Thesis

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“A PRELIMINARY GRAMMAR DESCRIPTION OF THE ZAMBOANGA CHAVACANO LANGUAGE”

Arben Anthony Q. Saavedra Tisha Camille R. Claro

MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology Iligan City, Philippines

March 2011

“A PRELIMINARY GRAMMAR DESCRIPTION OF THE ZAMBOANGA CHAVACANO LANGUAGE”

An Undergraduate Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of English College of Arts and Social Sciences MSU-IIT, Iligan City

As Partial Fulfillment of the Course English 199-Thesis Writing

Arben Anthony Q. Saavedra Tisha Camille R. Claro

March 2011

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The researchers would like to express their profound gratitude and sincere appreciation to the following people who made this endeavor a success: Ms. Honeylet E. Dumoran, for the patience in comprehensively editing the drafts, and for the enlightenment which contributed to the expansion and development of this research endeavor, most especially during the formative and final stages of this study; Dr. Luvizminda dela Cruz, Dr. Mary Ann Sandoval, and Mr. Rabindranath Polito, our panelists, for their time and consideration despite short notices, which nevertheless have not hindered them from giving suggestions and corrections for further improvement of the paper; The informants and cross-checkers, not only for patiently translating the sentences, but also for allowing us to conduct interviews and also for sparing time in explaining grammatical structures and expressions; The ABEO fourth year students, for their never-ending support and assistance during the research process and the oral defense; Kuya March Nuel Chiongson, for the financial support and material resources; Our families, for their understanding, support and inspiration, which enabled us to do our very best all throughout this research study; Most importantly, the Almighty God, for everything He bestowed upon us. Thank You.

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ABSTRACT

This study describes the grammar of the Zamboanga Chavacano language, an ethnic language spoken by people in Zamboanga City, Basilan, and some people in the Zamboanga Peninsula, Sulu Archipelago. More particularly, this paper describes in detail the consonant and vowel sounds, stress, intonation pattern, syntactic patterns and morphophonemic processes in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. The data were gathered through written and oral communication among native speakers of Zamboanga Chavacano language. The written texts were gathered through letters, which were collected by the researcher to trace, describe and analyze the morphophonemic processes, such as assimilation, deletion, alternation and metathesis. There were forty short sentences in Filipino which the native speakers of Zamboanga Chavacano were made to translate. Conversations with the native speakers were done in order to identify the phonemic sounds present in the language. Certain accent patterns as well as changes in the meaning of words depending on stress were also noted. The sentences were randomly selected from a linguistic material called “Test Sentences for Philippine Languages” and were extensively used to analyze syntax as well as morphology. Inflectional morphemes were also written down with a huge majority being of Spanish origin. Morphological processes include deletion, alternation and metathesis. The Zamboanga Chavacano writing norm also proved a little inconsistent in the treatment of Zamboanga Chavacano sounds; thus, this paper used a unified a consistent orthography by assigning different sounds to distinct letters.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE

i

APPROVAL SHEET

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

iii

ABSTRACT

iv

Chapter I

THE PROBLEM AND ITS SETTING

Introduction

1

Statement of the Problem

4

Scope and Limitation of the Study

6

Significance of the Study

6

Theoretical Framework

7

Conceptual Framework

7

Definition of Terms

8

Chapter II

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Grammatical/Morphological Structures

12

Chavacano Orthography

13

Cebuano Grammar

14

Chavacano Grammar

14

Chapter III

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Informants

16

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Locale of the Study

17

Research Design

17

Instrument Used

17

Data Gathering

19

Analysis of Data

19

Chapter IV PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA Phonology

21

Phonemes

21

Stress

35

Phonological Processes

36

Morphology

42

Word formation processes

43

Word classes

46

Syntax

65 Zamboanga Chavacano sentence

65

Non-verbal sentences

66

Verbal sentences

72

Overview of the Zamboanga Chavacano verb

72

vii

Tense and Aspect

73

Voice

79

Modality

83

Negation

84

Copula

88

Discourse Particles

91

Chapter V SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS Summary

96

Conclusion

96

Recommendation

97

BIBLIOGRAPHY

99

APPENDICES

101

CURRICULUM VITAE

113

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Chapter I The Problem and Its Setting 1.1

Introduction Philippine Creole Spanish, more familiarly known as Chavacano, is a creole

language spoken in the Philippines. It is divided into six geographically estranged dialects: Caviteño, Ternateño, Cotabateño, Davaoeño, Ermitense, and Zamboangueño, but Zamboangueño is the only one far from the verge of extinction (Lipski, 1987). Ermitense had become extinct sometime after the end of World War II. Zamboanga Chavacano is predominantly spoken within the City of Zamboanga, where it is the native language, and in the nearby island of Basilan, where it is the lingua franca (Frake, 1971). It is also used as a second language in Jolo and the Sulu Archipelago as well as by communities in the Zamboanga provinces. Significant Chavacano speaking populations can also be found overseas as part of the Filipino diaspora. In Malaysia, Zamboanga Chavacano has officially been listed as a regional language predominantly spoken by migrant Filipinos in Sempornah in Sabah. A creole language, such as the Philippine Creole language, is a language that is formed by the mixing of two other languages to form one stable language. The vocabulary of the creole language consists of cognates from the parent languages, though there are often clear phonetic and semantic shifts. On the other hand, the grammar often has original features but may differ substantially from those of the parent languages. One hypothesis about creoles is that the superstrate or lexifier language of a creole contributes to its vocabulary, while its grammar comes directly from its substrate (Crowley, 1997). This

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hypothesis is applicable to Chavacano since most of its vocabulary is of Spanish origin while its syntax is basically Austronesian in structure. Chavacano is the only Spanish creole language in Asia and is one of the world‟s oldest surviving creole languages, having spanned nearly four hundred years. A look at the lexicon and grammar of Chavacano shows that Zamboangueño words are predominantly derived from Spanish. Numbers, words, days of the week, months, and body parts are obviously Spanish derived. Some properties of its grammar, on the other hand, show obvious traces of Austronesian influence, particularly those of Tagalog and Cebuano (Steinkrüger, 2006).

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Spanish dictionaries define the word “chavacano” as something coarse, unpolished, and awkward. In reference to a language, Spanish dictionaries define it as “a language characterized by a drastic simplification of its lexicon and syntax, a melange of languages in contact, an interlingual corruption of standard languages”. In a study by Frake, Chavacano is classified into two groups, the Manila Bay Creole (Cavite, Ternate, and Ermita) and the Southern Mindanao Creole (Zamboanga, Davao, Cotabato) (Riego de Dios, 1989). The theories explaining how each dialect of Chavacano was formed vary from one place to another along with the history and culture of each Chavacano variant. Note the differences in spelling conventions as well as the differences in vocabulary. Furthermore, Zamboanga Chavacano possesses a diglossic system wherein the “high” form (used for formal and literary purposes) and the “low” form (used for informal purposes) (Structures and Varieties of Modern Spanish Chabacano 1) which is absent in other dialects. To further illustrate the differences, below is the text of the Pater Noster (Our Father) in the Chavacano dialects:

Zamboangueño (common)

Zamboangueño (formal)

De atón Tata que tallí na cielo, bendito el de Ustéd nombre. Mandá vené con el de Ustéd Reíno; Hace el de Ustéd voluntad aquí na tierra, igual como allí na cielo.

