Touratsoglou, Coin production and circulation in Roman Peloponesus.pdf

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ROMAN PELOPONNESE III SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND CULTURE UNDER THE ROMAN EMPIRE: CONTINUITY AND INNOVATION Edited by A. D. RIZAKIS, CL. E. LEPENIOTI

ATHENS 2010 DIFFUSION DE BOCCARD - 11, RUE DE MEDICIS, 75006 PARIS

Cover illustration: Head of city goddess (Tyche) of Sparta (Sparta Archaeological Museum inv. no. 7945; photo courtesy of O. Palagia)

Maps: Yvonne-Dominique Rizakis Layout: Dionysia Rosgova

ISBN 978-960-7905-54-3 © The Nationale Hellenic Research Foundation Institute for Greek and Roman Antiquity 48 Vasileos Constantinou Ave., GR – 116 35 Athens – tel.: 0030. 210 72 73 673-4

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Geographical map of the Peloponnese

x

Preface

xi

A. D. Rizakis, Peloponnesian cities under Roman rule: the new political geography and its economic and social repercussions

1

M. Piérart, Argos romaine: la cité des Perséides

19

P. Marchetti, L’épigraphie argienne et l’oligarchie locale du Haut-Empire

43

J. Roy, Roman Arkadia

59

G. Steinhauer, C. Iulius Eurycles and the Spartan dynasty of the Euryclids

75

P. Themelis, The economy and society of Messenia under Roman rule

89

S. B. Zoumbaki, Elean relations with Rome and the Achaean Koinon and the role of Olympia

111

A. D. Rizakis, Colonia Augusta Achaïca Patrensis. Réaménagements urbains, constructions édilitaires et la nouvelle identité patréenne

129

D. G. Romano, Romanization in the Corinthia: urban and rural developments

155

Chr. Hoët-van Cauwenberghe, Mécanismes d’acquisition et diffusion de la citoyenneté romaine dans le Péloponnèse sous le Haut-Empire

173

O. Salomies, Roman nomina in the Peloponnese: some observations

193

N. M. Kennell, Citizen training systems in the Roman Peloponnese

205

D. Stewart, The rural Roman Peloponnese: continuity and change

217

I. Touratsoglou, Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

235

V. Di Napoli, Entertainment building of the Roman Peloponnese: theatres, odea, and amphitheatres and their topographical distribution

253

M. Vitti, P. Vitti, Trasmissione ed adattamento delle tecniche costruttive romane in Peloponneso: il caso di Trezene 267 M. Jost, Chr. Hoët-van Cauwenberghe, La vie religieuse en Arcadie à l’époque du Haut-Empire

291

A. Lo Monaco, Feasts and games of paides in the Peloponnese of the Imperial period

309

M. Melfi, Rebuilding the myth of Asklepios at the sanctuary of Epidauros in the Roman period

329

J.-S. Balzat, Prosopographie des prêtres et prêtresses des Dioscures de la Sparte d’époque impériale

341

M. E. Hoskins Walbank, The cults of Roman Corinth: public ritual and personal belief

357

F. Camia, M. Kantiréa, The imperial cult in the Peloponnese

375

Y. Lafond, Concours et identité civique dans le Péloponnèse d’époque romaine (ΙΙe s. av. J.-C. - ΙΙΙe s. apr. J.-C.)

407

A. Farrington, The origin of victors in the Isthmian games

421

O. Palagia, Sculptures from the Peloponnese in the Roman Imperial period

431

GEOGRAPHICAL MAP OF THE PELOPONNESE

● PATRAI: ancient city settlement ● Loukou: modern settlement ✫ Ancient sanctuaries

The internal borders of the Peloponnese as depicted on the map are an approximation only, as their precise location varied over time.

