

As it seems, this sidely remarked conflict about Wilusa became conflated in Greek memory as the Trojan

192 Woudhuizen 1989: 199-202. 193 Smit 1989, who, unfortunately, does not distinguish between

Late Minoan IIIA1 and 2.

[214], 244, 254+255, 269, and 276.

194 Niemeier 1998a: 27 ff. first building phase, Late Minoa IA to

196 This identification, already implied in the discussion of Attarissiyas above, is now commonly accepted; note, however, that Heinhold-Krahmer 2003 is still hesitating about it.

Late Minoan IB; cf. Fick 1905: 29; 117. 195 Niemeier 1998a: 33 second building phase, Late Helladic IIIA2 to Late Helladic IIIB. Note that the extension of the Mycenaean sphere of influence in the eastern Aegean is reflected in the later Pylos tablets by ethnica like Kinidija, Miratija, Raminija, Kisiwija, and Aswija, bearing reference to what appear to be female captives from Knidos, Miletos, Lemnos, Chios, and Asia/Assuwa, respectively, see Parker 1999. Note further that Miratijo “man of Miletos, Milesian” figures prominently in the recently edited Theban tablets, see Aravantinos, Godart & Sacconi 2001: Fq 177, 198, [214], 244, 254+255, 269, and 276.

197 Niemeier 1998a: 38; Niemeier 1998b: 150-1 end of second building period. 198 Sommer 1932: KUB XIV 3 iv 7-10 (cited without the numerous question marks for uncertain signs). For the dating of the Tawagalawas-letter to the reign of Muwatallis II and an overview of the discussion about this, see Smit 1990-1 and, most recently, Gurney 2002.

71

war199 – a suggestion further emphasized by the fact that the name of the king of Wilusa at the time of Muwatallis II, Alaksandus, corresponds to Greek Alexandros/Paris;200 at any rate, a date of say c. 1280 BC for this conflict correlates perfectly with the archaeologically established destruction of Troy VI, usually assigned to c. 1300 BC.

gouries, Berbati, Prosymna, Midea/Dendra, Tiryns, Orkhomenos, Iria, Gla, Eutresis, Thebes, Brauron.

After this glorious episode, however, it goes down with the image of the Mycenaean king in the eyes of the Hittites. It has been argued that in the reign of the Hittite great king Tud®aliyas IV (1239-1209 BC) the Mycenaeans had lost their Anatolian bridgehead in the region of Miletos. Thus there is documentary evidence that the ruler of Milawata (= variant of Millawanda) at the time turned sides and went over to the Hittite camp.201 In the archaeological record this seems to be reflected by Hittite features in the material culture of Miletos in the second half of the 13th century BC.202 Whatever the extent of these arguments, fact is that in a treaty with Sausgamuwa of Amurru, in which Tud®aliyas IV ordered a ban on traffic between A®®iyawa and Assyria via the harbors of Amurru, the name of the king of A®®iyawa, initially summed up among the kings equal in rank with the Hittite great king, has been erased.203 Evidently, the king of A®®iyawa was downgraded in the eyes of the Hittites as compared to the situation at the time of Muwatallis II. To this comes that the ban on traffic of A®®iyawa as referred to in the Sausgamuwa-treaty may have become more serious in the course of time. Tud®aliyas IV had a program of incorporating all of southwest Anatolia into his realm: early in his reign he announced the plan to conquer the territory west of Par®a

Fig. 11 (see next page). Sites in southern and central Greece de-

along the Kastaraya (= Perge along the Kestros in Pamphylia) and to add the newly won territory to the province of Tar®untassa (= Cilicia Aspera).204 At a later stage in his

stroyed and/or abandoned at the end of Late Helladic IIIB. Source: Hope Simpson & Dickinson 1979.

reign, he conquered the region of the lower Xanthos valley in Lycia – a country where no one of his ancestors had ever marched.205 The rationale behind this scheme is to clear the sea from pirates – the Lycians were notorious for this activity already in the time of the El-Amarna archive in the 14th century BC – as a preparation for his ultimate goal: the conquest of Alasiya (= Cyprus). In the final years of his reign, then, he ultimately launched a campaign against the island of Alasiya, but a definite result was reached only by his son and successor, Suppiluliumas II (1205-1180? BC), who also set up a memorial for this

shown are the following sites: Teikhos Dymaion, Pylos, Nikhoria, Menelaion, Ayios Stephanos, Krisa, Tsoungiza, Mycenae, Zy-

199 So also Bryce 2003: 208, who, however, wrongly dates the

Tawagalawas-letter to the reign of Hattusilis III. It is interesting to note in this connection that according to Webster 1960: 67 the Hittites are mentioned in Homeros among the Trojan allies as 1. Halyzones from Alybe – a city, like Hattusa, associated with silver – (Iliad II, 856) [but note that Meyer 1968: 12 connects Alybe with the Khalybians of the Early Iron Age], and 2. Keteians (Odyssey XI, 521); they may further appear as adversaries of the Phrygians along the Sangarios in form of Amazones in a retrospective passage referring to the time that Priamos still fought himself (Iliad III, 184) – the same Amazones upon whom Bellerophon stumbles during his adventures in the hinterland of Lycia (Iliad VI, 186), cf. Leonhard 1911: 15-6. See also section 2, notes 52 and 53 above.

201 Bryce 1998: 339-42 (Milawata-letter). 202 Niemeier 1998b: 153. 203 Bryce 1998: 342-4.

200 Note that a reflection of these events is preserved by Stephanos of Byzantion’s remark in his Ethnika, s.v. Samylia that Motylos, after founding this Carian city, received Helena and Paris there, see Riemschneider 1954: 40.

204 Otten 1988: VIII, 62-4 and commentary. 205 Poetto 1993; Woudhuizen 1994-5: 168-179; Woudhuizen

2004a: section 3 ; see section 6 above.

72

campaign.206 Now, most of the inscriptions in CyproMinoan date to the period of Hittite rule, say c. 12101180? BC, if not actually from the last days before the conquest by the Sea Peoples. The larger texts among the inscriptions are bills of lading, registering the sea-borne traffic between western Anatolia and the Near East, especially Ras Shamra/Ugarit.207 What really strikes us about these documents is the absence of Greek names. Of course, a Greek trader may be hidden behind geographically inspired indications like “Iasos” or “the Samian”, but the same absence of Greek names also characterizes the much more substantial archives at Ras Shamra/ Ugarit.208 At any rate, it is clear that the responsible persons specified by ethnonyms are men like Pi®as,209 trader from Lycia,

mercenaries alongside the Teresh, Lukka, Sherden, and

Sanemas,210 representative of the Shekelesh, or Akamas, representative of Ephesos and a place plausibly situated in the Troad (see section 13) – members of Sea Peoples who later knew their way to the Orient, but decidedly no Greeks! Accordingly, the evidence amounts to a serious ban of the Mycenaean Greeks from the waters bordering the Anatolian peninsula in the west and the south during the final phase of the Hittite Empire period.211

designation Tanayu, which in variant form Denye(n) is re-

Shekelesh. The only one planning to settle in the Egyptian delta was the Libyan king himself who is reported to have been accompanied by his family and to have carried with him all his possessions.213 As such the Libyan campaign is clearly distinct from the later attacks by the Sea Peoples in the reign of Ramesses III (years 1179 and 1176 BC), when, according to the reliefs at Medinet Habu, the Sea Peoples themselves carried with them ox-drawn carts with their wives and children.214 Interesting to observe in this connection is that the Greeks are referred to in the Egyptian records of the Libyan campaign by a reflex of their Hittite name, A® ® iyawa, instead of their usual Egyptian introduced by Ramesses III (see section 9). Another strange thing is that the fallen of the Ekwesh are explicitly stated to have been circumcized (hence their hands were cut off as a trophy instead of their penises) – a rite wellattested for the Egyptians and the Semites, but so far not for the Mycenaean Greeks.215 The period of the Mycenaean koinƝ ends in massive

Just antedating the coming to power of Suppiuliumas

destructions and/or abandonment of sites on the Greek

II, in year 5 of Merneptah (= 1208 BC), the Akhaians in

mainland: in southern and central Greece 10 important

form of Ekwesh – the final -sh is likely to be identified as a

sites show a destruction layer at the end of Late Helladic

suffix also present in Shekelesh (= Sicels) and Weshesh (=

IIIB (c. 1185 BC),216 5 of which are abandoned after-

Ausones or Osci)212 – are recorded to have taken part in

wards, whereas at least 9 more important sites are just

the campaign of the Libyan king Meryey against Egypt. In

abandoned at the time (see Fig. 11 on the previous

this campaign the Akhaians served as foreign allies or

page).217 In view of these figures, the transition from Late Helladic IIIB to Late Helladic IIIC is much more discon-

206 Güterbock 1967; Woudhuizen 1994: 524-6; Woudhuizen

tinuous than preceding periods of an archaeological break

1994-5: 175; Woudhuizen 2004a: 32; the memorial in question is Niúantaú in Bo÷azköy/Hattusa, see Woudhuizen 2004a: 72-5.

discussed in the foregoing section (but note that the density of the Late Helladic IIIB sites is higher than ever before).

207 Woudhuizen 1992a: 94-145; Woudhuizen 1994.

Yet, as we know from later records, the language spoken in

208 Astour 1964; Sandars 1980: 35; 46. Note, however, that Ugari-

Greece remains Greek and the inhabitants of the Early Iron

tic Yman likely refers to Ionia, see Dietrich & Loretz 1998: 33746, of which the related ethnonym, contrary to the opinion of Dietrich & Loretz 1998: 344, is already attested for Linear B in form of Ijawone “Ionians”, see Ventris & Chadwick 1973, glossary, s.v. and cf. Driessen 1998-9.

Age and following periods are Greeks, thus in this sense –

209 For Luwian hieroglyphic seals bearing testimony of the MN

214 Sandars 1980: 117, afb. 77; 118-20. As we have seen in sec-

Pi® as, see Güterbock 1942: 68, no. 66; Kennedy 1959: 160, no. 39.

tion 4 above, the given distinction was particularly made by Hölbl 1983.

210 Note that this name is strikingly paralleled for a Cretan hiero-

215 Barnett 1969: 11; note that the Philistines from Crete were also

glyphic sealing from Gortys (# 196), reading, with the cross at the start and hence from right to left, 019-061-E74 sa-ná-ma.

not circumcized, see section 12.

211 Cf. Cline 1991.

with Tewosret 1188-1186 BC at Deir ‘Alla.

212 Wainwright 1961: 72; Redford 1992: 252, note 54; cf. Hittite

217 Hope Simpson & Dickinson 1979; cf. Shelmerdine 1997: 581.

Karkisa alongside Karkiya “Caria”. On the identification of the Sea Peoples in question, see section 14 below.

See also Betancourt 1976: 40 with even larger figures, but without specification of the names of the sites in question.

213 Sandars 1980: 101.

216 Warren & Hankey 1989: 161 association of Late Helladic IIIB

73

give and take a few dialectal reshuffles – there is no real

Luwian hieroglyphic equivalent of Hittite A®®iyawa, char-

break, but only continuity.218 As an explanation of this

acterized, just like it is the case for the text of the Phaistos

paradox between archaeological evidence and linguistic

disc, by aphaeresis.224 In the archaeological record, this

data, it has been suggested that the enemy which attacked

event is reflected in the destruction of Tarsus at the end of

the Mycenaeans at the end of Late Helladic IIIB wasted

the Late Bronze Age and the subsequent introduction of

the country but – apart from some minor exceptions indi-

Late Helladic IIIC ware of Argive background.225 Another

cated by the presence of handmade foreign ware (see also

branch of the Mycenaean Greeks, referred to as Denye(n)

sections 10 and 14)219 – did not come to settle in it.220 At

by the Egyptians and Dan by the Hebrews, went further

any rate, the Pylos tablets indicate that the enemy came by

south and settled initially in the region of Tel Qasile – a

sea from the northwest, as ships are sent to cape Pleuron in

new foundation – in Canaan, perhaps some time after the

This does

settlement of the Philistines (see section 9).226 Both these

not exclude, however, a simultaneous or slightly posterior

migrations, however, were not massive enough to plant the

attack from the north over land, to which the large scale

Greek language: the Akhaians in the region of Adana went

destructions in Thessaly bear testimony (see Fig. 12)222

over to Luwian and the Danaoi of Canaan to Semitic.

Aitolia to cope with the emergency

situation.221

and against which the inhabitants of the Peloponnesos tried

Apart from emigration to Cyprus and the Orient,

to protect themselves by building a wall on the Isthmos.223

which may have been an ongoing process from Late Hel-

As a result of the breakdown of the Mycenaean civili-

ladic IIIC to Submycenaean,227 there can be observed a

zation, a number of people from the Peloponnesos decided

clustering together of the population in Greece itself into

to join the seaborne attackers and took the boat to the Ori-

refuge areas during this time. These refuge areas, like Ak-

ent in order to settle in Cyprus and in the region of Adana

haia, Kephalenia, and Attica, but especially the Aegean is-

on the adjacent side of the mainland. For the last men-

lands Naxos, Kos, and Rhodes, could bear testimony to a

tioned region this is proved by the recently discovered

considerable degree of recovery.228 Moreover, the popula-

Luwian hieroglyphic-Phoenician bilingual inscription of

tion in Crete withdrew to mountain sites like Karphi, Vro-

Çineköy, dated to the reign of Urikki in the late 8th century BC, in which the land of Adana is called H iƗwa, the

kastro, and Kastri.229 From Attica the Ionian emigration to the region of Miletos in western Asia Minor took place, probably in the Submycenaean period;230 the Aiolian mi-

218 For religious continuity, see Nilsson 1927: 400-14; SchnappGourbeillon 2002: Chapitre IV.

224 Teko÷lu & Lemaire 2000; for the Phaistos disc, see Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004: 85; 98; 110.

219 Rutter 1975; Deger-Jalkotzy 1983; Popham 2001; for further

literature, see section 14, note 600.

225 Goldman 1956: 63; 350-1; Mee 1978: 150, who stipulates that the number of Late Helladic IIIC sherds (875 in sum) allows for the actual presence of Mycenaeans. Cf. Strabo, Geography XIV, 5, 12, according to which Tarsus is colonized from Argos.

220 Desborough 1964: 224; cf. Betancourt 1976: 41. 221 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: 185-6: PY An 12 ereta Pereuronade ijote (= Greek eretai Pleurǀnade iontes) “rowers to go to Pleuron”. Further maritime measures are forthcoming from the oka-tablets, which, notwithstanding the linguistic criticism by Risch 1958: 354 and Palmer 1998: 154, deal with holkades “ships for transportation”, see Pugliese Carratelli 1954: 469; Mühlenstein 1956: 36 ff.; cf. Best 1996-7: 120-7; for the state of emergency exemplified by these tablets, one of which is headed by the phrase ouruto opia2ra epikowo (= Greek (h)ǀ(s) wruntoi opi(h)ala epikouroi) “Thus the watchers are guarding the coast” (PY An 657), see Palmer 1956; Palmer 1965: 143-54.

226 For the absence of Late Helladic IIIC1b ware here, see Bietak

1993: 257-8. 227 Dikaios 1971: 519 (Late Helladic IIIC1b from the Argolid);

Catling 1973; Vanschoonwinkel 304-5 (Paphos, Late Helladic IIIC); Schachermeyr 1980: 380 (sub-Mycenaean from the Peloponnesos). The earliest evidence of the Greek language on Cyprus is provided by the Opheltas-obelos, dating to the middle of the 11th century BC, which bears testimony of the Arcado-Cyprian genitive (Opeletau), see Masson 1983: 408.

222 Schachermeyr 1980: 393; Popham 2001: 282-3 (figs.). As a historical parallel one might point to the fact that when Dionysios of Syracuse raided the Caeretan harbor Pyrgi in 384 BC, the Celts in the hinterland seized the opportunity to attack the Etruscans from the rear.

228 Desborough 1964: 226 ff.; Betancourt 1976: 40; Schacher-

meyr 1980: 51. 229 Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 156-9. 230 Schachermeyr 1980: 375; cf. Herodotos, Histories I, 146, who

223 Sandars 1980: 173; Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 108-9 (Late Hel-

stipulates that the Ionians killed the male Carians and married with their wives.

ladic IIIB/C transitional period).

74

gration from Boeotia and Thessaly to the coastal zone of Mysia may well have occurred in about the same period or just a little afterwards.231 The Dorians, who repopulated an almost deserted Peloponnesos at the end of the Submycenaean or the beginning of the Protogeometric period,232 followed in the footsteps of their Ionian and Aiolian tribesmen, colonizing Crete, Rhodes, and the region of Halikarnassos still later. Not for a long time, however, the Greeks were to reach a degree of unity as we have experienced for the period of the Mycenaean koinƝ – and then only under foreign pressure! (a)

(b)

Fig. 12. Sites and cemeteries (a) in Late Helladic IIIB and (b) in Late Helladic IIIC (from Popham 2001: 282-3).

231 Spencer 1995: 275-7 (repopulation of Mytilene and Pyrrha on Lesbos during the Protogeometric period). 232 Eder 1998. See also section 2 above.

75

9. FROM DANAOI TO DAN repetition of the n. 239

In Homeros there are three indications of the Mycenaean Greeks: Akhaioi (= Akhaians in our English transcription), Argeioi, and

Danaoi.233

In the relevant literature, the Denye(n) are often, to-

As we have seen in the preceding

gether with the Danaoi, identified with the Danuna of the

section, a reflection of the first of these ethnonyms, A® ® iyawa, is used by the Hittites to refer to the Mycena-

El-Amarna texts (in casu the letters by Rib-addi of Byblos and Abimilki of Tyre).240 However, the form Danuna cor-

ean Greeks. As opposed to this, the Egyptians rather pre-

responds to the root of Dnnym “people of Adana” as re-

ferred reflections of the third ethnonym, Tanayu or

corded for the Phoenician version of the bilingual Karatepe

Denye(n). The interesting thing about this Egyptian prefer-

text (late 8th century BC), and has nothing to do with the

ence is that the ethnonym Danaoi is derived from the heros

Danaoi of mainland Greece.241 This conclusion is further

eponym Danaos, who according to myth originated from

substantiated by the fact that, according to the Ugaritic

Egypt. Thus it is reported that Danaos, son of Belos, fled

texts, the line of defence against the Sea Peoples is organ-

before his brother Aigyptos from Egypt to Argos in

ized in the waters of Lycia in southwest Anatolia: there is

Greece.234

Taking this myth at face value, the name

no question of a revolt in the Hittite province of Kizzu-

Danaoi may at first have had a bearing on the inhabitants

watna – to which the town of Adana belongs – at the time.

of the Argolid only, in order to receive a wider connotation

Only after the period of the resurrection of the Sea Peoples

in the course of time. This would tally with the information

and the fall of the Hittite Empire, the region of Adana is

provided by Pindaros, according to which Danaoi refers to

colonized by a number of Greek settlers – an historical fact

the pre-Doric inhabitants of Argos, Mycenae, and Lace-

of which the recently found Luwian hieroglyphic-

daimon.235

Phoenician bilingual inscription from Çineköy (late 8th

Tuthmoses III (1479-1425 BC).236 Next, it occurs on a

century BC) bears testimony, in which the land of Adana is referred to by the name H iƗwa, i.e. the Luwian equivalent

base of a column of the royal temple tomb of Amenhotep

of Hittite A®®iyawa “Akhaian”,242 and which is further-

III (1390-1352 BC) at Kom el-Hetan (Thebes) in direct as-

more reflected in the archaeological record by the intro-

sociation with place names from the Greek mainland like

duction of Late Helladic IIIC ware of Argive background

Mycenae, Thebes, Messenia, and Nauplia.237 After an in-

in the region after the destruction of Tarsus (see also sec-

termezzo in the reign of Merneptah (1213-1203 BC), in

tion 8)!243

Egyptian Tanayu is first attested for the annals of

which in line with the Hittites a reflection of Akhaioi (=

Next to this settlement by a branch of Mycenaean

Ekwesh) is used, the related form Denye(n) turns up

Greeks under the name of Akhaians in the region of

amongst the attackers of Egypt in year eight of Ramesses

Adana, another group under the name of Dan (< Danaoi)

III (1184-1153 BC). This latter ethnonym has been identi-

went further south and settled initially in the region of Tel

fied with the Danaoi since the time of Emmanuel de

Qasile – a new foundation – in Canaan, perhaps, for the

Rougé.238

As noted by Alan Gardiner, this identification

lack of Late Helladic IIIC1b ware, some time after the set-

receives further emphasis from the fact that the name in

tlement of the Philistines.244 As suggested by Yigael

question also occurs in shorthand variant Denye without 239 Gardiner 1947: 126. 240 EA no. 117, 90 ff.; EA no. 151, 52; cf. Hall 1926: 281; Gar-

diner 1947: 125; Laroche 1958: 263-75; Barnett 1969: 9; Strobel 1976: 202; etc.

233 Hall 2002: 53, note 98 (with specification of their frequency). 234 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Danaos.

241Cf. Schachermeyr 1982 : 193 ff.

235 Pindaros, Pythian Odes 4, 85 f.

242 Teko÷lu & Lemaire 2000.

236 Mégalomatis 1996: 811.

243 Goldman 1956: 63; 350-1; Mee 1978: 150.

237 Edel 1966; Edel 1988.

244 Bietak 1993: 257-8; cf. Singer 1985: 114-5 who for this ab-

238 De Rougé 1861: 145.

sence altogether doubts the colonization of the site by Dan.

77

Yadin, a line from the song of Deborah, running as follows: “And Dan, why did he remain in ships?”, preserves the memory of the precolonial stage in the history of the tribe of Dan.245 At any rate, historical sources locate the Danites on the coast between Asdod in the south and Dor in the north,246 and more specifically situate the region of their inheritance near Joppa.247 In the course of time, then, the Danites expanded their territory to Zora and Eshtaol in the hinterland of Tel Qasile and Joppa, from where they are recorded to have conquered Laish in the sphere of influence of Sidon to the north, of which they changed the name into Dan.248 This latter event may well be linked up with the fact that the foundation layer of Tel Qasile (stratum XII) ends with a destruction of the site.249

245 Bible, Judges V, 17; Yadin in Best & Yadin 1973: 69. 246 Josephus, Antiquities V, 87. 247 Bible, Joshua XIX, 40-8. 248 Bible, Judges XVIII, 1-31. 249 Yadin in Best & Yadin 1973: 70.

78

10. ETRUSCAN ORIGINS Models

Asia Minor. These so-called orientalists can be subdivided into two groups: those who situate the colonization of

The problem of Etruscan origins has received scholarly at-

Etruria at the end of the Late Bronze Age (c. 1200 BC),254

tention already in antiquity. First of all, there is the testi-

and those who rather place this event in the Early Iron Age

mony of Herodotos of Halikarnassos (5th century BC)

(c. 750-675 BC).255 A representative of the first mentioned

according to which the Etruscans were Lydian colonists

group of orientalists is the Indo-Europeanist Robert

from western Asia Minor. Hard pressed by a famine, so the

Beekes. However, he is exceptional in combining the idea

story goes, half of the Lydian population under the leader-

of an oriental origin with the linguistic analysis of the ad-

ship of king Atys’ son Tyrsenos mustered on ships at

herents of the autochthonous thesis. Thus, Beekes likewise

Smyrna and sailed to Italy, where they settled in the terri-

considers Etruscan and Lemnian relics of a language once

tory of the Umbrians.250 As opposed to this, we have the

spoken in the Aegean before the Indo-European migra-

opinion of Dionysios of Halikarnassos (1st century BC),

tions.256 Much more common among orientalists is it to

who, on the basis of a comparison between the customs

consider Etruscan related to the Indo-European languages

and the languages of the Etruscans and the Lydians,

of Asia Minor, and in particular to Luwian.257 The latter

reached the conclusion that these two peoples were unre-

language was spoken in southern and western Anatolia

lated. He extrapolated from this conclusion that the Etrus-

during the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, and, in its

cans were no Lydian colonists, but had always lived in

western extremity, was subject to a dialectal development

Italy.251

which resulted in Lycian and Lydian of the Classical period.258

As divided as opinions were on the subject of Etruscan origins in antiquity, so they are in our present era. A

Now, there is some evidence of non-Indo-European

majority among scholars in the field holds that the Etrus-

languages in Asia Minor, originally going back to the time

cans were autochthonous. In accordance with this view, the Etruscans are considered a remnant population surviving

before the Indo-European migrations. In the first place, mention should be made of Hattic, the language of the in-

the onset of Indo-European migrations which brought the

habitants of Hattusa before this city was taken over by the

Umbrians, Oscans, Latins, and Faliscans to the Italian peninsula. Their language, so this line of appraoch continues,

Hittites, as recorded in Hittite texts dating from the 2nd millennium BC. Next, there is Hurrian, the language of the

is not comparable to any other in the world, except for the

realm of Mitanni, once a formidable rival of the Hittites in

one attested for the famous stele from Kaminia on the is-

their strive for hegemony in eastern Anatolia and North

land of Lemnos in the Aegean. This only linguistic rela-

Syria. This language developed into Urartian of the Early

tionship

the

Iron Age. Finally, we cannot omit the Semitic language,

autochthonous thesis receives meaningful explanation in

which in the form of Akkadian was used as a lingua franca

two ways. In the first place, Lemnian is, on the analogy of

for international correspondence between the empires of

Etruscan in Italy, considered a remnant of a once widely

the 2nd millennium BC – a function taken over by Ara-

dispersed Mediterranean language surviving the onset of

maic during the Early Iron Age. But, except for some bi-

acknowledged

by

the

adherents

Indo-European migrations into the Aegean

of

basin.252

Sec-

linguals with Aramaic for Lycian and Lydian, this

ond, Lemnian is seen as the result of a colonization by

evidence has a bearing on eastern Asia Minor only. In

Etruscans from Italy into the north-Aegean

region.253

A minority among scholars, but a persistent one, is of 254 Hencken 1968.

the opinion that the Etruscans were colonists from western

255 Schachermeyr 1929. 256 Beekes & van der Meer 1991; Beekes 1993; Beekes 2002: 219-20; cf. Steinbauer 1999: 389.

250 Histories I, 94. 251 Roman Antiquities I, 25-30.

257 Meriggi 1937; Laroche 1961b.

252 Pallottino 1988: 98.

258 For Lydian as a Luwian dialect, see Woudhuizen 1984-5a;

253 Gras 1976; Drews 1992; de Simone 1996.

Woudhuizen 1990 ; Woudhuizen 2005 : appendix IV.

79

western Asia Minor the linguistic situation is much less

earliest history of Rome, according to literary tradition

complicated. Here we find evidence of two language

originate from Greece. For Dionysios, this is reason to as-

groups, both of them Indo-European, namely Luwian,

sume that they are in fact a Greek ethnos. In reality, how-

which, as we have seen, developed into Lycian and Lydian

ever, the Pelasgians are a pre-Greek population group,

of the Classical period, and Thraco-Phrygian, presumably

already present in Greece before the Greeks came into be-

the vernacular of the common people of the Troas already

ing. As they are so different from the Greeks, Dionysios

in the Bronze Age (see section 13, especially note 520, be-

cannot use the Tyrrhenians to the same effect: to declare

low) and, after the fall of the Hittite Empire c. 1180 BC,

them Greeks would be preposterous. The unprecedented

introduced further east into the Anatolian highland. If, for

and rather forced distinction between Tyrrhenians and

the sake of argument, we have to allow for remnants of a

Pelasgians leads to absurd consequences, like, for instance,

non-Indo-European language in western Anatolia, this can

the assumption that the language of the inhabitants of Cor-

only entail small pockets, uncapable of providing the

tona, whom Dionysios considers to be Pelasgians, was dis-

amount of people necessary for the colonization of Etruria

tinct from that of the Tyrrhenians.261 Dozens of

as envisaged by the orientalists. As a matter of fact,

inscriptions disprove this: the language of the inhabitants

Beekes’ tenet of non-Indo-European survivals in the Ae-

of Cortona was straightforwardly Etruscan.262 Another

gean is entirely based on the linguistic analysis of the

question which arises from Dionysios’ distinction between

Lemnos stele as common among the adherents of the

Pelasgians and Tyrrhenians is where the latter were living

autochthonous thesis.

at the time that the Pelasgians are said to have occupied their country.263 Finally, the way in which Dionysios dis-

Autochthonous thesis

poses of the Pelasgians in order to make room for the Tyr-

The statement by Dionysios of Halikarnassos that the

them evaporate into thin air!264 In short, the story on

Etruscans differed in customs and language from the Lydi-

which the adherents of the autochthonous thesis base

ans is perfectly true for the period in which he lived, the

themselves suffers from many flaws.

rhenians is extremely suspect: he simply, so to say, lets

1st century BC. But, if a colonization of Etruria from

Also the explanation of the relationship between

Lydia had taken place, as Herodotos wants us to believe,

Etruscan and Lemnian within the frame of the autochtho-

then this event happened some 6 to 11 centuries in the past.

nous thesis leads up to unsurmountable difficulties. The

During this period, we must believe that the customs and

first option, according to which the Etruscans and Lem-

language had developed independently in Lydia and Etru-

nians were both remnants of population groups surviving

ria, which would explain the differences. It is of much

the onset of Indo-European immigrations, runs up against

greater importance, therefore, to know whether the Etrus-

the fact that the two languages were so closely related that

can customs and language were more closely related to

such a long period of independent development is highly

those of the Lydians when these first manifested them-

inconceivable (the Indo-European invasions in the Aegean

selves, in the late 8th and early 7th century BC.

date back to at least c. 2300 BC, see section 3). The second

At the same time, it is interesting to determine what

option, according to which the north-Aegean region was

exactly is Dionysios’ drive to disconnect the Tyrrhenians,

colonized by Etruscans from Italy in the late 8th or early

as the Etruscans are called by the Greeks, from the Pelasgians. In previous sources, like, for instance, Thucydides

98, note 3.

(5th century BC), these two population groups are persis-

261 Roman Antiquities I, 29, 3; this view, based on a misreading of

tently identified.259 The answer to this question is given by

†Crotoniats for Crestoniats in the manuscript of Herodotos’ text, is followed, amongst others, by Briquel 1984: 101-140 (esp. 126 ff.) and Beekes 2002: 221, in the latter case without realizing the consequence. For futher literature, see Sakellariou 1977: 88, note 6.

Dionysios himself in the introduction to his work: he wants to prove that the founding fathers of Rome were actually Greeks.260 Now, the Pelasgians, who played a role in the

262 Rix 1991: 301-4; Agostiniani & Nicosia 2000; cf. Briquel

1984: 133.

259 Peloponnesian War IV, 109, 4.

263 Roman Antiquities I, 20, 5.

260 Roman Antiquities I, 5, 1; cf. I, 17, 1; I, 60, 3. This point of

264 Roman Antiquities I, 24, 4; 26. 1

view is common among Hellenistic poets, see Sakellariou 1977:

80

7th century BC, is, considering the slight dialectal differ-

Also from an archaeological perspective the coloniza-

ences, a priori possible, but lacks a proper archaeological

tion of Etruria at the end of the Bronze Age is highly

and historical basis.

unlikely. It is true that at this time Italy is characterized by the introduction of a new culture, the so-called proto-

Colonization at the end of the Bronze Age

Villanovan (= an earlier phase of Villanovan),266 but, as demonstrated convincingly by Hugh Hencken, the latter shows close affinities with the European Urnfields. Thus

If the autochthonous thesis turns out to be flawed, what

the typical biconical urns relate to counterparts primarily

about the thesis of oriental origins? As we have seen, one

discovered in the region of Oltenia and the Banat, Hungary

group of orientalists situates the colonization of Etruria

(see Fig. 13).267 Furthermore, the house urns, which are so

from Asia Minor at the end of the Bronze Age. These

well-known a feature of the Latial variant of (proto-)Villa-

scholars base themselves on the chronology of Herodotos,

novan, find their closests parallels in northern Germany

who places the rulers descending from Atys’ son Lydos

(see Fig. 14).268 In line with these observations, it seems

prior to those of the Heraklids. The reign of the latter,

reasonable to assume that new population groups have en-

Herodotos continues, lasted as many as 22 generations or

tered Italy, as Hencken does, only not from the Aegean,

505 years in sum before the last representative, Kandaules,

but from Europe. These new population groups can plausi-

was set aside by Gyges, the first ruler of the Mermnades, at

bly be identified as the forefathers of the historical Italic

the beginning of the 7th century BC.265 Accordingly, it

peoples of the Umbrians, Oscans,269 Latins, and Faliscans,

follows that the descendants of Atys’ son Lydos were in

whose languages show the closest affinity to Celtic and

power before the beginning of the 12th century BC. Hero-

Germanic. At any rate, the Umbrians have the same name

dotos, however, amplifies this information with the remark

as the German tribe of the Ambrones (Jutland in Den-

that the population of Sardis and its surroundings were

mark),270 branches of which can, on the basis of related

called Lydians after Lydos, whereas prior to his rule they

place and river names, be traced as far afield as France,

were known as Maeonians. Now, Maeonians is the form of

Spain, and even northern Italy,271 whereas that of the

address for the Lydians in the epic songs of Homeros,

Oscans or Ausones is obviously related to the Celtic eth-

which, as we have seen in section 2, primarily reflects Late

nonyms Ausci (near Auch in southern France) and

Bronze Age history. Hence the name Lydians can only be

Ausetani (in Ausa-Vich, Catalonia).272 (As demonstrated

surmised to have come into currency in the Early Iron Age.

by Hans Krahe, both ethnonyms are rooted in his Old

Ergo: Herodotos’ chronology is flawed.

European river names, the first being based on *embh-, *ombh- “moist, water” and the second on *av-, *au-

266 Note that Hencken 1968 wrongly applies the term preVillanovan instead; cf. Fugazzola Delpino 1979; Ridgway 1988: 628 ff. 267 Hencken 1968: 441, fig. 452. 268 Behn 1924: 90-1; Tafel 6, d-e; note, however, that the north German house urns postdate the Latial ones. 269 Note in this connection that the introduction of protoVillanovan in Lipari and at Milazzo in Sicily is attributed to the Ausones (= variant form of Osci) who according to Diodoros of Sicily, Library of History V, 7, invaded Lipari and Sicily from the Italian peninsula, see Hencken 1955: 31.

Fig. 13. Distribution of biconical urns in the Urnfield world (from

270 Altheim 1950: 56-7.

Hencken 1968: 441, fig. 452).

271 Schmoll 1959: 83; 119, note 1. 265 Histories I, 7.

272 Bosch-Gimpera 1939: 40.

81

“source, stream”).273

ous procedure. In the first place, it leaves out the protoVillanovan phase, which cannot be dissociated from Villanovan and which spread far to the south, reaching Apulia, the Lipari islands and even northern Sicily – regions where later evidence of Italic languages are found (see Fig. 15).275 Secondly, the use of the distinction between cremation and inhumation burial rites as an ethnic marker is, as far as the 8th century BC is concerned, an oversimplification. After the introduction of proto-Villanovan at the end of the Bronze Age, there is a revival of the rite of inhumation spreading from the south of Italy to the north, reaching Caere in the 9th and 8th centuries BC. Similarly, the Etruscans are also acquainted with both rites – be it that their cremation burials are clearly distinct from the Villanovan ones (see further below). Hence, the distinction is rather Villanovan style cremations and inhumations versus Etruscan style cremations and inhumations – a line of approach actually applied by Ingrid Pohl in her publication of the Iron Age cemetery of Caere.276 Finally, the identification of the bearers of Villanovan culture in Etruria with the forebears of the Etruscans disregards the historical evidence according to which the Etruscans colonized the land of the Umbrians and drove them out of their original habitat.277 As a matter of fact, there are numerous reminiscences of the Umbrians originally inhabiting the region later called Etruria, like the river name Umbro, the region called tractus Umbriae, the association of the Umbrian

Fig. 14. Distribution of house urns (from Bouzek 1997: fig. 49).

tribes of the Camartes and Sarsinates with the inland

The distinction between open and closed map symbols is immate-

towns Clusium and Perugia, and the identification of Cor-

rial in the present connection

tona as an Umbrian town.278 At any rate, the sites which have yielded Umbrian inscriptions mostly lie along the

This reconstruction of Italian prehistory at the end of

eastern fringe of the Villanovan style cremation area,279

the Bronze Age, which assumes a relation between Urn-

and there even have been found Umbrian type inscriptions

field culture and the historical peoples of the Umbrians,

in Picenum on the other side of the Appenines, whereas

Oscans, Latins, and Faliscans, collides with the view of the

literary sources speak of Umbrians in Ancona, Ariminum,

foremost representant of the autochthonous thesis, Mas-

Ravenna, and Spina to the north280 – regions where

simo Pallottino. The latter put much effort in an attempt to disconnect the Italic Indo-European languages from the (proto-)Villanovan culture, the bearers of which he consid-

275 For Ausones (= Oscans) on the Lipari islands and in Milazzo,

ers to be the forebears of the Etruscans. To this end he pre-

see Diodoros of Sicily, The Library of History V, 7.

sents a map showing the distribution of archaeological

276 Pohl 1972.

cultures of Italy in the 9th and 8th centuries BC, which he

277 Plinius, Natural History III, 14, 112.

compares with the distribution of the various languages as

278 Altheim 1950: 22-3.

attested in about the 5th century BC.274 This is a danger-

279 Poultney 1959: 3. 280 Pseudo-Skylaks, Periplus 16; Strabo, Geography V, 1, 11; V,

273 Krahe1964: 90-1; 43-4.

2, 1; Justinus, Epitoma historiarum philippicarum Pompei Trogi XX, 1, 11; cf. Briquel 1984: 33; 51; 88; Salmon 1988: 701.

274 Pallottino 1988: 68; Abb. 1-2.

82

(proto-)Villanovan is attested (cf. Fig. 15).

made common cause with colleagues from the eastMediterranean basin, like the Ekwesh or Akhaians from the Greek mainland, Peleset or Pelasgians from the Aegean, Tjeker or Teukrians from the Troas, and Lukka or Lycians from western Asia Minor. The importance of bearers of the Urnfield culture, like we have suggested for the Oscans, among these Sea Peoples is stressed by the fact that their boat(s) as depicted in Ramesses III’s memorial at Medinet Habu are characterized by bird-head devices at both the bow and the stern – as convincingly shown by Shelley Wachsmann a typical Urnfield feature.284 Furthermore, this element among the Sea Peoples can even be shown to have settled in the Levant at Hamath, where Urnfield cemeteries with more than 1000 urns have been dug up.285 Within the frame of the autochthonous thesis, the Teresh or Tyrsenians (= Tyrrhenians) are, on the analogy of the Sicilians and Sardinians, likewise supposed to have come from Italy, but considering their Aegean location in early Greek literary sources this is unlikely (see section 12). At any rate, the direction of the migrations at the end of the Bronze Age is clearly from west to east, and not the other way round. Therefore, the colonization by the Etruscans of Italy from Asia Minor as recorded by Herodotos does not fit into the period of the Sea Peoples.

Colonization in the Early Iron Age

Fig. 15. Distribution of (a) proto-Villanovan and (b) Villanovan sites (after Hencken 1968: fig. 466).

The question which remains to be answered is whether the The repercussions of the Urnfield migrations into It-

colonization by the Etruscans of Italy from Asia Minor as

aly are archaeologically traceable to well into the Aegean

recorded by Herodotos does fit into the period of the Early

region. Thus Urnfield material of Italian or European type

Iron Age. This is the period of exploration and coloniza-

is attested for the islands Crete, Kos, and Euboia as well as

tion of the west-Mediterranean basin by Phoenicians and

Appar-

Greeks. Was there among these explorers and colonists of

ently, some population groups in Italy were displaced at

the far west a third party, namely Luwians from western

the time, or some of the European immigrants, whose

Anatolia?

for various locations on the Greek

mainland.281

First of all, it is important to note that only from c.

maritime nature has already been extrapolated by went straight on to the Aegean. This is ex-

700 BC onwards Etruria is characterized by an archaeo-

actly the situation recorded by the Egyptian sources on the

logical culture that with certainty can be identified as

Hencken,282

so-called Sea Peoples, which inform us about raids by the Shekelesh, Sherden, and Weshesh, in which we can recog-

1872: 299; cf. Reinach 1910: 36, note 3; Macalister 1913: 25; see further section 14 below.

nize the Italic peoples of the Sicilians, Sardinians, and Oscans (see section 14 below).283 These western raiders

284 Wachsmann 1998: 178 (with reference to de Boer 1991 who, with due reference to Hencken 1968 [in turn going back to Kimmig 1964: 223-4, Abb. 1], already noted the connection); Wachsmann 2000: 122.

281 Popham 2001.

285 Wachsmann 2000: 123; Drews 1993: 201, note 104 stipulates

282 Hencken 1968: 634.

that a substantial number of the European Naue type II sword, mostly of iron, were found in these cremation graves.

283 For the identification of the Weshesh as Oscans, see Chabas

83

Etruscan, because from that date onwards inscriptions con-

ber tomb which is entirely hewn out of the soft tufa with

ducted in the Etruscan language are found.286 One of the

mock roof beams in place as if it were a wooden construc-

most outstanding features of this Etruscan culture is

tion. The same technique is so common for Etruria that if

formed by the chamber tomb under tumulus for multiple

the photos of the Mysian example would have had no cap-

burials. The burial rites may consist of inhumation or a

tion one could easily be mistaken to be dealing with an

special form of cremation, according to which the remains

Etruscan grave.290 Unfortunately, the Anatolian examples

of the pyre are collected in a gold or silver container

in the last mentioned two cases were so thoroughly robbed

which, wrapped in a purple linen cloth, is placed in a locu-

that they cannot be properly dated. Next, it deserves our

lus of the grave. The closest parallels for such elite-

attention that Lycia from the 6th century BC onwards is

cremations are found in Anatolian style chamber tombs

typified by façade graves hewn out of the natural rock,

under tumulus at Salamis on

Cyprus.287

The rite in ques-

which bring to mind the façade graves hewn out of the

tion is meticulously described by Homeros in connection

natural rock of Norchia and its immediate surroundings to

with the burial of Patroklos, for which reason one often

which a similar date is assigned as the Lycian counter-

speaks of an Homeric burial. As far as mainland Greece is

parts.291 Like the Mysian tomb mentioned above, the fa-

concerned, similar elite-cremations are attested for the hero

çade graves imitate wooden constructions. Hence, it is

of Lefkandi and the burials at the west gate of Eretria. The

interesting to note that actual wooden constructions have

element which is missing here, however, is the characteris-

been dug up in Phrygia. Here large wooden boxes dating to

tic chamber tomb under tumulus (the hero of Lefkandi is

the late 8th and early 7th centuries BC serve as a replace-

discovered in an apsidal building secondarily used as a

ment of the stone built chamber tomb in like manner as in

grave and covered by a tumulus).288

Vetulonia during the 7th century BC. Finally, mention

Chamber tombs under tumulus for multiple burials are

should be made of a Lycian chamber tomb from the 5th

a typical Mycenaean feature. During the Late Bronze Age

century BC with paintings which bear a strong resem-

this type of burial is disseminated by Mycenaean colonists

blance to the Etruscan ones in Tarquinia – be it that the

from mainland Greece to western Asia Minor, where it is

Lycian paintings, in contrast to their Etruscan counterparts,

subsequently taken over by indigenous population groups

show Persian motifs.292

like the Carians, Lycians, Lydians, and ultimately the

In summary, on the basis of the preceding survey of

Phrygians. The earliest indigenous examples are pseudo-

relations in funeral architecture one gains the impression

cupolas in Caria, dated to the period of c. 1000 to 800 BC.

that Etruria was in close contact with various regions of

These graves are characterized by a rectangular ground-

western Anatolia during the Early Orientalizing period and

plan and a concentrically vaulted roof. The problem of the

beyond.293 Possibly, a crucial role was played by Mysia,

dome resting on a square is solved by the so-called

the Aiolian coast, and the offshore islands like Lesbos, be-

pendentive. This very same construction is typical of

cause here the typical local pottery, just like in Etruria

BC.289

from the 7th century BC onwards, consists of bucchero.294

Similarly, in Lydia a chamber tomb has been found with a

The inference that colonists from various regions of

roof vaulting lenghtwise in the same way as for example

western Asia Minor migrated to Etruria may receive fur-

the famous Regolini-Galassi tomb at Caere, dating to the

ther emphasis if we take a look at the script. As mentioned

7th century BC. Furthermore, Mysia has produced a cham-

in the above the earliest inscriptions in the Etruscan lan-

chamber tombs in Populonia during the 7th century

guage date from c. 700 BC onwards. In general, it is as286 Hencken 1968: 631.

290 Kaspar 1970: 71-83.

287 D’Agostino 1977: 57-8; note that the Etruscan nature of the

291 Contra Åkerström 1934: 104-7.

elite-cremations at Pontecagnano is deducible from the fact that the earliest inscriptions from this site are conducted in the Etruscan language, see Rix 1991: Cm 2.2, Cm 2.7, and Cm 2.19, all of 6th century BC date.

292 Mellink 1972: 263 ff. 293 This contact needs to be distinguished from and can at the

same time be underlined by Etruscan post-colonial trade with the Aegean as attested by the presence of Etruscan bucchero at, amongst other sites, Smyrna and Pitane, see Briquel 1991: 80.

288 Bérard 1970; Popham, Touloupa & Sackett 1982. 289 Schachermeyr 1929: 89-91; 100-1; cf. Demus-Quatember

294 Pfuhl 1923: 153 f.

1958: 63.

84

sumed that the Etruscans have borrowed their alphabet

model is applicable to the Etruscan colonization, as sug-

from the Greeks, in particular from the Euboeians at Pith-

gested by the large number of Italic names in Etruscan in-

ecussae and Cumae. This view, however, runs up against

scriptions dating from the 7th and 6th centuries BC

serious difficulties, since the local Etruscan alphabets are

onwards. To give some examples, one might point to:

characterized by signs and sign-forms unparalleled for

Cventi, Eknate, Venelus, Vete, Vipie, Kavie, Kaisie, Ma-

Greek inscriptions. In the first place we have to consider in

merce, Numesie, Petrus, Punpu, Pupaia, Puplie, Spurie,

this connection the sign for the expression of the value [f]

Flavie, and tribal names like Latinie, Sapina, and

as attested for an early 7th century BC inscription from

Sarsina.299 As a matter of fact, the colonists from western

Vetulonia (Vn 1.1) in north-Etruria, which consists of a

Asia Minor constitute an elite, who impose their superior

vertical stroke with a small circle on either top. As time

culture on the by far more numerous indigenous Italic

goes by, this sign develops into the well-known figure-of-

population. A vital component of the colonial culture is

eight [f], which spreads from the north of Etruria to the

formed by their language.

south ultimately to replace the digraph of wau and Ɲta (<

A first hint at the nature of the language can be de-

hƝta) for the same sound in the south-Etruscan alphabets.

rived from the name of some of the newly founded cities.

The origin of this sign can be traced back to the Lydian al-

Thus Tarquinia (= Etruscan TarFna-) is, on the analogy of

phabet, where during the same time it knows exactly the

Greek colonial names like Posidonia, Apollonia, and

same development! Next, a late 7th century BC inscription from Caere (Cr 9.1) in south-Etruria bears testimony of a

Herakleia, which are also based on a divine name, named after the Luwian storm-god Tar® unt-.300 In addition, a

variant of the tsade which is closer in form to the Phoeni-

number of Etruscan personal names, like Arn-, Mezentie,

cian original than the Greek san. The closest parallel for

MuFsie, 4ifarie or 4efarie, can be traced back to Luwian

this sign can be discovered in the local script of Side in

counterparts (Arnuwanta-, Mukasa-) or Luwian onomastic

Pamphylia. On the basis of these observations it lies at

elements (masana- “god”, Tiwata- or Tiwara- “sun-god”);

hand to infer that various groups of colonists from various

the same applies to family names like Camitlna (< Luwian

regions in western Asia Minor, ranging from Lydia in the

® anta- “in front of”) and VelaveĞna (< Luwian walwa-

north to Side in the south, simply have taken (features of)

“lion”), be it that the diagnostic element -na- though

their script with them.295

originating from Luwian hieroglyphic ná- “son”301  is an

The colonists not only introduced their own type of

Etruscan innovation unparalleled for Anatolian onomas-

grave and their own type of alphabet, they also settled

tics. Furthermore, Etruscan vocabulary shows many corre-

themselves, just like the Phoenicians and Greeks, in urban

spondences with Luwian, like for instance the very

centres founded according to neatly circumscribed ritu-

common verb muluvane- or muluvani- “to offer as a vow”,

als.296

An often heard argument in favor of the continuity

the root of which is related to Luwian maluwa- “thank-

between the Villanovan and Etruscan Orientalizing periods

offering”. Of a more profound nature are similarities in

is that the Etruscan cities are founded on locations where

morphology (adjectival suffixes -s- and -l-), the system of

in the previous period Villanovan villages are situated.297 It should be realized, however, that the Greek colony in Cumae is also preceded by an indigenous Italic settlement

ted c. 700-675 BC which is not included in the corpus Rix 1991, see Woudhuizen 1992a: 158-61.

and that there is ample evidence for intermingling between

299 Cf. Vetter 1953.

the original inhabitants and the new arrivals.298 The same

300 Evidence for a Tar® unt-cult in western Anatolia is provided

by Lycian Trqqñt- or Trqqas (Houwink ten Cate 1961: 126), whereas the remains of such a cult are indicated by the demos Tarkundara at Mylasa in Caria (Woudhuizen 1992a: 7, note 28a), the epiklesis TarguƝnos of Zeus in Lydia (Woudhuizen 1990: 101), and the heroic name Tarkhǀn as reported for Mysia by Lykophron, Aleksandra 1248. The attempts by Briquel 1984: 181 ff. (who does not even refer to the long standing [since Herbig 1914: 20-1] and well-known equation of Etruscan TarFna- to Luwian Tar® unt- in a note) to dissociate Mysian Tarkhǀn from its proper Anatolian background are altogether futile.

295 Woudhuizen 1982-3: 97; for the Sidetic tsade, see Woudhuizen 1984-5b: 117, fig. 5. 296 Woudhuizen 1998: 178-9. 297 Hencken 1968: 636. 298 Müller-Karpe 1959: 36-9; note that there are also Etruscans among the new settlers as indicated by the Etruscan nature of an elite-cremation in the so-called fondo Artiaco dated c. 700 BC, see Strøm 1971: 146 and Strøm 1990, and an Etruscan inscription da-

301 Woudhuizen 2005 : 19-20.

85

(pro)nominal declension (genitive-dative singular in -s or

ern Asia Minor were involved in trade with the indigenous

-l, ablative-locative in --(i) or -r(i), nominative plural in -i,

population of Italy for the same reasons as the Phoenicians

genitive plural in -ai > -e) and verbal conjugation (3rd per-

(to be more specific: Aramaeans)305 and Greeks: the met-

son singular of the present-future in --(i)), the use of sen-

alliferous (especially iron) nature of the regions of the

tence introductory particles (va-, nac, nu-), enclitic

Tolfa hills near Tarquinia, Elba, and Populonia. This situa-

conjunctions (-c or -F, -m), negative adverbs (nes or nis),

tion of precolonial offshore trade in Italy is described by

etc. On the basis of these features, Etruscan can be classi-

one of our earliest sources with respect to the Tyrsenians,

fied as most closely related to Luwian hieroglyphic of the

namely Hesiodos. In his Theogony, which dates from the

Early Iron Age (adjectival suffixes -asi- and -ali-, sentence

8th century BC, he informs us that the indigenous kings

introdutory particle wa-, negative adverb nas), but in cer-

Agrios and Latinos ruled over the famous Tyrsenians who

tain aspects already showing developments characteristic

live very far off mukhǀi nƝsǀn hieraǀn “in a recess of the

of Lycian (genitive plural in -ãi > -e1) and Lydian (dative

holy islands”!306 The motivation to let these trade contacts

singular in -l1, loss of closing vowel in the ablative-

culminate into actual colonization comes from domestic

locative ending, sentence introductory particle nak, enclitic

difficulties: at the end of the 8th century BC Anatolia suf-

conjunction -k) of the Classical period. Finally, Etruscan

fered heavily from the Kimmerian invasion, which over-

shows a number of deviations from Luwian which it shares

threw the Phrygian realm of king Midas and terrorized the

with Lemnian, like the 3rd person singular ending of the

Lydian realm of the tyrant Gyges.307 If you were living

past tense in -ce, -ke or -Fe, the vocabulary word avi(l)-

along the coast and were acquainted with the route to more

“year”, and the enclitic conjunction -m “and”. Considering

peaceful regions, this was the time to pick up your belong-

the fact that the Lemnos stele contains a dating-formula

ings, board on a ship and settle in the metalliferous zone of

bearing reference to a certain Holaie from Phokaia, who is

Italy, where, from a military point of view, the indigenous

specified as king (vanacasial < Greek (v)anaks) over the

population was by far inferior!

Myrinians and Seronians, the places of which, on the analogy of Phokaia, are likely to be situated in Aiolia, these

Additional note: The IndoEuropeanization of Tuscany

deviations may plausibly be ascribed to the dialect of the indigenous population of Mysia.302 If so, the linguistic evidence coincides remarkably with the results from our

There is archaeological and linguistic evidence for a still

archaeological investigation according to which we were

earlier layer in the process of Indo-Europeanization of

already able to posit a crucial role for Mysia in the coloni-

Tuscany than the ones discussed above.

zation process. Notwithstanding his mistaken chronology,

Thus in the early 3rd millennium BC, Tuscany is

Herodotos, while not telling the whole story in all its nu-

characterized by the Rinaldone culture. Typical for this

ances, has certainly transmitted a tradition which in its nu-

culture is the Tomb of the Widow at Porte San Pietro,

cleus may safely be considered historically correct!

which consisted of a single chambered stone-cut catacomb

We still have to answer the following question: why did Luwian population groups from western Asia Minor take the boat and sail to Italy in order to settle in the coun-

tries to get rid of the un-Greek features by reading the combination of sigma and san in one inscription as sigma and four stroked unstemmed mu and by emending the sequence ]mi maion[ in another inscription as ei]mi + MN [in the genitive, but the four stroked unstemmed mu occurs only in inscriptions of later date (as in the maker-formula ]inos m’epoiese from c. 700-675 BC) and the verbal form e(i)mi, in all of its occurrences in Jeffery 1998, turns up after the personal name it is associated with. Similar criticism also applies to BartonČk & Buchner 1995.

try of the Umbrians? In an attempt to address this question, it is important to note that the excavations at the island of Pithecussae, alongside Phoenician (to be more specific Aramaic)303 and Greek inscriptions, have produced what should be called proto-Etruscan ones dating to the period of c. 750 to 700 BC.304 Apparently, the Luwians of west-

1998; Woudhuizen 2001a. See further appendix II.

305 Bernal 1991: 192 (with reference to Homeros, Iliad II, 783). For the distinction of Phoenicians at Pithecussae by their burial rites, see now Docter 2000.

303 Buchner 1982: 293.

306 Theogony 1011-6.

304 Woudhuizen 1992b: 154 ff. Contra Johnston 1983: 63, who

307 Sauter 2000.

302 Best & Woudhuizen 1989; Woudhuizen 1992b; Woudhuizen

86

grave of North Pontic steppe type, in which a man was

north-Aegean and southwest Anatolia, introducing the Ori-

buried with his wife. The skeleton of the man was associ-

entalizing culture (c. 700 BC onwards). And all this in a

ated with a stone battle-axe, copper daggers, an arrowhead,

region which Massimo Pallottino in a lifelong effort would

and a pot. Skull injuries attested for the skeleton of the

have us believe (and succeeded in making his fellow

woman suggest that she was dispatched on the death of her

Etruscologists believe) to be the home of a pre-Indo-

husband to accompany him in the afterlife according to the

European rest group!

likewise North Pontic rite of suttee. Other Rinaldone tombs produced horse remains – a feature pointing once

Postscriptum

again in the direction of the North Pontic steppe where the

In an article about Etruscan origins which appeared in

animal in question was not only abundantly found but also

BABesch 79 (2004) 51-7, the Etruscologist Bauke van der

suggested to have been already domesticated from the 4th

Meer speaks out in favor of the orientalist thesis, but he

millennium BC onwards.308

does not choose between the two variant models of coloni-

From a linguistic point of view, it has been observed

zation as presented here, viz. at the end of the Bronze Age

by Hans Krahe that Tuscany, with names like Alma, Ar-

or during an advanced stage of the Early Iron Age: in fact,

menta, Aventia, Albinia, Arnus, Elsa, Auser, Ausenna, and

he posits three waves of colonization in sum, namely one

Visentios, is included in the distribution of his Old Euro-

c. 1100 BC, a second c. 900 BC, and the third c. 700 BC

pean river

names.309

(p. 55).

These names, which are based on

well-attested Proto-Indo-European roots, may well be rooted in the 3rd millennium BC, as their overall distribution, as rightly stressed by Peter Kitson, coincides remarkably with that of the Bell Beaker culture.310 Accordingly, the bearers of the Rinaldone culture are likely to be held responsible for the given layer of Old European river names in Tuscany. All in all, then, there can be distinguished at least three different layers in the process of Indo-Europeanization of Tuscany: (1) the bearers of the Rinaldone culture of North Pontic steppe affiliations (3rd millennium BC onwards), (2) the Osco-Umbrians and Latin-Faliscans, which we have held responsible for the introduction of the European Urnfield culture in Italy (12th century BC onwards), and (3) Luwian population groups originating from the

308 Mallory 1989: 93-4; 198-201; in my opinion Drews 2004: 15-

9 goes too far in discrediting the Dereivka bone cheekpieces as evidence for horse control. 309 Krahe 1962: 304; note that Auser and Ausenna may have been

introduced later by the Ausones or Oscans, just like the Ombrone is likely to be named by the Umbrians. The Tiber is the Etruscan and hence latest name of the foremost river in Tuscany (< Luwian Tiwat/ra- “sun-god”), which used to be called Albula (< PIE *albh“white”) in an earlier period, see Krahe 1964: 53. 310 Kitson 1997: 204-5; cf. Tovar 1977: maps 1-6 with Harrison

1988: 12, map 1. Note that Tuscany is not included in the distribution of the Bell Beaker culture, but the inclusion of the region of Palermo, where a twin catacomb grave from the Aeneolithic Conca d’Oro culture has been found (see de Vries 1976: 210-11), may suggest a connection between the Bell Beaker culture on the one hand and the catacomb culture on the other.

87

11. THE AENEAS’ SAGA: ETRUSCAN ORIGINS IN PARVO If we are right in our conclusion that Luwian population

Euboeian colony Cumae,315 Aeneas and his Trojan colo-

groups from western Asia Minor colonized Etruria in the

nists reach their final destination, Latium at the mouth of

late 8th or early 7th century BC, there may also well be a

the Tiber.316

kernel of truth in the colonization by Trojans of the coastal

Having pitched their camp in Latium, there evolves a

region of Latium as transmitted to us by the famous Ae-

war with the local population, who want to get rid of the

neas’ saga.

intruders. The war entails a truly epic coalition of forces.

According to Vergilius’ version of this myth, the Tro-

On the side of the Latins fight the Caeretan king Mezentius

jans set out with 20 ships from Antandros, which lies at the

with his son Lausus, who had been driven out of their

northern side of the same bay that also harbors Smyrna –

hometown and had taken refuge with the Rutulians,

the starting point, as we have seen, of the Lydians in their

Aventinus with followers from the Aventine hill, Catillus

colonization of Etruria according to Herodotos. From here,

and Corus with followers from Tibur, Caeculus with fol-

they first go to the Thracian coast, where they build a city

lowers from Praeneste, Messapus with Faliscan Aequi,

called Aeneadae after their leader Aeneas (in Hellanikos’

Clausus with Sabins, Halaesus with Osci from the region

version this first stopping place is specified as Pallene in

of Cales and the Volturnus, Oebalus with Teleboans from

Khalkidike).311

Next, the journey proceeds via Delos to

Capri, Ufens with Aequiculi, Umbro from the Marsian

Crete, where again the Trojans build a city, this time called

hills, Virbius from Egeria’s woods, Camilla with Volsci,

Pergamea after Pergama – an alternative name of their

Volcens with Latins, and Turnus with his Rutulians.317

hometown Troy. After this intermezzo, they move on to

The help of the Greek hero Diomedes (Aeneas’ foe in the

the realm of Hellenus in Chaonia, Epirus, which is inhab-

Trojan war), residing at Arpi, is called upon, but he refuses

ited by kinsmen who likewise escaped from Troy after the

to join in. On the side of the Trojans fight Evander with his

fall of the city at the end of the Trojan war.312 Sailing

Arcadians, declared enemies of the Latins, Tarchon with

along the eastern coast of Italy and Sicily, their next major

an Etruscan army of undetermined origin, Massicus with

stopping place is the realm of Acestes in the region of Eryx

followers from Clusium and Cosae, Abas with men from

and Segesta, northwest Sicily, where, just like in Chaonia,

Populonia and Elba, Asilas with men from Pisae, Astyr

the population consists of kinsmen from Troy. As a matter

with followers from Caere, Pyrgi and Graviscae, Cinyrus

of fact, in the part of the trip between Crete and Sicily the

with Ligurians, and Ocnus and Aulestis with an army from

main concern of the expedition is to avoid the hostile

Mantua. In sum, this basically Etruscan coalition is re-

Greek settlements along the shores and on the islands of

ported to comprise 30 ships.318 The war ends with the

the Ionian sea. After their stay with Acestes, Aeneas and

death of the leader of the Italic coalition, Turnus, by the

his companions are driven by a storm to the coast of Af-

hand of the Trojan leader, Aeneas. (In the version by Dio-

rica, where they visit Carthago, the town newly founded

nysios of Halikarnassos, Aeneas – who is married with

by Phoenicians from Tyre under the leadership of queen

Latinus’ daughter Lavinia and rules both the Trojans and

Dido.313 From here, they return to the realm of Acestes in

the Latins at the time of the war with the Rutulians and

Sicily, where games are held in honor of Aeneas’ father

Mezentius – simply disappears, and the Latins subse-

Anchises, who had died there during their first stay.314 Fi-

quently build a hero-shrine for him.)319 In the course of the

nally, after a visit of the underworld in the region of the

following peace, preluded to in Vergilius’ version of the myth, the native Latins will not change their name into

315 Vergilius, Aeneid VI.

311 Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 4 F 31; cf. Galinsky

1969: 111-2.

316 Vergilius, Aeneid VII.

312 Vergilius, Aeneid III.

317 Vergilius, Aeneid VII, 647-817; IX, 367-70.

313 Vergilius, Aeneid I; IV.

318 Vergilius, Aeneid X, 146-214.

314 Vergilius, Aeneid V.

319 Roman Antiquities I, 64.

89

Trojans, nor will they change their language and alter their

in his version of the myth. Now, this heroon is connected

attire and customs, but the Trojans will sink down and

with a grave from c. 675-650 BC, containing a few frag-

merge in the mass, leaving them only the introduction of

ments of bone, some 60 vases of impasto and bucchero sot-

some new religious rites.320

tile, and the remnants of a chariot (see Fig. 16).325 Clearly,

Some of the elements of the Aeneas’ saga as summa-

it was believed that the person commemorated by means of

rized above can be corroborated by archaeological, epi-

the heroon had been buried in the grave underlying the

graphical or historical data. Thus, the reported sojourn of

monument, which once again points to a date in the Early

Aeneas with his Trojans on the Thracian coast, according

Iron Age of Aeneas’ arrival in Latium.

to Hellanikos in Pallene on the Khalkidike, is reflected in the archaeological record by tetradrachms from the nearby city of Aineia, dated to the period before 525 BC, which depict the flight of Aeneas and his wife Creusa from Troy.321 Next, their stay at the court of Dido in the newly founded city of Carthago can only be dated to the period after 814/3 or 813/2 BC – the historical foundation date of the city according to Timaios.322 As the fact that, according to Homeros’ Iliad, Aeneas already fought in the Trojan war, which may well be assigned to c. 1280 BC, is incom-

Fig. 16. The Heroon of Aeneas at Lavinium (from Somella 1974:

patible with a visit by the same person of Carthago in the

Taf. VII).

late 9th or early 8th century BC, i.e. some 5 centuries later, Dionysios of Halikarnassos, whose focus is on chronology,

More in general, the alliance of Aeneas with the

quite consistently rejected the historical validity of this

Etruscans finds its expression in the archaeological record

event.323 It should be realized, however, that we are deal-

in a scarab326 and a large number of vases from Etruria

ing with myth and that in this category of evidence epi-

with scenes from the Aeneas legend, dated to the late 6th

sodes from various periods can be telescoped into a single

and/or early 5th century BC.327 The Etruscan town of Veii

lifetime. Furthermore, the historical validity of one of the

even produced cult statues depicting Aeneas carrying his

adversaries of the Trojans in their war with the Latins is

father Anchises, dated to the early or mid 5th century

greatly enhanced by the discovery of an Etruscan inscrip-

BC.328 As it seems, then, the Etruscans considered the Ae-

tion from Caere, dated to c. 680/675-650/640 BC, reading

neas saga as part of their cultural heritage. It comes as no

mi Laucies Mezenties

surprise, therefore, that the poet who fashioned the legend into its most famous form, Publius Vergilius Maro from

“I (am) of Lucius Mezentius”.324

Mantua, ultimately originates from an Etruscan background, his family name being derived from Etruscan Ver-

Again, this evidence points to a date in the Early Iron Age of the vicissitudes of Aeneas and his Trojans in the west.

cna-.329 Yet, the aforesaid heroon at Lavinium should

Finally, in Lavinium, 100 metres southeast of the 13 altars

warn us against the oversimplified conclusion of Karl Ga-

of the Latin League, a heroon has been found dated to the

linsky, written, it must be admitted, before this sensational

4th century BC, which has been identified as the hero-

find, that “when Aeneas appeared in Italy, (…) he be-

shrine of Aeneas reported by Dionysios of Halikarnassos 320 Vergilius, Aeneid XII, 819-43. 325 Somella 1974; Ross Holloway 1994: 135-8.

321 Galinsky 1969: 111-2, Fig. 87.

326 Galinsky 1969: 60; 103; Fig. 44.

322 Der Neue Pauly, s.v. Karthago; cf. Dionysios of Halikarnas-

sos, Roman Antiquities I, 74,1.

327 Galinsky 1969: 122-3.

323 Loeb edition, p.160-1, note 1.

328 Galinsky 1969: 125; 133; Fig. 111.

324 Heurgon 1992: 24. Note that this name corresponds with Lau-

329 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Vergilius; Schulze

sus, the son of Mezentius, in the literary tradition.

1966: 101; 379; cf. Rix 1991: s.v. (esp. Perugia).

90

longed to the Etruscans.”330 Rather, we are dealing with a

3rd century BC, which carries the legend

genuinely Latial tradition, which radiated to south Etruria.

Lare Aineia d(onum)

The earliest historical source connecting Aeneas with “Dedication to Lar Aineias”.336

the west is provided by the work of Stesikhoros (early 6th century BC) as preserved for the Tabula Iliaca, which

One of the outstanding deeds with which Aeneas is cred-

shows Aeneas with his father Anchises (holding the cista

ited concerns his introduction of the cult of the ancestral

sacra) and son Ascanius bording a ship eis tƝn Hespe-

Trojan gods, the Penates.337 According to the imagery, he

rian.331 Next, Hellanikos of Lesbos holds that Aeneas

is responsible for saving the sacra of the Penates, carried

came to Italy from the land of the Molossians, either with

either by his father Anchises in a cista338 or by his wife

Odysseus or after him, and founded the city of Rome,

Creusa in a doliolum,339 from destruction at the time of the

which he named after a Trojan woman called RǀmƝ.332

fall of Troy. Now, Timaios (early 3rd century BC) informs

When the date of the foundation of Rome became fixed at

us that the holy objects of the sanctuary at Lavinium were

753 BC, however, chronographers and historians faced the

kept in a keramos Trǀikos “a Trojan earthen jar”.340

problem that one person could not possibly be staged as a

Rightly, Galinsky connected this information with Livius’

combattant in the Trojan war and at the same time be held

account that during the Gallic invasion in 390 BC the sa-

responsible for the foundation of Rome some five centuries

cra of the Roman Penates were placed in two doliola,

later. Hence, authors from the 4th century BC onwards

earthen jars.341 That the sanctuary of the Latin League at

prefer to attribute the foundation of Rome to a descendant

Lavinium with its 13 altars, which, as we have noted

of Aeneas (or of a woman from his Trojan followers),333

above, lies at a 100 metre distance of Aeneas’ heroon, was

culminating into Dionysios of Halikarnassos’ calculation

indeed dedicated (at least partly) to the cult of the Penates

that Romulus is the 17th in descent from Aeneas!334 This

is confirmed by a 6th century BC inscription associated

process of filling up the time between the Late Bronze Age

with altar no. 8, reading

and an advanced stage of the Early Iron Age is of doubtful

Castorei Podlouquei-que qurois

historical value: the Italic people had, for instance, no recollection at all of the arrival of the ancestors of the Umbri-

“to the kouroi Castor and Pollux”;342

ans and Oscans in Italy c. 1200 BC. Rather, therefore, we should face the fact that, as noted above, Aeneas as a hero

the Greek Dioskouroi, namely, were identified in literary

and saint became associated in myth with widely separated

tradition with the Penates.343 In Etruria, these were also

historical episodes.

venerated as testified by an early 5th century BC inscription from Tarquinia, reading

Considering the aforesaid hero-shrine, the association of Aeneas with Lavinium seems prior to the one with

itun turuce Venel Atelinas Tinas cliniiaras

Rome. According to the inscription reported by Dionysios of Halikarnassos to belong to this hero-shrine, Aeneas was worshipped here as a god.335 Further evidence for an Aeneas cult is provided by a cippus from Tor Tignosa, 5 336 Galinsky 1969: 158.

miles inland from Lavinium, dated to the late 4th or early

337 See Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 69, 4 for

their identifcation with the Kabeiroi or Megaloi Theoi of Samothrace.

330 Galinsky 1969: 131. 331 Galinsky 1969: 106-7; Figs. 85-6.

338 See note 326 above.

332 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 72, 2; cf.

339 Galinsky 1969: Fig. 45.

Galinski 1969: 103.

340 Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 566 F 59; cf. Galinsky

333 Galinsky 1969: 142-3; cf. Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman

1969: 155.

Antiquities I, 72, 5.

341 History of Rome V, 40, 7-8.

334 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 45, 3; see for

the discussion of the intervening kings ibid. I, 71 and cf. Livius, History of Rome I, 3, 6-11: all very shadowy figures, indeed.

342 Gordon 1983: 76-7; cf. Galinsky 1969: 151; 154.

335 Roman Antiquities I, 64, 5.

1969: 154; Fig. 119 (Dioscuri) = Fig. 120 (Penates).

343 Cassius Hemina frg. 6 = Servius ad Aeneid I, 378; cf. Galinsky

91

the, according to literary tradition, related population of

“Venel Atelinas has given this to the sons of Tin”.344

Eryx and Segesta in northwest Sicily, some inscriptions

It is therefore no contradiction that the inscription of the

have been found, among which coin legends. One of these

Dioskouroi is Greek inspired, whereas the altars of the

coin legends consists of a bilingual, according to which

sanctuary are of Etruscan type.345 On the contrary, this

Elymian Erukaziie corresponds to Greek Erukinǀn “of the

threefold identification facilitates us to further explain the

Erycinians”; the other, Segestazie, shows exactly the same

popularity of the Aeneas’ saga in southern Etruria.

formation, but then for the town Segesta.351 Now, these

In our summary of Vergilius’ Aeneid, we have seen

Elymian legends are characterized by the Lycian ethnic

that as a corollary to the peace between the Trojan colo-

formation in -z(i)- (Sppartazi “Spartans”; Atãnazi “Atheni-

nists and the native Latins, there will, with the exception of

ans”) and likewise Lycian ending of the genitive plural -e1

some new religious rites, be no change of the name of the

(Pttaraze1 “of the Patarians”)352 – a combination which is

inhabitants of Latium, nor in their language, customs, and

also attested for Etruscan Kar-azie “of the Carthagin-

dress. Evidently, the Trojan colonists, in contrast to their

ians”.353 Apparently, therefore, the language of these par-

Lydian colleagues in Etruria, were not numerous enough to

ticular Trojans, and hence probably of followers of Aeneas

cause a language shift: at any rate the epigraphical evi-

related to them as well, was closely related to Lycian, i.e.

dence shows decisively that the current language remained

of Luwian type. This inference coincides with the fact that

Latin, not to say that there is not a trace of the language of

the place name Roma is based on the same root as that of

the Trojan colonists left. What could it have been? To an-

the Lycian heroic name Romos, being likewise derived

swer this question, it is interesting to note that the name

from the Luwian name for the stag-god, Rum/nt-.354

“Trojans” is used to indicate a motley crowd from various

To conclude, the main contribution of the Trojan

regions. Most explicit is the distinction of Lycians, whose

colonists is the introduction of the cult of their ancestral

ships are stipulated to be under the command of Oron-

gods, the Penates. Furthermore, there may be a grain of

tes.346 But there are also names of Lydian (Atys, Gyges,

thruth in the tradition that leading families of Rome traced

Palmus)347 and Thracian (Ismarus [of a Maeonian =

their origin back to a Trojan follower of Aeneas, like the

Lydian], Tereus, Thamyrus)348 type. Both latter elements

Atii from Atys,355 Sergii from Sergestus356 – a Phrygian

may be expected in the Troad, as the region was overrun

or Lydian name357 – , and the Cluentii from Cloanthus,358

by Thraco-Phrygians from the Balkans at the end of the

though the identification of Aeneas’ son Ascanius with Iu-

Bronze Age349 and under the control of the Lydians at the

lus, the ancestor of the Iulii, seems, on the basis of the

time of Gyges.350 The only hard evidence comes from an-

double naming, a little bit forced.359

other direction: Elymian. In this language, once spoken by

344 Rix 1991: Ta 3.2 (= TLE 156); note in this connection that according to Myrsilos of Lesbos (3rd century BC) F 8 the Kabeiroi of Samothrace are considered Tyrrhenian gods, see LochnerHüttenbach 1960: 102.

351 Lejeune 1969.

345 Alföldi 1963: 266; Pl. XVI; cf. Woudhuizen 1992a: 194, note

352 Kinch 1888: 193-4; cf. Melchert 1993, s.v.

104.

353 Rix 1991: Carthago Af 3.1 (= TLE 724); Woudhuizen 1992b:

346 Vergilius, Aeneid, I, 113; VI, 334; cf. X, 751; XII, 516.

83; 90; 95.

347 Vergilius, Aeneid V, 568; IX, 762; X, 697, 699; cf. Gusmani

354 Herbig 1914: 28; Houwink ten Cate 1961: 128-31.

1964, s.v. (note that †q = p).

355 Vergilius, Aeneid V, 568-9; cf. Briquel 1991: 471-6.

348 Vergilius, Aeneid X, 139; XI, 675; XII, 341; cf. Detschew

356 Vergilius, Aeneid V, 121.

1976, s.v.

357 Beekes 2002: 214, with reference to Phrygian Surgastoy, see

349 For the Balkan affinities of the Trojan “Buckel” ceramic (=

Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: Dd-102, and Lydian Srkstu-, see Gusmani 1964, s.v. For the related Thracian Sergesteus, see Detschew 1976, s.v.

Troy VIIb2), see Rutter 1975. 350 Strabo, Geography XIII, 22, 1; cf. Pedley 1972: 19 (Milesians asking for permission from Gyges to colonize Abydos on the Hellespont); note also with Briquel 1991: 83 that Daskyleion in the Troad is called after the father of Gyges, Daskylos.

358 Vergilius, Aeneid V, 122-3. 359 Vergilius, Aeneid I, 267, etc.

92

(Lyrnessos) and -nth- (Sminthe).365 Evidently, we are dealing here with settlers from Luwian speaking areas to

Additional note 1: Aeneas’ realm in the Troad

the south and southeast, who moved across the language border as determined by Dainis (< Luwian tƗini- “oily”) being the indigenous name of later Greek Elaia (= harbor

In the preceding section, we have observed that Aeneas

of Pergamon)366 into a presumably Thraco-Phrygian mi-

and his Trojan followers boarded their ships in Antandros,

lieu.367

which is situated on the southern coast of the Troad, just

If our association of Aeneas with a Luwian speaking

south of mount Ida, looking out over the Aiolian gulf.

region south of mount Ida is correct, the information from

Now, Aeneas is particularly linked up with the region of

the Homeric hymn to Aphrodite that the Trojan language

mount Ida in the southern Troad, as this is the spot where

as spoken by Aeneas’ father Ankhises is other than Phry-

he is reported to have been conceived by Ankhises and

gian need not be representative for the entire Troad.368

Aphrodite.360 However, if we want to be more specific, it

Furthermore, his later relationship to the Etruscans in Italy

is interesting to observe that according to a passage in

receives a meaningful explanation as being one of a kin-

Homeros’ Iliad Aeneas is said at a time before the Trojan

ship nature!

war to have been driven from the Ida, where he guarded the cattle herd, by Akhilleus, who next plundered Lyrnes-

Additional note 2: Dardanians: a form of Etruscan self-designation

sos and Pedasos in the plain of Adramytion – an attack from which Aeneas is saved by the protection of

Zeus.361

This passage, then, seems to suggest an association of Aeneas, not only with the region of mount Ida itself, but also

Confirmation of our inference that the Etruscans consid-

with the river valley to the south of it.

ered the Aeneas’ saga as part of their cultural heritage is

This very same region south of mount Ida with which

provided by a set of eight identical Etruscan inscriptions

Aeneas seems to be associated, is also reported to be in-

on three boundary stones from Smindja in the territory of

habited by Leleges and/or Kilikes. Thus according to one

Carthago. These inscribed boundary stones were set up by

passage, Altes, the king of the Leleges, is stated to have his

the followers of the democratic consul Gn. Papirius Car-

residence in Pedasos along the river

Satnioeis,362

whereas

bone from the Etruscan city of Chiusi who fled from their

according to another Eëtion, king of the Kilikes, once lived

hometown to Africa in 82 BC after having sided with

in Thebes at the foot of the wooded Plakos, where he was

Marius in the civil war between the latter and the ulti-

killed by Akhilleus during the latter’s afore-mentioned raid

mately victorious Sulla.369

in the region.363 Both the ethnonyms Leleges and Kilikes

The inscriptions run in retrograde direction and read

are indicative of Luwian speaking population groups – the Kilikes for their origin from Cilicia and the Leleges for their being identified with Carians.364 The latter inference receives further confirmation from the fact that the region

365 Woudhuizen 1989: 194, Fig. 2; 197. See also section 7, note

south of mount Ida is characterized by place names in -ss-

140 above. 366 Starke 1997: 457; Högemann 2000: 10. 367 For the Thraco-Phrygian nature of the Trojan language, see

362 Homeros, Iliad XXI, 86-7.

Gindin 1999 and section 13, note 520 below. For another Luwian speaking enclave in the Troas, cf. the Lycians under the leadership of Pandaros along the Aisepos and in Zeleia, see Homeros, Iliad II, 824-7; IV, 88; 103; 121; for the Lycian nature of Pandaros, see Homeros, Iliad V, 105 (LukiƝthen) and cf. Strabo, Geography XIV, 3, 5 reporting his temenos at Pinara in the Xanthos valley; furthermore, his name corresponds to Lycian *Pñtra- (Melchert 1993, s.v. Pñtreñne/i-). Both Luwian speaking areas are already acknowledged by Gindin 1999: 261.

363 Homeros, Iliad VI, 396-7; 415-6.

368 Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 111-5.

364 Herodotos, Histories I, 171.

369 Heurgon 1969: 286; Colonna 1980: 4.

360 Homeros, Iliad II, 819-21. 361 Homeros, Iliad XX, 89-93; 188-194. This ties in with an earlier section of the Iliad, in which Akhilleus is stated to have captured Briseïs in Lyrnessos and to have demolished the walls of Thebes in the same plain, killing the local leaders Mynes and Epistrophos, the sons of Euenos, Homeros, Iliad II, 688-93.

93

as follows:370 1.

M(arce)

“Marcus Unata Zutas

Vnata 2.

Zvtas tvl(ar)

(dedicated) the boundaries (of

3.

Dardanivm

the territory) of the Dardanians

4.

Tins

to Dionysos,

5.

F

1000 (paces).”

In this text, then, the Etruscan settlers in question call themselves Dardanians (Dardanivm, characterized by the Latin genitive plural -om in Etruscan disguise),371 after Dardanos, the mythical ancestor of Aeneas.372 Now, in form of Drdny the latter ethnonym is first recorded as an indication of the allies of the Hittites from the Troad in the Egyptian memorial of the battle at Kadesh (1274 BC).373 Furthermore, Dardanians is synonymous with Trojans in Homeros’ Iliad,374 and more in specific used here for the followers of Aeneas.375 The ultimate homeland of their mythical ancestor Dardanos is reported by the literary sources to be situated in Arkadia in the Greek Peloponnesos – which coincides with our assumption that the inhabitants of the Troad were kinsmen of the Thraco-Phrygian or Pelasgian population groups of Middle Helladic Greece.376 Whatever the extent of this latter deduction, there can be little doubt that Vergilius’ location of Dardanos’ ultimate homeland in Italy results from a secondary intervention to stage Aeneas’ peregrination as a return to his ancestral lands.377

370 Rix 1991: Africa 8.1-8.8. 371 Colonna 1980: 3; cf. Leuhmann 1977: 428; note also the ad

hoc device for the distinction of the un-Etruscan sound [d] from regular [t]. For the identification of Tins as Dionysos, see Woudhuizen 1998: 26, note 56, but note that a mixing-up between Tins (= Dionysos) and Tinia (= Zeus) – the latter being the protector of the territorium according to the corpus of gromatici veteres (see Camporeale 2003: 203) – in this late period is altogether possible; for the interpretation of the symbol F as 1000 passuum, see Heurgon 1969: 285 and cf. Bonfante & Bonfante 2002: 184-5. 372 Der Neue Pauly, s.v. Dardanidae. 373 See section 13 below. 374 Iliad III, 456; VII, 348. 375 Iliad II, 819 ff. 376 See section 13 below. 377 Aeneid III, 167-71; VII, 205-11.

94

12. PHILISTINES AND PELASGIANS One of the most significant groups among the Sea Peoples

Egyptian influence which typifies the Canaanite material

who attacked Egypt in the fifth and eighth year of

culture from before the break does not recur. As it appears,

Ramesses III (= 1179 and 1176 BC) is the Peleset. This

then, conquerors from the Aegean region (including Cy-

ethnonym, which has no earlier occurrence in the Egyptian

prus), where Mycenaean IIIC1b is “en vogue” at the time,

sources, has been identified with the Biblical Philistines by

have wasted existing Canaanite sites, driven out most of

Jean-François Champollion soon after his decipherment of

the original inhabitants and settled themselves instead.