Nuestro Tata Quien talli na cielo, bendito el de Usted nombre. Manda vené con el de Usted reíno; Hace el de Usted voluntad aqui na tierra, igual como alli na cielo.

Dále conamón el pan para cada día. Perdoná el de amón maga pecados, como ta perdona también kamé con aquellos quien ya pecá conamón. Y no dejá que hay caé kamé na tentación

Dale con nosotros el pan para cada dia. Perdona el de nuestro mana pecados, como nosotros ta perdona con aquellos quien ya peca con nosotros. Y no deja que nosotros hay caé na tentacion

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sino librá conamón de mal.

Caviteño Chabacano Niso Tata Qui ta na cielo, quida santificao Tu nombre. Manda vini con niso Tu reino; Sigui el qui quiere Tu aqui na tierra, igual como na cielo!

sino libra con nosotros de mal.

Ternateño Chabacano Padri di mijotru ta allí na cielo, quidá alabaó Bo nombre. Llevá cun mijotru Bo trono; Viní con mijotru Bo reino; Siguí cosa qui Bo mandá aquí na tiehra, parejo allí na cielo!

Dali con niso ahora, niso comida para todo el dia. Perdona el mga culpa di niso, si que laya ta perdona niso con aquel mga qui tiene culpa con niso. No dija qui cai niso na tentacion, pero salva con niso na malo.

Dali con mijotro esti día, el cumida di mijotro para cada día. Perdoná quél mgá culpa ya hací mijotro con Bo, como ta perdoná mijotro „quel mga culpa ya hací el mga otro genti cun mijotro. No dijá qui caí mijotru na tintación, sinó hací librá con mijotro na malo.

In the recent years, native speakers of Chavacano have become alarmed of the Philippinization of Chavacano. Urban Migration and Language shift has been blamed for such changes. In places like Cavite, Cotabato, and Zamboanga, local governments, foreign individuals as well as private individuals have been promoting the preservation of the language with yet undetermined results. 1.2

Statement of the Problem It has been a common layman‟s misconception that Chavacano is a corrupted or

ungrammatical form of Spanish. This study therefore intends to describe and analyze

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Chavacano phonology, morphology and syntax. The main objective of this study is to present a descriptive analysis of Chavacano morphosyntax and phonology, particularly on specific grammatical categories and phonological processes by collecting data through test sentences and interviews with native speakers. Specifically, this research seeks to answer the following questions: 1. What are the phonemes and the phonological processes found in the Zamboanga Chavacano language? 2. What are the morphological processes that may be found in the Zamboanga Chavacano language? 3. How are the following realized in the Zamboanga Chavacano language? a. Case b. Copula verb c. Definiteness d. Degrees of Comparison e. Grammatical Person, Number and Gender f. Negation g. Tense and Aspect h. Voice 4. How are the following types of sentences expressed in Chavacano? a. Verbal sentences b. Non-verbal sentences b.1. Equational sentences

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b.2.Existential sentences b.3.Locational sentences b.4.Descriptive sentences b.5. Interrogative sentences b.6. Possessive sentences

1.3

Scope and Limitation of the Study This study presents an analysis of Zamboanga Chavacano morphosyntax and

phonology. The sociolinguistic and historical differences in utterance and vocabulary are beyond the scope of this study. The study focuses only on the modern colloquial language and not on the written or literary form. Although there are many varieties of the Chavacano language throughout the Philippines, the Zamboanga dialect was chosen because it is the dialect with the most number of native speakers. The study is limited to the inquiry of the native speakers of the language who were made to translate sets of sentences in Filipino and Cebuano into Chavacano.

1.4

Significance of the Study This study will be of significant contribution to the study of Philippine languages

especially the Chavacano language. It will serve as a supplementary material for a better understanding of the Chavacano syntax and phonology. The study will hopefully serve as an aid in teaching Chavacano to the younger generations in order to preserve and/or maintain the heritage as well as culture of the Chavacanos and to counteract the ongoing threat of language extinction and moribundialism. It will also be a key for a better

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understanding of Chavacano culture and for the enlightening of the lay man‟s mentality of Chavacano being a plain, grammar-less and corrupted Spanish. This will be a very good contribution to the growing body of ressearch which will aid future studies specializing on Philippine languages. This study shall significantly benefit those who are of interest in the Chavacano language as well as those campainging for its instruction in schools for language preservation.

1.5

Theoretical Framework This study deals mainly on grammar and phonological analysis of the Zamboanga

Chavacano language. A prior study on the said topic has been made by Semorlan. In Semorlan‟s study, the phonology of Zamboanga Chavacano is introduced first with brief descriptions and few examples. The phonological elements discussed in the paper included the phonemes, consonant clusters, and dipthongs. After this, Semorlan proceeds in giving a bird‟s eyeview of the Zamboanga Chavacano morphology by introducing the word classes and giving examples from a Pilipino teacher‟s grammatical point of view. Explanations and examples come for each and every item discussed. No discussion on word formation and derivation is present. In syntax, there is a brief description of the simple tenses and word order.

1.6 Conceptual Framework

The research is descriptive qualitative in nature. It describes and presents an analysis of morphosyntax and phonology of the Zamboanga Chavacano language. Morphosyntactic analysis is divided into two areas: morphology and syntax. Morphology

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deals with the word classes, derivational morphemes as well as morphological processes. Syntax includes the sentences which has two types: verbal and non-verbal. It shall also include a discussion on specifically selected grammatical categories and on discourse particles. Discusses under phonology are the phonemic inventory of the language, its stress patterns, and its phonological patterns.

1.7 Definition of Terms Copula. A copula is a morpheme, usually a verb but sometimes a particle or pronoun that “couples” to noun phrases. (Payne, 2006) In Chavacano, different copulas link predicates or complements. Chavacano has three types of copula verbs: Locative, Existential, and Descriptive Taquí

si

COP-LOC NOM

Carlos Carlos

„Carlos is here.‟

Ya tiene un accidente de auto ayer. PT COP DET accidente GEN car yesterday. „There was a car accident yesterday.‟

Descriptive copulas in Chavacano are more often than not omitted in colloquial speech: Padre di

mío el

prestamista.

Father GEN my DET money-lender „My father is a moneylender.‟

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Creole language. A creole language, or simply a creole, is a stable language that has originated from a pidgin language that has been nativized (that is, acquired by children). The vocabulary of a creole language consists of cognates from the parent languages, though there are often clear phonetic and semantic shifts. On the other hand, the grammar often has original features but may differ substantially from those of the parent languages (Steinkrüger, 2006). Endangered language. An endangered language is a language that is at risk of falling out of use (Kindell, 2010).

Evidentiality. Evidentiality is a conceptual category that express the source of the information contained in an utterance (Payne, 2006).

Grammatical categories. Grammatical catergories, throughout this paper is used to identify constructions involving voice, tense, aspect, etc. which are expressed by inflectional morphemes in other Philippine languages. Grammatical case. Grammatical case refers to morphosyntactic marking (“case markers”) of nouns or noun phrases that expresses something about the relationship of the noun or noun phrase to its syntactic context (Payne, 2006). Grammatical Person. Grammatical person, in linguistics, is a paradigm or conceptual category in the participant reference system of a language. It includes first person (speaker), second person (audience), third person (other participants not involved in the communicative act) (Payne, 2006).

