Source: Leigh T.I. Penman, ‘“Sophistical Fancies and Mear Chimaeras?” Traiano Boccalini’s Ragguagli di Parnaso and the ...
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divinatione per somnum ad Aristotelem Silvia Ferretto , il ‘caso’ Pompono Alger. Appunt d una rcerca n corso Armando Maggi, il sgncato del concetto d glo nel pensero d Grolamo Cardano Chmaeras » ? Traano Leigh T. I. Penman , « Sophstcal Fances and Mear Chmaeras» Boccaln’s Ragguagli di Parnaso and the Roscrucan Engma Marco Versiero , Per un lessco poltco d Leonardo da Vnc. ii . indz d polemologa:: ‘naturaltà’ del conftto e ‘necessaretà’ della guerra polemologa Laurence Wuidar , L’nterdetto della conoscenza. Segret celest e arcan muscal nel Cnquecento e Secento
11 29 47 65 81 101 121 135
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recensioni
astronomes.. La querelle au sujet N. Jardine, A.-P. Segonds , La guerre des astronomes de l’orgne du système géo-hélocentrque à la n du xvi siècle (Antoe
nella Del Prete)
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moder nes sur le sceptcsme. MonGianni Paganini , ‘Skepss’. Le débat des modernes tagne-Le Vayer-Campanella-Hobbes-Descartes-Bayle; Gianni Paganini, José R. Maia Neto (eds.), Renassance Sceptcsm (Valerio Del
Nero)
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Eugeno Garn. Dal Rnascmento all’illumnsmo. Firenze, 6-8 marzo 2009 (Olivia Catanorchi,
Cinzia Tozzini)
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Plne à la Renassance. Transmsson, récepton et relecture d’un encyclopédste antque. Besançon, 25-28 marzo 2009 (Michel Pretalli) il processo a Galleo Galle e la questone galleana . Torino, 26-27 marzo 2009 (Matteo Salvetti, Giuseppe Sciara)
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materiali Sylvie Taussig , L L’’Examen de la philosophie de Fludd de
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« SOPHISTICAL FANCIES AND MEA R CHIMAERAS » ? traiano boccalini ’ s r a g g u a g l i d i p a r n a s o and the rosicrucian enigma Leigh T. I. Penman Summary One o the most puzzling puzzling aspects aspects o the Rosicrucian Rosicrucian enigma enigma o the 17th century is the purpose o the inclusion o Traiano Boccalini’s General Reormaton der antzen weten Welt in many editions o the Rosicrucian Fama Fraterntats & Conesso Fraterntats. This article examines the historical circumstances that led to the printing o these texts together. I argue that this combination was a direct result o the intervention o Moritz, Landgrave o Hesse-Kassel in the publication process, and refected neither the intentions nor the demands o the respective original authors. Moreover, it was this combination which created a unique interpretative problem that conused the reception o the Rosicrucian message throughout contemporary Germany.
Introduction
A the early seventeenth century, one o the most vexing is the elusive mongst the many mysteries that enshroud the Rosicrucian enigma o
purpose o the Allemeine und General Reformation der antzen weiten Welt (General Reformation). This short text anonymously preaced the frst edition (Table 1, Edition A) o the initial Rosicrucian declaration, the Fama Fraternitatis (1614), and was reprinted fve times along with this frst Rosicrucian maniesto. The General Reformation was in act a translation o chapter 77 o a larger work by the Italian satirist Traiano Boccalini ( 15561613), entitled Raguali di Parnaso (Venice, 1612), the bibliographical history o which is as ascinating and convoluted as that o the Rosicrucian maniestos. Howeve maniestos. Howeverr, recent independent scholarly interrogation o both the boccaliniae and the Rosicrucian movement allows the opportunity to re-evaluate re-ev aluate the enigmatic relationship between these texts, and the implications o their interaction. The author would like to acknowledge the advice o Charles Zika (Melbourne) and Grantley McDonald (Tours), (Tours), both o whom read drats o this article and oered several several suggestions or improv improvement. ement. See H. Hendrix, Traano Boccaln ra erudzone e polemca: polemca : rcerche sulla ortuna e bbloraa crtca, Florence, 1995.
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Although Boccalini’ Boccalini’ss Ragual and the Fama provoked immense interest in their day, both have aded rom public attention. In the decades ollowing its initial printing, Boccalini’s Ragual created a sensation throughout Europe, inspiring a host o reprints, translations and imitations. Already by 1626 more than ty separate editions, excerpts, continuations, imitations and glosses in Italian, French, English, Latin, Dutch, Spanish and German had appeared. appeared. While the Ragual, as Quentin Skinner Sk inner has remarked, were were stinging indictments o projects to reorm the world, it was the biting satire o the General Reormaton that particularly appealed to the seventeenth century reader. reader. It was ubiquitous in the many versions o the Ragual, including every English edition to 1706. This colourul chapter is a shrewd indictment o projects or social reorm in a world where the pride o the learned hinders genuine reormation. The Rosicrucian maniestos, the Fama Fraterntats and the Conesso Fraterntats, were likely to have been authored by « three prominent men» men » rom Tübingen in south-west Germany in 1607-1610 : Johann Valentin Andreae, Tobias Hess and perhaps Christoph Besold. Besold. Both maniestos were published without the authors’ knowledge in 1614. The subsequent controversy enguled Germany Ger many,, and all three men me n spent their th eir lives denying their involvement in authoring the texts. The maniestos were suused with an attitude simultaneously simultane ously hopeul and apocalyptic. Based on biblical, apocryphal and Paracelsian prophecies, prophecies, they purport to describe the ounding o a mystical Protestant raternity that would play a chie role in the Last Days. This raternity, however, was ctional. Neither it nor its legendary ounder, Christian Rosencreutz, ever existed, a act o which the majority o respondents were ignorant. Disappointment was inevitable, and ater only a ew years o conused debate, the Rosicrucian edice collapsed under the weight o its own expectation: expectation : its promises o world reormation unullled. The present article addresses the question o wh why y Boccalini’s General Reormaton and the Fama Fraterntats were printed together in ve separate editions o the Rosicrucian maniestos. maniestos. The rst part oers oers a brie analysis and comparison o the two texts. The The second examines contemporary reactions to the conjunction o the texts, incorporating a discussion o the obscure publication history o the Rosicrucian maniestos, maniestos, and their troubled reception. The third part re-evaluates re-evaluates the origins o the connection between the Fama and the General Reormaton. Here, we reconsider the dominant view that the Boccalini extract persuaded the authors o the Rosicrucian mani ibdem, pp. 335- 373 373. Q. Skinner, The Foundatons o Modern Poltcal Thouht , Cambridge, 1978, vol. i, p. 168. See C. Gilly , P. P. van der Kooij , Fama Fraterntats, Haarlem, 1999.