COIN PRODUCTION AND COIN CIRCULATION IN THE ROMAN PELOPONNESE Ioannis Touratsoglou

Abstract: The present article deals with the production and circulation of coins in the Peloponnese in the aftermath of the Achaean League’s surrender to the Romans, as well as during the Imperial period. In the first phase, which comprises the period from the middle to the Late Republican period and down to the Early Principate, the partial and selective operation of certain mints (silver and bronze coins) is most probably linked to military-political events during Rome’s expansion. Thus the local mints contribute each time that the Roman generals confront the last Hellenistic rulers of the East or fight each other in the internal Roman power-struggles which were played out on Greek soil. The coinage of the Peloponnesian cities of the Roman period, with very few exceptions which concern colonies founded during the Late Republican period, is largely inaugurated by Augustus and his dynasty. However, it had neither the same lifespan, nor the same starting point, nor was it uniform for all the cities. Special stress is laid on the circulation procedure, the characteristics of which differ radically between the two periods: the cosmopolitan polyphony of the numismatic horizon of the Late Hellenistic period becomes more introverted, while local values (Roman Provincial coins from Peloponnesian mints) or Roman issues in precious metals [aurei, denarii (plus antoniniani)] and heavy copper coins (sestertii, dupondii, asses) play their role according to place and era.

After the Roman victory over the Achaean League troops and the destruction of Corinth by Lucius Mummius in 146 B.C., the Peloponnese was meant to undergo great social and political changes. By employing a highly preordained plan of partition regarding the previous status quo, the fate of each of the cities comprising the League was regulated separately. First were dissolved the administrative authorities of the polity that governed the affairs of the confederacy, as a union of states, which were equal, autonomous but also complying to common goals and obligations. Wealthy and vigorous Corinth was deprived of a part of its public land which was granted to Sicyon, while another part after being confiscated was turned into ager publicus. The other cities were proclaimed ‘free’ and perhaps even tax-exempt, without this preventing Rome from any kind of intervention in the private affairs of every one of them. Two important events affected the development of the Peloponnese during the early Roman period and particularly during the end of the 1st c. B.C.: The foundation of Roman colonies first at Corinth

and at Dyme and then at Patrai, and the establishment of pax Romana after 31 B.C. Aside from the degree that the Peloponnese was a rich territory with extensive arable lands, pastures, fish and timber, this region was not well known for surplus producing or for large-scale exports. Arcadia was famous for its milk, which it was believed to have medicinal properties. Messenia was mainly an agrarian area. Agriculture and animal husbandry were the main resources of the Argolid. Sicyon, formerly renowned for its olive groves, during the Roman times was mostly known for brick manufacturing. At Tainaron the iron mines as well as the quarries of black and green marble were still active. For the city of Patrai literary sources point to a significant manufacturing activity (wool workshops), moreover with export activity, while archaeological data attest to ceramic production and more particularly lamps. Finally, at Laconia, except for purple dye manufacture, celebrated was also the breeding of excellent horses, many of which were forwarded to Rome.1

1. For the broader region see Alcock 2007, 671-97. 235

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As soon as the Romans occupied this land they supported the wealthy social groups, thus accordingly the affluent aristocratic families took front stage. Granting of Roman citizenship by the emperors was confined almost exclusively to members of this class. These noblemen – landowners of vast properties, with considerable revenues and overseas commercial transactions, which managed huge sums – were also very active benefactors. The luxurious private buildings, like the villa of Herodes Atticus at Eua in Kynouria, adorned with splendid mosaics and sculptures, coexist with analogous public complexes in cities and in sanctuaries of high status at that time. The great monument which was built south of the theater of Argos by Tib. Claudius Tychicus belongs to this category. As does also the construction of the Nymphaeum at Olympia and the embellishment of the Peirene fountain at Corinth, which were funded by Herodes Atticus. To the social benefactions can be also ascribed the act of C. Claudius Tychicus, ‘founder’ of the Heraia festival at Argos, to donate one denarius to every free citizen.2 Certain philhellene emperors occasionally contributed to the building projects and in the embellishment of cities and panhellenic shrines. One such example was Nero, who built a villa and an aqueduct at Olympia. Hadrian, within his greater interest for the pilgrim sites of mainland Greece, took great care of the embellishment of Olympia. Moreover, the latter displayed interest for the fate of Megalopolis and attempted to breath new life to the deserted city. Despite the fact that the presence of Roman businessmen (negotiatores) and particularly that of Italian merchants in the Peloponnese is dated before the subjugation of the Achaean League (2nd c. B.C.), their heyday in the area, through the activities of entrepreneurs, bankers, landowners, viticulturists or cattle-raisers, is attested in the 1st c. B.C. The Italian businessmen were especially active in the great centers of the Peloponnese. Inscriptions testify for their presence at Argos during the 1st c. B.C.,