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Identifiability. Identifiability or Definiteness is a pragmatic feature of participants in the message world, as presented by a speaker. Participants are identifiable if the speaker assumes that the hearer can uniquely identify the referrer (Payne, 2006). Language extinction.

Language extinction is a process that affects speech

communities where the level of linguistic competence that speakers possess of a given language variety is decreased, eventually resulting in no native and/or fluent speakers of the variety (Ethnologue, 2006). Language

shift.

Language

shift,

sometimes

referred

to

as language

transfer or language replacement or assimilation, is the progressive process whereby a speech community of a language shifts to speaking another language. The rate of assimilation is the percentage of individuals with a given mother tongue who speak another language more often in the home (Schiffman, 1998). Linguistic modality. Grammatical mood (also mode) is a set of conceptual categories that express various speaker attitudes or perspective on an event (Payne, 2006). An example sentence would be: Man vené le si MOD

jendeh ya ele ocupado.

3-S NOM NEG already 3-S busy

She would come if she is not busy anymore.

Moribund language. A moribund language is a language whose native speakers consist mainly of older generations and very few, if at all existent, younger generations (Kindell, 2010).

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Substrate. A substratum or substrate (plural: substrata or substrates) is a language that influences an intrusive language that supplants it. The term is also used of substrate interference, i.e. the influence the substratum language exerts on the supplanting language (Holm, 2000). Superstrate.

A superstratum or superstrate is the counterpart to a substratum.

When one language succeeds another, the former is termed the superstratum and the latter the substratum (Holm, 2000). Voice. Voice is constructions that adjust the relationship between semantic roles and grammatical relations or sometimes referred to as voices (Payne, 2006).

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Chapter II Review of Related Literature This chapter focuses on the selected lexical items and morpho-syntactic analysis on the Zamboanga-Chavacano language as compared to the Sebuano language (Steinkruger, 2006). Zamboanga-Chavacano is one of the different varieties of the Spanish Creole in the Philippines. Philippine Creole Spanish, also known as Chabacano, is spoken vestigially in the Manila Bay enclaves of Cavite and Ternate, but the major speech community is found in Zamboanga City. Zamboangueño Chabacano is the native language of the majority of the population of Zamboanga del Sur province. (Lipski, 1987)

Grammatical/Morphological Structures In comparison with Cavite and Ternate, Zamboanga words taken from Spanish are almost

uniformly

representative

of

more

standard,

relatively

modern

items.

Phonologically, very few Zamboanga items show the neutralization of syllable-final /l/ and /r/ that is so common in Caviteño and Ternateño (cf. Zamboangueño puerco; Caviteño puelco „pig‟). Reduction/elision of syllable-final /s/ does occur in Zamboanga, as in the Manila Bay Philippine Creole Spanish dialects, but at a rate which is low enough to suggest initial contact with varieties of Spanish in which the process had only begun (Lipski, 1987). Zamboanga contains a few rustic/archaic Spanish lexical items, but they are words which are still found in nonstandard or rural Spanish even at the present time, and are not usable in dating the formation of Zamboanga. However, the majority of the Zamboanga

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lexicon is neutral with respect to the chronology of input Spanish dialects, since most of the major indicators of marginal/archaic status within Spanish involve verbal morphology, which is totally absent in Philippine Creole Spanish. The more modern-sounding nature of Zamboanga could conceivably be attributed to the heavy presence of native Spanish speakers in the late 19th century (v. infra), but even in remote areas of the province where there was never more than a sprinkling of Spaniards, the speech differs from urban Zamboanga more in terms of intonation, and in the retention of Spanish-based words, as opposed to the heavy Visayan incursions in Zamboanga City.

Chavacano Orthography Practitioners of written Chavacano cannot agree among themselves on what alphabet to use. Similarly, pronunciations differ as they greatly depend upon the ethnical intonations of the vowels a,e,i,o,u and the use of the Pilipino alphabet b,k,s,p,ny for the original Spanish v,c,z,f,ñ in certain words (Camins, 1999). The simple rule is that local words, that is words of Philippine origin, and their variants are to be spelled as in Pilipino and words of Spanish origin and their variants are to be spelled according to their original spellings. However, this writing norm is not always followed since some words have divorced from their original Spanish pronunciations, example the word escoger “to choose” is written more frequently as iscují or iscugí instead of escogé since it is closer to the actual modern pronunciation than the original Spanish.

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Cebuano Grammar Howard McKaughan‟s “Cebuano Grammar Notes” presented a detailed yet complex explanation of the Cebuano phonology, word classes, derivational and inflectional morphemes classified according to various categories. McKaughan listed all existing phonemes as well as phonological processes found in the Cebuano language with corresponding examples and their glosses. In morphology, he presented the word classes with examples as well as the derivational morphemes under such classes. As for the inflectional morphemes, McKaughan merely listed them, organizing them into lists without giving further examples or explanations. McKaughan‟s work is naturally a preliminary presentation of the Cebuano language. Also, he did not specify which type or dialect of Cebuano he was working on.

Chavacano Grammar Semorlan (1983), in her paper entitled “Gramatika ng Wikang Chavacano”, presented a brief yet concise grammatical description of Zamboanga Chavacano. Semorlan first presented the distinct phonemes of the language, of which she included the archaic voiceless dental fricative /ɵ/, voiceless alveolo-palatal affricate /ʨ/, and the diagraph /hɾ/. She did not discuss on the phonological processes found in Zamboang Chavacano. In morphology, Semorlan only discussed word classes, focus, as well as the tenses and the aspects. In syntax, Semorlan presented the main elements of the Zamboanga Chavacano senteces. All discussion throughout Semorlan‟s work contained brief yet concise descriptions and examples within the limited scope of her study.

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Zamboangueño Creole Spanish by John Lipski and Salvatore Santoro (1986) sought to compare the structure of Zamboanga Chavacano creole with the common syntactic patterns found in other creole languages. They did not study phonology and morphology since they only focused on investigating whether creole grammatical elements such as the negative concord, negation, and many others are found in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. Lipski and Santoro listed several grammatical phenomenas found in Zamboanga Chavacano including those of vestigial Spanish origin which may no longer be in use in the modern day. Explanations were very brief and not all grammatical phenomenas had clear explanations as to their occurrences and how they are constructed. They merely presented the grammatical structures without really discussing them thoroughly.

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Chapter III Research Methodology This chapter presents the description of the informants, the locale of the study, research design, the instruments used, the gathering of data, and its analysis.

INFORMANTS The informants of this study were native Zamboanga Chavacano speakers aged 56 and 16 years old from the city of Zamboanga City. The informants came from the Metropolitan Zamboanga City and from the countryside or urban area of Vitali. The two informants were chosen due to their accessibility on the part of the researchers and the fact that they are native speakers of the language. The first informant, Francisco Pablo Arcillas, aged 54, resides in Limaong in the suburb area adjacent to the Zamboanga Sibugay provincial border. He is a businessman. The second informant, Laoreen Saavedra Roxas, 16, resides in the metropolitan area of Zamboanga City. The geographical factor was considered in this research since according to several studies, the speech of the Chavacanos living in the metropolitan area and the other areas differ. This difference is attributed to the fact that the speech of those living outside the metropolitan area tend to contain vestigial Spanish grammatical elements no longer existent in metropolitan speech. Several minor informants were also made to give their feedback on this research and to act as crosscheckers to the gathered data.