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estos to put their texts into print, and instead demonstrate how Landgrave Moritz o Hessen-Kassel, patron o a large alchemical circle inside a small German territory in which the Fama was rst printed, directly inspired the combination o the two texts. In addition to oering an interesting means with which to represent his court to outsiders, Moritz saw within both texts aspects o the potential glories that his own reorming eorts could play play in bringing orth a ‘general reormation’ reormation’ : i not o the whole wide world, world, then at least o the aairs that troubled his own territory. territory. Boccalini’s General Reformation and the Rosicrucian Fama Fraternitatis
The General Reormaton opens with the Emperor Justinian presenting a law against suicide to a horried hor ried god Apollo or approval: approval: «Is « Is the good government o mankind», mankind », Apollo responds, «then « then allen into so great disorder, as men, that they may live no longer, do voluntarily kill themselves ? ». ». When Justinian conrms, Apollo appoints the seven seven wise men o Greece, along with Marcus and Annæus Seneca and contemporary Italian philosopher Jacopo Mazzoni, to bring about a necessary ‘general reormation’. Sequestered in the Delphic palace atop Mount Parnassus, the reorming committee brainstorms a series o implausible strategies. Thales, believing that the root o corruption lies within the hearts o mankind, suggests a window be placed in the chest o all men so others can determine deter mine their character. character. Solon advoadvocates the abolition o buying and selling, while Chilo argues or the elimination o o the «two «two inamous mettals», mettals », gold and silver. silver. Bias asserts that decay could be avoided avoided i all trac between nations is brought to a halt, so as not to unbalance the «harmony « harmony o universal peace». peace ». And even as Cato suggests a universal deluge may be the only way to return the world to an uncorrupted state, the diculty o the situation dawns dawns on a perplexed per plexed Cleobulus Cleobulus:: I clearly perceive, perceive, wise Gentlemen, that the reormation o the present age, a business o itsel very easie, becomes by the diversity and extravagancy o our opinions rather impossible then dicult [...] it grieves my heart to nd even amongst us that are here, that common deect o ambitious and slight wits, who […] labor more to shew the rarity o their own wits, by new and curious conceits, then to prot their auditory by useul precepts and sound doctrines. doctrines.
Indeed, as Cleobulus continues, the reader must also ask himsel whether the reorming strategies are not « sophistical ancies and mear chimaeras?? ». ras ». T. Boccalini , i Ragual d Parnasso [sc], or , Advertsements rom Parnassus n two centures:: wth the poltck touch-stone, trans. Henry Earl o Monmouth, London, 1656, p. 146. res ibdem, p. 150. ibdem, p. 153. ibdem, p. 154.
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Finally, a atigued Mazzoni demands the Present Age be brought bodily beore the committee or examination. Stripped o his clothing, the « living carcass»» is revealed to be corrupted beyond all cure. The wise men scrape carcass away awa y at the body with wit h razors, razo rs, but alas « cannot nd an ounce o good fesh». fesh». In the ensuing panic, the council concludes that while the state o the world may be irrecoverable, their reputations need not be the same. They thereore decide to compose a maniesto or reorm, o such noble and magnicent character that it could distract the public rom the ailure o their endeavour endea vour.. The contents o o this maniesto are utterly nonsensical. In it, the prices o certain vegetables such as sprats and cabbages are xed, and this inormation is attached to a lengthy celebration o the congregation’s own wisdom. When the document was nally read to an eager public it was so generally applauded by every one, as all Parnassus rung with shouts and vocierations o o joy joy;; or the meaner sort o people are pleased with every little thing, and men o judgment know that Vta erunt, donec Homnes; t here Homnes ; As long as there be men, there will be vices. That men live on earth, though not well, yet as little ill as they may; may ; and that the height o human wisdom lay in being so discreet as to be content to leave leave the world as they ound it. it.
The message was bleak. In his Anatomy o Melanc Melancholy holy (1621), Robert Burton oered a similarly satirical and pessimistic appraisal o the human desires to reorm the world world:: These are vain, absurd and ridiculous wishes, not to be hoped. All must be as it is, Bocchalinus may cite Commonwealths Commonwealths to come beore Apollo, and seek to reorm reor m the world itsel by Commissioners, but there is no remedy, it may not be redressed, desnent homnes tum demum stultescere quando esse desnent, so long as they can wag their beards, they will play the knaves and ools. ools.
Nevertheless, Burton’s assessment Nevertheless, assessment was not an indictment o the drive to social reorm itsel, but rather the instruments through which eorts at social amelioration were channelled. This critique was refected in the expectation o imminent change in Europe. An apocalyptic eeling o the end o the physical world world fourished alongside a vision o a coming Golden Age as two sides o the same coin ; the earul hope created by eschatological anxiety. While it may seem allacious to link Boccalini’s clever satire to such an ety. idea, the prominence o the eeling o intellectual isolation and imminence o permanent transormation made possible the cultural transliteration o Boccalini’s Boccalin i’s satire rom Venice Venice to Germany Ger many,, and brought it into collision co llision with the ideals o the Rosicrucian movem movement. ent. ibdem, p. 154. ibdem, p. 169. R. Burton , Anatomy o Melanchol Melancholyy, Oxord, 1989, vol. i, p. 109. See M. Reeves , The inuence o Prophecy n the later Mddle Aes Aes, 2nd ed. Oxord, 1993, p. 1603-1625 ), Florence, 1982. 295 ; E. de Mas, L’attesa del secolo aureo ( 1603
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« Europe is with child», child », the Fama Fraterntats declared, «and « and will bring orth a strong child, who shall stand in need o a great godather’s git ». ». This child, the Conesso related, «shall « shall awake out o her heavy and drowsy sleep, and with an open heart, bare-head, and bare-oot, shall merrily and joyully meet the new arising Sun ». ». The marriage o eschatology and a regenerativee spirituality in these passages is a eatur generativ eaturee o the Rosicrucian maniestos. The twoold twoold theme o prophetic renewal renewal and spiritual reconciliation ormed the core o a new philosophy philosophy:: this philosophy is the ‘godather’, the git o the Rosicrucian Fraternity that will allow the new and puried child o Europe to greet the divine light o the millennial Heavenl Heavenly y Jerusalem. The Fama relates the tale o Christian Rosencreutz, a German youth o sixteen who let Europe in the late teenth century to begin decades o study in alchemical arts in Arabia. There he was prophetically greeted, « not as a stranger, but as one whom they had long expected ». ». In Damar, Rosencreutz learnt Arabic, and in his urther travels in Arica and Arabia he « collected a treasure [o wisdom] surpassing that o Kings and Emperors », perecting his knowledge knowledge o physics physics,, medicine, mathematics and cabala. Realising that the value o the Arabians’ knowledge was truncated by their religion, Rosencreutz also recognised recognised the independent value o the wisdom he had learnt. This knowledge was « agreeable with the harmony o the whole world», world », and was one that could contribute to the renovation and perection o the European society that he had fed. fed. However, upon his return to Europe to spread the benets o eastern wisdom amongst his ellow Christians, Rosencreutz’s eorts were greeted with consistent scorn. Humiliated, Humiliate d, he returned to Germany and ormed a society to work in secret or a «universal « universal reormation» reormation » : this was the Rosicrucian brotherhood. But all did not go according to plan. The Fama reveals that over the centuries, the original original reorming mission o the raternity had gone awry: awry : their doctrines lost and orgotten, the brotherhood had been driting without purpose. Yet recently, in 1604, the tomb o Rosencreutz, lost or 120 years, had been discovered by the «third « third succession» succession » o the order. order. The tomb itsel was «a « a microcosm [o the world…] a compendium o things past, present and to come». come ». In addition to the wisdom gathered by Rosencreutz, Rosencreutz, the sepulchre also contained the corpse o the Order’s ounder. Yet despite being entombed or 120 years, the body was «whole « whole and unconsumed». unconsumed ». By utilising the tomb’s contents, the brethren could continue Rosencreutz’s work in a Europe cleansed by the religious and scientic reorms o Luther and Paracelsus.. The maniestos concluded with an appeal to all those Paracelsus th ose interested [J. V. Andreae], The Fame and Conesson o the Fraternty o R. C., ed. F. N. Pryce, 2nd ed. Margate, [c. 1990], p. 17. ibdem, p. 46. ibdem, p. 4. ibdem, pp. 7-9. ibdem, pp. 24-25. ibdem, pp. 23-24.
