Tugas English for Political Science

POLITICS IN EVERYDAY LIFE We have seen people who dare to dismantle the peaceful regime, and die for abstract ideas about politics as thousands of Bosnians and Albanians ethnic cleansing' in the Serbian national identity in the former Yugoslavia and tens of thousands of Ukrainians protest that led to the Revolution orange. It seems wrong in the face of ordinary people to affect , and be affected. The political change not to consider both the nature of political institutions and what action should be taken in relation to them. Besides of dramatic examples of political action and change at long distance, it is good to examining our own lives. Like that if works at McDonald's, you might find that the assistant manager considers that he can better than his boss. Here can be seen that seized power in the organization can take the form political factions as a scientist. Excatly, organizational politics is being practiced.

WHAT IS POLITICS ? One of the problems associated with politics as a human activity as a political or academic activities (or in American terminology, politics or political science). But in practice, the political ideas are some of the most important weapon in the politician. Most political scientists explain political definition is wide than the dictionary, the definition focuses on the country. consequently, most of them support the view suggested above that : politics is about the power of social practice, not just country. However , this may reflect the academic imperialism in their own name. Sociologists may argue that humans move as a human would be more appropriate definition of their concerns. Another contrast in this definition is that between what has been described as a " zero-sum and non - zero -sum " political theory derived from the mathematical theory of games. A zero - sum game is sort of like a chess game, where one player wins and losses on the other players. Obviously a lot of politicians and political scientists, this is seen as a way of politics. So Weber and Lasswell seems to suggest that the political success of the individuals may be at the expense of others who opposed them. It is also a well Poulantzas and the Marxist theory, that the opposing class interests and is obtained at the expense of one another. But not all of these kind of games , such as the collective makeup, children's games were introduced by one of the

players can give you the pleasure of the game for all players. There is no fixed amount of the victory, but wit the cooperation of both sides can achieve more. Parsons explicitly stated that based on collaboration, people can get more benefits than they compete. This view seems to fit with the contemporary emphasis in the Western world, the practice of politicians trying to build a coalition that involves compromise. So the theory has a radically different place different emphasis on consensus (agreement) and conflict in political theory. Developments that Western political democracy is now being struggled or called democratic deficit, political alienation or disenchantment. Explanation for the change is checked by Gerry Stoker (2006), but the argument residents increasingly turned off by the traditional political behavior, such as voting in elections. It has been suggested that the more politically active citizens will ignore the coalition and compromise offered by the political elite. But whether this apparent decline in traditional partisan electoral politics in some countries always showed a decrease in the importance of politics ? Maurice Duverger (1972 : 19 ) argues, the power like two-faced god Janus. In other words, conflict and consensus are essential elements for the creation of the political situation. The imposition of one person or the interests of other groups by force and without the consent element seems far from what most people understand about politics. Thus, the political cover situations where the goal is different, but they work together to achieve one goal , and compete where there will be conflict . Both cooperation and rivalry may involve bargaining , and coercion argument . Politics often may be more artful than science , and art of politics is often used to look at potential alliances rather than antagonism between different groups .

POLITICAL STUDIES APPROACH One of the delights and also one of the frustrations of political studies lies in the variety of approaches adopted by academic writers. This is in a sense kesenanagan in one learning program with a rich spectrum of writing, ranging from classical philosophers such as Plato (1866) and Aristotle (1946) , through such radical sociologist C. It is frustrating in conclusion the authors can not only accumulated to form a specific body of knowledge represents the views of political scientists about politics. Students must be prepared to live with the political uncertainty for filter various sources and received what appears to be relevant and valid.

Traditional scholarship often seen on the basis of a few countries, political institutions, theoretical concepts or authors in depth. Often with tools and other preconceptions academic disciplines, especially history or philosophy. The core of the curriculum in British politics is the study of political institutions individuals with historical context ; great political philosophers, and what it called misleading comparative government. In practice, the majority of American studies, French and Soviet Union and political separately. Often the English program has become part of humanities -oriented programs such as the Oxford PPE (Philosophy, Politics, Economics) program.