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LOCALE OF THE STUDY The setting for this study was in Zamboanga City at the residences of the native speakers. Zamboanga city is located at the tip of the Zamboanga peninsula with a population of nearly two million people and one of the top ten largest cities in the Philippines in terms of land area.

It is the traditional homeland of the Zamboanga

Chavacano people

RESEARCH DESIGN

The research is descriptive qualitative in nature since it aims to present specific grammatical notions in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. Furthermore, it seeks to explore and understand the structure of words and sentences as well the phonological processes in Chavacano.

INSTRUMENT USED This study made use of test sentences for the syntax analysis of the Zamboanga Chavacano language. Camins and Riego de Dios‟ published dictionary was utilized for identifying affixation and the actual morphological data gathered. Actual interviews were done also to determine the phonological processes present in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. The test sentences used were composed of 40 randomly selected Tagalog sentences from different categories taken from the Test Sentences for Tagalog and Ilukano, where the informants were to translate each sentence in to Chavacano. The sentences found in “Test

18

Sentences for Tagalog and Ilukano” were originally taken from a monograph entitled Batanic Languages: Lists of Sentences for Grammatical Features by Tsuchida Shigeru, et al. published by the Unoiversity of Tokyo, March 1989. These interviews and test sentences will serve as the main sources for the study‟s analysis of the grammatical categories, morphosyntax and phonological processes of the Zamboanga Chavacano language. Bernardino Silva Camin‟s dictionary, published in 1999, is a trilingual SpanishEnglish-Chavacano dictionary consisting of several thousand entries of the most common words used in the Chavacano language. It also includes a brief grammar summary of Chavacano as well as songs, poems, and the Chavacano refranes. An approximate pronunciation is given for each article but the consistency of the notation used to indicate pronunciation is uncertain. The entries are arranged alphabetically but some typographic errors are evident and the spellings are rather inconsistent. Camin‟s dictionary is currently used by the Zamboanga City Government as an official souvenir given to all dignitaries and honored guests of the City of Zamboanga. Maria Isabelita Riego de Dios‟ dictionary (1976), part of her dissertation on Philippine Creole Spanish to the Ateneo de Manila University, is perhaps the largest known dictionary of the Chavacano language. It has an estimated number of 7,000 entries of the Cotabato Chavacano language with their respective equivalents in the Cavite, Ternate, and Zamboanga dialects. Pronunciation for each dialect is given using an older version of the IPA. Prior to the dictionary, there are brief historical accounts on the historical development of the Chavacano dialects. There is also a phonological and

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derivational affixation section of the Cotabato dialect. It should be noted that Riego de Dios‟ work is purely on Cotabato Chavacano.

DATA GATHERING In obtaining the data needed for the study, the researchers wrote a letter requesting permission from the two informants for an interview and for the distribution of the test sentences where they were to translate Tagalog sentences in to Chavacano. The informants were randomly selected from the metropolitan areas and the suburbs. Upon the approval of the request from the informants, the researchers started the interview and handed on the test sentences. The informants were given enough time to answer the test sentences composing 40 Tagalog sentences. The researchers then collected the translated Chavacano sentences after each informant had finished answering all of them. After the collection of the gathered data the researchers started analyzing the data gathered. During the conversation and interview session, the informants were made to discuss some simple topics relating to their daily lives such as the Chavacano language, daily activities, family members, and academic life. This is done to facilitate the conversation on the part of the informant and to reduce possible lexicon related problems or codeswitching to English if the conversation topics are of complex nature.

ANALYSIS OF DATA The translated sentences were then analyzed and also served as instruments for cross checking. The phonological data, obtained from actual interviews and conversation,

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are presented in diagrams and tables with several examples illustrating the occurrences of phonemes and the phonological processes. Morphological data were obtained from a set of words taken from Riego de Dios‟ and Camins‟ dictionary where words are arranged according to their roots. This arrangement facilitated in the listing down of derivational morphemes and their meanings. They are presented in tabular form. All examples given are expressed in the common-masculine gender but feminine patterns are also indicated. Data on syntax were obtained from the test sentences and they are presented with their glosses and English translations. Explanations were made as detailed as possible in the simplest form of language.

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Chapter IV Presentation and Analysis of Data This chapter shall present the results of test questions given to native speaking Chavacanos as informants to gather information on Chavacano grammar. Below are the data on the aspects of phonology, morphology, syntax, as well as their explanations and examples. The presentation shall begin with phonology, followed by morphology and syntax.

I. Phonology This section shall discuss Zamboanga Chavacano phonology. First, we presented an overview of the phonology of Zamboanga Chavacano and later discuss each pertinent item on its phonology. I.A. Phonemes The section on phonemes shall include the discussion of the vowel sounds, consonant sounds, diphthongs, allophonic sounds, consonant clusters, and the diagraphs. Vowels. Zamboanga Chavacano has five vowels /a, e, i, o, u/. However, the vowel sounds /e, o/ tend to become /i, u/ via vowel assimilation and stress.

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Phoneme /a/

Initial aguanoso „swampy‟

alajero „jeweler‟

alimatok „leech‟

alabá

alquiler

„rental‟

alamadrina „safe haven‟ /e/

Medial

educá

„to educate‟

„to praise‟

Final hablá „to speak‟ quedá „to become‟

alcanzá „to overtake‟

quemá

almareo „vertigo‟

quebrá „to break‟

encabezá „to lead‟

dulce

„sweet‟

„behind‟

balde

„bucket‟

alcalde

„mayor‟

ejemplo „example‟

detrás

eliminá „to eliminate‟

deverasan „truth‟

empezá „to begin‟

llevá

„to carry, bring‟

„to burn‟

devolvé „to return sth‟

/i/

iglesia

„church‟

imitá

„to imitate‟

imut

„to be frugal‟

sufrimiento „suffering‟

ingreso

„receipts‟

juyáin

„timid‟, „bashful‟

abrí „to open‟ sufrí„to suffer‟ huí

„to elope‟, „to escape‟, „to run away‟

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/o/

/u/

inquilino „tenant‟

idayvuelta „roundtrip‟

escupí „to spit‟

oyente „listener‟

ocasión „opportunity‟

mentiroso „liar‟

orejas „ears‟

manok „chicken‟

mojo „moss‟

orgullo „pride‟

ojos

„eyes‟

mucho „much‟

ofrecé „to offer‟

olor

„scent‟

grueso „thick‟

uva „grape‟

upus

„cigarette butt‟

ñgusu

uclat „to uproot‟

tubugan „wallowing

„snout‟

pool‟ uliji „last place‟

tucap

„to patch‟

usik „waste‟

tujud

„knee‟

Consonants. The Zamboanga Chavacano officially has 17 distinctly sounded consonants /m/, /p/, /b/, /n/, /t/, /d/, /s/, /k/, /g/, /h/, /l/, /ʔ/, /ʨ/, /ʥ/, /ɲ/, /ʎ/, /ŋ/, /ɾ/ and two semi-vowels /j/ and /w/ . Semorlan (1983) cites that there are 19 Chavacano consonants which included the voiceless-alveolopalatal affricate /ʨ/, as in chongo „monkey‟ and the diagraph sound /hɾ/ represented by rr as in perro „dog‟ which we have listed under the diagraph category. Furthermore, Semorlan (1983) included the Standard Spanish pronunciation of the letters z and c (followed by e and i), /ɵ/. The voiceless dental fricative /ɵ/ in modern Zamboanga Chavacano is virtually replaced by /s/ (/ɕ/ when followed by e and i). /ɵ/ survives only as an affected Hispanized pronunciation and is used mainly in reading literature or old writings. The articulatory positions of these consonants are shown below.