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in taking part in the reorms to contact the brotherhood, « either individually or together, in print » so that the great work might begin again. again. The arrival o the heavenly Jerusalem was nigh, and the universal and general reormation o the whole wide world, as the hopeul maniestos declared, was imminent. Contemporary Reception and Interpretation
A German translation o Boccalini’ Boccalini’ss General Reormaton was printed together with the Fama Fraterntats in an octavo volume o 147 pages in March o 1614 by Wilhelm Wessel in Kassel, under the title Allemene und General Reormaton der antzen weten Welt, beneben der Fama Fraterntats (Edition A). Despite its second-billing, the object o the volume was clearly to present the Fama to a broad audience. audience. As contemporaries noted, both texts contained a number o parallels that indicated an interpretative interpretative interdependence. While the Rosicrucian brethren shunned «accursed « accursed gold makers» makers » in lieu o a more spiritual alchemical alchemical transormation, so too Chilo planned to « extirpate all the vices with which our age is opprest » by banishing rom it gold and silver. As the body o the Present Age was decayed, Rosencreutz’s corpse was whole and unconsumed. And as the Rosicrucian brethren lamented the altogether decient state o contemporary philosophy, so too did the Delphic congregation labour to address «the « the oul inrmities under which [the world] labours». labours ». However, other parallels threatened the chiliastic message message o the Fama. Ater all, the satire o Boccalini’ Boccalini’ss text would seem to invite scorn or the serious Rosicrucian work rather than enthusiasm. Indeed, amongst the avalanche o replies written to the Fraternity many, such as that o the Coburg chemist Andreas Libavius, Libavius, believe believed d the Fama itsel was a vain and useless document document like the maniesto o Boccalini’ Boccalini’ss wise men. As early as 1615 one respondent pointedly lamented «the men. « the unortunate reception»» o the General Reormaton and «the reception « the still more pitiul ate which beell the annexed Fama Fraterntats », while others scorned the Rosicrucian « hoodwink » and communicated to the Fraternity that « some scoers speak slightingly o your Reormaton Reormaton ». ». This tension is refected in the publication history o the Rosicrucian maniestos (Table 1). O the eight extant editions (A-H) o the Fama and Conesso printed in Europe between 1614 and 1617, ve included the General Reormaton (A, B, D, D, F, F, G). Two Two o these were pirate pirat e editions (B, G), another an other was a Dutch translation (F). While responses to the brethren fowed rom ibdem, pp. 19 ; 31- 32 C. Gilly , Fama Fraterntats, p. 41. 32. A. Libavius , Wolmenendes Bedencken/ Von der Fama vnnd Conesson der Brüderschaft deß Rose[n] Creützes..., Erurt, 1616. See the summary o F. N. Pryce in [ Andreae Andreae], Fame & Conesson , pp. 12-25.
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writing desks and printing presses throughout Germany, respondents saw a variety o explanations or the pairing o the texts. Julianis de Campis, who may well have been Cornelis Drebbel, penned a thoughtul response to the problem in his Sendbref to the Fraternity (1615). According to de Campis, the printing o the texts together had caused much conusion, especially concerning the signicance o the General Reormaton. Because this colloquium [in Parnassus] seems to be an almost laughable philosophical Aufzu ), masque ( Aufzu ), many people have have been drawn to erroneous err oneous and incorrect assumptions, such as that the [ Fama], addressed to all the learned in Europe and appended to the General Reormaton was also a mere Lucierian able. I you had not really ollowed ollowed the matter, you might well think this, or i we compare the themes o both writings with each other, they simply don’t go together. While something is indeed concealed in the General Reormaton, it is something that not even a tenth o the world is able to discover, and compared to the most sublime science that the Rosicrucian raternity discusses, it is barely worthy o notice anyway. I mysel might have been taken by similar strange ideas had I not known better. better. For it is not customary to associate (consocren) a weighty and secret book with a slight and open discourse [...].
De Campis believed believed the conusion caused by the combination was intended by the Fraternity: Fraternity: the reason or their association was to dissuade those « with no discrimination discrimination»» rom applying to the Order. Another popular approach to the problem was to treat both the Fama and General Reormaton together : to intertwine the mysteries o the two texts, and by doing so, hopeully hope ully uncover uncover some underlying consistenc c onsistency y. This strategy had the advantage o emphasising a deeper deeper signicance in the texts while simultaneously avoiding many o the dicult interpretative problems they presented. The results were oten bizarre. A reaction to Edition A or B o the maniestos was the anonymously printed Reparaton des Athenschen verallenen verallene n Gebeuws Palads (1615). ). This strange allegorical work was a careul response to the combined publication o the Rosicrucian maniestos maniestos and the General Reormaton through a narrativ narr ativee describing the ill-ated attempts o the Greek gods to improve and reorm the seven liberal arts. Sections o the narrative paraphrased both the Boccalini and Rosicrucian texts. Just like the contemporary Rosicrucian brotherhood, the Greek heroes who C. Gilly , Johann Valentn Andreae, 2nd ed. Amsterdam, 1987, p. 51. J. de Campis , Sendbref oder Bercht an alle/ welche von der newen Bruderschaft deß Ordens vom RosenCreutz enannt/ etwas elesen/ oder von andern per modum dscursus der Sachen Bescha enhet vernommen , Danzig, 1615, p. 5. C. D. Meder , Judcum Theolocum... , 1616, ol. A7v. J. de Campis , Sendbref , pp. 14-15. Reparaton des Athenschen verallenen Gebeuws Palads Sampt vorheraenden Proemum und olenden anehenckten Appendce. Zu ener Responson, deß also ttulrten Büchlens (Reormaton der antzen weten Welt. Nebenst der Famam Frater ntats) von der löblche löblchen n verenten Brüderschaft ibdem, ols. A 3r -v. des rosen creutzes …, 1615, ol. C7r .