TRADITIONAL SCHOLARSHIP The authors first academic politics ( Plato and Aristotle ) whose work is still studied in detail in most of the universities in the UK are familiar with modern practices in knowledge compartmentalising separate disciplines. The authors see the emergence of democracy as a major political development of their time and trying to analyze not only the ideas but also its contemporary manifestations in different countries, and to suggest improvements and accommodation with the advent of the reality of a democratic government. Serious writers on politics now tend to faculty, who must have a specialist interest and the list of articles in professional journals or monographs and published by respected academic. They tend to adopt a much more limited conception of their role with a trained writer explores philosophical concepts and the history of ideas, historians limit themselves to a small period of time and a limited geographical area, and students of political institutions that specialize in the electoral system, British parliamentary select committee or political privatization. There is no doubt that the academic specialization can reap the benefits in terms of a particular invention ( and in terms of getting the speedy publication in academic journals ). But this advantage is also no doubt at some cost to lose perspective and lose the non-academic audience that often fail to see the relevance of much of this work to current policy issues. In British university politics departments more remarkable , scholarly works continue to be produced in political theory and political institutions without any systematic effort to relate to the findings of the general theories of political behavior or social sciences. Some professors may still describe themselves as a historian and political philosopher than scientist . Students of political

theory in this fashion tend to divide roughly into two main camps. The first group is the philosopher who saw their main task as an explanation of political concepts ( such as justice and democracy ) with at least an eye to their relevance to contemporary concerns. The second group is the idea that historians have bothered to trace the evolution of writings about politics , the intent of the author of the text and their influence on events. Those who have written on political institutions are less explicit in their theoretical intentions, but authors such as Ridley (1975) and Rhodes (1997) has stated many reasons and assumptions of this paper. In a well-established and relatively stable democracy such as Britain and the United States, demonstrated that much of what we call an important political center in government institutions such as the parliament, elections, government departments, local governments and the like. The study of how institutions have evolved, rules and practices around them, and consideration of how they can be improved , obviously very important. As citizens , and public officials or politicians may be the future, we may find that these activities almost need to elaborate justification. However, skeptics and ambitious can combine to cast doubt on the ability of academic activities. Whether the results are really legitimate knowledge can be checked at college or simply pragmatic common sense that can be used by people who agree with the assumptions (conservative and liberal ?) To meet the objection has been aware of the methodological development of new institutionalism that Peters (1999 ) not less than seven varieties.

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Proposition that our knowledge of scientific politics seems to have originated at the first sight . Application of the scientific method in many other fields ( eg, physics , biochemistry , astronomy ) has produced not only a scientific consensus about the truth of the various ' legal ' , but also the practical results in the form of space travel and medicine ' miracle ' . The problem of creating a valid political science seems to be so large as to put the whole project in some doubt . they include the conflict of values , complexity , methods and philosophy . It is tempting to dismiss the conflict as irrelevant to the value of scientific investigation . Conventional argument is that science is moralnetral ( ' value-free ' ) , but can be used for good or evil . It is easier to apply biochemical knowledge to create individual health rather than to use the political knowledge to create a healthy society . In principle, the author will accept this proposition , although this later increased drastically reduce the chances of creating a social consensus with political science as

scientific analysis can not resolve the issues that are contrary to human purposes . In social analysis , however , to make Vocabulary ' value-free ' acceptable equally to social democrat views , free-market conservatives , Marxists and feminists . Additional problem in applying for social scientific analysis in politics is the complexity of the phenomenon being studied . Science usually seen as characterized by testing hypotheses and through trial . Academics is committed to a scientific approach to politics , academics are trying to address this issue by collecting quantitative data about political behavior . legislative voting patterns and newspaper texts , political speeches , spending by the government and various other observations can also be treated as a statistical analysis of quantitative data . Modern statistical analysis is the analysis that is modern and allows researchers to make judgments about the presence or absence of a significant association between the variables .