24

The sounds /f/, /v/, and /z/ are variant phonemes which are not traditionally used in Zamboanga Chavacano. According to Riego de Dios (1976), these phonemes are usually retained in proper names and in certain word borrowings. Camins (1999) cites that the articulation of the sounds /f, v, z/ depend entirely on the speaker‟s ethnical intonations. R.O. Ing, in his study “Sources and Variants of Chabacano Consonants (1976), cites the existing variants of Zamboanga Chavacano. These variants are either classified as archaic, affected (or overacting), rare, lazy, and the common pronunciation. However, the difference between the variant pronunciations is not very distinct and is partly influenced by etymological (i.e. Standard Spanish/English vs. Chavacanized pronunciations) or ethnical pronunciation (i.e. /b/, /k/, /s/, /p/ for /v/, /c/, /z/, /f/). These consonantal variations shall be further discussed in the allophone section. The phonemes /p, t, k, ʨ/ are voiceless aspirated stops unlike in English. Their voiced counterparts are /b, d, g, ʥ/ respectively. These sounds occur mostly

25

in the initial and medial positions in Zamboanga Chavacano words. The sound /ʥ/ is articulated in limited situations particularly when unstressed /di/ become [ʥ] before a, u, e, and o. Phoneme /p/

/t/

/k/

/ʨ/

/b/

/d/

/g/

/ʥ/

Initial

Medial

„rougish tricks‟ „artificial‟ „gentle rainshower‟ tecasin „cheater‟ tibíjon „person affected with tuberculosis‟ toko „large headed lizard‟ calzoncillos „undershorts‟ quebrá „to break‟ kinilao „raw fish dish‟ comé „to eat‟ chamba „fortunate chance‟ tiene „to have‟ chismes „gossips‟ chocolate „chocolate‟

sumpit esposa vomitá

„shoes‟ „night before a festivity‟ „blowgun‟ „wife‟ „to vomit‟

zapatero victima

„shoemaker‟ „victim‟

„low‟ „someone who takes advantage‟

acabá balibad

pâuluguin pensá

„ill-manered person‟ zapatos „to think‟ vísperas

pillerías postizo talîti

bajo ventajoso

bichung „a pet pig‟ buguy „idler‟ dâan „old (things)‟ desanimáo „discouraged‟ dolor „sorrow‟ duro „hard‟, „firm‟, „stubborn‟ gallina „hen‟ guerra „war‟ guia „guide‟ gusano „worm‟ diez „ten‟ dejalo „Don‟t worry!‟

viento „wind‟ vaca „cow‟ porque „because‟ taquí „to be here‟ tacon „heel of a shoe‟ sospechá „to suspect‟ provecho „benefit‟ mucho „much‟ borrachón „habitual drunkard‟

aburrido bubut falda comida empleado marido juego pagá jogá regla odia

„to finish‟ „excuses to avoid participating in an activity‟ „annoyed‟ „immature fruit‟ „skirt‟ „food‟, „cuisine‟ „employee‟ „husband‟ „game‟ „to pay‟ „to play‟ „ruler‟, „menstruation‟ „to hate‟

26

Phoneme

Final

/-p/

sorcap „mother‟ sorcop „father‟ sakop „to be included‟ itlog „egg‟ manok „chicken‟ bilog „pieces‟ sagsag „to stab‟ sijag „transparency‟ sugsug „to force in‟ jatud „to send off‟ jitad „to expand‟ pilit „to stick‟ humilidad „humility‟ abilidad „ability‟ enfermedad „illness‟

/-g/~/-k/

/-d/~/-t/

/-d/

The phonemes /m, n, ɲ, ŋ/ are voiced nasal continuants. Phoneme

Initial

Medial

/m/

matá mentá morí mucho

„to kill‟ „to mention‟ „to die‟ „much‟

cama quema quisame racimo

/n/

naranjita nubláo

„orange‟ „clouded‟

troná vení

„bed‟ „conflagration‟ „ceiling‟ „a cluster‟, „a bunch‟ „to thunder‟ „to come‟

tronco

„trunk of a tree‟

/ɲ/

/ŋ/

ninety-nine

„idiotic‟

nena-nena

„easily and gracefully‟ „sir‟(familiar) „madame‟ (familiar)

ñor ñora

ñgusu ñga-ñga

ventana „window‟ mañana España

„tomorrow‟ „Spain‟

Final ------------------------------------ladrón „thief‟ kumpayán „hay field‟ nipalán „nipa grove‟ truán „young rascal‟ -------------------

compañía „company‟ ---------puñal „dagger‟ ---------„snout‟ sañga „branch of a tree‟ únpoquiting „a very little bit‟ „open-mouthed uñgul-uñgul „to grumble‟ únratiting imbecile look‟ „a very short

27

ñgut-ñgut „beating pain‟

ñgasá

„to look upward by pushing back one‟s head‟

tañgâ

time‟ usang „to chew‟

„to wish for someone´s death‟

The phoneme /l/ Phoneme

Initial

Medial

ladronicia „theft‟ redoblá labut „concerned‟ „to ralador have sth to do with‟ lagong „uninvited guests‟ recelá

/l/

lansa

„smell of fish or decay‟

regla

Final

„to redouble‟ „grater‟ „to distrust‟, „to daunt‟ „ruler‟, „menstruation‟

real cual

„real‟ „which‟

sal

„salt‟

igual

„equal‟

The phoneme /ɾ/ Phoneme

Initial

Medial

rachada „period of great luck‟ regañadas „scoldings‟ risadas „guffaw‟ rodillas „knees‟

/ɾ/

quiere

„to want‟

recupera „to recover‟ suerte „chance‟ soltero „bachelor‟

Final rumor „rumor‟ pecador „sinner‟ comidor „dining area‟ matador „butcher‟

The phonemes /j/ and /w/ are semi-vowels because of their similarity with the vowels /i/ and /u/. Phoneme /j/

Initial

Medial

Final

yerno

„son-in-law‟

tayada „bet‟, „wager‟

kumpay „hay‟

yugo

„yoke‟

sulaybaguio „name of a

talisay „a large tree‟

varietyof banana‟

28

yunque „anvil‟

saya „ancient ankle-length sigay „small skirt‟

yawat

„unexpected rayo

seashell‟

„thunderbolt‟

bonus‟ /w/

waras

„to havoc‟

rukay „to call chickens to feed‟

agua

„water‟

enaguas „inner skirt‟

rabiáo „angry‟ aguáo „watery‟

The phoneme /s/ is a voiceless spirant. Phoneme /s/

Initial

Medial

cebollón „onion‟

parásitas „orchids‟

cenizas „ashes‟

lastima

„pity‟,

Final cochinadas „dirty‟ regaños„scolding‟

„compassion‟ sabacan „lap‟

guisáo

„stewed‟

polís

„policeman‟

„sautéed‟ sapa

„creek‟

gruesor „thickness‟

polvos

„dust‟, „powder‟

The phoneme /h/ is a glottal aspirant. This phoneme occurs mostly on the initial and medial. Whenever it occurs in the final position, it is usually not written except in some words of Philippine origin. The final /h/ is epenthetic in most words (especially those of Spanish origin) since they never occur in the parent language.