Egyptian hieroglyphic – an identification which goes un-

Considering this close correspondence between literary

challenged up to the present day.378 Now, the Philistines

and archaeological data, the projection of the Philistines

are generally considered newcomers in the Levant, settling

back in time to the period of the patriarchs probably con-

in their pentapolis consisting of the towns Asdod, Askelon,

stitutes an anachronism.386

Gaza, Ekron, and Gath at the time of the upheavals of the

In the Papyrus Harris, Ramesses III claims to have

Sea Peoples. Thus the Bible informs us that they originated

settled the vanquished Sea Peoples, among which our Pe-

from Kaphtor,379 which on the basis of its correspondence

leset or Philistines, in strongholds bound in his name. This

to Akkadian Kaptara and Egyptian Keftiu is plausibly

has induced scholars like Albrecht Alt and William Fox-

identified as the island Crete; or they are even straightfor-

well Albright to assume that the settlement of the Philis-

wardly addressed here as Cretans.380 Moreover, they are

tines in Canaan took place under Egyptian supervision.387

considered an alien race for the fact that, in contrast to the

Rightly, Manfred Bietak pointed out that the absence of

local Semites, they do not abide to the rite of circumci-

Egyptian influence in the material culture after the break

sion.381

Finally, the Philistines are reported by the Bible to

indicates otherwise. Nevertheless, the continuity of Egyp-

have replaced the ancient Canaanite population of the Av-

tian influence in the hinterland of the Philistine pentapolis

vim in their original habitat.382

might suggest to us that the Egyptian pharaoh maintained a

This information from the literary sources can be

nominal claim on the land conquered by the Philistines and

backed up by evidence from archaeology. It occurs,

considered them as vassals guarding his frontiers in like

namely, that the archaeological culture of Philistia shows

manner as the Frankish kings did with the Normans in the

signs of discontinuity in the transitional period from the

European Middle Ages (see Fig. 17)!388

Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age. Asdod, its harbor

As duly stressed by Ed Noort, the break between the

Tel Mor, and Askelon are characterized by destruction lay-

Canaanite Late Bronze Age and Philistine Early Iron Age

ers,383 and Ekron by at least some local destruction at the

in the region under discussion is not an absolute one: the

time.384 The level after the destruction at these sites (with

continuity of Canaanite pottery in the Philistine sites indi-

the exception of Tel Mor) contains locally produced

cates that to a certain extent the newcomers from the Ae-

Mycenaean IIIC1b pottery – the hallmark of the settlement

gean mixed with the local Avvim population.389 To this

of Sea Peoples – , which subsequently develops without a

comes that four of the five place names of the Philistine

break into the so-called Philistine ware.385 Moreover, the

pentapolis, viz. Gaza, Askelon, Asdod, and Gath, are already recorded for Egyptian sources from the El-Amarna period.390

378 Champollion 1836: 180; cf. Gardiner 1947: 201. 379 Amos 9, 7; Jeremiah 47, 4. 380 Ezekiel 25, 16; Zephaniah 2, 5. 381 Gardiner 1947: 201; Machinist 2000: 63.

386 Genesis 21, 22-34; cf. Machinist 2000: 54-5; contra Gordon 1956: 22 and others.

382 Deuteronomium 2, 23.

387 Alt 1944; Albright 1975: 509; cf. Singer 1985.

383 Dothan 1982: 36; 43; 35.

388 Bietak 1993; esp. 295, Fig. 4.

384 Bietak 1993: 300.

389 Noort 1994.

385 Bietak 1993: 297-8.

390 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Philister.

95

headed by a local magistrate called seren and that kǀba‘ was their word for “helmet”, which is usually compared to Hittite kupa® i- for the same meaning392 – , whereas the deities they are reported to have worshipped, Dagon, Astarte, and Ba‘al Zebnjl, appear to be of a local Canaanite nature.393 What remains, apart from their characteristic pottery, are only small hints to their Aegean origin: figurines for house-cults as discovered in Asdod, recalling Mycenaean counterparts (Fig. 18);394 hearths as unearthed in Ekron, reminiscent of Mycenaean and Cyprian examples;395 chamber tombs at Tell Fara modelled after Mycenaean prototypes (Fig. 19);396 altars with horns of consecration from Ekron, again, suggestive of the Minoan type;397 the headdress with which the Peleset are depicted in the Egyptian memorial at Medinet Habu, which bears a striking resemblance to that of glyph D 02 of the discus of Phaistos, Crete;398 royal names like Yamani “the Ionian” for a king of Asdod399 and ’kyš, related to either Akhaios or Ankhises, for a king of Ekron;400 and, finally, the identification of Gaza as Minoa, which is substantiated by evidence from coins, and of its local god Marna (= Aramaic “our Lord”) as Crete-born.401 The question remains: is the Cretan origin of the Philistines as related by the Bible historically valid? In order

392 Bonfante 1946: 258; Machinist 2000: 63-4. 393 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Philister; Barnett 1969: 17; Machinist 2000: 59-61; 64.

Fig. 17. Settlement of the Sea Peoples in the Levant and the remains of the Egyptian sphere of influence (from Bietak 1993: 295,

394 Barnett 1969: 17; Sandars 1980: 165, fig. 116 (with intermediary form from Cyprus); cf. Noort 1994: 134-7.

Fig. 4).

395 Noort 1994: 146; for Cyprus, see Karageorghis 1992: 81 (new element during Late Cypriote IIIC).

After their settlement in Palestine, the Philistines rose to a position of power in the region owing to their military superiority over the local population, as exemplified by the

396 Waldbaum 1966.

famous engagement between David and Goliath – which

397 Gitin 1993: 249-50; for Cyprus see Loulloupis 1973 and Kara-

the first mentioned miraculously won against all odds. This

georghis 1992: 81 (new element during Late Cypriote IIIC).

military superiority of the Philistines was based on their

398 Reinach 1910; Hall 1926: 278; Gardiner 1947: 202; Bérard 1951: 138; Mertens 1960: 83; Redford 1992: 252. A representation of the feathered headdress has recently been found on sherds from Askelon, see Stager 1998: 164, ill. A, a reference I owe to Romey 2003: 68.

monopoly of iron production in the region as recorded by the Bible.391 In the end, however, they were outmatched by a coalition between the Hebrews and the Phoenicians, and became subject to a rapid process of assimilation.

399 Gitin, Dothan & Naveh 1997: 11; note with Weidner 1939:

There is little information about the Philistine language –

932-3 that the ethnic Iaman “Ionian” on the basis of the onomastic evidence may include reference to Lycians.

we only know that the cities of their pentapolis were

400 Gitin, Dothan & Naveh 1997: 11; Byrne 2002: 11-2. 391 I Samuel 13, 19-23. For the distribution of iron objects in the

401 Stephanos of Byzantion, Ethnica, s.v. Gaza; cf. Macalister

eastern Mediterranean largely neglecting Anatolia, see Buchholz 1999: 710-11, Abb. 109-10.

1913: 15; Gardiner 1947: 202; Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Philister; Strobel 1976: 160.

96

t o answer this question it needs to b e determined whether Philistines can be traced on Crete. The answer to the latter question is no. The only way in which we can account for a migration of the Biblical Philistines from Crete is when the latter are identical to the Pelasgians from Greek literary sources – a view first ventilated by Etienne Fourmont in 1747 and since then defended by a substantial number of scholars.402 The Pelasgians, namely, are recorded among the population groups on Crete since the time of Homeros, who, as we have seen in section 2, in

a

b

many respects reflects Late Bronze Age history.403 Now,

c

the Pelasgians are a population group which inhabited

Fig. 18. Figurines from (a) Asdod, (b) Cyprus, and (c) Mycenae

mainland Greece prior to the first Greeks, and were driven

(from Sandars 1980: 165, afb. 116).

by them first to Thessaly and later to the Aegean islands and the western coast of Asia Minor. As far as the evidence goes, the Pelasgians came to Crete under the leadership of Teutamos (corrupted into †Tektamos in most manuscripts), who married the daughter of the Cretan king Kretheus and with her begat Asterios, the father of the later kings Minos, Rhadamanthys, and Sarpedon.404 As king Minos epitomizes the period of the Cretan thalassocracy, the Pelasgian colonization of Crete must hence have occurred before c. 1600-1450 BC. This emigration from Thessaly to Crete can be backed up by toponymic evi-

(a)

dence, since the region of Gortyn in the Mesara plain is characterized by a number of place names, like Lethaios, Boibe, Magnesia, Phalanna, and Phaistos, which are also recorded for Thessaly, whereas an alternative name of Gortyn is Larisa – a typical Pelasgian place name.405 Moreover, Gortyn itself is based on the same root as Thes-

402 Fourmont 1747: 254; Hitzig 1845; Chabas 1872: 296,

Lichtenberger 1911: 28; Macalister 1913: 2; Meyer 1928: 562; Georgiev 1950-1: 137; Bérard 1951; Wainwright 1962: 151; Kitchen 1973: 56; Albright 1975: 512; Strobel 1976: 159; Singer 1988: 241-2; for further literature, see Sakellariou 1977: 102, note 8. 403 Odyssey XIX, 177; note that, as argued in section 2, the men-

tion of the Dorians in this passage probably constitutes a later interpolation. 404 Andron of Halikarnassos in Strabo, Geography X, 4, 6; Diodoros of Sicily, The Library of History IV, 60, 2; cf. ibid. V, 80, 1.

(b)

405 Fick 1905: 13-15; cf. Sakellariou 1977: 212; 137 (addition of

Pylǀros and BƝnƝ); for other instances of the place name Larisa connected with Pelasgians – to which may be added Larision pedion in the territory of Hierapytna on Crete (Fick 1905: 11) – , see Strabo, Geography IX, 5, 6 and XIII, 3, 2 f.; cf. Sakellariou 1977: 133-4.

Fig. 19. Comparison of (a) Philistine chamber tombs from Tell Fara with (b) Mycenaean prototypes (from Waldbaum 1966: 332, Ill. 1; 336, Ills. 11-14).

97

salian Gyrtone.406 On the basis of this evidence, the Pelas-

enough from Troy to justify the use of the word tƝle “far

gians referred to by Homeros are likely to be considered as

away (from his home town Larisa)” in connection with the

(a component of) the Late Bronze Age population of the

death of the Pelasgian leader Hippothoos.411

Mesara plain – a region, by the way, which like the rest of Crete is characterized by Mycenaean IIIC1b ware in the period of the upheavals of the Sea Peoples (Fig. 20).407 Another advantage of the identification of the Biblical Philistines with the Pelasgians from Greek literary sources is that we can account for the alternative tradition as recorded for the Lydian historian Xanthos according to which the Philistines originated from Lydia.408 This tradition has come down to us in two forms, both of which fo-

(a)

cus on the Philistine town Askelon. First, Athenaios remarks that according to Xanthos the Lydian Mopsos captured Atargatis and sunk her with her son Ikhthys in the lake of Askelon.409 Secondly, Stephanos of Byzantion notes with respect to Askelon that according to Xanthos this town was founded by Askelos, the son of Hymenaios and brother of Tantalos, in the reign of the Lydian king Akiamos.410 Now, these traditions only make sense if we realize that the Pelasgians which in Homeros’ Iliad II, 840-3 sided with the Trojans are plausibly situated by Strabo in the region of Larisa Phrikonis along the Hermos river – far

(b) 406 In casu Proto-Indo-European (= PIE) *ghordh- “town”, which

is also present in the Italian TN’s, reportedly diffused by the Pelasgians, Croton and Cortona, Phrygian Gordion, Slavonic grad-, etc., see Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 647; Phoenician qrt- as in Carthago (< qrth̙dšt “New Town”), see Eisler 1939. 407 Schachermeyr 1979: 122-3 so-called “Nobelware” with “antithetic horns” and “bird looking backwards” motifs attested for Hagia Triada, Phaistos, and Gortyn; for Mycenaean IIIC1b examples of “antithetic horns” from Sinda, Cyprus, and Askelon, Philistia, see Noort 1994: 122, Abb. 36 and 114, Abb. 37; of “bird looking backwards” from Geser, Philistia, see Noort 1994: 115, Abb. 38. 408 Albright 1975: 512.

(c)

409 Deipnosophistai VIII, 346e. Note that the personal name Mop-

sos, which on the basis of the related geographical name Mopsopia originates from *Mopsops, belongs to the same type as Phrygian Pelops, Phainops, and Merops, all showing as second element a reflex of PIE *h3ekw- “to see”. Hence, the Phrygian place name Moxoupolis and the ethnonym Moxolanoi, with the breakdown of the original labiovelar [kw] (cf. Linear B Moqoso) into velar [k] like in Luwian hieroglyphic Muksas instead of into labial [p] like in Greek Mopsos and Phoenician Mpš. For attestations of Mopsos in the intermediary regions of Pamphylia and Cilicia, see Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 316-22.

Fig. 20. Late Helladic IIIC1b ware with “antithetic horns” and

410 Ethnica, s.v. Askelǀn.

411 Strabo, Geography XIII, 3, 2; Homeros, Iliad XVII, 301.

“bird looking backwards”: (a) Crete, (b) Cyprus, and (c) Philistia (after Schachermeyr 1979: 160, Abb. 41a; Noort 1994: 122, Abb. 36; 115, Abb. 38).

From an archaeological point of view, it is worth mentioning in this connection that the region of Larisa

98

Phrikonis (in casu Pitane and Larisa itself) produced some

The same root is also attested for the name of the leader of

Mycenaean IIIC1b ware (as we have noted above the

the Thessalian Pelasgians in their journey to Crete, Teuta-

hallmark of the settlement of Sea Peoples in the Levant),

mos, referred to above,419 and that of the grandfather of

reported to be connected with the foundation of Emborio

the Pelasgian leaders in the Trojan war, TeutamidƝs,

– likewise inhabited by Pelasgians at the

probably a patronymic.420 It is particularly relevant to our

time!413 As such, then, it is certainly possible that the Pe-

purposes to note that this root occurs in the New Phrygian

lasgians, either from Crete and/or the west coast of Lydia

form teutous and in the Thracian man’s name (= MN)

(especially for Askelon), are responsible for the introduc-

Tautomedes, etc.421 Furthermore, Abas is the heros epo-

tion of Mycenaean IIIC1b ware in Philistia.

nym of the Abantes, a Thracian tribe.422 Finally, Akrisios

on

Chios412

If our identification of the Biblical Philistines with the

and Proitos have closely related Phrygian counterparts in

Pelasgians from Greek literary sources applies, we enlarge

the divine name Akrisias423 and the root of the magistracy

our basis for linguistic analysis considerably. According to

proitavos,424 respectively. The impression we gain from

Herodotos, the Pelasgians of Kreston, who originated from

these examples, is that Pelasgian, insofar as onomastics is

Thessaly, speak the same language as their tribesmen in

significant in this respect, may well be an Indo-European

Plakia and Skylake on the Hellespont, who once lived with

language of Thraco-Phrygian type. Further instances can

the Athenians.414 Thucydides adds to this information that

be adduced to emphasize this point, like Adrastos,425 cor-

the Pelasgians of Akte, who are of origin Tyrrhenians once

responding to the Phrygian MN Adrastos,426 and Arkas,427

living in Lemnos and Attica, are bilingual and speak Greek

related to the root of the Phrygian patronymic Arkiae-

next to their own

language.415

vas.428

Now, as the Pelasgians in

mainland Greece appear to be ancestral to their kinsmen in

The situation is different with the Pelasgians in west-

the north-Aegean region (and western Anatolia), it seems

ern Anatolia. Thus, it is reported by Strabo that at the time

advisable to have a look at them first. An interesting tradition in this respect is formed by the story of the Pelasgian

Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 33; 652; 835; pace Beekes 1998.

king of Argos,416 Akrisios, son of Abas and brother of

419 See note 404 above.

Proitos, who in fear of his grandson Perseus flees from his hometown to Larisa in Thessaly under the rule of the like-

420 Homeros, Iliad II, 840-3. Note that the Late Bronze Age date

wise Pelasgian king Teutamias.417 Here we encounter at

of this onomastic element is emphasized by its presence in Linear B te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro, see Chantraine 1958: 127.

least one clearly Indo-European name, Teutamias, which is

421 Haas 1966: 95; Detschew 1976, s.v.

based on the PIE stem *teutƗ- “society, folk, people”.418

422 Homeros, Iliad II, 536-45; Strabo, Geography X, 1, 3; cf.

Woudhuizen 1989: 196. 412 Mee 1978: 148; cf. Hope Simpson 1981: 206, who distin-

423 Diakonoff & Neroznak 1985: 91; based on the PIE root *akr-

guishes as many as three building phases in Mycenaean IIIC1b for Emborio.

“high”, see Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 160-1 and cf. Sakellariou 1980: 207-10, or *ak̗er-, see Haas 1966: 145, 213 and cf. Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 96.

413 Strabo, Geography XIII, 3, 3; Dionysios Pieregetes as presented by Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 59.

424 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: M-01b; Woudhuizen 1993b; based on the PIE roots *pro “before” and *ei- “to go” (cf. Sakellariou 1980: 207-10). For other instances of magistracies used as personal names, cf. Hittite Labarnas < labarna- “king”, Lydian Kandaules < Luwian ® antawat- “king”, Etruscan Porsenna < pur-ne “prytanos”, Etruscan Camitlna < camthi (title), Etruscan Macstrna < Latin magister “magistrate”, Latin Lucius < Etruscan lucumo “king”, Phoenician Malchus < mlk- “king”, and, from Homeros, Palmus < Lydian pal1ml1u- “kingship” and Prutanis < prutanos, again.

414 Histories I, 57. 415 Peloponnesian War IV, 109. 416 Since the expression Pelasgikon Argos is used both for the

Thessalian (Homeros, Iliad II, 682) and Argive (Sakellariou 1977: 205, note 4) town of this name, Argos (< PIE *h2erg̗- “bright white”) may well be considered a Pelasgian place name, which would add further substance to the Indo-European nature of this people.

425 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 13 (Euripides).

417 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 3 (Pherekydes of Athens, Frag-

426 Herodotos, Histories I, 34-5; Woudhuizen 1993b. Cf. Lydian

mente der griechischen Historiker 3 F 12); 4 (Hellanikos of Lesbos F 91); 29-30 (Apollodoros of Athens); cf. 23 (Kallimachos); 160 (general discussion).

AtraĞta-, see Gusmani 1964, s.v. 427 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 68 (Hesychius Alexandrinus).

418 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 151-3; Sakellariou 1977: 132-3;

428 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: M-01a; Woudhuizen 1993b.

99

of their foundation of Kume, the Aiolian Greeks have to

one finds evidence for Pelasgians as well.437 Apparently,

cope with the resistence of the local Pelasgians under the

Thucydides is right in considering the Tyrrhenians a sub-

leadership of

Piasos.429

The latter personal name is clearly

group of the Pelasgians – who after all have a wider distri-

based on the root of Luwian piya- “to give” as present in

bution over the Aegean. In line with this deduction, the

Luwian names of the type Piyamaradus and Natrbije1mi-

Lemnos stele (c. 600 BC), which is generally agreed to be

(= the Lycian equivalent of Greek Apollodoros or Apollo-

conducted in the Tyrrhenian language, may inform us

dotos).430

An Anatolian background seems also plausible

about Pelasgian just as well. At any rate, the two versions

for the Pelasgians who according to Hellanikos of Lesbos

of the dating formula inform us that the monument was

under the leadership of Nanas, son of Teutamides, are re-

erected during the reign of the Phokaian Holaie (= Pelas-

ported to have colonized Cortona in Italy.431 At any rate,

gian Holaias!),438 who is specified as king over the

the personal name Nanas, which is paralleled for Lydian,

Myrinians and Seronians in the Aiolian coastal zone of

Lycian, and Cilician sources, ultimately originates from

Mysia – i.e. precisely the region where we situate the Pe-

the Luwian kinship term nani- “brother” – a typical Lu-

lasgian allies of the Trojans at the time of the Trojan war

wian reflex of PIE *n-g̗enh1-.432 Finally, it deserves atten-

(see above).439 Now, the language of the Lemnos stele

tion in this connection that the king of the Pelasgians at

shows some features, like the titular expression *vanaca-

Lemnos at the time of the invasion by the Athenian

“king” and the 3rd person singular of the past tense in -ke,

Miltiades (c. 510 BC) is called

Hermǀn433

– a name paral-

which are unparalleled for Luwian and rather point to a re-

leled for a Lydian king434 and likely to be based upon the

lationship with Phrygian (dating formula midai lavagtaei

Arma-.435

If we confine our-

vanaktei “during the military leadership and kingship of

selves to this latter class of evidence, the Pelasgian lan-

Midas”)440 and/or Greek (Mycenaean wa-na-ka, Homeric

guage might well come into consideration as an Indo-

anaks “king”; kappa-perfectum).441 This relation of the

European vernacular of Luwian type.

Tyrrhenian or Pelasgian language with (pre-)Greek can be

Luwian onomastic element

Is it feasible to assume that the Pelasgians from

further illustrated by pointing to the correspondence of

Greece, who at the outset spoke a Thraco-Phrygian lan-

Etruscan hu- “4”, netĞvis or netsvis “haruspex”, puia

guage, with the change of their habitat to western Anatolia

“wife”, pur-ne or purtsna “prytanis”, turan (form of ad-

also went over to speak a Luwian dialect? We can go into this matter a little further if we realize that the distinction

rodotos, Histories I, 94 (Lydia), and Konon, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 26 F 1 (Kyzikos), cf. Schachermeyr 1929: 262-76, Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Tyrrhener, and Beekes 2002: 226-7.

of the Pelasgians from the Tyrrhenians is a futile one: for almost every location where Tyrrhenians are attested,436

437 Herodotos, Histories I, 137-40 (Attica, Lemnos), ibid. I, 57

(Kreston in Akte), Diodoros of Sicily, The Library of History 5, 2, 4 (Lesbos), Herodotos, Histories V, 26, Antikleides of Athens in Strabo, Geography V, 2, 4 (Imbros), Dionysios Periegetes (Samos), Menekrates of Elaia (Mykale in Caria), Strabo, Geography XIII, 3, 2-3 (Larisa Phrikonis), Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem (Adramyttion), Konon, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 26 F 1 (Antandros, Kyzikos), cf. Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960, passim.

429 Geography XIII, 3, 3. 430 Laroche 1966, s.v. Piyamaradu-; Carruba 2002: 76-7; 81-2. 431 As preserved by Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 28, 3. 432 Neumann 1991: 65; Woudhuizen 1998-9; contra Beekes 2002: 222 (“Lallname”).

438 Fick 1905: 104.

433 Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 61 (Zenobius Paroemiographus 3,

439 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 139-53; Woudhuizen 1998: 109-

85).

11. For the settlement of Lemnos by Pelasgians from the east, in casu Tenedos, see Hellanikos of Lesbos Fragmente der griechischen Historiker 4, 71 (not in Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960). Probably, this took place in the late 8th or early 7th century BC – the foundation date of Hephaistia, see Beschi 1994; cf. Beekes 2001: 362.

434 Strabo, Geography XIII, 1, 65; Beekes 2002: 214. 435 Houwink ten Cate 1961: 131-4. 436 Thucydides, Peloponnesian War IV, 109 (Attica, Lemnos,

Akte), Stephanos of Byzantion, Ethnica, s.v. Metaon = town named after the Tyrrhenian Metas (Lesbos), Philogoros, frg. 5 (Imbros), Neanthes, frg. 30: the brother of Pythagoras is called TurrƝnos (Samos), Suidas, s.v. Termeria kaka (Termerion on the coast of Caria), Stephanos of Byzantion, Ethnica, s.v. Elymia (coast of Macedonia), Lycophron, Alexandra 1245-9 (Mysia), He-

440 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: M-01; Woudhuizen 1993a: 2. 441 Charsekin 1963: 28; 48; 65 compares Etruscan turuce to Greek

dedǀrƝke (< dǀrein “to give”); for code-mixing in a bilingual environment, see Adams, Janse & Swain 2002.

100

dress of Aphrodite), to (pre-)Greek HuttƝnia “Tetrapolis”,

wards,448 but in the course of time spread all over the is-

nƝdus “entrails”, opuiǀ “to take as wife”, prutanis “ruler”,

land and, in the time of the Minoan thalassocracy, even

and turannos “tyrant”,

respectively.442

On the basis of this

beyond to the islands in the Aegean, Ayios Stephanos in

evidence, then, it may safely be concluded that the Tyrrhe-

mainland Greece, and Miletos and Troy in western Asia

nian or Pelasgian ancestors of the later Etruscans, although

Minor.449 As first suggested by Cyrus Gordon, Linear A is

basically speaking a Luwian vernacular at least since the

used to write a Semitic language. Thus, Gordon pointed

time of their move to western

Anatolia,443

had a long his-

out that the Linear A equivalent in the Hagia Triada (=

tory of contact with (pre-)Greek, which can only be ac-

HT) corpus of Linear B to-so “total”, in his reading with

counted for if the literary tradition about the original

Linear B values ku-ro, corresponds to Hebrew kull “all”.

habitat of the Tyrrheno-Pelasgians in Attica is historically

Furthermore, he convincingly identified pot names, which

valid.444

appear in direct association with their image on tablet HT

What remains to be discussed is the language of the

31, with Semitic counterparts.450 This work was supple-

Pelasgians whom we have seen reason to identify as (a

mented by Jan Best, who, amongst others, showed that the

component of) the Late Bronze Age population of the Me-

Linear A equivalents in the HT corpus of Linear B a-pu-

sara plain in Crete. Now, there are three types of script re-

do-si “delivery” and o-pe-ro “deficit” read, with their

corded for Crete: hieroglyphic, Linear A, and Linear B. Of

original Linear A values, te-lnj and ki-lnj, which forms re-

these, Linear B is either introduced from the Greek

call Akkadian tƝlû “Einkünfte, Ertrag” and kalû(m) as in

mainland or developed at Knossos after the period of the

eqla kalû(m) “Pachtabgabe schuldig bleiben”, respec-

desastrous Santorini-eruption at the end of Late Minoan IB (c. 1450 BC), which marks the end of the Minoan thalas-

tively.451 In addition to this, he compared the transaction term pu-knj in HT 31 to Akkadian pnj® u “exchange” and

socracy and presents the Mycenaean Greeks the opportu-

the element pnj-tnj, which is used in association with ku-lnj

nity to take over control of the weakened island. It is found

on the back side of tablet HT 122 in a similar way as Lin-

Khania.445

ear B pa with to-so for to-so-pa “grand total”, to Akkadian

Since its decipherment by the British architect Michael

pnjtu “front side”, leading to the interpretation of pnj-tu-ku-

Ventris in 1952, we know that it is used to write an early

lnj as “total with the front side included”.452 Definite proof,

form of the Greek language, the so-called Mycenaean

however, of the west-Semitic nature of the language of

Greek.446

mainly in the palace of Knossos, but also at

Simultaneously with the Linear B archives at

Linear A came with Best’s unravelling of the libation for-

Knossos, which date to the period of Late Minoan II to

mula frequently attested for wash-hand stone-basins from

Late Minoan IIIA1/2 ( c. 1450-1350 BC), modest Linear A

peak-sanctuaries destroyed at the end of Middle Minoan III

archives of about 150 tablets in sum are found in Hagia

(c. 1600 BC), which presents a full phrase and reads

Triada – the harbor town of the palace of Phaistos in the Mesara.447 This latter script is recorded for Phaistos from

(y)a-ta-nnj-tƯ wa/u-ya (y)a-dƯ ® i-t e-te (y)a-sa-sa-ra-

the Middle Minoan II period (c. 1800-1700 BC) on-

ma/e “I have given (Ugaritic ytn/’tn, -t) and (Ugaritic w/u, y) my hand (Ugaritic yd/d, -Ư) has made an expiatory offering (Ugaritic ® t , -t), Oh Assara (Hebrew GN

442 Schachermeyr 1929: 248; van der Meer 1992: 68; see further

appendix II. 443 See section 10 on Etruscan origins above. 444 Note that if the story of the building of the wall on the Athe-

448 Vandenabeele 1985: 18.

nian acropolis by the Pelasgians (Herodotos, Histories VI, 137-40) is correct, their presence in Attica can even be dated archaeologically to the period of the 15th to 13th century BC, see Broneer 1956: 12-3.

449 Vandenabeele 1985: 18 (Kea, Melos, Thera, Kythera); Niemeier 1996 (Miletos); Godart 1994 and Faure 1996 (Troy). 450 Gordon 1957; Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 1-7.

445 Hallager 1992.

451 Best 1973: 54-5.

446 Ventris & Chadwick 1973.

452 Best 2000: 29, note 8. For the identification of the transaction on HT 31 as an exchange of tens of vessels for silver and hundreds and thousands of vessels for gold, respectively, see Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 1-7.

447 Best 1981b: 37-45; Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld &

Woudhuizen 2004, section 3. For the Hagia Triada tablets, see Meijer 1982.

101

Asherah, Ugaritic y-, -m)!”.453

ing in hieroglyphs, like that of Linear A, is discontinued – having succumbed to the Mycenaean koinƝ.

As a final eample, it deserves our attention that even

Among the earliest hieroglyphic seals, there is a small

the typical Semitic dative by the prefix l is attested for

group with the so-called libation formula – one example

Linear A in form of a-re as occurring in the phrase

stemming from the Mesara plain – , which is connected with the later Linear A formula discussed above and con-

a-ta-nu-tƯ de-ka a-re ma-re-na ti-ti-ku

sists of hieroglyphic forerunners of Linear A signs from its final section, reading with the Linear A values a-sa-sa-ra-

“I, Titikos, have given this to our guild-master”

me “Oh Assara!”. On the basis of the presence of a corresponding form of the Ugaritic emphatic particle -m, the

on a pithos from Epano Zakro, usually assigned to the the end of Late Minoan IB (c. 1450

language of this text may be identified as Semitic.459 For

BC).454

However, the fact that Linear A records a west-

our understanding of the hieroglyphic inscriptions more in

Semitic language is not the end of our inquiry into the lan-

general, however, it is important to realize that the signary

guages of Crete. We still need to discuss the hieroglyphic

is basically related to that of Luwian hieroglyphic from

script. This is found from the beginning of the Old Palace

primarily southern Asia Minor and North Syria, which is

phase in the Early Minoan III/Middle Minoan IA transi-

already attested from the beginning of the Middle Bronze

tional period (c. 2000 BC) onwards both in the regions of

Age (c. 2000 BC) onwards.460 On Crete, the signs of Lu-

Knossos and Malia in the north and the Mesara plain in the

wian hieroglyphic origin were supplemented by loans from

south.455

Hieroglyphic archives are attested for the palaces

Egyptian hieroglyphic, like the bee- and “trowel”-signs,461

of Knossos and Malia in the Middle Minoan II (c. 1800-

and, from Middle Minoan II (c. 1800-1700) onwards, by

1700 BC) period, when the script is even exported to

hieroglyphically drawn signs from Linear A.462 This being

north-Aegean.456

Most of the seals with

the case, we should rather apply the term “Luwianizing”

an hieroglyphic legend consist of chance finds, and are

for this class of Cretan documents. At any rate, if we fill in

therefore not archaeologically datable. But from the fact

the Luwian values for their Cretan counterparts, we are

that some of the hieroglyphic signs are taken over by the

confronted with three categories of evidence on the seals

Cyprians at the time they devised the Cypro-Minoan script

with what I have called profane formulas: (1) titles, (2)

(= c. 1525-1425 BC), it can be deduced that the use of the

names of places and countries, and (3) personal names.

script continued into the Late Minoan I period (c. 1550-

Confining ourselves to the evidence with a bearing on the

Samothrace in the

BC).457

Finally, the double-axe of Arkalokhori and

Mesara, two seals are of importance to our purposes. In the

the famous discus of Phaistos, which bear hieroglyphic in-

first place # 271 from Malia, which dates to the earliest

scriptions of unusual length, can positively be assigned to

phase of the script (no signs from Linear A!) and reads:

1450

the period of Late Minoan II to Late Minoan IIIA1/2 (c.

1.

1450-1350 BC).458 After this period, the tradition of writ-

SASA UTNA/,

2. /sà-® ur-wa/ 3. la+PÁRANA

TARKU-

MUWA

“seal (with respect to) the land (of) Skheria, king

453 Best 1981a; Best 1981b: 17-20; Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 26;

Tarkumuwas”.

Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 25; cf. Hiller 1985: 125-7. 454 Best 1982-3a; for yet another Linear A inscription with a-re,

As Skheria can be identified as the ancient name of

see the gold ring from Mavro Spelio (= Best 1982-3b: 22-5).

Hagia Triada, the seal, although found in Malia, nonethe-

455 Grumach 1968: 9; cf. Poursat in Olivier & Godart 1996: 31

who dates from Middle Minoan IA onwards.

tion.

456 Poursat in Olivier & Godart 1996: 29-30.

459 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 25-6; Woudhuizen 2001b: 608-9.

457 Woudhuizen 2001b: 610.

460 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 30-89; Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 65-137; Woudhuizen 1990-1; Woudhuizen 1992c: pl. 26; Woudhuizen 2004a : 112-20; 129-43; Woudhuizen forthc. 1.

458 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 137-8; Woudhuizen 1992c: 201;

Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004, section 3. As the double-axe from Arkalokhori is dedicated by a ruler of the hinterland of Phaistos from the time of the father of the sender of the letter on the Phaistos disc, it antedates the latter by one genera-

461 Woudhuizen 1997; Woudhuizen 2002b. 462 Woudhuizen 1992c: pl. 24; Woudhuizen forthc. 1.

102

less informs us about the situation in the Mesara.463 The

singular – used in the realm of the noun as well in the re-

second seal is # 296 of undetermined findspot, which for

lated Cyprian dialect (te-lu sa-ne-me-ti “delivery to Sane-

the use of three Linear A signs may be assigned to the pe-

mas”).469 Furthermore, in HT 28 and 117 mention is made

riod after c. 1800 BC and reads:

of u-mi-na-si, which appears to be an adjectival derivative of the Luwian hieroglyphic root umina- “town”.470 Finally,

1. SASA UTNA SARU, 2. PÁRA-tá-rú, 3. pi-ni, 4. pa3-ya-ki

the functionary in the heading of HT 31 is designated as

“seal (with respect to) the land (and) official(s) (of)

mi-ti-sa – an honorific title paralleled for Luwian hiero-

the Phaiakians, representative Bartaras”.

glyphic texts.471 The Luwian nature of the primary language of the inhabitants of the Mesara plain is further

Here Hagia Triada is referred to by the ethnonym

examplified by the hieroglyphic inscriptions of the double-

Phaiakians (= Homeric Phaiakes), the root of which is also

axe from Arkalokhori and the Phaistos disc, especially the

present in the name of nearby Phaistos.464 From a linguis-

latter of which bears testimony of a local Luwian dialect

tic point of view, it is interesting to note that the personal

(a-tu instead of à-tá “in”, u-pa instead of

names are Luwian, the first corresponding to Luwian

hind”).472 Now the Phaistos disc, which, as we have seen

Tarkimǀs or Tarkomǀs,465 and the second to Lydian Barta-

in section 8, according to the reading and interpretation re-

raĞ.466 Furthermore, the title in the first instance is like-

cently put forward by a Dutch group of scholars (cf. note

wise Anatolian, being identical to Hittite labarna-,467

472) consists of a letter to the Akhaian king Nestor by an

whereas the second seal is characterized by a Semitic title, recalling Ugaritic bn in expressions like bn lky “representa-

Anatolian great king likely to be identified as Tar®undaradus of Arzawa, is particularly of interest to our

tive of the Lycians”, etc.468 The impression we gain from

purposes as it informs us that the king of Phaistos is called

this evidence is that the region of Hagia Triada and Phais-

Kunawa. This name, which in the form ku-ne-u is also at-

tos in the Old Palace phase is inhabited by Luwians, who

tested for the Linear B tablets from Knossos,473 bears a

adopted the Semitic language in religious and official mat-

close resemblance to Gouneus, the leader of the Peraibians

ters in order to adapt to the international standards of the

and the people from Dodona and the Peneios region in

time.

Thessaly at the time of the Trojan war.474 To all probabil-

APA-à

“after, be-

The foregoing conclusion can be further underlined if

ity, then, we are dealing here with a Pelasgian personal

we take a look at the evidence from the Late Minoan IIIA1

name, thus confirming that there are Pelasgians among the

period. As noted above, the corpus of Hagia Triada texts is conducted in the Semitic language. From slips of the pen,

469 Meijer 1982: 60; Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 123; Woudhuizen

however, it is deducible that the primary language of the

1992a: 96. See also section 5, note 90, above.

scribes happens to be Luwian. Thus, in the sequence te-lnj

470 Cf. Laroche 1960a: *228; Woudhuizen 1994-5: 183; Woud-

da-ku-se-ne-ti “delivery to Taku-šenni” from HT 104 the

huizen 2004a: 41.

dative singular is expressed by the ending -ti, which recalls

471 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 4. For Luwian hieroglyphic, see

the Luwian hieroglyphic pronominal ending of the dative

Karkamis A6, phrase 7; Kululu I, phrase 1; Sultanhan, phrases 1 and 13; Karatepe, phrase 1; Bulgarmaden, phrase 1, as presented in Hawkins 2000; in the light of the Luwian hieroglyphic evidence, the final syllable -sa is the communal nominative singular ending. On the topic of code-switching in a bilingual environment, see Adams, Janse & Swain 2002.

463 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 115-8; Woudhuizen 2004a: 13943; Woudhuizen forthc. 1. 464 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 126; Best 2000: 29; Woudhuizen

472 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 97-104; Woudhuizen 1992a: 11-41. For an extensive treatment of the Phaistos disc, see Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004.

forthc. 2; see further appendix I. 465 Houwink ten Cate 1961: 127. 466 Gusmani 1964, s.v. Bartara- (Lyd. no. 40).

473 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: glossary, s.v.

467 Laroche 1960a: *277; as a personal name, this title is used for

474 Homeros, Iliad II, 748-55; Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 76; 83.

the first king of the Hittites, Labarnas (1680-1650 BC); in variant form of labarsa- it is already attested for the Kültepe-Kanesh phase (c. 1910-1780 BC), see Woudhuizen 1990-1: 146.

According to Simonides (= Strabo, Geography IX, 5, 20) the Perrhaibians (= Homeric Peraibians) are Pelasgiotes. Note that the Dodona in question must be the one near Skotussa in Pelasgiotis, see Lochner-Hüttenbach 1960: 42. For further evidence on Pelasgian presence in Crete, see appendix IV.

468 Gordon 1955: glossary, s.v. bn; Astour 1964: 194. On Cretan

hieroglyphic, see further appendix I.

103

inhabitants of the Mesara plain at the time!

question it is relevant to note that Pelasgians colonizing the

To recapitulate our evidence on the language of the

north of Italy were confronted with Umbrians,478 whereas

Pelasgians, we have experienced the following. First, at the

their colleagues preferring the south had to drive out

time that the Pelagians formed part of the earliest recorded

Auronissi (= variant form of Aurunci, a Latin indication of

inhabitants of Greece, they probably spoke a Thraco-

Oscans).479 Accordingly, the migration in question can

Phrygian language. Second, when – driven out by the

only be situated after the arrival of the Urnfield ancestors

Greeks – they migrated to western Anatolia, the Pelasgians

of the Oscans and Umbrians in Italy at the end of the

adapted to the local language and went over to speak a

Bronze Age (see section 10), which means in the course of

Luwian vernacular, which, however, still bore testimony of

the Early Iron Age. In southern Etruria and Latium, the Pe-

a long history with (pre-)Greek. Third, those Pelasgians

lasgians are reported to have stumbled upon Sicels,480

which went to the Mesara plain in Crete likewise adapted

which is more problematic to situate in the Early Iron Age,

to the local linguistic situation, using Luwian as their pri-

because the latter were already kicked out of this environ-

mary language and Semitic in religious and official matters

ment by the Umbrians and the Opicans (= Greek indication

in order to keep up with the international standards at the

of the Oscans) apparently at the turn of the Bronze Age to

time. Evidently, the migrations of the Pelasgians were not

the Early Iron Age.481 Their presence in central Italy at the

massive enough to alter the existing linguistic situation in

arrival of the Pelasgians may therefore well be due to an

the new homeland. The latter conclusion ties in with the

anachronism of our source, Dionysios of Halikarnassos,

fact that the Pelasgians in western Anatolia were not so

basing himself on antiquarian relics.482

important as to enter into the Hittite records as a distinct

As we have seen in the above, there is reason to be-

population group. As a closing remark to this section, it

lieve that the Pelasgians in the Aegean region are actually

may be of interest to note that all three linguistic layers

identical with the Tyrrhenians recorded for the same area.

discussed are demonstrable for the Philistines in their new

This identification by and large holds good for their kins-

home in the Levant: Thraco-Phrygian in the place name

men in Italy as well, but not in every case. Thus, the Pe-

Ekron, which bears witness of the PIE root *akr- or *ak̗er-

lasgian presence at Caere is clearly distinct from the

“high”, Luwian in the personal name Goliath, which re-

subsequent one of the Tyrrhenians, identified as Lydians.

calls Lydian names of the type Alyattes, Sadyattes, etc.,475

At the time of the Pelasgians, the site is called Agylla.

and Semitic in the divine name ’šrt “Asherah (with Phoe-

When the Lydians attacked the site, so the story goes, one

nician feminine ending -t)” as recorded for Ekron.476 As it

of them asked how it is called. A Pelasgian, not under-

seems, then, the Pelasgian ancestors of the Philistines pre-

standing the question, saluted him in Greek: khaire. As a

served their ethnic identity during the period of the

consequence, the Lydians believed the site to be called like

Mycenaean koinƝ (c. 1350-1200 BC)! 478 Justinus, Epitoma historiarum philippicarum Pompei Trogi XX, 1, 11 (Spina); Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 20, 4 (Cortona); II, 49, 1 (ager Reatinus).

Additional note 1: Pelasgians in Italy

479 Dionysios of Halikarnasso, Roman Antiquities I, 21, 3.

Pelasgian population groups are not only recorded for the

480 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 20, 4-5; cf. Briquel 1984: 175, note 31 (Caere); 298-9 (Pisa, Saturnia, Alsium); Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 21; cf. Briquel 1984: 351-2 (ager Faliscus); Briquel 1984: 361, note 14 (various locations in Latium).

Aegean, but also for Italy.477 Of the latter, it is absolutely clear that they ultimately originated from the Aegean, and hence bear testimony of migration from east to west. When did such a migration take place? In order to answer this

481 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 22, 4-5. 475 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v. Philister; Dothan 1982:

482 Cf. Briquel 1984: 300-1. Note in this connection the Sicel nature ascribed to Saturnus at Cutiliae in the text of an oracle once given to the Pelasgians about their future homeland and recorded on a tripod from their sanctuary at Dodona (Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 19), whereas, as we have seen in note 478 above, the population of the ager Reatinus, to which Cutiliae belongs, in effect consisted of Umbrians at the time of its actual colonization by Pelasgians.

22; Machinist 2000: 63-4; Indo-European more in general is the genitive in -š as recorded for the patronyms in a Philistine inscription from Tell Gemme, dated to the 7th century BC, see Garbini 1997: 244. 476 Gitin 1993: 250-2, with note 37; cf. Merlo 1998. 477 For an overview, see Briquel 1984.

104

Additional note 2: The inventor of the trumpet: Tyrrhenian, Pelasgian, or Lydian?

this and rebaptized it Caere.483 Similarly, the Arkadians at Rome headed by Evander, who are likely to be identified with the Pelasgians reported for the same site,484 are clearly distinct from the Tyrrhenians to the north at the time of the arrival of Aeneas and his Trojan companions

In his Geography, Strabo informs us about Regisvilla – the

(see section 11). As a final example of relevance here, it

harbor of Vulci – that it once used to be the seat of the pal-

may be put forward that the Pelasgians at Pisa, called Teu-

ace of Maleos, a Pelasgian king. After having reigned here,

tones, Teutoni or Teutae, are considered to be Greek

this king is said to have moved with his Pelasgian follow-

speaking, whereas at a later time the dominant language

ing to Athens.486 In line with the latter reference, it is in-

here became Lydian.485

teresting to note that a Tyrrhenian Maleos or MaleotƝs is

If we realize that the name of the leader of the Pelas-

actually recorded for Attica in connection with the feast of

gians at Rome, Evander, constitutes a Greek formation, be-

Aiora.487 Now, the Tyrrhenians who once lived with the

ing a compound of eu “good” with anƝr (G andros) “man”,

Athenians were notorious for their piracy,488 and it hence

the distinctive feature of these Pelasgian groups as opposed

comes as no surprise that an excellent site for piratical

to the Tyrrhenians appears to be their Greek or Greek-like

raids like cape Malea is reported to have been named after

language. In the present section, however, we have experi-

their leader Maleos. This very same Maleos, then, is also

enced that language is not a defining “criterium” for Pelas-

credited with the invention of the trumpet – a handy in-

gians in the Aegean during the Late Bronze Age, as they

strument for the coordination of military and/or piratical

may speak either Greek-like Thraco-Phrygian when in an

action.489 (The dedication of a stone in the harbor of Phais-

European environment or Luwian when in an Anatolian

tos to Poseidon is also ascribed to a certain Maleos, but we

environment, or even Semitic as a secondary language

do not know whether this refers to one and the same per-

when in a Cretan environment to keep up with the interna-

son.490 Note in this connection that in form of Marewa or

tional standards of the time. As such, the distinction be-

Marewo (genitive) or Mareu the name in question is al-

tween Pelasgians and Tyrrhenians in the given Italian

ready attested for Linear B inscriptions from Malia and Py-

situations results from secondary interference by later his-

los, respectively.491)

torians. Nevertheless, it allows us to assume that the home-

The invention of the trumpet, however, is not only as-

land of some Pelasgians must be sought in those sections

cribed to the Pelasgian or Tyrrhenian Maleos, but also to

of the Aegean where Greek or Greek-like Thraco-Phrygian

the Tyrrhenian Pisaios492 or Tyrrhenos or his son – which

was spoken at the time of departure, whereas that of others

evidently keeps us in the sphere of influence of the Tyr-

in sections of the Aegean where Luwian or Luwian-like

rheno-Pelasgians493 – or the Lydian MƝlas, a son of

then predominated. Finally, it deserves our attention that

Herakles and Omphale.494 The latter name cannot be dis-

the Greek-like language of some of the Pelasgians in Italy for the presence of the roots *h2nƝr- “man, strength”, *sal-

486 Strabo, Geography V, 2, 8.

or *seh2l- “salt” (as in the TN Alsium), and *teutƗ- “soci-

487 Hesykhios, s.v. Aiǀra; Etymologicum Magnum, s.v. AlƝtis; cf. Briquel 1984: 264-5.

ety, folk, people” may further underline its overall IndoEuropean nature.

488 Hesykhios, s.v. TyrrhƝnoi desmoi and desmoi TyrrhƝnikoi; cf.

Müller & Deecke 1877, I: 79, note 31. 489 Scholiast ad Statius, Thebaid IV, 224; VII, 16; VI, 382; cf.

Briquel 1984: 266. 490 Soudas, s.v. Maleos; cf. Briquel 1984: 266. 491 Best 1996-7: 123 (who less likely connects Mareus, etc.).

483 Strabo, Geography V, 2, 3.

492 Photios, s.v. lƝistosalpigktas; cf. Briquel 1991: 365, note 92.

484 Eustathius in his commentary on Dionysios Periegetes 347; cf.

Briquel 1984: 456, esp. note 83. Note that according to Strabo, Geography V, 2, 4 an Arkadian origin is already attributed to the Pelasgians by Hesiodos.

493 Hyginus, Fabulae 274; Pausanias, Guide to Greece II, 21, 3; cf. Briquel 1991: 322.

485 Briquel 1984: 304-5.

note 53.

494 Scholiast ad Homeros, Iliad XVIII, 219; cf. Briquel 1991: 332,

105

sociated from that of MƝlƝs, a predecessor of the Lydian king Kandaules (= the one murdered by the first ruler of the Mermnads, Gyges) who ruled in the second half of the 8th century BC.495 The Lydian nature of this name is further emphasized by the attestation in an epichoric Lydian inscription of Me1llali-, an adjectival derivative in -li- of Me1l1aĞ.496 Given the relationship of the name Maleos to Lydian Melas or Meles, the Tyrrheno-Pelasgian and Lydian traditions about the inventor of the trumpet appear to be not competitive in nature, but mere variants of one and the same story. Evidently, this story must be assigned to the period in which Lydia was not yet a landlocked power, as in the time of the reign of king Kroisos (559-547 BC),497 but still actively involved in maritime trade – with the Pontic region as indicated by the Lydian supremacy over Abydos and Daskyleion in the northern Troad recorded for the reign of Gyges (687-649 BC),498 and with on the one hand Al Mina in North Syria in the southeast (via Smyrna) and on the other hand the island of Pithecussae in the southwest as indicated by archaeological and epigraphical evidence from the late 8th century BC. 499 Anyhow, whatever the merits of the TyrrhenoPelasgian or Lydian claims, one thing seems clear, namely that the priority of the use of the trompet lies with the Egyptians, as in the reliefs of Medinet Habu we see an Egyptian trompeteer coordinating the movements of a contingent of foreign (in casu Sherden and other Sea Peoples’) mercenaries (see Fig. 22b)!

495 Radet 1892: 76-9; Pedley 1972: 14; cf. Briquel 1984: 267;

Briquel 1991: 332-3. 496 Gusmani 1964, s.v.; cf. Briquel 1991: 333, note 58. According

to Gusmani, loc. cit., Lydian Me1l1aĞ (and hence the related Tyrrheno-Pelasgian Maleos or Meleos [Briquel 1984: 268]) derives from Luwian Mala- as in Malazitis, see Laroche 1966, s.v. 497 Herodotos, Histories I, 27; cf. Briquel 1991: 85. 498 Strabo, Geography 22, 1; Pedley 1972: 19; Briquel 1991: 82-3 and note 285. 499 Woudhuizen 1982-3: 99-100, Fig. 7a-c (distinct type of mean-

der); Woudhuizen 1992a: 155-7, Fig. 2 (inscription mi Maion).

106

13. TEUKROI, AKAMAS, AND TROJAN GREY WARE The Tjeker of the Egyptian sources, who are mentioned

course, possible that, like in the case of the Mycenaean

among the Sea Peoples attacking Egypt in the fifth and eighth year of Ramesses III (= 1179 and 1176 BC), and are

Greeks being called Tanayu “Danaoi” by the Egyptians but A® ® iyawa “Akhaians” by the Hittites, the Egyptians pre-

later recorded in the Wen Amon story (1076-1074 BC) as

ferred a different ethnonym from the Hittites, but because

inhabitants of the region of Dor in the Levant, have been

of the silence in the Hittite sources on this point we do not

identified with the Teukroi of Greek literary tradition by

know for sure. What the Hittite sources do tell us is that in

Lauth in

1867.500

This identification was subsequently

the reign of the Hittite great king Muwatallis II (1295-1271

taken over by François Chabas,501 and after him, the ma-

BC) the region of Wilusa (= Greek Ilion) is reigned by a

topic.502

As a minority view,

certain Alaksandus, whose name recalls the Homeric Alex-

however, it has been proposed by H.R. Hall to identify the

andros alias Paris.507 Now, in Herodotos’ version of the

Tjeker rather with the Sikeloi of Greek literary tradition.503

story of the abduction of Helena, according to which an

The latter view received new impetus by Elmar Edel’s argument that Egyptian [t] as a rule corresponds with the

unfavorable wind brings Paris and his company to Egypt,

jority of the authors on the

samekh.504

Paris is called of Teukrian birth.508 In this manner, then, a

However, a serious disadvantage of

direct link between Alaksandus of Wilusa from the Hittite

the latter line of approach is that the Shekelesh would re-

sources and the Teukroi from the Greek ones can be estab-

main without proper identification. Moreover, the equation

lished.

Hebrew

of Tjeker with the Teukroi receives further emphasis from

As far as the ultimate origins of the Teukroi are con-

archaeological as well as historical evidence (see below),

cerned, there are three different versions of myth. In the

whereas the one with the Sikeloi does not, for which rea-

first place, we have the autochthonous version according to

son in the following we will stick to the majority view.

which the heros eponym Teukros is the son of the river-

The Teukroi and their heros eponym Teukros are

god Skamandros and a nymph of mount Ida; in this version

definitely at home in the Troad. According to Herodotos,

his daughter Bateia married with Dardanos, the heros epo-

remnants of the ancient Teukroi are, under the name of

nym of the Dardanians – as we have seen the Egyptian de-

Gergithai, still traceable for the Troad at the beginning of

nomination of the inhabitants of the Troad.509 Secondly,

the 5th century BC.505 A problem is posed, however, by

we have the Cretan version which holds that the Teukroi

the fact that the Teukroi are not straightforwardly associ-

were colonists from Crete who settled in Hamaxitos510 and

ated with the Troad in our Late Bronze Age sources.

introduced the cult of the goddess Kybele.511 In archaeo-

Thus,506

in the Egyptian list of the Hittite allies at the bat-

logical terms, this version of the myth might be linked up

tle of Kadesh (1274 BC) troops from the region of the

with the radiation of Minoan influence to nearby

Troad are referred to as Drdny “Dardanians”. It is, of

Samothrace as deducible from the discovery of Cretan hieroglyphic sealings of the “libation formula”-type, dated to the end of Middle Minoan II or to Middle Minoan III,512 and even to Troy itself in form of Linear A inscriptions

500 Wainwright 1961: 75. 501 Chabas 1872: 296. 502 Hall 1901-2: 184; von Lichtenberg 1911: 18; Wainwright 1961: 75; Barnett 1969: 19; Albright 1975: 508; Strobel 1976: 54; Mégalomitis 1991: 811; Redford 1992: 252; cf. Gardiner 1947: 199-200 (undecided).

507 Gurney 1990: 46.

503 Hall 1922: 301; cf. Gardiner 1947: 199-200 (undecided).

509 Apollodoros, Library III, 12, 1; Diodoros of Sicily, Library of

508 Herodotos, Histories II, 114.

History IV, 75, 1; cf. Strobel 1976: 50.

504 Edel 1984; cf. Lehmann 1985: 34-5 (critical, but undecided).

510 Strabo, Geography XIII, 1, 48; Strobel 1976: 50-1.

Edel’s view is now backed up by Drews 2000: 178-80, who herewith withdraws his earlier (1993: 52, note 13) objection. 505 Herodotos, Histories V, 122; VII, 43.

511 Vergilius, Aeneid III, 104 ff.; Vürtheim 1913: 4-8; Strobel 1976: 50.

506 Barnett 1969: 4.

512 Olivier & Godart 1996: 30 (# 135-7); cf. Matsas 1991: 168.

107

found here.513 It is interesting to note in this connection

section 7 above on the ethnogenesis of the Greeks we have

that Phrygian Kybele is attested in Luwian form Kupapa

seen reason for Thraco-Phrygian population groups of

for a magic spell to conjure the Asiatic pox in the language

Middle Helladic Greece who wanted to stay free to seek

of the Keftiu (= Cretans) as preserved in an Egyptian

new homes among their kinsmen to the north and northeast

medical papyrus presumably from the reign of Amenhotep

as a result of the arrival of foreign conquerors from the be-

III (1390-1352 BC) or one of his forerunners.514 Thirdly,

ginning of Late Helladic I (c. 1600 BC) onwards.521

there is the Athenian version according to which Teukros

Which of these three scenarios applies, cannot be deter-

ultimately originates from the Attic deme Xytepê515 or is

mined in the present state of the evidence. Therefore, it

staged as the son of Telamon, king of Salamis in

may suffice for our present purposes to observe that ac-

Greece.516 As duly noted by Einar Gjerstad, this last men-

cording to Greek literary sources “Teukroi” is the oldest

tioned form of the myth may have received emphasis from

designation of the population of the Troad, followed by

the Athenian policy vis-à-vis Cyprus in the 5th century

“Dardanians” (after Dardanos) and “Trojans” (after

BC.517

Tros).522

At any rate, from an archaeological point of view

the mythical relation between the Troad and southern

The literary tradition on Teukros also contains a num-

Greece might be reflected in the formal resemblance of the

ber of what appear to be dim reflections of the Tjeker’s

so-called Minyan ware, characteristic of mainland Greece

partaking in the upheavals of the Sea Peoples. Thus, it is

for the Early Helladic III and Middle Helladic periods,

related that Teukros, after the sack of Troy and the ban-

with Trojan grey ware (from the beginning of Troy VI on-

ishment from Salamis in Greece by his father Telamon,

wards)518

– a relation which in fact is so close that numer-

visited Egypt where he received an oracle about his ulti-

ous archaeologists used the term Minyan ware for the latter

mate destination, Salamis in Cyprus.523 Next, the story

as well.519 This would lead us to the assumption that the

goes that Teukros visited Sidon on his way to Cyprus and

inhabitants of the Troad from c. 1800 BC onwards are

received help from its king Belos (< Semitic Ba‘al “lord”)

kinsmen of the Thraco-Phrygian population groups of

in the colonization of Salamis.524 Finally, tradition has it

Middle Helladic Greece – a thesis materialized to some ex-

that Teukros takes Gergines from the Troad and Mysia

tent by Leonid

Gindin.520

with him as prisoners of war during the colonization of Sa-

Note in this connection that in

lamis in Cyprus.525 Considering the fact that Gergines is an ancient form of Gergithae,526 under which name, as we 513 Godart 1994; Faure 1996. 514 Woudhuizen 1992a: 1-10; see also appendix III below.

521 The expansion of the Mycenaean civilization to the north and

515 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 61; Strabo,

northeast coincides with population pressure in the direction of northwest Anatolia. Thus, according to Homeros, Iliad III, 184-7, Phrygian forces originating from the European continent had already mustered along the banks of the Sangarios about a generation before the Trojan war (c. 1280 BC). Furthermore, the Kaskans, who are characterized by a Thracian type of onomastics (see Woudhuizen 1993b: passim), became a growing threat to the Hittites from the beginning of the Middle Kingdom period (= early in the 15th century BC), onwards, see von Schuler 1965: 27. Finally, Phrygian penetration into the province of Azzi-Hayasa to the northeast of the Hittite capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa in the times of Tud®alias II (1390-1370 BC) and Arnuwandas I (1370-1355 BC) is personified by Mita of Pa®®uwa, see section 7, esp. note 146, above.

Geography XIII, 1, 48; Vürtheim 1913: 8-11; Strobel 1976: 50. 516 Euripides, Helen 87-8. 517 Gjerstad 1944: 119; cf. Strobel 1976: 52. 518 Blegen 1963: 111 who attributes the introduction of grey Mi-

nyan to the arrival of a new population. 519 Heuck Allen 1994: 39 with reference, amongst others, to Schliemann, Blegen, Caskey. 520 Gindin 1999: 57-8 (Skaiai gates); 62-4 (KebrionƝs); 263 (Laomedǀn ho Phrux, and his wife Strumǀ), to which may be added the Thracian nature of the personal name Paris, cf. Detschew 1976, s.v., and the Phrygian descent of Priamos’ wife HekabƝ (Iliad XVI, 718). Note that the analysis of Priamos < Luwian Pariya-muwas by Watkins 1986: 54 is dubious and that the first element of this personal name is rather linked up with that of local place names like Priapos, PriƝnƝ and Phrygian Prietas as stipulated by Kullmann 1999: 197 and Neumann 1999: 16, note 3, and/or the root of the New Phrygian vocabulary word prieis “carae” as per Haas 1966: 225, the latter from the PIE root *priyá“(be)love(d)”, cf. Mayrhofer 1974: 18-9.

522 Diodorus Siculus, Library of History IV, 75, 1; cf. Apollodoros, Library III, 12, 1. 523 Euripides, Helen 87 ff. 524 Vergilius, Aeneid I, 619 ff. 525 Athenaios, Deipnosophistai VI, 68, 256b. 526 Athenaios, Deipnosophistai VI, 68, 256c.

108

of the text (-mu “me”) in what from the context appears to be a naval battle.532 This last mentioned passage strikingly correlates to the information from the correspondence between the king of Ugarit and his superior, the king of Cyprus-Alasiya, as unearthed in Ras Shamra/Ugarit, according to which the Ugaritic fleet is stationed in the coastal region of Lycia, but enemy ships nonetheless have broken through the defense line and are now threatening the coasts of the eastern Mediterranean.533 Anyhow, it is clear that Akamas from Ilion in the course of events had grasped the opportunity and turned his maritime profession from trader into raider – a common change in the history of Mediterranean shipping.534 The expansion of the Trojans, first by means of trade to Cyprus and Ras Shamra/Ugarit, and subsequently by actual colonization to Cyprus, again, and the Levant, is archaeologically traceable in the distribution of Trojan grey ware – not a widely desired export product, but evidence of real presence of Trojan traders and/or settlers. This ware is found in concentrations on Cyprus, especially at Kition and Hala Sultan Tekke, in Ras Shamra/Ugarit, and Tell Abu Hawam (= Haifa) in the neighborhood of the Tjeker town Dor, in a variety dated to the late 13th or early 12th century BC (see Fig. 21).535 The impetus for the Trojans to find new homes abroad is formed by the invasion of their territory by new settlers from the European continent, causing the destruction of Troy VIIa (c. 1180 BC)536 and the subsequent (in Troy VIIb1-2) introduction of buckle ceramic.537 Unfortunately, the Tjeker town Dor is not well excavated: at least it seems clear that the site was destroyed in the Late Bronze Age and subsequently characterized by Philistine ware.538 As opposed to this, the nearby Tell Abu Hawam has been better explored and shows, next to a destruction layer at

have seen, the Teukroi were living in the Troad at the beginning of the 5th century BC, their being taken as prisoners of war probably results from a rationalization which tries to cope with the situation that Teukros, although being at home in the Troad, fights on the Greek side in the Iliad. Like the Philistines and Danaoi, a part of the Teukroi evidently founded themselves new homes in the coastal zone of the Levant. At least, in the Wen Amon story from the first half of the 11th century BC, we are confronted with Tjeker settled at Dor. According to Wen Amon’s vivid testimony, they still were a maritime force to reckon with at that time, since eleven Tjeker ships were blocking his way from the harbor of Byblos when, having accomplished his mission, he wanted to return to Egypt.527 The maritime adventures of the Teukroi presumably dating to the period of the upheavals of the Sea Peoples call to mind the career of the Trojan hero Akamas as recorded in Cypro-Minoan texts from Enkomi and Ras Shamra/Ugarit dated to the final phase of the Late Bronze Age.528 Here we encounter Akamas at first in Linear C texts as a representative of what appears to be the Trojan town Malos (between Palaescepsis and Achaeium, opposite the island of Tenedos) and of Ephesos engaged in maritime trade, receiving goods at Enkomi529 and delivering goods at Ras Shamra/Ugarit.530 Next, he turns up in the more evolved Linear D texts as Akamu Ilu “the Ilian Akamas”531 and Akamu Eleki nukar -ura “Akamas of Ilion, the great enemy”, who in the latter instance is recorded to have defeated (tupata “he smote”) the principal

527 Pritchard 1969: 25-9; see section 5 above. 528 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 108; 116-7; Best & Woudhuizen

1989: 53-4; 59; 62; 64. 529 Cylinder seal Inv no. 19.10, see Woudhuizen 1992a: 110 ff.; 115, lines 15-7; cf. section 5 above. Like that of Alexandros (< Greek alexǀ “to ward off, protect” and anƝr “man”), the name of Akamas is of Greek type, being derived from Greek akamas “untiring”, see LSJ, s.v. This cannot be attributed to poetic license of Homeros, as these names, next to in the Homeric epics, appear in contemporary texts. Apparently, therefore, representatives of the Trojan nobility had intermarried with Greek colleagues as early as the Late Bronze Age – be it on a voluntary basis or involuntarily as examplified by Alexandros/Paris’ rape of Helena.

532 Best & woudhuizen 1988: 105 (Tablet Inv. no. 1687, line 15); cf. section 5 above. 533 Hoftijzer & van Soldt 1998: 343-4, RS L 1, RS 20.238, and RS 20.18; cf. section 5 above. 534 Ormerod 1924; cf. Woudhuizen 1992a: 117-8. 535 Buchholz 1973: 179-84; Heuck Allen 1994: 42. 536 For the twofold destruction of Troy, first at the end of VIh (c.

1280 BC) by the Mycenaean Greeks and then in the time of the upheavals of the Sea Peoples at the end of VIIa (c. 1180 BC), see Schachermeyr 1980: 460 ; Schachermeyr 1982 : 106.

530 Tablet RS 20.25, see Woudhuizen 1994: 519; 530, lines 1-2;

15; cf. section 5 above. For Malos in the Troad, see Cramer 1971: 88. In line with a suggestion by Jan Best, the element ati in atipini is interpreted as a reflex of PIE *éti “and” as represented in Greek eti, Phrygian eti- and Latin et, see Frisk 1973, s.v., as well as Celtic eti, see Delamarre 2003, s.v.

537 Rutter 1975, who likewise attributes the presence of this ware in southern Greece at the beginning of Late Helladic IIIC to Balkan invaders.

531 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 104 (Tablet Inv. no. 1193, line 3).

538 Dothan 1982: 69.

109

Fig. 21. Distribution of Trojan grey ware (from Heuck Allen 1994).

evidently prospected the site in the period of their trade connections with the Levant and hence very well knew where to go to find themselves a better place to stay!

the end of the Late Bronze Age, some, no doubt subsequent, Late Helladic IIIC1b ware – the hallmark of the settlement of Sea Peoples.539 If I understand Susan Heuck Allen correctly in that the Trojan grey ware arrived in Tell Abu Hawam already before the aforesaid destruction layer,540 the Trojans

539 Sandars 1980: 161; 165. 540 Heuck Allen 1994: 40; and note 8: Trojan grey ware is not

found in association with Late Helladic IIIC1b.

110

14. THE CENTRAL MEDITERRANEAN CONTRIBUTION Sherden

as mercenaries in his army, for in the memorial of the battle of Kadesh, which took place in the fifth year of his reign (= 1274 BC), Ramesses II reports that a contingent of Sherden fought on his side (“His Majesty had made ready his infantry and his chariotry, and the Sherden of His Majesty’s capturing whom he had brought back by victory of his strong arm”).548 On the basis of close scrutiny of the Egyptian reliefs from the reigns of Ramesses II to Ramesses III, Robert Drews attributed the introduction in the orient of innovations in infantry warfare, like the round shield, the javelins, and the long slashing sword, which, when deployed in sufficient numbers, could outmatch the up to that moment unchallenged chariotry, to the Sherden, identifiable as such by their characteristic horned helmet (see Fig. 22).549

The Sherden541 are first mentioned in the correspondence of the king of Byblos, Rib-addi, with the Egyptian pharaoh, presumably Akhenaten (1352-1336 BC), as preserved for the El-Amarna archive. Thus a Shirdan-man is staged in the context of a futile assault on Rib-addi, possibly as the latter’s body-guard.542 Furthermore, Rib-addi complains that people of Sutu – a contigent of mercenaries of the Egyptian pharaoh – have killed men of Sherdan.543 The use of Sherden for their fighting skill in the Levant can be further illustrated by texts from Ras Shamra/Ugarit, roughly dated to the 14th or 13th century BC, where in alphabetic form t rtnm they occur in the context of t nnm “hand-to-hand fighters or skirmishers”, mrjnm “chariot fighters” and mdrg̗lm “guardians”.544 Interesting detail is that when specified by name, as in case of Amar-Addu, son of Mutba‘al, the Sherden can be shown to be fully acculturated to their new Semitic milieu.545 After the El-Amarna interlude, the Sherden appear as seaborne raiders of Egyptian territory in the reign of Ramesses II (1279-1213 BC), who in the Tanis stele speaks of “the rebellious-hearted Sherden” “in their warships from the midst of the sea”, “none [being] able to stand before them”.546 This information coincides with the text of a stele from Assuwan, dated to the second year of Ramesses II (= 1277 BC), in which the pharaoh claims to have “destroyed warriors of the Great Green (= the Mediterranean sea)” so that “Lower Egypt spends the night sleeping (peacefully)”.547 As it seems, then, Ramesses II had to deal with piratical raids by the Sherden early in his reign. Having defeated them, he next enlisted the survivors

(a)

(b)

541 Gardiner 1947: 194-7; Strobel 1976: 190-4; Lehmann 1979:

485; 488; 493-4, note 49; Lehmann 1983: 80-5; Drews 1993a: 152-5.

Fig. 22. Sherden in the Egyptian reliefs from the reigns of

542 Moran 1992: 150 (EA 81: 16); Mercer 1939: EA no. 81.

Ramesses II and Ramesses III with (a) long slashing swords and

543 Moran 1992: 201-2 (EA 122: 35; 123: 15); Mercer 1939: EA

round shields, and (b) javelins (from Sandars 1980: 29, afb. 12 and

nos. 122-3.

32, afb. 14).

544 Loretz 1995: 128-32; cf. Drews 1993a: 155 (RS 15.103). 545 Drews 1993a: 155.

548 Gardiner 1960: P25-30; Drews 1993a: 131; cf. Breasted 1927: Vol. III, no. 307.

546 Gardiner 1961: 259; Drews 1993a: 153; cf. Breasted 1927:

Vol. IV, no. 491.

549 Drews 1993: 178-9; 184 (with reference to Sandars 1980: 32,

547 Gardiner 1947: 195.

afb. 14); 199 (with reference to Sandars 1980: 29, afb. 12).

111

The story continues with the Sherden fighting, like

pero. The latter argued that, on the analogy of the fact that

the Shekelesh, Ekwesh, Lukka, and Teresh, as allies or

the original homeland of the Tyrsenians is traced back to

mercenaries on the side of the Libyans, who, under the

Lydia by ancient authors, the Sherden are more likely to

leadership of their king Meryey, made an attempt to invade

originate from western Anatolia as well, where the name of

the Egyptian delta in order to settle there in the fifth year

the capital of the Lydians, Sardis, and related toponyms

of the reign of Merneptah (= 1208 BC).550 Subsequently,

like mount Sardena and the Sardanion plain and an eth-

in the memorial of the invasion of the Sea Peoples in year

nonym like Sardonians would be reminiscent of their pres-

eight of Ramesses III (= 1176 BC) at Medinet Habu, we

ence.556 Accordingly, the Sherden were considered to be

encounter the Sherden both as attackers and as mercenaries

on their way from their original home in Lydia to their

on the Egyptian side.551 The service of Sherden in the

later home in Sardinia at the time of the upheavals of the

Egyptian army can be shown to continue into the reign of

Sea Peoples.557 The revised view of Maspero has been par-

Ramesses V (1147-1143 BC), when members of this ethnic

ticularly influential. Thus a cautious scholar like the Egyp-

group are staged as proprietors of land granted to them by

tologist Alan Gardiner concluded: “Provisionally it seems

the pharaoh. As in the case of their kinsmen in the Levant,

plausible to accept the identification of the name Sherden

the Sherden in Egypt by then had acculturated to the extent

with that of Sardinia, and the identification of the name

that they all bore Egyptian names.552

Tursha with that of the TyrsƝnoi, but to regard Sardinia

The final mention of Sherden in the Near East is pro-

and Etruria as much later homes of the peoples in ques-

vided by the Onomasticon of Amenope, which reflects the

tion.”558 Similarly, Margaret Guido in her book on Sar-

political situation in the 11th century BC. Here the Sher-

dinia, after weighing the pro’s and con’s, is inclined to an

den occur in an enumeration followed by the Tjeker and

eastern origin of the Sherden.559 As we have seen in sec-

Peleset. From this enumeration one has deduced that there

tion 10 above, there is considerable evidence that Mas-

were Sherden living to the north of the Tjeker at Dor and

pero’s eastern origin of the Tyrsenians is correct. In the

the Peleset in their Philistine pentapolis at the time, in a lo-

case of the Sherden, however, the literary evidence from

cation plausibly identified with Akko.553 In archaeological

ancient authors to back up their eastern origin is absent:

terms, their settlement here may well be reflected in Late

here Maspero’s thesis rests upon nothing more than a like-

Helladic IIIC1b pottery554 – as we have noted before, the

ness in names, which might be spurious. It comes as no

hallmark of settlement of Sea Peoples in the Levant.

surprise, therefore, that de Rougé’s identification of the

Having reviewed the history of Sherden in the Near

Sherden as Sardinians can still count on some supporters

East, the question remains to be answered: where did they

up to the present day, like Richard D. Barnett in his contri-

come from? As we have seen, the Egyptian sources inform

bution to the third edition of the Cambridge Ancient His-

us that they came overseas. Now, two propositions have

tory560 and Drews in his book on the end of the Bronze

been put forward as to the origin of the Sherden: the island

Age.561

of Sardinia in the central Mediterranean and the region of

As it comes to the actual facts, it must be admitted

Sardis in western Anatolia. The first option was proposed

that these are meagre, indeed. The often referred to men-

by Emmanuel de Rougé already in 1867.555 Some years

tion of Šrdn “Sardinia” in a Phoenician inscription on a

later, in 1873, his view was challenged by Gaston Mas-

stele from Nora, dated to the 9th century BC, can only provide us with a terminus a quo for the name of the is-

550 Breasted 1927: Vol. III, no. 574; Drews 1993a: 49. 556 Maspero 1873: 84-6; Maspero 1875: 195; Maspero 1910: 360, note 2; cf. Burn 1930: 12-3; Gardiner 1947: 197-8; Redford 1992: 243, note 13; 246.

551 Strobel 1976: 18; Sandars 1980: 106-7, afb. 68. For their pre-

sence on the Egyptian side, see Helck 1971: 226, note 10, and Drews 1993a: 153 citing from Edgerton & Wilson 1936: plate 29.

557 Hall 1926: 282.

552 Gardiner 1947: 195; for a full survey of the references to

Sherden in Egyptian texts, see Kahl 1995.

558 Gardiner 1947: 198.

553 Moshe Dothan 1986; Bikai 1992: 133.

559 Guido 1963: 187-91.

554 Bietak 1993: 297-8.

560 Barnett 1969: 12.

555 De Rougé 1867: 39.

561 Drews 1993a: 53-61; 70-2.

112

land.562 More revealing is the archaeological evidence pre-

basis of C14 datings to the period between 1400 and 1000

sented by Roger Grosjean. He drew our attention to simi-

BC, with a margin of error of 200 years.568 They give the

larities of the depictions of Sherden at Medinet with statue-

impression of a society of which the members are proud of

menhirs from southern Corsica,563 depicting so-called

their martial qualities and hence excellently fit for service

Torre-builders, who are identical with the Nuraghe-

as mercenaries, in which capacity we encountered the

builders from Sardinia.564 These entail: (1) the helmet with

Sherden in the Egyptian and Levantine sources.

horns, the latter element of which can be reconstructed for

Remaining archaeological evidence is of a circum-

some statue-menhirs on the basis of shallow holes once

stantial nature. As shown by Birgitta Pålsson Hallager,

holding another material;565 (2) the corselet with five rib-

contacts between Sardinia and the eastern Mediterranean,

bons;566 and (3) the long sword (see Fig. 23).567

especially Crete, can be detected for the later Bronze Age in the form of Mycenaean IIIB and C (including Late Helladic IIIC1b) material discovered foremostly in the nuraghe Antigori in the south of Sardinia,569 and, as later distinguished by Joseph Shaw, Italian or Sardinian pottery from Late Minoan IIIA2-B contexts unearthed in Kommos, a harbor town in southern Crete.570 Particularly tantalizing are the oxhide ingots with Cypro-Minoan signs from the

(a)

nuraghi Serra Ilixi and Sant’Antioco in Sardinia, which are variously dated between the 15th and 11th century BC.571 According to Guido, one of such Sardinian type of oxhide ingot was found in Crete, where, in her words, it may belong to the thirteenth-twelfth centuries BC.572 As it seems, then, Sardinia was a source of raw materials (copper) for the international market (the Cypro-Minoan signs have only meaningful use as markers for the handling of the oxhide ingots in the eastern Mediterranean!).573 Finally, it deserves our attention that Sardinia constitutes a backward area – note in this connection that a Bronze Age culture lingered into the Roman period – ,574 comparable to a third

(b)

world country in our present era, which is likely to provide the more developed eastern Mediterranean with mercenaries and raw materials.

Fig. 23. Statue-menhirs from Corsica: (a) Cauria (with horns reconstructed on the helmets), (b) Scalsa Murta (from Grosjean

568 Grosjean 1966a: 90; cf. Grosjean 1966b: 190 (from c. 1500 BC onwards).

1966b, Fig. 5; Sandars 1980: 99, afb. 60).

569 Pålsson Hallager 1985; Dothan & Dothan 1992: 214.

The statue-menhirs in question are assigned on the

570 Shaw 1998: 15; cf. Vagnetti 2000: 317; 2001: 88 who is more

outspoken about the Sardinian nature of the dark burnished ware at Kommos. 562 Donner & Röllig 1964: 63, nr. 46; cf. Dupont Sommer 1948 & 1974.

564 Grosjean 1966b: 194.

571 Guido 1963: 110; cf. Muhly, Maddin & Stech 1988: 283, who consider the association of oxhide ingots with Mycenaean pottery likely, even though it is not straightforwardly attested. Note, however, that Buchholz 1999 : 222 variously dates the oxhide ingots to the period of 1200 to 700 BC.

565 Grosjean 1966a: pls. 44-6.

572 Guido 1963: 110-1; cf. Pålsson Hallager 1985: 304.

566 Grosjean 1966a: pl. 46.

573 So also Buchholz 1999 : 229.

567 Grosjean 1966a: pls. 35-6; 40-1.

574 Guido 1963: 156.

563 Grosjean 1966a: 70-1.

113

On the basis of the combined evidence from Corsica

Tjeker.)581 Little later, we encounter the Shekelesh among

and Sardinia, the one presenting the closest parallels for

the Sea Peoples who invaded Egypt in the eighth year of

Sherden as depicted in the Egyptian memorial at Medinet

Ramesses III (= 1176 BC).582 In the memorial for

Habu and the other furnishing evidence for contacts with

Ramesses III’s victory at Medinet Habu, the Shekelesh are

the eastern Mediterranean during the later Bronze Age, it

distinguished by a special headdress, the “nach hinten ge-

seems viable to conclude that the Sherden originated from

bogene Mutze”.583

this part of the Central Mediterranean.

As to the origin of the Shekelesh, two suggestions have been put forward. In the first place, de Rougé pro-

Shekelesh575

posed to identify them as inhabitants of the island of Sic-

The earliest attestation of the Shekelesh concerns their par-

name of the Shekelesh with the place name Sagalassos in

taking as allies or mercenaries in the Lybian campaign against Egypt as recorded for the fifth year of Merneptah

Pisidia – a region in between the Hittite province Tar®untassa and the Lukka lands in southern Anatolia.585

(= 1208 BC).576 In the count of the dead bodies after the

Like in the case of the Sherden, the Shekelesh were as-

battle, the Shekelesh – together with the Ekwesh, Teresh,

sumed according to this view to be on their way from their

and Sherden, and in contrast to the Peleset from the time of

original home to their later home Sicily at the time of the

Ramesses III – , are specified as being circumcised.577

Sea Peoples. Maspero’s Anatolian thesis was enthousiasti-

ily.584 As opposed to this, Maspero rather connected the

Next, a representative of the Shekelesh turns up in

cally received by H.R. Hall, who wrote: “The next tribe,

maritime trade as recorded by Cypro-Minoan cylinder

the Shekelesha, are undoubtedly, as Maspero concluded

seals from Kalavassos (K-AD 389) and Enkomi (Inv. no.

twenty years ago, the Sagalassians of Pisidia. (…) The

19.10), which we have seen reason in section 8 above to

identification absolutely hits the nail on the head. (…) And

assign to the period of the Hittite domination of Cy-

the Sagalassians are not too far off, as de Rougé’s Sicels

prus/Alasiya during the reign of Suppiluliumas II (1205-

were.”586 It echoes on into recent literature, as in, for ex-

1180? BC).578 The man in question, Sanemas, singles him-

ample, Ronald Redford’s monograph on Egypt’s relations

self out as the author of the Kalavassos seal, and hence can

with the Levant.587 The problem with Maspero’s Anatolian

be shown to master the Luwian language.

thesis, however, is that, as we have seen above, the Hittite

This peaceful episode is followed by one of maritime

great king Suppiluliumas II happens to be unacquainted

agression. A first indication of this is formed by a letter

with the Sikalayu or Shekelesh, whereas, as we have seen

from the destruction layer of Ras Shamra/Ugarit (RS

earlier (see section 8), he is in full control of western Asia

34.129), in which the Hittite great king, who must be iden-

Minor. In other words: if the Shekelesh were Sagalassians,

tified as Suppiluliumas II, urgently requests information

the Hittite great king would have known them. Conse-

about the ŠikalƗynj “who live in boats” and about their

quently, it seems preferable to opt for de Rougé’s solution

homeland Šikila from a certain Lunadusu or Ibnadusu who

and identify the Shekelesh with the inhabitants of Sicily in

had been taken prisoner by

them.579

the central Mediterranean.

(Note in this connec-

tion that Sikalayu and Sikela are variant forms of Sheke-

Now, Sicily was in contact with the Mycenaean world

lesh without the additional suffix -sh also attested for

during the Late Bronze Age, as Mycenaean pottery has

Ekwesh and Weshesh,580 and that we have seen reason not

been found in Sicilian sites. As argued by Pålsson Hal-

to follow Elmar Edel in his proposal to identify Sikela with 581 Edel 1984; see section 13 above. 575 Lehmann 1979: 492-4.

582 Pritchard 1969: 262-3; cf. Breasted 1927: Vol. IV, no. 64; Edgerton & Wilson 1936: 53; Strobel 19 76: 14; Drews 1993: 51.

576 See note 551 above.

583 Widmer 1973: 73-4.

577 Widmer 1975: 71, note 23.

584 See note 555 above.

578 Woudhuizen 1992a: 94-145; Woudhuizen 1994: 524-6.

585 Maspero 1873: 84-6; Maspero 1910: 432, note 2.

579 Dietrich & Loretz 1978; Hoftijzer & van Soldt 1998: 343.

586 Hall 1901-2: 181.

580 Wainwright 1961: 72; see section 8, note 212 above.

587 Redford 1992: 246.

114

lager, these contacts may have been especially close with

Peoples in the eighth year of Ramesses III (= 1176 BC).594

Crete in view of the amount of Minoan pottery discovered

According to a proposition by François Chabas, they have

in Thapsos. Vice versa, Khania, Knossos, and Kommos in

been identified as Oscans.595 In order to fully grasp the va-

Crete have produced Italian (no distinction is made for Sic-

lidity of this suggestion, it is important to note that the fi-

ily) ware during the later phase of the Late Bronze Age

nal -sh of Weshesh constitutes a suffix, also present, as we

(Late Minoan IIIA2-B for Kommos and Late Minoan IIIB-

have seen, in Ekwesh (< Akhaia) and Shekelesh (< Sikela),

To this comes that the Sicilians are

and that the root hence consists of Wesh-.596 Furthermore,

known to the Homeric world (which, as we have seen in

in spite of its general derivation from earlier *Opsci,597 the

section 2 above, mainly reflects Late Bronze Age politico-

root of the Italic ethnonym Oscans consists of Os- as ex-

historical conditions) as sturdy traders, specialized in the

amplified by its variant form Aus- or rhotacized Aur- in

C for

slave

Khania).588

trade.589

Ausones or Aurunci, respectively. This root, then, is used

In our literary sources, the Sicilians or Sicels are as-

in combination with the typically Italic suffix for the for-

sumed to have once inhabited the mainland of Italy, up to

mation of ethnics, -ci (cf. Aurunci, Etrusci, Falisci, Graeci,

Latium and southern Etruria, and to have crossed over to

Umbrici, Volsci, etc.). Alternatively, inspired by Mas-

war590

or 300

pero’s pan-Anatolianism with respect to the homeland of

years before the arrival of the first Greeks, which means in

the Sea Peoples, which led him to associate the ethnonym

Sicily either some time before the Trojan BC.591

They are specified to have been

Weshesh with the place name Wassos in Caria, it has been

driven out of their original habitat by either Umbrians (to-

suggested by Hall to compare the root of this same eth-

gether with Pelasgians) or Opicans (= Greek indication of

nonym to that of the place name Waksos in Crete.598

the 11th century

the Oscans), who, as we have seen in section 10 and will

The identification of the Weshesh with the Italic

further elaborate below, both make their entrance in the

Oscans can be bolstered by archaelogical evidence. As we

Italian peninsula from Urnfield Europe at the end of the

have seen in section 10 above, the Italic peninsula is char-

Bronze Age. Therefore, Minoan and Mycenaean ware

acterized at the end of the Late Bronze Age by a new ma-

found in the Italian mainland may also be indicative of

terial culture called proto-Villanovan, which, as convinc-

contacts of the Aegean region with the Sicels, or vice

ingly demonstrated by Hugh Hencken, shows close

versa.592 According to inscriptions from the Archaic pe-

affinities with Urnfield Europe and, as we have argued, is

riod, the language of the Sicels was closely related to

likely to be introduced by the ancestors of the historical

Oscan at the time.593

Umbrians, Oscan, Latins, and Faliscans, whose languages are most intimately related to Celtic and Germanic. Now,

Weshesh

as pointed out most recently by Shelley Wachsmann, the

The Weshesh figure only in the attack launched by the Sea

Ramesses III’s memorial at Medinet Habu is(/are) charac-

fact that the boat(s) of the Sea Peoples as depicted in terized by bird-head devices at both the bow and the stern constitutes a typical Urnfield feature.599 As it seems, then,

588 Pålsson Hallager 1985; Shaw 1998: 15. For Cyprian material

there were bearers of the Urnfield culture among the Sea

at Thapsos, see van Wijngaarden 1999: 362, note 48; note that Drews 1993a: 218, basing himself upon Ross Holloway 1981: 87, identifies Thapsos during the 13th century BC as a Cyprian trading post.