at Mantineia and Cleitor in Arcadia, in Messenia, at Gytheion in Laconia and at Aegion in Achaea. At Megalopolis there were also institutions of Italian traders. Their rather insignificant activity at Patrai is noteworthy, at least until the refurbishment of the city’s harbour after the foundation of a colony there by Augustus.3 The fact that during the early imperial period considerable private properties existed in the Peloponnese can be deduced by the festival regulations of Andania imposing severe restrictions against luxury: During the festivities and the games, which served also as an occasion for wealth display, it was prohibited for the pilgrims to wear extravagant clothes, of a value over 200 drachms. Additionally, the economic affluence noticed for representatives of the ruling class can be surmised by the rule – in the same regulations – that the five high officials of the mysteries should have at least an annual income of one talent (6,000 drachms).4 Several scholars have proposed the view that during the period of the Roman rule, and already from early on, the great panhellenic games dwindled into gatherings and celebrations of local caliber. In spite of the fact that after the destruction of Corinth the responsibility of organizing the Isthmia was given to the Sicyonians and that the Roman authorities showed an interest for the continuation of the Nemeia, proves the favourable policy towards this tradition and its viability. Furthermore, in the early 1st c. B.C. the mysteries of Andania in Messenia were reorganized; during the time of the festivities many theoroi (sacred ambassadors) convened from many places. Before the First Mithridatic War it seems that no tribute was imposed on the Peloponnese. However, during the hostilities, on the pretext of borrowing money from the shrines of Olympia and Epidauros, Sulla proceeded to confiscation of their treasures. At that time (90-80 B.C.) the cities were also forced repeatedly to contribute with human and monetary resources, as well as to supply with provisions the troops that had landed in Greece or

2. On Atticus see Ameling 1983. Especially for Eua: Spyropoulos 2001.– For Ti. Claudius Tychicus, see RP I, ARG 104 [3] and the article of Piérart in the present volume, supra pp. 33-34 n. 130.– For Olympia, Mallwitz 1972.– For C. Claudius Tychicus, the son of the above-mentioned Ti. Claudius Tychicus, see RP I, ARG 105. 3. Rizakis 2001a, 181-97.– For the Peloponnesian upper class see recently, S. Zoumbaki, “The composition of the Peloponnesian Elites in the Roman Period and the Evolution of their Resistance and Approach to the Roman Rulers”, Tekmeria 9, 2008, 25-51.– For Italian traders settling in Peloponnesian poleis, see Rizakis forthcoming, n. 27. 4. Deshours 2006. 236

Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

had undertaken the task of suppressing piracy. A considerable number of inscriptions dating to 72/1 B.C. reveals the economic difficulties of cities such as Epidauros or Gytheion in Laconia. Literary sources probably of that era make similar references for Sparta or Tegea. Later, during the First Civil War between the more formidable Roman generals of that time, Peloponnesians served in the army of Pompeius while he confronted Iulius Caesar. For the people and the economy this strenuous situation was continued and intensified: taxes and tributes were imposed after the mid-1st c. B.C. also by Mark Antony, who went on to recruit soldiers during the Second Civil War. The same was done by Octavian, too. The economy of the region was troubled also by piracy. It is well known that Pompey relocated Cilician pirates at Dyme. The end of the Civil Wars, although it marks the transformation of almost the entire Greece into Roman provinces and the imposition of regular taxation (27 B.C.), caused justified relief.5 It seems that new projects of urban planning aiming at the remodelling and renovation of preexisting grid plans and the boosting of building activity in order to serve the new status quo were not attempted before the era of Augustus. Corinth and Dyme consist two exceptions, two colonies founded by Iulius Caesar, the first one clearly Roman in character. The city of Patrai constitutes an example of an urban center with rapid growth, in which the first emperor, Augustus, settled veterans of the naval battle that took place off Actium; the population was also increased with the relocation of inhabitants of nearby cities. At Corinth quite an impression is caused by the agora complex built by Attic marble and limestone; it was surrounded by shops and there was also the podium where justice was administered by the proconsul. Moreover, there can be mentioned the magnificent paved avenue leading to Lechaion and running across monumental buildings – among other things the fountain Peirene and the baths donated by the Spartan Eurykles –, as well as an amphitheater unique in mainland Greece. Argos, by the end of the 1st c. B.C., had a gymnasium in the city’s center; two more were added