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Phoneme

Initial

Medial

/h/

jendêh „no‟, „not‟

abajo

„below‟

Final gajah

„maybe‟, „perhaps‟

junto „together‟

desventaja „disadvantage‟

jendêh„no‟, „not‟

jorguesa „toy‟

gajah

„maybe‟, „perhaps‟

frente

„forehead‟

jardín „garden‟

cajon

„wooden box‟

vaso

„drinking glass‟

The phoneme /ʔ/ is a full glottal stop characterized by the momentary stopping of the air passage at the glottis. By convention, glottal stops in the Zamboanga Chavacano language are not marked. Sometimes the /-h/ is used. For purposes of standardization, this paper shall use the circumflex sign above vowels â, ê, î, ô, û borrowed from the Abakada Orthography of the Filipino Language to indicate the glottal stops found in the medial and final positions. Initial glottal sounds are not indicated since they are epenthetic. Phoneme /ʔ/

Initial

Medial

Final

aretes „earrings‟

dâan „old‟

malatâ „soggy‟

espiritu „spirit‟

talîti „gentle rainshower‟

jendêh „no‟, „not‟

Dipthongs. A dipthong is defined as any vowel followed be either /j/ or /w/ in the same syllable. The following are the dipthongs found in the Zamboanga Chavacano language with corresponding examples: /aje/

traé

„to bring‟

caé

„to fall down‟

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/ai/

kumpáy

„hay‟

subáy

„ant‟

/ao/

rabiáo

„angry‟

aguáo

„watery‟

/eja/

taréa

„task‟

pajareá

„to hunt‟

/ei/

rei

„king‟

/ejo/

video

„video‟

/ia/

odiá

„to hate‟

/ie/

ciento

„hundred‟

viento

„air‟

/io/

cancion

„song‟

traicion

„betrayal‟

/iu/

viuda

„widow‟

triunfo

„triumph‟

/uo/

instituo

„institute‟

/ua/

guardá

„to guard‟

buaya

„crocodile‟

/ue/

puede

„to be possible‟

viruelas

„smallpox‟

/ui/

cuidá

„to care‟

/oji/

oi

„to hear‟

Allomorphs. Allomorphs are systematic variants of a morpheme (Payne, 2007). Zamboanga Chavacano attests the following allomorphs. Phoneme

Final

/b/~/-p/

Bob „Bob‟ (personal name)

/-g/~/-k/

itlog

„egg‟

manok „chicken‟ bilog

„pieces‟

sagsag „to stab‟

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sijag „transparency‟ sugsug „to force in‟ /-d/~/-t/

/f/~/p/

jatud

„to send off‟

jitad

„to expand‟

pilit

„to stick‟

fuerza „force‟ [fweɾsa]~[pweɾsa] fuerte „strong‟ [fweɾte]~[pweɾte]

/v/~/b/

varadero „shipyard‟ [varadeɾo]~[baradeɾo] valiente „brave‟ [vaʎente]~]baʎente]

/z/~/s/

Zamboanga „Zamboanga‟ [zambwaŋga]~[sambwaŋga] zakate „grass‟, „hay‟ [zakate]~[sakate]

Consonant Clusters.

Consonant clusters may occur in the initial and

medial forms only. They are summarized below. A check mark (

)

indicated the presence of a cluster while a dash mark (-) indicates the absence of a cluster combination. Below is a revised and expanded table of consonant clusters from the earlier work by Semorlan (1983).

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/r/

/l/

/w/

/y/

/r/

/l/

/w/

/y/

/r/

/l/

/w/

/b/

/g/

/m/

/k/

/n/

/s/

/d/

/p/

/t/ -

/y/

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The following are the consonant clusters with their examples: Cluster /br/

/bl/

/bw/

/by/

Example 1

Example 2

broma

joke‟

cabrón

„cuckold‟, „he goat‟

quebrá

„to break‟

sombra

„shade‟, „shadow‟

blanco

„white‟

habla

„to speak‟

blando

„soft‟

población

„town‟

buenas

„luck‟

bueno

„good‟

buaya

„crocodile‟

vuelta

„return‟

bien

„good‟

viento

„air‟

vientre

„abdomen‟

viejo

„old(person)‟,

„ancient‟ croquis

„plan‟, „design‟

crítica

„criticism‟

cruzada

„crossing point‟

crudo

„fuel oil‟

clima

„climate‟

mezcla

„mixture‟

clavo

„nail‟

claro

„clear‟

cuarto

„room‟

Pascuas

„Christmas‟

cual

„which‟

/ky/

quiere

„to want‟, „to be fond of‟ quieto „still‟

/dr/

drogas

„cheating‟

drogasin

„cheater‟

piedra

„stone‟

madre

„mother‟

/dw/

duele

„pain‟

dueño

„owner‟

/dy/

diez

„ten‟

Dios

„God‟

odiá

„to hate‟

/kr/

/kl/

/kw/

34

grifo

„faucet‟

suegra

„mother-in-law‟

grandor

„size‟, „magnitude‟

grosor

„thickness‟

/gl/

gloria

„glory‟

/gw/

guardá

„to guard‟

/mw/

muebles

„movable furniture‟

muecas

„grimace‟

muerte

„death‟

muelas

„molar tooth‟

miedo

„fear‟

mientras

„meanwhile‟

miembro

„member‟

miedotin

„a frightful person‟

/nw/

nueve

„nine‟

nuestro

„our‟

/ny/

nieve

„snow‟

nieto

„grandchild‟

/pr/

presa

„irrigation dam‟

prevení

„to prevent‟

sorpresa

„surprise‟

plastic

„plastic‟

pluma

„feather‟

contemplá

„to contemplate‟

fuerza

„force‟

despues

„after‟

fuerte

„strong‟

fuerza

„force‟

pierna

„leg‟

piedra

„rock‟

fiador

„guarantor‟

fiesta

„festivity‟

/tr/

traidor

„traitor‟

travesuras

„mischiefs‟

/ty/

tiene

„to have‟

tiange

„market‟

tierra

„land‟

tiempo

„time‟

/sw/

suerte

„luck‟

suegra

„mother-in-law‟

/sy/

ciento

„hundred‟

cielo

„sky‟, „heaven‟

paciencia

„patience‟

distancia

„distance‟

/gr/

/my/

/pl/

/pw/

/py/

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Diagraphs. Diagraphs in the Zamboanga Chavacano language include /ʨ/, /hɾ/, and /ŋg/. The diagraphs /hɾ/ and /ŋg/ occur only in the medial position. Diagraph /ʨ/

/hɾ/

/ŋg/

Example 1

Example 2

chongo

„monkey‟

chocolate

„chocolate‟

borrachón

„habitual drunkard‟

provecho

„benefit‟

perro

„dog‟

corré

„run‟

almarriá

„to get dizzy‟

Zamboanga

„Zamboanga‟

sangre

„blood‟

manga

„mango‟

mangas

„sleeve‟

The next section will discuss stress and the phonological processes found in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. I.B. Stress. Stress is phonemic in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. Below are the three basic stress patterns in Chavacano. 