Peoples, which conclusion only applies if we are right in

594 See note 582 above.

589 Homeros, Odyssey XX, 382-3.

595 Chabas 1872: 299; cf. Reinach 1910: 36, note 3; Macalister

590 Dionysios of Halikarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 9; 16; 20 ff.

1913: 25.

591 Thucydides, Peloponnesian War VI, 2, 5; cf. Dionysios of Ha-

596 See note 580 above.

likarnassos, Roman Antiquities I, 22, 5.

597 As based on Greek Opikoi and Ennius’ Opscus.

592 For the distribution of Mycenaean ware in Italy, see Buchholz

598 Hall 1901-2: 184; cf. Reinach 1910: 36; Albright 1975: 508;

1999 : 83, Abb. 23.

Redford 1992: 246.

593 Vetter 1953: 359-60, no. 514 (Centuripa vase, 5th century

599 Wachsmann 1998: 178; Wachsmann 2000: 122; cf. Kimmig

BC): bratome; cf. Oscan brat or bratom (= Latin gratum “pleasant, grateful”), see Pulgram 1978: 72-3; 151.

1964: 223-4, Abb. 1; de Boer 1991.

115

our identification of the Weshesh with the Italic Oscans.

opments. Thus the devastations in Thessaly are likely to be

The connection thus achieved with the developments

ascribed to warlike Balkan tribes bordering to the north of

in Urnfield Europe at the time, also go a long way in pro-

the Mycenaean realm, always looking for an opportunity to

viding us with a model to explain the resurrections of the Sea Peoples. The invasion of Italy by bearers of the Urn-

plunder their much richer neighbor. Furthermore, the sackers of the Hittite capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa are likely to be

field culture – a true mass migration – caused great disrup-

identified as Kaskans and Phrygians, who, when the

tion of peoples living in the area, as the displacement of

smoke-screen had disappeared, turned up in great numbers

the Sicels living in Latium and southern Etruria mentioned

along the Assyrian border at the time of Tiglathpileser I

in the above, who in turn were forced to displace other

(1115-1070 BC).602 As an historical parallel for these de-

population groups in their search for new homes. More-

velopments one could point to the fact that when Diony-

over, the finds of handmade barbarian ware either linked

sios I of Syracuse wanted to attack the Etruscans of Caere,

up with Italy or Urnfield Europe in various locations of the

he made a common cause with the Celts in their hinterland,

Aegean at the end of the Late Bronze

Age600

and the

who, just like the northern neigbors of the Greeks and the

growing popularity of the rite of cremation from that time

Kaskans and Phrygians in Anatolia, were only waiting for

onwards,601

the opportunity to plunder the lands of their hated oppres-

suggest that some of the invaders, like we pos-

sor.

ited for the Oscans, made common cause with population groups they displaced and went with them straight on to the eastern Mediterranean, with which the original population of Italy and the central Mediterranean islands, as we have seen, had been in contact. This resulted in a dominoeffect. First, the region of Pylos in Greece was attacked with devastating results, ultimately causing Akhaians to join the eastern move and look for new homes in Cyprus and the Cilician plain. Next, the Hittite fleet stationed

(a)

along the coast of Lycia to ward off the entrance of the Sea Peoples from the Aegean into the eastern Mediterranean waters was utterly defeated and the island of Cyprus/Alasiya, the southern Anatolian coast, and that of the Levant lay undefended as an easy prey for looting and plunder, and eventually settlement. Finally, as we know by now, an attempt was made to invade the richest country in the Near East, Egypt, with appetizing prospects for plunder and settlement (see Fig. 24). Only this last stage in the upheavals of the Sea Peoples failed…. I am not suggesting that the foregoing model explains

(b)

everything. It is highly unlikely that the Sea Peoples are responsible for, to name but two examples, the devastations in Thessaly and the fall of the Hittite capital Bo÷azköy/Hattusa. The upheavals of the Sea Peoples ultimately caused by the movement of bearers of the Urnfield culture into Italy works as a catalyst to set in motion other devel-

Fig. 24. Distribution of Urnfield culture and the route of the Sea Peoples; (a) c. 1180 BC; (b) 12th-10th century BC (after Kimmig 1964: 269-70, Abb. 17-8).

600 Rutter 1975; Deger-Jalkotzy 1983; Vanschoonwinkel 1991:

233-42, carte 8; Popham 2001; for barbarian ware in Cyprus, see Karageorghis 1986 and Pilides 1994; for further literature on the topic, see Eder 1998, 20, esp. note 25.

602 Lehmann 1970: 34; Diakonoff 1984: 123; see also section 7,

601 Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 191-6, carte 7.

esp. note 147.

116

15. CONCLUDING REMARKS Having reached the end of our quest into the vicissitudes of

induce us, however, to exclude a certain amount of ethnic

the Sea Peoples, it seems worthwhile to summarize the re-

diversity, as Linear B texts, next to the geographic name

sults with respect to their ethnicity.

Akawija (KN) “Akhaia”, already bear testimony of the

As far as the Lukka are concerned, there can be little

ethnonyms Rakedamonijo (TH) “Lacedaimonian”, Ijawone

doubt that they originate from the lower Xanthos valley in

(KN) “Ionians”, and the personal name related to an eth-

later Lycia. This area looks out onto the Mediterranean sea

nonym Dorijewe (PY) “Dorieus (dative)”.603 After the fall

in the south, but is otherwise separated from the surround-

of their palatial civilization, some of the Mycenaean

ing regions by a spur of the formidable Taurus mountains.

Greeks took the boat and looked for new homes in the

From this geographical situation alone it seems permissible

eastern Mediterranean, one group under the name of

to assume that the Lukka formed a close knit ethnic com-

H iƗwa “Akhaians” colonizing the Cilician plain in Anato-

munity. At any rate, this is the case with their Early Iron

lia, and an other group under the name of Dan “Danaoi”

Age descendants, who call themselves Termilai and write

colonizing various locations in the Levant. These migra-

in a distinct dialect of Luwian, the so-called Lycian A.

tions were not numerous enough, however, to plant the

From an archaeological point of view, however, our infer-

Greek language in the given regions, the Akhaians in the

ence about the ethnic coherence of the Lukka cannot be

Cilician plain going over to Luwian and the Danaoi in the

backed up by a distinct material culture because archaeo-

Levant resorting to Semitic. This being the case, the

logical data from the lower Xanthos valley are thus far

Greeks in question may safely be assumed to have mixed

lacking for the Late Bronze Age period.

to a significant extent with the indigenous population.

The Ekwesh and Denye(n) are alternative indications

If the literary traditions about the Philistines originat-

for the Late Bronze Age Greeks, corresponding to Ho-

ing from Crete and/or Lydia in western Asia Minor are

meric Akhaians and Danaoi. Of these indications, the one, in form of A®®iyawa, is preferred by the Hittites, while the

correct, this particular people is likely to be identified with

other, in form of Tanayu, is most of the time preferred by

various population groups living in mainland Greece be-

the Egyptians. In archaeological terms, the ethnic coher-

fore the Greek ethnos came into being, and hence at least

ence of the Late Bronze Age Greeks is strongly indicated

partly responsible for the Middle Helladic culture with its

by the so-called Mycenaean koinƝ of Late Helladic IIIB – a

characteristic Minyan ware. As far as can be determined

cultural unity unparalleled for Greece until the Hellenistic

from the evidence of place and personal names, the Pelas-

period. The latter archaeological culture cannot be dissoci-

gians were of Indo-European tongue, to be more specific

ated from the records in Linear B, which are conducted in

of a Thraco-Phrygian type. When southern and central

a distinct Greek dialect most closely related to Arcado-

Greece were conquered by foreign invaders from Egypt

Cyprian of later date. That the Late Bronze Age Greeks in-

and the Levant, Pelasgian population groups who wanted

deed considered themselves as Akhaians may be further il-

to preserve their independence fled to the north into Thes-

lustrated by an episode in Herodotos’ Histories (V, 72),

saly, which remained predominantly Minyan up till Late

according to which the Spartan king Kleomenes, being re-

Helladic IIIA, and to the region of Larisa Phrikonis in the

fused entrance into the temple on the acropolis of Athens

Mysian-Lydian borderland of western Asia Minor. On the

by the priestess on the ground that he was considered a

basis of the evidence from personal names, again, the latter

Dorian, replied that he was not a Dorian, but an Akhaian –

group was not numerous enough to cause a language shift,

a point of view which tallies with the fact that the Dorians

but went over to the local Luwian dialect. As opposed to

from central Greece, when taking possession of the Pelo-

their kinsmen who had fled, Pelasgian population groups

ponnesos at the end of the Submycenaean and beginning of

which stayed in southern and central Greece became thor-

the Protogeometric periods, are led by Heraklid kings with

oughly Mycenaeanized and in this process, as Herodotos

the Pelasgians of Greek sources. The latter were one of the

a legitimate claim on the Mycenaean throne as descendants of Perseus, who return to their ancestral lands. The cultural

603 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: glossary, s.v.; Shelmerdine 1997:

and linguistic unity of Late Bronze Age Greece should not

564; cf. Driessen 1998-9 and Vanschoonwinkel 1991: 361.

117

(Histories I, 57) reports, adopted the Greek language –

long way in backing up our reconstruction of Pelasgians

which, considering our view that Greek is a split from

originally speaking a Thraco-Phrygian vernacular, but go-

Thraco-Phrygian under foreign influences, is only a small

ing over to Luwian with their migration from mainland

step. The exact date of the migration of Pelasgians to Crete

Greece to western Anatolia. A distinct branch of migrants

as recorded in the literary sources and backed up by place,

from western Anatolia to Italy is formed by the Trojan fol-

divine, and personal names eludes us, but, at any rate it is

lowers of Aeneas. As these are likely originating from the

clear that these latter became fully Minoanized and, like

region south of mount Ida, where to all probability a Lu-

their fellow Cretans, used a Luwian dialect as their first

wian dialect was spoken, we are seemingly dealing here

language and a Semitic one for religious and administra-

with kinsmen of the Tyrrhenians. However, contrary to the

tive purposes in order to keep up with the current interna-

situation in Etruria, the Trojan followers of Aeneas, for

tional standards. At the time of their migration to the

mere lack of numbers, did not plant their name, language,

Levant and settling down in the Philistine pentapolis, the

culture, and customs in Latium, but were only held respon-

Pelasgians of Crete were in close contact with their kins-

sible for the introduction of the cult of the Penates here.

men of western Anatolia, both producing Late Helladic

Tjeker or Teukroi is an indication of the population of

IIIC1b pottery – as we have seen, the hallmark of the set-

the Troad, which alternatively can be addressed as Drdny

tlement of Sea Peoples in the Levant. This may be a sign

or Dardanians. To all probability this people spoke a

of their ethnic coherence, though it must be admitted that

Thraco-Phrygian language, and hence they likely were

the same material culture is shared with the Mycenaean

kinsmen of the pre-Greek population groups of Greece like

Greeks. It goes without saying that the Pelasgians during

the Phrygians, Thracians, and Pelasgians. The latter infer-

their colonization of the Philistine pentapolis mixed with

ence gains weight from the fact that the characteristic Tro-

the local population and went over to the local Semitic dia-

jan grey ware is closely related to the so-called Minyan

lect – with which the Cretan branch was already familiar

ware of Middle Helladic Greece. At the end of the Late

anyway.

Bronze Age, this grey ware, attested from the beginning of

Notwithstanding the fact that the Teresh and Peleset

Troy VI onwards, is distributed to Cyprus and the Levant,

are explicitly distinguished in one Egyptian text, it seems

thus enabling us to trace the epigraphically and historically

highly attractive to consider the related ethnonyms of the

recorded trade contacts and migrations of the Teukroi

Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians from Greek literary sources, on

archaeologically. All in all, the Teukroi form a clear case

the analogy of Akhaians and Danaoi being alternative

of a coherent ethnic entity according to our protohistoric

means to refer to the Mycenaean Greeks, as competing

criteria.

forms of address of one and the same population group.604

The homeland of the Sherden is likely to be located in

Under the related name of Etruscans, the Tyrrhenians are

Sardinia in the central Mediterranean, as we find statue-

especially known to us as an archaeologically, epigraphi-

menhirs in this region (in casu nearby Corsica) depicting

cally, and linguistically traceable entity from c. 700 BC in

the same type of warriors as the Egyptian reliefs associated

Italy. In all these aspects, however, their homeland can be

with this ethnonym. The specificity of the outfit of the

traced back to the Aegean region and western Anatolia. A

Sardinian warriors seems to indicate a strong ethnic bond.

crown witness of their early history is formed by their lan-

On the analogy of the fact that an Hittite princess betrothed

guage, which, although basically of Luwian nature, shows

to Ramesses II is rebaptized with an Egyptian name on the

clear signs of a long early history with Greek – a linguistic

event of her marriage,605 the Semitic and Egyptian names

deep layer explicable only if the literary traditions of the

for individual Sherden mentioned in the Akkadian cunei-

Tyrrhenians once living in Attica are correct. Mutatis mu-

form and Egyptian texts bear testimony only of their accul-

tandis, the evidence of the Etruscan language also goes a

turation in their new homelands, and tell us nothing of the Sardinian language, about which, for the lack of epichoric texts or even glosses in Greek or Latin, we are totally igno-

604 As we have stipulated in section 10 above, Herodotos, Histo-

rant.

ries I, 57, distinguishes the language of the Pelasgians from that of the Tyrrhenians, but, as we have seen in section 12, language is not a defining “criterium” for Pelasgians, so that Greek-like and Luwian-like speaking representatives may all belong to one and the same ethnic entity.

605 Bryce 1998: 312; compare Greeks in Hellenistic Egypt taking

Egyptian names, on which see Goudriaan 1988.

118

About the origin of the Shekelesh we have only cir-

and Larisa Phrikonis) in the east to Sardinia (nuraghe An-

cumstantial evidence that their homeland is unlikely to be

tigori) in the west – and language. That these ethnic groups

situated in Anatolia, as the last of the Hittite great kings,

were indeed cohesive entities appears from the fact that,

Suppiluliumas II, is unfamiliar with them. As opposed to

after their abortive attempt to conquer Egypt, they settled

this negative evidence, an association with Sicily in the

separately in various locations in the Levant: the Peleset or

central Mediterranean can be underlined by the fact that

Philistines in their pentapolis, the Tjeker or Teukroi in

the latter island was in contact with Greece, Crete, and

Dor, the Sherden or Sardinians in Akko, Denye(n) or Dan

Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age. A representative of

in Joppa and later in Laish, European Urnfielders likely to

the Shekelesh involved in trade with Cyprus and the east-

be identified with the Weshesh or Oscans in Hamath, and

ern Mediterranean singles himself out as mastering the

Ekwesh or Akhaians in the Cilician plain. Nevertheless,

Cypro-Minoan script and the Luwian language, but this

this conglomerate of cultures and languages was able to

does not help us very much in determining his native Sicil-

work together very effectively for some time, as the down-

ian language about which we only know that in the archaic

fall of palatial empires caused by them may illustrate. In

period it was closely related to Oscan. For the question

order to demonstrate that a multi-lingual coalition is a pri-

whether the Sicilians had a pronounced idea about their

ori possible, one may point to the fact that the Trojan side

ethnicity we can only draw back to the fact that the Egyp-

in Homeros’ Iliad consisted of a multi-lingual coalition as

tians depicted them with a special type of headdress, the

well.606

“nach hinten gebogene Mutze”, which, to say the least, is meagre evidence.

In his Ethnicity in eastern Mediterranean proto-

The identification of the Weshesh with the Oscans is

history: Reflections on theory and method (forthc.), chap-

crucial for our understanding of the catastrophic events at

ter 6, Wim van Binsbergen formulates three hypotheses

the end of the Bronze Age. The invasion of Italy by bear-

which are of relevance to our subject.

ers of the European Urnfield culture, which we have seen

HYPOTHESIS 1. In the Late Bronze Age, by the time of the appearance of the Sea Peoples, the geographical space of the eastern Mediterranean was ethnically structured in this sense, that an overall system of ethnic classification was generally known and generally subscribed to.

reason to identify with the speakers of the Italic dialects or languages Osco-Umbrian and Latin-Faliscan, entails a true mass migration which caused serious disruption of peoples living in the region, whose displacement in turn formed the “prime mover” for what we call the upheavals of the Sea

The validity of this hypothesis can be underlined by

Peoples. Even though the Oscans may have been numeri-

the fact that some of the groups of the Sea Peoples are re-

cally a relatively small party among the coalition of the

ferred to by the same ethnonym in various sources, like the Ekwesh as A® ® iyawa in Hittite and Shekelesh as ŠikalƗynj

Sea Peoples, they nonetheless may be considered like the leaven in the Biblical bread. Thus the ships of the Sea

in Ugaritic and as Sikeri- in Cypro-Minoan: this proves

Peoples with bird-head devices at both the bow and the

that we are not dealing with the whim of an individual

stern of a typically Urnfield type, the spread of handmade

Egyptian scribe, but a classificatory system with a wider

barbarian ware of proto-Villanovan Italian or European

geographical range shared by the Egyptians with the Hit-

Urnfield backgrounds, and the growing popularity of the

tites, Ugaritians, and Cyprians. Even the fact that there are

rite of cremation during and after the catastrophic events

competing indications for the same ethnic group, like in

may be attributed to the influence of our Oscan partici-

case of the Egyptian preference of Tanayu or Denye(n)

pants. Considering their highly specific cultural and lin-

“Danaoi” over Ekwesh “Akhaians”, or their indication of

guistic traits, the Oscans are likely to be considered a

the Trojans as Drdny alongside Tjeker does not undermine

coherent ethnic entity according to our protohistoric crite-

such a conclusion, as it rather signals the sophistication of

ria.

this classificatory system. As to the origin of the different

By means of conclusion, we seem to be confronted

ethnonyms, it is interesting to note that Sherden and Sheke-

with various ethnic groups, each having their own specific material culture – though Late Helladic IIIC1b appears to be a combining factor, being attested for the homeland of

606 Iliad II, 804; IV, 437-8. Note that in this respect the title of my

almost every Sea People, from western Anatolia (Pitane

book The Language of the Sea Peoples is oversimplifying the reality.

119

lesh are geographically based, being derived from the

Sea Peoples with the exception of the Weshesh if our iden-

names of the islands Sardinia and Sicily, respectively,

tification of the latter with the Ausones or Oscans applies.

whereas for example Weshesh “Ausones” or “Osci” and

Another unifying element may have been formed by the

Tanayu or Denye(n) are ultimately rooted in the hydro-

fact that all members of the Sea Peoples might ultimately

nymy of Europe and the North Pontic steppe (PIE *av- or

be of Indo-European stock. But this is by no means sure

*au- “source, stream” and *dƗnu- “river”) and hence may

for the Sherden and the Shekelesh, and, if these might turn

safely be assumed to have been introduced by the people

out to be Indo-Europeans after all, the differences between

in question themselves from that region into their new

the various groups are already too pronounced to allow for

homeland.607

the perception of a common heritage as a binding factor. Finally, there is the question of how to classify the

HYPOTHESIS 2A. The mobilization process that led to the emergence and exploits of the Sea Peoples was a process of only partial ethnogenesis; it was not in origin an ethnically-driven process, in the sense that no role was played, in this mobilization process, by any prior ethnic identification between the various constituent peripheral groups that ultimately coalesced, albeit never completely, into the Sea Peoples.

post-conflict ethnic situation of the various constituent Sea Peoples in the various regions of the Levant where they ended up after their unsuccessful sea- and land battles against Ramesses III. When we scan the range of possible models which van Binsbergen derived from general ethnic theory for specific application to the Sea Peoples case, it is striking that no one specific model seems to fit the bill

Given the fact that, as we have noted above, various

once and for all.

groups of the Sea Peoples settled separately in various locations of the Levant, and that they have distinct names

One might be tempted to classify the post-conflict lo-

and features in the Egyptian sources, this negative hy-

cal accommodation between Sea People settlers and their

pothesis appears to come nearer to the truth than the posi-

host groups with the melting pot model (no. 6 in our sec-

tive hypothesis 2B below. As a consequence, we may

tion 1), with this proviso that the colonists, contrary to the

conclude that to a certain extent a process of ethnogenesis

situation in the modern Americas, merge with the indige-

took place (= the emergence of the Sea Peoples as a dis-

nous population to the extent that they ultimately become

tinct phenomenon), but was not followed by ethnicization

extinct as a separate ethnic group (= ethnothanasia).608

(i.e. that prospective Sea Peoples, each in their own corner

However, even if locally, in the Levant, all sense of a dis-

of the Mediterranean, took ideological consciousness of

tinct Sea Peoples identity was ultimately lost, there are in-

the fact that they had so much in common with the other

dications that yet some knowledge of distant Central

eight groups that they could adopt a common destiny).

Mediterranean origins lingered on, laying the foundations for the subsequent Phoenician exploration and colonization

HYPOTHESIS 2B. The mobilization process bringing the nine groups to ultimately constitute the Sea Peoples, was in part based on some pre-existing basis for mutual ethnic identification between these nine groups already prior to the beginning of the Sea Peoples’ mobilization and exploits.

of the Central Mediterranean in the Early Iron Age. Perhaps their knowledge of the central Mediterranean waters stimulated the Phoenicians to explore these regions and beyond in the course of the Early Iron Age. In the Levant itself, however, total local accommoda-

An argument in favor of hypothesis 2B, which we consider less likely than hypothesis 2A, might be provided by the fact that the boats of the Sea Peoples are of a com-

608 Of the remaining cases of colonization assumed in the preceding sections, the Pelasgian ones from presumably c. 1600 BC onwards to western Asia Minor and Crete and the one by the Trojan followers of Aeneas to Italy in the Early Iron Age seem closest to the immigrant model (no. 2 in our section 1), with the noted adjustment that the former emigrate to higher developed societies, whereas the latter arrive in a lower developed one. As opposed to this, the coming of charioteering Hyksos elements to Greece c. 1600 BC and that of the Tyrsenians to Tuscany from c. 700 BC onwards rather adhere to the conquest model (no. 3 in our section 1), with the noted adjustment that the Hyksos elements, in contrast to the Tyrsenians, do not plant their own language(s), but adapt to that of the indigenous Thraco-Phrygian population groups.

mon type with a bird head at bow and stern, which, as we have noted, is a typical Urnfield feature. It should be noted in this context, however, that Shelley Wachsmann suggested that the Egyptian artist who drew the boats of the Sea Peoples took one example as the norm, so that the apparent unity in type of ship may be illusory. At any rate, an Urnfield ideology would be secondary to all groups of the

607 Cf. Rosenkranz 1966: 136; Brown 1985: 131-2.

120

tion of the immigrant Sea Peoples groups could only have been the ultimate outcome of a prolonged process that, typically, would traverse some of the other types in our range of models: a.

immediately after local settlement, the most likely model would be that of conquest (model 3), which, as a result of progressive subsequent political and social accommodation, would soon give way to

b.

the immigrant model (model 2) – to end, in most cases, with

c.

a quasi-melting pot situation (model 6) where most specific Sea People cultural and nomenclatural traits would have been shed, in preparation of the total eclipse of any reminiscence of a Sea Peoples past, among the incorporated vestiges of a formerly Sea People population in the Levant.

121

APPENDIX I: ON THE DECIPHERMENT OF CRETAN HIEROGLYPHIC As there are only two other hieroglyphic writing systems

linked up with a Luwian hieroglyphic counterpart.617

current in the region, from a comparative point of view the

However, as soon realized, the script of the discus is not an

Cretan hieroglyphic (= CH) script may be assumed to be

isolated phenomenon on Crete, but further attested for a

related to either Egyptian hieroglyphic (= Eg.) to the

double-axe from Arkalokhori and an altar-stone from Ma-

southeast of Crete or Luwian hieroglyphic (= LH) from

lia.618 As a matter of fact, as indicated by the 14 corre-

Anatolia to the northeast of Crete. Both these two possible

spondences in sum listed in table 4 below, it is nothing but

lines of approach have been put into practice in the past.

a manifestation – be it on the largest extant scale – of Cre-

Thus Arthur Evans, the discoverer of the script, started to

tan hieroglyphic itself.619 Mutatis mutandis, the possible

compare Cretan hieroglyphic signs to Luwian counter-

relationship of the latter script with Luwian hieroglyphic

parts,609

comes to the fore again.

whereas at a later stage he rather preferred to look

for correspondences with Egyptian.610 Next, three of the

This relationship is a viable one, as I hope to show in

pioneers in the deciphering process of Luwian hiero-

my table 4 below. In this table I present a list of corre-

glyphic, Ignace Gelb,611 Helmuth Bossert,612 and Piero

spondences between Cretan hieroglyphic and Luwian hi-

Meriggi,613 pointed out numerous relationships of Cretan

eroglyphic for signs which occur in a reasonably clear

hieroglyphic with the script they were engaged with. Since

context. This list, which is an elaboration of earlier ef-

then, Turkish scholars like Sedat Alp614 and Nimet Özgüç,

forts,620 includes signs from the discus of Phaistos and the

who were involved in the earliest manifestations of the

aforesaid double-axe from Arkalokhori, which texts, for

Luwian hieroglyphic script during the Middle Bronze Age,

reasons beyond my comprehension, are omitted from the

showed an awareness of Cretan connections.

recent corpus of Cretan hieroglyphic inscriptions (=

The whole matter received renewed attention at the

CHIC).621 In order to overcome this omission, I have as-

time that Jan Best definitely succeeded to place the famous

signed to these two texts a number adding up to the last

discus of Phaistos in an Anatolian context, first by demon-

one recorded for CHIC, thus the double-axe of Arkalo-

strating the relationship of signs D 11 and D 39 to the Lu-

khori becomes # 332 and the discus of Phaistos # 333. I

wian symbols of royalty, winged sun-disc (LH *190), and

further present the numbering of the signs according to

of lightning (LH

*199),615

and later by embedding the

Evans’ original publication (1909) next to that of CHIC,

Luwian connection in a network of internal evidence in the

because in a number of instances he distinguishes a sign

form of a doublet and triplets and a vowel analysis.616

which is not recognized as such by CHIC. Finally, for

Working out this relationship, it turned out that of the total

brevity’s sake I refer to standard formulas by an abbrevia-

amount of 47 signs on the discus, 29 can convincingly be

tion, thus the libation formula is referred to as LF and the profane formulas as PF 1-7.622

609 Evans 1895: 33 ff. 617 Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004, section 4.

610 Evans 1909. 611 Gelb 1931: 79 ff.

618 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 87, fig. 1b; Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 74, fig. 1b; 77, fig. 2c.

612 Bossert 1932: 5 ff. 613 Vergessene Städte am Indus, Frühe Kulturen in Pakistan vom 8. bis 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Mainz am Rhein, Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1987, p. 204, Abb. 177.

619 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 86-9; Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 73-7; 97-128. 620 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 87, fig. 3; Woudhuizen 1992c: Pl. XXVI.

614 Alp 1968: 276. 615 Best 1981b: 49-56; numbering of the Luwian hieroglyphic signs according to Laroche 1960a.

621 Olivier & Godart 1996.

616 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 30-53.

2002a: 124 (= PF 7).

622 Woudhuizen 2001b: 608-12 (= LF & PF 1-6); Woudhuizen

123

1.

Evans

CHIC

LH

value

2

001

1

AMU

attestation # 310 [® ar]

# 332,623 # 333

2.





10

H ARMAH I,

3a.

73

018

13

PÁRA

# 255, # 296, # 314, #332

14

PÁRANA

# 271





15

mi4

# 333

3

002624

19

á

# 332, # 333

6.

16

007625

29



7.

7

006

31

H ISH IA,

8.

58

040

35

na

# 309, # 333626

9.

10

095

41



# 332

10.





56-7

KATA,

11.

9

009

66

PIA,

12.

27

057

80-1

SARU

PF 7 (8x), # 333

13.

11

010

82

ta6

PF 5 (41x), # 258

14.





85

l(a)

15.





90

TIWA,

3b. 4. 5.

# 296, # 314 [® i]



# 246, # 333

# 333

pi

# 003J, # 139

# 332 ti

# 333

16.





97

WALWA,

17.

65

016

101

TARKU

ú

18.

99

028

102-3

KURUNT,

19.

63

011

104



20.

62

012

107

MUWA,

# 333 # 193, # 271, # 310

rú627

# 255, # 296 # 271

mu

# 253, # 271

21.





108

SURNA,



# 333

22.

64

013

109

MALIA,

ma6

# 139, # 312

23.

67



110

ma

# 333

® a4

24.





111

H AWA,

25.

77



125



26.

82



128

TINTAPU,

27.

80



130-3

ARA,

28.

59



138

[wa]

29.

92

031

153



30.





160

WIANA,

31.





167

[PARNA, pa]

# 333

32.

96



175

LALA,

# 271628

33.





181

TURPI,

[tu]

# 333

34.





189

WASU,

[wa1]

# 333

35.





190

sol suus

# 328 # 333

ti5

ra

# 314, # 333 LF (7x), # 333 # 333 PF 5 (25x), PF 6 (11x)

wi

la

# 333

# 333

623 Note that the sign is rendered in this text “en face” instead of “en profile” as is usually the case. 624 Note that both Evans and CHIC present only the xoanon sign, not the man’s head itself. 625 Note that this particular form of the arm sign is represented without the dagger, as it occurs in # 314. 626 Note that the ship sign appears both with and without a mast as well as in form of an hippocamp. 627 Value attested already for seals or sealings from the Late Bronze Age period, see Herbordt 1998: 313; 317, fig. 4, 3-4. 628 Note that the sign is rendered here in a lengthened and extremely slim way so that it is almost not recognizable anymore as a tongue, but

the three knobs on the top side are decisive for its identification.

124

36.

5

005

191

TIWATA,

[ti]

37.





199

TARH UNT,

38.

115

061/069

212

H APA,

PF 2 (35x), PF 3 (4x)

®à

# 333



# 196, # 333

39.





223

s6

40.

114

034

228

UTNA,

tu5

PF 7 (10x), # 333

41.

41

041

267

WANA,

[wa6]

# 246, # 271, # 309

42.



032

268

scalprum

# 328

43.

17



278

li

# 333

44.

12

043

283-4

custos

# 314, # 333

Evans

CHIC

45.

# 333

LH

value

attestation

300

gens

# 277

46.

15

051

312-3

ZITI,

47.

24

056

327

SASA,

zi

48.





369

vita

# 328

sa5

PF 7 (10x), # 193, # 255, # 328 (= Cretan knot), cf. Bossert 1932: 12-3

49.





370

ASU,

50.

14

050

383, 1

(determ. of PN)

as, su

# 333 # 310, # 314, # 333

51.





383, 2

[+ta/i], +ra/i

# 332, # 333

52.

122

077

415

sa

# 003J, # 139

53.





419

mà, mì

LF (1x)

54.

138



438

magistratus

# 193

55.





451

® ur

# 271

56.

19

036

488

ta5

PF 6 (17x), # 255

Table 4. Correspondences between Cretan hieroglyphic and Luwian hieroglyphic (values in square brackets attested for Cretan hieroglyphic only).

Evans

CHIC

Eg.

value

attestation

1.

2

001

A1

AMU

# 310

12.

27

057

A 21

SARU

PF 7 (8x)

13.

11

010

D 56

ta6

PF 5 (41x)

57.

85-6

020-1

L2

bi’ty

# 003J, # 018, # 039, # 139, # 310

58.





M 23

nswt

# 018, # 039

59.

116

*156

M 43

WAINU,

60.

109



N5

sol

40.

114

034

N 26

UTNA,

tu5

PF 7 (10x), # 333

41.

41

041

O 11

WANA,

wa6

# 246, # 271, # 309

wa

# 274, # 314 # 310

48.





S 34

vita

(= Cretan knot)

61.

21

046

U 21



PF 4 (7x)

62.

18

044

X8

pi (< PIA)

63.

31

076

Y3

TUPA,

35.







PF 1 (72x), PF 2 (35x), PF 3 (4x), PF 4 (7x), # 255 du

# 312 # 333

sol suus

Table 5. Correspondences between Cretan hieroglyphic and Egyptian hieroglyphic (values as attested for Cretan hieroglyphic).

125

Notwithstanding the fact that Cretan hieroglyphic is basi-

mitic tuppu “tablet”,634 and the palace-sign (CHIC no. 41),

cally related to Luwian hieroglyphic, there are a number of

of which the acrophonic value wa6 can only be explained

cases in which Egyptian hieroglyphic provides the closest

in terms of a mixing-up with its Luwian hieroglyphic look-

comparative evidence. This concerns first of all the bee-

alike wana “stele, altar” (LH *267). Although direct con-

sign, which – apart from a singular occurrence – goes un-

tact between Egypt and Crete cannot be excluded, the

represented among the Luwian hieroglyphic repertoire.

given evidence is conducive to the conclusion that Egyp-

Like in Egyptian, the latter sign turns up in combination

tian signs reached Crete through the intermediary of the

with a floral motif, to indicate the king of Lower and Up-

Levant and/or Anatolia. Or, at the very least, the handling

per Egypt. This royal title is also attested for Middle

of this category of signs in Crete is “more loose” than the

Bronze Age inscriptions from Byblos, which was subject

one received by the category of signs originating from

to strong Egyptian influences at the

time.629

In Crete, the

Luwian hieroglyphic.

bee-sign undergoes a typical local treatment in the sense

In table 5 I present a list of correspondences between

that, apart from its regular depiction from the side (CHIC

Cretan hieroglyphic and Egyptian hieroglyphic for signs

no. 20), it also tends to be represented from the top (CHIC

which occur in a reasonably clear context.635

no. 21). 630 Besides the bee-sign, the symbol of royalty in

A third source for signs from Cretan hieroglyphic is

form of a winged sun-disc, mentioned among the Luwian

formed by Cretan Linear A (= CL). It is a general miscon-

correspondences, ultimately originates from Egyptian hi-

ception that Cretan hieroglyphic constitutes a forerunner of

eroglyphic as well, but its ductus in Crete betrays Anato-

Linear A: this is particularly true in case of the libation

lian influences in the fact that the sun-disc is represented

formula, which develops in the course of time into its Lin-

as a rosette. The same holds good for the ankh-sign, which,

ear A descendant as attested for wash-hand stone-basins

like it is the case in Anatolia, in Crete is characterized by

from peak-sanctuaries the destruction of which is usually

two side stems (note, however, that in Anatolia the central

assigned to the Middle Minoan III/Late Minoan I transi-

stem is lost, whereas in Crete this is preserved). Appar-

tional period (c. 1600 BC).636 In most other instances,

ently, these two signs, belonging to the oldest layer of Lu-

however, the representation of Linear A signs among Cre-

wian hieroglyphic during the Middle Bronze Age,631

tan hieroglyphic results from a merger between the two

reached Crete via an Anatolian intermediary.

scripts, which started from the time of the earliest attesta-

The indirect route for signs originating from Egyptian

tion of Linear A in Middle Minoan II (c. 1800-1700 BC)

hieroglyphic may further be illustrated by the trowel-sign

onwards, thus providing us with a terminus post quem for

(CHIC no. 040). In ductus this is closest to a Byblian par-

seals showing Linear A influences other than the libation

allel; it also receives a value based on the translation of its

formula.637 Table 6 below presents correspondences between Cre-

Egyptian meaning, d͑ “to give”, into Luwian, hence pi as acrophonically derived from piya- “to

give”.632

A similar

tan hieroglyphic and Cretan Linear (A) for signs which occur in a reasonably clear context.638

adaptation of the value can be observed for the wine ideogram (CHIC *156), representing Semitic wainu instead of Egyptian ͑rp, the tablet-sign (Evans no. 31),633 rendering the syllabic value du as acrophonically derived from Se-

634 Friedrich 1946: Wörterverzeichnisse III, s.v. 635 Numbering of the Egyptian hieroglyphic signs according to

629 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 8, fig. 7.

Gardiner 1994.

630 Woudhuizen 1997.

636 Woudhuizen 2001b: 608.

631 Woudhuizen, forthc. 2.

637 Vandenabeele 1985: 18.

632 Woudhuizen 2002b.

638 Cf. Woudhuizen 1992c: Pl. XXIV; numbering of the Linear A

633 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 8, fig. 8; 13, fig. 17; 15-6.

signs according to Meijer 1982: 38-47.

126

64. 65.

Evans 46 112

CHIC 039 070

CL L1 L 22

value pa3 lnj

20. 66. 67. 68. 69. 27. 70. 57. 71. 72. 73. 59.

62 101 60 44 36 80 30 85 103 40 – 116

012 029 019 038 042 – 092 021 024 052 – *156

L 27 L 30 L 31 L 32 L 52 L 53 L 55 L 56 L 60 [L 61] L 78 L 82

mu da sa ya a ra ru pi (< bi’ty) NIKULEON , ni me ti WAINU, wa

61. 74. 63. 75. 76.

21 97 31 74 47

046 025 076 – 053

L 88 L 92 L 93 L 95 L 103

tƯ te du ma ki

attestation # 296 # 310 (note that this seal presents a variant of the sign in question catalogued separately by Evans as his no. 91), # 328 # 253, # 271 # 328 LF (14x), # 193, # 196, # 277 PF 5 (41 x), # 258, # 296, # 310, # 328 LF (14x), # 255, # 309, # 310 LF (7x), # 333 PF 6 (17x) # 310 # 122 LF (6x) # 328 # 274, # 314 (note that this seal presents a variant of the sign in question catalogued separately by Evans as his no. 4) PF 4 (7x) # 328 # 312 # 196, # 257, # 309 # 296, # 309

Table 6. Correspondences between Cretan hieroglyphic and Cretan Linear.

century BC (Woudhuizen 1992a: 87-90; Woudhuizen

The relationship of Cretan hieroglyphic with Cypro-

2001b: 610).

Minoan (= CM) has no bearing on the origins of Cretan hi-

The Cretan hieroglyphic contribution to Cypro-

eroglyphic, but only on the date of its continuation, prov-

Minoan entails the following signs:

ing that it still florished at the time of the earliest attestations of Cypro-Minoan in the late 16th or early 15th

77. 62. 78. 36.

Evans 13 18 54 5

CHIC 049 044 047 005

CM 28 51 76 116

value ni pi le ti

attestation PF 1 (72x), PF 3 (4x), # 255, # 312 PF 1 (72x), PF 2 (35x), PF 3 (4x), PF 4 (7x) # 258, # 310, # 312 PF 2 (35x), PF 3 (4x)

Table 7. Correspondences between Cretan hieroglyphic with Cypro-Minoan.

In his attempt639 to present a model for the origins of

ther Luwian hieroglyphic or Egyptian hieroglyphic) ren-

the Cretan hieroglyphic script, Wim van Binsbergen took

dering supplementary services only. This does not dimin-

the analysis of Jan Best as his starting point. Best main-

ish the usability of van Binsbergen’s models as an aid to

tains that Egyptian hieroglyphic contributed as many as 35

develop our own – slightly adapted – version, according to

signs to Cretan hieroglyphic, Luwian hieroglyphic only 30

which a large arrow from Cappadocia and/or North Syria

signs, and the Byblos script 10 signs. He did not back up

represents the Luwian hieroglyphic contribution, and small

this analysis, however, by a further specification. As

arrows from Egypt directly to Crete and from Egypt via

shown above, our analysis of the situation is different, with

Byblos to Crete represent the subsidiary Egyptian contri-

Luwian hieroglyphic providing the bulk of the material (56

bution (see Fig. 25).640

signs), and Egyptian hieroglyphic (14 signs, of which 7 go without attestation in Luwian hieroglyphic) and Cretan Linear A (19 signs, of which 13 do not originate from ei640 I am not going into the problem of the origins of Cretan Linear

A, but, as we have seen, this certainly contains signs originating from Luwian hieroglyphic and from Egyptian hieroglyphic.

639 Van Binsbergen 1996-7: 134-42.

127

son of Talmitesup, king of Karkamis, (…)”.646 Most of the MNs are of Luwian type: Muwas (cf. Hittite Muwatallis),647 Partarus (= Lydian BartaraĞ),648 Nuwas

(cf.

Cappadocian

Taparas (= Lycian

reduplicated

Daparas),650

Nuwanuwas),649

Tarkus, Tarkumuwas (=

Cilician Tarkomǀs),651 and possibly Manas (= Lydian Manes).652 Next, one is of Kaskan type: Pitaparas (= Kaskan Pittaparas),653 whereas the first element of Ankiwas seems to recall that of Trojan Ankhises.654 Furthermore, under consideration of the fact that Cretan hieroglyphic [l] may also express [r], Yatale corresponds to Ugaritic Ytr as in Bnytr (Bin-ia-ta-ri), Ytrhd (Yatar-addu), Ytršp (Ia-tarrašap), etc.655 Finally, under consideration of the aforesaid Fig. 25. Origins of the Cretan hieroglyphic script. (a) Luwian hiero-

interchangeability of [l] with [r] and on the analogy of Luwian hieroglyphic Murlis and H alis,656

glyphic (56 signs); (b) Egyptian hieroglyphic (14 signs).641

Manile may657 be analyzed as an abridged form of Egyptian Men-r‘.

1 Egypt; 2 Byblos; 3 Cyprus; 4 Asia Minor; 5 Crete; 6 mainland

Of the titles, laparnas (= Hittite labarnas)658, PÁRA-

Greece

custos “viceroy” (cf. titles like Latin pro-consul), and As to the linguistic context of the signs discussed

tupa- “scribe”659 are of Anatolian type. Next, pini

above, this has been dealt with elsewhere as far as the dis-

corresponds to Semitic bn as in Ugaritic bn Lky “represen-

cus of Phaistos (# 333),642 the double-axe from Arkalok-

tative of the Lycians”.660 Finally, bi’ty or pitƯ or piti is

hori (# 332), the altar-stone from Malia (# 328), the seals from Zyro (# 193, # 277), Malia (# 271), Neapolis (# 314),643 and Sitia (# 310),644 and the recurrent formulas

646 Hawkins 2000: 574-5; cf. Hawkins 2003, 144, Fig. 1c.

are concerned. It therefore may suffice here, as an example

647 Hawkins 2003: 144, Fig. 1b.

of what the analysis of the signs may lead up to in the field

648 Gusmani, 1964: 264, no. 40, 2; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 126; Woudhuizen forthc. 2.

of linguistics, to present an overview of seals recording the categories (1) “man’s name” (= MN) and (2) “title” or (1)

649 Laroche 1966, s.v.; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 126.

“MN”, (2) “title”, and (3) “place or country name” (see ta-

650 Friedrich 1932: 55, TL 6, 1; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989:

ble 8 and Fig. 26) – categories to be expected on seals in

126.

the light of the parallels: compare, for example, the Lu-

651 Houwink ten Cate 1961: 127.

wian hieroglyphic part of the Tarkondemos seal, bearing the legend

TARKU-tí+mi H ANTAWAT

652 Gusmani 1964: 250, no. 1, 3; 252, no. 4a, 1 and no. 4b, 1; cf.

mi+r(a)-àUTNA “Tar-

Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 126. I cannot resist the temptation to suggest that we may actually be dealing here with the Cretan royal name Minos; note in this connection that # 257 is the most beautiful seal, used by Evans for the cover of his book on the topic!

kondemos, king (of) the land Mira”,645 or that of the seal of Kuzitesup from Lidarhöyük, reading ku-zi!-TESUP-pa H ANTAWAT

ká+r-ka-mi-sà

TAL-mi-TESUP-pa

H ANTAWAT

ká+r-ka-mi-sà (…) infans “Kuzitesup, king of Karkamis,

653 Von Schuler 1965: Indices, 2. Personennamen, s.v. 654 Homeros, Iliad II, 820, etc.

641 Diagram drawn by Wim van Binsbergen.

655 Gröndahl 1967, s.v. ytr.

642 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 30-84; Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 65-97; Woudhuizen 1992a: 11-41; Achterberg, Best, Enzler, Rietveld & Woudhuizen 2004.

656 Beran 1967: nos. 180 (um+r-li) and 186 (® á+li). 657 Ranke 1935, s.v. mn-® pr-r‘.

643 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 97-128.

658 Friedrich 1991, s.v.; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 117-8.

644 Woudhuizen 2002a.

659 Laroche 1960a: *326.

645 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 108-11; cf. Hawkins 2003: 144,

660 Gordon 1955: glossary, s.v.; Astour 1964: 194; Woudhuizen

Fig. 1a and Woudhuizen 2005 : appendix I.

128

identical to Egyptian bi’ty “king of Lower Egypt”,661 so

shift,667 that Taruni in the same legend bears testimony of

that pinipiti actually constitutes a Semito-Egyptian calque

the dative singular in -i of Tarunu “Atlunu” as paralleled

+H ANTAWAT- “prince”.662

of Luwian hieroglyphic infans The geographic name Sa® urwa is attested in writing

for Luwian hieroglyphic,668 that yatanu in the legend of

variant Sa® arwa for other Cretan hieroglyphic inscrip-

“he as given”,669 and that pititi in the legend of seal # 314

tions, and occurs, in adjectival derivative, in Linear B as

shows the dative singular in -ti as attested for Linear A

Sakarijo or Saqarejo. It has been plausibly identified with

(telnj Dakuseneti “delivery to Taku-šenni”) and Cypro-

Homeric Skheria, which in turn appears to be the ancient

Minoan (telu Sanemeti “delivery to Sanemas”),670 we ar-

Mesara.663

rive in sum at the following transliteration and interpreta-

name of Hagia Triada in the western part of the

seals # 257, # 312, and # 314 corresponds to Ugaritic ytn

tion of the legends of our 10 Minoan seals (cf. Fig. 26).

Next, the frequent Tarunu is, considering the fact that Cretan hieroglyphic [r] may also express [l] and, as we have

Remaining seals or sealings used in our discussion of

just seen, vice versa, and on the analogy of Tìtarma being

the signs are # 003J and # 139 from Knossos, which read

the Luwian hieroglyphic form of Hittite Attarima, likely to

bi’ty ma6-sa

be read Atlunu – which resembles Plato’s mythical Atlantis

masa representing either D sg. in -a or D pl. in -ai of Lu-

PIA

“the king has given to the god(s)”, with

too much to be dismissed as accidental. On the basis of the

wian hieroglyphic masa(na)- “god”, # 196, presenting the

distribution of the seals with this geographic name, it probably refers to the northern zone of Crete from Knossos

personal name sa-ná-ma, and # 246 from Kritsa, which reads pi-ti ® i-a-wa6 “king (of) Akhaia”, thus presenting671

to Kato Zakro.664 Furthermore, Ayalnj, which turns up in

the earliest recorded reference to the Greek mainland.

variant form Ayalu in Linear A, is for its association with Semitic ajalu “stag”, ingeniously explained by Best as the Semitic designation of modern Malia, otherwise indicated in Cretan hieroglyphic by a deer with prominent antlers or, as a pars pro toto, by the antlers themselves (028). As the deer or antlers render the value rú, an abbreviation of Linear B Rukito “Lyktos” lies at hand, which name is mentioned in the itinerary of Aegean place names from 667 Laroche 1960a: *57, 2; cf. atu “in”, corresponding to Luwian hieroglyphic ata, and upa “behind”, corresponding to Luwian hieroglyphic apa, from the text of the Phaistos disc, see Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 79-82.

Amenhotep III’s (1390-1352 BC) temple tomb at Kom elHetan (Thebes) in between Amnisos and Sitia – i.e. exactly where we would expect665 the mention of the ancient name of Malia. Finally, for its striking resemblance to Homeric

668 See section 5, note 88 above.

Phaiakes, the form Payaki is likely to be considered an

669 Gordon 1955: 70; Segert 1984: 44; 74; cf. Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 127; Woudhuizen 2001b: 612. Note that this element is paralleled by the presence of “the hand that gives” pia (Laroche 1960a: *66) in the legends of Middle Bronze Age Luwian hieroglyphic seals, see Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 135-6; Woudhuizen 2001b: 612; Woudhuizen 2004a: 119-20.

ethnonym referring to the inhabitants of Skheria – the ancient name, as we have just suggested, of Hagia Triada.666 If for the sake of completeness we add that anu in the legend of seal # 255 is a Cretan dialectal variant of Luwian hieroglyphic anan “under”, characterized by a/u-vowel

670 Woudhuizen 1992a: 96. The ending in -ti originates from the Luwian hieroglyphic dative singular of the pronoun, see Meriggi 1980: 322-3. For another instance of a Luwian hieroglyphic case ending in the legend of a Minoan seal, cf. the dative singular in -i mentioned above and the genitive singular in -sa as attested for # 193 from Zyro, reading SASA magistratus TARKU-sa “seal of the magistrate Tarkus” (Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 113-5, esp. note 88). These endings indicate that the legend of the seal in question, notwithstanding the use of Egyptianisms and Semitisms, is conducted in the Luwian language.

1994: 512. 661 Gardiner 1957: L 2; cf. Best 1996-7: 118-9; Woudhuizen

1997: 107. 662 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 123-4; Woudhuizen 1992b: 197-8;

Woudhuizen 1997: 107; Woudhuizen 2001b: 611; cf. Laroche 1960a: *46. 663 Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 118; Woudhuizen 1992a: 32-3. 664 Woudhuizen 1992a: 78-9; Woudhuizen 2001b: 612-3.

671 Note that this legend strikingly recalls “to the gods of the Greeks” in inscriptions on pottery from the Hellenion at Naukratis dating from the Archaic period, see Boardman 1994: 142; cf. section 2 above.

665 Best 1996-7: 116; Woudhuizen 2002a: 126-7. 666 Best 2000: 29; see section 12 above.

129

1. 2. 3.

CHIC # 253 # 255 # 257

4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

# 258 # 271 # 296 # 309 # 310 # 312 # 314

MN muwa pi-ta5-PÁRA ma-ná? (if the “snake” (Evans no. 84) may be identified with “coiling water” (Evans no. 115, CHIC 069)) 'ya-ta6-le TARKU-MUWA PÁRA-tá-rú a-na-ki-wa6 'TARKU ma6-ni-le 'tá-PÁRA pi-ni 'nú-wa

title pi-ni-pi-ti pi-tƯ pi-tƯ

place/country ta5-rú-ni ta5-ru-nú

pi-ni la+PÁRANA pi-ni pi-ti bi’ty/pi-tƯ TUPA PÁRA-custos pi-ni-ti

ta5-ru-nú sà-® ur-wa6 pa3-ya-ki ta5-ru-nú a-ya-lnj ta5-ru-nú ta5-ru-nú

Table 8. Seals with the categories “man’s name”, “title”, and “place or country name”.

Seal no.

Text (the numbers indicate the various sides of the seal)

# 253

1

2

3

1. MUWA ya-ta6 2. pi-ni- 3. pi-ti “prince Muwas has granted”

# 255

1

2

3

1. a-nú SASA ta5-rú-ni 2. pi-ta5-PÁRA 3. pi-tƯ “under the seal with respect to Atlunu, king Pittaparas”

# 257

1

2

1. ma-ná ya-ta6-nú 2. pi-tƯ 3. ta5-ru-nú “Manes has granted, king (of) Atlunu”

130

3

# 258

1

2

3

1. 'ya-ta6-le 2. pi-ni 3. ta5-ru-nú “Yatar, representative (of) Atlunu”

# 271

1 1.

SASA UTNA

2 2. sà-® ur-wa6 3. la+PÁRANA

TARKU-MUWA

3 “seal (with respect to) the land (of) Skheria (= Hagia

Triada), king Tarkumuwas”

# 296

1 1.

SASA UTNA SARU

2 2.

PÁRA-tá-rú

3

4

3. pi-ni 4. pa3-ya-ki “seal (with respect to) the land (and) official(s) (of) the

Phaiakians, representative Bartaras”

1

2

3

4

# 309

1. a-na-ki-wa6 2. pi-ti ma 3. ta5-ru-nú 4. ya-ta6-nú “Ankiwas, king (of) Atlunu, has granted”

131

1

2

3

4

# 310

1.

SASA UTNA

le

SARU

2. a-ya-lnj 3.

AMU 'TARKU

sol (3X) 4. bi’ty/pi-tƯ “seal (with respect to) the sun-blessed land

(and) official(s) (of) Ayalu (= Malia), I (am) king Tarkus, (person) blessed by the sun-god”

1

2

3

4

# 312

1. ma6-ni-le 2. ma6 TUPA 3. ta5-ru-nú 4. ya-ta6-nú “Men-r‘, scribe (of) Atlunu, has granted”

132

1 2 3 # 314

4 5 6 7 8 1. 'tá-PÁRA 2. pi-ni 3. 'nú-wa 4.

PÁRA-custos

-ti- 5. pi-ni

PÁRA-custos

6. ta5-ru-nú 7. ya-ta6-nú 8. pi-ti5-tƯ

“Daparas, son of Nuwas, viceroy, prince, viceroy (of) Atlunu, has granted on behalf of the king” Fig. 26. Cretan hieroglyphic seals with the categories “man’s name”, “title”, and “place or country name” (drawings from original publications, except in the case of # 309).

133

APPENDIX II: ON THE POSITION OF THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE The following list of comparanda for the Etruscan language is based on Woudhuizen 1992b and Woudhuizen

CUNEIFORM LUWIAN

ETRUSCAN

1998 (with references to earlier literature), and supple-

vocabulary

mented by Steinbauer 1999 as discussed in Woudhuizen

18.

Ɨnnan “under”

ana, en-

2001a. For the comparisons with Greek and Latin I have

19.

Ɨnta “in”

inte-

made use of Charsekin 1963, especially 24-8, amplified, as

20.

Ɨppan “behind; re-”

apa, epn

far as Greek is concerned, by Schachermeyr 1929: 248, Fi-

21.

Aššiya- “Assiya [GN]”

Asi-

esel 1931: 43; 51-2, and van der Meer 1992: 68. The

22.

awƯ- “to come”

av-, ev-, hev-

meaning of the Etruscan words, elements and endings is in

23.

-® a “and; also”

-c, -Ȥ

24.

® andawat(i)- “king”

cam-i-, can--

25.

® nj® ® a- “grandfather”

ceȤa-, ceȤi-

26.

® ui(ya)- “to run, march”

cu(vu)-

27.

kattawatnalli- “vindictive,

qutef-

most instances secured by a comprehensive interpretation of the texts in which these appear. HITTITE

ETRUSCAN

vocabulary672 1.

aku-, eku- “to drink”

acun-, ecun-

2.

® aštƗi- “bones”

cas-ia-

3.

® ila- “enclosure”

cleva-

4.

Gulšeš (divinities of fate)

Culsans-

5.

gurta- “citadel”

Curtun-

6.

iya- “to make”

ia-

7.

-ma “but, and”

-m

8.

man (optative particle)

man

9.

maniya® ® - “to handle,

mena-, meni-

revengeful”

administer” 10.

neku- “to diminish, be-

nace-, neȤ-

newa® ® - “to renew”

nuca-673

12.

nu- (introductory particle)

nu-

13.

parku- “high”

parȤi-

14.

purullia- “new year’s

ril

feast” 15.

sannapi “sporadic”

snuiaij

16.

wal® - “to strike, hit,

Velc-, VelȤ-

smite” 17.

weda-, wete- “to build”

kui- “who, what”

-Ȥva-

29.

maššani- “god(dess)”

masan-

30.

mawa- “4”

muva-

31.

nani- “brother”

Nana-

32.

niš “not”

nes, neĞ, nis

33.

-pa “but, and”

-pa

34.

parran, parƯ “before, pre-”

per-

35.

pƯ(ya)- “to give”

p-

36.

sarlƗtta- “libation-offering” sela- (< *serla-)

37.

samnai-, samniya- “to

38.

Tar® unt- “Tar®unt [GN]”

TarȤna-

39.

Tiwat- “sun-god [GN]”

tiur-

40.

dnjp(a)i- “to strike, hit”

tupi

41.

tnjwa- “to place, put”

tva-

42.

wa- (introductory particle)

va-, fa-

43.

walli(ya)- “to elevate”

fal(a)-

44.

walwa- “lion”

VelaveĞna-

45.

wanatt(i)- “woman,

Uni-

hamai-, amei-

found”

come twilight” 11.

28.

mother”

vatie-

46.

wini(ya)- “vine, wine”

vina-

word formation 672 This category also includes onomastic material relevant to the

subject, except for the subsections on the comparisons with Greek and Latin/Italic. 673 Note that the treatment of Hittite -® ® - is not consistent in

Etruscan, being omitted in mena-, meni- < Hittite maniya® ® -, but represented by -c- in nuca- < Hittite newa® ® -.

135

47.

adjectival -ašši-

-s-, -Ğ-

48.

adjectival -alli-

-l-

49.

ethnic -wanni-

-ni-

50.

factitive -nu(wa)-

-nv-, -nu-

51.

iterative -š(š)-

-s-, -Ğ-, -z-

52.

“-ship” -® i-

-c-, -Ȥ-

73.

(pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation 53.

N(m/f) sg. -š

36.

sa5r- “smoke offering”

seril (adjective)674

SARLAsa5rlata4-

sela- (< *serla-)

“libation

offering”

– , -s (gentilicium)

54.

A(m/f) sg. -n

– , -n (pronoun)

74.

SURA(R)sura/i-

55.

D sg. -i, -iya

-a, -i

75.

tàma- “precinct”

56.

Abl. sg. -ti

-ș, -r(i)

76.

ta4ma- “to build”

-amu-

TARH UNT-

TarȤna-

TARH UNT+UMINA-

57.

N-A(n) pl. -a

-a

38.

58.

3rd pers. sg. pres./fut. -ti

--(i)

77.

59.

3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -nti

-nt ETRUSCAN

vocabulary 18.

ANANnana

20.

APAna

“under”

“behind; re-”

60.

àrma- “altar”

61.

ARAnu(wa)ta-

tesi-

39.

TIWATA-

tiur-

79.

tiwat/ra- (onomastic ele-

“sun-god”

apa, epn

40.

tupi- “to strike, hit”

tupi

heram(v)-

41.

TUWA-

tva-

80.

tuwa- “2”

-u-, tu-

42.

wa- (introductory particle)

va-, fa-

heĞn-

43.

wáliƗ- “to elevate”

fal(a)-

[MN]”

“to place, put”

ASA(NU)-

21.

ás(i)Ư- “to love”

Asi-

44.

WALWA

19.

àntá “in”

inte-

45.

WANATInati4-

22.

áawa- “to come”

av-, ev-, hev-

H ANTAWAT-

“king”

23.

-® a(wa) “and; also”

25.

H UH A® a-

63.

H WA

28.

H WA-

“grandfather”

“when; because” “who, what”

“lion”

cam-i-, can--

warƗ- “to help”

vƝr-675

-c, -Ȥ

82.

wasa5r(i)ti “by the grace

user

of”

ceȤa-cve

83.

WATA-

“water”

-Ȥva-

46.

WIANAwaƗna-

H WÁ-

“to run, march”

cu(vu)-

64.

H WAr

“when; because”

cver

47.

65.

Ưla- “to (be) favor(ed)”

ila-

“bowl”

67.

kutúpili- “fire offering”

Uni-

woman”

26.

KATANA-

VelaveĞna-

“mother;

81.

word formation

66.

Ĭefarie-

ment)

62.

24.

TarȤumenaia-

tàĞa- “stele; grave”

ana, en-

“Arnuwandas Arn--

“to settle”

“Tar®unt [GN]”

tmia-

“Tar®untassa [TN]” 78.

LUWIAN HIEROGLYPHIC

“abundance” Ğuri-

“vine”

utuvina-

adjectival -sa-

-s-, -Ğ-

48.

adjectival -ali-

-l-

qutum-, qutun-

49.

ethnic -wana-

-ni-

Caușa-

50.

factitive -nu(wa)-

-nv-, -nu-

iterative -s-

-s-, -Ğ-, -z-

“-ship” -® i-

-c-, -Ȥ-

-ma “but, and”

-m

51.

68.

maluwa- “thank-offering”

muluva-

52.

8.

man (optative particle)

man

(pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation

29.

MASANA-

“god(dess)”

masan-

53.

30.

MAUWA-

“4”

muva-

54.

A(m/f) sg. -na

– , -n (pronoun)

D sg. -Ɨ, -i

-a, -i

G sg. -sa

-s (D-G)

7.

N(m/f) sg. -sa

– , -s (gentilicium)

69.

*mek- “5”

maȤ-

55.

70.

*mek- “numerous”

meȤ-

84.

71.

mi- “my”

mi-

56.

Abl. sg. -ti, -ri

--, -r(i)

N(m/f) pl. -i

-i

N-A(n) pl. -a

-a

72.

mukasa- “Muksas [MN]”

MuȤsie-

85.

31.

nana- “brother”

Nana-

57.

32.

na4sa “not”

nes, neĞ, nis

34.

PÁRA

33.

-pa(wa) “but, and; or”

“before, pre-”

-pa

674 Not yet in Woudhuizen 1998.

35.

PIA-

p-

675 Agostiniani & Nicosia 2000: 54 (= Tabula Cortonensis, sec-

“to give”

per-

tion II) .

136

86.

D pl. -aƯ

-e (< *-ai [D-G])

58.

3rd pers. sg. pres./fut. -ti

-ș(i)

59.

3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -nti

-nt

LYCIAN/SIDETIC

ETRUSCAN

59.

3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -ñti

-nt

LYDIAN

ETRUSCAN

vocabulary

Vocabulary

21.

Asi1i- “Asia [GN]

Asi-

apa, epn

96.

Baki- “Bakkhos [GN]”

PaȤie-

20.

epñ “behind; re-”

18.

e1ne1 “under”

ana, en-

14.

borl-, forl- “year”

ril

87.

ese “with”

s-

35.

bi- “to give”

p-

88.

e1tri- “lower, inferior”

etera-

71.

emi1 “me”

mi

37.

hm1me-, m1mai-,

hamai-, amei-

42.

fa- (introductory particle)

va-, fa-

97.

isl- “first”

esl-, sal, zal

m1mei(ye)- “to found” 60.

hrm1ma- “altar”

heram(v)-

23.

-k “and; also”

-c, -Ȥ

6.

iye- “to make”

ia-

24.

Kandaules “Kandaules

camși-, canș-

23.

-ke “and; also”

-c, -Ȥ

68.

malvam1a- “thank-

muluva-

[MN]”

offering”

7.

-m “but, and”

-m

68.

ml1ve1nd- “thank-

muluva-

offering”

89.

me- (introductory particle)

me-

71.

m1i “me”

mi-

98.

nak (introductory particle)

nac

31.

neni- “brother”

Nana-

31.

Nanna- “Nanas [MN]”

Nana-

32.

ni “not”

nes, neĞ, nis

32.

ni “not”

nes, neĞ, nis

19.

ñte “in”

inte-

99.

palmu- “king”

(toga) palmata

35.

piye- “to give”

p-

3.

qla- “precinct”

cleva-

28.

pe-, pi- “who, what”

-Ȥva-

28.

ti- “who, what”

-Ȥva-

100.

silu- (magistracy)

zila-

90.

tibe(i) “or”

tev

75.

tam- “precinct”

tmia-

91.

tlli- “to pay”

tle-

78.

taĞe- “stele; grave”

tesi-

40.

tub(e)i- “to strike, hit”

tupi

79.

Tivadali- “Tivdalis [MN]”

4efarie-

41.

t1uv(e)- “to place, put”

tva-

-s-, -Ğ-

40.

ut1ba- “to strike, hit”

tupi

vit1i1- “to build”

vatie-

(Lat.)

word formation 47.

adjectival -hi-

48.

adjectival -li-

-l-

17.

49.

ethnic -(v)ñni-

-ni-

word formation

92.

ethnic -zi-

-Ğ-, -z-

47.

adjectival -si-

-s-, -Ğ-

93.

ethnic -de-

--e-, -te-

48.

adjectival -li-

-l-

(pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation

101.

ethnic -k

-F

53.

N(m/f) sg. – , -s

– , -s (gentilicium)

52.

“-ship” -k-

-c-, -F-

54.

A(m/f) sg. – , -ñ

– , -n (pronoun)

(pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation

55.

D sg. -a, -i

-a, -i

53.

N(m/f) sg. -s

– , -s (gentilicium)

84.

G sg. -h

-s (D-G)

54.

A(m/f) sg. -n

– , -n (pronoun)

56.

Abl. sg. -di, -de

-- -r(i)

102.

D sg. -l1

-l (D-G)

85.

N(m/f) pl. -i

-i

103.

G sg. -l

-l (D-G)

94.

A(m/f) pl. -as, -is

-es, -is

56.

Abl. sg. -di1, -d, -l1

--, -r(i)

57.

N-A(n) -ã, -e1

-a

85.

N(m/f) pl. -i1

-i

N-A(n) pl. -a

-a -e (< *-ai [D-G])

86.

D pl. -a, -e (< *-ai)

-e (< *-ai [D-G])

57.

95.

G pl. -ãi, -e1

-ai

86.

D pl. -ai1

3rd pers. sg. pres./fut. -ti,

--(i)

95.

G pl. -ai1

-ai

58.

3rd pers. sg. pres./fut. -d

--(i)

58.

-di 137

59.

3rd pers. pl. pres./fut. -nt LEMNIAN

-nt

120.

emmenai “to be” (Aiolic)

am-

121.

epiouros“guardian,

epiur-, epru-678

watcher, ward”

ETRUSCAN 108.

(v)anaks “king”

vanec-

104.

avi- “year”

avil-

122.

themeros “holy”

tameresc- “holy gift”

23.

-c “and”

-c, -Ȥ

123.

themis “law, custom, right”

șemi-

klǀn “twig, spray, slip”

clan “son”

vocabulary

41.

-o- “to place, put”

tva-

124.

7.

-m “but, and”

-m

125.

kulikhnƝ “small cup”

culiȤna, ȤuliȤna

69.

mara- “5”

maȤ-

105.

naijo-- “grandson”

neft-

66.

kǀthǀn “drinking vessel”

qutum (vase name)

106.

sia- “6”

Ğa-, Ğe-

126.

la(v)os “host, people”

lavt- “freedman”

tevera-

127.

le(v)ǀn “lion”

lev

128.

lƝkuthos “oil-flask”

leȤtumuza (vase

129.

brotos (< *mrtos) “mortal”

mur- “to die”

10.

nekus “corps”

nace-, neȤ- “dimin-

107.

tavarĞio, toveronarom

(vase name)

(magistracy) 108.

vanaca- “king”

name)

vanec-

word formation 47.

adjectival -si-, -Ği-

-s-, -Ğ-

109.

-lȤvei- (multiples of ten)

-lȤl-

ishing” 105.

(pro)nominal declension & verbal conjugation 55.

D sg. -i

-a, -i

84.

(D-)G sg. -Ğ

-s

102-

D-G sg. -l

-l

103. 110.

Loc. sg. --

nƝdus “stomach, belly, womb”

“entrails”

131.

opuiǀ “to marry, take to

puia- “wife”

N(m/f) pl. -i

-i

86.

D pl. -ai

-e (< *-ai [D-G])

133.

GREEK a(v)elios “sun”

polos “pole-(star)”

pulum- “star(s)”

prokhous “vessel for pour-

pruȤum (vase name)

ing out”

-ce, -Ȥe ETRUSCAN

134.

prutanis “ruler, lord”

135.

spondeion “cup for pouring spanti “libation

vocabulary 104.

ne--, net-, ni-u-

wife”

--(i)

85.

3rd pers. sg. past tense -ke

neft- “grandson”

130.

132.

111.

nepous, pl. nepodes “children”

pru--, pur--

a drink- offering”

bowl, plate”

avil- “year”676

136.

tauros “bull”

șevru

tris “thrice”

trais-

turannos “tyrant”

turan (divine form of

112.

hals, (G halos) “salt, sea”

als-

137.

113.

askos “wineskin”

aska (vase name)

138.

114.

Aphrios (month name)

apiras-

96.

Bakkhos “Bakkhos”

PaȤie-

139.

hupnos “sleep, slumber”

hupnina “tomb”

115.

brontƝ “roar, thunder”

fronta-677

140.

HuttƝnia (= Tetrapolis)

huș, hut “4”

141.

kharistƝrion “thank-

Ȥarste[r]iun

142.

khoros “dance”

143.

pharthenos “girl, virgin”

116

deinos “round vessel”

-ina (vase name)

76.

demǀ “to built”

-am (u)-

117.

dǀreǀ “to give”

tur(u)-

118.

hekatombƝ “sacrifice of

Ȥim-m-

address) 679

offering” dances”

hundred oxen” 119.

elai(v)Ɨ “olive”

Ȥurvar “month of the far-na-

(Aiolic)

eleiva-

678 Correspondence used by Agostiniani & Nicosia 2000: 105 without due reference to the original source Charsekin 1963.

676 Maresch 1957, who further points out that related words for

“sun”, like Latin sol, are also used for “year”.

679 Possibly related with Luwian hieroglyphic tarwana- “law-

677 Note the preservation of the Greek [o] in the Etruscan form.

giver”.

138

verbal conjugation 111.

3rd pers. sg. perfect (or ao-

verbal conjugation -ce, -Ȥe

160.

rist) -ke

3rd pers. pl. passive pres.

-n(a)-ur (now also

-ntur

Agostiniani & Nicosia 2000: 54 (=

LATIN/ITALIC

Tabula Cortonensis,

ETRUSCAN

section III)

vocabulary 161.

infinitive passive -ri

-ri

PHOENICIAN/HEBREW

ETRUSCAN

144.

capio “to take (away)”

capi-

145.

esuna- “offering”

aisna-

146.

idus (middle of the month)

etul-

147.

kletram “bier”

cletram

vocabulary

127.

leo “lion”

lev

162.

148.

lustrum “lustrum”

lurs--

of old inherited form

149.

magister (magistracy)

macstrev-

of the Phoenician di-

150.

maro- (magistracy)

maru-

vine name Astarte

151.

mundus “bothros”

mun--

needs to be distin-

129.

morior “to die”

mur-

guished from Astre-

152.

munus “offering, tribute,

munist-

in the inscriptions on

Asherah

the Pyrgi gold tab-

duty” 105.

nepos “grandson”

neft-

153.

patina “plate”

pa-na-

154.

pro-nepos “great-grandson” prumt-

155.

ritus “rite”

rita-, ri-(a)-

135.

spondeum “cup for pouring

spanti “libation

a drink- offering”

bowl, plate”

156.

subulu “fluteplayer”

suplu

157.

suus (reflexive pronoun,

sva-

Aisera (note that this

lets, which is an ad hoc attempt to render ‘štrt in the Phoenician version of the text) 142.

krr “month of the dances”

Ȥurvar, Ȥurve, Ȥuru

163.

mlh̙̙ “beautiful”

mlaȤ (G mlakas)

164.

slt- “power”

seleita- “sultanate”

3rd pers.) 158.

teneo “to hold (a magis-

-en(u)-, ten(u)-

tracy)” 159.

touto-, tuta- “people”

-uta-, tu--

46.

vinum “wine”

vina-

The salient points from this list are the following:

Etruscan with Luwian hieroglyphic is the phe-

(1)

Correspondences of Etruscan with Hittite have a

nomenon of rhotacism of the dental, as attested

bearing on vocabulary alone: hence Etruscan is

for the onomastic element tiwat/ra- and the end-

not to be identified with Hittite, as Vladimir

ing of the Abl. sg. -t/ri. (3)

Georgiev wants to have it. (2)

Nevertheless, Etruscan is not to be identified as a

Considering the fact that the correspondences of

dialect of Luwian hieroglyphic, as it shares the

Etruscan with Luwian hieroglyphic outmatch all

loss of the N(m/f) sg. -s and A(m/f) sg. -n in the

other categories, Etruscan shows the closest affin-

realm of the noun with Lycian, which also pro-

ity with Luwian hieroglyphic. Note especially that

vides comparative evidence for the A(m/f) pl. in

the shared use of the endings of the N(m/f) pl. in

-es or -is. To this comes that Etruscan shows some

-i and D pl. in -ai exclude a particularly close re-

evidence of the typical Lycian phonetic develop-

lationship with cuneiform Luwian, which is

ment [s] > [h] in the case of the verb hamai-

characterized by N(m/f) pl. -nzi and D pl. -nza.

/amei- “to found” < cuneiform Luwian samnai-.

Yet another feature which stresses the relationship

Another deviation from the Luwian hieroglyphic

of Etruscan with Luwian hieroglyphic is the phe139

pattern is formed by the G pl. in -ai, which Etruscan shares with Lycian and Lydian. Finally, Etruscan has in common with Lydian the use of the D-G sg. in -l and the dropping of the final vowel with respect to the endings of the Abl. sg. and the 3rd person sg. and pl. of the present/future tense. Obviously, this leads us to the conclusion that Etruscan is a Luwian dialect sui generis. (4)

About the time that Etruscan separated from the related Luwian dialects it is relevant to note that, considering the form of the relative being -Fva-, it has not participated in the labiovelar development which characterizes Lycian ti- and Lydian pe- or pi-. On the other hand, we have seen that Etruscan shows some evidence of the typical Lycian phonetic development [s] > [h]. Hence, the separation likely dates to after the 8th century BC, when Luwian hieroglyphic dies out, and before the first evidence of Lycian and Lydian in the late 7th century BC.

(5)

The large amount of correspondences with Greek, which cannot be explained in an Italian context, indicate an Aegean location of Etruscan when still in the Anatolian motherland. On the basis of the Aiolisms, this location may perhaps even be finetuned as in the neighborhood of Aiolia. Note that the influence of Greek on Etruscan, in view of the origin of the ending of the 3rd person sg. of the past tense in -ce or -Fe from the Greek kappaperfect (or -aorist), amounted to the level of codemixing.680

(6)

The correspondences with Italic and Latin are easily explained by the Italian context of Etruscan from the 7th century BC onwards. Note that, in view of the 3rd person pl. of the passive of the present tense in -n(a)-ur and the passive infinitive -ri, the interaction with the Italici also amounted to the level of code-mixing.

(7)

The correspondences with Phoenician indicate a direct contact of Etruscans with Phoenicians.

680 Adams, Janse & Swain 2002.

140

APPENDIX III: A LUWIAN TRIFUNCTIONAL DIVINE TRIAD RECORDED FOR CRETE

The Egyptian hieroglyphic text of a medical papyrus,

whereas the vocabulary words, in conformity with the

probably stemming from to the reign of Amenhotep III

situation in Cretan Linear A, are Semitic, waya corre-

(1390-1352 BC), preserves a magical spell against the Asi-

sponding to wy “and” as recorded for a Phoenician inscrip-

atic pox in the language of the Keftiu. In transliteration,

tion from Cyprus and ’ayaman to ‘immanu “with us” as in

this text reads:

Biblical ‘immanu’el “with us god”, so that in its entirety the translation of the formula runs as follows: “Santas, Ku-

snt͑k3pwpyw3y͑ym‘nt͑rk3k3r,

papa, and with us Carian Tar®u(nt)”.

or, in the vocalized transliteration as adopted by

Of the three gods in question, Tar®u(nt) is the storm-

Wolfgang Helck:

or weather-god, often depicted with the symbol of lightning in his hand. Next, Kupapa, who is likely to be identi-

sa-n-ta-ka-pu-pi-wa-ya-’a-ya-ma-n-ta-ra-kú-ka-ra.

fied with the Phrygian Magna Mater, Kybele, no doubt

As argued at length in my contribution on the topic

likewise represents agricultural richness and procreation.

from 1992 (with references), the formula can be subdi-

Finally, there is some evidence to consider Santas as a

vided into six individual entities, four of which render

war-god, because (1) he is depicted armed with a bow, (2)

three divine names in sum, viz. Santas, Kupapa, and Tarku

in his capacity as chief god of Tarsus during the Classical

Kara, and the remaining two of which consist of vocabu-

period he is identified with the Greek war-hero par excel-

lary words, viz. waya (w3y) and ’ayaman (͑ym‘n).681 The

lence, Herakles, and (3) in a Hittite text he is staged as

three divine names are all of Luwian background,682

dressed in bloodred cloths – red being the color of the warrior class.683 At this point, one cannot help to be reminded of Georges Dumézil’s epoch-making thesis of a trifunc-

681 Woudhuizen 1992a: 1-10; according to the expert Egyptologist

tional ideology of the Indo-Europeans, Tar®u(nt) repre-

J.F. Borghouts, the sign Gardiner 1994: N 31 “road” does not ren-

senting royal sovereignty (= F1), Santas standing as a

der a phonetic value in the present context.

protagonist for the class of warriors (= F2), and Kupapa

682 For Luwian hieroglyphic, see Savaú 1998: 41-2 (Santas); 17-

29 (Kupapa); 47-63 (Tar® unt); note that Tar® u(nt) is represented

acting as protectress of the class of agricultural producers

as Trqqñt- or Trqqas in Lycian inscriptions, see Melchert 1993,

(= F3). At any rate, the parallels from the pantheon of

s.v., and as Zeus TarguƝnos in Lydia, see Woudhuizen 1990: 101;

other Indo-European peoples like the Romans, the Indians,

Santas and Kupapa are recorded in form of ĝãnt2aĞ and Kufad in

and the Germans for trifunctional divine triads are conspi-

Lydian no. 4, see Gusmani 1964. Related onomastic elements of

cious:684

these three divine names together are attested for the archives of Tell Atchana/Alalakh (Goetze 1954: 74, 78; Laroche 1960b: 116) and Ras Shamra/Ugarit (Gordon 1965: glossary nos. 1186, 1777, 2607 and 2609) in North Syria (cf. Strange 1980: 132), i.e. precisely the region from where Luwian hieroglyphic disseminates in the beginning of the second millennium BC (Best & Woudhuizen 1989: 108-20; 128-37). At Karkamis in this very same region also a divine triad is venerated, this time consisting of Tar®u(nt) (or its Hurritic equivalent Tešup or its Semitic counterpart Adad), Kupapa and the stag-god Kar®u®as, see Laroche 1960b: 120; this lat-

683 Melchert 2002: 241-2; Kammenhuber 1940: 193; cf. Dumézil

ter divine triad is mentioned together in, amongst others, a Luwian

1958: 26.

hieroglyphic inscription on a stone bowl dedicated by the Phrygian king Midas and hence dating to the late 8th century BC, which was

684 Dumézil 1958: 48 f. (Roman); 34 (Indic); 58 (Germanic); ac-

transported as a spolia from Karkamis to Babylon, see Hawkins

cording to Littleton 1973: 12 the Germanic evidence should rather

2000: 394-6 and Woudhuizen 2004b: 105-6 (= Babylon 2).

be analysed as follows: F1 Othinn, F2 Thǀrr, and F 3 Freyr.

141

LUWIAN

ROMAN

INDIC

GERMANIC

F1

Tarku Kara

Jupiter

Mitra-Varuna

Thor

F2

Santas

Mars

Indra

Wodan

F3

Kupapa

Quirinus

Nasatya-AĞvin

Freyr

Table 9. Trifunctional divine triads among various Indo-European speaking groups.

Now, the present Luwian divine triad is not the only evi-

lian languages Hittite and Palaic, of Celtic, Italic, and

dence for trifunctionalism in Crete. Recently, Chris Lynn

Tocharian.688 Hence, the preservation of a reflex of laryn-

and Dean Miller argued that the cup with a man with a staff (= F1), the rhyton with a depiction of boxers and

geal [h2] in IE Anatolian may safely be ascribed to the influence of the indigenous Anatolian languages like Hattic

other sports (= F2), and the vase with a procession of

and Hurritic on that of the Indo-European intruders. No

farmers (= F3) from one and the same Late Minoan IB

need, therefore, to saddle the Indo-Europeans of Anatolia

context at Hagia Triada present yet another instance of this

up with 1700 years of fictitious history, as Robert Drews,

typical Indo-European ideology.685 Contrary to the opin-

in the wake of the linguists Thomas Gamkrelidze & Va-

ion of the latter authors, however, I would not attribute this

þeslav Ivanov, does in his Greater Anatolia!689

example of trifunctionalism to the Mycenaean Greeks, who only gained possession of the island of Crete after the disastrous Santorini eruption at the end of Late Minoan IB (c. 1450 BC), but to the Luwian population groups which presumably arrived with the Indo-European incursions in the east-Mediterranean region at the end of the Early Bronze Age II, c. 2300 BC.686 According to the late Edgar Polomé, there is no evidence of trifunctionalism among the Indo-European population groups of Anatolia, which would underline their aberrant position in the field of linguistics as exemplified by the unique preservation of a reflex of laryngeal [h2].687 As shown in the above, however, this evidence is blatantly provided by the most southernly fringe of the Luwians, i.e. those inhabiting the island of Crete. Such a conclusion coincides

markedly

with

the

straightforwardly

Indo-

European nature of the Luwian language as attested for the hieroglyphic monuments, which, apart from some individual developments like the loss of the voiced velars, is particularly related to the conservative group among the IndoEuropean languages consisting, next to the other IE Anato685 Lynn & Miller 1999. 686 Mellaart 1971; Gimbutas 1973; Best 1981: 8-9; see section 3 above. 687 Polomé 1982b: 169 “(…) nothing reminds us of the trifunctio-

nal pattern in the traditions of the Luwians, Hittites, and other Indo-Europeans of the Old Kingdom, (…)”. An exception to this statement is be formed by the trifunctional colors (F1 white, F2 red, and F3 blue) enumerated in a Hittite ritual, see Littleton 1973: 95 and cf. note 683 above.