SCHOOL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Some political problems of social science establishment becomes clear if we examine the writings of some political scientists . Perhaps the most influential groups ' political scientist ' is Gabriel Almond and Advisory Committee of the American Political Science Comparative Politics in 1960 . Although many criticized the theory , terminology and approaches adopted by the ' functionalist ' . In early work was very influential , Almond and Coleman (1960 ) argues that we should talk about : ' Political System ' instead of ' State ' , ' function ' instead of ' Powers ' , ' Role ' instead of ' Office ' , ' Structure ' not ' Institute ' , ' Political Culture ' instead of ' Public Opinion ' , ' Political Socialization ' instead of ' Structure of Citizenship ' . They argue that by studying the process to maintain the political system in a variety of environments , instead of focusing on the institutions of liberal democracy conventional . Those who create the basis for a scientific approach : It's not just a matter of conceptual vocabulary [ sic ] , it is a sign of a major step forward in the nature of political science as a science . . . probabalistic toward political science . ( Almond and Coleman , 1960) . Luard (1990 ) argues for a global perspective that a good illustration of some of the new vocabulary problem is to consider the concept of ' political system ' . Nettl (1966 ) explains that the system is an entity that exists and execute a defined role - such as ' allocation of values ' . Or the idea of the system can be used more as a conscious analogy with engineering systems , such as Deutsch (1963 ) who see the political system as a mechanism for the community , the flow of information through the mechanism of decision-

making can be improved . Systematic sociological thinkers such as Talcott Parsons (1957 ) noted that ' the function ' is a very theoretical analytical process is distinguished from empirical reality . ' Emptiness ' of systems theory may be most clearly seen from the writings of David Easton ( 1979 ) which states that ' the political system ' is purely analytical concepts that can be applied to any entity theory . So many writers today said they would adopt a ' systems ' approach , but it is often not clear whether they believe that the political system is observable entities , analytical framework , a useful analogy or solving the problem . Mainstream economists have begun to analyze market behavior of consumers ( people) and businessmen who assumed rational pursuit of their own interests ( maximizing utility or profit ) . Behavior of individuals , bureaucrats or legislators may be considered in the same way ( Downs , Tullock 1957 , 1965; Himmelweit et al , 1985) . The assumption is that only the most basic functions of the system will be rational actors , and that rational actors would cancel each other / ' bankrupt ' , etc. ( Also do not maximize utility exclude the proposition that some actors would derive utility from altruistic acts . ) As an example of the approach this behavior is not seen in terms of bureaucrats constitutional provide policy advice to the minister impartially , or in functional terms as part of the second interest aggregation and enforcement functions . Their behavior is described as seeking to maximize their agency budgets to maximize their own power , salary and prestige . THEORY , MODEL , PARADIGM Faced with a rival approach shrubs and theory , the reader may be tempted to claim who is right and who is wrong , or hopeless concluded that they would return to the subject in thirty years ' when ' experts ' have made their minds up . Popper (1960 ) has convincingly argued that scientific laws are useful for general predictions , which have been extensively tested and is not disputed . Several propositions put forward by political scientists seem to meet this test . As we have seen , many of the arguments put forward by ' empirical political theorists ' difficult to apply to real-world politics , not make firm predictions , and certainly has not been extensively tested . Development proposed by Darwin's evolution continues as the dominant paradigm in modern biology . this should be hated , many scientific and technological advances have been based upon this process of ' pygmies standing on the shoulders of giants ' - ordinary knowledge workers collect detailed information in the paradigm . In this case , the study of politics can be seen as an academic discipline in the pre - science where no dominant paradigm . The main question that should be asked is how they are useful sources for the model is applied to the new