to that, one of them during the reign of Augustus. Later on baths were built beside the palaestra of the complex. Hadrian was responsible for certain renovations on the theater, for the construction of two large aqueducts, as well as for the building of a brickwork odeum.6 Remarkable wealth, either in the form of land or of money, was seemingly accumulated by certain citizens only after the consolidation of the new world order during the early and the middle imperial period. This fact is supported by the lavishly adorned villae urbanae and suburbanae of the 2nd c. A.D. in the grid pattern and the periphery of Patrai. The overall prosperity is moreover attested by the paved roads, the miliaria (milestones), as well as by the funerary monuments.7 Until the end of the 4th c. B.C. the tetradrachms minted in the name of Alexander the Great are dominant in the Peloponnesian coin hoards. These coins were used for the wages of the South Greek mercenaries who had been discharged in 330 B.C. (after the burning of Persepolis), or they were employed by the Athenian Leosthenes, after 324/23 B.C., as a bait for the enlistment of anti-Macedonian forces encamped at Tainaron – moreover with money embezzled by Harpalos from the treasury of Alexander the Great. These large denominations of Macedonian money are found in coin hoards coming mainly from Elis and Messenia, as well as from Arcadia and Argolis, the areas of origin of the majority of the Peloponnesian mercenaries of Alexander the Great. On the contrary, the limited presence in the Peloponnese of (gold) staters in the name of the Macedonian ruler (or his first successors) is traced in ‘ensembles’ concealed either in sites where Macedonian garrisons had been stationed (e.g. Corinth) or in areas that had been used as fields of Macedonian troops’ movement. In any case, these instances of using gold are exceptions within the larger picture of this area’s coin circulation, where silver prevails. Heavy coins, mostly tetradrachms, dominate the 3rd c. B.C.; these are to a great extent imported, occasionally employed in the local monetary economy of the Peloponnese. Their existence there –

5. See in genere, Larsen 1975, 436-96. 6. Corinth: Paus. II. 1-5; Argos: id. II. 16-24; Olympia: id. V. 1-21 and VI. 1-21. 7. Petropoulos 1994, 410-12. Cf. also Petropoulos 2001, 37-51 and Papapostolou 2009.

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besides some cases constituting donations by the Ptolemies, the Seleucids, the Attalids, etc. – was generated by military operations and their consequences, such as the Chremonidean War (268/67262/61 B.C.) and the Social War (220-217 B.C.), just to mention the most important conflicts. Any other local coinages of that time and that kind (silver tetradrachms) are connected, according to the prevailing theory, to hostilities that took place in this area during the second half of the 3rd c. B.C. The minting of these short tetradrachm series, represented by very few specimens, obviously attempted to balance the tetradrachms of foreign issuing authorities, a couple of which played a significant role during this period in the whole region (Macedonia, Aetolia). It cannot be ruled out, however, that a number of these Peloponnesian tetradrachms were used – as it was done elsewhere – for the implementation of large-scale building, artistic and defensive activities (wages for sculptors, wages for specialized personnel, expenses for the materials employed in the construction of the Asklepieion at Messene, expenses for the construction of the walls of Sparta). At the same time, during the whole period from the 4th to the third quarter of the 3rd c. B.C. (a few years before the Battle of Sellasia in 222 B.C.), the large denominations are accompanied by (silver) staters of Thebes (until the end of the 4th c. B.C.), of Aegina and Elis (almost on a standard basis), of the Boeotian Koinon, as well as of Corinth and its colonies (sporadically). These emissions represent of course samples that either resonate the political status quo of the recent past (Theban hegemony in the Peloponnese), or refer to economic influences through other parts (Aegina) or to the activity of major commercial centers of particular importance in the past (Corinth). Going through the ages, it is during this period that the presence of smaller Peloponnesian denominations can be noted, such as those of the mints of Sicyon and Argos (mostly triobols), as well as Corinth (drachms, bronzes); these issues reflect the use of money for everyday needs. Regarding the production of mints located outside the peninsula, in the Peloponnese were diffused at this time triobols of the Opuntian Locris