688 Woudhuizen 2004a: section 9. 689 Drews 2001.

142

APPENDIX IV: PELASGIAN DEMETER AND ZEUS

The earliest attestation of the divine name Demeter is on a

Another deity attributed with a Pelasgian origin is

stone laddle inscribed with the Linear A legend da-ma-te

Zeus. Thus already in Homeros’ Iliad, which, as we have

from a peak-sanctuary at Kythera, dated to the transition

seen in section 2 above, basically reflects Late Bronze Age

BC.690

history, Zeus of Dodona – at that time still the one near

According to Herodotos, the cult of Demeter originated

Skotussa in Thessaly – is referred to by Akhilleus in a

from Egypt, and the rites were taught by the daughters of

prayer as “Pelasgian” (Zeu Dǀdǀnaie Pelasgike).697 Now,

from Middle Minoan III to Late Minoan I, c. 1600

Danaos to Pelasgian

women.691

As the arrival in Greece of

the linguistic analysis of the divine name Zeus is undis-

Danaos with his daughters from Egypt can be situated in

puted, all specialists tracing it back to the PIE root *DyƝws

the period of the shaft-graves at Mycenae c. 1600 BC, this

for the sky-god.698 If, then, Zeus’ mythical Pelasgian ori-

tallies well with the afore-mentioned date of the earliest

gin applies, we are confronted with a second pre-Greek di-

epigraphical evidence for the divine name Demeter. In the

vine name based on a PIE root.

variant of the myth by Pausanias, however, Demeter is

The Pelasgian nature of Demeter and Zeus may well

welcomed in his home by Pelasgos, the mythical ancestor

account for their incorporation in the Lydian pantheon as

of the Pelasgians who ruled the Argolid before the arrival

Lametru- and LevĞ or LefĞ, respectively.699 As we have

of Danaos and his daughters and thus brings us back to

seen in section 12 above, namely, Pelasgians were living in

sometime in the Middle Bronze

Age.692

the region of Larisa Phrikonis at the time of the Trojan war

The name Demeter or Damater is variously analyzed

and for this reason may be assumed to have been in close

by linguists, but all agree that the second element consists

contact with the ancestors of the historical Lydians, in

of a reflex of PIE *méh2tƝr “mother”.693 Generally, this is

which process they evidently radiated their cult of Demeter

taken for evidence of the Greek language, but the interpre-

and Zeus.

tation of Linear B ma-ka as Ma Ga “Mother Earth” mili-

The identification of Demeter and Zeus as Pelasgian

tates against a Greek solution along the line of da- in

gods does not exclude their ultimate Cretan origin as sug-

Damater being a reflex of Greek ga or gƝ “earth”.694 To

gested by the Homeric hymn to Demeter700 and Hesiodos’

this comes that the Phrygian language, which, as we have

Theogony,701 which squares with the earliest attestation of

seen in section 7 above, was presumably spoken by pre-

Demeter in a Linear A inscription from a Minoan peak-

Greek population groups of mainland Greece, is likewise

sanctuary at Kythera, and the myth of Zeus being born in

characterized by a reflex of PIE *méh2tƝr as exemplified

the cave of Dikte:702 as we have already noted with respect

by the Old Phrygian expression matar Kubileya or matar

to Demeter, the cult of these gods may have radiated to the

Kubeleya “mother

Kybele”.695

Greek mainland already in Middle Helladic times! From a

Hence, the divine name

Demeter may well date back to the time before the Greek language came into being and be of Pelasgian origin as

“Pelasgian Demeter”.

Pausanias’ version of the myth suggests.696

697 Homeros, Iliad XVI, 233; cf. Strabo, Geography V, 2, 4. 698 Sihler 1995: 58; cf. Beekes 1990: 96.

690 Sakellarakis & Olivier 1994 (= KY Za 2); Duhoux 1994-5:

290-1; Suter 2002: 164.

699 Gusmani 1964, s.v.

691 Histories II, 171.

700 Homeric Hymn to Demeter 123; cf. Nilsson 1927: 506.

692 Guide to Greece 1, 14, 2.

701 Theogony 969-74, with Iasiǀn as parhedros; for the Minyan nature of the root of the latter name, cf. the royal names Iasos as attested for Orkhomenos and Iason as reported for Iolkos, on which see Sakellariou 1977: 116-7.

693 Suter 2002: 160-1. 694 Aravantinos, Godart & Sacconi 2001: 184; 358; cf. Douhoux

1994-5: 290.

702 Apollonios of Rhodes, Argonautika I, 605-6; for the associa-

695 Brixhe & Lejeune 1984: W-04; B-01.

tion of his birth with mount Ida, see ibid., II, 1559-61; cf. Nilsson 1927: 393-4. Note in this connection that in Homeros’ Iliad Zeus is frequently associated with the Trojan mount Ida.

696 Cf. Pausanias, Guide to Greece 2, 22, 1: DƝmƝtƝr Pelasgis

143

linguistic point of view, however, the names Demeter and

comprehensive

Zeus should be assigned to a Pelasgian layer or group in

Mother”. According to Elwira Kaczynɩska, this runs up

Cretan society.

against the fact that the Cretan oronym Ida originates from

elucidation

by

Boufidis

as

“Idaian

*Wida, and hence an initial digamma should be expected for the Linear A legend709 – an inference which even re-

Additional note 1: Linear A I-DAMA-TE

ceives further support if the related Greek idƝ “timber-tree” (leading to the interpretation of Ida as “wooded hill”)710 ultimately derives from PIE *uʗidhu- “tree”.711 However,

Two double-axes, one of gold and the other of silver, from the cave of Arkalokhori are inscribed with the Linear A

the man’s name Idaios, which, of course, cannot be dis-

legend L 100a-30-95-92, reading, with the values of their

connected from the mountain name Ida, appears in Linear

This legend has re-

B as i-da-i-jo, that is to say without an initial digamma.712

ceived various interpretations by the different authors. In

As it seems, then, the initial digamma has been dropped al-

the first place, the excavator of the find, Nikolaos

ready in the 14th century BC, which, needless to say, seri-

Linear B counterparts,

i-da-ma-te.703

ously undermines Kaczynɩska’s objection.

Boufidis, suggested to consider it as the equivalent of Secondly, the

The validity of Boufidis’ interpretation can be further

editor princeps of the inscription on the gold axe, Maurice

supported by circumstantial evidence. As indicated in the

Pope, took it for a variant of the pre-Greek divine name

above, the legend is inscribed on double-axes. Now, the

i-.705

double-axe is the symbol par excellence of the foremost

Thirdly, Franco Crevatin explained the second part of the

Cretan goddess, which according to her Semitic form of

legend as a reflex of the onomastic element -martis as at-

address is called Assara. This goddess, especially known

tested for the pre-Greek Cretan divine name Britomar-

from libation inscriptions on wash-hand stone-basins from

tis.706

In the fourth place, finally, Paul Faure proposed to

peak-sanctuaries, is depicted on a seal with the double-axe

split up the second part of the legend in a theonym Ma and

on her head. Furthermore, her name is written with the

Greek Ida hƝ matƝr “The Idaian

Mother”.704

DƝmƝtƝr characterized by an enigmatic prefix

a reflex of the Greek vocabulary word

double-axe sign for the expression of the initial vowel,

theos.707

Of these interpretations, the last two have a bearing

which in one instance is placed between punctuation marks

only on the second element -ma-te, which the authors in

to stress its symbolic value as a totem for the goddess.713

question try to disconnect from PIE *méh2tƝr “mother”. In

According to three Cretan hieroglyphic sealings with the

my view, these attempts are highly dubious (we would have expected †-ma-ti and †-ma-te-o, respectively) and at any rate unsuccessful in explaining the legend in full. The

possible, would nonetheless collide with the PIE nature of the rest of the legend.

latter remark also holds good for Pope’s interpretation,

709 Kaczynɩska 2002: 138.

which, although recognizing the plausible relation of ma-te

710 LSJ, s.v. Note in this connection that in Homeros, Iliad XXIII,

with PIE *méh2tƝr, saddles us up with an enigmatic prefix

110-28 and in Dictys of Crete’s work on the Trojan war (III, 12 and IV, 13) the Trojan mount Ida is referred to as a source of wood for cremation burials.

i-.708 This leaves us, by means of deduction, with the only

711 Pokorny 1994: I, 1177; cf. Delamarre 2003: 319 for Celtic uidu- “tree, wood”.

703 Godart & Olivier 1982: 142-3, AR Zf 1-2; for the numbering

of the Linear A signs, see Meijer 1982: 38-47.

712 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: glossary, s.v.; cf. also i-da-me-na-

704 Boufidis 1953-4.

ja, the female counterpart of Homeric Idomeneus, which latter is plausibly interpreted by Kretschmer (Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopädie, s.v.) as “der Mann vom Ida gebirge” and hence likely bears testimony of the Hittite ethnic suffix -umana-, see Laroche 1960c: 171. Note that this linguistic analysis receives further emphasis by the fact that Idomeneus’ mother is called Ida according to literary tradition, see Gindin 1999: 90. For the loss of the wau, cf. Linear A a-si-ja-ka as compared to Linear B a-si-wi-jo, both forms bearing testimony of the Anatolian geographic name Assuwa “Asia”.

705 Pope 1956. 706 Crevatin 1975. 707 Faure 2002: 78. Cf. Duhoux 1994-5: 289-90; Kaczynɩska 2002:

138. 708 Duhoux 1994-5: 291-2 connects the supposed prefix i- with Linear y- as in ya-sa-sa-ra-me alongside a-sa-sa-ra-me, but, as we have noted in section 12 above, this concerns the Semitic vocative particle y- and, although hybrid formations are not altogether impossible, would nonetheless collide with the PIE nature of the

713 Best & Woudhuizen 1988: 19-21, esp. figs. 19 and 20a.

144

Additional note 2: Poseidon “consort of Da”

first part of the name of the goddess from Samothrace, her cult was exported to the north-Aegean region in the Middle Minoan II or III period.714 If we realize, then, that for the Luwian population of Crete the form of address for this

In his stimulating monograph on the Greek deity Poseidon,

foremost Cretan goddess was Kapupi, a local dialectal

Fritz Schachermeyr followed the linguistic analysis of this

variant of Luwian Kupapa,715 it seems not farfetched to

divine name by Paul Kretschmer as a compound of Greek

assume that the Kybela (= Phrygian form of Luwian Ku-

potis or posis “consort” of PIE nature (cf. Latin potis, San-

papa) cult at the Trojan mount Ida was introduced from

skrit pátih̙) with a form of address of mother earth, Da,

Crete in this particular period. If so, our connection of the

hence leading to the interpretation of the entire form as

double-axe with the “Idaian Mother” is substantially en-

“consort of Da”.718 Now, the second element da-, which is

hanced.

also present in the divine name DamatƝr or DƝmƝtƝr (< da-

The question remains to be answered to which lin-

+ PIE *méh2tƝr), may well come into consideration as the

guistic layer on Crete Linear A i-da-ma-te “Idaian Mother”

Pelasgian indication of “earth”, related to Greek ga or gƝ

should be ascribed. To this aim, it is important to deter-

and originating from the common proto-form *gda- as at-

mine the date of the inscribed double-axes. This can be

tested for the Phrygian place name Gdanmaa,719 Demeter

achieved by their association with pottery from the same

being the earth-mother par excellence. If so, the divine

cave, which according to Pierce Blegen runs on from Early

name Poseidon, just like Demeter, is likely to be attributed

Minoan to Late Minoan IA or perhaps even Late Minoan

with Pelasgian antecedents.

IB and Late Minoan II.716 If the latest possible date ap-

The latter inference gains weight by the fact that ac-

plies, the two Linear A legends may well be assumed to

cording to literary tradition Poseidon, together with Deme-

have been produced in consigment of a Greek customer,

ter, was venerated in Arkadian Thelpusa and some other

because, as we have seen in section 8, the Mycenaean

locations in horse shape720 – a feature which Schacher-

Greeks have earned themselves a foothold in Crete after

meyr plausibly explains as ultimately rooted in the time of

the desastrous Santorini-eruption at the end of Late Mi-

the introduction of the horse in Greece,721 which, as we

noan IB (c. 1450 BC). If, however, the double-axes belong

have seen in section 7, took place in two distinct phases

to an earlier period, an attribution to the Pelasgian layer or

during the Early Helladic III (horse-like animal) and Mid-

group in Cretan society, which we have just seen to be re-

dle Helladic (true horse) periods. Interesting to note in this

sponsible for the divine name Demeter, seems preferable.

connection is that the prominent position of the horse in

At any rate, to suggest that for the presence of the divine

Middle Helladic times clearly appears from the horse bur-

name “Idaian Mother” in two Linear A inscriptions this

ial associated with a royal tumulus at Marathon.722 Con-

script in its entirety notates an Indo-European language of

trary to Schachermeyr, however, and in line with a

the Greek or Thraco-Phrygian type bears testimony of a

suggestion by Joost Crouwel, I think it is unlikely that this

grave methodological error and a reductio ad absurdum of

prominent position of the horse in Middle Helladic times is

the complexities of Cretan society during the Middle and

solely based on its function as food provider (milk and

Late Bronze Age.717 718 Schachermeyr 1950: 13-4; cf. Gamkrelidze & Ivanov 1995: 26, etc. 719 Haas 1966: 215 (ascribes this name to Pisidian influence, but unlikely so as Pisidian belongs to the Luwian language group). 720 Pausanias, Guide to Greece 8, 25, 5 f.

714 Olivier & Godart 1996: 192, # 135-7.

721 Schachermeyr 1950: 64; 143.

715 Woudhuizen 1992a: 4-5; see also appendix III.

722 Marinaotos 1973: Pls. 13-4; Papadimitriou 2001: figs. 44-7.

716 Vandenabeele 1985: 5 “and the decoration of the double axes

Doubts have been raised about the Middle Helladic date of this horse burial, and it is considered by some an intrusive element from the Turkish period, but it should be noted in this context that single horse burial is paralleled for the Middle Bronze Age at Lapithos in Cyprus, see Gjerstad 1926 : 81 (Politiko tomb 3) and cf. Herscher 1978 : 793.

belongs to the type which furnished the inspiration for the second period of the Palace Style pottery ca. 1450-1400 BC”. 717 Owens 1996: 174-5; Owens 1999: 34; 49 (claims that Minoan

[in casu Linear A] is the oldest example of Indo-European); Owens 2000: 249.

145

meat) or as a sacred animal per se:723 it must have had al-

and with pre-Greek population groups in Greece, the con-

ready military significance in this early period and hence

nection of Poseidon with the chariot (Pelops at Olympia,

have been used for

riding724

(note in this connection that

Onkhestos, the two horses of Peleus named Xanthos and

the outcome of the sacred marriage between Poseidon and

Balios)732 – as we have seen in section 7, the military

Demeter in horse shape at Thelpusa, the divine horse

weapon newly introduced by the foreign invaders c. 1600

Areion, is reported to have been mounted by Adrastos, i.e.

BC – and with the ones who are responsible for its intro-

a king with a Phrygian name whose antecedents hence may

duction in Greece (Kadmos),733 appears to be of secondary

likewise go back to Middle Helladic times, in the mythical

nature.

war of the seven heroes from the Argolid against

Just like Demeter and Zeus, Poseidon is also attested

Thebes).725

for Crete. Thus, in the genitive form po-se-da-o-ne he oc-

The ultimately Pelasgian origins of Poseidon can be

curs together with other deities on a Linear B tablet from

further underlined by other literary evidence. First of all, it

Knossos (KN V 52).734 Furthermore, if our location of

is conspicuous that Poseidon is particularly worshipped in

Skheria and the Phaiakians in the western part of the Me-

the regions where we have situated the local allies of the

sara valley holds good, it is noteworthy that Poseidon had

foreign invaders which arrived in Greece c. 1600 BC, viz.

a temple here and is considered to be the father of Nau-

in Pylos (Nestor is sacrificing to Poseidon when Tele-

sithoös, the founding father of the Phaiakians.735 At any

makhos visits him in the Odyssey),726 Attica (think of the

rate, this latter evidence ties in perfectly with our indica-

contest between Athena and Poseidon, which the former

tions of Pelasgian presence in the very same region of

won because of her gift of the olive

tree),727

Crete as presented in section 12 above!

and Iolkos (as

mythical father of Pelias and Neleus).728 Next, Poseidon is directly associated in myth with Phrygians (Pelops, at Olympia, and the nymph Mideia),729 or Thracians (Eumolpos, Kykhreus, the Abantes and Aones, the Eteobutades),730 or pre-Greeks more in general (Pelasgos, Minyas).731 In the light of the given associations with the horse 723 Schachermeyr 1950: 53-4; 121. 724 Crouwel 1981: 46 “It is not impossible that some of the single horses buried [among which the one at Marathon – notwithstanding Crouwel’s second thoughts still considered Middle Helladic in Papadimitriou 2001, be it with doubts expressed in a note] were riding animals.” This does not collide with Drews’ recent thesis (2004) that riding became military effective in the form of cavalry units only after the Bronze Age. Note that this single horse burial from the Middle Helladic period contrasts with double horse burials as discovered at Dendra (Protonotariou-Deilaki 1990), which cannot be dissociated from the war-chariot and hence must be assigned to the period from c. 1600 BC onwards. 725 Pausanias, Guide to Greece 8, 25, 7-9; cf. Wiesner 1968: F. 111. 726 Homeros, Odyssey III, 1 ff.

732 Schachermeyr 1950: 22; 39; 42.

727 Herodotos, Histories VIII, 55.

733 Schachermeyr 1950: 170.

728 Schachermeyr 1950: 43.

734 Ventris & Chadwick 1973: 311-2.

729 Schachermeyr 1950: 22; 41.

735 Schachermeyr 1950: 172. Note in this connection that striking evidence for the cult of Poseidon in the region in question is provided by the remark in the Souda, s.v. Maleos that the latter had dedicated a stone at the entrance of the harbor of Phaistos to Poseidon, cf. Briquel 1984: 266.

730 Schachermeyr 1950: 36-7; 41; cf. Detschew 1976, s.v. BoutƝs

and Kukhris, and Woudhuizen 1989: 196. 731 Schachermeyr 1950: 41; 43.

146

BIBLIOGRAPHY can Journal of Archaeology 69. Pp. 253-258.

Achterberg, Winfried, Best, Jan, Enzler, Kees, Rietveld, Lia, & Woudhuizen, Fred, 2004, The Phaistos Disc: A Luwian Letter to Nestor. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 13. Amsterdam: Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society.

––– , 1965b, Hellenosemitica, An Ethnic and Cultural Study in West Semitic Impact on Mycenaean Greece. Leiden: E.J. Brill. ––– , 1972, ‘Some Recent Works on Ancient Syria and the Sea People’. Journal of the American Oriental Society 92. Pp. 447-459.

Adams, J.N., Janse, Mark, & Swain, Simon, 2002, Bilingualism in Ancient Society, Language Contact and the Written Word. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Balkan, Kemal, 1954, Kassitenstudien I: Die Sprache der Kassiten. New Haven, Connecticut: American Oriental Society.

Agostiniani, Luciano, & Nicosia, Francesco, 2000, Tabula Cortonensis. Roma: «L’Erma» di Bretschneider.

Barako, Tristan J., 2004, [Review of: Eliezer D. Oren, The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment]. American Journal of Archaeology, 108: 453-455.

Agostino, Bruno d’, 1977, Tombe «Principesche» dell’ orientalizzante antico da Pontecagnano. Monumenti Antichi, Serie miscellanea Volume II, 1. Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei.

Barnett, Richard D., 1969, ‘The Sea Peoples’. In: Cambridge Ancient History II, 2, Chapter 28. Pp. 3-21. Cambridge: At the University Press (3rd edition).

Åkerstrøm, Åke, 1934, Studien über die Etruskischen Gräber, Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Entwicklung des Kammergrabes. Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup.

––– , 1975, ‘The Sea Peoples’. In: Cambridge Ancient History II, 2, Chapter 28. Pp. 359-378. Cambridge: At the University Press (3rd edition).

Akurgal, Ekrem, 1992, ‘L’Art Hatti’. In: Hittite and Other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp, eds. Heinrich Otten, Hayri Ertem, Ekrem Akurgal & Aygül Süel. Pp. 1-5. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi.

Barth, Frederik, 1969, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. The Social Organization of Culture Difference. Bergen-Oslo: Universitets Forlaget. London: George Allen & Unwin.

Albright, William Foxwell, 1932, The Excavations of Tell Beit Mirsim in Palestine, I: The Pottery of the First Three Campaigns. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 12.

BartonČk, Antonín, & Buchner, Georgio, 1995, ‘Die ältesten griechischen Inschriften von Pithekoussai (2. Hälfte des VIII. bis 1. Hälfte des VII. Jh.)’. Die Sprache, Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 37:2. Pp. 129-231.

––– , 1959, ‘Dunand’s new Byblos Volume: A Lycian at the Byblian court’. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 155. Pp. 31-34.

Bass, George, 1997, ‘Beneath the Wine Dark Sea: Nautical Archaeology and the Phoenicians of the Odyssey’. In: Greeks and Barbarians, Essays on the Interaction between Greeks and Non-Greeks in Antiquity and the Consequences of Eurocentrism, eds. John E. Coleman & Clark A. Walz. Pp. 71101. Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press.

––– , 1975, ‘Syria, the Philistines, and Phoenicia’. In: Cambridge Ancient History II, 2, Chapter 33. Pp. 507-536. Cambridge: At the University Press (3rd edition). Alföldi, Andreas, 1963, Early Rome and the Latins. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

Beekes, Robert S.P., 1990, Vergelijkende taalwetenschap, Tussen Sanskrit en Nederlands (= Aula Paperback 176). Utrecht: Uitgeverij Het Spectrum BV.

Alp, Sedat, 1968, Zylinder- und Stempelsiegel aus Karahöyük bei Konya. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi.

––– , 1993, ‘The Position of Etruscan’. In: Indogermanica et Italica, Festschrift für Helmut Rix zum 65. Geburtstag, Hrsg. Gerhard Meisner. Pp. 46-60. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft.

Alt, Albrecht, 1944, ‘Ägyptische Tempel in Palästina und die Landnahme der Philister’. Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 67. Pp. 1-20.

––– , 1998, ‘The origin of Lat. aqua, and of *teutƗ “people”’. Journal of Indo-European Studies 26. Pp. 459-466.

Altheim, Franz, 1950, Der Ursprung der Etrusker. Baden-Baden: Verlag für Kunst und Wissenschaft.

––– , 2001, [Review of C. De Simone, I Tirreni a Lemnos, Evidenza linguistica e tradizioni storiche, Firenze, Olschki 1996]. Mnemosyne 54. Pp. 359-364.

Aravantinos, Vassilis L., Godart, Louis, & Sacconi, Anna, 2001, Thèbes, Fouilles de la Cadmée I, Les tablettes en linéaire B de la o d o s P e l o p i d o u , Édition et commentaire. Pisa-Roma: Istituti editoriale e poligrafici internazionali.

––– , 2002, ‘The Prehistory of the Lydians, the Origin of the Etruscans, Troy and Aeneas’. Bibliotheca Orientalis 59, 3/4 meiaugustus. Pp. 205-239.

Astour, Michael C., 1964, ‘Greek Names in the Semitic World and Semitic Names in the Greek World’. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 23. Pp. 193-201.

Beekes, Robert S.P., & Meer, L. Bauke van der, 1991, De Etrusken Spreken. Muiderberg: Coutinho.

––– , 1965a, ‘New Evidence on the Last Days of Ugarit’. Ameri-

147

uity 50. Pp. 40-47.

Behn, Friedrich, 1924, Hausurnen. Berlin: De Gruyter.

Bietak, Manfred, 1993, ‘The Sea Peoples and the End of the Egyptian Administration in Canaan’. In: Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990, Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, June-July 1990, eds. Avraham Biran & Joseph Aviram. Pp. 292-306. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

Beran, Thomas, 1967, Die Hethitische Glyptik von Bo÷azköy I. Berlin: Verlag Gbr. Mann. Bérard, C., 1970, Eretria, Fouilles et recherches, III L’Hérôon à la port de l’ouest. Bern: Éditions Francke Berne. Bérard, Jean, 1951, ‘Philistins et Préhéllènes’. Revue Archéologique 37. Pp. 124- 142.

––– , 2000, ‘“Rich beyond the dreams of Avaris: Tell el-Dab‘a and the Aegean World—A Guide for the Perplexed”: a response to Eric H. Cline’. Annual of the British School at Athens 95. Pp. 185-205.

Bernal, Martin, 1991, Black Athena, The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization, II: The Archaeological and Documentary Evidence. London: Free Association Books.

Bikai, Patricia Maynor, 1992, ‘The Phoenicians’. In: The Crisis Years: The 12th century B.C. From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris, eds. William A. Ward & Martha Sharp Joukowsky. Pp. 132-141. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.

Beschi, Luigi, 1994, ‘I Tirreni di Lemno alla luce dei recenti dati di scavo’. Magna Graeca, Etruschi, Fenici. Pp. 23-56. Taranto. Best, Jan G.P., 1973, ‘Six contributions to the decipherment of Linear A—I. The Semitic equivalents of Mycenaean a-pu-dosi and o-pe-ro’. Ugarit-Forschungen 5. Pp. 53-59.

Binsbergen, Wim M.J. van, 1996-7, ‘Alternative Models of Intercontinental Interaction Towards the Earliest Cretan Script’. Black Athena: Ten Years After, Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 28-29, ed. Wim M.J. van Binsbergen. Pp. 131-148.

––– , 1976, ‘The Foreign Relations of the Apsis-House Culture in Palestine’. In: Pulpudeva, Semaines philippopolitaines de l’histoire et de la culture thrace, Plovdiv, 4-19 octobre 1976. Pp. 205-209.

––– , 1999, ‘‘Cultures do not exist’, Exploding self-evidences in the investigation of Interculturality’. Quest, An African Journal of Philosophy XIII, no. 1-2, Special Issue: Languge & Culture. Pp. 37-114.

––– , 1981a, ‘YAŠŠARAM!’. Ugarit-Forschungen 13. Pp. 291293.

––– , forthc., ‘Ethnicity in eastern Mediterranean protohistory: Reflections on theory and method’, in: Binsbergen, Wim M.J. van, & Woudhuizen, Fred C., Ethnicity in Mediterranean Protohistory, Oxford: BAR (British Archaeological Reports) International Series.

––– , 1981b, Supplementum Epigraphicum Mediterraneum ad Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 13. ––– , 1982-3a, ‘The Zakro Pithos Inscription, Again’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 14-15. Pp. 9- 15.

Blegen, Carl W., 1963, Troy and the Trojans. London: Thames and Hudson.

––– , 1982-3b, ‘Two Traditions in Spiral Inscriptions with Linear A Texts’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 14-15. Pp. 17-25.

Boardman, John, 1994, ‘Settlement for Trade and Land in North Africa: problems of identity’. In: The Archaeology of Greek Colonisation, Essays dedicated to Sir John Boardman, eds. Gocha R. Tsetskhladze & Franco De Angelis. Pp. 137-149. Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology.

––– , 1992-3, ‘Racism in Classical Archaeology’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 24-25. Pp. 7-10.

––– , 1999, The Greeks Overseas, their early colonies and trade. London: Thames and Hudson (Fourth edition).

––– , 1996-7, ‘The Ancient Toponyms of Mallia: A postEurocentric reading of Egyptianising Bronze Age documents’. Black Athena: Ten Years After, Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch, Archaeological and Historical Society 28-29, ed. Wim M.J. van Binsbergen. Pp. 99-129.

Boer, Jan de, 1991, ‘A Double Figure-Headed Boat-Type in the Eastern Mediterranean and Central Europe during the Late Bronze Ages’. Actes de Symposium Thracia Pontica IV, Sozopol, October 6-12, 1988. Pp. 43-50. Sofia.

––– , 2000, ‘The First Inscription in Punic, Vowel Differences between Linear A and B’. Ugarit-Forschungen 32. Pp. 27-35.

Bonfante, Guliano, 1946, ‘Who were the Philistines?’. American Journal of Archaeology 50. Pp. 257-262.

Best, Jan, & Woudhuizen, Fred, 1988, Ancient Scripts from Crete and Cyprus. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 9. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

Bonfante, Giuliano, & Bonfante, Larissa, 2002, The Etruscan Language, An Introduction. Manchester: Manchester University Press (2nd edition).

––– , 1989, Lost Languages from the Mediterranean. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 10. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

Bosch-Gimpera, Pedro, 1939, Two Celtic Waves in Spain. The Sir John Rhǔs Memorial Lecture, British Academy. London: Humphrey Milford Amen House, E.C.

Best, Jan G.P., & Yadin, Yigael, 1973, The Arrival of the Greeks. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 1. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert.

Bossert, Helmuth, 1932, Šantaš und Kupapa. Mitteilungen der Altorientalischen Gesellschaft VI, 3. Leipzig: Verlag von Otto

Betancourt, Philip P., 1976, ‘The End of the Bronze Age’. Antiq-

148

Harrassowitz.

Burn, A.R., 1930, Minoans, Philistines and Greeks, B.C. 1400900. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd.

Boufidis, Nikolaos Kr., 1953-4, ‘Kritomikinaikai epigraphai eks Arkalokhǀriou’, Arkhaiologiki Ephimeris 2. Pp. 61-74.

Byrne, Ryan, 2002, ‘Philistine Semitics and Dynastic History at Ekron’. Ugarit- Forschungen 34. Pp. 1-23.

Bouzek, Jan, 1997, Greece, Anatolia and Europe: Cultural Interrelations during the Early Iron Age. Studies in Mediterranean Archeology CXXII. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Cabrera, Paloma, & Olmos, Ricardo, 1985, ‘Die Griechen in Huelva, Zum Stand der Diskussion’. Madrider Mitteilungen 26. Pp. 63-74.

Breasted, James Henry, 1927, Ancient Records of Egypt, Historical Documents from the earliest times to the Persian Conquest, collected, edited, and translated with commentary. Chicago: University of Chicago Press (3rd impresssion).

Camporeale, Giovannangelo, 2003, Die Etrusker, Geschichte und Kultur. Düsseldorp-Zürich: Artemis & Winkler Verlag. Carruba, Onofrio, 2002, ‘Cario Natri ed egizio ntr ‘dio’’. In: Novalis Indogermanica, Festschrift für Günter Neumann zum 80. Geburtstag, Hrsg. Matthias Fritz & Susanna Zeilfelder. Pp. 75-84. Graz: Leykam.

Briquel, Dominique, 1984, Les Pélasges en Italie, Recherches sur l’histoire de la légende. Rome: École Française de Rome. ––– , 1991, L’Origine Lydienne des Étrusques, Histoire de la doctrine dans l’Antiquité. Rome: École Française de Rome.

Caskey, John L., 1971, ‘Greece, Crete, and the Aegean Islands in the Early Bronze Age’. Cambridge Ancient History I, 2. Pp. 771-807. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (3rd edition).

Brixhe, Claude, & Lejeune, Michel, 1984, Corpus des Inscriptions Paleo-Phrygiennes I-II. Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations. Broneer, Oscar, 1956, ‘Athens in the Late Bronze Age’. Antiquity 30. Pp. 9-18.

––– , 1973, ‘Greece and the Aegean Islands in the Middle Bronze Age’. Cambridge Ancient History II, 1. Pp. 117-140. Cambridge: At the University Press (3rd edition).

Brown, Raymond A., 1985, Evidence for Pre-Greek Speech on Crete from Greek Alphabetic Sources. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert-Publisher.

Casson, Stanley, 1968, Macedonia, Thrace and Illyria. Groningen: Bouma’s Boekhuis N.V. Publishers.

Bryce, Trevor R., 1974, ‘The Lukka Problem—and a possible solution’. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 33. Pp. 395-404.

Catling, Hector, 1973, ‘The Achaean Settlement of Cyprus’. In: Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium “The Mycenaeans in the Eastern Mediterranean”, Nicosia 27th March – 2nd April 1972. Pp. 34-39. Nicosia: Zavallis Press Ltd.

––– , 1986, The Lycians in Literary and Epigraphic Sources. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press. ––– , 1989, ‘Ahhiyawans and Mycenaeans—an Anatolian viewpoint’. Journal of Oxford Archaeology 8. Pp. 297-310.

Caubet, Annie, 2000, ‘Ras Shamra-Ugarit Before the Sea Peoples’. In: The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, ed. Eliezer D. Oren. Pp. 35-51. Philadelphia: The University Museum.

––– , 1992, ‘Lukka Revisited’. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 51. Pp. 121-130.

Chabas, François, 1872, Études sur l’Antiquité Historique d’après les sources égyptiennes et les monuments réputés préhistorique. Chalon-s-S.: Dejussien. Paris: Maissonneuve et Cie.

––– , 1998, The Kingdom of the Hittites. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ––– , 2003, Letters of the Great Kings of the Ancient Near East, The Royal Correspondence of the Late Bronze Age. LondonNew York: Routledge.

––– , 1873, Recherches pour servir à l’Histoire d’Égypte sous la XXe Dynastie.

Buchholz, Hans-Günter, 1973, ‘Grey Trojan Ware in Cyprus and North Syria’. In: Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean: Archaeological and linguistic problems in Greek prehistory, Proceedings of the First International Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory, Sheffield, eds. R. A. Crossland & Ann Birchall. Pp. 179-187. London: Duckworth.

Champollion, Jean-François, 1836, Grammaire égyptienne, ou principes généraux de l’écriture sacrée Égyptienne appliquée à la représentation de la langue parlée. Paris: Didot. Chantraine, Pierre, 1958, ‘Mycénien Te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro’. In: Minoica, Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall, Hrsg. Ernst Grumach. Pp. 123-127. Berlin: Akademie Verlag.

–––, 1999, Ugarit, Zypern und Ägäis, Kulturbeziehungen im zweiten Jahrtausend v.Chr. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.

Charsekin, A.I., 1963, Zur Deutung etruskischer Sprachdenkmäler. Untersuchungen zur Römischen Geschichte III. Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann.

Buchner, Giorgio, 1982, ‘Die Beziehungen zwischen der euböischen Kolonie Pithekoussai auf der Insel Ischia und dem nordwest semitischen Mittelmeerraum in der zweiten Hälfte des 8. Jhs. v. Chr.’. In: Phönizier im Westen, Die Beiträge des Internationalen Symposiums über “Die phönizische Expansion im westlichem Mittelmeerraum” in Köln vom 24. bis 27. April 1979, ed. Hans Georg Niemeyer. Pp. 277-306. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Cifola, Barbara, 1991, ‘The Terminology of Ramses III’s Historical Records, with a Formal Analyses of the War Scenes’. Orientalia 60. Pp. 9- 57. Cline, Eric H., 1987, ‘Amenhotep III and the Aegean: A Reassessment of Egypto-Aegean Relations in the Fourteenth Cen-

149

tury B.C’. Orientalia 56. Pp. 1-36.

Baden: Bruno Grimm Verlag für Kunst und Wissenschaften.

––– , 1991, ‘A Possible Hittite Embargo against the Mycenaeans’. Historia 40. Pp. 1-9.

Desborough, Vincent R. d’A., 1964, The Last Mycenaeans and their Successors. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

––– , 2001, ‘Amenhotep III, the Aegean, and Anatolia’. In: Amenhotep III, Perspectives on His Reign, eds. David O’Connor & Eric H. Cline. Pp. 236-250. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press.

––– , 1972, The Greek Dark Ages. London: Ernst Benn Limited. Detschew, Dimiter, 1976, Die Thrakischen Sprachreste. 2. Auflage mit Bibliographie 1955-1974 von Zivka Velkova. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Cline, Eric H., & O’Connor, David, 2003, ‘The Mystery of the ‘Sea Peoples’’. In: Mysterious Lands, eds. David O’Connor & Stephen Quirke. Pp. 107-138. University College London: Institute of Archaeology.

Diakonoff, Igor Mikhailovich, 1984, The Prehistory of the Armenian people. Delmar-New York: Caravan Books. Diakonoff, Igor Mikhailovich, & Neroznak, Vladimir Petrovich, 1985, Phrygian. Delmar-New York: Caravan Books.

Coleman, J.E., 2000, ‘An Archaeological Scenario for the “Coming of the Greeks” ca. 3200 B.C.’. Journal of Indo-European Studies 28. Pp. 101- 153.

Dickinson, Oliver T.P.K., 1977, The Origins of Mycenaean Civilization. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 49. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Coles, J.M., & Harding, A.F., 1979, The Bronze Age in Europe. London: Methuen & Co.

Dietrich, Manfried & Loretz, Oswald, 1978, ‘Das ‘Seefahrende Volk’ von Šikila (RS 34.129)’. Ugarit-Forschungen 10. Pp. 53-56.

Colonna, Giovanni, 1980, ‘Virgilio, Cortona e la leggenda etrusca di Dardano’. Archeologia Classica 32. Pp. 1-14.

––– , 1998, ‘Amurru, Yaman und die ägäischen Inseln nach den ugaritischen Texten’. Israel Oriental Studies 18. Pp. 335-363.

Cornell, Tim, 1997, ‘Ethnicity as a factor in early Roman history’. In: Gender & Ethnicity in ancient Italy, Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy Vol. 6, eds. Tim Cornell & Kathryn Lomas. Pp. 9-21. University of London: Accordia Research Institute.

Dikaios, Porphyrios, 1971, Enkomi, Excavations 1948-1958, II: Chronology, Summary and Conclusions, Catalogue, Appendices. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Cramer, J.A., 1971, A Geographical and Historical Description of Asia Minor. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert-Publisher (Reprint).

Docter, Roald F., 2000, ‘Pottery, Graves and Ritual I: Phoenicians of the First Generation in Pithekoussai’. In: La ceramica fenicia di Sardegna, Dati, problematiche, confronti, Atti del Primo Congresso Internazionale Sulcitano, Sant’Antioco, 19-21 Settembre 1997, eds. Piero Bartoloni & Lorenza Campanella. Pp. 135-149. Roma: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerce.

Crevatin, Franco., 1975, ‘La lingua «minoico»: metodi d’indagine e problemi’. In: Studi Triestini di Antichità in onore di Luigia Achillea Stella. Pp. 1-63. Trieste: Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia.

Donner, H., & Röllig, W., 1964, Kanaanäische und Aramäische Inschriften. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz (3. Auflage).

Crossland, Ronald A., 1971, ‘Immigrants from the North’. Cambridge Ancient History I, 2. Pp. 824-876. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (3rd edition).

Dossin, G., 1970, ‘La Route de l’étain en Mésopotamie au temps de Zimri-Lim’. Revue d’Assyriologie et d’Archeologie Orientale 64. Pp. 97- 106.

Crouwel, Joost H., 1981, Chariots and other means of land transport in Bronze Age Greece. Allard Pierson Series 3. Amsterdam: Allard Pierson Series.

Dothan, Moshe, 1986, ‘Sardinia at Akko?’. In: Studies in Sardinian Archaeology II, Sardinia in the Mediterranean, ed. M.S. Balmuth. Pp. 105- 115. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Davies, Benedict G., 1997, Egyptian Historical Inscriptions of the Nineteenth Dynasty. Jonsered: Paul Åströms förlag. Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid, 1983, ‘Das Problem der “Handmade Burnished Ware” von Myk. IIIC’. In: Griechenland, Die Ägäis und die Levante während der “Dark Ages” vom 12. bis zum 9. Jh. v. Chr., Akten des Symposions von Stift Zwettl (NÖ), 11.-14. Oktober 1980, Hrsg. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy. Pp. 161-178. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Dothan, Trude, 1982, The Philistines and their Material Culture. New Haven-London: Yale University Press. Dothan, Moshe, & Dothan, Trude, 1992, People of the Sea, The Search for the Philistines. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company. Drews, Robert, 1988, The Coming of the Greeks, Indo-European Conquests in the Aegean and Near East. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Delamarre, Xavier, 2003, Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise, Une approche linguistique du vieux-celtique continental. Paris: Editions Errance (2e édition revue et augmentée).

––– , 1992, ‘Herodotus 1.94, the Drought ca. 1200 BC, and the Origin of the Etruscans’. Historia 41. Pp. 14-39.

Demoule, Jean-Paul, 1999, ‘Ethnicity, culture and identity: French archaeologists and historians’. Antiquity 73. Pp. 190-198.

––– , 1993a, The End of the Bronze Age, Changes in warfare and the catastrophe ca. 1200 B.C. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Demus-Quatember, Margarete, 1958, Etruskische Grabarchitektur, Typologie und Ursprungsfrage. Baden-

150

M. Hakkert Publisher.

––– , 1993b, ‘Myths of Midas and the Phrygian Migration from Europe’. Klio 75. Pp. 9-26.

Eisler, Robert, 1939, ‘Loan-words in Semitic Languages meaning “Town”’. Antiquity 13. Pp. 449-455.

––– , 2000, ‘Medinet Habu: Oxcarts, Ships, and Migration Theories’. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 59. Pp. 161-190.

Evans, Sir Arthur J., 1895, Cretan Pictographs and PraePhoenician Script. London: G.P. Putnam’s Sons.

––– , 2001, ‘Greater Anatolia, Proto-Anatolian, Proto-Indo-Hittite, and Beyond’. In: Greater Anatolia and the Indo-Hittite Language Family, Papers Presented at a Colloquium Hosted by the University of Richmond, March 18-19, 2000, ed. Robert Drews. Pp. 248-283. Washington D.C.: The Institute for the Study of Man.

––– , 1909, Scripta Minoa I. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press. Faure, Paul, 1996, ‘Deux inscriptions en écriture Linéaire A découvertes à Troie par Schliemann’. Cretan Studies 5. Pp. 137146. ––– , 2002, ‘Écritures préhelléniques dans dix cavernes de Crète’. Cretan Studies 7. Pp. 75-87.

––– , 2004, Early Riders, The Beginnings of Mounted Warfare in Asia and Europe. New York-London: Routledge. Driessen, Jan, 1998-9, ‘Kretes and Iawones, Some Observations on the Identity of Late Bronze Age Knossians’. Minos 33-34. Pp. 83-105.,

Fernandez, James W., 2000, ‘Peripheral wisdom’. In: Signifying Identities, Anthropological perspectives on boundaries and contested values, ed. Anthony P. Cohen. Pp. 117-144. London-New York: Routledge.

Driessen, Jan, & Macdonald, Colin F., 1997, The Troubled Island, Minoan Crete before and after the Santorini Eruption. Aegeum 17. Université de Liège.

Fick, August, 1905, Vorgriechische Ortsnamen als Quelle für die Vorgeschichte Griechenlands. Göttingen. Fiesel, Eva, 1931, Etruskisch. In: Grundriss der indogermanischen Sprach- und Altertumskunde, Hrsgbs. Albert Debrunner & Ferdinand Sommer (= Band 5, Lieferung 4). Berlin-Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter.

Duhoux, Yves, 1994-5, ‘LA > B DA-MA-TE = Déméter? Sur la langue du linéaire A’. Minos 29-30. Pp. 289-294. ––– , 2003, Des Minoens en Égypte? «Keftiou» et «les îles aux milieu du Grand Vert». Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters Press.

Forrer, Emil, 1924, ‘Vorhomerische Griechen in den Keilschriften von Boghazköi’. Mitteilungen der Deutschen OrientGesellschaft zu Berlin 63. Pp. 1-22.

Dumézil, Georges, 1958, L’idéologie tripartie des IndoEuropéens. Bruxelles: Latomus, Revue d’Études Latines. Dunbabin, T.J., 1999, The Western Greeks, The History of Sicily and South Italy from the Foundation of the Greek Colonies to 480 B.C. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press (Sandpiper reprint).

Forsdyke, John, 1957, Greece before Homer, Ancient chronology and mythology. London: Max Parrish (2nd impression). Fourmont, Etienne, 1747, Réflections critiques sur l’origine, l’histoire et la succession des ancient peuples chaldéens, hébreux, phéniciens, égyptiennes, grecs … jusqu’au temps de Cyrus. Paris.

Dupont-Sommer, André, 1948, ‘Nouvelle lecture d’une inscription phénicien archaïque de Nora en Sardaigne (C.I.S. I, 144)’. Comptes Rendu des Séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres 1948. Pp. 12-22.

Friedrich, Johannes, 1932, Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmäler. Berlin: Verlag von Walter de Gruyter & Co.

––– , 1974, ‘Les Phéniciens à Chypre’. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus. Pp. 75-94.

––– , 1946, Hethitisches Elementarbuch II. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

Edel, Elmar, 1966, Die Ortsnamenliste aus dem Totentempel Amenophis III. Bonn: Hanstein.

––– , 1991, Kurzgefaßtes Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

––– , 1984, ‘Die Sikeloi in den ägyptischen Seevölkertexten und in Keilschrifturkunden’. Biblische Notizen 23. Pp. 7-8.

Frisk, Hjalmar, 1973, Griechisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

––– , 1988, ‘Der Name di-q!j-j-s in der minoisch-mykenischen Liste ENli 8 gleich ThƝbais?’. Zeitschrift für Aegyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 115, 1. Pp. 30-35.

Fugazzola Delpino, M.A., 1979, ‘The Proto-Villanovan: A Survey’. In: Italy Before the Romans, The Iron Age, Orientalizing and Etruscan periods, eds. David & Francesca Ridgway. Pp. 31-51. London-New York-San Francisco: Academic Press.

Eder, Birgitta, 1998, Argolis, Lakonien, Messenien, Vom Ende der mykenischen Palastzeit bis zur Einwanderung der Dorier. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Galinsky, G. Karl, 1969, Aeneas, Sicily, and Rome. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Edgerton, William F., & Wilson, John A., 1936, Historical Records of Ramses III, The Texts in Medinet Habu, Volumes I and II, Translated with explanatory notes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Gamkrelidze, Thomas V., & Ivanov, Vjaþeslav V., 1995, IndoEuropean and the Indo-Europeans, A Reconstruction and Historical Analysis of a Proto-Language and a Proto- Culture, Part I: Text, Part II: Bibliography, Indexes. Berlin-New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Edwards, Ruth B., 1979, Kadmos the Phoenician, A Study in Greek Legends and the Mycenaean Age. Amsterdam: Adolf

Garbini, Giovanni, 1997, I Filistei. Milano: Rusconi.

151

Gardiner, Alan H., 1947, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Goldman, Hetty, 1956, Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus II, From the Neolithic through the Bronze Age. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

––– , 1960, The Inscriptions of Ramesses II. Oxford: Printed for the Griffith Institute at the University Press by Vivian Ridler.

Gordon, Arthur E., 1983, Illustrated Introduction to Latin Epigraphy. Berkeley, Los Angeles-London: University of California Press.

––– , 1961, Egypt of the Pharaohs. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press.

Gordon, Cyrus Herzl, 1955, Ugaritic Handbook, I: Grammar. Roma: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum.

––– , 1994, Egyptian Grammar. Oxford: Griffith Institute, Ashmolean Museum (3rd edition).

––– , 1956, ‘The Rôle of the Philistines’. Antiqity 30. Pp. 22-26.

Garstang, John, 1929, The Hittite Empire, being a survey of the history, geography and monuments of Hittite Asia Minor and Syria. London: Constable and Company Ltd.

––– , 1957, ‘Notes on Minoan Linear A’. Antiquity 31. Pp. 124130.

Garstang, John, & Gurney, O.R., 1959, The Geography of the Hittite Empire. London: The British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara.

––– , 1965, Ugaritic Textbook. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute. Goudriaan, Koen, 1988, Ethnicity in Ptolemaic Egypt. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, Publisher.

Gehring, Augustus, 1901, Index Homericus. Lipsiae: In Aedibus B.G. Teubneri.

Gras, Michel, 1976, ‘La piraterie tyrrhénienne en mer Egée: mythe ou réalité?’. In: Mélanges offerts à J. Heurgon I. Pp. 341-370. Rome.

Gelb, Ignace, 1931, Hittite Hieroglyphs I. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Gröndahl, Frauke, 1967, Die Personennamen der Texte aus Ugarit. Rom: Päpstliches Bibelinstitut.

Georgiev, Vladimir, 1950-1, ‘Sur l’origine et la langue des Pélasges, des Philistins, des Danaens et des Achéens’. Jahrbuch für Kleinasiatische Forschung 1. Pp. 136-141.

Grosjean, Roger, 1966a, La Corse avant l’histoire. Paris: Éditions Klincksieck.

Gimbutas, Marija, 1973, ‘The destruction of Aegean and East Mediterranean urban civilization around 2300 B.C.’. In: Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean, Archaeological and linguistic problems in Greek prehistory, eds. R.A. Crossland & Ann Birchall. Pp. 129-139. London: Duckworth.

––– , 1966b, ‘Recent Work in Corsica’. Antiquity 40. Pp. 190-198, Pls. 29- 31. Grumach, Ernst, 1968, ‘The Minoan Libation Formula—Again’. Kadmos 7. Pp. 7-26.

Gindin, Leonid A., 1999, Troja, Thrakien und die Völker Altkleinasiens, Versuch einer historisch-philologischen Untersuchung. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft.

––– , 1969, ‘The Coming of the Greeks’. Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 51. Manchester.

Gitin, Seymour, 1993, ‘Seventh Century B.C.E. Cultic Elements at Ekron’. In: Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990, Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, June-July 1990, eds. Avraham Biran & Joseph Aviram. Pp. 248-258. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

Gurney, Oliver R., 1990, The Hittites. London: Penguin Books.

Gitin, Seymore, Dothan, Trude, & Naveh, Joseph, 1997, ‘A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron’. Israel Exploration Journal 47. Pp. 1-16.

Gusmani, Roberto, 1964, Lydisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

Guido, Margaret, 1963, Sardinia. London: Thames and Hudson.

––– , 2002, ‘The Authorship of the Tawagalawas Letter’. In: Silva Anatolica, Anatolian Studies Presented to Maciej Popko on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, ed. Piotr Taracha. Pp. 133141. Warsaw: Agade.

Gjerstad, Einar, 1926, Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus, Uppsala: A.B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln.

Güterbock, Hans Gustav, 1942, Siegel aus Bo÷azköy II. Die Königssiegel von 1939 und die übrigen Hieroglyphensiegel. Berlin: Im Selbstverlage des Herausgebers.

––– , 1944, ‘The Colonization of Cyprus in Greek Legend’. Opuscula Archaeologica III. Pp. 107-123.

––– , 1967, ‘The Hittite Conquest of Cyprus Reconsidered’. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 26, 2. Pp. 73-81.

Godart, Louis, 1994, ‘La scrittura di Troia’. Rendiconti dell’Academia dei Lincei, serie 9, vol. 5. Pp. 457-460.

––– , 1983, ‘The Hittites and the Aegean World: Part 1. The Ahhiyawa Problem Reconsidered’. American Journal of Archaeology 87. Pp. 133-138.

Godart, Louis, & Olivier, Jean-Pierre, 1982, Recueil des Inscriptions en linéaire A, Volume 4: Autres Documents. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner.

–––, 1992, ‘A new look at one A®®iyawa text’. In: Hittite and Other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp, eds. Heinrich Otten, Hayri Ertem, Ekrem Akurgal & Aygül Süel. Pp. 235-243. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi.

Goetze, Albrecht, 1954, ‘The Linguistic Continuity of Anatolia as Shown by its Proper Names’. Journal of Cuneiform Studies 8. Pp. 74-81.

Haas, Otto, 1966, Die Phrygischen Sprachdenkmäler. Linguistique

152

Balkanique X. Sofia: Academie Bulgare des Sciences.

frühgriechische Welt und der östliche Mittelmeerraum in der Zeit der ‘Seevölker’-Invasionen um 1200 v. Chr.]. Gnomon 58. Pp. 626-629.

Haas, Volkert, 2000, ‘Hethitische Bestattungsbräuche’. Altorientalische Forschungen 27, 1. Pp. 52-67.

Helck, Wolfgang, & Otto, Eberhard, 1984, Lexicon der Ägyptologie, Band V, s.v. Seevölker. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

Hall, Edith, 1989, Inventing the Barbarian, Greek Self-Definition through Tragedy. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Hall, H.R., 1901-2, ‘Keftiu and the Peoples of the Sea’. Annual of the British School at Athens 8. Pp. 157-189.

Hellbing, Lennart, 1979, Alasia Problems. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 57. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.

––– , 1922, ‘The Peoples of the Sea, A Chapter of the History of Egyptology’. In: Recueil d’Études Égyptologiques dédiées à la mémoire de Jean-François Champollion à l’occasion du centenaire de la lettre à M. Dacier relative à l’alphabet des hiéroglyphes phonétiques lue à l’accadémie des inscriptions et belles lettres le 27 septembre 1822. Pp. 297-329. Paris: Librairie ancienne honoré Champion Édouard Champion.

Hencken, Hugh, 1955, Indo-European Languages and Archaeology. Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association 57, No. 84. ––– , 1968, Tarquinia, Villanovans and Early Etruscans. Cambridge Massachusetts: The Peabody Museum.

––– , 1926, ‘The Keftians, Philistines and other Peoples of the Levant’. In: Cambridge Ancient History II, Chapter 12. Pp. 275295. Cambridge: At the University Press.

Henning, W.B., 1978, ‘The First Indo-Europeans in History’. In: Society and History, Essays in Honor of Karl August Wittfogel, ed. G.L. Ulmen. Pp. 215-230. The Hague-ParisNew York: Mouton Publishers.

––– , 1929, ‘The Caucasian Relations of the Peoples of the Sea’. Klio 22. Pp. 335-344.

Herbig, Gustav, 1914, ‘Kleinasiatisch-etruskische Namengleichungen. Sitzungsberichte der bayrischen Akademie, Phil.-Hist. Klasse. Pp. 3-39.

Hall, Jonathan M., 1997, Ethnic identity in Greek antiquity. Cambridge: University Press.

Herbordt, Suzanne, 1998, ‘Seals and Sealings of Hittite Officials from the Niúantepe Archive, Bo÷azköy’. In: Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology, Çorum, September 1622, 1996, eds. Sedat Alp & Aygül Süel. Pp. 309-318. Ankara.

––– , 2002, Hellenicity, Between Ethnicity and Culture. ChicagoLondon: The University of Chicago Press. Hallager, Erik, 1992, ‘New Linear B Tablets from Chania’. Kadmos 31. Pp. 61-87. Harrisson, Richard J., 1988, The Beaker Folk, Copper Age archaeology in Western Europe. London: Thames and Hudson.

Herscher, Ellen Carol, 1978, The Bronze Age Cemetery at Lapithos, Vrysi tou Barba, Cyprus, Parts 1-2. [No place:] University of Pennsylvania (PH.D.).

Hawkins, John David, 1990, ‘The New Inscription from the Südburg of Bo÷azköy-Hattusa’. Archäologischer Anzeiger 1990. Pp. 305-314.

Heuck Allen, Susan, 1994, ‘Trojan Grey Ware at Tel MiqneEkron’. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 293. Pp. 39-51.

––– , 1995, The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (SÜDBURG), With an Archaeological Introduction by Peter Neve. Studien zu den Bo÷azköy-Texten, Beiheft 3. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

Heurgon, Jacques, 1969, ‘Les Dardaniens en Afrique’. Revue des Études Latines 47. Pp. 284-294. ––– , 1992, ‘Les Étrusques et l’Europe’. Archeologia 284. Pp. 1924.

––– , 2000, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, Vol. I: Inscriptions of the Iron Age, Parts 1-3. Berlin-New York: Walter de Gruyter.

Hiller, Stefan, 1985, [Review of Jan G.P. Best, Supplementum Epigraphicum Mediterraneum ad Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 13 (1981)]. Archiv für Orientforschung 32. Pp. 125-127.

––– , 2003, ‘Scripts and Texts’. The Luwians, Handbook of Oriental Studies 68, ed. H. Craig Melchert. Pp. 128-169. LeidenBoston: Brill.

––– , 1996, ‘Knossos and Pylos, A Case of Special Relationship’. Cretan Studies 5. Pp. 73-83.

Heinhold-Krahmer, Susanne, 1977, Arzawa, Untersuchungen zu seiner Geschichte nach den hethitischen Quellen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

Hitzig, Ferdinand, 1845, Urgeschichte und Mythologie der Philister. Leipzig: Weidmann.

––– , 2003, ‘A®®iyawa—Land der homerischen Achäer im Krieg mit Wiluša?’. In: Der neue Streit um Troia, Eine Bilanz, Hrsg. Christoph Ulf . Pp. 193-214. München: C.H. Beck.

Hoftijzer, J., & Soldt, W.H. van, 1998, ‘Texts from Ugarit Pertaining to Seafaring’. In: Seagoing Ships & Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, ed. Shelley Wachsmann. Pp. 333-344. College Station: Texas A & M University Press.

Helck, Wolfgang, 1971, Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz (2., verbesserte Auflage).

Högemann, Peter, 2000, ‘Der Iliasdichter, Anatolien und der griechische Adel’. Klio 82. Pp. 7-39.

––– , 1986, [Review of G.A. Lehmann, Die mykenisch-

Hölbl, Günther, 1983, ‘Die historischen Aussagen der Ägyptischen Seevölkerinschriften’. In: Griechenland, Die

153

Ägäis und die Levante während der “Dark Ages” vom 12. bis zum 9. Jh. v. Chr., Akten des Symposions von Stift Zwettl (NÖ), 11.-14. Oktober 1980, Hrsg. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy. Pp. 121-143. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

eds. William A. Ward & Martha Sharp Joukowsky. Pp. 79-86. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company. Kaspar, S., 1970, ‘Eine Nekropole Nordwestlich von Soma’. Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Archäologischer Anzeiger 85. Pp. 71-83.

Holloway, R. Ross, 1981, Italy and the Aegean 3000-700 B.C. Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Erasme.

Katzenstein, H. Jacob, 1973, The History of Tyre, From the Beginning of the Second Millennium B.C.E. until the Fall of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 538 B.C.E. Jerusalem: The Schocken Institute for Jewish Research.

Hood, Sinclair, 1974, The Home of the Heroes, The Aegean before the Greeks. London: Thames and Hudson (reprinted version). Hope Simpson, Richard, 1981, Mycenaean Greece. New Jersey: Noyes Press.

Keen, Antony G., 1998, Dynastic Lycia, A Political History of the Lycians & Their Relations with Foreign Powers, c. 545-362 BC. Leiden-Boston-Köln: Brill.

Hope Simpson, Richard, & Dickinson, Oliver T.K.P., 1979, A Gazetteer of Aegean Civilisation in the Bronze Age I: The Mainland and islands. Göteborg: Paul Åström Förlag.

Kenna, Victor E.G., 1971, Catalogue of the Cypriote Seals of the Bronze Age in the British Museum. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology XX, 3. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Houwink ten Cate, Philo Hendrik Jan, 1961, The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

Kennedy, D.A., 1959, ‘Sceaux hittites conservés à Paris’. Revue Hittite et Asianique 65. Pp. 147-172.

Isaac, Benjamin, 2004, The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity. Princeton-Oxford: Princeton University Press.

Killebrew, A.E., Lehmann, G., & Artzy, M., in preparation, Philistines and other “Sea Peoples”: In Text and Archaeology, Leiden: Brill.

Jeffery, Lilian H., 1998, The Local Scrips of Archaic Greece, A study of the origin of the Greek alphabet and its development from the eighth to the fifth centuries B.C. Oxford: Clarendon Press (Revised edition with a supplement by Alan W. Johnston).

Kimmig, Wolfgang, 1964, ‘Seevölkerbewegung und Urnenfelderkultur, Ein Archäologisch-Historischer Versuch’. In: Studien aus Alteuropa I (= Festschrift K. Tackenberg). Pp. 220-283.

Johnston, Alan W., 1983, ‘The Extent and Use of Literacy; the Archaeological Evidence’. In: The Greek Renaissance of the Eighth Century B.C.: Tradition and Innovation, Proceedings of the Second International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 1-5 June, 1981, ed. Robin Hägg. Pp. 63-68. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Kinch, K.F., 1888, ‘Die Sprache der sicilischen Elymer’. Zeitschrift für Numismatik 16. Pp. 187-207. Kitchen, Kenneth A., 1973, ‘The Philistines’. In: Peoples of Old Testament Times, ed. D.J. Wiseman. Pp. 53-78. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press. ––– , 1983, Ramesside Inscriptions V. Oxford: Blackwell.

Jones, Siân, 1997, The Archaeology of Ethnicity, Constructing Identities in the past and present. London-New York: Routledge.

––– , 1989, ‘The Basics of Egyptian Chronology in Relation to the Bronze Age’. In: High, Middle or Low, Acts of an International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology Held at the University of Gothenburg, 20th-22nd August 1987. Pp. 37-55. Gothenburg: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Kaczynɩska, Elwira, 2002, ‘Greek ǿįĮ ‘Battle, Fight, Combat’: A Term of Minoan Origin?’ Kadmos 41. Pp. 137-140. Kahl, Jochem, 1995, ‘Les témoignages textuels sur les Shardana, Annexe à Oswald Loretz, Les Šerdannj et la fin d’Ougarit, À propos des documents d’Égypte, de Byblos et d’Ougarit relatifs aux Shardana’. In: Le pays d’Ougarit autour de 1200 av. J.-C., Ras Shamra-Ougarit XI, Actes du Colloque International, Paris, 28 juin-1er juillet 1993, eds. Marguerite Yon, Maurice Sznycer & Pierre Bordreuil. Pp. 137-140. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilations.

Kitson, Peter R., 1997, ‘Reconstruction, typology, and the “original homeland” of the Indo-Europeans’. In: Linguistic Reconstruction and Typology, ed. Jacek Fisiak. Pp. 183-239. BerlinNew York: Mouton de Gruyter. Krahe, Hans, 1962, ‘Die Struktur der alteuropäischen Hydronymie’. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz, Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jahrgang 1962, Nr. 5. Pp. 287-341.

Kammenhuber, Annelies, 1940, ‘Marduk und Santa in der hethitischen Überlieferung des 2. Jt.s v. Chr.’. Orientalia 59. Pp. 188-195.

––– , 1964, Unsere ältesten Flussnamen. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

Karageorghis, Vassos, 1986, ‘“Barbarian” Ware in Cyprus’. In: Acts of the International Symposium “Cyprus between the Orient and Occident”, Nicosia, 8-14 September 1985, ed. V. Karageorghis. Pp. 246-258. Nicosia: Zavallis Press Ltd.

Kullmann, W., 1999, ‘Homer und Kleinasien’. In: Euphrosyne, Studies in Ancient Epic and Its Legacy in Honor of Dimitris N. Maronitis, Hrsg. J.N. Kazazis & A. Rengakos. Pp. 189201. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.

––– , 1992, ‘The Crisis Years: Cyprus’. In: The Crisis Years, The 12th Century B.C. From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris,

Laroche, Emmanuel, 1957, ‘Notes de Toponymie Anatolienne’. In:

154

MnƝmis Charin, Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer, 2. Mai 1866 – 9. März 1956. Pp. 1-7. Wien: Bruder Hollinek; Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

Leumann, Manu, 1977, Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre. München: C.H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. Lichtenberger, Reinhold Freihernn von, 1911, Einflüsse der ägäischen Kultur auf Ägypten und Palästina. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung.

––– , 1958, ‘Études sur les hiéroglyphes hittites’. Syria 35. Pp. 252-283. ––– , 1960a, Les hiéroglyphes hittites. Première partie: L’écriture. Paris: Éditions du centre national de la recherche scientifique.

Liddell, Henri George, Scott, Robert, & Jones, Henry Stuart (= LSJ), A Greek-English Lexicon. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press.

––– , 1960b, ‘Koubaba, déesse anatolienne, et le problème des origines de Cybèle’. In: Éléments orienteaux dans la religion Grecque ancienne, Colloque de Strasbourg, 22-24 mai 1958. Pp. 113- 128. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.

Littauer, Mary A., & Crouwel, Joost H., 1979, Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals in the Ancient Near East. Leiden-Köln: E.J. Brill.

––– , 1960c, ‘Comparaison du Louvite et du Lycien II’. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique 55. Pp. 155-185. ––– , 1961a, ‘Études de Toponymie Anatolienne’. Revue Hittite et Asianique 69. Pp. 57-91.

Littleton, C. Scott, 1973, The New Comparative Mythology, An Anthroplogical Assessment of the Theories of Georges Dumézil. Berkeley-Los Angeles: University of California Press (revised edition).

––– , 1961b, ‘Réflexions sur des problèmes de linguistique étrusque’. Revue Études Latines 38. Pp. 70-72.

Lochner-Hüttenbach, Fritz, 1960, Die Pelasger. Wien: Gerold & Co.

––– , 1966, Les Noms des Hittites. Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck.

Lomas, Kathryn, 1997, ‘Introduction’. In: Gender & Ethnicity in ancient Italy, Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy, Vol. 6, eds. Tim Cornell & Kathryn Lomas. Pp. 1-8. University of London: Accordia Research Institute.

––– , 1971, Catalogue des Textes Hittites (= CTH). Paris: Éditions Klincksieck. Latacz, Joachim, 2003, Troia und Homer, Der Weg zur Lösung eines alten Rätsels. München: Piper Verlag GmbH (Taschenbuchausgabe).

Loretz, Oswald, 1995, ‘Les Šerdannj et la fin d’Ougarit, Apropos des documents d’Égypte, de Byblos et d’Ougarit relatifs aux Shardana’. In: Le pays d’Ougarit autour de 1200 av. J.-C., Ras Shamra-Ougarit XI, Actes du Colloque International, Paris, 28 juin-1er juillet 1993, eds. Marguerite Yon, Maurice Sznycer & Pierre Bordreuil. Pp. 125-136. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations.

Lehmann, Gustav Adolf, 1970, ‘Der Untergang des hethitischen Grossreiches und die neuen Texte aus Ugarit’. UgaritForschungen 2. Pp. 29-73. ––– , 1979, ‘Die ŠikalƗynj—Ein neues Zeugnis zu den “Seevölker”- heerfahrten im späten 13. Jh. v. Chr. (RS 34.129)’. Ugarit- Forschungen 11. Pp. 481-494.

Lorimer, H.L., 1950, Homer and the Monuments. London: Macmillan & Co. Ltd. Loulloupis, M., 1973, ‘Mycenaean ‘Horns of Consecration’ in Cyprus’. In: Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium “The Mycenaeans in the Eastern Mediterranean”, Nicosia 27th March–2nd April 1972. Pp. 225-244, Pls. XXVIIIXXIX. Nicosia: Zavallis Press Ltd.

––– , 1983, ‘Zum Auftreten von “Seevölker”-Gruppen im östlichen Mittelmeerraum—Eine Zwischenbilanz’. In: Griechenland, Die Ägäis und die Levante während der “Dark Ages” vom 12. bis zum 9. Jh. v. Chr., Akten des Symposions von Stift Zwettl (NÖ), 11.-14. Oktober 1980, Hrsg. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy. Pp. 79-97. Wien: Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Lynn, Chris, & Miller, Dean , 1999, ‘Three Carved Vases from the Minoan Villa at Aghia Triada, Crete: a Trifunctional Set?’ Journal of Indo-European Studies 27, 3-4. Pp. 335-353.

––– , 1985, Die mykenisch-frühgriechische Welt und der östliche Mittelmeerraum in der Zeit der “Seevölker”-Invasionen um 1200 v. Chr. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag.

Macalister, R.A. Stewart, 1913, The Philistines, Their History and Civilization. London: Oxford University Press.

––– , 1996, ‘Umbrüche und Zäsuren im östlichen Mittelmeerraum und Vorderasien zur Zeit der “Seevölker”-Invasionen um und nach 1200 v. Chr.’. Historische Zeitschrift 262, 1. Pp. 1-38.

Machinist, Peter, 2000, ‘Biblical Traditions: The Philistines and Israelite History’. In: The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, ed. Eliezer D. Oren. Pp. 53-83. Philadelphia: The University Museum.

Lejeune, Michel, 1969, ‘Observations sur l’épigraphie Élyme’. Revue des Études Latines 47. Pp. 133-183.

Malbran-Labat, Florence, 1991, ‘Lettres’. In: Une bibliothèque au sud de la ville, Ras Shamra-Ougarit VII, ed. Pierre Bordreuil. Pp. 27-64. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations.

Leonhard, Walther, 1911, Hettiter und Amazonen, Die griechische Tradition über die “Chatti” und ein Versuch zu ihrer historischen Verwertung. Leipzig-Berlin: Druck und Verlag von B.G. Teubner.

Mallory, James P., 1989, In Search of the Indo-Europeans. Language, Archaeology and Myth. London: Thames and Hudson.

Lepsius, Richard, 1900, Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien III. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung.

Manning, Sturt W., 1999, A Test of Time, The Volcano of Thera and the Chronology and History of the Aegean and east Medi-

155

terranean in the mid second millennium BC. Oxbow Books: Oxford and Oakville.

tolian Studies Presented to Maciej Popko on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, ed. Piotr Taracha. Pp. 241-251. Warsaw: Agade.

Maresch, Gustav, 1957, ‘Etruskisch avil’. In: MnƝmis Charin, Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer, 2. Mai 1866—9. März 1956. Pp. 27-8. Wien: Otto Harrassowitz Wiesbaden-Bruder Hollinek Wien.

Mellaart, James, 1971, ‘Anatolia c. 4000-2300 B.C.’. Cambridge Ancient History I, 2. Pp. 363-416. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (3rd edition).

Marinatos, Spyridon, 1973, ‘The first ‘Mycenaeans’ in Greece’. In: Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean, Archaeological and linguistic problems in Greek prehistory, eds. R.A. Crossland & Ann Birchall. Pp. 107-113. London: Duckworth.

Mellink, Machteld J. , 1972, ‘Excavations at Karataú-Semayük and Elmalı, Lycia , 1971’. American Journal of Archaeology 76. Pp. 257-269.

Maspero, Gaston, 1873, [Review of Chabas’ Études]. Revue Critique d’Histoire et de Littérature. Pp. 81-86.

––– , 1995, ‘Homer, Lycia, and Lukka’. In: The Ages of Homer, A Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule, eds. Jane B. Carter & Sarah P. Morris. Pp. 33-43. Austin: University of Texas Press.

––– , 1875, Histoire Ancienne des peuples de l’orient classique. Paris: Librairie Hachette et Cie.

Mercer, S.A.B., 1939, The Tell El-Amarna Tablets I-II. Toronto: Macmillan.

––– , 1878, [Review of de Rougé’s Inscriptions hiéroglyphique]. Revue Critique d’Histoire et de Litterature. Pp. 317-321.

Meriggi, Piero, 1937, ‘Osservazioni sull’Etrusco’. Studi Etruschi 11. Pp. 129-201.

––– , 1881, ‘Notes sur quelques points de Grammaire et d’Histoire’. Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde 19. Pp. 116-131.

––– , 1967, Manuale di eteo geroglifico. Parte II: Testi-1e serie, I testi neo-etei più o meno completi. Roma: Edizioni dell’Ateneo.

––– , 1910, The Struggle of the Nations, Egypt, Syria and Assyria. London: Society for promoting Christian knowledge.

––– , 1980, Schizzo grammaticale dell’Anatolico. Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei.

Masson, Olivier, 1983, Les inscriptions Chypriotes syllabiques. Paris: Éditions E. de Boccard.

Merlo, Paolo, 1998, La dea Ašratum – Atiratu – Ašera. Un contributo allo storia della religione semitica del Nord. Mursia: Pontificia Università Lateranense.

Matsas, D., 1991, ‘Samothrace and the Northeastern Aegean: the Minoan Connection’. Studia Troica 1. Pp. 159-179.

Mertens, Paul, 1960, ‘Les Peuples de la Mer’. Chronique d’Égypte 35. Pp. 65-88.

Mayrhofer, Manfred, 1974, ‘Die Arier im vorderen Orient—Ein Mythos?’. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Sitzungsberichte, Bd. 294, Abhandlung 3. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Meijer, Louk C., 1982, Eine strukturelle Analyse der Hagia Triada-Tafeln—Ein Beitrag zur Linear A-Forschung. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 8. Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner Publishing Co.

Mee, Christopher, 1978, ‘Aegean Trade and Settlement in Anatolia in the Second Millennium BC’. Anatolian Studies 28. Pp. 121-156.

Meyer, Eduard, 1928, Geschichte des Altertums 2, 1., StuttgartBerlin: J.G. Cotta’sche Buchhandlung, Nachfolger. ––– , 1968, Geschichte des Koenigreichs Pontos. Chicago: Argonaut, Inc., Publishers (Reprint of the Leipzig 1879 Edition).

Meer, L. Bauke van der, 1992, ‘The Stele of Lemnos and Etruscan Origins’. Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden 72. Pp. 61-71.

Monte, Giuseppe F. del, & Tischler, Johann, 1978, Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der hethitischen Texte. Répertoire Géographique des Textes Cunéiformes 6. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert.

Mégalomatis, Cosimo. 1996, ‘Les peuples de la mer et la fin du monde mycenien, essai de synthese historique’. Atti e Memorie del Secondo Congresso Internazionale di Micenologia, Roma-Napoli, 14-20 ottobre. Pp. 805-814. Roma: Gruppo Editoriale Internazionale.

Moran, William L., 1992, The Amarna Letters. Baltimore, Maryland: John Hopkin’s University Press.

Meid, Wolfgang, 1993, Die erste Botorrita-Inschrift, Interpretation eines keltiberischen Sprachdenkmals. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft.

Mühlestein, H., 1956, Die oka-Tafeln von Pylos. Basel: Selbstverlag. Muhly, J.D., 1979,[Review of: Sanders, N.K., The Sea Peoples]. American Journal of Archaeology, 83: 355-356.

––– , 1996, Kleinere keltiberische Sprachdenkmäler. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft.

Muhly, J.D., Maddin, R., & Stech, T., 1988, ‘Copper Ox-hide Ingots and the Bronze Age Metal Trade’. Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus. Pp. 281- 298.

––– , 2000, ‘Forschungsbericht, Altkeltische Sprachen, 3. Keltiberisch’. Kratylos 45. Pp. 1-28. Melchert, H. Craig, 1993, Lycian Lexicon. Chapel Hill, N.C.

Müller, Karl Otfried, & Deecke, Wilhelm, 1877, Die Etrusker I-II. Stuttgart: Verlag von Albert Heitz.

––– , 2002, ‘The God Sanda in Lycia?’. In: Silva Anatolica, Ana-

156

Müller-Karpe, Hermann, 1959, Beiträge zur Chronologie der Urnenfelderzeit Nördlich und Südlich der Alpen. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co.

––– , 1993, ‘Das Land Lukka in der hethitischen Topographie’. In: Akten des II. Internationalen Lykien-Symposions, eds. Jürgen Borchhardt & Gerhard Dobesch. Pp. 117-121. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Neumann, Günter, 1991, ‘Hethitisch negna- ‘Bruder’’. Historische Sprachforschung 104. Pp. 63-66.

Owens, Gareth Alun, 1996, ‘New Evidence for Minoan ‘Demeter’’. Kadmos 35. Pp. 172- 175.

––– , 1999, ‘Wie haben die Troer im 13. Jahrhundert gesprochen?’. Würzburger Jahrbücher für die Altertumswissenschaft, Neue Folge 23. Pp. 15-23.

––– , 1999, ‘The Structure of the Minoan Language’. Journal of Indo-European Studies 27: 1&2, Spring/Summer. Pp. 15-49.

Nibbi, Alexandra, 1975, The Sea Peoples and Egypt. Park Ridge, New Jersey: Noyes Press.

––– , 2000, ‘Pre-Hellenic Language(s) of Crete: Debate and Discussion, Comments on the Paper by Yves Duhoux in The Journal of Indo-European Studies Volume 26: 1-2, Spring/Summer 1998, 1-40’. Journal of Indo-European Studies 28: 1-2, Spring/Summer. Pp. 237-253.

Niemeier, Wolf-Dietrich, 1996, ‘A Linear A Inscription from Miletos (MIL Zb 1)’. Kadmos 35. Pp. 87-99. ––– , 1998a, ‘The Mycenaeans in Western Anatolia and the Problem of the Origins of the Sea Peoples’. Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE, In honor of Professor Trude Dothan, eds. Seymor Gitin, Amihai Mazar & Ephraim Stern. Pp. 17-65. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

Page, Denys L., 1959, History and the Homeric Iliad. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press. Pallottino, Massimo, 1968, Testimonia Linguae Etruscae (= TLE). Firenze: «La Nuova Italia» Editrice (2a edizione). ––– , 1988, Etruskologie, Geschichte und Kultur der Etrusker. Basel-Boston-Berlin: Birkhäuser Verlag.

––– , 1998b, ‘Mycenaeans and Hittites in War in Western Asia Minor’. In: Polemos, Le contexte guerrier en Égée à l’âge du Bronze, Actes de la 7e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Université de Liège, 14-17 avril 1998, ed. Robert Laffineur. Pp. 141- 156. Eupen: Université de Liège-Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory, The University of Texas Austin.

Palmer, Leonard Robert, 1956, ‘Military Arrangements for the Defence of Pylos’. Minos 4. Pp. 120-145. ––– , 1965, Mycenaeans and Minoans. Aegean Prehistory in the Light of the Linear B Tablets. London: Faber and Faber Ltd (second edition).

Nilsson, Martin Persson, 1927, The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion. Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup.

––– , 1998, The Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek Texts. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press (Sandpiper reprint).

––– , 1933, Homer and Mycenae. London: Methuen & Co. Ltd.

Papadimitriou, Nikolas, 2001, Built Chamber Tombs of Middle and Late Bronze Age Date in Mainland Greece and the Islands. BAR International Series 925. Oxford.

Noort, Ed, 1994, Die Seevölker in Palästina. Kampen: Kok Pharos Publishing House. Nougayrol, Jean, 1968, ‘Ugarit et Alašia’. Ugaritica V, ed. Claude F.A. Schaeffer. Pp. 83-89. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner.

Parker, Victor, 1999, ‘Die Aktivitäten der Mykenäer in der Ostägäis im Lichte der Linear B Tafeln’. In: Floreant Studia Mycenaea, Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995, Hrsg. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller & Oswald Panagl. Pp. 495-502. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Olivier, Jean-Pierre, & Godart, Louis, 1996, Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae. Paris: De Boccard ÉditionDiffusion. Onyshkevych, Lada, 2002, ‘Interpreting the Berezan Bone Graffito’. In: Oikistes, Studies in Constitutions, Colonies, and Military Power in the Ancient World Offered in Honor of A.J. Graham, eds. Vanessa B. Gorman & Eric W. Robinson. Pp. 161-179. Leiden-Boston-Köln: Brill.

Pålsson Hallager, Birgitta, 1985, ‘Crete and Italy in the Late Bronze Age III Period’. American Journal of Archaeology 89. Pp. 293-305. Peden, A.J., 1994, Egyptian Historical Inscriptions of the Twentieth Dynasty. Jonsered: Paul Åströms förlag.

Oren, Eliezer, 1997, The Hyksos: New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum.

Pedley, John Griffiths, 1972, Ancient Literary Sources on Sardis. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.

Ormerod, H.A., 1924, Piracy in the Ancient World. Liverpool: University Press of Liverpool.

Pfuhl, Ernst, 1923, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen I. München: F. Bruchmann A.-G.

Otten, Heinrich, 1988, Die Bronzetafel aus Bo÷azköy, Ein Staatsvertrag Tud® alijas IV. Studien zur Bo÷azköy Texte, Beiheft 1, Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

Pilides, D., 1994, Handmade Burnished Wares of the Late Bronze Age in Cyprus. Studies in Mediterranean Archeaology 105. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

––– , 1989, ‘Die hieroglyphen-luwische Inschrift, Ausgrabungen in Bo÷azköy-Hattuša 1988’. Archäologischer Anzeiger 1989. Pp. 333-337.

Poetto, Massimo, 1993, L’iscrizione luvio-geroglifica di Yalburt, Nuove acquisizioni relative alla geografia dell’anatolia sud-

157

occidentale. Studia Mediterranea 8. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore.

mer’. Revue Archéologique 15. Pp. 1-65. Renfrew, Colin, 1987, Archaeology and Language, The Puzzle of Indo-European Origins. London: Jonathan Cape.

Pohl, Ingrid, 1972, The Iron Age Necropolis of Sorbo at Cerveteri. Skrifter Utgivna Svenska Institutet I Rom, 4º, 32. Stockholm: Svenska Institutet I Rom.

Ridgway, David, 1988, ‘Italy from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age’. Cambridge Ancient History IV. Pp. 623-633. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2nd edition).

Pokorny, Julius, 1994, Indogermanisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. Tübingen-Basel: Francke Verlag (3. Auflage).

Riemschneider, Margarete, 1954, Die Welt der Hethiter. Zürich: Fretz & Wasmuth Verlag AG.

Polomé, Edgar C., 1982a, ‘Balkan Languages (Illyrian, Thracian and Daco-Moesian)’. Cambridge Ancient History III, 1. Pp. 866-888. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (3rd edition).

Risch, Ernst, 1958, ‘L’interprétation de la série des tablettes caractérisées par le mot o-ka (PY AN 519, 654, 656, 657, 661)’. Athenaeum 46. Pp. 334-359.

––– , 1982b, ‘Indo-European Culture, With Special Attention to Religion’. In: The Indo-Europeans of the Fourth and Third Millennia, ed. Edgar C. Polomé. Pp. 156-172. Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers, Inc.

Rix, Helmut, 1991, Etruskische Texte, Editio minor. I: Einleitung, Konkordanz, Indices, II: Texte. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag. Romey, Kristin, 2003, ‘The Vogelbarke of Medinet Habu’, MA thesis, archaeology, Texas A&M University.

Pope, Maurice, 1956, ‘Cretan Axe-Heads with Linear A Inscriptions’, Annual of the British School at Athens 51. Pp. 132-135.

Rosenkranz, Bernhard, 1966, ‘Fluß- und Gewässername in Anatolien’. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, neue Folge 1. Pp. 124-144.

Popham, Mervyn, 2001, ‘The Collapse of Aegean Civilization at the End of the Late Bronze Age’. In: The Oxford Illustrated History of Prehistoric Europe, ed. Barry Cunliffe. Pp. 277303. Oxford: Oxford University Press (reissued paperback edition of 1997).

Ross Holloway, R., 1994, The Archaeology of Early Rome and Latium. London-New York: Routledge.

Popham, Mervyn, Touloupa, E., & Sackett, L.H., 1982, ‘The Hero of Lefkandi’. Antiquity 56. Pp. 169-174.

Rougé, Emmanuel de, 1861, Oeuvres Diverses IV. ––– , 1867, ‘Extraits d’un mémoire sur les attaques dirigées contre l’égypte par les peuples de la méditerranée’. Revue Archéologique 16. Pp. 35-45.

Poultney, James Wilson, 1959, The Bronze Tables of Iguvium. Illinois: American Philological Association. Pritchard, James B., 1969, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. Princeton: Princeton University Press (3rd edition).

Royen, René A. van, & Isaac, Benjamin H., 1979, The Arrival of the Greeks, The Evidence from the Settlements. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 5. Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner Publishing Co.

Protonotariou-Deilaki, Evangelia, 1990, ‘The Tumuli of Mycenae and Dendra’. In: Celebrations of Death and Divinity in the Bronze Age Argolid, Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 11-13 June, 1988, eds. Robin Hägg & Gallög C. Nordquist. Pp. 85-106. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Rutter, Jeremy, 1975, ‘Ceramic Evidence for Northern Intruders in Southern Greece at the Beginning of the Late Helladic IIIC Period’. American Journal of Archaeology 79. Pp. 17-32. Sakellarakis, Iannis, & Olivier, Jean-Pierre, 1994, ‘Un vase en pierre avec inscription en linéaire A du sanctuaire de sommet minoen de Cythère’. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 118. Pp. 343-351.

Pugliese Carratelli, Giovanni, 1954, [Review of H. Mühlestein, Olympia in Pylos, Basel 1954]. La Parola del Passato 9. Pp. 468-471.

Sakellariou, Michel B., 1977, Peuples préhelléniques d’origine indo-européenne. Athens: Ekdotikè Athenon S.A.

Pulgram, Ernst, 1978, Italic, Latin, Italian, 600 B.C. to A.D. 1260, Text and commentaries. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

––– , 1980, Les Proto-Grecs. Athens: Ekdotikè Athenon S.A. Salmon, Edward Togo, 1988, ‘The Iron Age: The Peoples of Italy’. Cambridge Ancient History IV. Pp. 676-719. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2nd edition).

Radet, Georges, 1892, La Lydie et le monde Grec au temps des Mermnades (687- 546). Paris: Thorin & Fils Éditeurs. Ranke, Hermann, 1935, Die Ägyptischen Personennamen. Glückstadt: Verlag von J.J. Augustin.

Sandars, Nancy K., 1978, The Sea Peoples, Warriors of the ancient Mediterranean 1250-1150 BC. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd.

Reden, Sibylle von, 1992, Ugarit und seine Welt, Die Entdeckung einer der ältesten Handelsmetropolen am Mittelmeer. Bergisch Gladbach: Gustav Lübbe Verlag.