In words ending in vowels and /s/, stress most often falls on the penultimate syllable. i.e. cochinadas [koʨinádas]

„dirty‟ ; almareo

[almaréjo] „vertigo‟ 

In words ending in all other consonants, the stress more often falls on the last syllable. i.e. kumpayan [kumpaján] „hay field‟; jatod [hatút] „to send someone off‟



In Type I Zamboanga Chavacano verbs the accent falls on the last syllable vowel. i.e hablá „to speak‟ comé „to eat‟ sufrí „to suffer‟

36



Stress in Zamboanga Chavacano can also be irregular, thus, an accent mark is placed in this situation.

I.C. Phonological Processes The following are the regular sound changes found in the Zamboanga Chavacano language. These changes do not affect the meaning of the words. 1. Contractions. Contractions with the /-y/ Ida y vuelta

>

idayvuelta

[idaibwuelta] „round trip‟

Muerto y hambre >

muertoyhambre [mwertojambre] „starving‟

Cada y cualan

cadaycualan

>

[kadaikwalan]

„to each his

own work‟ 2. Assimilation. a. Nasalization. Nasalization is a pattern wherein a nasal consonant takes on the place of articulation of the sound that follows (Payne, 2006).

triunfa „triumph‟ [tɾijumpa] manpa „to pretend‟ [mampa]

enfermedad „illness‟ [empermedad] encogé „to contract‟ [iŋkují]

In the given examples above, the nasal consonants change into /m/ when followed by /p/. This is a very common example of nasal assimilation found in other Philippine languages.

37

b. Devoicing. Devoicing refers to sound changes, whereby a consonant changes its type of voicing from voiceless to voiced, or vice versa. Devoicing in the Zamboanga Chavacano language occurs in the final sounds /-b, -g, -d/ which tends to be articulated as /-p, -k, -t/. This occurrence is most of the time arbitrary although an evident pattern, when the immediate preceding consonant is voiced the final consonant tends to be voiced, is noticed. /-g/~/-k/

itlog

„egg‟

bilog

„pieces‟

sagsag „to stab‟ sijag „transparency‟ sugsug „to force in‟ /-d/~/-t/

/-b/~/-p/

jatud

„to send off‟

jitad

„to expand‟

pilit

„to stick‟

Bob „Bob‟ (personal name)

c. Vowel Shifts. Zamboanga Chavacano exhibits vowel shifting that affects the vowel sounds /o, e/. The change is assimilative. escogé „to choose‟

[iskují]

someté „to submit‟

[sumití]

jatód „to send off‟

[hatút]

38

itlóg „egg‟

[itlúk]

encogé „to contract‟

[iŋkují]

mucho „much‟

[múchu]

mundojin „bandit‟

[mundúhin]

TBjon „a person with

[tibíjun]

tuberculosis‟ guló „trouble‟

[gulú]

libod „to walk around‟

[líbot]

olvidá „to forget‟

[ulvidá]

As illustrated in the examples above, we are able to come up with two generalizations: a. Whenever /e/ or /o/ is accented it shifts into /i/ and /u/ respectively guló [gulú] mundojin [mundúhin] escogé [iskují] b. Whenever /e/ or /o/ fall in an unaccented syllable, they also shift into /i/ and /u/ respectively escogé [iskují] someté [sumití] encogé [iŋkují] d.

/-ue-/~/-o-/ Alternation Another Zamboanga Chavacano phonological change is the /-ue-/~/-o-/

phenomenon. In this situation, the medial diphthong /-ue-/ is reduced to being articulated as a single vowel sound /-o-/ especially in colloquial speech. This phenomenon is arbitrary.

39

buenamente

„well‟

[bwenamente] ~ [bonamente]

gruesor

„thickness‟

[gɾwesoɾ] ~ [gɾosoɾ]

e. Epenthesis. Epenthesis is a phonological or morphophonological in which a segment is inserted (Payne, 2006). In the Zamboanga Chavacano language, epenthesis is exhibited mainly during affixation: TBjon

„person with tuberculosis‟

TB

„tuberculosis‟

mundojin

„bandit‟

mundo „world‟

nipalan

„nipa grove‟

nipa

„nipa‟

Here, an epenthetic sound /h/ is inserted between the root morpheme and the suffix. Another epenthetic process found in Zamboanga Chavacano is the insertion of the glottal stop. Glottal stops are normally inserted when a prefix is affixed into a root beginning with another vowel sound or when a word ending in a vowel is followed by another word beginning with a vowel sound. ta aceptá

„accepts‟

> [taʔaksepta]

ya aceptá

„accepted‟

> [jaʔaksepta]

mâamo

„tamed‟, „docile‟

> [maʔamo]

pâafuera

„outward‟

> [paʔapweɾa]

pâatrás

„backward‟

> [paʔatras]

In Zamboanga Chavacano, word beginning with vowels may not have a preceding glottal sound unlike in other Philippine languages. An example is the participatory verb acabá. ya acabá comé sila.

[jakába komésila]

40

ya acabá pará el maga bata.

[jakába páraʔel maga bata]

There is also an epenthetic final /-h/ sound which occurs in most words ending in accented or glottalized vowels. f. Palatalization in /CjV/ and /CwV/ In the Zamboanga Chavacano language, the cluster /CjV/ affects the articulation of the initial consonants. This is most especially true for the combinations /tj/, /sj/, and /dj/ which turn into /ʨ/, /ɕ/, and /ʥ/ respectively. Furthermore, /CjV/ clusters alternate with /CijV/. /sy/

/ty/

/dy/

ciento

„hundred‟

[ɕjento]

[sijento]

cielo

„sky‟, „heaven‟

[ɕjelo]

[sijelo]

paciencia

„patience‟

[paɕjenɕja]

[pasijensija]

distancia

„distance‟

[distanɕja]

[distansija]

tiene

„to have‟

[ʨjene]

[tijene]

tiange

„market‟

[ʨjaŋge]

[tijaŋge]

tierra

„land‟

[ʨehɾa]

[tijehɾa]

diez

„ten‟

[ʥes]

[dijes]

Dios

„God‟

[ʥos]

[dijos]

odiá

„to hate‟

[oʥá]

[odijá]

Alteration. /CwV/ clusters are also altered to /Cuw/ /sw/

/gw/

suerte

„luck‟

[suweɾte]

suegra

„mother-in-law‟

[suwegɾa]

guardá

„to guard‟

[guwaɾdá]

41

/mw/

/nw/

muebles

„movable furniture‟

[muwebles]

muecas

„grimace‟

[muwekas]

muelas

„molar tooth‟

[muwelas]

muerte

„death‟

[muweɾte]

nueve

„nine‟

[nuwebe]

nuestro

„our‟

[nuwestɾo]

g. Deletion. Deletion is a very common morphophonemic rule often motivated by the need to simplify overly complex word structures that result when morphemes come together. In Zamboanga Chavacano, there is no pattern for deletion making the process arbitrary but it is evident in the following examples from the colloquial speech: Original form

Deleted form

usted„you‟

uste

rabiado „angry‟

rabiáo

aguado

„watery‟

aguáo

nipalan „nipa grove‟

nipal

cancelado „cancelled‟

canceláo

evos „you‟

vos

ele „he‟

le

Another example of deletion in Zamboanga Chavacano involves the verbalizing particle man which changes into –n when occurs after a case markers. (i.e. ta man ulan „It is raining‟ becomes ta-n ulan.)