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worked towards a much needed reormation in Europe aced innumera ble hindrances rom an allegorized bestiary o « Pansc, Satr and Centaurs» which would stop at nothing to ensure that mbeclltas reigned supreme over the entire world. world. However, ater a long struggle, the prophetically ordained victory o the Mnervas, or the bearers o the reorming wisdom, supported by the prophecies o the oracles o Hellcone atop Mount Parnassus, would be assured. assured. In an appendix addressed to the Fraternity, the author o the Reparaton conessed to initially being conused by the « tasteless tasteless»» Rosicrucian message, but ater urther study, and in consultation with others, he began to perceive an underlying logic to the arrangement o the texts. The Reparaton appealed to the Rosicrucian brotherhood by attempting to consolidate elements rom both the Fama and the General Reormaton into an allegorized message o hope in the Last Days. It did not want to discard heathen wisdom, but instead to use it – even even i only as an allegory – or the purposes o worldly renewal. In contrast, the Torgau chiliast Paul Nagel, who read the Fama in manuscript, saw saw the Delphic congregation as the epitome o « Babylonian servitude», servitude », against which he contrasted the Christian witnesses o the Bible and the nine heavenly muses as part o a vaguely Rosicrucian aeterna academa. Christo Rotbardt, who wrote under the pseudonym Ratichs Brotoerr , composed a commentary similar in character to the Reparaton in his Elucdarus Chymcus (1616). Filling more than 80 pages, this book comprised an extensive elucidation «o « o the chymcal secrets o the philosopher’s stone» stone » hidden in the pages pages o the Fama « and their Reormation o the World World», », written specically in order to «contradict « contradict the mockers, correct the errors» errors » and conrm the doctrine o the brotherhood. brotherhood. Such a task was necessary, or When a book such as this [the General Reormaton] is read by persons with little understanding, [...] they [insist] that it should be despised or laughed at. It is thereore no wonder that the Rosicrucian Brotherhood and its proposed reormation o the world is itsel similarly treated and blasphemed, blasphemed, as though they were were typical reormers o all the estates – be they loty emperors, kings, electors and princes – even though [these worldly reormers] are not in the slightest o the same opinion.
ibdem, ol. C 5v. ibdem, ols. C 5v-C6r . ibdem, ol. C6v. ibdem, ols. C7r ; A 3r -A -A 5r . P. Nagel , Pronostcon Astroloo-Cabals Astroloo-Cabalstcum tcum , No Place, 1619, p. 16. A similar sentiment is expressed in J. Clüver , Prmum Dluculum Apocalyptcum, Goßlar, 1620, p. 274. On Nagel, see chapter three o L. T. T. I. Penman , Unantcpated Mllennums. Mllennums. The Lutheran Experence o Chlastc Thouht, 1600-1630. Dordrecht, Springer (orthcoming). R. Brotofferr , Elucdarus Chymcus. Chymcus. Oder/ Erleuchterun und deutlche Erklerun/ was de Fama Fraterntats vom Rosencreutz/ ür Chymsche Secreta de lapde Phlosophorum, n hrer Reor ibdem, p. 12. maton der Welt/ mt verblümbten Worten versteckt, Goßlar, 1616.
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Brotoerr himsel denied that the General General Reormaton Reormaton was merely a secundum scrptum. Citing Heinrich Khunrath, Nicolas Flamel and other authorities, Brotoerr asserted that the work contained nothing less than the secret o the philosopher’s stone. stone. A companion volume, Elucdarus Major , was released in 1617, dedicated primarily to a solution o the mysteries o the « reormation o the whole world world F.R.C., F.R.C., out o their Chymcal Weddn […] and other philosophical testimonies». testimonies ». Brotoerr’s involved commentaries need not detain us here, suce to say that his approach to reconciling, or even avoiding problems posed by intertextual readings proved popular amongst other respondents, or instance in the Pyrrho cldens redvvus redvvus (1616) o Theophilum Philaretum. Philaretum. Indeed, in 1623, Christoph Besold, who was probably involv involved ed in the authorship o the Fama, denied the interpretations inter pretations o Brotoerr and others o his ilk in an appendix appendix to Campanella’s Campanella’s De monarcha Hspanca, stating that many had erroneously read « goldmaking mysteries»» into the General Reormaton and the Fama. teries The problem o the Fama’s uneven reception even appears to have been addressed in its sequel, the Conesso Fraterntats (1615). This second Rosicrucian maniesto began by explicitly addressing the problematic reception o the Fama, oering itsel as a corrective corrective to misreading o the earlier Rosicrucian declaration caused by the General Reormaton : Whatsoever there is published, and made known to every one, concerning our Fraternity, by the oresaid Fama, let no man esteem lightly o it, nor hold it as an idle or invented thing, and much less receive the Fama, as though it were a mere conceit o ours. ours.
The Conesso then went on to highlight the importance o the Rosicrucian message with reerence to the apocalyptic circumstances o the Last Days, and the consequent need or the world to come together to complete a general Reormation o all things. Naturally, opponents o Rosicrucianism highlighted the incompatibility o Naturally, the texts. To To the Lutheran theologian Christian Gilbertus de Spaignart, the ibdem, p. 37. R. Brotofferr , Elucdarus major. major. Oder erleuchterune uber de Reormaton der antzen weten Welt/ F.C.R ..., Lüneburg, 1617. T. Philaretum , Pyrrho cldenss redvvus. Das st/ Phlosophsch/ doch noch zur zet nchts determnrente Consderaton, von der hochberühmbten ne wen Brüderschaft derer von Rosenccreu Rosenccreutz/ tz/ so sch ener Reormaton der antzen weten Welt Welt unteranen ..., Leipzig, 1616. C. Besold , Anhan zu der Spannschen [sc] Monarchy, in T. Campanella , Von der Spannschen Monarchy, Erst unnd ander Theyl. Oder Aussührlches Bedencken/ welcher massen der Kön n Hspanen, der antzen Weltbeherrschun/ Weltbeherrschun/ so wol ns emen/ als auf jedes Könrech unnd Land besonders/ allerhand Anstalt zu machen seyn möchte, No Place, 1623, p. 49. [ Andreae ibdem, pp. 35- 36 36. Andreae], Fame and Conesson , p. 34.
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pairing conrmed the Lucierian nature o the Rosicrucian movement, a perverse masque brewed rom lies and ables : Fama they would consider the Holy Roman Empire as the highFor although in their Fama est regiment, nevertheless do they likewise mock this same authority in their discourse on the Universal World Reormation, such that even simple-minded people might take notice [...]. [...].