situation , testable hypotheses and concepts to help describe and analyze events . Absolute truth can not be found . CRITICISM AND RADICAL postmodernist One characteristic of a scientific theory is that it should be value - free No physical left wing and right wing physics , physics is only good and bad physics . Consideration of the approach proposed by political scientist revealed that the above models are based concepts they employ and the theories they espouse often obviously implies that other values may also want to dispute . If we consider the model of functionalist Almond example , it seems clear to see politics as a matter of maintaining political stability by allowing political interests in the system to be reconciled ( ' interest articulation and aggregation ' ) . This is done by the state that functions through a traditional liberal rules of law ( ' rulemaking , enforcement and adjudication rules ' ) . What is clear rival political analysis approach emphasizes individualism and collectivist and consensus to consider conflictoriented political views put forward by the Marxists . Marx and Engels' Communist Manifesto ( 1848 ) , is a society divided into huge collectivities ( classes ) whose interests are in fundamental conflict . The only long-term resolution of the conflict derived from the basic relationship between the exploitation of the capitalist bourgeoisie ( owners ' means of production ' ) and the proletariat ( ' wages - slave ' ) is through a socialist revolution . A number of authors ( Miliband , 1969; Gramsci , 1969) approached the modern political analysis through the Marxist model . For example in the Western world , the influence of culture and media have emphasized capitalism , while in the third world ' Marxist emphasis on the influence of the international economic environment ( Williams , 1976) seems much more realistic than the analysis of a political party that is responsible for disappear overnight in a military coup ( Sklar , 1963; Weiner , 1962) . Like the conventional political scientists , Marxist works are of variable quality and appeal to the casual reader . Recently a number of radical feminist writers have emerged , which questioned the assumption implicit in the conventional political analysis . They also have seen people, especially in the case of an exploitative relationship ( ' patriarchy ' ) between collectivity ( adult heterosexual men than the rest ) . ( It should be emphasized that this is a discussion of radical feminist writer - many feminists to adopt more liberal , moderate , attitude . Whereas conventional analysis of the political conflicts that have seen explicitly reflected in the conventional party division , this author has seen the potential of ( seismic ) suppressed by conventional political divide . like in the 1950s in many

parts of the United States , they were not given human rights and discriminated against . Living in the ' democracy ' and hate their condition , sometimes even in the majority in their local community , the African-American concerns are still not even feature on the political agenda . Bachrach and Baratz (1970 ) suggested an interesting model for political activity , combining insights from two models , pluralist and Marxist models . they found apparently free play of political interests in the system of ' democracy ' can coexist with suppressed conflicts in where the interests of particular groups often fail to achieve a political agenda . nutshell , what Schattschneider (1960 : 71 ) calls ' the mobilization of bias ' built into the system against them . postmodernist critics , influenced by philosophers like Wittgenstein and Foucault , however , they cast doubt on the likelihood analysis about political behavior postmodern approach would abandon the idea of unity with the consensus regarding research methods and encourage greater use of writing by a global network of excluded groups and non - professional ( Gibbins and Reiner , 1999: 167-178 ) . CONCLUSION In looking at the work of writers on politics , the important question is not so much if they employ some methodological orthodoxy , but whether they are appropriate methodology , applied consistently and help . ASSESSING THE USE OF METHODOLOGY IN POLITICS Is the approach appropriate to the problem at hand ? Are theories , concepts and models of clear and consistently applied ? Is distinguished theoretical assumptions of established empirical conclusion ? Are ALL the evidence on the issues examined ? There is good work that was published by authors from all faiths . Instead some authors seem only to look for supporting evidence of their theoretical assumptions . Under conditions of knowledge , it will often find that the combination of insights from different approaches most often throw light on the problem . SUGGESTED READING Crick , Bernard , 2000 , In Defence of Politics , 5th edition , London , Continuum International . A stimulating and readable essay that defends the concept of Crick himself against totalitarian political , expert , nationalist and other false friends . Leftwich , Adrian , 1983 , Redefining Politics , London , Methuen Interesting employed for extensive examples of Aztec to the World Bank .

Marsh, David and Stoker , Gerry ( eds ) , 2002 , Theory and Methods in Political Science , 2nd edition , Basingstoke , Palgrave A useful , more advanced collection of contributions, including political approaches , methodological differences ( quantitative , qualitative , comparative method , etc. ) and theories of the state . Stoker , Gerry , 2006, Why Politics Matters , Basingstoke , Palgrave Macmillan Considering the contemporary causes of disillusionment with politics and make the case for democratic politics . Question : (1) What does Politics mean by the authors? (2) What are the major approaches and schools in PolSci? Answer : (1) Science correspond with the form, organisation and administration of a state or a part of one, and with the regulation of its relations with other states. And politics is a tool or a way to run a government. (2) One of the delights and also one of the frustrations of political studies lies in the variety of approaches adopted by academic writers