and Phocis, as well as the ubiquitous tetrobols of Histiaia (sporadically). These denominations appear alongside with those of Sicyon and Argos. The period after the Social War (217 B.C. onwards) is dominated almost exclusively by the coin production of the city members of the Achaean League – silver triobols and bronze coins. This brings to mind Polybios’ passage (II. 37, 10-11) concerning the use of common coinage: “… they also make use of the same laws, weights, measures and coins, and in addition to these the same magistrates, representatives and judges”. According to the prevalent view the silver triobols were put into circulation as daily stipend for military services. In the coin hoards now make also their appearance a few didrachms of Rhodes, as well as bronzes of Ptolemy III [the former are obviously remains of the Rhodian interest for Argos – see G. Vollgraff, Mnemosyne 64, 1916, 219-38: donation of 100 talents by the Rhodians in order to strengthen the fortifications of Argos (240 B.C.); the latter should be part of money envoys sent from Egypt to Cleomenes III]. Additionally, there are found triobols of Lamia and Ainianes, as well as bronzes of Philip V of Macedonia, scattered pieces brought to the south by invasions and concealed under dire circumstances. It is evident that the retreat of the Macedonian presence of the Antigonids had as consequence the return of the region to the local coinages of the cities and the koina, and of course to silver.8 The aforementioned issues, as well as those of the previous period, disappeared rapidly after the coming of the Romans, either because they ceased to be struck or because they were drawn out of circulation in the subject cities (which is most likely). Alternatively they could have been melted down or they could have been sent abroad as loot. Some of the issues that persisted in time, pieces survived from the past, became readily accepted in savings practices involving mainly bronze pieces. A considerable number of hoards, both from Central-Western Greece and from the Peloponnese, comprised by triobols, was assembled from the time of the rebellion of the Achaean League (burial date: 171 B.C. onwards), largely closing with its fall in the Battle of Corinth in 146 B.C. (Map 1). The

8. Grandjean 2000, 323-24.– An overall review of the economy of the Peloponnese in the Hellenistic period is to be found in Rizakis, Touratsoglou 2008, 69-82.

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Map 1. Geographical and chronological repartition of coin hoards with Achaean League triobols.

Achaean triobols which are located in a few coin hoards outside mainland Greece (e.g. Italy and Crete) constitute lots assembled later, rounded-up groups of diverse emissions that can be interpreted as products of looting. The Agrinion Hoard, comprised by Achaean triobols, Roman denarii and Athenian tetradrachms, stands out as an exception regarding the geographical distribution and a confirmation at the same time of this phenomenon. The outline of the coin production in the area of the Peloponnese and of the coin circulation after the defeat and disintegration of the Achaean League can be drawn as following:

Ι. Middle and Late Republican Times a. Coin production dramatically ceases after the dissolution of the League at Corinth.9 Partial and selective operation of certain mints in the Peloponnese (silver and bronze coins) is observed only during the 1st c. B.C. and particularly at the beginning – when, most probably, and not in the 2nd c. B.C. as it was believed by Dittenberger, Schwertfeger, Sherk and others – a number of federal organizations is revived (Paus. VII. 16, 10) and in combination to military-political events pertaining to Romans themselves.

9. Theory launched by Thompson 1968, supported by Price 1987, 95-103 and followed by Touratsoglou, Tsourti 1991, 171-84. Opposite views concerning prolonged continuation of the Achaean League issues with no interruption until the first quarter of the 1st c. B.C. expressed first by C. Boehringer, and supported by J. Warren, J. Kroll and C. Grandjean are to be found in Warren 1999, 99-109 and in Grandjean 1999, 139-46. See also Grandjean, Guerra 2000, 300-05 and Boehringer 2008, 83-89.– Τhe recent monograph by Warren 2007 does not seem to follow for the bronze coinage the low chronology previously accepted by her. Views supporting the traditional dating are expressed by Lakakis-Marchetti 1996, 147-56; by Tsangari 2007 and recently by Oikonomides, Lakakis-Marchetti, Marchetti 2007, 379-426 (negative review of this article is undertaken by A. Walker, in ANS, Winter 2008, 53-58).