Having quoted the General Reormaton’s satirical passage concerning the roles o kings and princes in the reormation o the world, world, de Spaignart warned, «take « take heed all you princes, authorities, captains and soldiers, to the regard in which you are held by this raternity ! You are but mere tyrants, thieves and robbers! robbers ! ». ». The theologian concluded, with a hint o disgust, that by «ollowing « ollowing their honourable appeal ( Ruhm) everyone has turned themselves inside-out». inside-out ». In other words words,, the Rosicrucians had attempted to pervert the natural order : surely, any reormation o the world must be let to God himsel. himsel. Michael Maier, the amed German physician and alchemist, expressed a very dierent opinion. Although he had heard « obscure and unbelievable gossip»» o the Rosicrucians while gossip while in England in 1611, his rst encounter with the maniestos occurred « by « by ortunate chance» chance » at the Frankurt book air in Autumn 1616. In his Thems Aurea (1618) Maier stated that he h e believed believed the Fama and General Reormaton to be entirely unrelated texts, having been « accidentally»» bound up with each other at the mistake or whim o the publisher. dentally publisher. This assertion is plausible, or the relationship between printer and author was quite dierent in the seventeenth century than it is today. The English poet Wither, in The Scholar’s Puratory (c.1625), lamented that many printers and booksellers made up their own titles and meddled with the content o the works they sold, «which « which is the reason so many good books come orth with oolish titles». titles ». Could the General Reormaton have been just such a victim? victim ? Contrary to Maier’s thesis, there are indications within the maniestos that prove prove the printing o the texts together was anything anything but an «accident « accident». ». That the General Reormaton was deliberately printed with the Fama is made clear in the preace to Edition A o the Fama : C. G. de Spaignart , Theolosche Wächterhörnlen/ oder Warnun/ Wder das enelete Fewer/ der selbst ewachsenen newen Propheten und Rosencreutzbrüder , Wittenberg, 1620, p. 53. T. Boccalini , Advertsements rom Parnassus , pp. 151-152. C. G. de Spaignart , Theolosche Wächterhörnlen, p. 54. ibdem. ibdem, p. 71. H. Tilton , The Quest or the Phoenx. Sprtual Alchemy and Roscrucansm n the Work o Count Mchael Maer , Berlin, 2003, p. 132. M. Maier , Thems Aurea. Aurea. The Laws o the Fraternty o the Rose Crosse Crosse, London, 1656, pp. 129-130 ; C. F. Yates , The Roscrucan Enlhtenment , London, 1972, p. 242. Cited in D. Wilson , Le n Shakespeare’ Shakespeare’ss Enland , 2nd ed. London, 1959, p. 153.
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Kind, true-hearted reader, herewith I give thee or various reasons the ollowing discourses to read in open Print, and i they at the beginning appear somewhat light, yet they have n recessu more than one may think : and it shall be easily understood, and observed by everyone (i he be not altogether voyd o understanding) what now adays, and at these times, is meant thereby. thereby.
The preace thus suggests that the «somewhat « somewhat light» light » General Reormaton was deliberately included in the printed volume by its editor(s) to contrast with the eschatology o the Fama, as well as the chiliastic Antwort an de lobwürde Brüderscha Br üderschaft ft by by Adam Haslmayr that rounded out the volume. The term n recessu may be construed as ‘deep inside’ or, alternatively, ‘in the back’. By using it, the compilers o Edition A might have have been imploring the reader not only to look or a deeper meaning in the tracts, but also to look at the nal pages o the volume to correctly interpret the work. Yet Yet ew could still agree upon exactly what it was that these texts possessed n recessu. Perhaps because o this conusion, the General Reormaton was purged rom the second Kassel edition o the Fama o January 1615 (Edition C), which also marked the rst printing o the Rosicrucian Conesso Fraterntats. This edition also deleted the preace, thereby excising all reerence to Boccalini’s General Reormaton, and privileging the Conesso as the new key that would unlock the mysteries o the Rosicrucian maniesto. However, through no ault o its own, the strategy to clariy the Rosicrucian message was unsuccessul. Between the appearance o Kassel Editions A and C, a pirated edition o the maniestos that included the General Reormaton was printed in Magdeburg in mid- 1614 (Edition B). The broad availabili availability ty o this pirate edition meant that conficting versions o the Rosicrucian maniestos maniestos circulated simultaneously, urther problematizing their reception. The General Reormaton would quickly return in a deliberately conceived edition o the maniestos, maniestos, that issued by Johann Bringer in Frankurt Frankurt in May o 1615 (Edition D). Although not printed under the aegis o the Kassel editorial group, the careul organization o the edition by its Frankurt editors indicates that its content was planned and executed as a whole. One o the signicant problems that the Frankurt editorial team sought to resolve was the relationship between the Fama and the General Reormaton. This was achieved in two ways. ways. Firstly, Firstly, although the Boccalini Bocca lini extract extrac t was included, included , it was relegated to the back o the volume. Secondly, a careully revised preace attempted to manipulate the reader’s reader’s understanding o the relationship between the texts: texts: To the wise and understanding reader […] although these things may seem somewhat strange, and many may esteem it to be but a philosophical shew, shew, and no true history histor y, [ Andreae Andreae], Fame and Conesson , p. 32.
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which is published and spoken o the raternity o the Rosie Cross ; it shall here suciently appear by our Conesson, that there is more n recessu then may be imagined, and it shall be easily understood, and observed by everyone (i he be not altogether voyd voy d o understanding) what nowadays, and at these times, is meant thereby thereby..
Comparing this new preace to that o Editions A and B, we notice several things. Firstly, Firstly, the preace o Edition D acknowledged that conusion con usion over over the relationship between the Fama and General Reormaton had led many people to deem the Rosicrucian chimera a « mere philosophical shew». shew ». Secondly, Edition D posited the overtly apocalyptic Conesso Fraterntats as the « true history» history » that, n recessu, could illuminate the vagaries vagaries o the Fama. The new preace thereore explicitly and authoritatively dissolved any perceived relationship between the Fama and Boccalini’s text. The question must then be asked, why was the General Reormaton printed in Edition D at all ? While there are several possible explanations, it seems the text was included by Bringer so as not to invite the wrath o the Rosicrucian Fraternity itsel, which the printer took to actually exist. exist. Accidentally or otherwise, the Boccalini extract continued to appear in editions o the maniestos. Edition E, printed by Andreas Andreas Hüneeldt in Danzig later in 1615, otherwise a page-or-page reprint o Edition D, appeared without the General Reformation. A Dutch translation o August the same year (Edition F), based upon the Frankurt Frankur t edition, included Boccalini’s satire, as did yet another pirated printing o 1616 (Edition G). This edition em bodied the conusion surrounding the Fraternity, carelessly printing one Rosicrucian reply twice. twice. To a new reader, unamiliar with Editions A and B o 1614, Boccalini’s short discourse would have have seemed utterly incongruous to the Rosicrucian message o millennial transormation, supported by the chiliastic Sendbriefe to the raternity. As it was probably Edition G that Maier encountered at the 1616 Frankurt Book Fair, where Boccalini’s General Reformation was haphazardly haphazardly located in the midst o a series o specifcally Rosicrucian Rosicr ucian replies, it would have indeed seemed to this newcomer to the Rosicrucian furore that the text ound its way into the volume ‘accidentally’. The nal edition o the maniestos, issued again by Bringer in 1617 (Edition H), excluded the Boccalini piece. The nal tract in that volume, Georg Georg Molther’s Von ener rembden Mannsperson concerned an «unnamed « unnamed but dis [ Andreae Andreae], Fame and Conesson , ols. A4r ; A6r . That Bringer believed in the raternity’s reality is demonstrated in L.V., Enälte Antwort, unnd Bttschreben... an de Hocherleuchte Bruderschaft deß Rosencreutzes, Frankurt, 1615, which implored the Rosicrucians to make contact through « the printer whose name is on the ront o this book ». ». The text in question was M.V.S. & A.q.L.I.H., Send Schreben, An de Brüderschaft ..., ..., which appeared on pp. 96-101 and again on pp. 273-277 o Editio Edition n G.