––– , 1980, De Zeevolken, Egypte en Voor-Azië bedreigd, 12501150 v.C. Haarlem: Fibula-Van Dishoeck.

Redford, Donald B., 1992, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Sauter, Hermann, 2000, Studien zum Kimmerierproblem. Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 72. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH.

Reinach, A.J., 1910, ‘Le disque de Phaistos et les Peuples de la

158

Barometer for East-West Interconnections’. In: Eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus- Dodecanese-Crete 16th -6th cent. B.C., Proceedings of the International Symposium held at Rethymnon - Crete in May 1997, eds. V. Karageorghis & N. Chr. Stampolidis. Pp. 13- 27. Athens: University of Crete-A. G. Leventis Foundation.

Savaú, Özkan Savaú, 1998, Divine, Personal and Geographical Names in the Anatolian (Hittite-Luwian) Hieroglyphic Inscriptions. Istanbul. Schachermeyr, Fritz, 1929, Etruskische Frühgeschichte. BerlinLeipzig: Walter de Gruyter & Co.

Shefton, B.B., 1994, ‘Massalia and Colonization in the NorthWestern Mediterranean’. In: The Archaeology of Greek Colonisation, Essays dedicated to Sir John Boardman, ed. Gocha R. Tsetskhladze & Franco De Angelis. Pp. 61-86. Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology.

––– , 1950, Poseidon und die Entstehung des griechischen Götterglaubens. Bern: A. Francke AG. Verlag. ––– , 1960, ‘Das Keftiu-Problem und die Frage des ersten Auftretens einer griechischen Herrenschicht im minoischen Kreta’. Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes 45. Pp. 44-68.

Shelmerdine, Cynthia W., 1997, ‘The Palatial Bronze Age of the Southern and Central Greek Mainland’. American Journal of Archaeology 101. Pp. 537- 585.

––– , 1979, Kreta zur Zeit der Wanderungen, vom Ausgang der minoischen Ära bis zur dorisierung der Insel. Die Ägäische Frühzeit, 3. Band. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Sihler, Andrew L., 1995, New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. New York-Oxford: Oxford University Press. Simone, Carlo de, 1996, I Tirreni a Lemnos, Evidenza linguistica e tradizioni storiche. Firenze: Leo Olschki Editore.

––– , 1980, Griechenland im Zeitalter der Wanderungen, Vom Ende der mykenischen Ära bis auf die Dorier. Die Ägäische Frühzeit, 4. Band. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Singer, Itamar, 1985, ‘The Beginning of Philistine Settlement in Canaan and the Northern Boundary of Philistia’. Tel Aviv 12. Pp. 109-122.

–––, 1982, Die Levante im Zeitalter der Wanderungen, Vom 13. bis zum 11. Jahrhundert v.Chr. Die Ägäische Frühzeit, 5. Band. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

––– , 1988, ‘The Origin of the Sea Peoples and their Settlement on the coast of Canaan’. In: Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000 B.C.), eds. M. Heltzer & E. LipiĔski. Pp. 239-250. Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters.

–––, 1984, Griechische Frühgeschichte, Ein Versuch, frühe Geschichte wenigstens in Umrissen verständlich zu machen. Wien: Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Smit, Daniel W., 1989, ‘Mycenaean Penetration into Northern Greece’. In: Thracians and Mycenaeans, Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Thracology, Rotterdam, 2426 September 1984, eds. Jan Best & Nanny de Vries. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 11. Pp. 174-180. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

Schermerhorn, R.A., 1970, Comparative Ethnic Relations; A Framework for Theory and Research. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Schmoll, Ulrich, 1959, Die Sprachen der vorkeltischen Indogermanen Hispaniens und das Keltiberische. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

––– , 1988-9, ‘Achilles, Aeneas and the Hittites, A Hittite model for Iliad XX 191-194?’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 20-21. Pp. 53-64.

Schnapp-Gourbeillon, Annie, 2002, Aux origines de la Grèce (XIIIe-VIIIe siècles avant notre ère), La genèse du politique. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.

––– , 1990-1, ‘KUB XIV 3 and Hittite History, A Historical Approach to the Tawagalawa-letter’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 22-23. Pp. 79111.

Schuler, Einar von, 1965, Die Kaškäer, Ein Beitrag zur Ethnographie des Alten Kleinasien. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.

Snodgrass, Anthony M., 1978, [Review of: Sanders, N.K., The Sea Peoples]. Antiquity, 52: 161.

Schulman, Alan R., 1987, ‘The Great Historical Inscription of Merneptah at Karnak: A Partial Reappraisal’. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 24. Pp. 21-34.

––– , 2000, The Dark Age of Greece, An archaeological survey of the eleventh to eighth centuries BC. Edinburgh: At the University Press (reprint of 1971 edition).

Schulze, W., 1966, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen. Berlin-Zürich-Dublin: Weidmann (2. unveränderte Auflage).

Snowden, Jr., Frank, 1997, ‘Greeks and Ethiopians’. In: Greeks and Barbarians, Essays on the Interaction between Greeks and Non-Greeks in Antiquity and the Consequences for Eurocentrism, eds. John E. Coleman & Clark A. Waltz. Pp. 103121. Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press.

Seeger, Ulrich, n.d. [2002], ‘Fonts apt to the transcription of Semitic texts’, at: http://semitistik.unihd.de/seeger/english/fonts_e.htm#anfang Segert, Stanislav, 1984, A Basic Grammar of the Ugaritic Language. Berkeley, California.

Sollors, Werner, 1996, Theories of Ethnicity, A Classical Reader. New York: New York University Press.

Seters, John van, 1966, The Hyksos, A New Investigation. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Somella, Paolo, 1974, ‘Das Heroon des Aeneas und die Topographie des antiken Lavinium’. Gymnasium 81, 4. Pp. 273-297.

Shaw, Joseph W., 1998, ‘Kommos in Southern Crete: an Aegean

159

Sommer, Ferdinand, 1932, Die A® ® ijavƗ-Urkunden. München: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Tovar, Antonio, 1977, Krahes alteuropäische Hydronymie und die westindogermanischen Sprachen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

Spencer, Nigel, 1995, ‘Early Lesbos between East and West: A ‘Grey Area’ of Aegean Archaeology’. Annual of the British School at Athens 90. Pp. 269-306.

Tsetskhladze, Gocha R., 1994, ‘Greek Penetration of the Black Sea’. In: The Archaeology of Greek Colonisation, Essays dedicated to Sir John Boardman, ed. Gocha R. Tsetskhladze & Franco De Angelis. Pp. 111-135. Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology.

Stadelmann, Rainer, 1969, ‘Die Abwehr der Seevölker unter Ramses III’. Saeculum 19. Pp. 156-171. Stager, Larry, 1998. ‘Forging an Identity: The Emergence of Ancient Israel.’ In: The Oxford History of the Biblical World, ed. M.D. Coogan. Pp. 123-75. New York: Oxford University Press.

Vagnetti, Lucia, 2000, ‘Western Mediterranean Overview: Peninsular Italy, Sicily and Sardinia at the Time of the Sea Peoples’. In: The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, ed. Eliezer D. Oren. Pp. 305-326. Philadelphia: The University Museum.

Starke, Frank, 1981, ‘Die Keilschrift-luwischen Wörter für Insel und Lampe’. Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft 95. Pp. 142-152.

––– , 2001, ‘Some Observations on Late Cypriot Pottery from the Central Mediterranean’. In: Italy and Cyprus in Antiquity: 1550-450 BC, Proceedings of an International Symposium held at the Italian Academy for Advanced Studies in America at Columbia University, November 16-18, 2000, eds. Larissa Bonfante & Vassos Karageorghis. Pp. 77-96. Nicosia: The Costakis and Leto Severis Foundation.

––– , 1997, ‘Troia im Kontext des historisch-politischen Umfeldes Kleinasiens im 2. Jahrtausend’. Studia Troica 7. Pp. 447-487. Steinbauer, Dieter H., 1999, Neues Handbuch des Etruskischen. St. Katharinen: Scripta Mercaturae. Steiner, Gerd, 1993, ‘Die historische Rolle der “LukkƗ”’. In: Akten des II. Internationalen Lykien-Symposions, eds. Jürgen Borchhardt & Gerhard Dobesch. Pp. 123-137. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Vandenabeele, Frieda, 1985, ‘La chronologie des documents en Linéaire A’. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 109. Pp. 3-20.

Strange, John, 1980, Kaphtor/Keftiu, A new investigation. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

Vanschoonwinkel, Jacques, 1991, L’Égée et la méditerranée orientale à la fin du IIe millénaire, Témoignages archéologiques et sources écrites. Louvain-la-Neuve: Université Catholique de Louvain. Providence (Rhode Island): Brown University.

Strobel, August, 1976, Der spätbronzezeitliche Seevölkersturm, Ein Forschungsüberblick mit Folgerungen zur biblischen Exodusthematik. Berlin-New York: Walter de Gruyter.

Ventris, Michael, & Chadwick, John, 1973, Documents in Mycenaean Greek. Cambridge: At the University Press (2nd edition).

Strøm, Ingrid, 1971, Problems Concerning the Origin and Early Development of the Etruscan Orientalizing Style. Odense: Odense University Press.

Vetter, Emile, 1953, Handbuch der italischen Dialekte. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

Strid, Ove, 1999, Die Dryoper, Eine Untersuchung der Überlieferung. Uppsala.

Vries, Nanny M.W. de, 1976, ‘Three Twin Catacomb-graves’. In: Pulpudeva, Semaines philippopolitaines de l’histoire et de la culture thrace, Plovdiv, 4-18 octobre 1976. Pp. 210-214.

––– , 1990, ‘Relations between Etruria and Campania around 700 BC’. In: Greek Colonists and Native Populations, ed. JeanPaul Descoeudres. Pp. 87-97. Canberra: Humanities Research Centre. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Vürtheim, J.J.G., 1913, Teukros und Teukrer, Untersuchung der Homerischen und der Nachhomerischen Ueberlieferung. Rotterdam: Verlag W.L. & J. Brusse.

Stubbings, Frank H., 1973, ‘The Rise of Mycenaean Civilization’. Cambridge Ancient History II, 1. Pp. 627-658. Cambridge: At the University Press (3rd edition).

Wachsmann, Shelley, 1998, Seagoing Ships & Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant. College Station: Texas A & M University Press.

Suter, Ann, 2002, The Narcissus and the Pomegranate, An Archaeology of the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

––– , 2000, ‘To the Sea of the Philistines’. In: The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, ed. Eliezer D. Oren. Pp. 103-143. Philadelphia: The University Museum.

Symeonoglou, S., 1973, Kadmeia I, Mycenaean Finds from Thebes, Greece, excavation at 14 Oedipusstreet. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 35. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Wainwright, G.A., 1959, ‘The Teresh, the Etruscans and Asia Minor’. Anatolian Studies 9. Pp. 197-213. ––– , 1961, ‘Some Sea-Peoples’. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 47. Pp. 71-90.

Teko÷lu, Recai, & Lemaire, André, 2000, ‘La bilingue royale Louvito-Phénicienne de Çineköy’. Comptes Rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 2000. Pp. 9611006.

––– , 1962, ‘A Teucrian at Salamis in Cyprus’. Journal of Hellenic Studies 83. Pp. 146-151.

160

ciety 22-23. Pp. 139-149.

Waldbaum, Jane C., 1966, ‘Philistine Tombs at Tell Fara and their Aegean Prototypes’. American Journal of Archaeology 70. Pp. 331-340.

––– , 1992a, The Language of the Sea Peoples. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 12. Amsterdam: Najade Press bv.

Warren, Peter, 1972, Myrtos, An Early Bronze Age Settlement in Crete. Oxford: Thames and Hudson, The British School of Archaeology at Athens.

––– , 1992b, Linguistica Tyrrhenica, A Compendium of Recent Results in Etruscan Linguistics. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, Publisher.

Warren, Peter, & Hankey, Vronwy, 1989, Aegean Bronge Age Chronology. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press.

––– , 1992c, ‘Evidence of Bilinguism in Cretan Hieroglyphic’. Cretan Studies 3. Pp. 191-201; Pls. XXIV-XXVII.

Watkins, Calvert, 1986, ‘The Language of the Trojans’. In: Troy and the Trojan War, A Symposium held at Bryn Mawr College, October 1984, ed. Machteld Mellink. Pp. 45-62. Bryn Mawr, P.A.: Bryn Mawr College.

––– , 1992-3, ‘On the Dating of Luwian Great Kings’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 24-25. Pp. 167-201. ––– , 1993a, ‘Old Phrygian: Some Texts and Relations’. Journal of Indo-European Studies 21. Pp. 1-25.

Webster, Thomas B.L., 1960, From Mycenae to Homer. London: Methuen & Co. Ltd. (2nd edition).

––– , 1993b, ‘Historical Backgrounds to the Old Phrygian-Greek Linguistic Relationship’. In: Atti del IVº Congresso Internazionale di Tracologia, Palma de Mallorca 24-28 March 1992, ed. Alexander Fol. Pp. 377-394. Roma: Nagard.

Wees, Hans van, 1992, Status Warriors, War Violence and Society in Homer and History. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, Publisher. Weidner, Ernst F., 1939, ‘Jojachim, König von Juda, in babylonischen Keilschrifttexten’. In: Mélanges Syriens offerts à Monsieur René Dussaud, Bibliothèque Archéologique et Historique XXX. Pp. 923-935. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner.

––– , 1994, ‘Tablet RS 20.25 from Ugarit, Evidence of Maritime Trade in the Final Years of the Bronze Age’. UgaritForschungen 26. Pp. 509-538. ––– , 1994-5, ‘Luwian Hieroglyphic Monumental Rock and Stone Inscriptions from the Hittite Empire Period’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 26-27. Pp. 153-217.

Whatmough, Joshua, 1968, The Pre-Italic Dialects of Italy. Hildesheim: Georg-Olm Verlagsbuchhandlung (Reprograhischer Nachdruck der Ausgabe Cambridge 1933). Widmer, W., 1975, ‘Zur Darstellung der Seevölker am Großen Tempel von Medinet Habu’. Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache 102. Pp. 67-77.

––– , 1997, ‘The Bee-sign (Evans no. 86): An Instance of Egyptian Influence on Cretan Hieroglyphic’. Kadmos 36. Pp. 97-110. ––– , 1998, Linguistica Tyrrhenica II, The Etruscan Liturgical Calendar from Capua, Addenda et Corrigenda ad Volume I. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, Publisher.

Wiesner, Joseph, 1968, Fahren und Reiten, Archaeologia Homerica, Denkmäler und das frühgriechische Epos, Band I, Kapitel F, Hrsg. Friedrich Matz & Hans-Günter Buchholz. Göttingen: Van den Hoeck & Ruprecht.

––– , 1998-9, ‘Nanas, A Luwian Personal Name in the West’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 30-31. Pp. 175-179.

Woudhuizen, Fred C., 1982-3, ‘Etruscan Origins: The Epigraphic Evidence’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 14-15. Pp. 91-117. ––– , 1984-5a, ‘Lydian: Separated from Luwian by three signs’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 16-17. Pp. 91-113.

––– , 2000-1, ‘The Earliest Inscription from Thrace’. In: The Black Sea Region in the Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Period, eds. Gocha R. Tsetskhladze & Jan G. de Boer (= Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 32-33). Pp. 289-305.

––– , 1984-5b, ‘Origins of the Sidetic Script’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society 1617. Pp. 115- 127.

––– , 2001a, [Review of Dieter H. Steinbauer, Neues Handbuch des Etruskischen, Mercaturae, St. Katharinen 1999]. Journal of Indo-European Studies 29. Pp. 499-508.

––– , 1989, ‘Thracians, Luwians and Greeks in Bronze Age Central Greece’. In: Thracians and Mycenaeans, Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Thracology, Rotterdam, 24-26 September 1984, eds. Jan Best & Nanny de Vries. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 11. Pp. 191- 204. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

––– , 2001b, ‘Defining Atlantis in Space and Time’. UgaritForschungen 33. Pp. 605-620. ––– , 2002a, ‘A Minoan Royal Seal Issued at Malia’. Kadmos 41. Pp. 123- 128. ––– , 2002b, ‘The “Trowel”-Sign (Evans no. 18): Another instance of Egyptian influence on Cretan hieroglyphic’. Kadmos 41. Pp. 129-130.

––– , 1990, ‘The Sardis Bilingue Reconsidered’. Orpheus, Journal of Indo-European, Palaeo-Balkan and Thracian Studies 0. Pp. 90-106.

––– , 2004a, Luwian Hieroglyphic Monumental Rock and Stone Inscriptions from the Hittite Empire Period. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft.

––– , 1990-1, ‘The Dawn of Indo-European Literacy’. Talanta, Proceedings of the Dutch Archaeological and Historical So-

161

––– , 2004b, Woudhuizen, Fred C., Selected Luwian Hieroglyphic Texts, Innsbruck: Innbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft.

Wyatt, William F., 1970, ‘The Indo-Europeanization of Greece’. In: Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans, Papers Presented at the Third Indo-European Conference at the University of Pennsylvania, eds. George Cardona, Henry M. Hoenigswald & Alfred Senn. Pp. 89-111. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

––– , 2005, Woudhuizen, Fred C., Selected Luwian Hieroglyphic Texts 2, Innsbruck: Innbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft. ––– , forthc. 1, ‘Middle Bronze Age Luwian Hieroglyphic and its Ramifications to Crete’, Acts of the Vth International Congress of Hittitology, Çorum, September 2-8, 2002, ed. Aygül Süel.

Yon, Marguerite, 1992, ‘The End of the Kingdom of Ugarit’. In: The Crisis Years: The 12th Century B.C. From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris, eds. William A. Ward & Martha Sharp Joukowsky. Pp. 111-122. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.

––– , forthc. 2, ‘Untying the Cretan Hieroglyphic Knot’. Ancient West & East 5.

Zgusta, Ladislav, 1984, Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag.

Wijngaarden, Gert Jan Maria van, 1999, Use and Appreciation of Mycenaean Pottery outside Greece, Contexts of LHI-LHIIIB finds in the Levant, Cyprus and Italy. Amsterdam (dissertation).

162

NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING: DE ETNICITEIT VAN DE ZEEVOLKEN De episode van de Zeevolken aan het eind van de

Het bepalen van een etnische identiteit aan de hand

Bronstijd leidt tot de val, dan wel de verzwakking, van de

van deze vier indicia kan in de moderne tijd vrij gemakke-

grote rijken in het Nabije Oosten zoals dat van de

lijk plaatsvinden, omdat er voldoende informatie is en wij

Hettieten en de Egyptenaren. Tevens betekent het een

in de meeste gevallen de mensen die het betreft ook zelf

keerpunt in de historie, als gevolg waarvan het econo-

nog kunnen vragen wat ze er van vinden. Als we een te-

mische en politieke centrum uiteindelijk wordt verlegd

ruggaan in de tijd, echter, valt deze laatste mogelijkheid al

van het Nabije Oosten naar de centraal Mediterrane regio.

snel weg. In het geval van de Zeevolken, wier activiteiten

De centrale vraag in het onderhavige onderzoek is in

voornamelijk aan het eind van de Bronstijd gesitueerd zijn

hoeverre de Zeevolken uit coherente etnische groepen

(ca. 1200 voor Christus), wordt het bepalen van etnische

bestaan. Alvorens deze vraag te kunnen beantwoorden,

identiteiten nog verder bemoeilijkt omdat we ons niet

dienen we ons af te vragen: wat is etniciteit en wie waren

meer in de historische periode bevinden, maar in de pro-

de Zeevolken?

tohistorie. Dit betekent dat er geen contemporaine ges-

Voor het begrip etniciteit bestaan mooie moderne de-

chiedwerken zijn overgeleverd, zoals dat van de vader

finities, maar de belangrijkste kenmerken worden in al

van de geschiedenis, Herodotos, over de Perzische oorlo-

hun eenvoud opgesomd in een passage uit Herodotos’

gen of Thucidydes over de Peloponnesische oorlog, maar

Historiën. Daarin laat Herodotos de Atheners aan de voo-

dat wij ons moeten behelpen met literaire overleveringen

ravond van de Perzische inval in Griekenland van 480

uit de historische periode die lijken terug te verwijzen

voor Christus de Spartaanse gezanten, die bezorgd zijn

naar de Bronstijd. Voorzover er in deze periode al cultu-

voor een Atheens vergelijk met de Perzen, als volgt ant-

ren bestaan die een vorm van schrift kennen, zoals Egypte

woorden:

met zijn hierogliefen en het Nabije Oosten met zijn cuneiform, kunnen we deze informatie aanvullen met die van de contemporaine inscripties, die echter vaak van propa-

“Dat de Lakedaimoniërs bang zijn, dat wij met de

gandistische aard zijn. Tenslotte, beschikken we voor de

barbaren een overeenkomst sluiten, is volkomen be-

protohistorische periode nog over de archeologische res-

grijpelijk. Maar gij blijkt de gezindheid der Atheners

ten die door opgravingen aan het licht zijn gekomen en als

wel bijzonder slecht te kennen, dat gij u daarover

het ware een gestold surrogaat voor ons historische begrip

zorgen maakt, want nergens ter wereld bestaat er

cultuur leveren, namelijk de materiële cultuur.

zoveel goud en er bestaat geen land, hoezeer het in

Om kort te gaan: voor de periode van de Late Brons-

schoonheid en voortreffelijkheid ook alle andere

tijd zullen we ons onderzoek naar etniciteit moeten ver-

mag overtreffen, dat wij het zouden willen aanne-

richten met behulp van een aangepaste protohistorische

men als prijs voor Perzische gezindheid en onder-

methode, waarin informatie over gezamenlijke herkomst

werping van Griekenland. Er zijn immers vele

en verwantschap in taal, religie en zeden van de Zeevol-

belangrijke redenen, die ons, zelfs al wilden we het,

ken voor zover mogelijk wordt ontleend aan latere mythes

daarvan zouden weerhouden: (…) de bloed- en taal-

en sagen, epigrafische bronnen en de resten van materiële

verwantschap van het Griekse volk, de gemeens-

culturen. Bij deze methode wordt aangenomen dat een

chappelijke heiligdommen der goden en

ethnische groep kan worden geïdentificeerd daar waar

offerplechtigheden en onze gelijksoortige zeden

bijvoorbeeld een bepaalde taalgroep en een bepaalde ma-

(…).” (Herodotos, Historiën VIII, 144, vertaling

teriële cultuur met elkaar overlappen (zie figuur 1b). Of

Onno Damsté)

dit juist is, kan nooit op waterdichte wijze worden bewezen: wij kunnen de betreffende mensen niet meer vragen of zij zich inderdaad allemaal als leden van een etnische

De vier kenmerken van etniciteit die hier worden

identiteit beschouwen. In principe is het mogelijk dat er

opgesomd zijn: verwantschap in bloed of gezamenlijke

mensen zijn die tot dezelfde taalgroep behoren en de-

herkomst, verwantschap in taal, religie en zeden.

zelfde materiële cultuur hebben, maar zich toch tot een 163

dus in totaal negen Zeevolken onderscheiden worden.

hele andere etnische groep rekenen. Evenzeer is het mo-

Alvorens we ons met de vraag kunnen bezighouden

gelijk dat mensen met verschillende talen en materiële

of de Zeevolken hetzij uit coherente etnische groepen bes-

culturen zich toch tot dezelfde etnische groep rekenen. Dit in ogenschouw nemend, dienen wij dan ook afs-

tonden hetzij uit bijeengeraapte piraten bendes, dienen we

tand te nemen van Gustav Kosinna’s opvatting, die later

te bepalen waar zij vandaan kwamen. Vanaf het begin van

door de Nazi’s is misbruikt voor hun “Blut und Boden”

de literatuur over de Zeevolken, die aanvangt met de ont-

theorie, dat iedere vastomlijnde archeologische cultuur

cijfering van het Egyptisch hiëroglifisch door François

precies samenvalt met het woongebied van een specifieke

Champollion, is hier verschillend over gedacht. De eerste

etnische bevolkingsgroep. Zoals we hebben gezien, is de

onderzoekers, zoals Emmanuel de Rougé en François

werkelijkheid veel complexer. Maar om daartegenover te

Chabas, dachten aan een coalitie van krachten uit zowel

stellen dat het onderscheid van archeologische culturen in

de centrale als oostelijke Mediterrane regio op basis van

geen enkele relatie staat met dat van etnische groeperin-

hun associatie van aan de ene kant de Shekelesh, Sherden

gen die in de betreffende regio gewoond hebben is eve-

en Teresh met Sicilië, Sardinië en Etrurië, en aan de an-

neens onhoudbaar: op deze manier gooien we het kind

dere kant de Ekwesh en Lukka met de Akhaïsche Grieken

weg met het badwater. Per geval zal met een open oog

en de Lyciërs. Daartegenover stelde Gaston Maspero, aan

moeten worden bekeken in hoeverre onze protohistorische

wie we de term “Zeevolken” te danken hebben – een zeer

methode werkt.

terechte benaming als we bedenken dat deze tegenstan-

De periode van de woelingen van de Zeevolken kent

ders volgens de teksten als Vikingen met schepen overzee

twee duidelijk onderscheiden fasen. De eerste fase bestaat

van hun eilanden in de Mediterrane regio naar Egypte

uit een aanval van de Libische koning Meryey op de wes-

kwamen om aanvallen uit te voeren – , dat alle Zeevolken

telijke Nijl delta in het vijfde jaar van de Egyptische farao

uit het oostelijke Mediterrane gebied afkomstig waren.

Merneptah, dat wil zeggen in 1208 voor Christus, waarin

Uitgangspunt voor dit idee was dat de Tyrsenoi of Etrus-

de Libische koning zich gesteund weet door huurlingen

ken volgens Herodotos uit westelijk Anatolië (= het hui-

van de Zeevolken. Onder deze Zeevolken bevinden zich

dige Turkije) afkomstig waren. In overeenstemming

volgens Merneptah’s verslag van de gebeurtenis te Kar-

hiermee, associeerde Maspero de Sherden met de latere

nak in Egyptische hoofdstad Thebe de Sherden, Sheke-

Lydische hoofdstad Sardis, de Shekelesh met Sagalassos

lesh, Ekwesh, Lukka en Teresh. Uit de begeleidende tekst

in Pisidië en de Weshesh met Wassos in Karië. Na hun

blijkt dat het doel van de Libische koning Meryey was om

mislukte aanval op Egypte, zouden deze Anatolische

zich met zijn gevolg in Egypte te vestigen, maar helaas

Zeevolken naar hun uiteindelijke verblijfplaatsen in Sar-

voor hem werd de aanval door Merneptah afgeslagen. De

dinië, Sicilië en Etrurië geëmigreerd zijn.

tweede fase wordt gekenmerkt door een aanval op de Nijl

Als we alle beschikbare gegevens met betrekking tot

delta over zee en over land door de Zeevolken in het

de oorsprong van de verschillende groepen van de Zee-

vijfde en achste jaar van de Egyptische farao Ramesses

volken op een rijtje zetten, dan blijkt dat Maspero’s pan-

III, dat wil zeggen in 1179 en 1176 voor Christus. Uit de

oost-Mediterrane these niet houdbaar is. Het is zeker een

afbeeldingen van deze gecombineerde zee- en landslag

feit dat een aantal van de Zeevolken uit westelijk Anatolië

van Ramesses III te Medinet Habu in de Egyptische

afkomstig is. Dit geldt voor de Lukka, die niet anders als

hoofdstad Thebe (zie figuren 5 en 6) en de begeleidende

als Lyciërs geïdentificeerd kunnen worden, en voor de

tekst kunnen we afleiden dat de Zeevolken in kwestie, in

Tjeker, waarin we de Trojaanse Teukriden kunnen her-

navolging van de Libische koning Meryey, nu van plan

kennen. Voorts is het zeer aannemelijk dat Ekwesh en

waren zich te vestigen in het rijke Egypte. Ook in dit ge-

Denye(n) concurrerende benamingen voor de Myceense

val, echter, wordt de aanval afgeslagen door Ramesses III,

Grieken zijn, corresponderend met de Homerische varia-

en vestigen de Zeevolken zich in de regio van waaruit zij

tie tussen Akhaioi en Danaoi als aanduiding voor deze

hun gecombineerde land- en zeeslag hadden georgani-

zelfde bevolkingsgroep (vergelijk in dit verband Germa-

seerd, de Levant. De in deze fase betrokken Zeevolken

nia, Allemagne en Deutschland voor onze oosterburen).

waren de Peleset, Tjeker, Shekelesh, Denye(n) en Wes-

Ten derde valt er veel voor te zeggen dat de Peleset of Fi-

hesh. Gegeven het feit dat de Shekelesh bij beide fasen

listijnen, die uit Lydië dan wel Kreta afkomstig zouden

van de woelingen van de Zeevolken betrokken waren,

zijn, in de Griekse literaire overleveringen als Pelasgen

kunnen we concluderen dat er in de Egyptische bronnen

aangeduid worden, een voor-Griekse bevolkingsgroep die

164

tijdens de verovering van het Griekse vasteland door de

slechts diffuse piraten bendes of coherente ethnische

aartsvaders van de Grieken is uitgeweken naar de Egeïs-

groepen. Een eerste aanwijzing voor het antwoord dat wij

che eilanden en westelijk Anatolië en ook voor Kreta

wel degelijk met coherente ethnische groepen te maken

geattesteerd is. Omdat het ethnonym Pelasgen in de

hebben is gelegen in het feit dat zij door de Egyptenaren

vroegste Griekse literaire bronnen een concurrerende be-

met onderscheiden ethnonymen worden aangeduid.

naming voor de Tyrsenoi is, waarmee de Teresh in het al-

Voorts worden zij in de afbeeldingen met fenotypische en

gemeen geassocieerd worden, staat het buiten kijf dat

culturele kenmerken afgebeeld. Zo dragen de Sherden een

Maspero de herkomst van laatstgenoemd Zeevolk terecht

helm met horens, de Shekelesh een naar achteren gebogen

in het Egeïsche gebied traceert en aanneemt dat deze la-

muts en de Peleset een vederen hoofddeksel. Maar het be-

ter, na de Bronstijd, naar Italië zijn verhuist. Maar dit al-

langrijkste argument is dat de verschillende groepen van

les laat onverlet dat er graviterende redenen zijn om met

de Zeevolken zich, na de afgeslagen aanval op de Nijl

Maspero’s tegenstanders van het eerste uur aan te nemen

delta, afzonderlijk vestigen in bepaalde regio’s van de Le-

dat de Sherden, Shekelesh en Weshesh uit de centraal Me-

vant, te weten van zuid naar noord: de Peleset of Filistij-

diterrane regio afkomstig zijn en gewoon refereren aan

nen in hun zogenaamde pentapolis in Palestina (Gaza,

Sardiniërs, Siciliërs en Osken of Ausones. In deze zin is

Askelon, Asdod, Ekron en Gath), de Tjeker of Teukriden

mijn oplossing voor het vraagstuk van de herkomst der

in Dor, de Sherden of Sardiniërs in Akko, de Denye(n) of

Zeevolken een compromis tussen de these van de Rougé

Danaoi in Joppa en later in Laïsh, de dragers van de Eu-

en Chabas en de antithese van Maspero: de laatste had ge-

ropese urnenvelden-cultuur, waaronder mogelijk de Wes-

lijk in zijn idee over de oorsprong der Etrusken, die in de

hes of Osken in Hamath, en de Ekwesh of Akhaioi in de

Egeïs en Anatolië gesitueerd moet worden, maar gaat te

Cilicische vlakte (cf. figuur 17). Kennelijk wilden de on-

ver wanneer hij vervolgens de centrale Mediterrane regio

derscheiden groepen zich, ondanks hun gezamelijke op-

uitsluit als herkomstoord van sommige der Zeevolken en

treden tijdens de woelingen van de Zeevolken, niet

deze ook uit Anatolië laat komen.

mengen maar zich alleen temidden van hun eigen stamgenoten vestigen!

Als ik gelijk heb in deze oplossing van het vraagstuk naar de herkomst van de verschillende groepen der Zee-

De woelingen van de Zeevolken aan het eind van de

volken, dan zijn wij ook dichter bij het antwoord naar de

Bronstijd brengen niet alleen maar verwoestingen met

oorzaak van de woelingen van de Zeevolken periode. Het

zich mee, maar ook vernieuwingen. Zo introduceren de

feit wil, namelijk, dat het Italische schiereiland aan het

Sherden een nieuwe strijdwijze voor de infanterie, met

eind van de Bronstijd wordt gekenmerkt door een massale

ronde schilden en lange zwaarden, die, bij voldoende aan-

immigratie van dragers van de Europese urnenvelden-

tallen, opgewassen is tegen de strijdwagens van de oude

cultuur, waartoe de Osken of Ausones behoren. Deze

Bronstijd rijken – de aanzet tot de latere Griekse falanx.

nieuwkomers verdrijven deels de zittende bevolking, die

Voorts zijn de Peleset of Filistijnen, volgens de overleve-

op drift raakt, en gaan deels met deze op drift geraakte

ring van de Bijbel, gespecialiseerd in de bewerking van

bevolkingsgroepen op zoek naar betere oorden, die in het

ijzer – het metaal van het nieuwe tijdperk, de IJzertijd.

veel rijkere oostelijke Mediterrane gebied gezocht wor-

Tenslotte lijkt het waarschijnlijk dat de kennis van de

den, waar de oorsponkelijke bewoners van Italië, Sardinië

Zeevolken uit de centrale Mediterrane regio met betrek-

en Sicilië onder andere door handel mee in contact ston-

king tot de wateren in dit gebied de Feniciërs in de vroege

den. Op hun drift naar het oosten wordt het paleis van Py-

IJzertijd heeft gefaciliteerd bij hun fascinerende explora-

los in de westelijke Peloponnesos in de as gelegd en de

tie en kolonisatie van het west Mediterrane bekken.

lokale Myceense bevolking ten dele in de trek naar het oosten meegezogen. Vervolgens wordt de maritieme verdedigingslijn van het Hettitische rijk, die westelijk van de kust van Lycië gelegen was, doorbroken en is de vrije doortocht naar de Levant en uiteindelijk Egypte gegarandeerd (zie figuur 24). In het kielzog van dit gebeuren, worden wederom lokale bevolkingsgroepen in de trek naar het oosten meegezogen. Nu komen wij tot de hamvraag: waren de Zeevolken

165

CURRICULUM VITAE VAN FREDERIK CHRISTIAAN WOUDHUIZEN Geboorteplaats

Zutphen (provincie Gelderland)

Geboortedag

13 februari 1959

Nationaliteit

Nederlandse

Adres

Het Hoekstuk 69, NL-1852 KX Heiloo

1977

Gymnasium B

1982

Kandidaatsexamen geschiedenis

1985

Doctoraalexamen oude geschiedenis (cum laude)

1990-1

Stipendium van het Institute for Thracology, in Sofia, Bulgarije

1991-2000

werkzaam in het bedrijfsleven

2000-

werkzaam als onafhankelijk onderzoeker op het gebied van de Mediterrane pre- en protohistorie

2002-2003

Promotiebeurs Erasmus Universiteit, Rotterdam

gepubliceerde boeken: 1988

coauteur van Ancient Scripts from Crete and Cyprus, Leiden: Brill

1989

coauteur van Lost Languages of the Mediterranean, Leiden: Brill

1992

Linguistica Tyrrhenica, A Compendium of Recent Results in Etruscan Linguistics, Amsterdam: Gieben

1992

The Language of the Sea Peoples, Amsterdam: Najade Press.

1998

Linguistica Tyrrhenica II: The Etruscan Liturgical Calendar from Capua, Addenda et Corrigenda ad Volume I, Amsterdam: Gieben.

2004

coauteur van The Phaistos Disc: A Luwian Letter to Nestor. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 13. Amsterdam: Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society.

2004

Luwian Hieroglyphic Monumental Rock and Stone Inscriptions from the Hittite Empire Period, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft Selected Luwian Hieroglyphic Texts, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft.

2004-2005

Selected Luwian Heroglyphic Texts I-II, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft Selected Luwian Hieroglyphic Texts, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft.

gepubliceerde artikelen: de bibliografie bij het onderhavige proefschrift geeft een ruime selectie

167

Lat. hister, -tri, histrio, -onis ‘attore’: un prestito dal greco mediato dall’etrusco di Mario Alinei in Studi linguistici in onore di Roberto Gusmani, a cura di R. Bombi, G. Cifoletti, F. Fusco, L. Innocente, V. Orioles, Alessandria, Edizioni dell’Orso, 2006, pp. 13-18.

La tesi dell’origine etrusca di lat. hister histrio, sostenuta da WALDE-HOFFMANN (LEW s.v.), risale agli scrittori classici: Tito Livio aveva affermato (7,2,6) “hister Tusco verbo ludio vocabatur”, Valerio Massimo (2,4, 4) “ludius apud eos [= Tusci] hister appellatur”, e in Plutarco (qu. Rom. p. 289) si trovano analoghi accenni. ERNOUT e MEILLET (DELL s.v.) notano l’analogia morfologica di histrio con ludio, ma sulle origini della parola non prendono posizione, limitandosi a citare, accanto alla tesi etrusca di Tito Livio, quella di Pomponio Festo (89, 25), che faceva derivare la parola e la cosa dall’Istria (“ex Histria venerint”). Ora, se è sempre legittimo dubitare del valore di un’etimologia proposta da un autore latino, è invece difficile dubitare della sostanziale identità semantica di histrio con ludio, affermata così chiaramente sia da Tito Livio che da Valerio Massimo. E di questa identità, a mio avviso, non si è finora tenuto sufficiente conto. Lo sviluppo da ludo e ludus del significato di ludio, in effetti, mi pare abbia rilevanti implicazioni per l’etimologia del suo sinonimo histrio. Se infatti il tipo ludio, e la sua variante più comune ludius, hanno esattamente lo stesso significato di histrio, cioè ‘attore, commediante, pantomimo’, essi ne differiscono, fra l’altro (v. oltre), per l’origine trasparente, che è il verbo ludo ‘giocare, scherzare, rappresentare una parte’ ecc., da cui anche ludus ‘gioco’ (di azione, con finalità anche imitativa, opposto a iocus ‘gioco verbale’ (cfr. DELL), ma anche ‘gioco pubblico’ (scenico, circense, gladiatorio, funebre ecc.), e ‘scuola (per principanti)’ ecc. Sul complesso semantico di ludo e derivati ci sarebbe molto da dire, ed è peccato che Benveniste, nelle sue Institutions (BENVENISTE 1976), non l’abbia trattato. Il passaggio semantico da ‘giocare’ a ‘rappresentare, mimare una parte, recitare’ mi sembra comunque oltremodo significativo, ed è anche tipico, per esempio, sia del francese che delle lingue germaniche: fr. Jouer, ingl. play, ted. spielen, ned. spelen, sved. spela, dan. spillen ecc., tutti ‘giocare’, ’suonare’ e ‘recitare’. Inoltre, va ricordato che alle origini del concetto del ‘gioco’ vi è molto spesso la nozione della ‘danza’ (cfr. BUCK 1949, 16.26), ciò che permette di spiegare anche lo sviluppo di ludio fino a ‘pantomimo’. E infine va sottolineato che alla figura del ludio ludius ‘attore, commediante, pantomimo di professione, narratore’, fanno da sfondo sia il ludus pubblico, nelle sue diverse categorie, soprattutto sceniche, sia il ludus come ‘scuola’ (cfr. magister ludi o ludi magister ‘maestro di scuola’, ludum habere, ludum exercere, ludum aperire ‘tenere’ e ‘aprire una scuola’). Sicché l’attore, in ultima analisi, va visto come ‘colui che, avendola studiata, conosce la propria parte ed è in grado di ripeterla’. Il graduale slittamento di ludius, attraverso la fase dell’’attore vagabondo’ (v. oltre), fino al significato dell’’imbonitore’, rappresenterà, naturalmente, uno sviluppo secondario. Il nucleo comune alle due nozioni dell’ histrio e del ludio, insomma, rappresenta il punto di incontro fra diversi campi semantico-concettuali: (i) il ‘gioco’, in generale, inteso come ripetizione di un rito sui generis sulla base di un complesso di regole; (ii) tutte le diverse forme concrete del ‘gioco’, cioè principalmente la ‘recitazione’, il ‘mimo’, la ‘danza’, la ‘musica’ e ogni forma di ‘competizione’ o ‘gara’, sia intellettuale che fisica; (iii) la ‘scuola’, intesa come luogo in cui si imparano tutte le regole. Inutile dire che su questo complesso di significati sarebbe utile istituire un più ampio discorso a livello antropologico e storico-culturale, dato che esso non può essere giustamente apprezzato senza tenere ben presenti la natura e la funzione del gioco, della danza, del mimo, della recitazione e della narrazione nelle società antiche e in quelle tradizionali.

1

In assenza di studi sintetici su questo aspetto particolare del gioco, e per non perderci nel mare delle ricerche dedicate a singole aree, ci basterà tuttavia ricordare i migliori studi sul ‘gioco’ in senso assoluto, che hanno tenuto conto anche del ‘gioco’ in senso antropologico: come il classico Homo ludens di JOHAN HUIZINGA (1939), che mirando a “integrare il concetto di gioco in quello di cultura”, concludeva che “cultura vera non può esistere senza una certa qualità ludica”, e che “la cultura vuole … essere giocata dopo comune accordo, secondo date regole” (e, fra le argomentazioni, adduceva anche un capitolo dedicato a una vera e propria ricerca onomasiologica sulla nozione del ‘gioco’ nelle diverse lingue). O il più recente libro The ambiguity of play (1997) di BRIAN SUTTON-SMITH, con vasta bibliografia: in cui il tema dell’ambiguità del gioco emerge, fra l’altro, dall’alternarsi di volta in volta, nel ruolo dei giocatori, di bambini, insegnanti, atleti, attori, comici, prestigiatori, giocolieri, gente comune e giocatori di azzardo. A queste considerazioni di ordine generale, che ci illuminano sulla complessità della nozione del ‘gioco’ e sulla vastità dello spazio semantico comune ai due termini di ludio e histrio, ne vanno poi aggiunte altre, più specifiche, che riguardano questa volta le differenze fra i due termini, anziché la loro somiglianza. Anzitutto, va tenuto presente che a differenza dei ludii o ludiones gli histriones non erano cittadini romani, ma potevano essere schiavi, liberti o stranieri. Soprattutto quest’ultima categoria mi sembra particolarmente significativa: Plutarco, per esempio, in Marcus Brutus (21) ci racconta come Bruto, dopo l’uccisione di Cesare, cercò di riguadagnare la popolarità persa organizzando spettacoli fastosi, e per trovare gli attori più bravi, che erano quelli greci, andò fino a Napoli, e cercò anche di far venire il greco Canuzio. In secondo luogo, accanto all’area semantica comune ai due termini – che, come abbiamo visto, è quella di ‘attore/ballerino/mimo’ - i due termini differiscono per due significati, esclusivi di ciascuno dei due: ludio mostra quello del ‘dicitore, saltimbanco, giocoliere, prestigiatore ecc.’, che ballava e recitava sulle pubbliche strade o nel circo (cfr. e.g. RICH 1869). Ciò che rappresenta una semplice specializzazione del significato di base e, non aggiungendo nulla di rilevante, non richiede illustrazioni particolari. Histrio, invece, si caratterizza soprattutto come ‘attore drammatico’, sia della tragedia (Plinio, HN 35, 46) che della commedia (Plinio HN 7, 54). Ora, se ci soffermiamo su queste due caratteristiche dell’histrio, che lo contrappongono nettamente a ludiu/ ludio, cosa notiamo? Che tutte e due sembrano orientare verso la Grecia: (A) il suo compito più rinomato era quello di attore specializzato nella ‘commedia’ e nella ‘tragedia’, cioè in rappresentazioni teatrali di chiara origine greca; (B) i migliori histriones, che non erano comunque mai cittadini romani, erano quelli greci. Partendo da questa osservazione, non si può fare a meno di chiedersi se anche l’origine dei termini latini hister e histrio non sia per caso greca, piuttosto che etrusca: ipotesi, quest’ultima, che come vedremo è proprio smentita dalla documentazione etrusca. E la risposta sembra positiva, perché un etimo greco, alla luce delle osservazioni finora svolte, si lascia individuare facilmente: l’aggettivo gr. P[στωρ ‘che sa, colto, abile, esperto, bravo’ (il sostantivo, come è noto, si specializza in ‘colui che conosce la legge e il diritto, arbitro, giudice, testimonio’), da cui #ιςτορέω ‘ricercare, indagare, osservare, esaminare, domandare, chiedere, interrogare; venire a sapere, scoprire, conoscere, sapere, riferire quanto si è appreso, raccontare’; @ιστορία ‘ricerca, indagine, osservazione; cosa venuta a sapere, notizia, conoscenza, scienza, documentazione; rappresentazione, relazione, racconto; @ιστορήμα ‘narrazione, racconto’; @ιστορικός ‘esatto, preciso, scientifico; storico; versato nella storia’. Inoltre, poiché la radice di questa famiglia lessicale, come è noto (cfr. DELG s.v.), è quella del gr. ο&ιδα, da PIE *wid- ‘sapere’ (cfr. sanscr. véda, got. wait, lat. video ecc. ), ed esprime quindi il ‘sapere’ basato sull’ ‘aver visto’, sulla ‘testimonianza’, P[στωρ si lascia definire, in ultima analisi, come ‘colui che sa’ (in quanto ‘ha visto’), e per questo si concretizza, come aggettivo, in ‘abile, esperto, sapiente, bravo’ ecc., e come sostantivo, in ‘arbitro’ ‘testimone’ ‘garante’ (cfr. anche DELG e BENVENISTE 1976, p. 414). 2

Di questi termini greci, infine, occorre sottolineare che in latino classico si sono affermati proprio historia e historicus; e che il primo, oltre al tipico arretramento dell’accento, mostra quel restringimento di significato in senso ‘narrativo’, cioè di ‘notizia, racconto, narrazione, favola, mito’, poi passato a tutte le lingue occidentali; mentre il significato del secondo è ormai è quello moderno di ‘storico’. Mi soffermerei, quindi, sulla congruenza fra il significato di ‘colui che recita’ di lat. hister histr(i)o - che implica, sul piano antropologico culturale, il ruolo di chi conosce testi e tradizioni orali ed è deputato a farlo per la comunità o per un pubblico - e quello, squisitamente narrativo, del lat. historia. Se la semantica dell’etimologia proposta non mi pare faccia difficoltà, ed anzi sia produttiva sul piano esplicativo, una conferma formale della nuova etimologia sembra provenire, inaspettamente, dall’area germanica: dove la forma del ted. antiquato Storger ‘vagabondo, venditore ambulante’ (cfr. ted. storgen ‘vagabondare’), che viene considerato appunto un prestito da lat. histrio (cfr. KLUGE-MITZKA 1960, s.v.), implica l’esistenza di una variante *historio (cfr. anche DELL e LEW s.v. histrio), che si avvicina, formalmente, sia al lat. historia, che al nostro etimo gr. P[στωρ, con l’aggiuna del suffisso –io. Si potrebbe quindi concludere che il latino conosceva, accanto a historia e historicus, anche una formazione *historio, -onis, il cui significato originario doveva essere ‘narratore’, e che sarà stata la base per lo sviluppo delle varianti hister histro e histrio. Come spiegare, a questo punto, l’apparizione dell’etrusco nelle ipotesi degli scrittori latini sulle origini della parola? Anche a questo quesito la risposta sembra facile: se infatti assumiamo il greco P[στωρ come l’origine ultima del termine latino hister histro, avremmo comunque bisogno di ipotizzare una mediazione etrusca per spiegare il prestito, dato che sia hister che histro, rispetto al gr. P[στωρ, mostrano tratti avvicinabili a quelli studiati da de Simone nella sua ricerca fondamentale sui prestiti greci in etrusco (DE SIMONE 1968-1970): per la metatesi di histro rispetto a P[στωρ, cfr. per es. gr. Κάστωρ > etr. Kasutru >, gr. Πολύκτωρ > etr. Puluctre; e per il vocalismo finale di hister, cfr. gr. ’Αλέξανδρος > etr. Alcsentre, Elsntre, Elcsntre ecc.; ed etr. Amuke, Carpe, Vikare, Kukne, Licantre, Pilunice, Puce, Sature, Sime, Taitle, Truile ecc., tutti da nomi greci in –ος (idem II §§ 70, 73, 118, 119). Ed anche per histr-io, a parte la possibilità di un suo accostamento a lat. lud-io (già ipotizzato da DELL s.v.), si potrebbe pensare, forse più semplicemente, a uno spostamento dell’accento di *historio sulla vocale iniziale, che è ben nota norma dell’etrusco. In altre parole, historia historicus e *historio sarebbero normali grecismi latini. Mentre hister histro histrio sarebbero grecismi latini mutuati dall’etrusco. Hister histro histrio andrebbero quindi aggiunti al già consistente elenco di grecismi introdotti in latino tramite l’etrusco, studiati da DEVOTO già nel 1928, e da DE SIMONE nel 1968-70: come per esempio groma, nome dello strumento degli antichi gromatici o agrimensori, l'alidada, che, come è noto fin dagli inizi dell’etruscologia (cfr. THULIN 1904-9, III, p. 26, DEVOTO 1928, p. 331 ss., LAMBRECHTS 1970, p. 90, DE SIMONE cit. §231), deriva dal gr. γνώμων, e il cui gruppo grè dovuto a una tipica tendenza dell'etrusco a trasformare la -n- postconsonantica in –r (cfr. gr. Μέμνων > etr. Memro, gr.’Αγαμέμνων > etr. Agamemro (DE SIMONE cit. §231)); norma ‘squadra’, che deriva dallo stesso etimo greco γνώμων di groma, ma dall’accusativo γνώμωνα (DELL s.v.), con caduta della g- iniziale e della –o- atona (*nomna), e successiva metatesi di –mn- > –mr- in – rm- (diversamente in AEI e DE SIMONE cit. §225); amurca ‘morchia dell’olio’, da gr. αμόργη; sporta ‘sporta, cesta’, da gr. σπυρίδα (accus.), che mostrano tutti e due l’assordamento della sonora greca, obbligatorio in etrusco (AEI s.vv., DE SIMONE cit. §226-7); ancora ‘àncora’, da gr. #aγκυ–ρα, che mostra l’abbreviamento della vocale interna lunga, tipica dell’etrusco (AEI s.v., DE SIMONE cit. §226); e forma, dal gr. μορφή, che mostra una tendenza alla metatesi di –r-, molto frequente in etrusco (diversamente DE SIMONE cit. §225). 3

Forse più importante, ai fini della determinazione dell’origine della parola, è poi la stessa evidenza etrusca. In etrusco, infatti, il termine histro appare nell’iscrizione bilingue su tegola Aθ trepi θanasa AR TREBI HISTRO (TLE 541, ET Cl 1.2552). Ma vi appare come termine latino, non etrusco! Nella parte etrusca (che è la prima dell’iscrizione), infatti, l’antroponimo Aθ Trepi viene seguito da θanasa, che ovviamente dev’essere il termine etrusco per ‘histro’; mentre in quella latina (la seconda), l’antroponimo AR TREBI è seguito da HISTRO. E’ quindi del tutto arbitrario pensare (come sembra fare, senza alcun argomento, LEW s.v.) che il termine etrusco sia histr(i)o. A questa argomentazione, che mi sembra del tutto sufficiente per avvalorare l’origine greca, e smentire quella etrusca di lat. histrio, si può aggiungere ancora – sia pure con tutte le riserve del caso, trattandosi di una tesi nuova - quanto si ricava dalla mia recente ricerca sulle origini ugriche dell’etrusco (ALINEI 2003). Nel quadro di questa tesi, infatti, il termine etrusco θanasa si lascerebbe ricondurre a ungh. tan- 'insegnare, imparare’, da cui tanit 'insegnare', tanár ‘professore, insegnante, docente’, tanul 'imparare', tanács 'consiglio’ (anche nel senso di ‘insieme di consiglieri’), tanú 'testimone' ecc., tutti da turc. orientale tanu ‘conoscere’, mturc. tanu ‘comunicare, ammonire, esortare’ (EWU, EWT); interpretazione che pare convalidata da un’analoga traduzione della stessa radice in altre iscrizioni etrusche (ALINEI cit.) Alla luce di questa corrispondenza, il greco-latino hister histr(i)o ‘colui che sa’, si lascerebbe interpretare come un semplice calco iconimico (motivazionale) dall’etrusco θanasa ‘colui che conosce, che sa, testimone, insegnante’.

4

BIBLIOGRAFIA AEI = G. DEVOTO, Avviamento alla etimologia italiana, Dizionario Etimologico, Le Monnier, Firenze, 1967. ALINEI 2003 = M. ALINEI, Etrusco: una forma arcaica di ungherese, Il Mulino, Bologna 2003. BENVENISTE 1976 = E. BENVENISTE , Il Vocabolario delle Istituzioni Indoeuropee, Einaudi Editore, Torino 1976, III BUCK 1949 = C.D. BUCK, A dictionary of selected synonyms in the principal Indo-European languages, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago Illinois 1949. DELG = P. CHANTRAINE, PIERRE, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque histoire des mots, Editions Klincksieck, Paris 1968, II. DELL = A. ERNOUT, A. MEILLET, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine. Histoire des mots, Librairie C. Klincksieck, Paris 1959-1960, II. DE SIMONE 1968-1970 = C. DE SIMONE, Die Griechischen Entlehnungen im Etruskischen, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1968-1970, II. DEVOTO 1928 = G. DEVOTO, L'etrusco come intermediario di parole greche in latino, in SE 2 (1928), pp. 307-341. ET = Etruskische Texte, Editio Minor, a cura di H. RIX (ScriptOralia 23, Reihe A, Bd 6), Gunter Narr Verlag, Tübingen 1991, II. EWT = M. RÄSÄNEN, Versuch eines Etymologisches Wörterbuch der Türksprachen, Helsinki 1969, II. EWU = Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Ungarischen, herausgeber L. BENKŐ, Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1993-1997, III. HUIZINGA 1946 = J. HUIZINGA, Homo ludens, Einaudi, Torino (trad. dell’ed. olandese del 1939). KLUGE-MITZKA 1960 = F. KLUGE, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen sprache, 18. Auflage bearbeitet von Walther Mitzka, Walter de Gruyterr & Co, Berlin 1960. LAMBRECHTS 1970 = R. LAMBRECHTS, Les inscriptions avec le mot «tular» et le bornage étrusques, Olschki, Firenze 1970. LEW = A. WALDE, J.B. HOFMANN, Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Carl Winter's Universitätsbuchhandlung, Heidelberg 1938, III. RICH 1869 = A. RICH, Dizionario delle antichità greche e romane, Milano. SUTTON-SMITH 1997 = B. SUTTON-SMITH, The ambiguity of play, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., London 1997. THULIN 1905-1909 = C. O. THULIN, Die etruskische Disciplin, “Göteborgs Högskolas Årsskrift”, 1905-1909, III. TLE = Testimonia Linguae Etruscae selegit recognovit indice verborum instruxit Maximus Pallottino, La Nuova Italia, Firenze, 19682. Aggiunta 2007: La tesi, presentata in modo inadeguato, è già in Alessio, Nuove etimologie latine e romanze, in Ioanni Dominico Serra ex munere laeto inferiae, Raccolta di studi linguistici in onore di G.D. Serra, Liguori, Napoli 1959, p. 74-75.

5

ADDENDA ETRUSCO-TURCO-UGRICI di Mario Alinei forthcoming in “Quaderni di Semantica”, 51, 2 (2005)

1 Premessa In questo articolo discuto i recenti risultati della ricerca genetica sugli Etruschi - che come mi attendevo corrispondono abbastanza da vicino a quanto la mia tesi etrusco-ungherese predice -, e ritengo utile illustrare anche quelli delle ricerche linguistiche da me terminate fra il 2003, quando è uscito il mio libro (Alinei 2003), ed oggi. Di questi ultimi risultati solo il primo è stato parzialmente inserito nella traduzione del mio libro in ungherese (Alinei 2005). Gli altri sono inediti, e vanno ad arricchire la documentazione già raccolta nel mio volume.

2 La genetica toscana, quella etrusca e quella ungherese La ricerca sulla genetica dei Toscani di Murlo, condotta da Alberto Piazza negli anni Novanta, anche se tuttora inedita, era già nota al pubblico, perché di essa si è lungo parlato nella stampa di quegli anni. Come si ricorderà, il principale risultato di questa ricerca, concepita da Piazza con la consueta originalità, stava nel carattere fondamentalmente isolato dei Toscani di Murlo, e in misura minore, dei Toscani, rispetto agli altri Italiani. Sebbene non ancora pubblicata (ma ora vicina alla pubblicazione, come mi ha comunicato l’Autore), la conclusione sull’isolamento dei Toscani apriva già una promettente prospettiva per la mia tesi etrusco-ungherese, basata sulla Teoria della Continuità dal Paleolitico (PCT), in quanto si poteva presupporre che i Toscani, per la TCP di ceppo italide, come gruppo autoctono maggiormente influenzato dalle popolazioni etrusche, per me intrusive ed ungheresi, avessero conservato almeno alcune caratteristiche genetiche dei loro invasori, e quindi si fossero differenziati dalle altre popolazioni italidi autoctone. Ora risulta che la ricerca di Piazza, pressoché terminata e prossima alla pubblicazione1, ha prodotto risultati che per me sono di estremo intereresse. Il risultato principale è infatti che “esiste ed è consistente” una componente turca degli abitanti di Murlo (da Piazza opportunamente selezionati per escludere la componente longobarda più recente). E la presenza della stessa componente turca viene confermata, anche se con intensità minore, in altri campioni toscani. Questo risultato è tanto più importante in quanto anticipa, ripete e conferma il risultato di un’altra ricerca, condotta da un altro noto e brillante genetista italiano, Guido Barbujani, assieme ai suoi collaboratori, ma riguardante il DNA degli Etruschi stessi, studiato sulla base dei loro resti fossili (Vernesi et al. 2004). Sebbene la ricerca sia stata per alcuni suoi aspetti tecnici criticata da altri genetisti, e per il suo obiettivo stesso (il DNA antico) sia irta di difficoltà, il suo principale risultato è che la maggiore affinità degli Etruschi è con i Turchi, almeno per quanto riguarda le sequenze mitocondriali, cioè di linea femminile, sulle quali si è necessariamente basata la ricerca. Questi due risultati, che sia per i Toscani che per gli Etruschi mostrano un’affinità di fondo con i Turchi, rappresentano per me un’inattesa ed importante conferma: sia perché nella mia visione, così come in quella tradizionale (cronologia a parte)2, gli Ungheresi hanno conquistato l’Ungheria guidati da Turchi asiatici (che io chiamo, più precisamente, Turcici, per distinguerli, analogamente all’uso inglese (Turkish/Turkic), e russo (Turézkiy/Tiurski#)), dai Turchi Ottomani europei), che li avevano acculturati precedentemente. Sia perché la mia lettura dell’etrusco in 1

.Comunicazione personale . La mia cronologia è molto più alta di quella tradizionale, e come è noto coincide con l’invasione dell’Ungheria da parte di gruppi kurgan turcofoni, alla guida di quelli che sono ormai proto-Ungheresi, cioè Ugri separati dagli altri popoli ugrici della Siberia occidentale, alla fine del III millennio. 2

1

chiave ungherese (lingua ricchissima di turchismi preistorici) ha rivelato un notevole numero di parole turciche, naturalmente condivise dall’ungherese, per alcune nozioni emblematiche dell’etrusco, e già identificate come tali dall’etruscologia ermeneutica: come lo zila ‘il capo della comunità etrusca’, il kamthe , il ‘re’, ambedue di origine turcica, il latino balteus (di origine etrusca), cintura per la balta, l’ascia da combattimento turcica, la cui variante ciuvascia (lingua turcica) è purtə, altro emblema etrusco; Tarχun ‘antico titolo magistratuale turcico (da cui Tarquinia), cep- insegna onorifica, parχis ‘possidente, patrizio’, puia ‘moglie (turca), e tanti altri. Anche le altre conclusioni della ricerca di Barbujani, a mio avviso, coincidono con alcuni assunti della mia teoria sulle origini etrusche: (1) il carattere omogeneo, e non misto, sia nello spazio che nel tempo, degli Etruschi (Verseri et al. 2005, 699); ciò che a mio avviso implica anche, necessariamente: (2) il loro carattere intrusivo, di invasori, e non di autoctoni; (3) una meno stretta affinità con i Turchi dei Toscani, rispetto agli Etruschi, e una loro maggiore affinità con le altre popolazioni italiane; ciò che ha condotto Barbujani e la sua équipe alla conclusione che i Toscani non sono i diretti discendenti degli Etruschi. Conclusione che ha destato grande sorpresa nei media (e immagino fra gli etruscologi), ma non ha assolutamente sorpreso me: ovviamente, se gli Etruschi sono gli invasori e i Toscani sono gli autoctoni, questi non discendono direttamente da quelli! (5) Indirettamente, il carattere elitario degli Etruschi, che nel quadro della mia lettura dell’etrusco, tuttavia, non si deduce dal fatto che le tombe etrusche degli scheletri studiati erano ricche, come ipotizza Barbujani (Verseri et al. 2005, 702; in una comunicazione personale, Barbujani contrappone Etruschi elitari a “Etruschi della strada”), ma dal semplice fatto che nell’Età del Bronzo tutti i gruppi invasori – Celti o Etruschi o Balti o Sciti che fossero – erano per definizione elitari, come esito di quel processo di formazione delle società stratificate che caratterizza le Età dei Metalli. In questa epoca, in altre parole, coloro che disponevano di cavalli e di armi metalliche per intraprendere campagne di invasione di un territorio straniero erano per definizione i ricchi e i potenti. Ecco perché, a mio avviso, “Etruschi della strada” distinti dalle élites non sono realistici. Come gruppo omogeneo di invasori – per definizione elitari - gli Etruschi dovettero semplicemente sovrapporsi alle popolazioni autoctone toscane, ibridandole senza però assimilarle completamente. Il maggiore o minore grado di ibridazione fra i gruppi elitari invasori e le masse degli autoctoni dipende poi, ovviamente, dalle circostanze dell’invasione, dalla durata dell’occupazione, dal grado di commistione e da altre variabili. Anche se Barbujani, sul rapporto fra Etruschi e Latino-Italici lascia aperte “parecchie possibilità” di spiegazione3, a me sembra invece del tutto evidente che la ricerca ne ammetta solo una e confermi così, in modo irrefutabile, un assunto fondamentale della mia teoria: il carattere intrusivo degli Etruschi rispetto ai Latini e agli Italici autoctoni, compresi gli attuali Toscani. Nella TCP, così come l’ho illustrata nei miei due volumi sulle origini delle lingue europee (Alinei 1996 e 2000) e successive ricerche, gli Italidi o Italoidi parlano infatti lingue affini al latino e alle lingue italiche fin da quando si sono differenziati dagli altri gruppi IE, nelle ultime fasi del Paleolitico. Le soluzioni esplicitamente menzionate da Barbujani sono invece due: o gli Etruschi erano invasori non IE, che hanno invaso un’Italia IE (cioè appunto ciò che assume la TCP), o gli Etruschi erano invasori IE, che hanno invaso un’Italia non-IE (scenario che nessuno ha mai ipotizzato finora). In astratto, ovviamente, ambedue le soluzioni sono possibili. Non a caso, anche per le origini IE esistono esattamente le due stesse ipotesi, e nello stesso rapporto inverso: o gli IE sono invasori che assimilano le popolazioni non-IE precedenti (come sostengono Gimbutas, Renfrew Cavalli Sforza), o gli invasori inventori dell’agricoltura sono non-IE che sono stati assimilati dagli invasi IE, da sempre in Eurasia (come sostiene la TCP). Per quanto riguarda gli Etruschi, tuttavia, il problema è molto più semplice, perché la documentazione linguistica è più che sufficiente per eliminare una delle due spiegazioni alternative: l’ipotesi che gli Etruschi siano invasori IE, assimilati da una maggioranza non IE, urta infatti contro un’enorme ostacolo linguistico, che sfugge ai genetisti per insufficiente competenza, ma che 3

Comunicazione personale

2

certamente salta agli occhi degli etruscologi: non solo la lingua etrusca ma anche la toponomastica (Felsina, Volsinii, Tarquinia, Fufluna, ecc. ecc.), l’antroponimia (Lar, Vel, Arnth, Arri, Sethre ecc., ecc.) e la teonimia etrusca (Tinia, Thesan, Cath, Cel, Letham, Turms, Cauta, Laran, Maris, Culsus, Cilens, Fufluns ecc.), sono chiaramente non IE: mentre non solo le lingue italiche, ma anche la loro toponomastica, l’ antroponimia e la teonimia sono IE. Se allora, come pare, la genetica dimostra una differenza di fondo fra i due gruppi, rovesciare il rapporto, e fare degli Etruschi gli autoctoni IE e i Latini gli invasori non IE è quindi assolutamente impossibile, se non si vuole violare qualunque tipo di logica in uso nella ricerca scientifica, oltre al senso comune. L’unica spiegazione possibile, come ho già detto, è che gli Etruschi sono invasori non IE, e i Toscani sono quel particolare gruppo di Italidi, IE autoctoni, che è stato maggiormente influenzato e geneticamente ibridato dagli invasori. E a me pare anche difficile conciliare la citata ipotesi di Barbujani con la precisa affermazione che leggo nel suo articolo (Verseri et al. 2005): “If the upper class had indeed somewhat distinct DNAs, our results could mean that this elite class became largely extinct, while the rest of the population, whose DNA we do not know, may well have contributed to the modern gene of Tuscany” (702). Non vedo come si possa affermare questo e allo stesso tempo, sapendo ciò che sappiamo sulla lingua etrusca e sul latino, arrivare a un’altra conclusione che non sia quella da me sostenuta. Non a caso, del resto, lo stesso Barbujani deduce dalla sua ricerca che gli Etruschi non erano molto diversi dai Toscani, ma non erano neanche i loro diretti antenati. Di qui i curiosi titoli dei giornali e delle trasmissioni radiotelevisive: i Toscani non discendono dagli Etruschi! Come se i Toscani parlassero ancora etrusco, e non parlassero, invece, una loro variante specifica di latino popolare! La verità non è ovviamente quella che i linguisti hanno sempre ‘desiderato’ (senza mai poterlo dimostrare) – cioè che gli Etruschi sono gli autoctoni e gli IE gli invasori - ma è proprio l’inverso: gli Etruschi, come popolo non IE, hanno anzitutto invaso un’ Italia del Nord e del Centro latinofone (o italicofone); successivamente, poiché i loro più importanti e più stabili insediamenti sono avvenuti in Toscana e in parte del Lazio, hanno ibridato profondamente solo queste, senza però assimilarle completamente. Anzi, venendone a loro volta gradualmente assimilate. Torno più oltre su questo punto, per elaborarlo ulteriormente. Che le conclusioni dei genetisti difettino di adeguate conoscenze interdisciplinari (come ha ammesso Barbujani4), non può stupire. Colpiscono invece, nelle reazioni degli etruscologi che ho potuto seguire su internet, due cose: (1) da un lato, una notevole confusione d’idee e – almeno fino ad ora - l’incapacità di cogliere quanto di nuovo, e anzi di sconvolgente per la visione tradizionale, c’è in questi risultati della ricerce genetica; (2) dall’altro, il silenzio sulla mia recente tesi etruscoungherese (Alinei 2003, Alinei 2005), tanto più ingiustificato, a mio parere, in quanto i risultati della ricerca genetica sembrano fatti apposta per avvalorarla, o per lo meno per aprire un dibattito serio su di essa. Ma vediamo più da vicino le reazioni degli etruscologi. Giovannangelo Camporeale, in un dibattito con Alberto Piazza avvenuto al Museo Civico di Rovereto il 5 ottobre 2004, la insistito sulla linea ufficiale della ‘formazione mista’ e della probabile autoctonia degli Etruschi, senza rendersi conto che uno dei principali risultati della ricerca genetica sta proprio nella dimostrazione che gli Etruschi non erano misti ma omogenei. Opporre ai dati del DNA, come ha fatto lui - con una interminabile serie di diapositive -, i vari manufatti di tipo sardo, o greco, o di altra origine, della civiltà etrusca, è come opporsi alla comune identità genetica dei membri di una famiglia invocando la presenza di oggetti di varia provenienza nell’arredamento della loro abitazione. Per quanto riguarda le affinità degli Etruschi con i Turchi, Camporeale ha poi invocato, come ci si poteva aspettare e come tutti hanno poi regolarmente fatto, il racconto di Erodoto sulla provenienza degli Etruschi dalla Lidia. In realtà, in questo sono stati tutti anticipati dagli stessi genetisti, sia da 4

Comunicazione personale

3

Barbujani che da Piazza, che naturalmente non ignorano le varie teorie antiche sulle origini etrusche, e hanno quindi citato il racconto erodoteo come spiegazione plausibile (anche se Barbujani ha invocato relazioni commerciali di più ampio raggio con il Mediterraneo orientale, discostandosi così dal racconto erodoteo (Verseri et al. 2005, 702). A questo comune richiamo ad Erodoto, e ai termini in cui è stato fatto, io vorrei però avanzare delle riserve: (1) sia da parte dei genetisti che da parte degli etruscologi, si è parlato più spesso di popolazioni ‘anatoliche’ che di Turchi. Questo non è del tutto corretto, perché i confronti e i controlli genetici riguardano, per definizione, i popoli viventi, che in questo caso sono i Turchi, e non gli Anatolici. Con quest’ultimo termine, infatti, linguisti e storici intendono popoli preistorici, sia IE che non IE, ma certamente non turchi! “Anatolico” è quindi termine piuttosto infelice, se non del tutto fuorviante, in questo contesto. (2) Inoltre, sembra che nessuno si sia ricordato che i Turchi, nella visione tradizionale - fino ad ora mai discussa, e tanto meno contestata, né dagli studiosi tradizionali, né da Renfrew -, sarebbero arrivati in Asia Centrale soltanto nei primi secoli della nostra era, e in Turchia addirittura nel Medio Evo (una delle tante ‘invasioni immaginarie’ della ricerca tradizionale, simile a quella slava e a quella celtica!). Per cui l’Anatolia, all’inizio del I millennio e prima, quando gli Etruschi avrebbero dovuto lasciarla per invadere l’Italia, non era certamente abitata da Turchi, bensì da Assiri, Ittiti, Cappadoci, Cari, Frigi, Panfili, Lici, Cilici, Lidi, Misi, Paflagoni e chi più ne ha più ne metta, e più tardi da Sciti e Cimmeri provenienti dalle steppe. Come si può quindi invocare il racconto di Erodoto senza allo stesso tempo rivoluzionare la visione tradizionale, collocando i Turchi in Turchia già nel II millennio? Personalmente, io sarei certo favorevole a prendere in considerazione un’ipotesi simile, ma solo perché, quale sostenitore della TCP, considero tutte le popolazioni eurasiatiche moderne come le dirette continuatrici delle prime ‘famiglie’ (linguistiche) di Homo loquens e sapiens che si sono insediate nel Vecchio Mondo, già linguisticamente differenziate. Quindi, nel quadro del generale innalzamento della cronologia della formazione dell’Europa linguistica, consentito dalla TCP, per me non solo non è impossibile ma è anzi necessario anticipare l’arrivo dei Turchi in Turchia. Tuttavia, anche secondo la TCP, il focolaio primigenio degli Altaici è certamente stato in Asia centrale, dove emergono, dopo decine di millenni di industrie paleo- e mesolitiche locali e senza soluzioni di continuità, prima le grandi e fiorenti civiltà neolitiche dell’Asia centrale, e poi, poco dopo, come loro diretta filiazione, le altrettanto grandi e note culture di allevatori e guerrieri nomadici delle steppe del Calcolitico – prime fra tutte Serednyi Stog (IV millennio) e Yamnaya (kurgan) (III millennio) – che sono anche le prime culture del mondo che mostrano l’addomesticamento e l’uso del cavallo come montatura. Ed è quindi in queste culture in cui emerge per la prima volta in Eurasia quel modo di vita nomadico e guerriero-pastorale imperniato sul cavallo, che diventa poi, senza interruzioni di continuità, la caratteristica di tutte le popolazioni nomadiche altaiche delle steppe eurasiatiche, dalla Mongolia all’Ucraina e alla puszta ungherese (kurgan, per chi non lo sapesse, è parola altaica che designa i tumuli funerari tipici delle popolazioni nomadiche delle steppe, dalla preistoria fino ad epoca storica). Nel quadro della TCP, insomma, in Turchia i Turchi ci sono certamente ‘arrivati’, anche se è molto probabile che lo abbiano fatto molto prima di quanto non si pensi tradizionalmente (e alcuni fra i tanti “Sciti” della (proto)storia, nonché i Cimmeri, potrebbero essere fra i candidati). Tuttavia, prima di assumere come seria ipotesi di lavoro che la Lidia potesse già essere parzialmente turca nel II e I millennio a.C., occorrerebbe per lo meno disporre di altri elementi di prova, come potrebbe essere, sul piano linguistico, una lettura in chiave turcica del Minoico: cosa che finora, a mia conoscenza, non è stata neanche tentata. Allo stato attuale delle nostre conoscenze storiche e linguistiche, quindi, l’ipotesi che la Turchia della fine del II millennio a.C. fosse già parzialmente abitata da Turchi non può ancora essere considerata un’ipotesi di lavoro solida. A parte questo, inoltre, dubito molto che linguisti ed etruscologi tradizionali siano disposti ad ammettere che la Lidia del II/I millennio fosse già turca: tanto varrebbe, allora, che accettassero la TCP. Per cui, se sgombriamo il terreno da questa ipotesi, come possiamo pensare che in Lidia ci fossero Turchi? Dobbiamo invece ammettere che i Turchi si trovassero altrove, e che la Lidia non abbia nulla a che fare con la scoperta di Barbujani e di Piazza. 4

I genetisti, naturalmente, ragionano seguendo un’altra linea argomentativa. Alla mia obiezione, infatti, rivoltagli in una lettera, Barbujani ha ribattuto che si può pensare che i gruppi di Turchi invasori fossero eserciti, gruppi relativamente piccoli di maschi, che quindi non avrebbero alterato la variabilità genetica preesistente, e in particolare quella mitocondriale, che dipende dalle donne. E ha citato una sua ricerca (Di Benedetto et al. 2001), che ha stimato un contributo di geni orientali in Anatolia vicino al 30%, e un’altra Cavalli-Sforza (Cinnioglu et al. 2003), che ha ottenuto un valore molto più basso (< 9%), anche se ha lavorato solo sul cromosoma Y. Per cui, conclude Barbujani, verrebbe da pensare che i Turchi moderni parlino una lingua diversa, ma non siano geneticamente molto diversi dai Turchi del tempo che fu. Per sapere poi come fossero Lidi, Ittiti, ecc., c’è ancora molto lavoro da fare. A me sembra però che questa risposta rappresenti, più che un argomento contro la mia obiezione, un’ammissione che la mia obiezione è giusta. Anzitutto, la conclusione dell’articolo citato di Di Benedetto et al., quanto alle tre opzioni possibili (elite-dominance, invasione istantanea, immigrazione continua) come spiegazione dei risultati ottenuti, non è quella degli eserciti militari, menzionata da Barbujani, ma, al contrario, quella di una “continuous immigration from Central Asia seems the model which is simplest to reconcile with the available data” (155). In secondo luogo, e più importante, il problema non è se i Turchi siano o meno geneticamente simili ai Turchi del tempo che fu (ciò che mi sembra la ricerca genetica dovrebbe comunque assumere come sviluppo normale), quanto se i Turchi moderni siano simili alle popolazioni non-turche precedenti, la cui presenza dobbiamo postulare per il periodo etrusco. E a questo quesito, che è tutt’altra cosa, Barbujani non può dare risposta per mancanza di dati. Quanto alla ricerca di Cavalli Sforza, essa si limita a concludere che la Turchia è stata “both an important source and recipient of gene flow”, e che il contributo genetico paterno dell’Asia Centrale inferiore al 9% Non ci fornisce quindi alcun nuovo elemento che non rientri nel quadro della continuità genetica del ramo turcico degli Altaici, irrilevante per la mia obiezione. A me pare, quindi, che all’ipotesi che gli Anatolici della Lidia del periodo etrusco fossero già geneticamente simili ai Turchi Barbujani non abbia fornito alcun argomento concreto. Inoltre, se la accettassimo, indeboliremmo tutta la ricerca genetica o, per dirla con le parole stesse di Barbujani a proposito di un altro problema, “[it] would force us to reconsider the universally held assumption that patterns in the DNA of modern individuals reflect the evolutionary processes affecting their prehistoric ancestors” (702). E’ difficile, insomma, affermare da un lato che la genetica delle popolazioni “has proved to be a powerful tool for reconstructing crucial aspects of human evolution” (694), - ciò che è assolutamente vero - e dall’altro ammettere una simile differenza di risultati fra l’invasione etrusca in Italia, in cui la differenza fra invasori e invasi emerge senza ombra di dubbi, e quella dei Turchi in Turchia, che invece si vuole ipotizzare – senza per altro neanche poterla studiare, in mancanza di dati sul DNA degli Anatolici – come del tutto priva di conseguenze genetiche. E le due affermazioni sono tanto più inconciliabili se si riflette da un lato a una delle più straordinarie scoperte di Cavalli Sforza e allievi, cioè alla coincidenza della distribuzione areale delle famiglie linguistiche del mondo con quella dei tratti genetici, dall’altro all’altrettanto straordinaria potenza dimostrata così spesso dallo strumentario genetico per confermare i legami genetici fra popolazioni emigrate e quelle da cui si sono staccate. Il problema del nesso della Lidia con i Turchi, insomma, a mio avviso non è impostato bene, né tanto meno risolto, dai genetisti o dagli etruscologi. Nella mia teoria etrusco-ungherese, invece, il nesso c’è, ed è anche importante, ma ha tutt’altra spiegazione. Qui illustro la mia tesi in termini più schematici che non nel mio libro, augurandomi che anche i genetisti la prendano in considerazione: la Lidia, e in particolare Lemno, dove dopo le ricerche di de Simone sappiamo con certezza che nel VI secolo abitava una comunità etrusca, rappresentano la prova dell’esistenza di DUE correnti etrusche, come già ventilato, naturalmente in altri termini, da Hugh Hencken (1968), il principale studioso di Villanova: (1) la prima corrente etrusca, cioè turco-ugrica, sarebbe quella, già ricordata, formata dalle elite di guerrieri a cavallo della cultura turcofona dei kurgan, che alla fine del III millennio, dalle 5

steppe eurasiatiche invasero l’area carpato-danubiana, durante la cultura di Baden detta ‘classica’, alla guida di popolazioni ugriche ormai stacccate dagli altri Ob-Ugri e divenute quindi Ungheresi, anche secondo la teoria tradizionale (a parte la cronologia). Per cui, nel quadro della mia teoria, le influenze carpato-danubiane che nel II millennio sono già così evidenti in Italia settentrionale, per crescere sempre di più fino a spingere gli archeologi ad ipotizzare una “vera e propria invasione dell’alta Italia” (Barfield 1971, Cardarelli 1992), (e sottolineo ‘alta’, anche per ricordare che si tratta di infiltrazioni e di un’eventuale invasione avvenute via terra), sarebbero tutte manifestazioni turco-ugriche, destinate a trasformarsi nei Proto-Villanoviani e Villanoviani della fine del II e principio del I millennio, cioè nei Reti (che da qualche tempo sappiamo essere di lingua etrusca) e negli Etruschi del Nord Italia; (2) la seconda ondata etrusca o turco-ugrica sarebbe invece costituita da quei gruppi di metallurghi del Bacino Carpatico - “il cuore industriale dell’Europa nell’età del Bronzo” (Barfield 1971) -, per me già Ungheresi, che gli stessi archeologi ungheresi – pur non riconoscendoli ancora come loro antenati - vedono espandersi verso la Grecia e sull’Egeo, per partecipare alle battaglie dei Popoli del Mare (e.g. Kovacs 1977). Questa seconda ondata etrusca, dunque, dal Bacino Carpatico, attraverso i Balcani, sarebbe scesa direttamente sul Mediterraneo orientale. E di lì, probabilmente dopo aver fondato una o più colonie come quella di Lemno, avrebbe raggiunto, via mare, le sponde dell’Adriatico e del Tirreno, riunendosi con quella dell’entroterra e dando inizio alla fondazione delle città etrusche del centro, come aveva già ipotizzato, in maniera diversa, Hencken (1968). Per concludere questo quadro, vorrei infine aggiungere i risultati di un’altra recente ed importante ricerca genetica, questa volta sugli Ungheresi, condotta da Carmela Rosalba Guglielmino dell’Università di Pavia, un’altra genetista italiana della scuola di Cavalli Sforza. In una comunicazione personale, indirizzatami dopo avere ascoltato una mia conferenza a Budapest, la studiosa mi ha informato che le affinità genetiche più strette degli Ungheresi sono con gli Iraniani, seguiti dai Turchi asiatici. Mentre quelle degli Ungheresi della frontiera occidentale (e quindi, si può supporre, più coinvolte nella difesa del territorio dopo la Conquista) sono con le popolazioni uraliche (con buona pace dei neo-detrattori dell’unità finno-ugrica). I conti tornano, per la terza volta. Va però chiarito un punto importante. Perché le affinità iraniane sono così importanti fra gli Ungheresi, mentre non lo sono, come sembra, fra gli Etruschi (o fra i Toscani)? Per rispondere, occorre capire che i Paleo-Ungheresi (per il termine v. oltre) del Bacino Carpatico, una volta trasferiti in Italia come futuri Etruschi, hanno certamente subito altre influenze, culturali e genetiche, mescolandosi con gli autoctoni italici e con altre popolazioni mediterranee (primi fra tutti i Fenici!), mentre quelli rimasti in patria, nel corso del II e del I millennio, durante la fioritura e la decadenza della civiltà etrusca, ebbero tutto il tempo di subire influenze sia dagli IE locali e confinanti (entrambi Slavi, che nella TCP sono da sempre presenti nel sud-est europeo), sia, in particolare, dagli Sciti, Alani ed Osseti iraniani. Non a caso, la più autorevole studiosa vivente dei prestiti iranici nelle lingue finno-ugriche (Korenchy, 1988) ha concluso che in ungherese tali prestiti risalgono al I millennio a.C. Nella mia ricostruzione, quindi, le influenze genetiche e linguistiche iraniche possono solo interessare il Paleo-Ungherese del Bacino Carpatico e non quello dei PaleoUngheresi etruschi, che nel I millennio si trovano ormai in un’altra orbita. Su tutti questi punti spero di poter tornare in altra sede, anche per discutere più in dettaglio, sulla base degli articoli già pubblicati, i risultati della Guglielmino. Mi sembra comunque che i risultati della ricerca genetica convergano con quelli della mia teoria, mentre mettono in gravi difficoltà qualunque altro modello etnogenetico etrusco. Ritornando ora alla mia rassegna sulle reazioni degli etruscologi alla conclusione di Barbujani e della sua équipe, voglio ancora accennare ad un altro intervento televisivo, che purtroppo non ho potuto ascoltare nella sua interezza: quello di Mario Torelli, a mio avviso il più 6

acuto studioso della storia e della società etrusca. Con la consueta maestria, Torelli ha colto l’essenza della personalità storico-economica degli Etruschi, presentandoli principalmente come metallurghi. A mia conoscenza, nessuno lo aveva mai fatto prima d’ora, ed è un altro merito di questo originale studioso. Peccato, però, che nel mettere in rilievo la fondamentale componente metallurgica nella genesi della civiltà etrusca, Torelli non ne abbia menzionato (almeno nella parte che ho potuto ascoltare) uno degli aspetti più importanti: i suoi legami con la grande produzione metallurgica dell’Ungheria, cuore dell’industria metallurgica europea nel II millennio. Ma forse qui nuoce, anche a Torelli, l’indifferenza che l’etruscologia ha sempre mostrato per le pur evidenti e fondamentali relazioni di Villanova con il Bacino Carpatico, scoperte e studiate da Hencken (1968) e confermate ed elaborate dai successivi archeologi. Relazioni che, fra l’altro, si lasciano ancora più facilmente utilizzare dopo la recente conferma delle affinità con l’etrusco del retico: che ovviamente, se non è autoctono, deve prevenire dal nord. Passando ora alla lingua etrusca, fra le reazioni ai risultati della recente ricerca genetica vi è stata una presa di posizione da parte di Piazza, che nel citato dibattito di Rovereto ha sostenuto l’ipotesi – presentata dubitativamente dal linguista americano Greenberg in un suo volume uscito un anno prima della sua morte - secondo la quale l’etrusco potrebbe essere una lingua IE (Greenberg 2000, 22-23). Da un lato, la proposta mi ha fatto piacere, perché dimostra che un originale genetista come Piazza non segue necessariamente la dottrina ricevuta, per i campi che non sono la sua specializzazione ma in cui deve necessariamente entrare, ma è anche capace di seguire strade indipendenti. Dall’altro l’ipotesi di Greenberg, sostenuta senza alcun approfondimento della lingua etrusca, è del tutto inaccettabile. Camporeale gli ha ricordato che i numeri e il verbo ‘essere’ in etrusco non sono quelli IE, ma gli argomenti più importanti, per escludere tale appartenenza, sono quelli tipologici: l’etrusco è una lingua agglutinante (come l’Uralico, l’Altaico e molte altre lingue del mondo, ma non come l’IE, che è invece una lingua flessiva); l’etrusco ha l’accento sulla prima sillaba (come l’Uralico e molte altre lingue, ma non come l’IE); l’etrusco ha l’armonia vocalica (come hanno l’Uralico, l’Altaico ed altre lingue, ma che l’IE non ha); e l’etrusco ha solo consonanti occlusive sorde (come l’Uralico e poche altre lingue, ma non come l’IE). In breve, tipologicamente l’etrusco è lontano le mille miglia dall’IE. Per cui, fra le due ipotesi di Greenberg, l’unica accettabile è semmai quella che l’etrusco sia parte della famiglia che Greenberg chiama eurasiatica. Ma questa ipotesi, come quella nostratica, ci porterebbe troppo lontano dal tema di questo articolo. Se poi, come ho detto, l’indipendenza critica di Piazza nei confronti della dottrina ricevuta mi fa piacere, mi chiedo anche – forse a torto - se la sua ipotesi non riveli il desiderio di trovar conferma alla teoria di Cavalli Sforza e di Renfrew sulla dispersione neolitica dell’IE, secondo la quale, come è noto, l’IE dovrebbe arrivare in Europa all’inizio del Neolitico provenendo dall’Anatolia. E questa ipotesi mi viene suggerita da un’altra presa di posizione, questa volta da parte dello stesso Cavalli Sforza, espressa in una prefazione da lui scritta per un libro di un linguista dilettante, ingegnoso ma temerario, e troppo poco preparato per accorgersi che la sua tesi sull’identità dei ‘radicali’ presenti nella toponomastica, nell’idronimia e nell’oronimia di mezzo globo terrestre con quelli delle Alpi e dell’Appennino5 è assolutamente priva di senso per la linguistica. Anche qui, è certo utile notare il distacco di Cavalli Sforza dalla dottrina ricevuta, distacco che per lo meno potrebbe servire ai suoi ostinati difensori quanto poco essa conti, ormai, nel quadro della ricerca mondiale. Purtroppo, però, la teoria elogiata da Cavalli Sforza di ‘scientifico’ non ha neanche l’ombra, dato che in tutte le lingue del mondo i ‘radicali’, cioè le sillabe, sono obbligatoriamente composte da un numero esiguo di fonemi, essendo prodotte da tutti gli esseri umani con lo stesso, limitato apparato fono-articolatorio. Inoltre, dovendo anche soddisfare il comune bisogno di tutti gli esseri umani di emettere il fiato mentre si parla, sono anche composte, obbligatoriamente, da identiche sequenze di consonanti e vocali, queste ultime necessarie per la respirazione. Per cui ci si 5

Claudio Beretta, I nomi dei fiumi, dei monti, dei siti. Strutture linguistiche preistoriche, Centro camuno di studi preistorici, Ulrico Hoepli, Milano 2003.