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The local mints contribute each time that the Roman generals confront the last Hellenistic rulers of the East or face each other, while seeking to prevail at Rome, bringing conflict on Greek territory.10 Such were the confrontations of Sulla versus Mithridates VI of Pontos, of Pompey versus Iulius Caesar, of Brutus versus Octavian and Mark Antony and finally, at Actium, of Mark Antony and Cleopatra versus Octavian.11 At this point of time (87-86 B.C.) are to be dated also two coin series of the Athenian mint (most evidently, despite some reserves), i.e. silver New Style issues (broad-flanned tetradrachms and smaller modules); one series bears no legend and the other (inscribed with monograms) is probably in the name of Sulla’s quaestor, Marcus Licinius Lucullus, the brother of L. Lucullus.12 These coin series were supplementary to the other monetary revenues, in order to finance the military operations of Sulla. Alongside with the occasional issues, this period is noted for the bronze issues of various cities of the Achaean League – quite worn by prolonged use – which were countermarked by their own issuing authority in order to be revaluated for the new era: emissions of Elis, countermarked with an eagle, that circulated after 146 B.C.13 This feature is repeated in the mid-30s B.C. when the very worn copper coins of Messene, struck after 180 B.C., are countermarked on both sides (eagle and tripod). A bit later, maybe ultimate, proofs of this practice provide the copper coins of Messene of the years 40-30 B.C., countermarked in the mid-20s B.C. (Augustus’ head); the issues of Lakedaimon, 35-31 B.C., countermarked in the mid-20s B.C. (Augustus’ head); and the silver triobols of Elis of the years 40-30 B.C., bearing a countermark of the early imperial times. Finally, perhaps at the time of Antony, bronze coins of Cythera of the first half of the

1st c. B.C. were countermarked with Cupid.14 This practice, besides highlighting the lack of sufficient metal at the time of countermarking, hints at a prolonged circulation since the flans bear very worn initial types. On other occasions it is probable that countermarks simply aimed at the validation of older issues. Mutatis mutandis, a similar picture is drawn regarding Macedonia, where the royal and the civic issues are interrupted by the fall of the Antigonids at Pydna. The issues that follow – minted for Macedonia as a Protectorate (168 B.C.) and for the Four Regions (Merides), into which the land is divided from 168 to 148 B.C. – are short emissions underlining the events that transformed the political scene. On the other hand, as a vehicle for making war against the barbarian tribes of the north were employed the so-called New Style Athenian tetradrachms, which were produced in large quantities after the middle of the 2nd c. B.C. at the urge and by arrangement of the Romans.15 Similarly, the brief, incidental issues of the first half of the 1st c. B.C. (silver emissions in the names of Aesillas and Sura as well as MΑΚΕΔΟΝΩΝ and LEG MΑΚΕΔΟ­ΝΩΝ, etc.) are primarily connected with specific events and satisfy mainly needs for prestige of the Romans as successors of the Macedonian kings.16 Likewise incidental was an issue of the inactive for quite some time mint of Thessalonike; this emission was produced under Pompey at the instance of colony foundation, in order to legitimize the election of magistrates away from Rome, but on Roman ground.17 In Macedonia, from the time of the proclamation of the territory as Roman province (148 B.C.) to the Late Republican period, the lack of metal and the return to barter also led to the production and circulation of barbarian-style coins modelled on the last civic issues under the kings.

10. The recently published book on this subject by Benner 2008 summarizes the latest opinions on this matter based mainly on the propositions of A. Walker in LHS Numismatics, Auction 96, 8-9 May 2006. 11. See for the period Rizakis 2001b, 81-82. Especially for the minting activity of Antony in the Peloponnese see Amandry 1982/83, 1-6. Lately, on coin production at Patrai during the Late Republican Period, see E. Haug, “Local Politics in the Late Republic: Antony and Cleopatra at Patras”, AJN 20, 2008, 405-20. 12. Lucullan πλάτη (‘flats’) or Lucullan coinage: Kraay 1968, 15. Grandjean 1999, 141. Touratsoglou 2006/07, 245. 13. Νicolet 1992, 287-89. 14. A. Walker, LHS Numismatics, Auction 96, 8-9 May 2006 (Coins of Peloponnesos. The B[asil] C. D[emetriades] Collection), nos 671, 692.1 (Elis), nos 756, 758-59 (Messene), nos 926.4, 926.6 (Lakedaimon), no. 999 (Κythera). Cf. Kroll 1996, 49-73 and id., 1997, 123-36. 15. De Callataÿ 1991/92, 11-20. See also Dreyer 2000, 39-60. 16. Touratsoglou 1993, 18, 21-22. 17. Id. 1987b, 885-90. 240

Coin production and coin circulation in the Roman Peloponnese

Issue date (B.C.)

Mints S = Silver, B = Bronze

Issue date (B.C.)

Commentary

Historical events

Elis (B)

146=>

[Elis (B) /eagle countermarked on Elis (B):