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tinguished member » o the Rosicrucian Fraternity Fraternity who, despite curing an ill ill woman in Wetzlar, was still held by locals as a black magician and a cheat. This stranger promised to meet with Molther beore disappearing into the woods outside the city walls. It was with some sadness that the author remarked that the Rosicrucian’s promise to meet him « in a certain place at a certain time» time » had already passed, and « has to this time not yet been ullled». lled ». Reality itsel refected Molther’s disappointment, and the Rosicrucians were never heard rom again. At the Origins : Boccalini and the Tübingen Circle
The pairing o the Fama with Boccalini’ Boccalini’ss General Reormaton was a volatile one. Respondents to, and even the printers o the maniestos seemed to have ha ve little idea o the true reasons behind their pairing. In order to unravel unravel the mystery o why the texts were printed together, we must identiy the persons originally responsible. Recent research by Hendrix has pointed to the mysterious Tübingen Circle as the culprits or the pairing. In support o his thesis, Hendrix adduces two pieces o evidence. The rst is the longstanding admiration or Boccalini that Andreae and Besold demonstrated in their post-Rosicrucian works. works. The second is the proximity o the Tübingen group to Boccalini’s German translator translator,, Wilhelm Bidembach. Certainly, both Andreae and Besold evinced a amiliarity with, and admiration o, Boccalini’s works. Indeed, or many years Besold was believed to have been Boccalini’s German translator. Portions o Andreae’s dramatic Mennpus (1617) in which the young Lutheran attempted to distance work Mennpus himsel rom rumours o his youthul involvement in the Rosicrucian ludbrum, were written in imitation o Boccalini’s satirical style. In one discourse Andreae echoed Boccalini’s sentiments by declaring that he laughed at the «great « great noise» noise » made by those panting or the renewal o the world. The world has the nature o an owl, Andreae Andreae asserted; asserted ; the more glaring the lights o the reormers, the longer she will remain hiding in darkness. Another dramatic work, Turbo (1616) was supposedly printed in « Helicone iuxta Parnasso», Parnasso », while his Mytholoa Chrstana (1619) included a discourse on Boccalini, whom Andreae took – with reerence to the author’s rumoured assassination assassinati on in 1613 – to have been persecuted by « wicked ools». ools ». G. Molther , Von ener rembden Mannsperson..., in [ Andreae Andreae], Fama Fraterntats..., Frankurt, 1617, pp. 83-108 [Edition H]. ibdem, p. 105. H. Hendrix , Boccaln, pp. 109 . See R. Kienast , Johann Valentn Andreae und de ver echten ver echten Rosenkreutzer-Schrten Rosenkreutzer-Schrten , Leipzig, nd 1926, p. 4 ; W.-E. Peuckert , Das Rosenkreutz , 2 ed. Berlin, 1973, p. 141. R. Edighoffer , Rose Crox et socété dealé selon Johann Valentn Valentn Andreae , 2 vols. Paris, 19821987, vol. i , pp. 147-148 ; 212. J. V. Andreae, Mytholoæ Chrstanæ ..., Straßburg, 1619, vol. iii , pp. 237-238.
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Bidembach’s connection to the Tübingen Circle is similarly prominent. The Stuttgarter was a riend o Tobias Hess, Hess, and was listed as a member o o Andreae’s Socetas Chrstana in 1618-19, a loose association o German protestants modelled on the Italian learned societies. Andreae was probably introduced to Boccalini’s works while residing at the Tübingen Stt in 161213, when he also met Bidembach, who, under the name Georgius Amnicola, was the rst German translator o the Ragual. Given the proximity o the Rosicrucian authors to Boccalini’s translator, Hendrix suggests that the General Reormaton must have struck the Tübingen Circle as the ideal counterpoint to the prophetic message o the Fama, and is certain that the appearance o the satire in Tübingen was the catalyst or the authors to hand their text over to the printers. Yet this thesis leaves one major problem unresolved : at the time o its publication in 1614, o the three authors o the Fama, Andreae and Besold had already abandoned the Rosicrucian ideal, and Hess was about to die. Indeed, Besold himsel conrmed that the Tübing Tübingen en Circle was not responsible or the pairing. In assessing the dierent interpretations o the Fama and the General Reormaton, he rejected the attempts o commentators to link the texts and read conclusions into both works «that « that the authors indu bitably never considered themselves». themselves». While this comment was directed specically at the alchemical musings o Brotoerr and others, it is a testament by one o the authors in question that the Fama was never meant to be read with any other text apart rom its true sequel, the Conesso. Hence the deplorable conusion caused by the printing o the General Reormaton, a situation which the Tübingen circle never desired. Further, when Wessel printed Edition A o the Rosicrucian Fama in Kassel, it was without the authors’ knowledge or consent. Indeed, the circumstances surrounding the printing o the text there are part o an almost entirely independent chain o events, involving an entirely new circle o chemists and millennial enthusiasts with only a passing knowledge o the activities o the Tübingen Circle. It is to them we must now look. Bidembach also contributed a poem to Andreae’s Andreae’s obituary or Hess, Hess, Tobae Hess vr ncomparbls, mmortaltas, in Andreae, Memorala, benevolentum, Straßburg, 1619, pp. 44-85. See C. Gilly , Johann Valentn Andreae, p. 121. 1586-1654 ) Phoenx o Se Seee J. W. Montgomery , Cross and Crucble: Crucble : Johann Valentn Andreae ( 1586 the Theoloans, 2 vols. Dordrecht, 1972, vol. i, p. 49. H. Hendrix , Boccaln, pp. 112-113 ; 120 ; H. Vernhout , Boccaln’s «Gornale « Gornale Rorma» Rorma » en de « Fama Fraterntats» Fraterntats », in De hstorsche Rozenkrusers. Rozenkrusers. Beschouwnen over doel, werkwjze en oraSanting. Amsterdam, n.d., pp. 271-287. nsate, ed., A. Santing. Amsterdam, H. Hendrix , Boccaln, p. 113. ibdem, p. p. 120. See also R. van Dülmen, De Utope ener Chrstlchen Gesellschat, Stuttgart, 1978, p. 84 ; H. Schick , Das ältere Rosenkreuzertum , Berlin, 1942, p. 57. C. Besold , Anhan zu der Spannschen Monarchy, p. 48.