7

può facilmente immaginare quale valore statistico abbia la ‘scoperta’ di somiglianze o identità fra le sequenze delle stesse consonanti e vocali nelle diverse lingue del mondo! Di ‘scoperta’, in realtà, si dovrebbe parlare solo se fossero diverse! E si resta perplessi constatando che Cavalli Sforza, maestro indiscusso di statistica oltre che di genetica, non si renda conto della assoluta mancanza di interesse scientifico di una teoria simile, ed arrivi anzi a scriverne: “le sue conclusioni [dell’autore] sulla possibilità di una fase antichissima, monosillabica e agglutinante, pre-mongolica, pre-semita e pre-indoeuropea, fondate su fatti storico-linguistici validi ancora oggi, cioè sui nomi delle acque , dei monti, delle pianure [sono] interessant[i] e forse la ricerca futura potrà dimostrarne l’importanza” (p. XV). Confesso di non capire che cosa possa indurre uno dei più autorevoli scienziati del mondo ad appoggiarsi a tesi simili, pur di salvare una teoria che – evidentemente – non si sta dimostrando fra le più forti. E che, oltre alle sue debolezze intrinseche, linguistiche ed archeologiche (non parlo di quelle genetiche, anche se a me profano sembrano evidenti), ha anche il grosso difetto di essere trasparentemente eurocentrica. Perché, sebbene sostituisca gli ormai screditati IE guerrieri supermen stile Gimbutas e compagni con i più politically correct inventori della agricoltura, continua a presentare gli IE come superiori agli altri. Privando per di più, Assiri, Babilonesi, Sumeri e Semiti, tutti popoli non IE, del loro indiscusso primato mondiale nella formazione delle civiltà urbane, conseguenza di quello che è anche – senza ombra di dubbio – il loro precedente primato agricolo. Mi sfuggirà certamente qualche aspetto del problema, ma non mi è chiaro perché i genetisti non prendano in più seria considerazione i vantaggi che sugli altri modelli presenta la TCP, oggi seguita da numerosi e rispettabili linguisti, italiani e non, oltre che da autorevoli archeologi stranieri, come appare, per esempio, dal sito www.continuitas.com.

11

Questioni terminologiche: Paleo-Ungherese

Nel mio libro ho quasi sempre usato, anche in riferimento all’Etrusco, gli etnonimi ungherese e magiaro, e solo per le attestazioni lessicali specifiche ho parlato più esattamente di Antico e Medio Ungherese, seguendo la convenzione tradizionale che designa con questi due termini, rispettivamente, l’ungherese dagli inizi al 1530 circa, e dal 1530 al 1790 ca.. Nella ricostruzione comparata dell’ungherese, tuttavia, prima dell’Antico Ungherese c’è solo il Proto-Ungherese, se non si vuole considerare il cosiddetto “Preungherese”, nozione alquanto infelice che raggruppa l’insieme dei termini di tradizione ugrica, finno-ugrica o uralica, per definizione di datazione radicalmente diversa fra loro, preservati nell’ungherese; inoltre, il termine stesso è fuorviante, come tutti i termini storico-linguistici che adoperano il prefisso pre- in questo senso, perché non tiene conto del senso normale del prefisso pre-, che è quello che appare in termini storici come precristiano e pre-islamico, ed anche in importanti termini storico-linguistici come come pre-IE, e preromano, che implicano l’assenza, e non uno stadio più antico, dell’IE e di Roma. Sicché, anche per evitare i fraintendimenti che nel frattempo ho notato nelle reazioni al mio libro – sia in Italia che in Ungheria – credo sia utile introdurre il nuovo termine di Paleo-Ungherese come termine sincronico ed equivalente ad Etrusco, per indicare con maggiore precisione quello ‘stadio arcaico’ dell’ungherese che la mia tesi necessariamente riconosce nell’Etrusco. Il Paleo-Ungherese o Etrusco, in questo senso, è uno stadio che sta fra il Proto-Ungherese ricostruito e l’Antico Ungherese. Come ho già mostrato nelle pagine precedenti, occorre poi distinguere anche fra due ramificazioni del Paleo-Ungherese: (A) Paleo-Ungherese BC o del Bacino Carpatico, e quindi precedente la migrazione verso sud dei Proto-Villanoviani e dei loro predecessori, e pertanto aperto a tutte le influenze che successivamente interesseranno il Bacino Carpatico (come quelle iraniane del I millennio), e che porteranno il Paleo-ungherese BC a svilupparsi in Ungherese Antico, Medio e Moderno; e 8

(B)

Paleo-Ungherese E o Etrusco, che prima di estinguersi avrà invece subito, inevitabilmente, le influenze dal Latino, dall’Italico, del Greco e di eventuali altre lingue del Mediterraneo, mentre non avrà potuto subire le altre.

3 Una migliore lettura dell’iscrizione sul kyathos di Vetulonia (TLE 366; ET Vn 0.1) L’iscrizione sul kyathos ‘parlante’ di Vetulonia (Alinei 2003, 197 sgg.) è, a mio avviso, uno dei documenti più convincenti dell’identità linguistica etrusco-paleoungherese. Dato che il kyathos è un vaso potorio, la duplice lettura nell’iscrizione a scriptio continua della sequenza iθal, identica ad ungh. ital ‘bevanda’, è già un primo indizio importante. Il fatto poi che la mia traduzione, anche così come è stata illustrata nel mio libro, dimostra senza ombra di dubbio che l’iscrizione è del tipo ‘parlante’, e permette quindi un parallelo illuminante con analoghi vasi potori ‘parlanti’ latini e greci (p. 198), ha un’importanza che difficilmente può essere sottovalutata. La modificata lettura che presento ora (e che in parte è stata introdotta nella traduzione del mio libro in ungherese) da un lato continua e conferma la traduzione già fatta, dall’altro la migliora e, a mio avviso, la rende pressoché definitiva. (1) La novità più importante sta in una diversa lettura della sequenza IΧEME, che si trova nella prima parte del testo, contenente l’invito a bere. Letta unitariamente, il pur ovvio collegamento con il tema ungh. igy- di iszik ‘bere’ non produceva nulla di convincente, perché si era costretti a ipotizzare un insolito ‘bevo’, riferito al vaso ‘parlante’. Mentre sdoppiata in IΧE ME - come mi ha suggerito una lettrice ungherese - la sequenza viene ad equivalere all’imperativo 2a sg. idd (< igy) ‘bevi’, seguito dal completivo meg (mee: 1585), e diventa quindi una frase del tutto trasparente come ‘bevi ancora’ o ‘beviti, bevi tutto’. (2) Poiché , d’altra parte, la nuova lettura di IΧE ME è limitata alla 2a sg. dell’imperativo, cade anche la traduzione alternativa che avevo proposto nella versione italiana del mio libro, in cui URU ‘signore’, anziché essere un vocativo, poteva essere anche il soggetto (= “in me il Signore beva la bevanda”). (3) La traduzione della sequenza NACEME … IΘAL ΘILEN … con ungh. nekem ital töltsd, cioè “versami/versa in me la bevanda” non è una libera interpretazione dell’ungherese (a parte l’omissione dell’articolo e della –t dell’accusativo in ital), ma una frase ungherese perfettamente comune, una volta acquisito che ΘIL- (in altri testi etruschi anche TEL/ΘEL-, con lo stesso valore di ‘riempire, adempiere’) equivale all’antico ungherese tel ‘riempire’ già attestato nei Sermones Dominicales del 1456-1470 (EWU), da cui il moderno tölt ‘versare, riempire’. Per esempio nel dizionario inglese-ungherese di Ország László si trovano gli esempi tölthetek neked is? “posso versare (qcosa) anche a te? (con –hetek ‘posso’, e neked ‘a te’ anziché nekem ‘a me), e tölt valakinek valamit ‘versare a qualcuno (nek ‘a’) qualcosa’. Per cui la traduzione utilizzata nella versione ungherese, cioè belém (‘dentro di me’) … öntsd ‘versa’ az italt ‘la bevanda’, può essere, a mio avviso, considerata inutilmente libera, anche se, naturalmente, con l’uso di belém ‘dentro di me’ si mira ad esplicitare meglio il contesto del vaso ‘parlante’. (4) Quando ho scritto il mio libro mi era sfuggito che il kyathos non è solo un vaso potorio ma anche un’unita di misura per liquidi, come risultato da qualunque manuale di riferimento. Si conferma così, indirettamente, la mia traduzione di MESNAMER con ‘misura dell’idromele’, dato che ungh. méz ‘miele’, nella sua anteforma FUg *mete- significava anche ‘idromele’, e –MER è identico a ungh. mér ‘misurare’ (cfr. MARU ‘gromatico’ > ungh. mérő). (5) Poiché la seconda parte del testo – MESNAMER TANSINA MULU, che anche nella versione ungherese del libro appare tradotta “(io sono) il dono la cui bella forma indica la misura dell’idromele” - non mostra elementi morfosintattici tali da permettere una traduzione di tipo subordinato relativo, la sua traduzione si lascia forse effettuare più semplicemente in termini di apposizione: “(io sono) il dono, (io sono) la bella forma indicante la misura 9

dell’idromele”, con la doppia testa della costruzione (dono, bella forma) regolarmente alla fine. Lascerei quindi cadere la traduzione di tipo relativo; La traduzione del testo è dunque ora solo una, ed è molto più lineare di quelle proposte nelle due versioni del mio libro: “In me, o Signore, la bevanda versa, la bevanda bevi; (io sono) il dono, (io sono) la bella forma indicante la misura dell’idromele”. Si noti anche la perfetta logica del testo, in cui il vaso parlante prima invita a versare la bevanda, e poi a berla. Sfido chiunque a sostenere che la traduzione di questo testo, così perfettamente adatta al suo contesto materiale (un kyathos nella tomba di un gran signore etrusco) e storico-culturale (un vaso potorio ‘parlante’), e linguisticamente ineccepibile, possa essere il risultato di una coincidenza fortuita, soprattutto se vista nel quadro complessivo delle argomentazioni e delle affinità da me illustrate, sia archeologiche che culturali e linguistiche, e di quelle genetiche ora emerse.

4 Origini ciuvasce del plurale etrusco in –r Nel mio libro partivo dalla constatazione che non esiste plurale comune alle diverse lingue uraliche, ma che mancano comunque, nel plurale dell’ungherese e delle altre lingue uraliche, evidenti affinità con la –r del plurale etrusco. Per cui avevo finito con ipotizzare un utilizzo più esteso, nell’antichità, della formante –r, che è molto frequente in ungherese con valore iterativo, e che è attestata anche in Uralico come formante nominale e aggettivale (322-3). Nel prosieguo della mia ricerca, tuttavia, ho scoperto che –r è la marca del plurale dei pronomi di 1a e 2a persona in ciuvascio, cioè nella lingua turcica che ha più influenzato l’ungherese, sia linguisticamente che culturalmente: ricordo, fra l’altro, che la maggioranza della terminologia agricola e dell’allevamento in ungherese è ciuvascia. Non solo, ma la marca del plurale dei nomi (e dei pronomi di 3a), che in ciuvascio è –sem, rappresenta un’innovazione recente6. Dal che si può dedurre che –r era l’antico plurale ciuvascio, e che è stato questo che ha influenzato l’etrusco. E’ molto probabile che vi siano altre caratteristiche ciuvasce nella morfologia etrusca, oltre a quelle così importanti, già notate nel lessico etrusco e ungherese, e se ne avrò la possibilità ritornerò sul tema.

5 Il passato etrusco in –ce Come ho già scritto nella mia replica alla recensione di Gheno (v. questo numero a p. ??), anche sul passato etrusco in –ce nel mio libro non ho potuto formulare che un’ipotesi congetturale, basata anche qui sulla diversità della formazione del passato nelle diverse lingue uraliche, e sulla mancanza di affinità specifiche con l’etrusco. E l’unica affinità rilevante riscontrata con l’ungherese era quella con l’-é dell’imperfetto o passato narrativo dell’antico ungherese (350). Uno studio più attento dei testi antico-ungheresi mi permette ora di formulare un’ipotesi migliore: proprio il più antico testo ungherese, detto Halotti Beszéd és Könyörgés (‘Orazione funebre e preghiera’), scritto fra il 1192 e il 1195, attesta più volte il verbo evec ‘mangiò’, invece della forma moderna evett: come per esempio appare nella frase es evec oz tiluvt gimilstwl ‘e mangiò il frutto proibito’; nonché il verbo horoguvec ‘si adirò’, invece di (meg)haragudott. Questa forma in –c (= /k//) della 3a sg del passato della coniugazione soggettiva, anche se nel XII secolo sembra ristretta ai verbi in –ik (la maggioranza dei verbi ungheresi), offre un’altra dimostrazione della produttività della lettura dell’etrusco in chiave ungherese. Gheno stesso, inoltre, in una risentita comunicazione personale (con la quale ha inteso chiudere la querelle con me), mi informa – e non posso che ringraziarlo - che il passato in –k non è 6

Comunicazione personale del Prof. A. Róna-Tas

10

estinto, ma sopravvive dialettalmente in Ungheria e in aree minoritarie ungheresi di altri paesi, più precisamente tra i Csángó (il gruppo ungherese linguisticamente e culturalmente più arcaico, nella Moldavia rumena), e sporadicamente nel Szabolcs, nel Baranya e nella Slavonia. Ciò che rende ancora più significativa l’affinità etrusco-ungherese da me rilevata.

6 Un’etimologia alternativa di etr. clan ‘nato, figlio’ Nel mio libro ho sostenuto una ipotesi semanticamente difficile: quella che etr. clan derivi da una anteforma di ungh. hal 'morire', confrontabile con Mansi kāl-, Khanty kăla ‘idem’, Ur *kola ‘idem’, nel quadro delle credenze religiose degli antichi Ugri, secondo le quali l'anima dei morti migrava in cerca di un neonato. Per cui, nel corso del rito per la nascita, la donna più vicina alla puerpera aveva il compito di identificare il morto o la morta che erano migrati nel bambino. L’ipotesi continua a sembrarmi sostenibile, ma rilevo, e mi sembra vada presa in considerazione come alternativa valida, anche la possibilità di un’origine turcica, con una semantica senza problemi: mtu. uig. ciag. ecc. oγlan ‘giovane, ragazzo’, atu. uig. ecc. oγul ‘figlio, ragazzo’ (EWT 358).

7 L’etimologia di etr. Menerva Menarva, lat. Minerva ecc. La discussione sull’etimologia del teonimo lat. Minerva (forma arcaica Menerva) non è mai arrivata a una soluzione soddisfacente: fra l’origine etrusca, autorevolmente sostenuta da Ernout et Meillet (DELL), e quella latina – da mens memini moneo - sostenuta da studiosi oggi considerati superati come Curtius e Vaniček, oltre che dalla maggior parte degli antichi (DELL e Wissowa in ALGRM), oggi gli etruscologi propendono per quest’ultima, ma a mio avviso senza buone ragioni. Il fatto che il nome di Minerva sia attestato non solo in latino ma anche in osco e falisco (argomento invocato da Ingrid Krauskopf in DICE s.v.) non basta certo a dimostrarlo: una volta affermatosi in area latina, il culto di Minerva avrebbe potuto facilmente estendersi anche all’area italica. Inoltre, dal punto di vista linguistico, anche se l’equivalenza di Men- con men- di mens mentis è ammissibile, per l’ipotesi di un’origini latina resta il problema insormontabile di –erva, che in latino appare solo in caterva (termine che i Latini consideravano celtico), e al maschile in protervus, di etimologia oscura. E dal punto di vista della logica e del formalismo etimologico, la presenza di un suffisso assolutamente estraneo alla morfologia latina ha un peso molto più importante della presunta difficoltà, per un culto etrusco, a diffondersi in area latino-italica. Dal punto di vista puramente etimologico, dunque, si dovrebbe comunque optare per una soluzione etrusca, e non latina. Letto nella chiave di lettura ungherese e ugrica, il nome Minerva si rivela poi tanto trasparente quanto interessante dal punto di vista storico-culturale. Anzitutto, partiamo dall’unica ipotesi possibile, dal punto di vista etimologico: delle due forme etr. MENARVA e MENERVA quella originaria dev’essere la prima, perché la seconda si lascia allora spiegare con l’armonia vocalica che si irradia dalla vocale accentata iniziale. Mentre se partissimo da MENERVA, sarebbe difficile spiegare MENARVA. Per quanto riguarda le varianti del tipo MENRVA MERVA e simili, come ho già sostenuto in termini generali nel mio libro, esse non sono l’effetto di sincope ma semplici grafie abbreviate a vocale parzialmente espunta. La tesi dell’originarietà di MENARVA è rafforzata dal fatto che le sue poche attestazioni si concentrano in iscrizioni arcaiche (ET Ve 3.45), o del V (ET La S.1, Vc S.4, S.4), o IV secolo (ET OA S.1), mentre quelle, più frequenti, di MENERVA si distribuiscono in tutto il periodo dal VI fino all’epoca recente, e quelle di MENRVA, ancora più frequenti, negli ultimi secoli. MENARVA si lascia allora leggere come un composto, il cui primo elemento MEN- risulta collegabile ad ungh. men-ít ‘salvare, liberare’, men-t ‘salvare, liberare, proteggere’ (già attestato in aungh (XII sec.: EWU). Il secondo elemento del composto - ARVA - coincide invece con una anteforma dell’ungh. orvos ‘medico’ (dialettalmente anche ‘mago, stregone’), che risale a FU *arpa ‘strumento magico, oracolo’; e ad essa possiamo attribuire il significato di ‘destino, fato, sorte’, che 11

appare regolarmente nei suoi continuatori: finl. arpa (gen. arvan) ‘destino, fato, bacchetta magica’, arpamies (mies ‘uomo’) ‘divinatore’, arpo- ‘estrarre la sorte’, arpoja ‘mago, divinatore’, arpeledivinare, tirare la sorte’; Est. arp (gen. arbi) ‘destino, fato, magia’; arbutama ‘stregare, incantare’, varp ‘magia, stregoneria’; liv. arbī ‘strega’; lapp. vuorbbe ‘fato, fortuna’ (UEW I s.v. *arpa). Si noti che questa famiglia lessicale FU ha riscontri anche in turcico: m.turcico arva ‘mormorare formule magiche’; turcico *arvišči ‘mago’; teleut arba ‘stregare, incantare, incantatore, stregone’; uigur arviščï ‘mago, stregone; ciagatai arba ‘stregare, incantare, predire il futuro, raccontare fiabe, arbaγči ‘incantatore, mago’ (UEW, EWT). Letto, quindi, come ‘fortuna protettrice/salvatrice’, il nome etrusco di MENARVA corrisponde perfettamente a quello della dea greca σώτειρα Τύχη ‘Fortuna (Bona) Salutaris’ (cfr. CIL 6, 184, 201, 202; 3, 3315), di cui probabilmente è un calco. Si ricordi che σώτειρα ‘salvatrice’ era l’epiteto di altre dee greche, come Themis, Eunomia, Atena, Artemide, Ecate, Rea, Demetra, Kore (LiddellScott), ma che solo per Τύχη si usava anche il maschile σώτερ (ibidem). Ciò che mostra lo stretto nesso fra le due nozioni di ‘destino’ e di ‘salvezza, protezione’. E si noti che nel teonimo etrusco, differentemente da quello greco e latino, l’epiteto positivo è parte integrante del nome, quasi a escludere una ‘mala’ o ‘adversa’ o ‘brevis’ fortuna. Quanto alle caratteristiche religiose della Minerva etrusca, anche queste sembrano corrispondere all’etimologia qui proposta. Per citare di nuovo la Krauskopf (DICE), gli “ex voto anatomici attesterebbero una funzione non sottovalutabile di M. come divinità risanatrice”, mentre “una sors rinvenuta a Santa Marinella indicherebbe anche un carattere oracolare della divinità” (mio corsivo). Aggiungerei che anche la sua importante funzione di nutrice (ibidem), evidente quando accudisce i piccoli Maris, o fa da levatrice a Fufluns, o riceve in braccio Epiur, entra nel quadro della divinità positiva, protettrice e salvatrice, che emerge dall’etimologia del suo nome.

8 Il cervo sacro in etrusco e in ungherese: l’etimologia di etr. Uni In un recente studio sulle offerte sacre nel ‘complesso monumentale’ di Tarquinia Maria Bonghi Jovino (2005), elaborando ricerche precedenti, ha richiamato l’attenzione sulla “consistente, direi quasi schiacciante, presenza del Cervus elephas” fra i resti delle offerte, “sempre presenti nei rituali e […] in tutte le fasi cronologiche” (76); e sul fatto che “la testimonianza archeologica attesta la presenza di palchi e resti cervini in tutte le fasi” (77); e “la lavorazione … si mantiene costante nei secoli, quasi a segnalare un congelamento della tecnica di esecuzione” (idem). E sulla base di Torelli (1997 133-4), la studiosa conclude “La documentazione archeologica offerta dai resti cervini è molto rilevante perché fornisce indicazioni sui culti più remoti dal momento che, fin dalle prime manifestazioni sacre ritualizzate, se ne osserva la costante presenza: palchi, punte di corna segate e lavorate, oggetti vari ricavati dai pugnali delle corna. Le corna di cervo tagliate, i dischetti d’osso e ogni altro elemento ricavato dalle corna hanno fatto riflettere sul significato. Se ci trovasse in un contesto di semplice abitato, tali rinvenimenti avrebbero potuto essere spiegati come residui di industria di uso quotidiano per approntare manici di utensili, amuleti o altro ancora ma il contesto generale … e la loro presenza in tutti gli spaccati cronologici [dal periodo protoetrusco del bronzo finale/ferro (X-VIII secolo) al periodo arcaico (VI/V secolo)], ha fatto escludere una simile lettura accreditando l’uso sacrale dei reperti”. Per concludere, “Il cervo è dunque l’elemento-guida del culto primigenio praticato nell’area sacra e apporta solidi indizi per gli attributi e l’archetipo della divinità primigenia nel suo più remoto orizzonte cronologico” (78) (mio corsivo). Inoltre, la divinità a cui erano destinati i resti cervini – e che è anche l’unica il cui nome sia concretamente attestato nel complesso monumentale di Tarquinia - , è Uni, la ben nota divinità femminile che condivide con il dio del cielo maschile Tinia il posto di maggiore importanza nel pantheon etrusco. Senonché, la Uni che emerge dalle importanti considerazioni della Borghi Jovino è diversa da quella nota, cioè dalla Uni assimilata alla latina Iuno e alla greca Hera: “il suo originario campo d’azione si rivela essere la caccia e la protezione della natura in una sorta di ambiguità tra cacciatrice e protettrice degli animali.” (78). “In sostanza la dea, benché con contorni sfumati, si 12

presenta in diverse ipostasi: protettrice del mondo sotterraneo, della caccia, della natura e dei cicli lunari, degli animali. Siamo al cospetto di una divinità buona e favorevole che, con le sue valenze, rende palese come la prima organizzazione del sacro sia passata attraverso la presenza numinosa nel paesaggio. La documentazione archeologica induce a ipotizzare un processo di costruzione del ‘sacro’ di lunga durata su uno sfondo ancora più remoto e molto lontano nel tempo” (78). Ora, sia il rapporto di Uni col cervo, sia la sua ambiguità di cacciatrice e di protettrice degli animali, così come la sua palese origine da una concezione sacrale del paesaggio, fanno pensare a una divinità di origini totemiche: è infatti solo l’animale totem che è in grado neutralizzare la contraddizione fra la caccia e la protezione della preda, da un lato proteggendo gli animali suoi simili, dall’altro concedendo solo alla propria tribù il permesso di cacciarli. Ed è solo il totem, quale creatore dell’universo, che si incarna nel paesaggio. E’ allora interessante notare che in ungh. ünö significa ‘cerva’, e che Enee, sua variante grafica arcaica, è anche il nome di quella cerva magica che, nella “saga delle origini” dei Magiari, unitasi al gigante poligamo Ménróth (probabilmente da mén ‘stallone’), dà alla luce i due fratelli cacciatori Magor e Hunor, capostipiti, rispettivamente, dei Magiari e degli Unni (De Ferdinandy 1983, 229). Ed è anche interessante notare come anche questo nome sia di origine turcica (da Alt *inag), e come la variante ciuvascia əne sia, come al solito, la più vicina al nome ungh. mitico Enee: ancora una volta, insomma, l’ungherese ci appare nel suo rapporto simbiotico con il turcico e più precisamente con il ciuvascio. In effetti, un’origine di etr. UNI da lat. Iuno, pur se comunemente accettata, potrebbe rivelarsi, dal punto di vista filologico, come una lectio facilior da abbandonare. Vediamo perché. (1) Anzitutto, sul piano storico-religioso, né TINIA né MENERVA sono nomi di origine latina. Di TINIA siamo certi (e vedremo più oltre come si possa analizzare questo nome), e di MENERVA abbiamo appena detto. Di sicuramente latino, fra i teonimi etruschi, non c’è che SELVANS, e forse, ad essere di manica larga, anche VEIVE e SATRE, se da Veiovis e Saturnus. A parte i teonimi di origini greca, che sono più numerosi di quelli latini, tutti gli altri, che sono molti, sono etruschi. (2) Più importante, perché obiezione linguistica ed ha quindi valore formale, se UNI derivasse da Iuno, dovremmo ammettere uno sviluppo fonetico basato sulla perdita della semivocale – j-, che contrasterebbe con quelle tendenze fono-articolatorie dell’etrusco, così come ci sono note, nelle loro linee generali, grazie a quella pietra miliare della linguistica etrusca che è la ricerca di de Simone sui prestiti etruschi dal greco (de Simone 1968-1970). Ecco la documentazione: il teonimo latino Diovem appare su uno specchio etrusco (idem II 103), e non ha perso la semivocale diventando *Dovem. Un nome greco come Iason ‘Giasone’, che presenta lo stesso tipo di dittongo di Iuno, in etrusco viene reso con Easun, Heiasun, Heasun, Eiasun, Hiasunu (idem II, 133, 144, 155); e mai con *Ason, senza semivocale. E semmai, se dovessimo ipotizzare un mutamento fonetico, dovremmo piuttosto aspettarci, per una parola come Iuno, lo stesso sviluppo mostrato dal gruppo iniziale Fió-/dió-, che al contrario del supposto passaggio di Uni da Iuni mostra la perdita della vocale tonica e la trasformazione della semivocale –j- in –i-, per cui abbiamo da Fιόλα¯ος VILAE, da ∆ιοµήδες ZIMITE, ZIMAITE e simili, da ∆ιονΰσιος TINUSI, da ∆ιοφάνες TIΦANE ecc. (idem 165-66). Dovremmo insomma aspettarci *INI, non UNI. A mio avviso, insomma, l’ipotesi che UNI fosse, in origine, il nome etrusco della cerva, affine a quello ungherese űnő di origine turcica, e che per questo a lei, come dea-cerva primigenia, si sacrificassero resti di cervo, è del tutto plausibile. Grazie poi alla fortuita somiglianza fonica con Iuno questo nome, durante il processo di antropomorfizzazione, sarebbe stato poi assimilato a quello della dea latina.

13

9 L’etimologia altaica del teonimo etr. Tinia: turcico Täng-ri dio del cielo Il teonimo TINIA è certamente etrusco, ed anche di questo il quadro etnolinguistico e culturale aperto dalla mia tesi permette un’etimologia interessante. La principale divinità altaica, che ha il ruolo di dio celeste, e il cui nome deriva da quello del ‘cielo’, è infatti täŋri in a.tu., kom., ciag., tu.or., barab. ‘Dio, cielo’; in calm. teŋŋiri ‘Dio’; in tu.osm, turkm. e azerb. tanri ‘Dio’, ecc. Räsänen deriva il suo nome da quello del cielo in Cinese (e Coreano) tien (da cui poi tien-li, tien-ti, tien-te ecc., rispett. ‘ragione del cielo’, imperatore del cielo’, virtù del cielo’ecc. nelle varie articolazioni del principio celeste nella religione cino-coreana) (v. EWT, 474, con rinvio a Joki 354-6, e a Ramstedt SKE Helsinki 1949, MSFOu 95 ). Per cui täŋri deriverebbe da tien-li ‘ragione del cielo’. Quindi è probabile che TIN in etrusco valesse ‘cielo’ e TINIA forse ‘il Celeste’.

10 Etr. volta ‘mostro’(Plinio), ungh. volta ‘essere’ Plinio, nel secondo libro della sua Historia Naturalis, riferisce di un antico racconto etrusco, secondo cui il re Porsenna impetrò ed ottenne un fulmine quando un mostro chiamato Volta si avvicinò alla città di Bolsena (Orvieto) dopo aver devastato le campagne: “Vetus fama Etruriae est, impetratum Volsinios urbem depopulatis agris subente mostro, quod vocavere Voltam, evocatum a Porsina suo rege” (140). Purtroppo, non sappiamo altro di questo mostro, il cui nome per altro non figura né fra le Glosse dei TLE di Pallottino, né negli ET di Rix. In effetti, volta in ungherese è il sostantivo che significa ‘essere’; ed è parola già attestata in aungh. (1372), e di chiara origine FU: *βole- essere, divenire’ (EUW). Ora, in tutte le lingue del mondo sostantivi come ‘essere’ o ‘cosa’ vengono spesso usati come nomi sostitutivi (noa) di un referente tabuizzato, nella loro qualità di massima generalizzazione ((Alinei 1985, 1986b, 1988, 1993, 1996, 2000 con bibliografia). Nella tipologia tabuistica, molto ben studiata dalla linguistica, si usano infatti diversi tipi di generalizzazione: fra cui quella del diretto superordinato nella tassonomia del referente (per esempio ‘bestia’ per qualunque animale, cfr. it. biscia), o quella della generalizzazione massima, come ‘lui’, ’esso’, ‘lei’, ‘cosa’ o, appunto, ‘essere’, per qualunque cosa vivente tabuizzata (cfr. Havers 1946, 159, Zelenin 1988-89, I, 245).

11 Origine turcico-ciuvascia di etr.-lat LAR LARES L’origine etrusca di Lar Laris e Lares Larum è data come sicura da Ernout e Meillet (DELL), che collegano questi nomi ai teonimi etr. Laran Laruns. Tuttavia, il collegamento dei Lari ‘geni tutelari’ con un probabile dio della guerra come Lara (DICE) non sembra a prima vista plausibile. Per cui in questa nota tratto prima l’etimologia del nome dei Lares intesi come geni tutelari, e poi discuto il suo possibile collegamento con il teonimo. Il ciuvascio, come già detto, è la lingua turcica che ha più influenzato l’ungherese, ed anche nel quadro tradizionale dell’ungarologia viene considerato come il miglior candidato a rappresentare la lingua parlata dai cavalieri guerrieri turcici che conquistarono e acculturarono gli Ungheresi, separandoli dai loro affini Ob-Ugri e guidandoli all’occupazione del loro territorio storico. Nella mia tesi, sono appunto Ciuvasci appartenenti alla cultura dei kurgan che invasero l’Ungheria alla fine del III millennio. Ora in ciuvascio lar significa ‘insediarsi, stabilirsi, sedersi, risedere, accomodarsi’, oltre che ‘covare le uova; crescere, piantare; atterrare, imbarcare, ormeggiare, ancorare’ ed altro ancora. E’ parola altaica, affine a uig. olur olor, soj. olur, jak. olor, a uig., m.tu, ecc. oltur ‘sedere, sedersi, insediarsi’, bar. oltyr, oir. tel. šor. tu.or., osm. krm. azerb., kzk. otur ‘sedere, sedersi, abitare’ ecc.; sag. olat olyt ‘un luogo in cui ci si può stabilire’, ecc. (EWT 361). Il nesso con i Lares è dunque evidente: essi si lasciano interpretare come gli antenati degli invasori Proto-Etruschi che si erano insediati in Italia, e sotto la cui protezione si ponevano le famiglie degli Etruschi. 14

Se poi, partendo da questa etimologia, a mio parere suggestiva, vogliamo spiegare anche il teonimo Laran - di cui per altro non si è certi se designi solo un dio della guerra o anche un semplice guerriero, il collegamento sarà logico, più che etimologico. E’ infatti ovvio che i primi ‘coloni’ che si erano insediati, come Proto-Etruschi, in Etruria lo avevano fatto come invasori guerrieri, e non come pacifici immigrati. Di qui, si può pensare, la loro rappresentazione, sia come semplici guerrieri, sia in chiave mitica e religiosa come ‘dio della guerra’.

15

BIBLIOGRAFIA ALGRM = Roscher, W. H. (1884-1886), Ausführliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Romischen Mythologie, Druck und Verlag von B. G. Teubner, Leipzig, 10 voll. Alinei, Mario (1983), L'evoluzione dal totemismo al cristianesimo popolare studiata negli sviluppi semantici dei dialetti italiani, in Quaderni di Semantica IV, pp. 3-29, 253-270. Alinei, Mario (1986), Belette, in Atlas Linguarum Europae I, Assen/Maasstricht, pp. 145-224. Alinei, Mario (1988), La monografia sul tabù linguistico dell'etnografo sovietico Zelenin: Presentazione, in Quaderni di Semantica IX, pp. 183-5. Alinei, Mario (1993), Due note su "totem" e "tabù" nei dialetti, in Quaderni di Semantica, XIV, pp. 3-7. Alinei, Mario (1996-2000), Origini delle lingue d'Europa, vol. I: La teoria della continuità; Vol. II: Continuità dal Mesolitico al Ferro nelle principali aree europee. Bologna, Società editrice Il Mulino. Alinei, Mario (2003), Etrusco: una forma arcaica di ungherese, il Mulino, Bologna. Alinei, Mario (2005), Ősi kapocs. A magyar-etruszk nyelvrokonság, Allprint, Budapest. Barfield, Lawrence (1971), Northern Italy before Rome, Thames and Hudson, London.. Bonghi Jovino, Maria (2005), Offerte, uomini e dei nel “complesso monumentale” di Tarquinia. Dallo scavo all’interpretazione, in Bonghi Jovino, M. e F. Chiesa (curr.), Offerte dal regno vegetale e dal regno animale nelle manifestazioni del sacro. Atti dell’incontro di studio (Milano 26-27 giugno 2003), L’Erma di Bretschneider, Roma, pp. 73-89. Cardarelli, Andrea (1992), Le età dei metalli nell'Italia settentrionale, in Guidi A., M. Piperno (cur.), Guidi, Alessandro, Italia preistorica, Editori Laterza, Bari. Cinnioğly, C., R. King, T. Kivisild, E. Kalfoğlu, S. Atasoy, G.L Cavalleri, A.S. Lillie, C.C. Roseman, A.A. Lin, K. Prince, P.J. Oefner, P. Shen, O. Semino, L.L. Cavalli Sforza, P.A. Underhill (2003), Excavating Y-chromosome haplotype strata in Anatolia, in Human Genetics 114, 127-148. DELL = Ernout, A. – A. Meillet (1959-1960), Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine. Histoire des mots, Librairie C. Klincksieck, Paris, 2 volumi. De Ferdinandy, Michael (1983), Die Mythologie der Ungarn, in Haussig (ed.), 209-259. de Simone, Carlo (1968-1970), Die Griechischen Entlehnungen im Etruskischen, 2 voll. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Di Benedetto G., A. Ergüven, M. Stenico, L. Castri, G. Bertorelle, I. Togan, G. Barbujani, DNA Diversity and Population Admixture in Anatolia (2001), in American Journal of Physical Anthropology 115, 144-156. DICE = Dizionario Illustrato della Civiltà Etrusca, a cura di Mauro Cristofani, Giunti, Firenze 1999. EWT = Martti Räsänen, Versuch eines Etymologisches Wörterbuch der Türksprachen, Helsinki 1969. EWU = Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Ungarischen, Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1993-1997, 3 voll. Greenberg, Joseph (2002), Indo-European and Its Closest Relatives: The Eurasiatic language family. Vol. 1: Grammar, Stanford University Press. Haussig, Wilhelm Hans (ed.) (1983), Gotter und mythen im alten Europa, Ernst Klett Verlag, Stuttgart. Havers, Wilhelm (1946), Neuere Literatur zum Sprachtabu (Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Phil.-hist. Klasse, Sitzungsberichte 223, Band 5), R.M.Roher, Wien. Hencken, Hugh (1968), Tarquinia, Villanovans and early Etruscans, The Peabody Museum, Massachusetts, U.S.A., 2 voll. Korenchy, Eva (1988), Iranische Einfluss in den finnisch-ugrischen Sprachen, in Sinor, Denis (ed.), The Uralic Languages. Description, history and foreign influences, Leiden, 665-681. 16

Kovács, Tibor (1977), The Bronze Age in Hungary, Corvina Press, Budapest. Liddell, H. G. - Scott, Robert - Stuart Jones, H. (1953), Greek - English lexicon, The Clarendon Press, Oxford. Torelli, Mario (1997), Appunti per una storia di Tarquinia, in Bonghi Jovino M. e C. Chiaramonte Treré, Tarquinia: ricerche, scavi e prospettive, Milano, pp. 129-140. UEW = Károly Rédei, Uralisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch, 3 voll., Otto Harassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1988-1991. Vernesi C, D. Caramelli, I. Dupanloup, G. Bertorelle, M. Lari, E. Cappellini, J. Moggi-Cecchi, B. Chiarelli, L. Castri, A. Casoli, F. Mallegni, C. Lalueza Foz, G. Barbujani (2004), The Etruscans : A Population-Genetic Study, in American Journal of Human Genetics, 74, 694704. Zelenin, D.K. (1988-89 = 1928), Tabù linguistici nelle popolazioni dell’Europa orientale e dell’Asia settentrionale, in Quaderni di Semantica 9, 187-317 (I); 10, 123-276 (II).

17

Una risposta alla recensione di Danilo Gheno dedicata agli etruscologi1 di Mario Alinei forthcoming in «Quaderni di Semantica» 51,2 (2005).

Nella sua recensione al mio libro sull’etrusco come forma arcaica di ungherese Gheno, nonostante mi dia, generosamente, del “linguista insigne”, e nonostante definisca “affascinante” e “corredata […] di paralleli grammaticali e lessicali individuati con acribia” la mia ricostruzione dell’etnogenesi ungherese, mi tratta poi come uno scolaretto al quale il maestro abbia restituito il compito, pieno di righe rosse e blu… Ecco, per cominciare, la mia ‘pagella’ scolastica: “capovolgimento ardito” (218): “labilità di moltissimi dei [miei] ragionamenti linguistici dal lato ungherese” (220); “soluzioni inaccettabili [nell’ambito dell’armonia vocalica” (221), “errori che concernono la morfologia storica collegata all’armonia vocalica” (221), “enunciazioni fonetiche singolari” (idem), “fraintendimenti semantici di parole ungheresi che gettano nuova ombra su tutta l’impostazione del lavoro” (223); “qualche equivoco anche in finnico (per tacer di altre lingue)” (224), “non comuni soluzioni”, “accostamenti e […] ricostruzioni azzardate […] errori di natura filologica, grammaticale e linguisticostorica dovuti – penso - a frettolosa interpretazione o a inattualità delle fonti” (228); “modo di procedere a passo forse troppo sicuro [che mi] fa cadere in altre semplificazioni” (230). Certo anche il miglior cavallo ha le sue pulci, ma qui mi vedo ridotto addirittura a un asino! Per fortuna, mi sarà facile mostrare che la stragrande maggioranza delle osservazioni di Gheno sono assolutamente irrilevanti per la mia tesi, per cui anche i giudizi citati si dimostreranno del tutto infondati. Inoltre, molto spesso le osservazioni di Gheno sono sbagliate. Più importante, la mia stessa teoria, nell’interpretazione che Gheno ne dà nelle prime pagine della sua recensione, è stata addirittura capovolta, con conseguenze ovviamente disastrose per la sua argomentazione. Ma decisiva è poi questa conclusione: se gli errori che un uralista può trovare nel mio libro sono quelli elencati da Gheno, posso tirare un respiro di sollievo, perché la mia tesi non solo ne esce salva, ma per certi aspetti addirittura rafforzata! Fatta questa premessa, aggiungo – anche se lo considero superfluo - che non ho alcuna difficoltà ad ammettere i limiti oggettivi delle mie conoscenze delle lingue uraliche. Tanto che alla fine di questa mia replica elencherò le (pochissime) critiche di Gheno che a mio avviso colgono nel segno. Non posso esimermi dal dire, tuttavia, che nel suo insieme la recensione di Gheno non riguarda il mio libro, ma una mia ‘invasione di campo’, valutata in maniera pedante, sulla sola base dell’ungherese moderno, e in modo del tutto avulso dal contenuto del mio libro. Non è quindi una recensione del mio libro, ma un esercizio di ricerca del pelo nell’uovo, che serve solo a quelli che non avrebbero mai voluto che io scrivessi il mio libro.

1

Cfr. D. Gheno, recensione di M. Alinei, Etrusco: una forma arcaica di ungherese, Bologna. Il Mulino, 2003, in «Archivio Glottologico Italiano» 84,2 (2004), pp.217-232.

1

Prima di inoltrarmi nella confutazione dei suoi argomenti, credo però sia utile specificare quali sono i due aspetti fondamentali del mio libro, di cui Gheno non ha tenuto assolutamente conto: (1) Anzitutto, io non mi sarei sognato di presentare la mia teoria sulla discendenza degli Ungheresi dagli Etruschi sulla semplice base di un certo numero di confronti lessicali. La mia profonda convinzione, fondata su principi teorici e di metodo, è infatti che sia sempre possibile, per chiunque lo desideri, trovare parole simili in qualunque coppia di lingue, scelte anche a caso. Questo per tre ragioni elementari: (A) il sistema articolatorio è lo stesso per tutti gli esseri umani, (B) l’inventario dei fonemi è estremamente limitato ed è necessariamente simile in tutte le parlate del mondo, e (C) il bisogno fisiologico di respirare mentre si parla pone le stesse rigorose restrizioni alla struttura sillabica di qualunque lingua del mondo. Sarebbe quindi facile dimostrare, con una formula statistica e matematica, che le probabilità oggettive di trovare parole simili in due lingue scelte a caso sono altissime. Sono quindi l’ultima persona al mondo a credere che basti elencare qualche somiglianza lessicale per ‘dimostrare’ l’affinità di due lingue, come hanno fatto tutti coloro che si sono avvicendati a scoprire parentele più o meno illustri e assurde per qualsiasi lingua del mondo, compreso l’etrusco e l’ungherese. Oggi, purtroppo, siamo invasi da due categorie di linguisti, non solo dilettanti ma anche di professione: i primi che vedono (quasi sempre) la loro lingua in tutti gli angoli della terra, per cui le vecchie ‘manie’ (più esattamente ‘ideologie’ di origine variamente perversa) del panebraismo, del panillirismo, del panceltismo e del pangermanesimo, che si speravano cancellate per sempre dalla storia della linguistica, ricompaiono oggi sotto forma di panuralismo, panslavismo, pansemitismo e chi più ne ha più ne metta; i secondi che, al contrario, negano le affinità stabilite con assoluta certezza da generazioni di studiosi geniali, creando quindi nuove forme di revisionismo dilettantistico. (2) Il mio interesse per l’ungherese è cominciato nel contesto dell’Atlas Linguarum Europae (di cui sono stato co-fondatore nel 1975, e presidente dell’ALE dal 1982 al 1997), e si è via via accresciuto man mano che la mia teoria della continuità, che ho cominciato ad abbozzare in quegli anni, mi portava a due inevitabili conclusioni: (I) in Italia gli autoctoni erano gli Italici e gli invasori erano gli Etruschi; (II) in Europa sudorientale, gli autoctoni erano gli Slavi, e il famoso popolo dei kurgan (famoso perché la Gimbutas e la sua scuola lo considerava proto-indoeuropeo), che nel Calcolitico ne aveva invaso una parte, fra cui l’Ungheria (durante la cultura di Baden), era di lingua turcica. Quando la lettura delle fondamentali ricerche di Hugh Hencken sulle origini di Villanova mi ha confrontato con la certezza – confermata da autorità come Pallottino che la cultura villanoviana e quindi l’Etruria avevano radici carpato-balcaniche, il mio assioma etrusco-turco-ungherese ha preso la sua forma necessaria e definitiva, ed è cominciata la fase della dimostrazione. Che si poi è rivelata molto facile, date le evidenti coincidenze che si lasciavano riscontrare fra etrusco e ungherese non solo nella lingua ma anche nella società. Chi ha letto il mio libro sa quindi che il mio tentativo di dimostrazione del mio assioma è basato su due ordini di argomenti: (A) la straordinaria coincidenza - nei nomi, nel significato e nella portata storica - fra le principali magistrature etrusche, magistralmente studiate dagli Etruscologi, sia archeologi che linguisti, e quelle antico-ungheresi, altrettanto ben studiate dagli specialisti ungheresi; (B) la possibilità di leggere in chiave ungherese testi etruschi, e in particolare (1) sia tutti quelli già tradotti dagli Etruscologi, grazie al loro bilinguismo etrusco-latino, (2) sia alcuni fino ad ora non tradotti, ma la cui traduzione in chiave ungherese poteva essere confermata o dal significato delle figure che i testi servivano a descrivere (per 2

es. le didascalie della Tomba Golini) o dalla tipologia dell’oggetto su cui si trovano incisi (per es. la coppa di Vetulonia nella tomba del Duce). Credo dunque di poter dire, senza il minimo dubbio e chiamando a testimonianza chiunque abbia letto il mio libro senza preconcetto, che se la mia teoria vale qualcosa questo sta esclusivamente nelle sue premesse archeologiche e nelle conferme interdisciplinari, confermate e illuminate dal confronto linguistico etruscoungherese. Ovviamente, per quanto riguarda la comparazione etrusco-ungherese, sul lato ungherese posso aver commesso errori di interpretazione e di terminologia, ciò che, come ho già detto, non ho alcuna difficoltà ad ammettere. Proprio a Gheno, fra l’altro, in vista della versione ungherese del mio libro (che mentre scrivo questa replica è già in commercio), mandai il mio libro in omaggio, chiedendogli anche, in nome dell’amicizia in comune con una collega scomparsa, mia carissima amica, se volesse aiutarmi ad eliminare eventuali errori o sviste, in vista della traduzione ungherese. Purtroppo, Gheno non mi ha mai risposto. Inoltre, sempre per la versione ungherese, io stesso ho modificato in parte l’interpretazione di alcune parole dell’iscrizione sulla Coppa di Vetulonia, migliorandone molto il senso e rendendola ancora più vicina all’ungherese di quanto già non fosse. Infine, non posso esimermi dal ripetere ciò che ho scritto anche nella Prefazione del mio libro, e cioè che l’ho scritto in età avanzata, con il legittimo desiderio, e l’inevitabile fretta, di ultimarlo in tempo per vederne la pubblicazione. In ogni caso, posso affermare senza esitazione che le correzioni e i miglioramenti, miei o altrui, non intaccano la sostanza della mia scoperta, che resta quella illustrata nel mio libro. Del resto, anche il grande Michael Ventris (al quale certo non mi paragono, se non altro perché non ho decifrato alcunché!), pur non essendo un grecista, e neanche un linguista, ha scoperto che il Miceneo B era greco arcaico. E anche sulla sua tesi, prima che essa venisse accolta universalmente, si riversò il dileggio (“poured scorn”: Chadwick 1958) delle solite, onnipresenti mediocrità accademiche. Veniamo ora alla recensione. Per recensire seriamente il mio libro, Gheno avrebbe dovuto tener conto dei testi da me tradotti, per lo meno di quelli bilingui, la cui traduzione è certa, e di quelli il cui contesto materiale e/o storico-culturale permette di decidere se le coincidenze da me scoperte siano fortuite o strutturali. Gheno, invece, non ha trattato neanche un testo etrusco da me tradotto nella sua integrità e, a parte una sintesi della mia teoria sulla ricostruzione dell’arrivo degli Ungheresi nella Pianura Carpatica (v. oltre), si è limitato a un lunghissimo elenco di parole etrusche, da me avvicinate all’ungherese per ragioni testuali, e non di mero confronto lessicale, e a proposito delle quali mi rimprovera errori di terminologia e di interpretazione, sviste, lapsus calami, errori di stampa e in genere la sia pur minima deviazione dall’ungherese moderno. Vedremo più oltre un campione sufficientemente rappresentativo del tipo di osservazioni predilette da Gheno. Ma prima di ogni cosa devo informare il lettore di quella che è la più sbalorditiva fra le sue affermazioni a proposito della mia teoria, e tale da inficiare tutta la sua recensione, anche a prescindere dalle ambigue finalità che si è dato e che illustrerò più oltre. Ecco di cosa si tratta. Dopo aver contrapposto la mia teoria a quella di Pogrányi-Nagy, che sosteneva la comune origine dell’Ungherese e dell’Etrusco dal Sumero (nel mio libro doverosamente ricordata, ma subito accantonata come immeritevole di attenzione), Gheno la presenta così: “Ora invece è stato proposto – credo per la prima volta - un capovolgimento ardito: non sono gli ungheresi a essere eventualmente discendenti degli etruschi, ma il contrario” (218, mio corsivo). Confesso che sono rimasto di stucco quando ho letto queste righe. Anche se Gheno ammette la propria incompetenza in 3

materia di Etrusco, non può ignorare che l’Etrusco è di quasi due millenni più antico dell’antico Ungherese. Più importante, la conclusione principale del mio libro, annunciata nel titolo e ripetuta non so quante volte nel testo, è che alla luce della mia analisi l’etrusco appare essere “una forma arcaica di Ungherese”, cioè uno stadio linguistico che si trova a metà fra il Proto-Ugrico e l’ungherese storicamente attestato (cfr. e.g. pp.27), quindi qualcosa che si avvicina al Proto-Ungherese. Inoltre, dalla mia stessa ricostruzione (cap.VI) della Honfoglalás (la conquista/occupazione della patria, proprio quella che Gheno, come abbiamo visto, ha trovato “affascinante”), dovrebbe essere evidente che gli Ugri destinati a diventare gli Ungheresi, che nel Calcolitico si sono staccati dal loro ceppo, lo hanno fatto dopo essere stati acculturati da una elite turca (ciò che, a parte la cronologia, i maggiori specialisti comunque ammettono), ed è quindi a partire da questo momento, ancora prima della occupazione dell’attuale Ungheria, che possiamo considerare siano nati i Proto-Ungheresi come popolazione magiara dominata da un’élite turcica, e che potremmo chiamare anche Proto-Etruschi. Naturalmente, gli Etruschi storici, cioè quelli che incontriamo soltanto nei primi secoli del primo millennio a.C., avevano ormai avuto tutto il tempo di mescolarsi ad altri popoli non danubiani, italici e non, e quindi di mutare la propria lingua originaria in misura anche notevole. Ma ciò nonostante è ovvio che l’Etrusco, in questa visione, rappresenta la fase linguistica più vicina possibile al Proto-Ungherese, e quindi anche all’Ugrico. Non a caso, a p.69, per esempio, ho scritto testualmente “l’etrusco – in quanto antenato dell’ungherese –”; e in tutto il mio IV capitolo, in cui ho presentato quello che mira ad essere il primo abbozzo di una grammatica storica etruscoungherese, la formula che ho adottato sistematicamente, e usato centinaia di volte, è quella “Etrusco .> Ungherese”: ciò che significa, per chiunque conosca il valore di “>” in linguistica storica, che prima viene l’Etrusco e poi viene l’Ungherese! Per cui, se di “capovolgimento ardito” è lecito parlare è solo a proposito di quello che fa Gheno nei confronti della mia teoria! Non solo, ma è anche evidente che partendo dall’ungherese moderno anziché da uno stadio intermedio fra Proto-Ugrico e Antico Ungherese, gran parte delle critiche di Gheno perdono qualunque attinenza col mio libro, e qualunque interesse per chi si aspetti una seria discussione della mia tesi. Non sorprenderà, quindi, che moltissime delle osservazioni di Gheno pecchino di questo peccato originale. Bastino qui, per illustrare questo punto, tre esempi (altri seguiranno più oltre): (1) il mio confronto, abbastanza trasparente, fra etr. tular ‘confine’ e ungh. túl ‘al di là, oltre’, fra l’altro attestato come sostantivo (con suff. possessivo) nel 1519 (EWU) (e cfr. tutti i composti di tul + sost. per indicare l’altra parte, l’altro lato di qualcosa, e fra i verbi per es. túljar attraversare, superare, sorpassare’). Gheno (p.222) commenta così: “vi sono due fraintendimenti nell’ultima frase di Alinei: l’EWUng. [...] data al 1519 l’accezione di ‘jenseitiger Teil’ di túl come “Subst [haupts mit PossSf]”, oggi questa parola è ignota in qualità di sostantivo” (mio corsivo). Dunque, siccome oggi il sostantivo non esiste, anche se esisteva nel 1519, non poteva esistere in etrusco! (2) La mia (banale) affermazione che l’ungherese ha neutralizzato l’opposizione fra consonanti [occlusive] scempie e geminate (p.267) – affermazione che ho ripreso dalla “Hungarian Historical Phonology” del compianto Béla Kálmán, e che si trova in qualunque manuale di uralistica. Gheno, invece di farmi notare, semmai, che ho omesso la specificazione ‘occlusive’, replica elencando esempi di coppie minime dell’ungherese moderno: esempi tipici, fra l’altro, di opposizioni di scarso rendimento funzionale, a livello lessicale, come orom ‘cima’ e orrom ‘il mio naso’, várom ‘lo aspetto’ várrom ‘rovine di un castello’. (3) Il mio (tentativo di) confronto (Gheno omette di segnalare che la mia formulazione è molto cauta) fra etr. has mun[xx] e ungh. munka ‘tortura (al ventre)’ (attestato nel 1200) e di evidente

4

derivazione da un termine slavo avente lo stesso significato. Gheno corregge: “oggi (già dopo il 1372 […]) ‘lavoro’” (p.223). Come ho già detto, Gheno non discute nessun testo tradotto integralmente in chiave ungherese. Per mostrare le conseguenze che questa sua scelta ha sul livello delle sue osservazioni, comincio da tre parole etrusche molto importanti, la cui lettura in chiave ungherese Gheno discute separatamente, ma che sono invece parte integrante di un testo molto significativo, oltre che degli altri testi in cui appaiono. Queste tre parole sono: (1) ure, che io avvicino a ungh. úr ‘signore’, (2) nac, che io avvicino a PUngh. *neki ‘per, su, verso’ e a ungh. –nak / -nek ‘dativo’ e (3) tansina, che io avvicino a ungh. tan- ‘i insegnare’ + szín ‘bella forma’. Credo sia utile riassumere le questioni sollevate dalla mia traduzione del testo, per poter valutare la debolezza – e l’ambigua finalità - delle critiche di Gheno. Tutte e tre le parole appaiono nell’iscrizione sulla Tazza di Vetulonia, lo splendido kyathos (vaso potorio ad ansa rialzata) di bucchero ritrovato nella tomba detta, per la sua ricchezza, 'del Duce', del VII-VI sec. a. C. L’iscrizione, importante anche per la sua antichità, l’ho letta nella lezione di Pallottino: naceme uru iqal qilen iqal iceme mesnamer tansina mulu Va anzitutto ricordato che la mia traduzione in chiave ungherese permette di interpretare questo vaso etrusco come appartenente alla categoria dei manufatti ‘parlanti’, e quindi come uno di quegli oggetti di prestigio e di proprietà individuale che si rivolgono, parlando in prima persona, al loro proprietario. Numerosi sono i vasi latini di questo tipo, e nel mio libro ho citato l’iscrizione latina incisa su un bicchiere proveniente da Reims, che recita a me, dulcis amica, bibe “da me, dolce amica, bevi” e quella sull’olla proveniente da Nimega ol(l)a(m) tene bibe “tieni, prendi l’olla e bevi!” In questo caso, poiché sappiamo che il destinatario dell’apostrofe iscritta sullo splendido vaso è un Duce, personaggio etrusco così chiamato per la ricchezza della sua tomba, ci si può quindi attendere che l’iscrizione sia significativa. Ora, questa interpretazione del vaso come ‘parlante’ dipende proprio dalla lettura in chiave ungherese della prima parola del testo, naceme, lettura poi confermata da quella delle parole successive. Ecco alcune citazioni della mia analisi, così come le presento nel mio libro, cui faccio seguire i commenti di Gheno. naceme: si lascia identificare con l’avv. ungh. nekem 'a me, verso di me'. E' lo stesso avverbio e posposizione che abbiamo incontrato nella lamina di Pyrgi, ma che qui si trova in posizione avverbiale assoluta. Come sappiamo, corrisponde alla posposizione ungh. -nak/-nek, segnacaso del dativo, che deriva da un avverbio protoungh. non attestato nek-i 'auf etw zu, entgegen, in Richtung von' (con suffisso possessivo sing. 3a -i (variante di -e)). Accanto alla forma neki non attestata si è sviluppata, con i rimanenti suffissi possessivi (-m, -d ecc.), la serie paradigmatica nekem neked ecc. 'a me, a te' ecc., come è normale in ungherese. Quindi la tazza si rivolge al proprietario con le parole: "verso di me, in me", così come in latino il bicchiere dice “a me” ‘da me’. (p.198)

Cosa dice di tutto questo il mio critico? Anzitutto, ciò che lui discute e cita non è la mia analisi concreta del testo, in cui cerco di argomentare al meglio la mia interpretazione, ma solo la definizione riassuntiva che ne do nel Lessico (a p.71-72), e in cui, per ovvie ragioni di economia, non ho ripetuto i dettagli dell’analisi. Ma poiché non posso dubitare che Gheno abbia letto anche la parte che riguarda i Testi, debbo arguirne che Gheno scelga dal mio testo solo ciò che gli serve per impartirmi una lezioncina di grammatica ungherese, e per di più a sproposito: “A parte che ungh. neki 5

significa ‘a lui/lei’, etr. nac non può essere…” (v. oltre). Critica che non merito affatto, perché nell’illustrazione del testo chiarisco molto bene che il mio neki non è ungh. moderno, bensì PUngh nek-i, non attestato, ma ricostruito (cfr. EWU) col significato da me citato di ‘per, su, verso’. Sicché sia il [sic] dopo la mia glossa “neki ‘per, su, verso” che la sua osservazione che in ungh. neki significa ‘a lui/lei’ sono del tutto fuori luogo. Ma non basta: il suo principale argomento critico contro la mia lettura di nac e di naceme in chiave ungherese è questo: siccome “la prima attestazione ungherese del suffisso [nella Orazione Funebre del 1195 ca.] presenta ancora solo la variante palatale [nec]”, “nell’epoca etrusca non poteva ricorrere la variante velare del medesimo. Pertanto è fuori luogo altresì la ricostruzione etr. iχnac = ungh. arcaico igynac […] come altre del genere” (221). L’ingenuità teorica di questo commento è disarmante: possibile che Gheno, che certamente sa (cfr. per es. EWU) che ungh. nak/nek deriva da PUr *nä 'questo', ed è quindi affine a mansi, -nā ‘segnacaso lativo’, -nāl ‘ablativo e lativo’, -nāt ‘comitativo’; khanty -na ‘lativo/illativo’, -nat ‘comitativo’ (EWU)” (e sto citando dalla stessa p.108 citata da lui), cioè proprio alle due lingue ob-ugriche strettamente apparentate all’ungherese, non si renda conto che l’attestazione scritta della Orazione sia un argomento assolutamente insussistente (e interpretabile, come tutti gli scripta medievali, in chiave di variabilità grafica e/o di ambizioni normative), di fronte all’evidenza della documentazione comparativa, che mostra consistentemente una /ä/ o una /a/ originaria? Quindi resta del tutto valida, e a mio avviso non poco significativa per la ricostruzione del Proto-Ungherese, la traduzione di etr. naceme ‘a me, verso di me’, come equivalente - e prima attestazione in assoluto, del VII/VI secolo a.C.! - di ungh. nekem. Passiamo ora alla seconda parola discussa da Gheno, e che nella mia analisi del testo io tratto così uru: forma arcaica di ungh. úr 'signore, padrone, proprietario', già attestato nell'XI sec., di etimo controverso ma di prob. origine turcica: aturc. urï 'giovanotto', da *uru, urï 'discendente, parente', termine che aveva a che fare con l'ereditarietà, e che quindi nell'antica società turco-magiara si associava solo agli alti strati della società (EWU). E' l'appellativo ungherese per eccellenza, lo abbiamo già visto nel Lessico, e lo vedremo ancora più oltre. In ungherese moderno, tuttavia, ci aspetteremmo la forma possessiva uram. Due sono quindi le possibili ipotesi: in etrusco non esisteva ancora la forma possessiva enclitica, e in questo caso la traduzione sarebbe il vocativo “o signore”, con cui il vaso si rivolgerebbe direttamente al proprietario (come nell’esempio latino); oppure uru rappresenta il soggetto della frase, al nominativo, quindi corrisponderebbe a “il signore”. Vedremo se vi sono altri argomenti in favore dell’una o dell’altra traduzione.

Anche in questo caso, come è suo solito, Gheno sembra seguire un percorso intenzionalmente tortuoso, alla ricerca della sola cosa che lo interessi: il pelo nell’uovo. La forma da lui citata, anzitutto, non è infatti il chiarissimo uru della Tazza di Vetulonia - chiarissimo perché la sua forma coincide perfettamente con uru dell’antico ungherese, e quindi non criticabile… -, bensì ure, che Gheno cita, di nuovo, dal mio Lessico, e non dai testi in cui è attestata. In secondo luogo, è utile ricordare che sia ure che uri, l’altra variante di uru, sono esclusivamente attestate in iscrizioni su vasi, evidentemente appartenenti a un ‘signore’, e che in non pochi casi questi vasi recano anche il segno del pentagramma, ben noto simbolo magico, di potenza e di perfezione, perfettamente appropriato al ‘signore’. Ma anche di questo, ovviamente, non c’è parola nella recensione di Gheno… 6

Nella mia analisi di questa particolare forma ure (soprattutto nell’iscrizione ure mi che ha tutto l’aspetto di una semplice dichiarazione di possesso: ‘io sono del signore’), nel mio libro propongo una lettura della –e finale come segnacaso del possessivo o diminutivo. Gheno, anche questa volta, mi bacchetta: alt! in ungh. moderno dovremmo avere ura! Al che, timidamente, vorrei rispondere: “fin qui, signor maestro, ci arrivavo anch’io…”. Poi, però, mi suggerisce un’altra chiave di lettura, secondo la quale -e potrebbe essere letto come un ‘segno di possesso’, per cui la mia traduzione resta valida. Questa possibilità mi era sfuggita, e ringrazio vivamente Gheno del suggerimento. Senonché, a questo punto, mi chiedo, e giro la domanda al mio critico: ma allora, la mia traduzione in chiave ungherese di etr. uru come ‘signore’ e di ure ‘del signore’ è giusta o sbagliata? Perché se è giusta, come sembra, e se è giusto anche naceme, come anche sembra, per quali misteriose ragioni allora Gheno si è tanto accanito a cercare errori inesistenti, e allo stesso tempo a nascondere gli aspetti più rilevanti della mia tesi, qui come altrove? Ma vediamo ora, prima di passare alla terza parola di questo testo discussa da Gheno, anche la traduzione del resto della proposizione, che è la più trasparente per il confronto con l’ungherese, e che quindi – per ovvie ragioni di congruenza testuale, semantica e sintattica - getta luce su ciascuna delle parole che la compongono, comprese quelle discusse da Gheno. Inoltre, come ho già detto, per la versione ungherese del mio libro ne ho anche migliorato la traduzione. La prima parola che segue uru, e che Gheno non discute nella sua recensione (perché ovviamente non ha niente da opporre alla mia traduzione, e quindi gli conviene nasconderla…), è infatti iθal. E’ una parola importantissima per la coerenza del testo e per la sua traduzione dato che, esssendo l’iscrizione su un vaso potorio ‘parlante’, è chiaro che essa si lascia immediatamente confrontare con ungh. ital ‘bevanda’. Coincidenza fortuita anche questa, dopo le altre ‘coincidenze fortuite’ delle parole che precedono (e quelle che, come vedremo, seguono)? Poi segue θilen, anche questa convenientemente taciuta da Gheno, ma importantissima per me, perché si lascia confrontare– anche qui immediatamente, dato il contesto libatorio - con ungh. tele 'pieno', tőlt ‘versare, riempire’, mansi täwl 'pieno', khanti tel 'pieno' ecc. tutti da FU *täbd3 o *tälk3 'pieno'. Considero quindi la parola come voce dell’imperativo di un verbo PUngh. *tel ‘versare, riempire’. Per la forma, tuttavia, mentre nel mio libro italiano ho lasciato aperte diverse traduzioni possibili, nella versione ungherese ho scelto *teljen, nonostante l’ungh. moderno abbia teljel. Ho avanzato questa ipotesi perché nelle lingue obugriche – per definizione antecedenti dell’ungherese in molti aspetti - l’uscita dell’imperativo di 2a persona sg. è –n (cfr. mansi totegyn, khanti tet´n), per cui, di conseguenza, è verosimile che questa caratteristica si sia continuata in etrusco, e sia stata innovata in un periodo successivo. Dopo una ripetizione di iθal ‘bevanda’, del tutto adatta alla tipologia libatoria del testo (v. oltre), segue poi iχeme, che ovviamente dev’essere il verbo che regge iθal. Dico ovviamente perché se iθal teljen vale ‘la bevanda versa’, iθal iχeme deve rappresentare un costrutto parallelo, del tutto adatto al contesto libatorio. Tuttavia, questa è la forma che mi ha dato più filo da torcere e per la quale, nel mio libro italiano, non sono riuscito a trovare una soluzione soddisfacente. Soluzione che ho invece trovato per la versione ungherese, e che ora mi sembra valga la pena di illustrare; e per due ragioni: (1) per mostrare che la mia lettura in chiave ungherese, proprio perché migliorabile, è del tutto fondata, e (2) per ricordare a Gheno che forse sono proprio questi miglioramenti che gli specialisti di ungherese dovrebbero cercare di suggerire, anziché concentrarsi nella ricerca delle eventuali imperfezioni nel mio trattamento dei materiali ungheresi.

7

Anzitutto, di fronte a iχeme, dato che l’equivalenza grafematica = è documentabile (e rinvio per questo al mio libro), dato il contesto materiale del vaso potorio, e data la tipologia libatoria del testo, va da sé che la prima ipotesi che viene in mente è che si tratti di una voce dell’imperativo in igy- del verbo ungherese moderno iszik ‘bere’: igyak -ál –on; -am idd/igyad igya, risp.1a 2a e 3a sg, indef. e def. L’ipotesi più facile è quindi, naturalmente, che l’invito del vaso parlante al suo Signore fosse duplice, e nella giusta concatenazione: “la bevanda versa, la bevanda bevi!”. Il problema, senonché, stava in quella -me finale, per la quale non sembrava vi fossero altre scelte oltre alla traduzione ‘che io beva’: l’unica forma dell’imperativo definito con –m finale esendo infatti la 1a. Per cui, nella versione italiana del mio libro ho lasciato aperte diverse ipotesi per questa forma, tutte però contraddittorie rispetto alla tipologia dei vasi potorii parlanti, in cui ovviamente non è mai il vaso che beve bensì il proprietario del vaso (cfr. il lat. “a me … bibe” e simili). Ed ecco, invece, la nuova – e semplicissima - soluzione che ho proposto nella versione ungherese: poiché l’iscrizione è in scriptio continua, la forma iχeme si lascia leggere anche come iχe me, ciò che permette di vedere in me, anziché il pron. pers. di 1° p.sg., il completivo meg, dialettalmente anche me (EWU s.v.)2. Iχe me sarebbe quindi l’equivalente etrusco di ungh. idd (< igy-) meg cioè ‘beviti, bevi per me, bevi tutto’, con una lettura che quindi rientra perfettamente nella tipologia dei vasi potorii parlanti. Il fatto, qui riferito in nota, che questa traduzione mi sia stata suggerita da una intelligente lettrice ungherese, dimostra meglio di qualunque argomento la possibilità di avvicinarsi al mio libro in modo radicalmente diverso da quello di Gheno. Si noti che con questa traduzione finisce la prima parte del testo, che come ho illustrato nel libro si lascia dividere in due proposizioni. La prima,, infatti, recita ora “In me, o signore, la bevanda versa, la bevanda bevi tutta”. Traduzione assolutamente conforme alla tipologia dei vasi potori parlanti e, a mio avviso, altamente significativa per l’etruscologia e per la mia tesi della derivazione dell’ungherese dall’etrusco. Vediamo ora la seconda parte del testo, che contiene anche la terza parola del testo discussa da Gheno. La prima parola successiva è: - mesnamer, che nel mio libro ho considerato un composto di mesna- confrontabile, fra le possibili opzioni, a ungh. méz 'miele, idromele' + suff. na, e di mer, confrontabile a ungh. mer 'misurare' (cfr. maro- 'gromatico', per il quale v. oltre). Anche di questa traduzione, tuttavia, posso ora dare una spiegazione e una giustificazione migliore: dalla letteratura specializzata ho infatti ricavato l’informazione - quanto mai rilevante per la mia traduzione! - che il kyathos greco non era soltanto un vaso potorio, ma anche una unità di misura per liquidi. Ciò che, naturalmente, conferma pienamentela mia traduzione ‘misura per l’idromele’. L’ultima parola del testo, che conviene illustrare prima di passare a quella discussa da Gheno, è poi mulu. Questa parola etrusca - anch’essa, inutile dirlo, taciuta da Gheno -, è molto comune nell’epigrafia etrusca ed è già stata tradotta, fin dalle origini dell’etruscologia, come ‘dono’. Nella mia lettura si lascia avvicinare a un termine fondamentale della religione finnougrica, estinto in ungherese e in altre lingue finnougriche, ma ancora centrale in khanty, una delle due lingue obugriche strettamente imparentate con l’ungherese. Essa sopravvive nel suo pieno significato nei suoi svariati dialetti: Vasjugan e Obdorsk mul- mut- 'offrire alle divinità, implorare (divinità)', '(nell'offerta al 2

Mi ha messo sulla buona strada un’osservazione della Sig.ra Ursulya Demeter.

8

focolare) chiedere l'accettazione divina', 'offrire cibo e bevande alle divinità', Demjanka superiore 'pregare, ottenere con preghiere (dalle divinità)', Krasnojarsk mut- 'offertorio, preghiera, supplica rivolta alle divinità pre-cristiane', Kazym mŭä 'bestemmia, formula di incantesimo, offertorio', mŭäəs 'recitare una preghiera appropriata per le offerte, bestemmiare, distruggere con le parole, incantare con frasi vuote', mansi (< khanty) mul 'formula di incantesimo' (OW 555 sgg, cfr. UEW). Ed eccoci infine alla terza parola del testo discussa da Gheno, di nuovo senza alcun rinvio al contesto in cui appare: tansina. Poiché mulu significa certamente ‘dono’, è logico ipotizzare, dal punto di vista ermeneutico, che il precedente tansina sia un’apposizione di mulu, che chiarisca la natura del dono, a sua volta specificata dal mesnamer ‘misura per l’idromele’. Ho quindi letto tansina come composto di ungh. tan- 'insegnare' (tanít 'insegnare', tanul 'imparare', tanítság 'scienza', tanár 'dotto' ecc., famiglia lessicale diffusa anche in altre lingue uraliche (Ur *tuna- 'imparare'), e che ha numerosi riscontri anche in turcico, e di szín 'bella forma' (XII sec.), 'forma esterna' (XV sec.). Quindi ‘forma bella con cui insegnare'. Ed ecco come Gheno commenta questa mia traduzione: “Osservo che ungh. tanin sé non significa ‘insegnare’, ma è una radice di ambito semantico attinente all’apprendere, allo studio; unicamente applicandole degli affissi se ne chiarisce l’accezione: così tan/ít ‘insegnare’, tan/ul ‘studiare’, tan/ár ‘insegnate, professore’ ecc.” (227). Ora in questo commento Gheno dimostra anche poca familiarità con la semantica storica e comparata. Anzitutto, è arcinoto che la maggioranza delle parole per ‘insegnare’ sono eguali o collegate a quelle per ‘imparare’: per esempio francese apprendre, neogreco mathaíno, rumeno învăţa, gallese dysgu, bretone deski, danese laere, olandese leeren, serbo-croato učiti ecc. ecc. significano sia ‘insegnare’ che ‘apprendere’. Anche in tanti dialetti e sub-standard regionali italiani si sente dire correntemente me l’ha imparato lui. Per cui, dove sta il problema? E’ del tutto plausibile che in uno stadio così antico dell’ungherese tan- fosse usato in entrambi i sensi, e che la sua differenziazione mediante affissi sia avvenuta più tardi. Inoltre, il semplice fatto che la stessa radice tan- abbia subito il processo di specializzazione (diversamente, per esempio, che in italiano e in inglese) avrebbe per lo meno dovuto invitare Gheno a una maggior cautela, se non al silenzio. La sua obiezione è dunque assolutamente insignificante, sia in sé che per la mia tesi. Ma lasciamo parlare ancora Gheno: “Il termine ungh. szin poi, oltre ad aver due omonimi, dispone ancor oggi di una ricchezza straordinaria di significati: ‘colore, cera, aspetto, apparenza, superficie’ e altro; … Non si capisce dunque perché mai Alinei estrapoli proprio quei due: ‘bella forma’ (…) del XII, non dell’XI sec., e ’forma esterna’. Eppure, anche qui, la ragione della mia scelta è semplicissima, ed è sfuggita a Gheno solo perché ha esaminato la parola al di fuori del suo contesto: la banalissima ragione della mia scelta è che, trattandosi di un vaso ‘parlante’, e per di più di squisita fattura, il donatore del vaso al Duce, che è naturalmente anche la persona che ha commissionato l’iscrizione, ne ha voluto anche decantare i pregi estetici: ‘bella forma’ è quindi l’unica traduzione che si adatti perfettamente al resto del testo e al contesto materiale. Sicché, a conti fatti, essendosi le obiezioni di Gheno nel frattempo ridotte a niente, ecco che la mia traduzione dell’iscrizione sulla Tazza di Vetulonia del VII/VI secolo a. C. si lascia confermare intieramente, e quindi leggere a un dipresso così: "In me o signore la bevanda versa, la bevanda bevimi tutta; (io sono) l'offerta che con la sua bella forma indica la misura di idromele"

9

Quattro sono ora le domande che vorrei rivolgere a Gheno: (1) è o non è adatta questa traduzione a un’iscrizione su vaso potorio parlante? (2) Si avvicina o no agli analoghi testi latini? (3) E’ o non è il testo etrusco vicino, anzi molto vicino all’ungherese? (4) Ed è o non è interessante e significativo, per uno specialista di lingua ungherese, che una sequenza di dieci parole etrusche, iscritte sul piede di un vaso potorio/misura di capacità, tutte avvicinabili in modo plausibile e produttivo ad altrettante parole ungheresi, sia leggibile come una concatenazione - logica e fornita di senso compiuto - di nozioni tutte appartenenti – meno uru ‘Signore’ e proprietario del vaso - al campo semantico del ‘bere’: cioè ‘bevanda’ ‘bere’ ‘versare’ ‘idromele’ ‘misura’? Sequenza – si noti - non solo altamente prevedibile, dato il vaso su cui è iscritta, e non solo tipologicamente confrontabile con iscrizioni latine e greche, ma anche fornita di una sua logica interna per cui, per esempio, l’invito a ‘versare la bevanda’ precede, come è logico, l’invito a berla? Il fortuito, come ho già detto, si lascia ipotizzare per qualunque coppia di parole di lingua diversa, considerate in sé. Diventa sempre meno ipotizzabile man mano che le parole si concatenano fra loro in senso compiuto. E diventa assolutamente impensabile se accanto al senso compiuto e alla concatenazione logica si aggiunge anche un contesto semantico che coincide perfettamente con il contesto materiale. A questo punto, cioè, l’onere delle prove ricade su chi, nonostante l’evidenza, faccia finta di niente e banalizzi il tutto. Vediamo un altro esempio delle conseguenze cui va incontro Gheno discutendo i miei confronti lessicali senza alcuna attenzione per il contesto testuale e materiale: la parola etr. nesl e varianti grafiche. Ecco come presento la parola nel capitolo del mio libro dedicato al lessico: NESL NEISL NEŚL ‘guarda, osserva’ (imperat. 2a sg.) Si trova in diverse iscrizioni, sul fronte di un sepolcro, o su ceppo o lapide, sempre seguito da uqi ‘sepolcro’ (TLE 167, 168, 178, 198, 351), e quasi sempre preceduto da eca ‘questo’, quindi “osserva questo/il sepolcro”. Solo in TLE 515 è preceduto da tular hilar ‘confini e luoghi’, e in TLE 359 si trova due volte in un contesto più complesso. Corrisponde da vicino, anche nella morfologia, a un imperativo 2a sg. di ungh. nez ‘vedere, guardare, contemplare, ecc.’, cioè nezzel, oppure di nesz-, base di neszel ‘osservare’ (cfr. EWU). Tipologicamente, si lascia confrontare all’uso di aspice, contempla e simili nelle iscrizioni funerarie latine: per es. «…hospes resiste et tumulum hunc excelsum aspice quo continentur ossa…» (CIL V, 6808), «…aspice praeteriens monumentum…» (CIL XII 1981) «…hospes resiste et tumulum contempla meum…» (CIL III, 6416), «… nostrum contempla sepulcrum…» (CIL III 9314).