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The printing o the General Reormaton with the Fama was intimately related to the intrigues within the Calvinist territories o Moritz, Landgrave o Hessen-Kassel, grand patron o the reormed University o Marburg, and renowned hermetic enthusiast. enthusiast. As we have seen, Wilhelm Wessel o Kassel rst printed the Fama as an appendix to Boccalini’s General Reormaton in March o 1614 (Edition A). The status o Wessel’s printing house is extremely extrem ely important. In October o 1594 Landgrave Moritz appointed Wessel his ocial Court printer, augmenting these privileges in a secondary contract issued in January, 1598. Wessel’s contract with the Kassel court was closely regulated. In exchange or his annual subsidy, Wessel agreed to print all texts provided by the Landgrave, but not to publish any manuscripts rom other sources without the prior approval and «strict « strict order » o Moritz or his censors. censors. Indeed, many works rom Wessel’s press bear the words «ex « ex typographia Mauritiana» Mauritiana » on their title pages, emphasizing the tight nexus between court and printer. printer. The involvement o Moritz with the Rosicrucian enigma is reinorced by evidence in the correspondence o Prince August o Anhalt-Plötzkau. In September 1614, August, who was deeply interested in the Rosicrucian message, revealed that he had received inormation about the printing o the Conesso in Kassel rom a certain M.L.H. ; perhaps Mortz Landrav Hass. It is also possible that M.L.H. stood or Medcus Landravus Hassus, although such a usage is unknown amongst Moritz’s physicians. While this evidence demonstrates the central role o the Kassel court in the printing o the Rosicrucian maniestos, it does not substantiate the rather dubious assertion that Moritz himsel was the editor o Editions A-C. Wessel’s contract o privileges and the testimony o August o AnhaltPlötzkau both suggest that the linking o the Rosicrucian maniesto with the Boccalini extract was personally approved or encouraged by the Landgrave, or at the very least his censors. The rival theory, that Boccalini’s General Reormaton arrived in manuscript rom Tübingen already paired with B. T. T. Moran , The Alchemcal World World o the German Court , Stuttgart, 1988. G. Konnecke , Hesssches Buchdruckerbuch Buchdruckerbuch enthaltend Nachwes aller bsher bek annt ewordenen Buchdruckereen des jetzen Reerunsbezrks Cassel , Marburg, 1894, pp. 12-13. ibdem, p. 13 ; C. R. Edighoffer , Rose Crox , vol. i , pp. 395- 396 396. ibdem, p. 14. H. Borggrefe , Mortz der Gelehrte als Rosenkreuze Rosenkreuzerr und de « Generalreormaton der antzen weten Welt », in Mortz der Gelehrte. En Renassanceürst n Europa. hrsg. von H. Borggree, et al. Eurasberg, 1997, pp. 340- 341 341. The letter rom August o Anhalt to Widemann is quoted in C. Gilly , Adam Haslmayr. Der erste Verkünder der Maneste der Rosenkreuzer , Amsterdam, 1994, p. 144. H. Borggrefe , Mortz als Rosenkreuzer , p. 341. ibdem.
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the Fama Fraterntats is reuted by simple chronology. Firstly, we possess evidence that the Fama was known at Moritz’s court beore the initial publication o Boccalini’s Ragual d Parnaso in Venice in 1612. Adam Haslmayr attests that he was was in possession o a manuscript manuscript o the Fama as early as November 1610, a copy o which was deposited in Kassel by his riend Benedictus Figulus shortly aterwards. Johann Hartmann, who was personally appointed to the University o Marburg by Moritz, inormed the Danish scientist Ole Worm o the content o the Fama in late 1611. Johann Com bach, also o Marburg, reerred to the «Fraternitat « Fraternitat R.C.» R.C. » in March o 1613. The Fama was thus known in Moritz’s territories beore Boccalini’s work was ever printed in Italy, and certainly beore Bidembach came into contact with Hess and the Tübingen Circle in 1612 or 1613. The rst evidence that Boccalini’s General Reormaton was known in Kassel comes in the orm o a small quarto volume o thirty-six unnumbered leaves leav es issued by Wessel Wessel in early 1614 under the title Allemene Reormaton der antzen Welt, so auß beehl des Gottes Apollns, von den seben Wesen auß Grechenland, und anderen hochelahrten Leuten st publcrt worden. As the title implies, this was an edition o Boccalini’s General Reormaton, albeit printed without reerence reerence to the Rosicrucian intrigue. With With the exception o a ew stylistic and orthographical variations, the translation was identical to that printed in Edition A o th thee Fama only a ew months later. later. However, there was an important dierence to this earlier printing. It concluded with a caveatt that conrmed the satirical intent o the General Reormaton : Parturunt vea montes, procedt rdculus mus. Had this concluding phrase appeared in the Rosicrucian reprints, perhaps much less conusion would have resulted. Moritz, Boccalini and the Rosicrucians
We have have seen that the manuscripts manuscrip ts o the Fama and Bidembach’s translation o the General Reormaton arrived in Hessen-Kassel at dierent times. Not only that, but the General Reormaton was also initially printed separate to the Rosicrucian message. The nature o the Landgrave’s connection to his A. Haslmayr , Antwort an de lobwürde Brüderschaft der Theosophe[n] von RosenCreutz , No Place, 1612. Facsimile reprint in C. Gilly , Haslmayr , p. 71. See C. Gilly , Fama Fraterntats, p. 13. On Hartmann, see B. T. Moran , Chemcal Pharmacy Enters the Unversty: Unversty : Johannes Hartmann and the Ddactc Care o Chym Chymatra atra n the Early Seventeenth Century, Madison, 1991. C. W.-E .-E.. Peuckert , Das Rosenkreutz , p. 72. The indicia reads reads:: [Kassel], Ex bibliotecha Illustri, 1614. H. Hendrix , Boccaln, p. 111. C. C. Gilly , Cmela Rhodostaurotca. De Rosenkreuzer m Speel der zwschen 1610 und 1660 entstandenen Handschrten und Drucke, 2nd ed. Amsterdam, 1995, p. 68. [T. Boccalini ], Allemene Reormaton,ol. J4v. This is an adaption o Horace , Ars Po C. Gilly , Johann Valentn Andreae, p. 52. etca, 139.