Si noti che la traduzione di suthi ‘sepolcro’ e di eca ‘questo’ è degli Etruscologi, ed è avvalorata dalla lettura che ne ho fatto in chiave ungherese. E si noti che nel capitolo dedicato ai testi ho raccolto una decina di iscrizioni tutte recanti la forma nesl e varianti ‘contempla, guarda’, quasi tutte su fronte di sepolcro, e nel solito contesto di suthi e/o eca, meno una, su lapide, in cui il verbo è preceduto da tular hilar, quindi ‘osserva i confini dei luoghi’. Ed ecco come tratta Gheno questa parola: en passant, e fra parentesi (p.222), mi fa notare che non mi sono accorto di aver scritto nezzel anziché nézzél. Cospargendomi il capo di cenere per questa e per simili sviste tipografiche, oso chiedere al mio critico: ma cosa cambia questo alla mia tesi? Resta il fatto che l’ungherese nézzél offre qui una chiave di lettura altamente significativa per tutta una serie di iscrizioni tipologicamente affini e legate a un sepolcro, e che il valore dell’equivalenza etrusco-ungherese nesl/nézzél non sta tanto nel fatto che il significato ‘guarda, osserva’ si adatta perfettamente al contesto sepolcrale, ma anche in quello, del tutto rilevante per 10

l’etruscologia, e da me puntualmente rilevato, che esiste un parallelo tipologico nell’uso epigrafico e sepolcrale latino. Su tutto questo, come sempre, Gheno tace. Ancora un esempio dello stesso tipo: la mia traduzione di etr. trutnvt ‘aruspice, sciamano. Si tratta, anzitutto, di un termine fondamentale della religione etrusca, essendo parte di una iscrizione bilingue dove appare come l’equivalente di lat. haruspex fulguriator. Non vi sono quindi dubbi sul suo significato, e il mio confronto con l’ungherese dovrebbe essere valutato, da un critico rigoroso, solo in questo contesto. Ecco invece come Gheno ‘critica’ la mia traduzione: “rad. di ungh. táltos ‘sciamano, stregone’ «lo scambio fra –l- ed –r- è … ben documentato», «anche la metatesi di tult/turt è ben documentata» (p.82)” p.226). Tutto senza commento, quasi a dire che non ne vale neanche la pena! Ed ecco, invece, cosa ha taciuto: (1) che il mio confronto, per il vocalismo, non è direttamente con ungh. táltos ‘sciamano, stregone’, ma è, ovviamente, col vocalismo molto più pertinente di PUgr. *tult3 ‘magia, potere magico’, e quindi, semmai, con khanty (una delle due lingue obugriche) toltn tolten ‘dotato di potere magico’; (2) che lo scambio di –l- ed –r- è documentato non solo in etrusco (cfr. le mie citazioni dalla magistrale ricerca del de Simone), ma anche in ungherese (ungh. dial. berső, kürső, bartara ecc.), mentre la metatesi di tult/turt è documentata in etrusco, come mostrano non solo etr. Prosepnai per gr. Persephónā ed altri esempi, ma lo stesso Etrusci rispetto a umbro Turskom… Ma continuiamo e vediamo come reagisce Gheno ad altre straordinarie coincidenze: quelle nel nome, nella cosa e nell’origine, fra magistrature etrusche e magistrature ungheresi: cioè prima di tutto all’identità di gyula = zila e di kende = canθe; in secondo luogo di maro = mérő e di lucumo lő+kum ‘uomo’. Ecco come: “La prima sorpresa viene al capitolo iniziale intitolato “Origini turciche e ungheresi dei principali termini magistratuali etruschi”. Sembra che etr. zila ‘princeps civitatis’… sia lo stesso che ungh. gyula ‘oberster Richter oder Heerführer…, etr. canthe ‘rex’… ungh. kende ‘Grossfürst…’, e poi etr. maru ‘gromatico’ = ungh. mérő ‘misuratore, etr. lauxum/luxum, lat. lucumo ‘cavaliere’ = ungh. lóhím ‘maschio di cavallo’ (pp.27.28 – mio corsivo)”. “Sembra che”: tutto qui! Oltre a questa nonchalance, non posso poi fare a meno di notare anche la libertà che Gheno si prende nei riguardi del mio testo: né a p.27, 28, né altrove nel mio libro io ho mai confrontato etr. lucumo ‘cavaliere’ o ‘nobile’ (p.65) con ungh. lóhím ‘maschio di cavallo’. Glossa, quest’ultima, con la quale Gheno intende naturalmente ridicolizzare la mia traduzione (non a caso, nella versione ungherese della sua recensione (pubblicata in Magyar Nyelv 2004, 490-498), lóhím è puntualmente seguito da un (!)). Per la precisione, a p.27 ho molto chiaramente analizzato la forma etrusca come un composto di ló ‘cavallo’ e di mansi (lingua obugrica, come tale più vicina all’etrusco di quanto non sia l’ungherese) kom kum χum ‘uomo’, da confrontare al nome del popolo uralico dei Komi, più che a ungh. hím ‘maschio’, ovvia innovazione. La mia traduzione, dunque, voleva essere ‘uomo del cavallo’ (cioè ‘cavaliere’ e/o ‘proprietario del cavallo’), con il rectum che precede il regens, e non ‘cavallo-maschio’. E’ però interessante osservare come Gheno, per una curiosa eterogenesi dei fini, con la sua intenzionale falsa traduzione abbia finito, senza volerlo, per contribuire alla mia tesi: perché anche se prendessimo per buono il significato ‘maschio di cavallo’ potremmo egualmente arrivare al lucumo ‘nobile cavaliere’, se ricordiamo a Gheno che il nome dei migliori fra i guerrieri siculi (Székely) magiari (il leggendario popolo della Transilvania che partecipò alla Conquista e venne adibito alla difesa dei confini della nuova patria, e fra l’altro preservò un alfabeto runico di straordinario interesse storicolinguistico, purtroppo non ancora studiato adeguatamente) era lófő ‘privilegierte Szekler’, ma letteralmente ‘testa di cavallo’. Ciò che si spiega, molto meglio di quanto non faccia, troppo genericamente, EWU (“…diese Standesgruppe der Szekler den 11

Heerendients zu Perde kleisten musste”: s.v.), con il costume di seppellire una testa di cavallo nelle tombe dei guerrieri dell’epoca della Conquista, e in quella dei tardi-Avari precedenti, oggi considerati ungheresi anch’essi da molti studiosi. Ragion per cui, fra l’altro, ho preferito tradurre il frequentissimo etr. lupu, anziché con ‘morto’, come da sempre ha proposto l’ermeneutica etruscologica, con ‘nobile, sepolto con gli onori’, considerando questo termine l’antenato, in veste fonetica ancora ugrica, del succitato termine storico ungherese usato per i guerrieri székely. Ma anche di tutto questo, a mio avviso non poco significativo sia per la preistoria ungherese che per l’etruscologia, non c’è traccia nella recensione di Gheno, al quale interessa, come dovrebbe essere ormai chiaro, molto più la ricerca delle pulci nel cavallo che non il cavallo. L’unico termine, infatti, su cui Gheno sparge a piene mani il lume della sua scienza è il maro, che io identifico – per la prima volta in etruscologia - con il famoso gromatico ‘agrimensore pubblico etrusco’, mediante il confronto con ungh. mérő ‘misuratore’. Il termine maro è dunque una parola fondamentale per l’etruscologia e per la mia teoria, per il posto che questa figura ha nella società etrusca, per la diffusione del suo nome anche in area italica (e.g. lat. maro- onis), e perché l’ermeneutica è ben presto arrivata a identificarla come magistratura, anche se è solo il mio confronto ungherese che ne permette l’identificazione col gromatico della Etrusca Disciplina (per cui rinvio al mio libro). Ed è parola importante anche per Gheno se, a quanto pare, è proprio da questa che ha potuto “prender lo spunto […], allo scopo di additare la labilità di moltissimi ragionamenti linguistici di Alinei dal lato ungherese” (220). Vediamo dunque gli argomenti di Gheno per dimostrare la “labilità” dei miei ragionamenti linguistici ungheresi a proposito di questa parola. Per quanto riguarda la semantica, anzitutto, Gheno mi critica – incredibile dictu - per “l’inverosimiglianza della coincidenza semantica”! Ed ecco come: “ungh. mérő non è altro che il participio presente di mér ‘misurare’, attestato la prima volta attorno al 1372 d.C.[…], participio suscettibile anche d’uso sostantivale, ma fondamentalmente nell’accezione di ‘apparecchio misuratore” (mio corsivo, p.220). Dove il mio severissimo critico commette non uno ma quattro errori: (1) la prima attestazione di mérő, nel 1412, è infatti proprio nell’accezione di ‘misuratore (persona), e lo dice proprio la fonte citata da Gheno, l’EWU, e proprio poche righe sotto la prima attestazione di mér da lui riferita! (2) Affermare che un participio presente attestato per uno strumento non può essere usato per una persona è tanto ridicolo quanto affermare che in italiano operatore, interruttore, misuratore, modificatore, unificatore, classificatore, duplicatore calcolatore, regolatore, simulatore accumulatore trasformatore e così via – e in altre lingue l’elenco sarebbe ancora più lungo - sono semanticamente “inverosimili” perché si possono usare sia per persone che per cose. (3) Gheno dimostra di ignorare ciò che in etimologia si chiama processo di specializzazione semantica di un termine in origine generico, processo che appartiene alla storia semantica di tutte le lingue: come per l’italiano per esempio operare, verbo generico in latino (cfr. opus e opera), mentre in italiano operare tout court è potuto diventare verbo specialistico dei chirurghi, così come l’operazione tout court è quella chirurgica, o quella aritmetica ecc. (4) E’ poi lapalissiano, per chiunque abbia un po’ di dimestichezza con la storia delle parole, che in un contesto antico come quello in cui la mia teoria si pone, il passaggio da mér ‘misurare’ a mérő ‘misuratore umano’ abbia necessariamente preceduto lo sviluppo dell’accezione dello ‘strumento’, per la semplice ragione che nella storia della metrologia e della tecnica agronomica si è misurato prima di tutto a ‘spanne’, a ‘piedi’, a ‘braccia’, ‘passi’, a ‘giornate’, a ‘biolche’ e simili, cioè senza strumenti, molto prima che con strumenti come la groma ‘alidada’, tipica del gromatico etrusco del I millennio a.C. Per cui è evidente che prima sia venuto il misuratore umano poi il misuratore strumento! Il problema sollevato da Gheno, quindi, 12

non solo non sussiste, ma – di nuovo - dimostra semplicemente che il mio critico, perfetto conoscitore della lingua e della grammatica ungherese moderna, ha alquanto trascurato lo studio della semantica, teorica, descrittiva, o storica, e sia dell’ungherese che di altre lingue. Passiamo ora alla fonetica della mia interpretazione di maru. Secondo il mio critico, la mia proposta di maru = mérő ‘misuratore “pecca contro le norme dell’armonia vocalica”. E di quale peccato sarei peccatore? Eccolo: “la “-u di maru può esprimere la labiopalatale /ü/ ~ ungh. ő, visto che il sistema ortografico etrusco, come quello latino, non era in grado di simboleggiare tale tipo di vocali, ma –a in ogni caso non può corrispondere a una /e/, giacché in etrusco questa era univocamente (!) rappresentata a un di presso come una nostra E speculare” (corsivo mio). E chi ha dato questa certezza al Nostro, che ha appena ammesso di essere incompetente in etrusco? Misteri! Prima di tutto, se è difficile parlare di univocità per molti alfabeti moderni, di cui conosciamo perfettamente il valore fonologico e fonetico, figuriamoci per uno antico! Fra l’altro, se non vado errato credo di essere uno dei pochi studiosi italiani che abbia studiato con qualche attenzione, e basandomi su uno spoglio elettronico non insignificante (e da me curato) dei testi medievali italiani (i 22 volumi del progetto SEIOD, pubblicati dal Mulino negli anni Sessanta e Settanta), le incongruenze e le ambiguità del sistema alfabetico medievale fiorentino e di quello veneziano. Ritengo quindi di poter parlare con cognizioni di causa. Inoltre, l’etrusco, diversamente dal latino, ha solo quattro grafemi per rappresentare le vocali, cioè ; di conseguenza, parlare di univocità per l’etrusco è per lo meno imprudente, se non assurdo. Se poi ammettiamo che il sistema vocalico etrusco conoscesse già alcune vocali turbate – cosa che anche Gheno si dimostra disposto a fare per - non vedo cosa impedisca al mio critico di ipotizzare anche per la etrusca che potesse servire a rappresentarne una variante palatale, in armonia con la . Che questa tesi sia fondata mi sembra indicato non solo dal fatto che nella documentazione etrusca, come abbiamo visto, troviamo anche mer, accanto a mar (ciò che ci confronta con una tipica oscillazione grafica di un alfabeto mai normalizzato), ma anche dalla documentazione che nel mio libro ho raccolto (cap.IV), sotto forma di abbozzo di grammatica storica etrusco-ungherese, che mostra come la fosse spesso usata dai lapidari etruschi per rappresentare una /ä/ o una /e/: abbiamo infatti per es. etr. ras- ungh. rész, (< FUg *räc3), etr. tarils, ungh. tér (da Ug *tär3), etr. ar-ce ungh. ér, etr. avil ungh. év, etr. mani- ungh. meny, etr. masan aungh. mese etr. maθ- o mas- ungh. méz, etr. nap ungh. nép, etr. tam- ungh. temet, etr. ati ungh. édes (pp.284-285). Come si vede dagli esempi, alcuni risalgono a una /ä/ ricostruita, ciò che giustificherebbe comunque l’adozione di per queste /ä/ realmente palatali. Adozione che – a parte possibili mutamenti fonetici - potrebbe essersi poi estesa, per analogia e/o per le incertezze tipiche degli alfabeti non normalizzati, anche ad altre parole. Mentre in seguito, alla definitiva fissazione della forma mar- per i numerosissimi riferimenti alla magistratura del ‘gromatico’ che si succedono nei documenti etruschi di età tarda, avrebbe potuto contribuire anche l’influenza del latino e/o dell’italico. Ecco perché la conclusione di Gheno – “Tutto considerato l’equazione etr. maru = ungh. mérő è improponibile” – si dimostra, semmai, assolutamente improponibile proprio lei, per la semantica, e abbastanza superficiale, mi dispiace dirlo, per la fonetica. E abbiamo già visto, a proposito della mia altra equazione etr. nac = ungh. nak/nek, secondo Gheno anch’essa errata per una simile violazione dell’armonia vocalica, come anche in questo caso il mio critico abbia trovato un pelo, o una pulce, inesistente.

13

Ma anche là dove non vi sono testi, ma dove ho proposto affinità con un carattere strutturale, e quindi esenti, a mio avviso, dal rischio della fortuità, Gheno sorvola sull’aspetto strutturale e si limita a osservazioni che si rivelano del tutto irrilevanti. Vediamo un esempio. Fra i toponimi etruschi che secondo me hanno una significativa affinità ungherese (Felsina, Bolsena, Alsium, Vetulonia, Populonia, Imola, Veii, Tarquinia, Mutina), hanno rilevanza speciale i primi tre, in quanto, tradotti in proto-ungherese, si lasciano interpretare come, rispettivamente, ‘settentrionale, centrale, meridionale’. Attributi che si adattano perfettamente alla posizione di Bologna, di Orvieto e dell’antico porto di Pyrgi (Alsium) rispetto all’area dell’Etruria. Ecco esattamente come presento la mia tesi nel mio libro: La triade etrusca FELZNA (lat. FELSINA) ‘settentrionale’, VELZNA (lat. VOLSINII, it. BOLSENA) ‘centrale’; e ALS- (lat. ALSIUM) ‘meridionale’ Questi tre toponimi etruschi, letti in chiave ungherese, diventano non solo trasparenti ma anche assai significativi. Felsina, il nome etrusco di Bologna, era stato già avvicinato a Velzna 'Bolsena' da Devoto (cit. in Pellegrii 1978, 118), che però intendeva riunirli, facendone lo stesso toponimo. Letti in chiave ungherese, invece, Felsina e Velzna risultano nettamente separati, anche se collegati da un parallelismo semantico e morfologico. Felsina, anzitutto, si lascia accostare ai numerosissimi toponimi ungh. che iniziano con Felső ‘settentrionale, superiore’ (dall'avverbio fel 'sopra', affine all'agg. föl 'superiore', che a sua volta risale al lessico PUr nella forma ricostruita *pide 'alto, lungo'; cfr. EWU). Fra i toponimi ungh. cito Felsőbagod, Felsőberecki, Felsőberkifalu, Felsőcsatár, Felsődobaza, Felsőegerszeg, Felsőgagy, Felsőgall, Felsőjánosfa, Felsőkelecseny, Felsőmarác, Felsőmindszent, Felsőmocsolád, Felsőnána, Felsőnyárád, Felsőnyékr, Felsőörs, Felsőpáhok, Felsőpakony, Felsőpaty, Felsőpetény, Felsőrajk, Felsőregmec, Felsőtárkány e molti altri. A differenza di quelli elencati, tuttavia, dove felső è un attributo che aggiunge il significato di 'settentrionale' al nome successivo, Felsina avrebbe un valore assoluto, espresso con la formante aggettivale o sostantivale –na (ungh. –ny). Quindi ‘la settentrionale’. Analogamente, Velzna Velsu ecc., lat. Volsinii 'Orvieto’ (ma etimologicamente collegato a it. Bolsena), si lasciano interpretare come 'centrale', dato l'ungh. belső 'interno, interiore' (da bél 'viscere, anima, intestino, interno', che risale al FU *päl3 'l'interno': cfr. EWU)). Fra i toponimi ungh. cito Belsősárd, Belsővát ecc., belföld (föld 'terra') 'entroterra', belváros (város 'città') 'centro della città'. Si ricordi che Orvieto, nel cui santuario di Voltumna si riunivano i delegati dei dodici popoli d’Etruria, era considerata il 'centro' -non solo geografico, ma anche politico- della confederazione etrusca. E si noti anche che il passaggio di vel- a vol- -documentato da etr. Velsna > lat. Volsinii- (it. Bolsena), etr. Velaθri > lat. Volaterrae (it. Volterra) ecc., non riguarda l’etrusco ma è tipico del latino, che muta –e- in –odavanti a –l- velare (cfr. velim vellem, ma volo volumus volui volt > vult). La corrispondenza continua e si completa con lat. Alsium, che conosciamo come nome di uno dei porti di Caere/Pyrgi (cfr. DICE, e Pellegrini 1978, 113), affine al gentilizio etrusco Alsina, e che in ungh. si lasciano leggere come collegati ad alsó ' meridionale, inferiore'. Per cui, così come in ungh. abbiamo numerose coppie toponimiche del tipo Alsógalla Felsőgalla, Alsójánosfa Felsőjánosfa, Alsókekecsény Felsőkekecsény, Alsólendva Felsőlendva, Alsómarác Felsőmarác, Alsómocsolád Felsőmocsolád, Alsónána Felsőnána, Alsónyék Felsőnyék, Alsópáhok Felsőpáhok, Alsópakony Felsőpakony, Alsópétény Felsőpetény, Alsórajk Felsőrajk, Alsóregmec Felsőregmec ecc., in etrusco avremmo Felsina per Bologna, nell'Etruria settentrionale, Velzna Velsu al centro, e Alsium nell'Etruria meridionale.

E cosa fa il mio critico? Anziché discutere e criticare la mia tesi sulla base di questa presentazione ‘geo-strutturale’ delle coincidenze, Gheno mi fa notare che sia 14

felső che alsó non significano ‘settentrionale’ e ‘meridionale’, bensì ‘superiore’ e ‘inferiore’, e sono quindi “esempi di fraintendimenti semantici di parole ungheresi, che gettano nuova ombra su tutta l’impostazione del lavoro” (p.223)! A parte la totale irrilevanza - proprio sul piano semantico! - dell’osservazione, in quanto nella mia traduzione italiana avrei potuto benissimo usare, anziché settentrionale e meridionale, anche nordico e del sud, oppure alto e basso (cfr. alta Italia e bassa Italia), così come, naturalmente, superiore e inferiore (cfr. Austria superiore e inferiore), poco sembra importare a Gheno l’ammissione, da lui stesso fatta, che in ungherese “eventualmente fel- prefissato [sia] anche ‘settentrionale” e che “eventualmente al- [sia] anche ‘meridionale’ (idem): ciò che dimostra che comunque la mia traduzione è corretta. Inoltre, omette di menzionare che fra i miei toponimi c’è anche belső ‘centrale’, per il quale naturalmente non può fare neanche l’insulsa obiezione che ha fatto per gli altri due termini. E non si rende conto, infine, che in qualunque lingua alto e basso, superiore e inferiore, settentrionale e meridionale, del nord e del sud si possono usare come varianti motivazionali, per esprimere uno stesso significato o, se preferisce, in determinati contesti sono sinonimi. No: il mio è un fraintendimento semantico che getta un’ombra sul tutto il mio lavoro! Ma a Gheno non basta: ritorna sulla questione e mi cita a p.286, dove io – nel capitolo dedicato alla grammatica storica dello sviluppo dall’etrusco all’ungherese (e non il contrario…), elenco Felzna (e Velzna) come documenti della continuazione di tonica etrusca in /e/ tonica ungherese. Ed ecco, di nuovo, la ‘critica’ del Nostro: “Per Alinei in ungherese troviamo un avverbio fel ‘sopra’ e un aggettivo fől ‘superiore’ (p.286): fel e fől sono due varianti regionali, ambedue accettate nello standard, dell’avverbio-preverbo ‘su’; fől sostantivato significa ‘panna (del latte)’ mentre fel prefissato a sostantivi vale ‘superiore’ e, nella lingua parlata, altresì settentrionale’..” Come si vede, Gheno non sta recensendo il mio libro sull’etrusco, ma sta correggendo, ed anche male, quello che evidentemente considera un compitino di scuola, e con l’impegno intellettuale adatto a questo lavoro. Ma vediamo un altro esempio dell’interesse per la pulce e dell’indifferenza per il cavallo che caratterizzano la recensione di Gheno: sempre fra i miei “fraintendimenti semantici che gettano nuova ombra su tutta l’impostazione del lavoro” il mio critico pone anche la locuzione verbale ungh. eleget tesz (vmi)nek da me così tradotta (e fornita, ahimé, di una é lunga di troppo in eléget): “venire incontro… a (qualcuno)’. Sorvolo sulla citazione del mio testo da parte di Gheno, non del tutto esatta, e passo al nocciolo della questione: la locuzione da me citata, nel contesto in cui si trova – la lamina d’oro di Pyrgi detta A – è fondamentale per la sua traduzione, e lo è proprio per la sua complessa natura sintattica, che coincide perfettamente con quella ungherese, come dirò subito. Gheno invece, oltre ad aver posto l’inevitabile (sic) dopo la mia , mi bacchetta di nuovo: alt! in ungh. la locuzione non si riferisce a ‘qualcuno’ ma a ‘qualcosa’! A questo punto, cosa si può fare, se non sbuffare? Certo, che in ungh. moderno sia così, è senza dubbio vero, dato che l’abbreviazione da me citata è valami ‘qualcosa’, e non valaki ‘qualcuno’. E forse non a caso io ho tradotto ‘soddisfare le richieste’… Ma quello che nell’ambito della mia tesi etrusco-ungherese pensavo dovesse interessare Gheno, e che invece sembra lasciarlo del tutto indifferente, è la straordinaria coincidenza, in un testo etrusco così importante come la Lamina A di Pyrgi, della forma etr. ilaχve con quella ungh. eléggé (< elégvé) e poi, nella parte successiva del testo, la presenza – per due volte - del già discusso nac, anche qui posposto al sostantivo proprio come segnacaso del dativo, e di tes-, il verbo usato nella locuzione ungherese citata. Abbiamo quindi la perfetta corrispondenza, sia lessicale che sintattica e semantica, di tutti e tre i componenti della locuzione verbale ungherese - il verbo tesz, l’avverbio eléggé e il segnacaso del dativo nak, posposto al nome - con le parole etrusche della frase che, letta in questo modo, diventa altamente significativa per 15

un accordo bilingue fra i due popoli punico/fenicio ed etrusco, in quanto ci informa di come il “capo magiaro (= meχ)” Thefarie Velianas intenda “soddisfare (le richieste de)i cittadini di Alsium (porto di Pyrgi) e degli stranieri”. Certo, nella locuzione etrusca abbiamo una ‘persona’ e non una ‘cosa’, ma non ammettere che due mila anni prima dell’ungherese storico il verbo di una locuzione verbale potesse avere una valenza più ampia del suo continuatore moderno significa, a mio avviso, sfidare il buon senso, oltre a non avere la più lontana idea di cosa sia la linguistica storica e comparata. Un altro esempio tipico del livello a cui Gheno si pone nell’affrontare il mio testo, esempio questa volta sia semantico che fonetico, sta nel suo commento alla mia traduzione dell’etr. puia. Fin dalle origini dell’etruscologia scientifica, questo termine è stato tradotto ‘moglie’. Non sulla base dell’ungherese, ovviamente, ma sulla base delle evidenze interne. Io ho semplicemente ravvisato in ungh. bulya (pron. /b’uia/) ‘donna turca’ quella che mi sembra un’origine del tutto plausibile, dal punto di vista fonetico, e un’interessantissima conferma dell’importanza del ruolo turcico nella società protoungherese, da me ripetutamente sottolineata, oltre che di fondamentale importanza per la ricostruzione dell’etnogenesi ungherese, così strettamente legata alla sua componente turcica. Cosa fa Gheno, questa volta? Mi corregge, questa volta, perché ho sbagliato a tradurre bulya come ‘moglie’ anziché ‘donna turca’. Non ho alcuna difficoltà ad ammetterlo. Ma ho sbagliato non perché non avrei capito (!) il török nő del TESz, come si affretta a suggerire il mio critico, ma perché nella mia fonte principale - l’EWU - la glossa tedesca Frau poteva valere, oltre che ‘donna’ anche ‘moglie’. Ma, concesso l’errore, cosa importa tutto questo per la mia tesi, dato che il passaggio da ‘donna’ a ‘moglie’ è elementare (lo mostra appunto il ted. Frau…), e per di più in tante lingue greco antico e moderno, francese, spagnolo, irlandese antico e mod., gallese, antico islandese, tedesco, olandese, lituano, lettone, slavo eccl., ceco, sanscrito, avestico, per limitarmi alle lingue IE, e per non parlare dei dialetti, a cominciare da quelli altoitaliani - il nome della ‘donna’ e della ‘moglie’ sono esattamente eguali? La sola cosa rilevante, nell’ambito della mia tesi, è che siccome il nome etrusco della ‘moglie’, già accertato dall’etruscologia, coincide con quello che in ungherese significa ‘donna turca’, allora gli Etruschi per definizione avevano, o avevano avuto in epoca più antica, una – appunto! - moglie di origine turca, ciò che darebbe una forma concreta al tipo di società mista turco-magiara che dobbiamo comunque postulare per l’etnogenesi dei Magiari. E vi è un altro aspetto rilevante a questa mia etimologia, che forse giungerà nuovo al mio critico: la mia traduzione di questa parola etrusca – unita a quella delle altre - importantissime - parole etrusco-ungheresi di origine turcica da me rilevate – può dare un senso molto preciso – e illuminante - a due recenti conclusioni della ricerca geogenetica: (1) quella, a suo tempo molto reclamizzata e quindi ben nota, di Alberto Piazza, uno dei più autorevoli geogenetisti del mondo, sui Toscani di Murlo, secondo cui le affinità genetiche degli Etruschi sono principalmente con i Turchi. E (2) quella, recentissima, e a mia conoscenza ancora inedita, della Guglielmino, geogenetista dell’Università di Pavia, secondo cui una delle due fondamentali affinità genetiche degli Ungheresi è – guarda caso! - con i Turchi (l’altra con gli Iraniani). Interessanti coincidenze non è vero? Per quanto riguarda poi la fonetica della parola puia < /b’uia/ < bulya, poi, alla mia osservazione che il passaggio –ly- > -y- doveva essere già in atto in epoca etrusca, Gheno contrappone una delle solite affermazioni ancora in uso, purtroppo, in linguistica storica, e cioè che sulla base delle attestazioni scritte questo sviluppo è databile a dopo il XIV secolo d.C. In risposta a questa critica, a mia volta, rinvio il mio critico al capitolo VII delle mie Origini, e ai miei numerosi lavori sul problematica della datazione in linguistica, in cui dimostro, credo in modo definitivo, l’assurdità teorica, e 16

quindi l’assoluta inaffidabilità, delle presunte ‘datazioni’ dei mutamenti fonetici basate sulla data delle attestazioni scritte. Attestazioni che vanno invece lette in chiave puramente sociolinguistica, e con cronologie necessariamente molto più alte. Non mi aspetto, naturalmente, che Gheno aderisca alle mie conclusioni teoriche e di metodo sulla problematica delle datazioni in linguistica, ma solo che si renda conto che quello che ho detto non è il risultato di speculazioni improvvisate, bensì è rigorosamente in armonia con la mia teoria della continuità, e con la sua solida base teorica, oggi seguita da un numero crescente di studiosi. Un altro esempio dei miei “fraintendimenti semantici” dell’ungherese Gheno lo trova nel mio confronto di etr. ati ‘madre’ con ungh. édes ‘madre’, in origine ‘dolce’. Secondo Gheno, questo uso di édes ‘dolce’ come appellativo per la madre risale solo all’Ottocento. Questa volta Gheno si sbaglia, e proprio nella ricerca del pelo: a parte il fatto che ezes ‘madre’ appare già nel Lamento di Maria del 1300, EWU attesta édes ‘blutsverwandt’ (‘parente’) per il 1521, e ‘Liebling’ (‘amato/-a’) per il 1585. C’è dunque più spazio per sostenere la mia tesi di quanto non me ne conceda Gheno. Inoltre, se ‘dolce’ appartiene già all’antico ungherese (1138) (anche come antroponimo (EWU)), non si può neanche escludere che la sostituzione del più antico anya ‘madre’ con l’ipocoristico ‘dolce’ fosse già avvenuta nell’antichità, e in modo del tutto indipendente da quella storica. Senza contare che, volendo, per etr. ati sarebbe possibile anche il confronto con finl. äiti ‘madre’3. Ancora un esempio della leggerezza con cui Gheno mi attribuisce, nonostante non ce ne sia neanche l’ombra, “fraintendimenti semantici” dell’ungherese, sta nel suo commento alla mia traduzione dell’etr. ceχa ‘sopra’. Ho ripreso questa traduzione dalla migliore ermeneutica etrusca, e la confermo mediante il confronto con ungh. hegy ‘monte’, che però, con suffisso, per es. possessivo –e/i o lativo -é, diventa avverbio ‘sopra’. Tutto questo lo spiego chiaramente, a pp.52-53 del mio libro. Cosa fa Gheno? Senza curarsi minimamente della mia spiegazione dettagliata, mi affibbia un altro rigone rosso a p.269: “ungh. hegy ‘sopra’ Æ ‘monte’” (223), dove ciò che illustro è soltanto la regolarità del passaggio fonetico dalla velare iniziale etrusca di ceχa alla /h/ dell’ungh. hegy, in armonia cona la Lautverschiebung ungherese rispetto all’ugrico e all’uralico, e quindi in un contesto dove non avevo alcuna ragione di tornare sulla semantica della mia traduzione. Più che di un mio fraintendimento semantico, mi sembra dunque un fraintendimento, da parte di Gheno, del compito che si assume un recensore. E ancora più disinvolta è la sua critica alla mia interpretazione dell’etr. krankru come ‘parola gemella’, composta di karom ‘artiglio’ e köröm ‘unghia artiglio’. Gheno anzitutto tace che si tratta della didascalia di una figura di gatto. Ma sorvoliamo su questo punto, che ho già sufficientemente sottolineato. L’errore clamoroso che secondo lui io avrei commesso qui è nell’interpretare questa parola come ‘parola gemella’. Qui è Gheno che sbuffa: ma non mi sono accorto, che si tratta di due “parole vocalarmoniche, realizzatesi attraverso una scissione fonetica? (p.226) E che in tal caso “entrambi i membri di tali coppie sono utilizzati autonomamente, mai insieme”? La verità, però, risulta un’altra: l’affermazione categorica che queste due parole siano “vocalarmoniche, realizzatesi attraverso una scissione fonetica” rappresenta un’opinione del tutto personale di Gheno, perché l’EWU (s.v. karmol), al contrario, recita: ”Zusammenhang der Wfamilie mit köröm ist kaum wahrsch”. Quindi Gheno anzitutto non informa il lettore sulla posizione corrente, che è quella che giustifica la mia tesi, e poi, non contento, mi corregge sulla base di un’opinione personale! Inoltre, anche se l’opinione di Gheno fosse quella corrente, a giustificare la mia interpretazione 3

Come mi ha suggerito il Prof. Szabó dell’Università di Budapest.

17

della parola - del tutto adatta, in ungherese, a rappresentare scherzosamente un gatto basterebbe una qualunque delle due parole karom o köröm, dato che tutte e due significano ‘artiglio’, lasciando l’altro elemento della parola gemella alla creatività lessicale degli Etruschi… Altra tipica obiezione di Gheno è quella che fa alla mia traduzione del frequente etr. mi ma ‘io (sono) il luogo’, in iscrizioni sepolcrali: “in ungherese la copula è omessa solo alle terze persone dell’indicativo presente, non alle prime o alle seconde” (p.223). E con questo? Anzitutto, poiché al Proto-Uralico viene attribuita la possibilità di usare nomi come verbi (come in Nenci: mań sawa-dm ‘io (sono) buono’, dove la copula è sostituita dal suffisso personale), la questione dell’omissione della copula è molto più complessa di quanto non la presenti Gheno, che sembra conoscere solo la regoletta sincronica. Inoltre, l’ipotesi che una lingua che oggi conosce l’omissione della copula per la 3° p. in uno stadio molto più antico la conoscesse anche per la prima appartiene, a mio avviso, al bagaglio congetturale più elementare di qualunque comparatista. Volendo, infine, si può anche ipotizzare un influsso del sostrato slavo (dato che in slavo l’omissione della copula è normale), la cui realtà e la cui importanza, qualunque sia il modello etno-genetico ungherese adottato, sono dimostrate dalla toponomastica ungherese di origine slava. Tipico è anche il lungo discorso che Gheno mi fa a proposito dei sintagmi etruschi che non seguono l’ordine sintattico normale per le lingue uraliche: il rectum prima del regens. Sulla base di questa osservazione, infatti, Gheno non esita a rigettare la mia traduzione di tular rasnar ‘confini della regione’, tular hilar ‘confini dei luoghi’, apa nacna ‘grande padre = nonno’, ati nacna ‘grande madre = nonna’, che mostrano l’ordine inverso. Senonché – si noti - questo rifiuto delle mie traduzioni (fra l’altro uno dei pochi, in tutta la recensione, che Gheno osi fare esplicitamente) è preceduto da questa sorprendente premessa ‘etruscologica’ da parte di Gheno: “la massima parte dei campioni di etrusco rimastici sono costituiti da iscrizioni funerarie e … il rimanente è dato da didascalie, registrazioni di accordi, formule ecc. … tutti testi redatti – si può pensare – in una lingua fondamentalmente scevra di artifici stilistici inusuali, come ad es. l’inversione.” (p.224 – mio corsivo). Ora io mi domando: possibile che a Gheno non sia venuto in mente che le iscrizioni funerarie, in etrusco di solito dedicate a magistrati e funzionari pubblici, siano un contesto ideale per artifici stilistici? E che dire degli ‘accordi’, che in etrusco hanno luogo addirittura fra popoli diversi (lamine di Pyrgi) e fra grandi famiglie (ceppo di Perugia)? E le ‘formule’? Non sono le ‘formule’ – proprio in quanto tali - quelle che più spesso fanno uso di artifici stilistici? Come per esempio in italiano per lo meno (con l’articolo lo anziché il), vendonsi e affittasi (con l’inversione)? E altrettanto tipica, e ahimé ancora più lunga e noiosa, è poi la critica che Gheno rivolge (a p.225) alla mia traduzione di etr. semniśsi ‘occhi che guardano’, sulla base del raffronto con ungh. szem ‘occhio’ e nézésű ‘-looking –eyed’ (che cito da Országh László, Magyar Angol Szótár, Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest 1977). Qui la filippica di Gheno, tutta rivolta esclusivamente alla terminologia da me usata, si conclude così: “Dal che, infine e risolutivamente (?), si conferma che nézésű non può essere “tuttora usato come attributivo dopo un sostantivo, nel senso di ‘che guarda’”. Anche ammesso che questo sia vero (non ne sono certo, dato che nella succitata fonte lessicografica il lessema –nézesű ‘-looking, -eyed’ è preceduto da trattino e definito come aggettivo), non è questo che importa. Quello che invece mi sembra rivelatore, di tutto il discorso di Gheno, sono queste sue tre righe (delle ben 33 che ha dedicato alla parola): “il composto ungherese –teoricamente possibile ma semanticamente bizzarro – szemnézésű alla lettera non potrebbe voler dire che ‘… che ha lo sguardo dell’occhio, dotato delle sguardo dell’occhio’” (corsivo mio). Ma non è proprio questa la traduzione 18

che io ho attribuito alla parola etrusca! Il problema, per Gheno, è il solito: nel suo discorso pseudo-critico non menziona la sola cosa essenziale, dal punto di vista critico: il fatto che la parola si trova su un missile di piombo, cioè uno di quei proiettili di epoca etrusco-latina, anch’essi appartenenti alla categoria dei manufatti ‘parlanti’, e spesso recanti, anche in latino, iscrizioni di vario tipo rivolte ai nemici (cfr il mio libro a p.285). Così come, ancora nell’ultima guerra, si scrivevano frasi sulle bombe destinate alla Germania nazista... Cosa c’è di più plausibile, allora, che un proiettile destinato al nemico rechi scritto “(sono) dotato dello sguardo dell’occhio” (e quindi sono infallibile)? Come si vede, ancora più chiaramente che in altri casi, Gheno si accanisce a rinfacciarmi l’uso improprio di termini grammaticali e/o analisi non del tutto conformi alla moderna grammatica ungherese, senza rendersi conto che il mio orizzonte è necessariamente un altro, e per giunta senza neanche smentire la mia traduzione. Anzi, in questo caso come in altri, senza volerlo la conferma clamorosamente. Ma il bello deve ancora venire. Una delle sezioni del mio libro che sembra più sconvolgere Gheno è poi il paragrafo 3.7, intitolato “Tendenza alla subordinazione e all’assenza di coordinazione” (pp.259-60). In esso sostengo quello che a me sembra del tutto evidente, e cioè che l’etrusco e l’ungherese hanno in comune queste due tendenze, ovviamente complementari l’una all’altra. Come afferma in tutte lettere Collinder: “The leading principle of Uralic sentence structure is subordination” (1960, 249: v. bibliografia nel mio libro). Qui il mio critico si inalbera e, nel farlo, prende uno scivolone tremendo. Secondo Gheno, infatti, queste due tendenze – se possono essere evidenti nell’etrusco – non lo sono affatto nelle lingue uraliche (p.230). Ecco infatti la sua critica: “qualsiasi studente di ugrofinnistica-uralistica resterebbe disorientato a veder applicato l’enunciato alle lingue uraliche”. Ciò che sembra implicare che fra il 1960, data in cui l’”inattuale” Collinder scriveva la frase citata, e il 2005, l’uralistica ha addirittura capovolto la propria posizione in proposito! Gheno infatti ne sembra sicuro e, per ‘dimostrare’ la sua tesi, ricorre a un brano del noto manuale di Hajdú (da lui stesso tradotto): “Tutti abbiamo appreso quanto Hajdú sintetizza così: «In base all’ampia diffusione dei costrutti participiali …, riteniamo che nella protolingua non esistessero frasi subordinate con congiunzione. Probabilmente però esistevano frasi composte subordinate senza congiunzione…, ma in luogo di queste più spesso si adoperavano certamente dei costrutti participiali» (Hajdú 1992: 251-2 corsivo [suo]). Ciò che io – modestamente - interpreterei come un’altra forma di subordinazione. Mentre Gheno continua imperterrito: “Dunque” – senza accorgersi che anziché “dunque” avrebbe forse dovuto usare “ciò nonostante”, “con i costrutti participiali … si evitava la subordinazione”! Ora, le cose sono due: o anche Hajdù ha preso uno scivolone (ciò che a me sembra improbabile, ma nessuno è perfetto …), o lo ha preso solo Gheno, e Hajdú si è solo espresso poco chiaramente. Perché a parte Collinder, e a parte anche Hajdú, non vi è alcun dubbio che in qualunque modello di sintassi, tradizionale o generativo, il costrutto participiale è uno dei modi classici per realizzare una subordinata, in quanto da solo non potrebbe fungere da proposizione principale. Per cui, ignaro di aver fatto un mastodontico errore, e non solo in uralistica, ma anche in italiano e in grammatica universale, Gheno mi incalza: “E’ quanto ammette … Alinei, quando – contraddicendo sé stesso – scrive… Ciò nonostante poco dopo argomenta… Che Alinei rincalza in questo modo… “. Per poi concludere, avendo ormai visto me (e non sé stesso) come l’incoerenza personificata: “Siamo sempre sul filo del sì e del no, ma indiscutibilmente il titolo del paragrafo andava capovolto”. Spiacente, ma capovolto va solo il pensiero di Gheno. Al quale consiglio di rileggere, oltre a Hajdù, qualche buon manuale di sintassi: come per es. il vecchio Fornaciari del 1881, ristampato a cura di Nencioni nel 1974, che recita: “Le proposizioni subordinate 19

si dicono esplicite, quando sono espresse con un modo finito (indicativo, congiuntivo, condizionale), ed implicite, quando sono espresse con l’infinito, il gerundio, il participio” (p.355 della ristampa del Sansoni, corsivo dell’Autore). E ancora “Dicesi assoluto quel participio che, contenendo una proposizione subordinata incidente resta, insieme col proprio soggetto, sciolto grammaticalmente dalla proposizione principale, in cui si trova” (p.213; mio corsivo). Oppure, se considera Fornaciari ‘inattuale’, o troppo legato all’italiano, potrebbe rileggersi un manuale di sintassi generale più recente, come quello del generativista Graffi del 1994, forse il migliore pubblicato in Italia fino ad ora. Il quale, nel trattare le varie dimensioni classificatorie delle frasi, affronta così l’opposizione fra frasi principali e frasi dipendenti: “questa opposizione presuppone, ovviamente, che esistano delle frasi indipendenti, di solito definite come «proposizioni che bastano a sé stesse». Si dice che una proposizione indipendente è principale rispetto ad un’altra che è dipendente da essa, o subordinata, oppure secondaria” (termini che, aggiunge, utilizzerà indifferentemente) (101). E chiarisce: “un modo molto chiaro per cogliere questa mancanza di autonomia [delle frasi dipendenti] è osservare che esse non possono essere enunciate da sole” (122). E, per quanto riguarda le frasi participiali e gerundive, le definisce «costruzioni assolute», cioè strutture “non collegat[e] al resto della frase tramite congiunzioni o altre espressioni esplicite di subordinazione”. (57, n. 26, corsivo mio). Come volevasi dimostrare. Un ultima osservazione, prima di concludere l’esame della parte lessicale della recensione di Gheno, merita di esser fatta a proposito del mio uso di finnougrico, anziché del tradizionale (in Italia) ugrofinnico. Secondo Gheno questo mio uso sarebbe, chissà poi perché, “superfluo”. Nel mio lavoro come co-fondatore e come presidente dell’Atlas Linguarum Europae, nel corso dei 22 anni dal 1975 al 1997, ho sempre dovuto collaborare strettamente sia con il Dipartimento delle lingue uraliche che con i numerosi Comitati Nazionali dei paesi di lingua uralica del grande progetto. Per menzionare soltanto, fra gli autorevoli rappresentanti delle aree europee di lingua uralica che partecipavano allora al progetto – alcuni dei quali purtroppo scomparsi - , quelli con i quali ho avuto più contatti, ricordo i finlandesi Terho Itkonen, Jorma Koivulehto, Sirkka Saarinen, Leena Sarvas, il russo B. Serebrennikov, l’udmurto R. Š. Nasibullin, lo svedese L.-G. Larson, gli Ungheresi S. Imre, L. Balogh, L. Deme, B. Kálmán, J. Kiss, I. Posgay, l’estone X. J. Neetar ed altri per le lingue minori. Ora, fra le prime decisioni del Dipartimento uralico delle quali noi organizzatori dell’ALE dovemmo prendere atto, vi furono queste due: (I) non era corretto, dal punto di vista scientifico, usare ugrofinnico, e si doveva adottare uniformemente finnougrico. E infatti, in tutti i e sei i volumi dell’ALE finora pubblicati, dal 1982 ad oggi, e in francese, in inglese, in tedesco e in russo, questo è sempre stato l’uso. (II) Bisognava usare i nomi locali delle lingue uraliche, e non quelli della tradizione accademica che non hanno nulla a che fare con la realtà linguistica locale, come vogulo, ostiaco, votiaco, ceremisso ecc. Per cui, se vi è qualcosa di superfluo in questa discussione, mi sembra sia il parere di Gheno in proposito. Ancora più superfluo poi – se Gheno mi permette un’opinione in merito, nonostante io non sia del settore -, mi sembra l’uso ancora attuale, da parte degli studiosi italiani, di un termine infelicemente costruito, che contrasta con quello corretto e preferito dalla maggioranza degli studiosi di area uralica. Non solo superfluo ma, anzi, provincialmente presuntuoso. E potrei continuare a lungo, per dimostrare come la stragrande parte delle osservazioni di Gheno siano del tutto irrilevanti. Per non tediare ulteriormente il lettore, tuttavia, mi limito ad elencare le due sole osservazioni di Gheno che mi sembrano giuste, e di cui certo terrò conto se avrò occasione di migliorare il mio libro: (1) Etr. munistas ‘monumento’. Gheno mi fa notare, e la sua critica questa volta mi sembra fondata, che la mia traduzione come ‘opera da guardare’ non è possibile, perché 20

contravviene all’ordine sintattico rectum regens, e perché anche il mio parallelo con ungh. műemlek ‘monumento’ (letteralmente ‘ricordo/artistico’) è fondato su una mia errata lettura della parola. Il senso di ‘monumento’, o quello simile, proposto dagli etruscologi su basi ermeneutiche fin dall’Ottocento, di ‘loculo’, ‘dimora (funebre)’, o luogo’, è probabilmente giusto, ma occorrerà leggere la parola in una diversa chiave ungherese o ugrica, probabilmente sempre su base di mű ‘opera’, ma con un altro tipo di formazione. (2) Pur se del tutto irrilevante per il mio confronto di etr. fulu ‘fuochista’ (termine che ritorna anche in Po-pul-onia ‘sede delle principali fornaci’) con ungh. fűlő e fűl-ik ‘scaldare’ – confronto che resta validissimo e quanto mai produttivo per la traduzione di non pochi testi - l’osservazione di Gheno (a p.223) sui significati da me erroneamente attribuiti a dette forme - ‘fuochista’ e ‘bruciare, accendere, attizzare, alimentare il fuoco, caricare la caldaia’ - mi ha permesso di scoprire un errore reale, anche se da lui non rilevato: detti significati sono invece esattamente quelli dell’ungh. fűt e del suo derivato fűtő ‘fuochista’, che però, a loro volta, derivano da fűl, fűlik (cfr. EWU). Per una svista, la menzione di fűt e la sua derivazione da fűl mi sono rimaste nella penna. Passo ora alla parte della recensione che Gheno dedica alla mia valutazione della Teoria della Continuità Uralica, e alla mia ricostruzione della Conquista/occupazione della patria da parte degli Ungheresi, fondamentale non solo per la tesi etrusco-magiara, ma anche e soprattutto per la mia Teoria della Continuità dal Paleolitico. Per quanto riguarda la Teoria della Continuità Uralica, Gheno contesta la mia affermazione che questa sia “ormai accettata da tutti gli specialisti dei paesi uralici” (p.231). Ha certo ragione, ma non perché abbia letto solo libri in lingua inglese, che non è vero. Avrei dovuto solo aggiungere “a tutti gli specialisti di lingue uraliche che non siano dogmatici custodi del sapere tradizionale”. Oppure, in linguaggio meno accademico, “che abbiano un po’ di sale in zucca”. Ma, come Gheno certo comprenderà, questa è una specificazione doverosamente sottintesa, quando si parla di ricerca innovativa fra persone intelligenti. Per quanto riguarda la mia ricostruzione dell’etnogenesi ungherese, per fortuna, almeno questa è sintetizzata molto bene da Gheno (pp.218-219). E mi rallegra anche molto che il mio critico, come già detto, ne dia perfino un giudizio positivo: “La ricostruzione di Alinei è senza dubbio affascinante, ed è corredata […] di paralleli grammaticali e lessicali individuati con acribia” (?) (non è questa però l’impressione che ne ho avuto!) (p.219). Ma allora, mi sono chiesto e mi chiedo ancora, se non è in questa ricostruzione che Gheno trova una barriera alla mia tesi, perché si è prodigato in uno sforzo di correzione così superficiale del mio libro, senza per altro discuterne, neanche in minima parte, la sostanza? Tanto più che la mia equazione etrusco-magiara è proprio determinata dalla mia ricostruzione del quadro archeologico, confrontato con quello linguistico e dei prestiti interlinguistici, dell’Europa orientale, della TCP, come lo stesso Gheno, del resto, ha molto bene riassunto e messo in luce? Di fatto, per ribadire qui un punto che per me è assolutamente fondamentale, la tesi etrusco-magiara per me non è una affatto una tesi ad hoc, o una scoperta ‘serendipitosa’ (per usare l’utile anglicismo di Umberto Eco), ma un’implicazione imprescindibile della TCP, nel senso che accettando questa si è costretti ad ipotizzare quella. Il mio libro etrusco, insomma, visto così, vuol essere sostanzialmente la dimostrazione di un assioma. Purtroppo, l’apertura mentale che Gheno dimostra nei riguardi della mia ricostruzione del quadro etnogenetico ungherese ha brevissima durata. Subito dopo averla definita “affascinante”, infatti, Gheno si pone una domanda che non posso che 21

definire bizzarra: “Come è possibile che gli storici o geografi o poligrafi antichi non alludano mai agli ungheresi o un popolo identificabile con essi … se dal III mill. a.C. erano stanziati nel cuore dell’Europa?” (219) Domanda bizzarra perché, come tutti sanno, dei Magiari come tali non c’è traccia neanche nelle fonti medievali, dove sono invece chiamati Turchi, o Avari, o Unni, o Baschiri, o Onugor ecc., cioè sempre con nomi turcici e mai con il loro vero nome di Magiari. Perché allora dovremmo aspettarci qualcosa d’altro in fonti più antiche, come Erodoto, Tacito, Giordane e Paolo Diacono? Ovviamente, se ancora nel Medio Evo, quando i Magiari si erano certamente già affrancati dell’egemonia turcica, non erano riusciti a farsi conoscere con il loro vero nome, come si può pensare che lo potessero fare all’epoca di Erodoto o di Tacito, quando il dominio turcico su di loro poteva solo essere molto più forte ed evidente? E nulla conta, per l’uralista Gheno, proprio l’esempio del nome dei Mansi, Khanti, Mari, Komi Udmurti e di altri popoli uralici minori, che ancora oggi lui stesso, gli altri studiosi italiani e di altri paesi si ostinano a chiamare con nomi privi di qualunque addentellato con la realtà etnica di questi popoli, e dovuti esclusivamente ad obsoleti rapporti di dipendenza coloniale? Quello che fanno accademici italiani e stranieri nel III millennio della nostra era, per mero rispetto di una tradizione di origine coloniale, non è probabile che lo facessero, e con convinzione maggiore, gli storici greci del I millennio a.C.? E ho un’ultima osservazione a proposito del quesito posto da Gheno, questa volta sul versante del metodo. A proposito di Erodoto il mio critico non omette di ricordare che lo storico greco chiama gli Etruschi Tursenoí. Tuttavia, chissà perché, non è altrettanto memore nei riguardi della mia tesi – che pure fa parte del libro da lui recensito, ed è strettamente legata proprio all’etnonimia antica dei Magiari: la tesi, cioè, che la radice Turs- dei Tirreni-Etruschi, senza alcun dubbio la stessa dell’umbro Turskom, del latino Tu(r)sci, e del metatetico Etrusci, potrebbe essere la stessa di quella Turk- dei Turchi. In questo caso, Erodoto avrebbe sì menzionato gli Ungheresi, ma li avrebbe chiamati col loro nome di Etruschi-Tirreni. Evidentemente, questo piccolo dettaglio non rientra negli interessi del mio recensore. Cosa posso concludere, insomma, dall’esame di questa recensione? Anzitutto, che le critiche e le correzioni di Gheno nella stragrande maggioranza dei casi nulla aggiungono e nulla tolgono alla mia tesi. In secondo luogo, se servono a qualcosa, è solo per dimostrare che il compito che Gheno si è assunto non è stato quello di recensire il mio libro, bensì quello di dimostrare – in modo pedantesco, quando non infondato o scorretto - che non sono un uralista. Come se questo significasse qualcosa per me, che mi sono sempre considerato un linguista generalista e un convinto sostenitore della ricerca interdisciplinare e dell’idea che la specializzazione accademica tradizionale, a compartimenti stagni, non risponde più alle esigenze della ricerca scientifica del III millennio. A mio avviso, quello che dovrebbe essere chiaro a tutti, e quindi anche a Gheno, è che l’eventuale importanza della mia tesi, per l’etruscologia, per l’uralistica e per la scienza, sta esclusivamente nella scoperta delle profonde affinità fra etrusco e ungherese; e poco importa con quale grado di conoscenza dell’uralistica io sia giunto a questa scoperta. Di nuovo, nessuno, fra i migliori grecisti degli anni Cinquanta, ha mai fatto l’esame di greco a Ventris, e a nessuno verrebbe in mente di farlo oggi. (E fra quelli che lo fecero allora, il prof. Beattie, ordinario di greco dell’università di Ediburgo, è passato alla storia con l’inglorioso soprannome di Linear Beattie…). L’unica cosa rilevante, nei riguardi delle mie conoscenze dell’uralistica, è che esse sono state del tutto adeguate per presentare la mia tesi, per darle un fondamento serio, e per offrirla agli studiosi nella convinzione che essa possa essere in seguito migliorata ed

22

ampliata dalla collaborazione degli etruscologi con gli specialisti di ungherese e di lingue uraliche. POSTILLA Credo utile aggiungere una breve postilla, per fornire un’altro, più recente esempio di come lo specialista di ungherese e di uralistica potrebbe affrontare, in modo costruttivo, la mia tesi. L’etruscologia ha da tempo concluso che in etrusco esiste un’uscita –ce per la 3° sg. del passato del verbo. Una conclusione basata sullo studio ermeneutica dei testi, ma tanto ben argomentato e documentato che anch’io, nel mio libro, l’ho accolta, nonostante l’ungherese e i manuali di comparatistica uralica non ne forniscano alcun indizio. Per cui, per giustificarla, ho presentato un’argomentazione del tutto congetturale, basata sulla grande frequenza della formante –k- in ungherese, e su un suo possibile impiego per il passato, poi abbandonato. Ed ecco che una lettura più attenta dei testi antico-ungheresi, che ho intrapreso da qualche tempo, offre una sorprendente conferma sia all’interpretazione tradizionale che alla mia tesi: proprio il più antico testo ungherese (citato anche da Gheno), detto Halotti Beszéd és Könyörgés (‘Orazione funebre e preghiera’), scritto fra il 1192 e il 1195, attesta più volte il verbo evec ‘mangiò’, invece della forma moderna evett: come per esempio appare nella frase es evec oz tiluvt gimilstwl ‘e mangiò il frutto proibito’. Questa forma in –c (= /k//) del passato 3a sg., evidentemente estinta in ungherese moderno, ma ancora viva nel XII sec., offre un’altra dimostrazione di come la chiave etimologica ungherese risolva in modo estremamente chiaro un altro problema cruciale della morfologia etrusca. Se ci fosse uno sforzo sinceramente costruttivo e coordinato da parte degli studiosi nei confronti della tesi etrusco-ungherese, sono certo che molti altri problemi potrebbero essere risolti, sia sul versante dell’etruscologia (con la traduzione dei testi più lunghi), sia su quello dell’uralistica (per l’ovvia importanza che lo ‘stadio’ etrusco avrebbe nell’evoluzione dall’Ugrico all’Ungherese, oltre che per la possibilità di un approccio mirato – cioè turco-etrusco - nello studio dell’alfabeto runico dei Szekely4).

4

Sull’affascinante problema ha attirato la mia attenzione la collega Fábián dell’Università di Budapest.

23

Etruscan: an archaic form of Hungarian (book summary) by Mario Alinei

The Hungarian translation of my book Etrusco: una forma arcaica di ungherese, il Mulino, Bologna, 2003, has been published by ALL PRINT Kiadó, Budapest, 2005, with the title: Ancient link: the Magyar-Etruscan linguistic relationship

1

In the two volumes reproduced in the following figure, which came out respectively in 1996 and 2000, I have illustrated the Palaeolithic Continuity Theory (PCT) on Indo-European, Uralic and Altaic languages. This theory has been advanced independently, and/or is at present followed by such scholars as the Belgian prehistorian Marcel Otte (Un. of Liège), the German archaeologist Alexander Häusler (Univ. of Halle), the French linguist Jean Le Du (Univ. of Brest), the Spanish linguist Xaverio Ballester (Univ. of Valencia), the Italian linguists Gabriele Costa (Univ. of Terni), Francesco Benozzo (Univ. of Bologna), Franco Cavazza (Univ. of Bologna) and others. The main point of the PCT is that Indo-European, Uralic and Altaic people belong to the groups of Homo sapiens who have populated Eurasia since Palaeolithic times.

2

The PCT has an important predecessor in the URALIC CONTINUITY THEORY (uralilainen jatkuvuusteoria), currently accepted by the great majority of Uralic linguists and archaeologists. According to this theory Uralic populations belonged to the groups of Homo sapiens sapiens who had settled in Europe in Palaeolithic times. They were thus already in Eastern Europe during the last Glacial (13.000 b.C.), and moved to the North at the time of the deglaciation (9.000 b.C.), in order to continue their culture of specialized hunters and fishermen (see figure).

Following this scenario the Magyars, together with the other Ugric groups, must have settled in the area of the Ob river, thus forming the south-easternmost group of the Finno-Ugrians

3

The present distribution of all Uralic languages (see figure), except Magyar, perfectly corresponds to the scenario reconstructed by the Uralic Continuity Theory. The only problem, as is known, is that of the Honfoglalás (‘homeland occupation’) of the Magyars, who at a time which has not yet been establish with certainty, must have separated from the other Ugric people and moved from the Ob river area to their historical territory. The new PCT offers a new solution for this problem and, at the same time, the elements for a demonstration of the identity of the prehistoric Magyars with the ancient Etruscans.

4

The new solution offered by the PCT for the problem of the Honfoglalás is the following: (A) ALTAIC (TURKIC and MONGOLIAN) populations were in Central Asia already in Palaeolithic times. (B) When, in the 4th millennium b.C., the first cultures of HORSE-RIDING WARLIKE NOMADS emerge in the steppes of Western Asia, we are already confronted with Turkic people. (C) All warlike nomadic groups which in the course of prehistory and history follow one another along the Eurasiatic steppes (see figure) are ALTAIC, with the single exception of later and intrusive Iranians, coming from their homeland in SouthWestern Asia. (D) The HUNGARIAN PUSZTA, western end of the Eurasiatic steppes, represents the natural outlet of all the warlike nomadic groups coming from East.

The STEPPE AREA, from Mongolia to Hungary (not on the map), which was the ecological niche for the blossoming and the spread of ALTAIC nomadic cultures in prehistory, proto-history and history.

5

6

Eurasiatic nomadic cultures begin – by definition - with horse-riding. And horse-riding emerges in the steppe area, in the 4th millennium, within the so called Serednyi Stog (= SS) culture, which as we have argued must be assumed as TURKIC. From the SS culture there develops, in the 3rd millennium, the more famous kurgan or Yamnaia (= Y) culture, which must also be assumed as TURKIC.

We must now recall that the MAGYAR terminology for HORSE and HORSE RIDING is TURKIC of origin, and is shared by the OB-UGRIC languages. This has fundamental implications for the DATING OF THE UGRIC UNITY: (1) MAGYAR AND OB-UGRIC LANGUAGES must have been still united in their western central Asiatic territory in the 4th and 3rd millennium, when the 7

first HORSE-RIDING TURKIC CULTURES developed in the steppe area, to the South of their settlement. (2) They must have been very much influenced by them, also culturally.

8

Most of the POLITICAL, SOCIAL and AGRICOLTURAL TURKIC (especially CHUVASH) LOANWORDS in MAGYAR, however, ARE NOT SHARED BY OB-UGRIC LANGUAGES. In turn, this implies that the Magyars, AFTER their separation from the other Ob-Ugric languages, must have undergone a SECOND WAVE OF TURKIC INFLUENCES. When did the SEPARATION of the Magyars from the Ob-Ugrians then take place? As ARCHAEOLOGY informs us, at the end of the 3° millennium b.C. a KURGAN group invaded Hungary during the ‘classic’ period of the BADEN culture. As this is the only archaeologically well-attested episode of invasion of the Hungarian territory, we have no alternative as to the conclusion that it was this group, probably TURKIC CHUVASH, which caused the separation of the Magyars from the other Ugric people, at the same time acculturating and guiding them to the Honfoglalás, the conquest of their historical territory. The Honfoglalás at the end of the 3rd millennium, in the light of the TCP

9

Moreover, as in the light of the PCT the kurgan culture must be assumed as TURKIC, and the Baden culture as SLAVIC, this would explain why Magyar has so many TURKIC LOANWORDS NOT SHARED BY THE OTHER UGRIC (AND URALIC) LANGUAGES, as well as so many SLAVIC PLACE NAMES.

10

WHY WERE ETRUSCANS MAGYAR? (1) ARCHAEOLOGY, since the years Seventies, has concluded that the ancestors of the Etruscans, the so called VILLANOVIANS (from the name of the Central-Italian culture of VILLANOVA, of the beginning of the 1st millennium) came from the Carpato-Danubian area. The archaeologist who has contributed the most to this discovery is the American Hugh Hencken. (2) The Villanovians and their predecessors Proto-Villanovians were characterized, among other things, by cremation. Cremation originated in central Europe with the so called Urn Fields. The earliest Urn Fields in central Europe are the Hungarian ones (Hencken). (3) Moreover, Carpato-danubian influences on Italian prehistory began much earlier: (A) Starting from the 3RD MILLENNIUM, Italian prehistory sees “an almost continuous presence of central-European influences” (Barfield). (4) In the 2ND MILLENNIUM, the so called Bronze Age “Terremare” in the Po Valley (Emilia), and the artificial hills of Bronze Age settlements in the Danube plain (e.g. Tószeg) are “remarkably similar” (Barfield). (5) Archaeological evidence for Carpato-Danubian influences on the prehistory of Northern Italy is actually such as to make one think of an “ACTUAL INVASION … of the Po Valley by people coming from East”(Barfield, cf. Cardarelli).

OBBLIGATORY CONCLUSION: In the light of the PCT, the Carpato-Danubian people who exercised so much influence on northern Italy in the course of the 3rd and 2nd millennium, and who became the Villanovians of the 1st millennium, can only be the heirs of the conquerors of Hungary in the 3rd millennium, that is Magyars who had been accultured by Turkic élites.

11

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE TURKIC ROLE IN THE PREISTORY OF THE MAGYARS AND –AS WILL BE SHOWN - OF THE ETRUSCANS Hugh Hencken, the main scholar of the Proto-Etruscan culture of Villanova, has advanced the hypothesis that in the 2nd millennium b.C. the Etruscans – who were called TYRSENOI by the Greeks – from the Carpato-Danubian region might have reached the eastern Mediterranean, and could thus be identified with the TURSHA, one of the famous SEA PEOPLE struggling for the control of Mediterranean Sea and mentioned by ancient Egyptians. This hypothesis has been recently strengthened by the discovery that the language of the inscriptions of the island of Lemnos in the Egean Sea is also Etruscan. Indipendently from Hencken’s reasearch on Etruscan, also HUNGARIAN ARCHAEOLOGISTS (e.g. Tibor Kovács) have advanced the hypothesis that ‘2nd millennium Magyars’ might have participated in the ventures of the SEA PEOPLE. The LATIN NAMES for the Etruscans, namely TUSCI (< TU(R)SCI), ETRUSCI (< ETURSCI), ETRURIA (< ETRUSIA < ETURSIA), as well as the Greek one TYRSENOI, could thus be connected with the name of the TURKS, anticipating the long series of TURKIC OR ALTAIC NAMES that have been given to the Magyars in history: HUNGARIANS, AVARS, TURKS, BASHKIRS, HUNS. The ‘birth’ of the Etruscans – that is of PREHISTORIC MAGYARS WHO INVADED ITALY AND WERE CONSIDERED AS TURKS, – would then have taken place in the Bronze Age, when the Carpato-Danubian area became “the industrial heart of Europe” (Barfield) and Hungarian metallurgy, after reaching its zenith, started off a wave of expansion campaigns of the Magyars. 12

As we shall see, many Etruscan terms, especially those of a social and political kind, correspond to the Hungarian ones with a Turkic origin (e.g. gyula, kende).

ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE: which results have been reached by modern Etruscology with regards to Etruscan? Modern Etruscology, with regards to linguistics, has been called ‘combinatorial’ or ‘hermeneutic’, because it has concentrated on the study of the INTERNAL characters of the language, as well as on its relations with the material and cultural context, without the hazards of the attempts to connect Etruscan with one or another language. Therefore its results, when they have been reached on the base of irrefutabile evidence, can be considered as very important.

The conclusions of Comparison with ‘combinatorial’ Etruscology Hungarian on the main linguistic traits of Etruscan: It is an agglutinative language

= Hungarian and Uralic Its accent is on the first vowel = Hungarian and Uralic It has vowel harmony = Hungarian and Uralic Formants, case endings and = Hungarian and postpositions are added to the word Uralic stem The occlusive consonants are = Uralic exclusively voiceless (P T K) The syllable structure is open (= it = Uralic ends in vowel)

13

GRAMMATICAL WORDS AND MORPHEMES ETRUSCAN ASCERTAINED HUNGARIAN TRANSLATION BY ETRUSCOLOGISTS AN ECA, ICA; ETA, ITA

Relative pronoun (‘who, which’) Demonstrative (‘this’)

ENIACA

‘so much, so many’

ETANAL, ETNAM, ITANIM IΧ, IΧNAC

Conjunction

ME MI MENE MINI ΘUI

‘I, me’

-A -AC -AΘ -AT -C, -Χ -L -NA -R -S, -AS -SE, -SI -U

Grammatical term

‘here’

Formant Formant Formant Formant Formant Formant Formant Formant Pertinentive Formant of Nomina agentis -ΘI, -TI Locative -KE, -CU, -U, Diminutives -ZA

AM-, ŐN PHu. E(Z), I-, Yen. EKE, EKO; Finn. ETTÄ ENNYÍ, dial. ENNYIKÓ EZENNEL, EZENNEN (17° c.) ÍGY/ IGYEN + NAK ( ?) PHu. *ËME > ÉN, Khanty MÄ Ug *TŌ ‘that’, Manshi TOT, TÜT ‘here’ -A -AK -AT -K -L -N, NY -R -S, -AS; -SZ –ASZ -I, -SI -U, -Ű, -Ó, -Ő -T (e.g. itt, ott, Pécsett) -KE, KÓ, -U/-Ú, -A

14

GRAMMATICAL WORDS AND MORPHEMES ETRUSCO UNTRANSLATED HUNGARIAN BY ETRUSCOLOGISTS ΧURVAR

??

LURI

??

NAC NACEME -LUM -LEΘ -TALA/-TALE -VANI, -VANA, -VENE -VENAS -VA, -VE -RA, -RE -VAL, -VEL

??

KORBAN (16° c.) (or KORRAL) ROLA, dial. LERA, LERUJJA -NAK/-NEK, NEKEM

?? ?? ??

-ALOM -LET -DALOM –DELEM -VÁNY, -VÉNY

?? ?? ??

–VÁ, -VÉ –RA, -RE –VAL, -VEL

15

ETRUSCAN NAMES OF POLITICAL LEADERS, OFFICERS AND PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS ETRUSCAN TRANSLATION BY HUNGARIAN ETRUSCOLOGISTS ALREADY ASCERTAINED IN THE 19° CENTURY ZILA CANΘE MARU

PURΘ-/PURT-

CEPLAUC, LUC, LAUΧUM-, LUΧUM-, LAUΧME etc.

PRINCEPS CIVITATIS ‘chief of the Etruscan comunity’ REX ‘king, highest institutional authority’ Lat. MARO, -ONIS, Umbr. MARON ‘competent in constructions and in the acquisition of lands’ ‘connected to political power’

GYULA (< TU), (ancient forms JILA, DZ-LA) KUNDE (< TU), (ancient form K-ND-) (FÖLD)MÉRŐ

Ciuv. PURTƏ ‘battle axe’ > Hng. BALTA (> Lat. BALTEUS ‘sword belt’) KÉP (< TU)

‘connected to political power’ LÓ (< TU) + Mansi Latin LUCUMO/LUCMO/LUCMO KOM/KUM (cf. Ungh. N, -ONIS ‘lucumon’ (‘??’) HÍM) ‘horseman’ = ‘noble man, knight’

THE ETRUSCANS’ PHRASE TO DEFINE THEIR LEADER OR HIS FUNCTION ETRUSCAN TRANSLATION BY HUNGARIAN THE EARLIEST ETRUSCOLOGISTS « ZILA(Θ) MEΧL RASNAL/-S » ZILA(Θ) MEΧL

Latin PRAETOR (PRAETURA?) ETRURIAE Latin PRAETOR (PRAETURA?) ??

« MAGYAR RÉSZ GYULA(T)JA » *GYULA(T) MEG- (ancient form of 16

RASNAL

ETRURIAE

NAMES OF FAMILY MEMBERS ETRUSCAN TRANSLATION BY ETRUSCOLOGISTS APA APA NACNA ATI ATI NACNA

‘father’ ‘grand father’ ‘mother’ ‘grand mother’

CLAN PUIA SEC, SEΧ

‘son’, ‘child’ ‘wife’ ‘sister’ ‘daughter’

MAGY(AR)) RÉSZ RÉSZÉN (15° c. ‘region, zone’)

HUNGARIAN APA NAGYAPA ÉDES *NAGYEDES (NAGYANYA) ?? BULYA (< TU) FUg *SÄĆE ‘father or mother’s sister’

UNTRANSLATED BY ETRUSCOLOGISTS ARCE

??

MANI(I)M ZAMAΘI

?? ??

ARA, Manshi ÄR ‘matrilinear kin’, Ug *AR3 MENY *GYÁMÉDES (GYÁMANYA)

17

ETRUSCAN RELIGION ETRUSCAN TRANSLATION BY HUNGARIAN ETRUSCOLOGISTS EIS AIS CEL NATIS NETSVIS TRUTNVT TURAN

‘god’ ‘ goddess of birth, East’ ‘Etruscan priest, haruspex’ ‘Etruscan priest, fulguriator’ ‘name of a goddess’

IS/ŐS, ISTEN KEL , KELET NÉZ or NESZEL + VISZ TÁLTOS < Ug *TULT3 Khanty TUREM ‘deity’, Manshi TŌRƏM ‘deity’

18

PROFESSIONS ETRUSCAN TRANSLATION BY HUNGARIAN ETRUSCOLOGISTS ZICU

‘writer’

MARU

Umbro MARON ‘aedilis’

OHu. GYAK, Manshi JĒK ‘incidere’ + -U (FÖLD)MÉRŐ-

UNTRANSLATED BY ETRUSCOLOGISTS FULU PAZU PARLIU SUNU ŚUPLU ΘELU

FŰTŐ < FŰLFŐZŐ PÁRLÓ ZENE/ZONG/SENGŐ dial. SUPÁL, SUPRÁL TELŐ

19

PLACE AND RIVER NAMES Italian ETRUSCAN LATIN

HUNGARIAN

(Bologna) (Orvieto)

FELSINA VELZNA, VELSU etc.

FELSŐ BELSŐ

---

--ALSŐ (the main Etrusco port, near Pyrgi/Caere) PUPLUNA POPULONIA FŐ + FŰLFUFLUNA (famous for (FŰT) its metallurgical furnaces) VEI(S) VEII VEJSZE (11° (on the sec. VEIESE) Tevere river) ‘fish weir’ MUTINA MUTINA MUTIMOLA IMOLA IMOLA VETLUNA VETULONIA VEZET?? ARNUS ARANYOS

(Populonia)

--(Modena) (Imola) (Vetulonia) (Arno)

FELSINA VOLSINII (> Italian Bolsena) ALSIUM

20

BILINGUAL TEXT (TLE 472) Latino: Q. SCRIBONIUS Etrusco: VL ZICU LATIN ETRUSCAN HUNGARIAN SCRIB- ‘to ZIC-U = MHu GYAK-U write’ ‘writer’ ‘engraver’, BILINGUAL TEXT (TLE 899) Latin: VEL MAX Etruscan: VEL PEM or PEPN LATIN ETRUSCAN HUNGARIAN VEL(IUS) VEL -MAXIMUS PEM o FEJ, FŐ o ‘(the) PEPN = FŐFŐ greatest, (the) (the) highest, greatest, maximum’ (the) highest, maximum’

21

CAPTION NEAR PAINTING (TLE 222) (servant working on a table: Golini Tomb) ETRUSCAN TEXT: ΘRESU F[A]SIΘRALS ETRUSCAN HUNGARIAN ΘRESU Chuv. TARZƏ ‘servant’ (>Mari TAREZƏ ‘worker’) F[A]SIΘ[A]RALS FAZÉK + TÁROL TRANSLATION: ”servant arranging vases”

22

CAPTION NEAR PAINTING (TLE 224) (Flute player: Golini Tomb) ETRUSCAN TEXT: TR ΘUN ŚUNU ETRUSCAN HUNGARIAN TR(ESU) Ciuv. TARZƏ ‘servant’ (>Mari TAREZƏ ‘worker’) ΘUN Manshi TŌN ‘musical instrument, cord’, cf. Ungh. ÍN ŚUNU ZENE/ZENGŐ/ZONG‘musician’ TRANSLATION: “servant playing a musical instrument”

23

CAPTION NEAR PAINTING (TLE 225) (servant preparing food: Golini Tomb) ETRUSCAN TEXT: PAZU MULU[V]ANE ETRUSCAN HUNGARIAN PAZU FŐZŐ (< FŐZ-, cf. Manshi PĀJT ‘to cook’) MULU[V]ANE Khanty MUL ‘to offer to the gods’ + -VÁNY/-VÉNY TRANSLATION: ”cook (preparing) the offering to the gods”

24

CAPTION TEXT NEAR PAINTING (TLE 226) (servant working before oven: Golini Tomb) ETRUSCAN TEXT: K[U]LUMIE PARLIU ETRUSCAN HUNGARIAN K[U]LUMIE Manshi KŪR, Khanty KOR ‘stone oven’ + Manshi UMI ‘opening’, Finl. UUMEN ‘cavity‘ PARLIU PÁRLÓ (PÁROL ‘to steam’ 16° c.) TRANSLATION: “cook near the opening of the stone oven”

25

CAPTION NEAR PAINTING (TLE 230) (one figure lost, but near servants preparing the table: Golini Tomb) ETRUSCAN TEXT: ΘRESU PENZNAS ETRUSCAN HUNGARIAN ΘRESU Ciuv. TARZƏ ‘servant’ (>Mari TAREZƏ ‘worker’) PENZNAS FED/FEDEZ, Manshi PÄNT ‘cover’, Khanty PENT ‘cover’ TRANSLATION: “servant preparing the table”

26

CAPTION OF FIGURE ON ENGRAVING (TLE 399) (bronze mirror of the 3rd century b.C. with engraving representing Juno milking Hercules with beard) ETRUSCAN TEXT: ECA SREN TVA IΧNAC HERCLE UNIAL CLAN ΘRA SCE ETRUSCAN HUNGARIAN ECA ÉZ, Yen. EKE EKO ‘this’ [E]SREN ÉSZRE T[E]VA TÉVE IΧNAC ÍGY + NAK (cf. ÍGYEN ?) HERCLE ‘Hercules’ UNIAL ‘Juno’s’ CLAN ?? ‘son, child’ Θ[A]RA TEJ + RE [E]SCE ESZ(IK) (past tense) TRANSLATION: “this (figure) to show how Hercules, Juno’s son, fed on milk” 27

TEXT ON ‘TALKING VASE’’( TLE 336) (The so called VETULONIA’S CUP, kyathos (Greek drinking cup, also used as a measure) found in the “Tomba del Duce” (The Great Leader’s Tomb) (7°/6° c. a.C.)) ETRUSCAN TEXT: NACEME URU IΘAL ΘILEN IΘAL IΧE ME MESNAMER TANŚINA MULU LATIN PARALLELS OF ’TALKING VASES’ A me, dulcis amica, bibe “from me, sweet woman friend, drink!” Bibe amice de meo “Drink, friend, from me!” Misce “Pour!” Reple olla “Fill the vase!” Bibe et propina ”Drink and pour!” ETRUSCAN HUNGARIAN 1) NACEME 1) NEKEM URU ÚR IΘAL Θ ITAL ΘILEN TELJEN 2) IΘAL 2) ITAL IΧEME IGY-(IDD) + MEG (dial. ME) 3) MESNAMER 3) MÉZ-NA + MÉRTANŚINA TAN- + SZÍN ‘nice shape’ (11° c.) + -A MULU Khanty MUL ‘gift, offering’ TRANSLATION: (1) “In me, sir, pour the drink! (2) Drink up the drink! (3) (I am) the gift showing with its nice shape the measure of hydromel” 28

Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð.

ÝÒÐÓÑÑÊÀß ÍÀÄÏÈÑÜ ÂU 899 ÍÀ ÊÀÌÅÍÍÎÌ ÂÊËÀÄÛØÅ ÏÐÈÄÎÐÎÆÍÎÃÎ ÎÁÅËÈÑÊÀ: ÏÐÈÇÛÂ Ê ÓÂÀÆÅÍÈÞ È ÏÎÐßÄÊÓ Ñòàòüÿ ïîñâÿùåíà êîìáèíàòîðíî-ýòèìîëîãè÷åñêîìó àíàëèçó ýòðóññêîé íàäïèñè Bu 899 íà êàìåííîì òàáëî-âêëàäûøå ïðèäîðîæíîãî îáåëèñêà âáëèçè ã. Ñàíòà-Ìàðèíåëëà. Îñíîâûâàÿñü íà ôîíîýâîëþöèîííîé ïðàòþðêñêîé ãèïîòåçå [14] è ó÷èòûâàÿ ñåìàíòè÷åñêèå ñâÿçè ðèôìóþùèõñÿ êðèïòîïàð, îñóùåñòâëÿåòñÿ ïîýòàïíàÿ èäåíòèôèêàöèÿ ëåêñåì ðàññìàòðèâàåìîãî òåêñòà. Êîíñòàòèðóåòñÿ åãî ôèëîñîôñêîýòè÷åñêàÿ íàïðàâëåííîñòü.

Èññëåäóåìàÿ íàäïèñü íàíåñåíà íà îáðàáîòàííîå ñ îäíîé ñòîðîíû ïðÿìîóãîëüíîå êàìåííîå ïàííî, êîòîðîå âñòàâëÿëîñü â íèøó ñòåíû ïðèäîðîæíîãî îáåëèñêà. Ýòà äîðîãà (ïîçæå ñòàâøàÿ Via Aurelia) â òîì ìåñòå, ãäå íàéäåíî ðàññìàòðèâàåìîå ïàííî, íàõîäèòñÿ ìåæäó ãîðîäàìè ×èâèòàâåêêüÿ è Ñàíòà-Ìàðèíåëëà, â 1700 ì îò ïîñëåäíåãî.  öåíòðå ñîâðåìåííîé Ñàíòà-Ìàðèíåëëû íàéäåí è ðàñêîïàí ýòðóññêèé õðàì Ìèíåâðû IV â. äî í. ý., ñ ïðîòÿæåííîé, íå ìåíåå çàãàäî÷íîé íàäïèñüþ íà àëòàðå [17]. Ñîäåðæàíèå ýòîé ïðîñòðàííîé íàäïèñè ðàññìàòðèâàëîñü â íàøèõ ñòàòüÿõ è êíèãå [1, 2]. Ýêñêëþçèâíîñòü íàäïèñè íà ïðèäîðîæíîé êàìåííîé ìåòêå ñîñòîèò â òîì, ÷òî â íåé âñòðå÷àþòñÿ î÷åíü ðåäêèå ñëîâà è ãðàììàòè÷åñêèå ôîðìû, ñóæàþùèå äî íóëÿ âîçìîæíîñòè ïðèìåíåíèÿ êîìáèíàòîðíîãî ìåòîäà ñ èñïîëüçîâàíèåì ïîçèöèîííî-÷àñòîòíûõ õàðàêòåðèñòèê, ïîëó÷åííûõ ðàíåå íà ìàòåðèàëàõ äðóãèõ ðàñïðîñòðàíåííûõ ïî æàíðó ýòðóññêèõ òåêñòîâ. Íåò îñîáûõ òåìàòè÷åñêèõ îðèåíòèðîâ, ïîçâîëèâøèõ áû ïðèáëèçèòüñÿ ê ïîíèìàíèþ ñîäåðæàíèÿ òåêñòà ÷åðåç èçâåñòíûå ðåëèãèîçíûå òåðìèíû, êàëåíäàðíûå äàòû è èìåíà ïðàâèòåëåé.  ñïðàâî÷íîì èçäàíèè Ìàðèî Áóôôà [3] òðàíñëèòåðàöèÿ òåêñòà èññëåäóåìîé íàäïèñè âûãëÿäèò òàê: halusi : cnas : snut(i) parax : pateri : snuti aîex : aœlax : snuti stvi : leièrmeri : len faneri : urèui : uèari·n ei : îrie : van : mertari : î îr. iîr. esi

Ïðè ïåðâè÷íîì ðàññìîòðåíèè èçó÷àåìîãî òåêñòà áðîñàþòñÿ â ãëàçà ñëåäóþùèå îáñòîÿòåëüñòâà: 1. Òðèæäû â êîíöå ïåðâûõ òðåõ ñòðîê ïîâòîðÿåòñÿ ñëîâî snuti, à äàëåå â ðèôìó ñ íèì ïîïàäàþò ñëîâà leiîrmeri, uîari, mertari, esi. Òàêæå íàáëþäàåòñÿ êàêàÿ-òî ñìûñëîâàÿ ïàðíîñòü ñëîâ, íà÷èíàþùèõñÿ íà îäíó è òó æå áóêâó (îíè ðàñïîëîæåíû ïîî÷åðåäíî â òåêñòå):

parax pateri, aîex aœlax, leiîrmeri len, urîui uîari.