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printer thereore suggests that it was Moritz’s personal infuence that saw their eventual pairing in Edition A o 1614. But why did Moritz see t to do so?? In the years around 1600, the once united Hessen was divided by dynasso tic squabbles, a tension heightened by Moritz’s conversion to Calvinism in 1605 and his subsequent attempts to enorce a ‘second reormation’. The troubles tormented the Landgrave. By 1615, incessant quarrelling amongst neighbouring states had led Moritz to a pessimistic ear that « a atal confagration » would soon engul his lands, bringing about « the total collapse and unavoidab unavoidable le alteration in the present state o Germany Germany». ». To any contemporary observe o bserverr o the political situation within the Holy Roman Empire, Moritz’s bleak comment would have seemed unjustied ; yet it is a testament to the vulnerability Moritz elt at the time. Political and conessional quarrels, both inside and outside his territories, were not problems that extensive patronage could completely and eectively com bat. Something more was necessary. Perhaps the Landgrave, who enjoyed a distinctly vitalistic conception o the world, could identiy with Boccalini’s horried Delphic congregation as he scraped away at the living corpse o Hessen-Kassel in search o that elusive kernel o good fesh that could heal and reorm his troubled territory. Incredibly enough, Moritz did indeed uncover a seed o reorm at the heart o his corporeal Hesse. Yet this hint o ranum pector Jesu nstum) salvation was not « buried « buried in the breast o Jesus Jesus»» ( ranum as the Fama declared. declared. Instead, it was uncovered amidst texts circulating within his alchemical and occult-hermetic network at court and ocussed on the earul hope o the rst Rosicrucian maniesto itsel. As strategies o court representation the Landgrave’s Landgrave’s interest interest in Boccalini and Rosicrucian prophecy could be united in a singular vision. Moritz oten employed Italian models o erudition to represent Hessen to outsiders. An example is Willhelm Dilich’s lavish Hstorsche Beschrebun o the spectacuspectacular masques, reworks and entertainments that celebrated a royal baptism in 1596. A true speculum prncps, most o the entertainments were allegorical representations representations based on specically Italian models and designed to highlight Moritz’s extensive patronage o the arts. One masque, eaturing Apollo and the nine muses, was perormed upon a recreation o mount Parnassus. By such means, Moritz stressed to his visitors his connection Parnassus. with classical notions o learning and knowledge, while simultaneously simultaneously exex H. J. Cohn , The Terrtoral Prnces n Ger many’ many’ss Second Reormaton, 1559-1622, in internatonal Calvnsm, 1541-1715, ed. M. Prestwich, London, 1985, pp. 135-165. Moritz, in a letter to Louis XIII o France, 23 March 1615. Cited in G. Parker . The Thrty ibdem. Years’ War , 2nd ed. London, 1987, p. 12. [ Andreae ], , p. . Fame and Conesson 24 Andreae W. Dilich , Hstorsche Beschrebun Beschrebun der Fürstlchen Fürstlchen Kndtauf ..., Kassel, 1596. ibdem, ols. 38v- 39 39r .
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hibiting the talents o Hessen technologists. Dilich’s striking book, with its hand-coloured plates, was shrewdly distributed to neighbouring rulers. To an observer o the celebrations, the message was clear : clear : to visit Kassel was to step onto the abled soil o the Hessen Parnassus. Several authors connected the Rosicrucian Fraternity to Moritz’s territory. Moran reers to a 1615 pamphlet that likened the elusive Rosicrucians to mists rising rom the river Lahn. Eusebius Crucigerus held the letters R.C. to stand or a ‘Religio Calviniana’, « rst brought to light in the Calvinist places and academies, as at Kassel and Marburg ». Marburg ». Additionally, in his Asserto Fraterntats R.C. (1614), Eglinus, a longstanding member member o Moritz’ Moritz’ss court, claimed that the Rosicrucian House was located near a splendid river, in a «town « town o great reputation», reputation », probably Kassel itsel. Eglinus’ tract might represent an insider’s eort to equate the power and signicance o Rosicrucianism with Moritz’s court, or he also makes an ominous reerence to a powerul army being encamped nearby. The advantage o identiying the plight o Hessen-Kassel with the Rosicrucian prophecies was maniold. Firstly, it oered Moritz a prophetic mandate to enorce the Calvinist «second « second reormation» reormation » within his territory. Secondly, by envisioning his scientic and military circle as the nationalist embodiment o a Rosicrucian « raternity o German blood», blood », Moritz harnessed a potentially powerul weapon o propaganda during a time o uncertainty. Thirdly and more broadly, it oered a myth o salvation that certainty. could indeed act as a binding agent and soothe individual and religious dierences:: a movement with the learned Moritz as its spearhead. This nal erences advantage could be urther emphasized by Moritz’s promotion o Boccalini’s book. His enjoyment o the work was urther evidence o his learning, cultural mastery, diverse interests, and his ability to perhaps provide an answer to Boccalini’s lament over contemporary world aairs. It thereore appears that by permitting – or even commissioning – the printing o the General Reormaton and the Rosicrucian Fama together, Moritz wished to attach himsel to hopes expressed by Boccalini and urther them within the prophetic nexus o Rosicrucianism. Moritz saw the Rosicrucian legend as a refection o the strivings and potential o his own hand-picked circle o chemists and technologists, an indication o the potential glory that could meet his desire or religious unity, or at least assuage his waking anxieties. anxieties. To what extent Moritz saw his promotion o Rosicru B. T. T. Moran , Alchemcal World, pp. 93-94. See E. Crucigerus , Ene kurtze Beschrebun der newen arabschen und morschen Fraterntat , Rostock, 1618,ol. B 3v. J. de Campis, Sendbree, p. 54. C. W. Dilich , Kresbuch, darn de alte und newe Mlta eentlch beschreben..., Kassel, 1608. C C.. W. Huffman , Robert Fludd and the End o the Renassance, Renassance, London, 1988, pp. 164- 5 5.
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cian ideas as anything more than an image-making exercise or the court, remains moot. By 1619, with the threat o confict growing greater by the day, Moritz could no longer aord to entertain Rosicrucian dreams o an imminent golden age, not least because such enthusiasms were becoming tinged by an outright heterodox anaticism. That year, Philip Homagius and Georg Zimmerman, teachers at the Marburg Pædeoum, deenestrated classical textbooks into the river Lahn and in their place espoused the subversive teachings o Paracelsus Paracelsus,, Weigel Weigel and the chiliast Paul Nagel. Moritz ordered both men to be brought to trial. By this time, the debate over the Rosicrucians had largely given given way to popular speculation concerning the portents o a comet in 1618 and the outbreak o what would become known as the Thirty Years’ War. Under such circumstances, Rosicrucian enthusiasm was theologically discredited and became politically irrelevant. The war ravaged Hessen relentlessly, leading to Moritz’s abdication in 1627. Boccalini’s satire and the Rosicrucian maniestos may have once oered Moritz a speculum prncps, yet ultimately they could only show him the reality o his ailures. Conclusion
The available evidence cannot support the conclusion that the Tübingen circle was responsible responsible or the printing o the Boccalini extract together with the Fama Fraterntats. Instead, it suggests that Landgrave Moritz o HesseKassel was responsible or the pairing : pairing : a combination that has caused much conusion and vexation to commentators upon the Rosicrucian message. The two texts, through their promises o religious renewal renewal and as examples o court image making, appealed specically to Moritz and his patronage philosophy. When considered in abstract rom circumstances in HessenKassel, the pairing o the texts portrayed a conusing, nonsensical or even contradictory message concerning the (im)possibility o worldly reorm to contemporaries, which invited a variety o divergent and conficting interpretations and «Rosicrucianisms « Rosicrucianisms». ». Many o these texts argued that both works oered only «sophistical « sophistical ancies and mear chimeras ». This conusion was increased by the circulation o seemingly contradictory Rosicrucian statements, and the lack o a recognized denitive edition o the maniestos. Boccalini himsel, that master satirist, might have thought the result quite tting. B. T. Moran , Paracelsus, Relon and Dssent : The Case o Phlpp Homaus Homaus and Geor « Ambix», », xlii , 1996, 2, pp. 65-79. Zmmermann, « Ambix
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