Âñå ýòî ãîâîðèò î ïîýòè÷åñêîì, ñòèõîòâîðíîì õàðàêòåðå ðàññìàòðèâàåìîé íàäïèñè. Êàê ïîêàçûâàåò îáçîð ïåðåâåäåííûõ ýòðóññêèõ òåêñòîâ, ýòðóñêè â óñòíîì è ïèñüìåííîì ÿçûêå ÿâíî òÿãîòåëè ê ñòèõîòâîðíîìó æàíðó èçëîæåíèÿ, îñîáåííî â ìíîãî÷èñëåííûõ ïîãîâîðêàõ è àôîðèçìàõ (ñì. [2], §2.10 ãë. 2).  êîíòåêñòå ñêàçàííîãî, íàçâàííîå îáñòîÿòåëüñòâî óêàçûâàåò åùå íà ôèëîñîôñêî-ýòè÷åñêóþ îêðàñêó óêàçàííîãî òåêñòà. Êðîìå ýòîãî, òàêîé ðàñêëàä êðèïòîïàð, íåñîìíåííî, óêàçûâàåò åùå íà òî, ÷òî ñîïðÿæåííûå ñëîâîôîðìû ñâÿçàíû ìåæäó ñîáîé ñêðûòûìè ôóíêöèîíàëüíî-öåëåâûìè (à âîçìîæíî, è òåõíîëîãè÷åñêèìè) çàâèñèìîñòÿìè è ëåæàò â îäíîé ñóáúåêòèâíî-ñìûñëîâîé ïëîñêîñòè. 2. Èç ïðåäûäóùèõ èññëåäîâàíèé ýòðóññêèõ òåêñòîâ â ðàññìàòðèâàåìîé íàäïèñè èçâåñòíûìè äëÿ ìåíÿ â ñåìàíòè÷åñêîì çíà÷åíèè ÿâëÿþòñÿ òàêèå ñëîâà è êîðíè ñëîâ, êàê: cn «ïîòîê, òå÷åíèå» (äð.òþðê. ogän, ãäå c>g, o – ïðîòåòè÷. çâóê, íàðîñøèé ïîçæå); sn «÷èñëî, ðàñ÷åò» (ñì. TLE 2 snuza «ìàòåìàòè÷åñêîå»; CIE 5237 s(nî) «ïîñ÷èòàâ», TLE 1 sntnam «ïî ïîðÿäêó ñ÷åòà, ïî î÷åðåäè»; sans «ïîäñ÷åò»); aî – êîðåíü ñëîâà öåëîãî ñåìàíòè÷åñêîãî ãíåçäà ëåêñåì, ñâÿçàííîãî ñ óñèëèåì èëè ñ ðåçêèì, íî äèñêðåòíûì ïåðåìåùåíèåì â ïðîñòðàíñòâå (øàã, ñêà÷îê, âûáðîñ, ðåçêîå îòäåëåíèå îò ÷åãî-ëèáî, êðàòêîâðåìåííîå ñîäåéñòâèå, ïîìîùü); len – ïîêðûòûå ðàñøèòûìè ëüíÿíûìè ñêàòåðòÿìè ñòîëû òðèêëèíèÿ (ýòî ñëîâî âñòðå÷àåòñÿ â íàäïèñè íà æåðòâåííîé òàðåëêå â ñêëåïå ([4], ñòð.75, NRIE. Ñ. 200, Ìèëàí, Ìóçåé òîïîãðàôèè); lei – ëåãêî ïåðåìåøèâàåìàÿ òåêó÷àÿ ñìåñü, ãàðíèð ê áëþäàì, ñîóñ, ñìîëà ( ñì. TLE 1: leiveœ «áàëüçàìèðóþùàÿ ñìîëà»); ÂÅÑÒÍÈÊ ÎÃÓ 11`2004

161

Ðîìàíî-ãåðìàíñêàÿ ôèëîëîãèÿ

fani– «áðåííûé» (áóëã. fäni «áðåííûé», ýòî ñëîâî âñòå÷àåòñÿ â òåêñòå ïåëåíû Çàãðåáñêîé ìóìèè TLE 1); nei – «÷òî (âî ìíîæ. ÷èñëå )», ne, ni-«÷òî (â åä. ÷èñëå)»; es – «ãëàç» (â ðåäêèõ ñëó÷àÿõ èñïîëüçóåòñÿ è â êà÷åñòâå ñëîâà «ñëåä» (âîçìîæíî, òî, ÷òî îòñëåæèâàåòñÿ ãëàçàìè). 3. Ìíîãîêðàòíî ïîâòîðÿþùèåñÿ àôôèêñû ñëîâ -ari, -eri ÿâëÿþòñÿ õàðàêòåðíûìè ïðèçíàêàìè ýòðóññêèõ ïðèëàãàòåëüíûõ âî ìíîæåñòâåííîì ÷èñëå [5]. Äàëåå äëÿ èäåíòèôèêàöèè îñòàâøèõñÿ ñëîâ òåêñòà âîñïîëüçóåìñÿ ýòèìîëîãè÷åñêèìè ïðèâÿçêàìè ê ìàòåðèàëàì äðåâíåòþðêñêîãî ñëîâàðÿ (ÄÒÑ [9]). Èçëàãàåìûé çäåñü êîìáèíàòîðíîýòèìîëîãè÷åñêèé àíàëèç âñåöåëî áàçèðóåòñÿ íà ãèïîòåçå î ëîêàëüíîì ïðàòþðêñêîì õàðàêòåðå ýòðóññêîãî ÿçûêà [2]. Ýòà ãèïîòåçà â 1988 ãîäó ïîëó÷èëà âåùåñòâåííîå ïîäòâåðæäåíèå ïðè èññëåäîâàíèÿõ òåëà ýòðóññêîé ìóìèè èç Ñðåäíåãî Åãèïòà [14]. Ðàññìîòðèì îñòàâøèåñÿ íåèäåíòèôèöèðîâàííûå ñëîâà òåêñòà ïîî÷åðåäíî. halusi.  ìàòåðèàëàõ ÄÒÑ ê ýòîìó ñëîâó âåñüìà áëèçêèìè ÿâëÿþòñÿ: qalïsïz «áåçíåáåñíûé, ïîëíûé, àáñîëþòíûé», qalïs «îòñòàâàíèå», qalït «ïîäíèìàòüñÿ äûáîì», à òàêæå hal (ñåìèò.) «ñîñòîÿíèå, ïîëîæåíèå». Åñëè îðèåíòèðîâàòüñÿ íà ïåðâûé íàáîð äðåâíåòþðêñêèõ ñëîâ, òî, íåñîìíåííî, äåðèâàòîì ýòîé êîðíåâîé ôîðìû qal- ÿâëÿåòñÿ è ñîâðåìåííîå òþðêñêîå qalqu «âûïÿ÷èâàòüñÿ, âçäûáèòüñÿ», qalu «îñòàâàòüñÿ». Íî, íåêîòîðûå èç ïîäîáíûõ ñëîâ óæå áûëè èäåíòèôèöèðîâàíû íàìè â ýòðóññêèõ òåêñòàõ, íàïðèìåð, cal - «îñòàâàòüñÿ». Êðîìå ýòîãî, íà÷àëüíîìó h â äðåâíåòþðêñêîì ÿçûêå ÷àùå âñåãî ñîîòâåòñòâóåò èìåííî h â ýòðóññêîì ÿçûêå: ñð. ýòð. huviîun «ìåðòâîå òåëî» ~ äð. òþðê. hövitoç «ìåðòâîå òåëî» [2]. Ïîýòîìó, âûáèðàÿ ðàçëè÷íûå âàðèàíòû ýòèìîëîãè÷åñêîé èäåíòèôèêàöèè íàçâàíîãî ñëîâà, ìû îñòàíàâëèâàåìñÿ íà âòîðîì âàðèàíòå – ñåìèòñêîì çàèìñòâîâàíèè â ýòðóññêîì ÿçûêå halu «ñîñòîÿíèå, ïîëîæåíèå». Îêîí÷àíèå -si, íàèáîëåå âåðîÿòíî, ãîâîðèò î ïîêàçàòåëå ñóáúåêòà (êàê è ñòàðîëàòèíñêàÿ ôîðìà àíàôîðè÷åñêîãî âîçâðàòíîãî ìåñòîèìåíèÿ *se).  èòîãå î÷åíü ìíîãîå ñâèäåòåëüñòâóåò î òîì, ÷òî íàçâàííîå ñëîâî ïðåäñòàâëÿåò ñîáîé íà÷àëî êîñâåííîé ðå÷è ñî çíà÷åíèåì «[Èõ (êîãî-òî)] ñîñòîÿíèå äåë, ïîëîæåíèå». cnas. Òàêîå îêîí÷àíèå -s èìåþò ýòðóññêèå êà÷åñòâåííûå ïðèëàãàòåëüíûå [5]. Ïîýòîìó äàííîå ñëîâî, ñ ó÷åòîì âûøåóêàçàííîãî êîðíÿ, ìîæíî ïîïûòàòüñÿ èíòåðïðåòèðîâàòü â ñåìàí-

162

ÂÅÑÒÍÈÊ ÎÃÓ 11`2004

òè÷åñêîì çíà÷åíèè «òåêó÷è, èçìåí÷èâû, ïåðåìåí÷èâû». snuti. Çäåñü snut – ãëàãîë 3-ãî ëèöà ìíîæåñòâåííîãî ÷èñëà â íàñòîÿùåì âðåìåíè [2] «ñ÷èòàþò». Îêîí÷àíèå -i âñòðå÷àåòñÿ ÷àñòî ó ýòðóññêèõ ãëàãîëîâ è ñâÿçàíî ñ îïðåäåëåííûìè êëàññàìè ìîäàëüíîñòè ñóáúåêòèâíî-íåîïðåäåëåííîãî òèïà. Èñõîäÿ èç ýòîãî, ðàññìàòðèâàåìîå ñëîâî ìîæíî ïîïûòàòüñÿ îòîæäåñòâèòü ñ êîíòåêñòóàëüíîé ôðàçîé «êàê (âîîáùå â îáùåñòâå) ñ÷èòàþò» èëè «ñ÷èòàåòñÿ îáùåïðèçíàííûì». parax pateri. Äåòåðìèíàöèÿ ñåìàíòè÷åñêèõ ïðèçíàêîâ ýòîé ñèíòàêòèêî-ñåìàíòè÷åñêîé ïàðû ïîòðåáîâàëà ïåðåñìîòðà áîëüøîãî êîëè÷åñòâà áëèçêèõ ïî çâó÷àíèþ ñëîâîôîðì è âñåâîçìîæíûõ òåðìèíîâ âî ìíîãèõ òþðêñêèõ è íåòþðêñêèõ ÿçûêàõ, à òàêæå îñîáîé àêòèâèçàöèè âíèìàíèÿ ê âûÿâëåíèþ áëèçêèõ ê íèì ïî êîðíåâûì îñíîâàì ðåôåðåíòîâ â äîñòóïíûõ äëÿ èçó÷åíèÿ ýòðóññêèõ òåêñòàõ.  ìàòåðèàëàõ ïî èçó÷åíèþ ýòðóññêîãî ÿçûêà â ñâÿçè ñ ðàññìàòðèâàåìîé êðèïòîïàðîé íàøå âíèìàíèå ïðèâëåêëè äâà ïðèìåðà.  ïåðâîì ðå÷ü èäåò î ïîäðèñóíî÷íîé íàäïèñè, âûïîëíåííîé íà ýòðóññêîì áðîíçîâîì çåðêàëå, ãäå ìèôè÷åñêèé ãåðîé ïîõèùàåò äåâóøêó. Íàäïèñü âûãëÿäèò òàê: parsura. Áîëüøèíñòâî èññëåäîâàòåëåé óæå îòîæäåñòâèëè ýòî ñëîâî ñ ýòðóññêèì ãëàãîëîì íàñòîÿùåãî âðåìåíè, îáîçíà÷àþùèì êàêîé-òî ñïîñîá ïîõèùåíèÿ. Åñëè ó÷åñòü, ÷òî çàâåðøàþùàÿ ïîëîâèíà ñëîâà -sura â ñåâåðî-çàïàäíûõ òþðêñêèõ ÿçûêàõ (èñõîäÿ èç âîçìîæíûõ ïîñëåäóþùèõ ôîíîýâîëþöèé ýòîãî ñëîâà) ñîîòâåòñòâóåò ãëàãîëó «òàùèòü», òî ïåðâàÿ ïîëîâèíà ñëîâà ìîæåò ñèíèôèöèðîâàòü ñïîñîá ïåðåòàñêèâàíèÿ. Òàêîãî ðîäà ñëîæíîñîñòàâíûå ñëîâà (ãëàãîëüíî-ãëàãîëüíûå, ãëàãîëüíî-èìåííûå è äâîéíûå èìåííûå) íåðåäêî âñòðå÷àþòñÿ â ýòðóññêèõ òåêñòàõ, íàïðèìåð: municlet (muni-clet «ïîäúåìíûì ñäåëàííûé», teœimeitn (teœi-meit-n «îïóñêàíèå òðóïíîå ≡ çàõîðîíåíèå») è äð. [2]. Êàê óæå íàìè îòìå÷àëîñü ðàíåå â [2], ãðàììàòè÷åñêèå ôîðìû ýòðóññêîãî ÿçûêà êàê îäíîãî èç ñàìûõ çàïàäíûõ ïðàòþðêñêèõ ÿçûêîâ Ñðåäèçåìíîìîðüÿ äåìîíñòðèðóþò õàðàêòåðíûå äðåâíåéøèå ÷åðòû êûï÷àêñêîé è áóëãàðñêîé äèàëåêòíûõ ïîäãðóïï òþðêñêèõ ÿçûêîâ. Ïîýòîìó íàèáîëåå ïðîäóêòèâíûì, íåñîìíåííî, ÿâëÿåòñÿ ïîèñê ìîäåëüíûõ àðõåòèïîâ â ìàòåðèàëàõ ýòèõ ïîäãðóïï ÿçûêîâ è, â ÷àñòíîñòè, â êèðãèçñêîì è êàçàíñêî-òþðêñêîì ÿçûêàõ. Ïðèìåíèòåëüíî ê ôåíîòèïó íà÷àëüíîé ÷àñòè ñëîâà â íàäïèñè íà çåðêàëå par- â ìàòåðèàëàõ êèðãèçñêîãî ÿçûêà îáíàðóæèâàþòñÿ ñëîâà para

Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð.

Ýòðóññêàÿ íàäïèñü Bu 899 íà êàìåííîì âêëàäûøå ïðèäîðîæíîãî îáåëèñêà...

«÷àñòü, êóñîê» [6], parak «ðåøåòî, äðîáèëêà», à â êàçàíñêî-òþðêñêîì ÿçûêå åñòü ðîäñòâåííîå èì ñëîâî parga «÷àñòü, îáðàçåö, ÷åãî-ëèáî». Ñõîæèé ñèãíèôèêàò èìååòñÿ è â ÿçûêå îãóçñêîé ïîäãðóïïû – â òóðêìåíñêîì: park «îòäåëüíûé» [7]. Äëÿ ïîâûøåíèÿ âàëèäíîñòè ðàññóæäåíèé ìîæíî ðàññìîòðåòü åùå è íîñòðàòè÷åñêèå ïàðàëëåëè â èíäîåâðîïåéñêèõ ÿçûêàõ è íåêîòîðûå àðõàè÷åñêèå çàèìñòâîâàíèÿ â äðåâíåòþðêñêîì ÿçûêå.  ÷àñòíîñòè, äð. ãðå÷.: pa «âåñü», para «îòñòîÿùèé îòäåëüíî», pa-ra-jo «ñòàðûé» [8]; ëàòèíñê. part «÷àñòü, äîëÿ»; äð. òþðê. paramantal «ïî ñïèðàëè, ê ñîâåðøåíñòâó» [9]. Âîçìîæíî, ñ ïîñëåäíèì ýòèìîëîãè÷åñêèì ðåôåðåíòîì ñâÿçàí è ñòîÿùèé íåñêîëüêî îñîáíÿêîì êóëèíàðíûé òåðìèí â êàçàíñêî-òþðêñêîì ÿçûêå pärämäè (êðóãëîé ôîðìû ìÿñíîé ïèðîæîê), ñèíèôèöèðóþùèé, ïî-âèäèìîìó, ïîíÿòèå «ñäåëàííûé ïî êðóãó». Èòàê, èíòåãðèðóÿ âñå ñåìàíòè÷åñêèå çíà÷åíèÿ ýòðóññêîãî ñëîâà parsura â íàäïèñè íà çåðêàëå, ìû îòäàåì ïðåäïî÷òåíèå òàêîìó ïåðåâîäó: «îòäåëÿÿ, îòðûâàÿ òàùèò». Ñëåäñòâèåì æå èç òàêîãî çàêëþ÷åíèÿ, â êà÷åñòâå âòîðîãî ëîãè÷åñêîãî øàãà, óæå ïðèìåíèòåëüíî ê ýòðóññêîé íàäïèñè íà òàáëî ïðèäîðîæíîãî îáåëèñêà, ñòàíîâèòñÿ âûâîä î òîì, ÷òî ïåðâîå ñëîâî â ðèôìóþùåéñÿ êðèïòîïàðå parax – pateri íàèáîëåå âåðîÿòíî ñâÿçàíî ñ ñåìàíòè÷åñêèìè ïðèçíàêàìè: «äðîáíîñòü», «÷àñòü, êóñî÷åê ÷åãî-òî», «îòäåëüíûé ïðèçíàê ñ êàêèìè-òî èíäèâèäóàëüíûìè îñîáåííîñòÿìè». Êîðåíü âòîðîãî ñëîâà â ðàññìàòðèâàåìîé êðèïòîïàðå (-pateri) âñòðå÷àåòñÿ â îäíîé ýòðóññêîé íàäïèñè íà òàðåëêå ([2], ñòð. 66), óæå â ãëàãîëüíîé èìïåðàòèâíîé ôîðìå patna «ðàçáèâàéñÿ âäðåáåçãè!». Òóò æå ïðèõîäèò íà ïàìÿòü àíàëîãèÿ â äð. òþðê. ÿçûêå: pat- «çâóê ïàäàþùåãî òÿæåëîãî ïðåäìåòà», à â ìàòåðèàëàõ êèðãèçñêîãî ÿçûêà èìååòñÿ ãëàãîë pata- «ðàçáèâàòüñÿ è ðàçëåòàòüñÿ âäðåáåçãè»[6]. Òàêèì îáðàçîì, ïîäâîäÿ èòîã ñåìàíòèêîýòèìîëîãè÷åñêîìó è êîìáèíàòîðíîìó àíàëèçó ïåðâîé êðèïòîïàðû èçó÷àåìîé íàäïèñè parax– pateri, íàèáîëåå âåðîÿòíûì ïåðåâîäîì ýòîé ñâÿçêè ìû ñ÷èòàåì òàêèå êîðåôåðåíòíûå ïåðèôðàçû: «ñïîñîáíîå ê äðîáëåíèþ – ðàíî èëè ïîçäíî ðàññûïàåòñÿ», «ðàçëè÷èÿ – êàê ïðàâèëî, õðóïêè», «îêðóæàþùèé ìèð – õðóïêèé». aex aœlax. Ñëîâ, íà÷èíàþùèõñÿ íà aî, î÷åíü ìíîãî â ýòðóññêîì ÿçûêå. Ýòî è aîes «äðóã» («èäóùèé ðÿäîì»), è aîumics «ïîìîùü, ñîäåéñòâèå», è aîna «ïðîäâèæåíèå âïåðåä». Àôôèêñ -x ãîâîðèò î êëàññå ñóùåñòâèòåëüíûõ, êîòîðûå îáðàçîâàëèñü èëè îò ãëàãîëîâ, èëè îò ïðèëàãà-

òåëüíûõ.  ëþáîì ñëó÷àå, êîðíåâàÿ îñíîâà ýòîãî ñëîâà áîëåå âñåãî ñâÿçàíà ñ äåéñòâèåì, óñèëèåì. Îòêàçàâøèñü îò èäåíòèôèêàöèè ýòîãî ñëîâà ñ âîçìîæíûì *aîac «íîãà» (ïî àíàëîãèè ñ äð. òþðê. aäaq «íîãà»), îñòîðîæíî ïðåäïîëîæèì, ÷òî çäåñü ðå÷ü èäåò î êàêîì-òî äåéñòâèè ñ óñèëèåì èëè îáúåêòå, ñâÿçàííîì ñ äâèæåíèåì è ïåðåìåùåíèåì. Âòîðàÿ ëåêñåìà êðèïòîïàðû aœlax èìååò ñõîäñòâî ñ äð. òþðê. aš – «ïåðåõîäèòü, ïåðåñåêàòüñÿ, âîçíàãðàæäàòüñÿ, ïîëó÷àòü ïî çàñëóãàì». Ïîäáèðàÿ ðàçëè÷íûå âàðèàíòû ñî÷åòàíèÿ ýòîé ñìûñëîâîé ïàðû è ó÷èòûâàÿ, ÷òî ýòî íàäïèñü íà ïðèäîðîæíîé êàìåííîé ìåòêå, íàèáîëåå óáåäèòåëüíûìè â êîíòåêñòå ôèëîñîôñêî-ñåíòåíöèîçíîãî ñîäåðæàíèÿ äâóõ ïðåäûäóùèõ êðèïòîïàð, çàâåðøàþùèõñÿ â òåêñòå óòâåðäèòåëüíûì ñèãíèôèêàòîì «ñ÷èòàåòñÿ» (snuti), íàèáîëåå âåðîÿòíûìè ïåðåâîäàìè ðàññìàòðèâàåìîé ïàðû ñëîâ íàì ïðåäñòàâëÿþòñÿ òàêèå: «(âñå) óñèëèÿ (êîãäà-íèáóäü) ïðåñåêàþòñÿ (ñòàíîâÿòñÿ íàïðàñíûìè (áåññìûñëåííûìè))»,«(âñå) ïóòè (?) – (êîãäà-íèáóäü) ïåðåñåêàþòñÿ (?)». stvi. Ýòðóññê. st – «ñòàâèòü, ñîñòàâëÿòü», -vi – îêîí÷àíèå ïðèëàãàòåëüíîãî. leiîrmeri. Ðàçëîæèì ýòî ñëîâî íà ñîñòàâëÿþùèå: lei-îrm-eri. Äð. òþðê. lev «ÿâñòâà, åäà», töri – «çàòåâàòü, ñîçäàâàòü». Ïðåäïîëîæèòåëüíûé ïåðåâîä ýòîãî ñëîâà: «ïðèãîòîâëåííûå ÿñòâà, ñåðâèðîâàííûå». urîui. Äð. òþðê. urî – «ïîðÿäîê, ïðàâèëî». Íîñòðàòè÷åñêîå ñîîòâåòñòâèå â èíäîåâðîïåéñêèõ ÿçûêàõ order «ïðèêàç, ïîðÿäîê». uîari. Êàçàí.-òþðê. ütäü «èñïîëíÿòü», äð.òþðê. ud – «ñëåäîâàòü, ïðèñîåäèíÿòüñÿ». van. Äð. òþðê. pan «äîñêà äëÿ ïèñüìà» [9]. mertari. Íè÷åãî ïîõîæåãî íà ýòî ñëîâî íåò íè â òþðêñêîì ÿçûêàõ, íè â ìàòåðèàëàõ ýòðóññêîãî ïèñüìà. Îäíàêî î÷åíü íà ýòî ñëîâî ïîõîæà èòàëüÿíñêàÿ àðõàè÷åñêàÿ ëåêñåìà meritare «áûòü äîñòîéíûì, óäîñòîèòüñÿ» [10]. îîr. Ýòðóññ. îut – «äåðæàòü». Àôôèêñ -îr áëèçîê ê îêîí÷àíèþ ãëàãîëîâ áóäóùåãî íåîïðåäåëåííîãî âðåìåíè – îur [11] è îêîí÷àíèþ ïîâåëèòåëüíîãî íàêëîíåíèÿ ýòðóññêèõ ãëàãîëîâ. Ïîäâîäÿ èòîã êîìáèíàòîðíî-ýòèìîëîãè÷åñêîìó àíàëèçó íàäïèñè Bu 899, â êà÷åñòâå ïåðâîãî ïðèáëèæåíèÿ íàì ïðåäñòàâëÿåòñÿ âîçìîæíûì ïðåäëîæèòü ñëåäóþùèé âàðèàíò ïåðåâîäà ðàññìàòðèâàåìîé íàäïèñè: «(Õîòÿ) ñîñòîÿíèÿ âñåõ (ïîä íåáåñàìè) íåïðåðûâíî ìåíÿþòñÿ – òàê ñ÷èòàþò (ýòî îáùåïðèçíàííî), ÂÅÑÒÍÈÊ ÎÃÓ 11`2004

163

Ðîìàíî-ãåðìàíñêàÿ ôèëîëîãèÿ

(Ëþáîå) õðóïêîå (èëè ñûïó÷åå) (ðàíî èëè ïîçäíî, êîãäà-íèáóäü) ðàçáèâàåòñÿ è ðàññûïàåòñÿ – è ýòî îáùåèçâåñòíî, (Ëþáûå) ñòàðàíèÿ âñå æå êîãäà-ëèáî ñòàíîâÿòñÿ íàïðàñíûìè (áåññìûñëåííûìè) – è ýòî îáùåèçâåñòíî, È, áîëåå òîãî, âñå ÿñòâà, ñîñòàâëåííûå íà òðèêëèíèè, ïîêðûòûå ïðåêðàñíûìè ëüíÿíûìè ñêàòåðòÿìè, – âñë æå áðåííû, È òåì íå ìåíåå, ïåðåä òåìè, êòî áóäåò ïðèäåðæèâàòüñÿ çàêîíîâ, èçëîæåííûõ íà äîñòîéíûõ êàìåííûõ ïàííî, ïðåêëîíè (îïóñòè) âçîð, (â çíàê óâàæåíèÿ)». ÂÛÂÎÄÛ 1. Ñîäåðæàíèå òåêñòà òàáëî íà ïðèäîðîæíîì îáåëèñêå (Bu 899) ãîâîðèò î åãî ýñòåòè÷åñêî-ïñèõîëîãè÷åñêîé íàïðàâëåííîñòè, ìîæíî ñêàçàòü – ôèëîñîôñêîé ýêçàëüòèðîâàííîñòè. Ýòèì èçó÷åííûé òåêñò ðåçêî îòëè÷àåòñÿ îò áîëåå ïîçäíèõ ïðàêòè÷íûõ è ëàêîíè÷íûõ ëàòèíñêèõ íàäïèñåé [12]. Êàê óæå îòìå÷àëîñü â íàøèõ èññëåäîâàíèÿõ, íå èìåÿ ïðàâèëüíûõ ýòàëîíîâ ñîöèàëüíî-ýòíè÷åñêîãî è ãîñóäàðñòâåííîãî ðàçâèòèÿ, ýòðóñêè óïðàæíÿëèñü â ñîçäàíèè è ôîðìèðîâàíèè ìîðàëüíî-ýòè÷åñêèõ ñåíòåíöèé è îáñóæäåíèè ïðèíöèïîâ ïîñòðîåíèÿ èäåàëüíîãî óòîïè÷åñêîãî îáùåñòâà.

2.  íàäïèñè íà òàáëî îòðàæåíà îäíà èç îñíîâíûõ èäåé ãðå÷åñêîé àíòè÷íîñòè taxis «ïðàâèëüíîå ïîñòðîåíèå, ïîâåäåíèå» [13].  ýòðóññêîé òåðìèíîëîãèè ýòî çâó÷èò êàê urîui uîari «ñëåäîâàíèå ïðàâèëüíîìó ïîâåäåíèþ». Îäíàêî êàê ïðàâèëüíî ñåáÿ âåñòè, êàæäûé èç äðåâíèõ íàðîäî⠖ ãðåêè, ðèìëÿíå, ýòðóñêè ïðåäñòàâëÿëè ñåáå ïî-ðàçíîìó. Äëÿ ýòðóñêîâ ýòî áûëî ñîáëþäåíèå ïðàâèë ñâÿùåííîãî áðàòñòâà raœna [2], îçíà÷àþùåãî íàëè÷èå îïðåäåëåííîãî óðîâíÿ êóëüòóðû è ðåëèãèîçíîñòè (ñîãëàñíî 12 ýòðóññêèì äèñöèïëèíàìè). 3. Òàê êàê íà êàìåííîì ïðèäîðîæíîì òàáëî çâó÷èò ïðèçûâ ê ñîáëþäåíèþ ýòè÷åñêèõ ïðàâèë, èçëàãàåìûõ íà äðóãèõ ïîäîáíûõ ýòîìó êàìåííûõ ïàííî, ýòî îáñòîÿòåëüñòâî óêàçûâàåò íà âîçìîæíîå ìíîæåñòâî ïîäîáíûõ íàäïèñåé âáëèçè ìåñò ïðîëåãàíèÿ äðåâíèõ ýòðóññêèõ äîðîã, êîòîðûå ìîãóò áûòü íàéäåíû â áóäóùåì. 4.  èçó÷åííîé ïðèäîðîæíîé íàäïèñè èíòåðåñíà ñèíòàêñè÷åñêàÿ ôîðìà ïîñòðîåíèÿ ïðåäëîæåíèÿ, ãäå âàæíîå çíà÷åíèå èìåþò êîíòåêñò è êàòåãîðèè ñóáúåêòèâíî-íåîïðåäåëåííîé ìîäàëüíîñòè. Ñòèëü íàäïèñè – íåíàâÿç÷èâûé, ïîä÷åðêèâàåòñÿ ïîçèòèâ îðãàíèçîâàííîñòè íà ôîíå çûáêîñòè è õàîòè÷íîñòè îêðóæàþùåãî ìèðà.

Ñïèñîê èñïîëüçîâàííîé ëèòåðàòóðû: 1. Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð. Îñíîâíûå ãðóïïû ñëîâ è óçëîâûå ìîìåíòû ïðè àíàëèçå è ïåðåâîäå ýòðóññêèõ òåêñòîâ TLE 1, TLE 2, CIE 4538 è íàäïèñè íà àëòàðå èç Ñàíòà-Ìàðèíåëëû // Ôèëîëîãè÷åñêèé ñáîðíèê ÈßËÈ èì. Ã. Èáðàãèìîâà. Êàçàíü: Èçä. «Ôàí», 1995. Ñ. 28-35. 2. Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð. Èññëåäîâàíèå äðåâíèõ ÿçûêîâ Ñðåäèçåìíîìîðüÿ íà îñíîâå ôîíî-ýâîëþöèîííîé ãèïîòåçû è êîìáèíàòîðíî÷àñòîòíûõ ìåòîäîâ. Óôà: Ãèëåì, 2003. 164 ñ. 3. Buffa M. Nova raccolta di iscrizioni etrusche. Firenze:Rinascimento del libro. 1935. 360 p. 4. Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð. Ýòðóñêè: ñèíòåç ïðàêòèöèçìà, ìèñòèêè, ôèëîñîôñêîé ýêçàëüòàöèè è ñåíòåíöèîçíîñòè â ïîâñåäíåâíîé æèçíè // ßäêÿð, 2003. ¹2. Ñ.72-80. 5. Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð. Ôóíêöèîíàëüíî-ñåìàíòè÷åñêèå è ñðàâíèòåëüíî-ñòåïåííûå ôîðìû ïðàòþðêñêèõ ïðèëàãàòåëüíûõ // Òåç. äîêë. ìåæäóíàð. íàó÷. êîíô.: Íàó÷íîå íàñëåäèå áàøêèðñêèõ ó÷åíûõ-ýìèãðàíòîâ è âîïðîñû ñîâðåìåííîñòè (âòîðûå Âàëèäîâñêèå ÷òåíèÿ). Óôà: Èçä. Áàø. ãîñ. óíèâåð. 1995. Ñ. 39-41. 6. Êèðãèçñêî-ðóññêèé ñëîâàðü / Ñîñò. Ê.Ê. Þäàõèí, ò. 1,2. Ôðóíçå: ÃÐÊÑÝ, 1985. 480 ñ. 7. Òyêìåí äèëèíèí ö ãûñãà÷à äèàëåêòîãèê ñîçëyãè. Àøãàáàò, 1997. 8. Ìîë÷àíîâ À.À., Íåðîçíàêîâ Â.Ï., Øàðûïêèí Ñ.ß. Ïàìÿòíèêè äðåâíåéøåé ãðå÷åñêîé ïèñüìåííîñòè (ââåäåíèå â ìèêåíîëîãèþ). Ì.,1988. 192 ñ. 9. Äðåâíåòþðêñêèé ñëîâàðü, Ë., 1969. 691 ñ. 10. Èòàëüÿíñêî-ðóññêèé è ðóññêî-èòàëüÿíñêèé ñëîâàðü / Ò.Ç. ×åðäàíöåâ, Ä.Å. Ðîçåíòàëü, Ñ. Ðåäæî. Ì.: Ðóñ. ÿç., 1990. 697 ñ. 11. Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð. Îñíîâíûå ôîðìû íàêëîíåíèÿ, ñïðÿæåíèÿ è íåëè÷íûå ôîðìû ïðàòþðêñêîãî ãëàãîëà // Òåç. äîêë. ìåæäóíàð. êîíô., ïîñâÿù. ïà-ìÿòè Çàêè Âàëèäè. Óôà: Èçä. ÁÃÓ. 1992. Ñ. 110-111. 12. Ôåäîðîâà Å.Â. Ââåäåíèå â ëàòèíñêóþ ýïèãðàôèêó. Ì.: Èçä. ÌÃÓ,1982. 256 ñ. 13. Ëîñåâ À.Ô. Èñòîðèÿ àíòè÷íîé ýñòåòèêè: Èòîãè òûñÿ÷èëåòíåãî ðàçâèòèÿ. Êíèãà II. Õàðüêîâ: Ôîëèî, Ì.: ÎÎÎ «Èçä.-âî ÀÒÑ», 2000. 688 ñ. 14. Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð. Çàãðåáñêàÿ ìóìèÿ – âîçìîæíûé ñâèäåòåëü àïîôåîçà ýòðóññêîãî îáðÿäà ÷åëîâå÷åñêîãî æåðòâîïðèíîøåíèÿ (ðåçóëüòàòû îáñëåäîâàíèÿ òåëà ìóìèè â àâãóñòå 1988 ã. â ñîïîñòàâëåíèè ñ ïðàòþðêñêèì ÷òåíèåì òåêñòà ïåëåíû â 1981 ã.)// Òåç. äîêë. Ìåæäóíàð. êîëëîêâèóìà: Ýòðóñêè â èõ ñâÿçè ñ íàðîäàìè Ñðåäèçåìíîìîðüÿ. Ìèô. Ðåëèãèÿ. Èñêóññòâî. Ì.: ÃÌÈÈ èì. À.Ñ. Ïóøêèíà, 1990. 15. Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð. Ìîðàëüíî-ýòè÷åñêèå ïðèíöèïû ðå÷åâîãî îáùåíèÿ, îòðàæåííûå â ñâåòñêîì ñòèëå ýòðóññêîãî ïèñüìà // Ìàòåð. Ðîññèéñê. íàó÷íî-ïðàêòè÷. êîíô.: Ïðîôåññèîíàëüíîå îáùåíèå. Êåìåðîâî: Èçä.-âî ÃÓ ÊÃÒÓ, 2002. Ñ. 188-190. 16. Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð. Ýòðóññêàÿ íàäïèñü TLE 2 èç Êàïóè – âûäàþùèéñÿ ïåäàãîãè÷åñêèé òðàêòàò è ïàìÿòíèê ÿçûêà ïðàòþðêñêîãî ìèðà àíòè÷íîãî Ñðåäåçåìíîìîðüÿ // ßäêàð, 1999. ¹2. Ñ. 93-120. 17. Torelli M. Terza campagna di scavi a punta della Vipera (Santa-Marinella)// Studi Etruschi, 1969. vol. XXXV-MEMK XVII – (serie II). 18. Ëàòûïîâ Ô.Ð. Ïðàòþðêñêèå ÷åðòû ýòðóññêîãî ÿçûêà â ñâÿçè ñ íîñòðàòè÷åñêîé òåîðèåé // Êðàò. òåç. äîêë. íàó÷í. êîíô.: Äðåâíèå êóëüòóðû Åâðàçèè è àíòè÷íàÿ öèâèëèçàöèÿ. Ëåíèíãðàä: Èçä. Ãîñ. Ýðìèòàæà, 1983. Ñ. 55-57.

164

ÂÅÑÒÍÈÊ ÎÃÓ 11`2004

«По кому плачут этрусские надписи» (комментарии к некоторым переводам этрусских текстов)

Тимофеев Вячеслав

Москва 2008

Вниманию читателя предлагается комментарии на статью «Этрусская надпись BU 899 на каменном вкладыше придорожного обелиска: призыв к уважению и порядку» Латыпова Ф.Р. (Вестник ОГУ, 2004), а также анализируются переводы этрусских слов, данные в книге Р. Блока «Этруски – предсказатели будущего». Статья уже неоднократно перерабатывалась. Что делать ? Таковы муки творчества. Надеюсь, эта версия наиболее правильная. Можно ли назвать правильным переводом этрусского текста на любой из доступных языков, если нет ни словаря или хотя бы одной перекрестной ссылки из других этрусских текстов, подтверждающих подлинность перевода ? Я понимаю многих исследователей, желающих переводить этрусские тексты на не индоевропейский язык, поскольку в официальной науке под названием этрускология наложено табу на этрусский язык как принадлежащий индоевропейской группе. Где забывают о науке в истинном смысле слова, там процветает пышным цветом ложные учения и фантастические трактовки текстов древнего языка, который этого не достоин. Я полагаю, этрусские надписи плачут не только по умершим, но и потому, что их несправедливо искажают. Вот основные аргументы автора статьи: «Эксклюзивность надписи на придорожной каменной метке состоит в том, что в ней встречаются очень редкие слова и грамматические формы, сужающие до нуля возможности применения комбинаторного метода с использованием позиционночастотных характеристик, полученных ранее на материалах других распространенных по жанру этрусских текстов» [1]. Отчего же редкие слова ? Ключевое слово «snuti» есть в словаре этрусского языка в пяти вариантах snute, snuteś, snuti кроме того, есть слово «parax», остальные известные слова eri, lei, ur[n], θari, meri, esi, θ[u]r автор статьи просто не видит, потому, что не понимает или не желает видеть. Главная особенность в переводе этрусских текстов состоит в том, что этрусский язык переводится только с помощью славянских языков и доказательств тому множество. Первым российским историком, который подчеркнул определенную схожесть этрусского языка со славянским был дворянин Чертков А.Д. живший еще в 19 веке. Исследователь истории Евразии С. Дарда пишет о нем следующее: «Несмотря на то, что во времена Черткова еще не было опубликовано достаточного количества надписей не этрусском языке, тем не менее, он правильно подметил основные особенности этого языка: 1. Для этрусского языка не было разработано одной стандартной общепринятой орфографии и грамматики, поэтому одно и то же слово могло быть написано поразному. 2. Одна и та же буква могла соответствовать разным звукам. (Так же и в финикийском алфавите некоторые буквы озвучивали несколько разных, но близких по звучанию звуков). 3. Многообразие форм и склонений одного и того же слова в этрусском языке очень близко славянским языкам» [3]. К сделанным выводам хотелось бы добавить следующее: 1. Существительное и глагол в этрусском предложении могут располагаться в произвольной последовательности, что характерно только для славянских языков. Например, lχ · vipi · varna /лохань выпей варева / и другое построеиие фразы – au · vipi · varna · lχ / «Всю выпей вареную лохань». 2. Слова в этрусском предложении могут переноситься на следующую по порядку строку текста, причем даже в раздельном виде. 3. Авторы этрусских текстов не отличались грамотностью, вероятно оттого, что не существовало специальных школ обучения языку. Как правило, им владели люди жреческого сословия, которые и выполняли надписи в основном ритуального

характера для соблюдения определенных обрядов. Поэтому даже в одном тексте возможны элементарные орфографические ошибки. 4. Этрусские слова в предложении разделялись точками или двоеточиями, что значительно упрощает чтение по сравнению со старославянским слитным текстом. Однако, между разделительными знаками все равно возникают словообразования из двух, а то и трех слов. Например, Слово leiθrmeri по существу состоит из пяти слов lei - θr – m - eri «пеленал травой моей яровой» слитых в написании вместе. 5. Этрусский язык основан на критском линейном письме А/В Минойской цивилизации и недалеко ушел в своем развитии за 2 тыс. лет со дня создания на базе иероглифического письма египтян. Поэтому, это скорее язык символов или символических фраз, скорее сленг по современным понятиям, чем классический язык со сложенной морфологической и синтаксической структурой опять же в современном понимании. 6. Этрусский язык и родственные ему оско-умбрийские языки занимают промежуточное положение между иероглифическим письмом и классическим индоевропейским языком, например, таким как латынь. C учетом вышесказанного, рассмотрим еще раз перевод Латыпова Ф.Р.. Перевод этрусской надписи BU 899 с тюркского на русский язык следующий: « (Хотя) состояния всех (под небесами) непрерывно меняются – так считают (это общепризнанно), (Любое) хрупкое (или сыпучее)(рано или поздно, когда-нибудь) разбивается и рассыпается - и это общеизвестно, (Любые) старания все же когда-либо становятся напрасными (бессмысленными) – и это общеизвестно, И, более того, все яства, составленные на триклинии, покрытые прекрасными льняными скатертями, - все же бренны, И тем не менее, перед теми, кто будет придерживаться законов, изложенных на достойных каменных панно, преклони (опусти) взор (в знак уважения» [1]. Из семи коротких строк такая пространная речь из области юриспруденции. Можно подумать, что перед нами не каменная стела, а публичный оратор на подмостках Колизея. В итоге, удручающие сентенции, предлагающие следовать закону, при этом надежд на выживание никто не обещает – вот и все законы ! Если это наставления этрусков, как жить дальше, то лучше проходить и не читать подобные вкладыши. В заключение, призывая к уважению и порядку, можно сказать следующее: «не делайте этрускам больно, они уже и так плохо спят в своих могилах !» Ниже дается перевод этрусской надписи BU 899 со славянского на русский язык. Транслитерация текста взята из словаря этрусского языка [2]. Перевод не претендует на достоверность, но, во всяком случае, дословный, имеет смысл и вполне в духе ритуальных обрядов этрусков. Перевод автора: halus : ecnas : snut Галушки ягненку – снедь. paraχ : pateri : snuti Барашку хреб яровой - снедь. aθeχ : aślaχ : snuti Утеха ослу - снедь. stvi : lei θrmeri : len Статую великую пеленал травой моей яровой, лен fan eri : urθri : uθari ·nu

пахучий яровой урне дарил, урне дарил, новый ei : θrie : van : mer tari : θ ей дарил пахучий. Мертвой дарил душе, θr · iθr · esi дарил я траву, ешь. Комментарии: Смысл текста очень прост, как и весь славянский язык. Что нужно животным ? разная снедь. А мертвому нужно приносить жертву, траву-мураву.

Слова текста BU 899, встречающиеся в этрусских текстах [2]: haltu – галушки θana haltu nei – Дань принес, галушки принес θania : varnei : halusnal : śec : umrana – Дань принес я, вареники, галушки, чествовал умершую slepa ris haltus – слепил рисовые галушки еcnia – ягнененок calusc – колючки calusc · ecnai – колючки ягненку ecnati –ягнята [ra]mθa :len : ecnati (…) – барану дарил лен, ягненку... velia sescat nei stultnei · a pateržel – великой сейчас принес столетник, рожденный подорожник snute – снедь pumpu snute etera - Пеплу снедь, еда яровая platia pumpuś snute – платил Пеплу снедью laθi : petruni snute – Ладо, Петрушке снедь snut eś – снедь ешь arθ pupuś snuteś – рожденному Пеплу снедь aule pumpuś snuteś arnθ θial - всем духам Пепла, снедь ешьте, рожденную дарил snuti – снедь тебе snuti huzet naś – снедь тебе, хозяин наш śnutuφ – снятся śnutuφ anc leic śnutuφ[·]iχ reuśceśc – снятся птицам лес, снятся им ручьи parax – барашек zilaθ parχis – печень барашка zilc parχis amce – печень барашка вынимал vipi zerturi parfnal – выпей жертву барашка, налил nu : новый suca · lautniθa · nu – сучья латину дарил новые larθi :nu(…)ni – дух, душе новой поникшей nuiś : ночь velia nuiś latina – великая ночь латина nuis : ночь velia · alf · nuis · latin[ia]l – великой Олесе, ночи латинской nui : ночь lθ : cae : nui – духу каялся ночью ramθa : nui χl nei:… - барана дань Ночи хвалил, принес... nui χl nei : θanχvil – Ночи хвалил, принес Танаквисли θrie : дарил ей

merta : мертвая ei : θrie : vam : merta (…)θ (…) – ей дарил, варил мертвой…душе eri es : яровые ешь mi vele li as eries – моей великой лил рожденную жатву, яровые пей erθial – яровые дарил Комментарии к переводу текста BU 899 со славянского на русский язык: halus – галушки ecnas – ягненок snut – снедь parax – барашек pateri – хлеб яровой aθeχ - утеха aślaχ – осел stvi – статуе великой (стелле) lei θr m eri – пеленал (ленил) травой яровой len – лен fan eri – пахучие яровые urθri – урне дарил u[r] θari – урне дарил nu ei – новую ей θrie – дарил van – пахучая mer tari – мертвой дарил я θ[a]r – дарил esi – ешь Ниже дана иллюстрация жертвоприношения духу умершей.

Этрусский текст: hutitevesi · vel · cnce ip IIII

Разбивка текста: huti-te-vesi · vel · cn-ce ip IIII Перевод автора: «Хоти, тебя веселил, великой ягненка чествовал, я положил IIII раза»

Надгробные надписи этрусков В современной этрускологии существуют глубокие заблуждения относительно знания морфологии этрусского языка, опять таки из-за ложной трактовки переводов этрусских текстов. Например, Р. Блок в своей книге «Этруски – предсказатели будущего» пишет: «В области морфологии наши знания также существенны. Благодаря работам таких исследователей, как Тромбетти и его учеников нам известно немало фактов. Судя по всему, структура этрусского языка сильно отличалась от структуры индоевропейских языков. Суффиксы, используемые при словообразовании взаимозаменяемы, а некоторые грамматические категории выражены слабо. Любопытный факт – суперпозиция различных суффиксов для выражения конкретной грамматической функции. Так, чрезвычайно распространенное имя Larth имеет два родительных падежа Larthal и Larthals – последняя форма представляет собой склонение уже измененной словоформы» [4]. В этрусской и римской мифологии слово лар (lar) означает не имя собственное, а божество, дух покойного. Словообразования larth, larthal, larthals в переводе со славянского на русский означают «духу дарил». Фактически данные словообразования состоят из двух слов: lar th, lar thal, lar thals. Существуют и другие, сокращенные формы (аббревиатуры) этого словообразования: l, lth или lθ, lθial, lθal, larθial. Самыми трудными и ключевыми в раскрытии погребальных надписей являются два словообразования: larθial и arnθial. Вторая часть словообразования – θial долгое время не давала покоя автору. Перевод первоначально принятый был «фиал» - сосуд в котором как-бы содержалось вино для возлияния духам. Однако наличие множества надписей на разных предметах в гробницах этрусков говорит о том, что слово θial имеет значение «дарил». И вот почему. Этруски в своих надгробных надписях, как правило, обращались к духу покойного лару (mi lar), как христиане обращаются к богу «мой бог», «my god». Сложность состоит в том, что слова lar и θial у этрусков пишутся вместе. Точно также, слово arn, которое означает «рожденный/ная) новая», пишется слитно со словом θial «дарил». Но словосочетание larθial фактически сочетает слова, относящиеся к разным смысловым фразам, а arnθial к одной фразе. Поэтому, у этрусков был ритуальный обряд являться на могилы умерших, которые охраняли духи умерших и обращались к духам как представителям душ умерших родственников. Отсюда на знаменитой бронзовой печени из Пьянчи выделено место для гадания, которое состоит из двух секторов под названием avil (явился) и lari (духи), находящихся рядом именно в той последовательности, которая приведена. По этим секторам, по-видимому, гаруспики определяли количество посещений душ умерших. На фреске в этрусской гробнице показаны духи, уносящие душу.

Примеры применения словообразования в этрусских текстах: lar : cumere : arθl – «духу Кума яровые рожденные дарил»; aθtnei : arθial – «рожденной душе принес, рожденные дарил»; larθi · matuna · arθalisa –«духу дарил мати нашей, рожденные дарил, лил жатву»; larθi · marc nei · arθal –«духу дарил, мара колосья принес, рожденные дарил»; larziu · mutu · arθal –«духу живому, моей душе рожденные дарил»; arnθ · θe lazu · arθal –«рожденные новые дарил, тебе Лажа, рожденные дарил»; larθ · ezna · arθal –«дух, душа, яровых жатву принес рожденной душе, рожденному духу»; au · rafi · arθ · titia –«все раввин рожденные дарил дитя»; arθ : tum ltni : –«рожденной дарил Думе лютну»; vel · veluś · arna θalisa –«великий Велуше рожденные принес, дарил, лил жатву»; arnza : petru… –«рожденной принес жатву Петруше..»; arnza : secu… –«рожденной принес жатву, сек...»; arnza : trepu… –«рожденную принес жатву, трепал..»; arnza : anie… –«рожденную принес жатву, уничил..»; arnza : cae… –«рожденную принес жатву, вопил..»; arnza : vetu… –«рожденную принес жатву, веял..»; arnza : supluniaś… – «рожденную принес жатву, играл на флейте рожденной жатве»; mi laris · san es naś – «мой дух ясный, санье пей наше»; lari : cup rna – «духу кубок рожденный принес»; lari · tite – «духу дитя»; au · cai · veti · lari – «всем духам каялся, ведите духи»; lari · cat eri… – «духу катил яровые..»; lari · papani – «духу папы поникшему»; mi lari sa plaisi nas – «моему духу жатву положил нашу»; arnθ : veti : larisa – «рожденные принес, дарил, веди дух жатву»; mi lari sa a χs – «моему духу жатву рожденную хвалил»; mi mulu lari sale vel χai nasi – «мною малеван дух, жаловался великому, хаял нашего»; l · lar · θui · canis – «налил духу, пей кан»; mi zi na ku lar θizale ku lenu eśi – «мое жито принес, колосья, духу дарил, жалился: «колосья льна ешь !»»;

…puia larθl · culnies – «поил я духа, дарил, колосья поникшие, пей »; scarpini larθi (…) – «скорбил поникшей, духу дарил...»; mi larθia use l es – «моему духу дарил, все лил, пей»; mi larθia nuv(…) – «моему духу дарил, новые..»; mi larθia st ra menas – «моему духу дарил, статуе рожденной Минервы»; mi larθia hul χenas – «моему духу дарил, хулил гения нашего»; mi larθia ama nas – «моему духу дарил, могиле нашей»; mi larθia srupi nas – «моему духу дарил, царапал нашему»; mi larθia suθ nas – «моему духу дарил, святил нашего»; mi larθia θar ni eś – «моему духу дарил, дар поникший пей»; la : aneie : larθia – «духу уничил, духу дарил»; mi malena larθia pu ru henas – «мною малеван духу дар, поил рожью гения нашего »; …larθialiś[m] · clan – «духу дарил ясному, кланялся»; mi larθiala melaci nasi mulu – «моему духу дарила, милашу нашу малевала»; veltur[u]s clan larθiali śla – «великому Туру, кланялись, духу дарили, славили»; velturu śa seχ larθialiśla – «великому Туру жатва, семена хвалили, духу дарили, славили»; śθanaχvil : śuplini : larθialisa… – «светлой Танаквисле флейту поникшую, духу дарили жатву...»; vel tut na larθiali sa – «великому все принесли, духу дарили жатву»; vel puc na larθialisa – «великому пучок принесли, духу дарили жатву»; a · patl nis larθia[li]sa – «рожденному падал ниц, духу дарили жатву»; mi mulu lari se zi li mlaχ – «мною малеван дух, семена жита лил, молился»; laris · sec · serv · velθuru – «духу ясному сек, жертвовал великому Туру»; vel : secnes – «великий семена конопли ешь»; mi · ma[·]suθi – «мою маму святил»; umranal śe ec – «умершая, семена ешь»; fa[s]ti : lecuti nei : umriaś – «ветки лечить принес, умершей»; mi mulu lari sale – «мною малеван дух жалостный»; tites : velus arθaliśla –«дитя великому рожденные дарили, славили»; arθaliśla · puia –«рожденные дарили, славили, поили»; larza : avle : arθaliza –«духу жатву явили, рожденную дарили жатву»; larθ · ve te · arθalisa –«дух, дар великий тебе, рожденную дарили жатву»; …strumesa : arn θali sa –«статуе римлянина жатва, рожденную дарили жатву»; vel hele arnθalisa – «великой Елене, рожденную дарили жатву»; larθ : tetina : arθalisa –«духу дарил, дитя принес, рожденную дарили жатву»; vel : umrana : arθali sa –«великой усопшей рожденную дарили жатву»; vipi nal : arθali sa –«выпить налили, рожденную дарили жатву»; vl : senti na ti : arθali sa –«великому сеянцы принес, рожденную дарил жатву»; tut nal : mara lias : arθalisa –«всем налил мара, лили, рожденную дарили жатву»; larθ : cupslna : arθalisa –«духу дарили кубок, славили, принесли рожденную дарили жатву»; larθia · caia · huzet nas · arθalisa –«духу дарили, каялись хозяину нашему, рожденную дарили жатву»; ui śces · arnθl · puia… –«юную чествовал, рожденные дарил, поил я»; Велик и могуч этрусский язык. Например, самый популярный в погребальных этрусских текстах словосочетание «дарить, приносить» имеет следующие формы написания: θa, θan, θana, θanal, θanaś, θanas, θanasa, θans, θanse, θanses, θansesc, θansi, θansial, θania, θanias, θaniaś, θansinal, θansinas, θansinei, θansis, θansisa, θansur, θanu. Другой казус: «Так одно и то же женское имя встречается в форме «Ramatha», «Rametha», «Ramutha», «Ramtha» [4].

Форма обращения, дара могиле усопшего жертвенного животного «барана дарил», а не женское имя просто изобилует в этрусских текстах (ramθa, ramθes, ramθu, ramturnas, ramnunas, ramta, ramueθ, ramutaś, ramutas, ramutasi [2]), но опять же таки в форме словосочетания, например, ram θa «барана дарил», ram θes – «барана дарил, ешь », ram θu – «барана душе», ram tur nas – «барана Туру нашему», ram nu nas – «барана ночи нашей», ram ta – «барана дарил», ramue θ – «овцу дарил», ramu ta ś – «барана дарил, жатву», ramu tas – «барана тащил», ramu tasi – «барана тащил», clet ram – «колотый баран». Примеры переводов этрусских фраз [2]: ramθu : alśinei – «барана душе Олеси принес»; mi larθa ramθurnas – «моему духу дарил барана, Туру нашему»; ramuθa es χu nas – «барана дарил, ешь, хули нашего». Еще более глубокое заблуждение существует у этрускологов относительно надгробных надписей связанных со словами clan – «сын», avils – «годы», lupu – «он умер», sech – «дочь», neft – «внук», хотя это звенья одной цепочки. «Те же надписи позволяют с легкостью выяснить смысл постоянно повторяющегося слова «lupuce» - «он мертв». Из фраз, сообщающих возраст покойного, мы узнаем значение слова «avils»(лет). Так постепенно мы выяснили смысл очень ограниченного, но базового словаря, позволяющего нам совершенно точно понять такие короткие эпитафии, как «Partunus Vel Velthurus Satlnal-c Ramthas clan avils lupu XXIIX», что означает «Вел Партуну, сын Велтура и Рамты Сатлнии, умер в возрасте 28 лет» (Corpus inscriptionum etruscarum, 5425)» [4]. Следует заметить, что ошибки нарастают как снежный ком. В этрусском словаре мы встречаем слово Велтур, причем в разных формах: velthurus, velthuruśa, velthuru, velthurui, velthure и др., однако нет слова Satlnal-c. Странным кажется и сочетание двух имен Рамты Сатлнии у этрусков. Заглавных букв в именах у этрусков в текстах не встречается. Все как бы притянуто за уши, чтобы доказать истинность текста. Текст «larθia : saθnai» переводится как «духу дарил, жатву принес». Слово clan на русский дословно переводится как «кланяться». Аббревиатуры этого слова: cl, cla, clanti, clantial, clantiś. Примеры переводов этрусских фраз [2]: mar ce · tarχ nas · larθ · cl – «Мара чествовал Тарха нашего, духу дарил, кланялся»; alf nal : cla – «Олеси налил, кланялся»; mi larθal claiteś – «моему духу дарил, душе, кланялся я, тешил»; mi mal · clan ti – «моей молодой, кланялся тебе»; θana · ma ni · clan te – «дань принес, молодой, поникшей, кланялся тебе». larθ : latini : clanti – «духу дарил латина, кланялся тебе» К вопросу о форме времени глагола в этрусском предложении. Где здесь время ? Окончания глагола самые произвольные или их нет вообще при аббревиатуре. Так, что фразу alf nal : cla можно трактовать как «Олеси налил, кланялся/кланяюсь/буду кланяться/кланяйтесь/кланявшийся». Трактовка слова avils как «годы», «лет» сомнительная. Проанализируем перечень «мнимых» годов из этрусского словаря [2]: …avils XXIIX lupu – «..явился XXIIX (раз – авт.) любимой» …lupu avils XXV – «..любимой явился XXV (раз – авт.)» …avils LXXV - «…явился LXXV (раз –авт.)» …avils cis · zaθrmi sc - «..явился голубке заутрене, чествовал» …avils : θu nem : muval χls - «..явился душе немой, мовил, хвалил» avils cis · muval χls - «явился голубке, мовил, хвалил» avils · ceal χls · lupu - «явился, чествовал, хвалил любимую» avils : huθs : lu[p]u - «явился хоти любимой» lupu avils L - «любимой явился L (раз – авт.)» …avils :XXXIX - «..явился XXXIX (раз – авт.)»

[a]vils : XXX lupu - «..явился XXX (раз – авт.) любимой » avils · huθs · ceal χls - «явился хоти, чествовал, хвалил» …lupum · avils · maχs · śeal χlsc… - «любимой явился, моей хоти, чествовал, хвалил» lupu · avi[l]s XXIII - «любимой явился XXIII (раза – авт.)» avils · I · II - « явился I II (раза – авт.)» [s]val ce · avils · LII - «звал, чествовал, явился LII (раз –авт.)» avils LXXVI - «явился LXXVI (раз – авт.)» avils · LIIX - «явился LIIX (раз – авт.)» avils LVIII : ril - «явился LVIII (раз) родной» avils : XXXXIII - «явился XXXXIII (раз – авт.)» …lupu · avils · xXII - «любимой явился, хвалил XII (раз – авт.)» [a]vils · ciem xxx(x)alχls…- «явился земле ххх раз, чествовал, хвалил..» …a[v]ils XIX - «..явился XIX (раз – авт.)» …avils ·XXX - «..явился XХX (раз – авт.)» …avils ·XXIIIX - «..явился XXIIIX (раз – авт.)» …avils XXXIX - «..явился XXХIX (раз – авт.)» …avils ·XXXXV - «..явился XXXXV (раз –авт.)» …avils : lupu XXII - «..явился любимой XXII (раз – авт.)» [a]vils : ciemzaθrums - «явился земле заутрене» …avils · XVI - «..явился XVI (раз- авт.)» …avils : XXXVIII lupu - «..явился XXXVIII (раз – авт.) любимой» …avils XXXVI lupu - «..явился XXXVI (раз- авт.) любимой» …avils XV - «..явился XV (раз – авт.)» …avils ril · LIIX - «явился, родной LIIX (раз – авт.)» И так далее. Можно было бы принять слово avils за годы смерти, однако появляется и слово ril (…avils ril · LIIX), которое тоже очень многочисленное и используется в сочетании с avils и без него[2]: …ril · XXXIV - «..родной XXXIV (раз – авт.)» ril · XXX - «..родной XXX (раз – авт.)» …ril · XXXII - «..родной XXXII (раз – авт.)» …ril · XXV - «..родной XXV (раз –авт.)» …ril · XLII · leine - «..родную XLII (раз – авт.) пеленал» И так далее. Однако мы видим, что слово ril используется и в сочетании со словом leine: …ril · XLII · leine - «..родную XLII (раз – авт.) пеленал» …ril (…) leine - «..родную... пеленал» …ril leine L - «..родную пеленал L (раз - авт.)» …ril · LIII leine - «..родную LIII (раз - авт.) пеленал» …ril IIIIX lein[e] - «..родную IIIIX(раз - авт.) пеленал» Итак, на самом деле мы имеем три слова, связанные с датой или годами умерших: avils, ril, leine. Если предположить, что словосочетание avils – на русский дословно переводится как «явился», слово ril – «родной», а слово leine – «пеленал льном», то все встает на свои места. Слово leine имеет свои варианты: lein, leinθ, leinies. Примеры переводов [2]: (…)va larθ lein – «…варил, духу дарил, пеленал»; …ril · LIII · leine – « …родную 53 раза пеленал»; vel : leinies – великую пеленал, ешь»; larθ leinies – «духу дарил, пеленал, ешь» Вероятнее всего римские числа обозначают не возраст умерших, а количество посещений, приношений могилам умерших (XXIIX раз, XXV раз и так далее), что

наиболее характерно для этрусских погребальных обрядов, поскольку подчеркивает значимость ритуальных посещений могил и поклонение душам и духам умерших. Рассмотрим известное этрусское слово muval или в полном варианте muluvanice, которое этрускологи путают с со словом «посвятить» [4]. На самом деле эта часто встречающаяся в сакральных текстах слово: «малевал» - рисовал (укр.). Современное – «малярить», «маляр» (руск.) Продолжим анализ этрусских слов. Слова lupu, lupum, lupuce как явствуют из представленных переводов, означают почти дословно «любимой», «любимой умершей», «любимую чествовал», что в русском языке является принадлежностью к самым ласкательным и нежным словам. Можно для вящей убедительности привести надгробные надписи с любого российского кладбища или погоста в которых слово «любовь» является самым распространенным. Другими распространенными ритуальным словами как у этрусков так и славян являются слова ritθnai, peθna, tul, которые дословно переводятся как «родной», «бедной», «душе» например [2]: …zusle ritθnai tul tei … «звал, славил родную душу тешил я»; …scuvse ritθnai tul tei ci zu sie acun siri cima… «Чувильну, родную душу тешил я сирую. Звал: « сияющую окунули в сырую землю…»; …zuχne elfa ritθnai tul traisυanec calus… «Звал хоти Олесю, родной душе трезвонил колокольчиками»; larθ : peθna – «духу дарил бедному»; peθna : peθnaś – «бедной, бедной нашей». Примечание: Чувильня – (волж.) –причка, пташка [11].

Родня Продолжим поиски родни в словаре этрусского языка. Слово nefts встречается два раза: velturus · nefts …velusum nefś Перевод фраз выглядит так: vel tur us · nefts – «великий Тур, возьми Нефертити»; …velus um nefś – «величественной умершей Нефертити». Этруски безусловно имели контакт с Египтом и вероятно, Нефертити олицетворялась с царицей Танаквисли, женой царя Таквиния Гордого первого царя Рима. Может быть этрускологи имели ввиду связь этрусского nefts со словом «инфант» ? Доказательств тому нет. Долго находясь в заблуждении, автор искренне воспринимал этрусское слово ati, навязанное этрускологами, как «мать», более того нам говорили, что слово «отец» вообще не встречается в погребальных надписях этрусков, значит, у этрусков таки был матриархат [4]. Однако, вспомнив свою родню, автор понял, что не надо ничего искать. Все лежит на поверхности. Этрусские слова, обозначающие родство ati, mama, papa, titi, sin, seθre, prute дословно переводятся со славянского языка как «отец», «мать», «папа», «дитя», «сын», «сестра», «брат». Предлагаются многочисленные примеры [2]: ateś vi…(…) – «отец, пей вино..»; fasti : tetia : atesa – «ветки дитя, отца жатва»; fasti : atvli -«ветки отцу, великому»; larθia : atei nei : - «духу дарил , отцу принес»; θana · petrui · ateiś «дань принес Петруше, отцу жатва»;

vel : ate - «великому отцу»; lθ : papa – «духу дарил папы»; c nei : ile papa - «колосья принес, елей папе»; laris : papa θ nas – «духу папы дань принес»; seθre papa «сестра папе»; mi : ma : veliś : rutlniś : avlesla – «моей маме великоясной рожь тленную явил, славил»; mi · ma lar is śuplu - «моей маме, духу ясномуфлейта»; vel · seθreni - «великой сестре, поникшей»; θana : celia : seθrnasa - «дань принес, целовал сестру нашу»; …calu sin · lupu… - «целую сына, любимого»; velsi : prute «великому брату»; aule · titie · papa –«явился дитя отец». В итоге перевод рассматриваемого выше этрусского текста на русский выглядит следующим образом: Partun us vel vel thur us sa tl nal-c ram thas clan avils lupu XXIIX «Родителя возьми великого, великий Тур возьми. Жатву тленную налил, колосья, барана тащил, кланялся, явился, любимому XXIIX раза». Слово vel у этрусков (имеет, кстати разные формы) означает «великий» при обращении к богам и знатным людям и часто переходит в имена знатных людей типа Велтур, Велтина. В славянских именах это присутствует сплошь и рядом: Велемир – «великий мир», Владимир – «владей миром», Владислав – «владей славой», Вячеслав – «более славный». Слово partunus «партунус», буквально означает не должностное лицо у этрусков, а слово «родителя возьми». Parentis – родители (лат.)/Parent- породнившиеся (слав.). Вот еще один свежий образец семейной эпитафии, представленной в книге Э. Макнамара, содержание которой мало чем отличается от концепции Р. Блока [10]: laris pule nas lar ces clan lar θial papa cs vel tur us nefts prumts pules lari sal crei ces Перевод этрускологов: «Лар Пуленос, сын Ларса, племянник Ларта, внук Вельтура, правнук Лариса Пуле, грека». Авторский перевод с помощью славянских языков: «Духу ясному боль наша. Духа чествовал, кланялся, духу дарил, папа чествовал: «Великий Тур, возьми Нефертити». «Прими боль» - духу жаловался, кричал, чествовал». Еще одна эпитафия [10]: larθ arn θal plecus clan ram θa scap atrual Перевод этрускологов: «Ларс сын Арруна Плеко и Рамты Апатрони» Авторский перевод с помощью славянских языков: «Духу дарил, рожденные дал, плакал, кланялся, барана дарил, чествовал, шапку отрывал». Можно только удивляться фантазии этрускологов. Следует пояснить, что у этрусков душе усопшего покровительствовал дух (лар) и которому этруски в принципе и поклонялись. Кроме того, этруски приносили жертву усопшему в виде собранного урожая. Рядом с погребением этруски ставили сосуды и предметы обихода с посвящением духу покойного (larθial), которые считали принадлежностью умершего, которым тоже поклонялись.

Загадочные марунуши Камнем преткновения для этрускологов являются слова zilc, zilaθ, marunuch. Предполагают, что это некие должностные категории в высшем сословии этрусков.

Однако, используя славянские языки, все очень просто дешифруется. Словосочетания zilc, zilaθ переводятся как «желч» или «печень» (слав.), «печень душе». Примеры перевода из словаря этрусков [2]: (…) rasnas · maru nuχ [cepe]n zilc · parχis · maru nuχ · paχa na ti… «…наш Мара ночи хвалил, Серпеню печень барашка. Мара ночи хвалил барашка, принес тебе..» maru nu χva · cepen · tenu · zila χ nu – «Мара ночи хвалил, Серпеню, теням печень хвалил новую»; avils · ciemxxx(x)alχls · zil(x)[ma]ru nu χva · cepen · te[…] - «Явился зимой ХХХ раз, чествовал рожденного духа, хвалил печень Мара, ночи хвалил, Серпеню, тебе..». Этрусский бог Мара является прототипом римского Марса. Бог Мара у этрусков представитель темных сил (Сравните слав. «мор», «смородина», «смерть», река Морава и др.). Также как и светлые силы (Тина) Мара требовал почитания в этрусских сакральных ритуалах. Таким образом, словосочетание «мару нуш» дешифруется как «Мара ночи хвалил» По поверьям этрусков души умерших уносит Гермес (или Геркулес или Аполлон) в небо и селит на рогатом месяце (Тур, Велтур). Жатвой нового урожая кормятся души умерших и их духи. Поэтому почитание Месяца, Луны и приношение ему жатвы являлось важным действием в сакральном ритуале этрусков. Неудивительно и то, что имена жрецов и правителей имели названия почитаемых богов у этрусков, причем названия богов так или иначе связаны с природой и с ритуалом погребения. Например, Велтина – великий день (бог ясного дня), Велтур – великий Тур (бог месяца), Пеп (Пепел, бог погребального костра).

Счет На сайте исследователя И. Гаршина об этрусских числительных сообщается следующее: «Этрусские числительные: 1 thu, 2 zal (esal), 3 ci, 4 śa, 5 max (mach), 6 huth, 7 semph, 8 cezp, 9 nurph, 10 sar (-zathrum, - zar, alx, cashra). Обозначение чисел легло в основу римских цифр и имеет аналоги с колхскими обозначениями» [8]. На рис. 1 изображена игральная кость в развороте с этрусскими словами.

Игральная кость в развороте

THU

S'A

MAX

1

CI

4

5

3

HUTH

6

ZAL

2

этрусские слова

принятые этрусские числа

THU - душе юной MAX - мои рожденные хвалил HUTH - хвалил юной душе ZAL - жатву лил CI - сияющей SA - жатва

Рис. 1 Игральная кость с этрусскими словами – метками лежит до сих пор в музее и мучает этрускологов нерешенными вопросами, если, конечно предположить, что на ней словами написаны числа. Очередное заблуждение с числительными очевидно связано со словом avils (годы), которое потянуло за собой цепочку ложных числительных. Приведем ряд примеров с переводом на псевдоязык этрускологов: avils · huθzars – «лет 6 -10»; avils : maχ semφalχls lupu –«лет 5 –7…он умер». И так далее. Обратите внимание, какая точность «лет 5 - 7», «лет 6 - 10». Этруски даже точно не помнят возраст своих умерших детей. Словарь, созданный этрусколоогами Р. Блоком и другими – это псевдослова типа эсперанто, которое ничего в сущности не обозначают, кроме бессмысленности. Автором данной статьи тоже создан словарь, относящееся к индоевропейскому языку на основе славянского языка, но эти слова в отличие от псевдоэтрусского несут определенный смысл и позволяет переводить практически все этруско-оско-умбрские тексты. Предлагается следующий перевод фраз с псевдочислительными: avils · huθ zars – «Явился хоти на заре»; avils : ma χ sem φal χls lupu –«явился, моей хоти, на земле валялся, хвалил любимую»; racvanies huθ zusie riθnai – «Раззвонил хоти, звал родную»; avle nurtines – «Явился Нефертити, пей»; iχ huθiś · zaθrum iś fler χue…– «Я хвалил хоти ясную заутрене ясным. Духа Зерна хвалил». avils · huθs muvalχls · lupu – «Явился хоти, мовил, хвалил любимую». sar χls : lesuni lan ce – «Зарю хвалил, лежа, лень чествовал»; maχ · cez palχ · avil svalce – «Моей хоти, голубке опаленной явился, звал, чествовал»; huśur · maχs · acna nas · arce · maniim – «Взор моей хоти огня нашего ярче манит»; śvel falau hu[θ] hu si li tule – «Звал небесам хоти, хоти сияющей лил душе».

Обратите внимание, как легко читаются на славянском языке этрусские надписи, если правильно разбивать сокращенные аббревиатуры слов. Например, сложный, на первый взгляд, текст: avils : maχ semφalχls lupu Однако, если разбить его так: аvils – ma- χ – sem – φal- χls – lupu то слова легко читаются: «Явился моей хоти, на земле валялся, хвалил любимую». Таким образом, можно предположить, что на игральной кости написана традиционная погребальная этрусская надпись: thu maχ huth zal ci sa перевод надписи на игральной кости: «Душе моей хоти, хоти жаловал сияющую жатву» На самом деле, искать этрусские числительные бессмысленно, поскольку этруски знали римские цифры, а, следовательно, и счет у них был римский (на поверку славянский). I – unus (лат.)/un (фр.)/one/ (англ.)/один (слав.). II – duo (лат.)/deux (фр.)/two (англ.)/два (слав.). III - tres (лат.)/trios (фр.)/ three (англ.)/ три (слав.). IV - quatruor (лат.)/quatre (фр.)/four (англ.)/ четыре (слав.) V - qnique /cinq (фр.)/five (англ.)/ пять (слав.). Именно qnique - инверсия слова quinque (лат.), которое означает «конечность», «пята», «пять», корень q – ni – с. VI - sex (лат.)/six/six/шесть (слав.). И так далее.

Славянские надписи этрусков Особенность этрусской письменности состоит в чрезвычайно частом применении аббревиатур слов, поэтому разгадка этих надписей представляет собой для исследователей некий ребус. Но автору хотелось бы представить читателям этрусские надписи, которые практически, без какой либо подготовки, без какого-либо перевода можно прочитать на русском языке без всяких усилий. Эти надписи собраны в книге С. Дарды [3], но я с его позволения, приведу их здесь еще раз, поскольку это того стоит. 1. laris vel kas nas mini muluvani ce menervas перевод: «Духу ясному великому картина наша мною малевана, чествовал Минерву» 2. peθnei umranasa перевод: «бедной принес я, умершей принес жатву» 3. ritnei umra nasa перевод: «родной умершей нашей» 4. mine muluvani ce lari ce перевод: «мною малевана (картина): чествовал, духа чествовал» 5. turu ce munistas θu vas перевод: «Тура чествовал, монисто душе вешал» 6. zelvθ murś et nam θa cac перевод: «Желаю умершей, иди к нам. Дань кушай» 7. husine vinum eśi перевод: «Хозяину вино, пей» 8. lup venas zili uzarale перевод: «любимой Венере, желанной взирал» 9. zilat lupu перевод: «желаю любимой» 10. zila lupu ce śumu перевод: «желанную любимую чествовал, шумел» 11. zila x nu ce lupu ce muni sul θ calu перевод: «желанную хвалил ночи, чествовал, любимую чествовал, монисто сулил, дарил, целовал» 12. clenśi muleθ svala si zilax nuce lupuce перевод: «клялся, малевал, звал сияющую, печень хвалил ночи, любимую чествовал »

13. mi veθieś veuras перевод: «мне ведома вера 14. mi ara θiale zixuxe перевод: «мои рожденные дарил Житухе» 15. zvtaś dardanium перевод: «зовется Дарданией» 16. vl culni trisna перевод: «великой Окулине тризна» 17. cilni vera перевод: «сильная вера» 18. lar murini claniu перевод: «духу умершей, кланялся» 19. mi klani n śl - перевод: «моей кланялся поникшей, славил» 20. ta suti mucetiś cneu naś lautu niś перевод: «эта суть мучает латина поникшего» Безусловно, не все этрусские слова переводятся на русский язык дословно и многие слова имеют не славянские корни или эти корни нам не известны.

Боги Пантеон этрусских богов является, пожалуй, самым загадочным из всей иерархии богов древнего мира. В таблице 1 представлены сравнительные характеристики этрусских, умбрских богов и их аналоги в римских, греческих и египетских пантеонах.

Таблица 1 Этрусские боги

Римские боги

Греческие Египетские боги боги Этрусские боги Зевс Осирис

TINA -Тина (L)UNIЛуна TUR

Юпитер Юнона

Гера

NEP-Нептун VELXANS PEP/ PUMPUПепел MARISМарс MNRVA Минерва ARITMAI Артемида VENE - Венера APLU - Апла

Нептун Вулкан -

Посейдон Гефест -

Марс

Арес

Амон

Минерва

Афина

-

Диана

Артемида

-

Венера Аполлон

Афродита Аполлон

Апис

Сильван Геркулес Сатурн -

Пан Геракл Кронос -

Анубис -

SELVA –Сильван ANE – Ани HERCL - Геркле TESENA SATRE RALNA TURAN

Исида

Назначение

верховное божество богиня земли, плодородия божество месяца (рогатого) бог морей бог огня Бог погребального костра (пепла) бог войны богиня (бог) искусств и ремесел Богиня охоты

Бог плодородия/искусств Бог лесов Богиня погребений богочеловек - герой Божество - младенец бог посевов, семян богиня ранней луны богиня месяца

LASA PêtruscПетрушка

-

-

-

Умбрские боги Зевс Осирис Зевс Осирис -

ATIIERIA IAPUS TALENA 8ELI - Желя KARNVS - Карна TITA - Тит TAGES - Таг TESENA Дюжина APH - Апис

Юпитер Юпитер Карна -

-

Апис

SETU - Сет RIE - Ра AMEM - Амон AMPRE8V Амбариш LVNA - Луна

-

-

Сет Ра Амон -

ABELLANO NEP-Нептун ALLO- Ладо AMPERT BAN HEREKLUIГеркулес KERRI- Церера TIN-Тина NUC-Ночь

Луна

Селена Сет Оскские боги

Богиня лжи бог растительности

верховное божество верховное божество ? Богиня плача Богиня скорби Божество стога Божество - младенец Божество - младенец Бог плодородия/искусств бог злых духов Бог солнца бог войны Бог урожая Богиня луны

Белый Лунь Нептун Геркулес

Бог луны Посейдон Геракл

-

бог урожая бог бани богочеловек - герой

Церера Юпитер -

Деметра Зевс -

Осирис -

богиня плодородия верховное божество богиня ночи

бог морей

Словарь этрусского языка Как было доказано на многочисленных примерах, основной словарь этих текстов составляют слова со славянскими корнами. Все эти слова составляют основной словарь слов погребальных текстов этрусков. В таблице 2 представлен сравнительный анализ слов погребальных текстов этрусков в переводе на русский в разных концепциях дешифровки этрусских текстов. Таблица 2 № Этрусское слово п/п 1 ac 2 acazr 3 4 5

acale ais/as aisiu

Перевод этрускологами [9] делать, предлагать предметы положения в могилу июнь бог божественный, боги

Перевод со славянскими языками рожденные колосья очами зреть обозревать бог боги

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

aisar aisna al alpan, alpnu alφaze alumnaθe am apa apcar ar er arac arim ars aska aθre ati ati nacna аvil, аvils araθiale ca camθi cape capr capra capu ceχa

33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

cela celi celu cehen cepen ces cetur сezp/ сezpalχ ceχase ci cialθ/ cealθ ciz cisra clan cletram cleva clevsin creal creice culiχna

53

cupe

боги божественный, боги давать, предлагать подарок, предложение предложение тайное общество быть отец счеты делать, двигать, строить делать, двигать, строить сокол обезьяна отталкивать тип вазы строение мать бабушка года ? это имя управляющего ваза, контейнеп апрель урна сокол ритуал, церемония, молитва целла сентябрь заглавие молитвы это один из них заглавие молитвы лежать ? восемь/восемьдесят имя управляющего три 30 (числ.) три раза Цезарь сын таз, корзина предложение управление грек ваза кубок

озарить ясный рожденный дух ? ? ? яма/могила рожденной положил ? рождать яровые рожденные колосья нет в словаре рожденная жатва чашка рожденные дарил отец отцу принес коноплю явился рожденные дарил колосья ? колосьями пеленал ? каился, прощался /шапка колосьями поил семена хвалил чествовал духа чествовал, лил чествовал любимую семена гению серпень (месяц) чествовать чествовал Тура чествовал, опалил чествовал, хвалил семена сияющий/сирый сияющему дарил голубка голубка рожденная кланяться колотый баран хлев хлев сына кричать рожденному духу кричал ей, чествовал кулич (возможно, вид горшка) кубок

54 55 56 57 58 59

cver χosfer eca eleivana aska eleivana -em

подарок, предложение октябрь это из масла сосуд для масла минус

60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

enac, enaχ epl pi pul eslz etera, eteri etnam vacal vacil vacl vel velcitna velclθi velsnalθi velsnaχ versvinum, vinm ic iχ iχnac ica ika ilu

83 84 85

in inc ipe, ipa

86 87 88 89 90 91

ita, itu itu-, ituare itna, itan θafna θam θapna

92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99

θaurχ θaure, θaura θez θezl, θezi θi θial θina θu

тогда, после того предлог на, в, до предлог на, в, до предлог на, в, до дважды чужеземец, раб предлог и, также священнодействие священнодействие священнодействие ? Марс (бог) в Вульчи в Волсинии из Волсинии огонь вино как, каким образом как, каким образом как, каким образом это это начало жертвоприношения или молитвы они (местоимение) они (местоимение) кто бы ни, что бы ни (относ. местоимение) это (местоимение) делиться ? кубок строить, находить ваза (для жертвоприношений ?) похороны могила делать жертвование Название города Этрурии местоимение ? ваза, банка, Тина (бог) один (числ.)

свирель/цветы, яровые ? ягненок елея запах (масло) чашка с маслом окончание сущ. (напр. сiem земля) иначе Аполлон (бог) писать поил духа/половина пейте духи жатву еда, яровые иди к нам вокруг Василий (имя) вокруг великий (ая) величествен-ая/ый величественной дарил великикоясной дарил великую хвалил вера вино ? им, их ихний ? ? Илья (имя)/ей, любимой

в иначе ? это ? один (числ.) давно дам топать Тура хвалил Тур; рога Дюжина, жена дия ? дар дарить Тина (бог) душа

100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111

θucte θui θuni θunz θve θrie θucer zal zanena zilat zaθrum zilχ ceχaneri

название меясца здесь, сейчас ниже один раз ? ? ? два кубок ? десять глава

112 113 114

zilc, zilaθ hanθin hec

115 116 117

herma heramasva hermе, hermu

118

heχ

119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128

hinθial hinθa, hinθu hinθθin hus husiur husnatre huth, huθ lar lauχum lauχumna

129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145

lautni lautniθa, lautnita lautun, lautn leχtum leχtumuza leine les leu lucair luθ lupu -m, -um ma macstrev mal malena malstria

неизвестная должность перед чем-либо поставить, место перед чем-либо место, статуя место, статуя священное общество Гермесов , август поставить, место перед чем-либо душа, гость, отражение ниже, внизу (наречие) ниже, внизу (наречие) молодой, ребенок молодой, ребенок группа молодых шесть Лариса (имя человека) король (лукумон) принадлежащее королю, дворец из семейства, граждании гражданка семья, клан ваза для масла маленькая ваза умереть ? священная жертва лев править священное место он умер и ? имя управляющего давать, посвящать зеркало зеркало

душистый дуть, пить душе поникшей душе новая жатва душе великой душе родной/три дочь жалиться/жатва духу жатву Нептуну принес желать заутрене (рано утром) печень хвалил, чествовал, хвалил, принес яровые желчь (печень)/печень дарил ? ? Гермес Гермеса мазал Гермес Гермеса хвалил гимн дарил гимн дарил гимн дарил Тине хозяин хозяин хозяину трава хватит дух лохань умершей лохань умершей принес латину поникшему латину поникшему дарил латину юному/латину принес духам хвалил душу умершей духам хвалила душу мужа ленивй духам сияющим лев/ духам юным любимую корил любимой дарил/лютна любимой /любимому умершей мать/молодая/моя ? молодой/ая/малый молодой принес молодой сторожил

146 147 148 149 150

мертвый мертвый жертва манам неизвестная должность ?

маны манить/ману ману принес мара ночи хвалил мара ягненка/мара хвалил, принес жатву мазанный матери могиле матери дарил моей хоти Минерва мед лил умершей мед хвалил мой/моя малевать/молотить малевать, хвалить/ молиться молотить юной мурава/умершая умершая мутный принес колосья Нефертити/Танаквисли няньчить вода/озеро Нерли принесенный

151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169

man mani manin maru nuch marcni, marcniś, marcnisa, marχnaś, marχnei masan, masn matam maθ maχ men meθlum meχ mi mul mulaχ, mlaχ mun, muni mur murs mutana nac nefts nene neri nesna

170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187

neθsra neθsvis nuna nurph paχaθur paχie paχana pacusnasie papa, papacs papals parniχ patna pata peθnei penθuna, penθna pi prut pruχ, pruχum

название месяца выше, до мед, медовое вино пять жертва участок люди, союз мой/моя жертвовать, посвящать жертва, посвящение могила стоять урна, саркофаг саркофаг как, потому что внук нянчить вода принадлежащее мертвому гаруспика гаруспик жертва ? девять вакханка, менада Бахус (бог) Бахус (бог) Бахус, Дионис дедушка дедушки внук администратор название вазы ? ? стела, плита у, в, через ? проушина, шпора

188 189 190 191 192

prumaθi, prumats puia pul pulumχva pupluna

племянник жена у, в, через звезды ? Популония

Нептуну рожденному Нептуну высшему ночи принес ночи робил Бахусу, Туру Бахусу Бахусу принес Бахусу нашему папа/ папу чествовал папы духу барана хвалил пятка/пятнать пята бедный/ая пеленал, душе принес писать брат прах/прах умершей/брата хвалил брату моему дарил поить половина/ поле половину умершей хвалил Пепел (бог погребального

193

purθ, purθne

имя управляющего, диктатор ? кубок, ваза, стена ? ваза ? Рамта (имя человека)

194 195 196 197

198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207

put-, puθ qutun, qutum racvanies ramutaś, ramutas, ramutasi, ramturnas, ramnunas, ramta, ramueθ, ramutasi rasenna, rasna raθ ratum raχ ril ritθnai rumaχ ruva sa sac

208

sacni

этрусский, из Этрурии священный предмет согласно закону подготовить возраст или рожден ? римский, из Рима брат четыре (числ.) проводящий священодействие заказник

209

sacnisa

сonsecrate ?

210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222

sal sar saθ, sat seс sealχ setre seχ semph semphalχ sval sin slicaχes snenaθ

223 224

spur spura