42

This ends the phonology discussion. We have presented the phonemes and other pertinent phonological elements found in the Zamboanga Chavacano language with examples and explanations. The next section will discuss morphology and word formation. The section shall begin with the morphological processes to be followed by the word classes. Included in the word classes are the derivational affixes.

II. Morphology Morphology is the study word formation. In linguistics, morphology is the study of the shapes of words, or, more specifically, how words are constructed out of smaller meaningful pieces in order to express variations in meaning (Payne, 2006). The bases given herein are nouns, adjectives, verbs, and particles. To facilitate the analysis we have designated the following symbols: 1. A hyphen after an affix implies that the affix is a prefix: man2. A hyphen after an affix implies that the affix is a suffix: -jan 3. A hyphen between two affixes implies that double affixation (suffixationprefixation): ma-dad 4. V signifies that the root morpheme is a verb. 5. N signifies that the root morpheme is a noun. 6. Adj signifies that the root morpheme is an adjective. 7. Adjf signifies that the root morpheme is an adjective in its feminine form. 8. Nf signifies that the root morpheme is a noun in its feminine form.

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9. HON signifies honorific form 10. FAM signifies familiar form 11. COA signifies coarse form

II. A. Word Formation Processes Zamboanga Chavacano exhibits the following morphological processes: a. Affixation a.1. Prefixation a.2. Suffixation a.3. Double Affixation b. Stem Modification c. Autosegmental Variation d. Reduplication e. Compounding

Affixation. Affixation in Zamboanga Chavacano consists of three type: prefixation, suffixation and double affixation. Double affixation in Zamboanga Chavacano involves the prefixation of the already suffixed root morpheme. Affixation shall be thoroughly discussed on the sections on word classes.

Stem Modification. Stem modification refers to the change in shape of a morpheme without involving the addition of any affix (Payne, 2006). The main

44

purpose for modification is nominalization. This is evident in the following examples:

Root

Modified Stem

morí

„to die‟

muerto

„dead‟

forzá

„to force‟

fuerza

„force‟

esfuerzo

„effort‟

„to remember‟ acuerdo

„accord‟

acordá

respondé „to respond‟

respuesta „reply‟

Autosegmental Variation. Autosegmental Variation refers to the change in shape in a morpheme that does not involve consonants and vowels but rather consists of adjustments in features such as stress, tone, and nasalization (Payne, 2006). In the Zamboanga Chavacano language, this is exhibited by the stress shifts in some noun-verb minimal pairs as shown in the examples below: reserva corre

„reserves‟ „fast‟

reservá corré

„to reserve‟ „to run‟

desgracia „mishap‟

desgraciá „to meet mishap‟

condena „condemnation‟

condená „to condemn‟

amenaza „threat‟

amenazá „to threaten‟

The Zamboanga Chavacano Type I verb has its stress on the end vowel of the ultimate syllable. During the nominalization process, the stress moves to the penultimate syllable. Reduplication. Reduplication involves the repetition of the part or all of a root. It has two type: Partial, wherein only a part is repeated and Complete, where

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the entire root is repeated (Payne, 2006). In the Zamboanga Chavacano language, only complete reduplication is evident. Reduplication in Zamboanga Chavacano fulfills only two functions: intensification in meaning and pluralization. Intensification frequently leads to derivation while pluralization using reduplication is relatively rare. A hyphen is placed between two reduplicated morphemes.

cosa

„thing‟

cosa-cosa „things‟

gente „person‟

gente-gente „people‟ (uncommon)

batâ

batâ- batâ „children‟ (uncommon)

„child‟

casa „house‟

casa-casa „houses‟ (uncommon)

quiere „to want‟

quiere-quiere „fond of‟

llanta „wheel without tire‟

llanta-llanta „barefoot‟

tilam „to taste food while

tilam-tilam

cooking‟ santo „saint‟

„to taste food while cooking‟

santo-santo

„a person pretending to be a saint‟, „hypocrite‟

putóg „to explode‟

putóg- putóg „heartthrob‟

However, it should be noted that there are Zamboanga Chavacano words which are always reduplicated in form but are meaningless when not reduplicated. Examples include timih-timih and tilam-tilam both meaning „to taste a little bit of food‟ Compounding. Compounding involves the combination of roots to form new stems. The following are examples: camatijeras „folding bed‟, „cot‟

cama „bed‟ + tijeras „scissors‟

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Nochebuena „Christmas eve‟

noche „night‟ + buena „good‟

piedecabra „crowbar with nail puller‟

pie „foot‟ + de „of‟+ cabra „goat‟

bañomaría „double broiler cooking‟

baño „toilet‟ + maría „Mary‟

medianoche „midnight‟

media „half‟ + noche „night‟

pasatiempo „pastime‟

pasá „to spend time‟ + tiempo „time‟

tapafalta „a person used as cover up

tapá „to cover‟ + falta „lack‟

for another‟ sobrecargo „supervisor of cargoes in a

sobre „upon‟ + cargo „cargo‟

ship‟

Zamboanga Chavacano has a total of six morphological processes. The next section will discuss on word classes.

II.B. Word Classes II.B.2. Articles. Zamboanga Chavacano uses articles to indicate definiteness and indefiniteness. Definiteness in Zamboanga Chavacano is indicated by the article el „the‟. The plural form is el maga. El pobre mujer ya perdé su camino. DET poor woman PAT lost 3-POS way The poor woman lost her way.

Ya perdé le su camino na el tierra extranjero.

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PT lost 3-SIG 3-POS way LOC DEF land foreign He lost his way in the foreign land.

Proper names of persons are introduced by the definite article si and never with el. Si Carlos es un bueno estudiante. DEF Carlos COP DET good student. Carlos is a good student. When a noun phrase is unmarked in Chavacano, it connotes the idea of an entirety of a given noun thus indefiniteness. The definite article is omitted after the locative marker na. Jendeh yo ta comé gulay. NEG 1-SGPROG eat

vegetable

I don‟t eat vegetables. (anykind of vegetable)

Jendeh yo

ta

comé carne .

NEG 1-SG PROG eat

meat

I don‟t eat meat. (any kind of meat)

Indefiniteness in Zamboanga Chavacano is also expressed by un. It is not conjugated in number and gender. Ya viajá le

na

un

país

na

Europa.

PT travel 3-SING LOC IND country LOC Europe He traveled to a country in Europe.

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Ya perdé le su camino na un tierra extranjero. PT lost 3-SIG 3-POS way LOC IND land foreign He lost his way on a foreign land.

Proper names of persons are indicated by un tal in the indefinite form.

Ta buscá le con un tal Juancho. PROG search 3-S DAT INDEF Juancho He is looking for a certain Juancho. Canda is used to convery a sense of plural indefiniteness for proper names of persons. No hay anda canda si Carlos na pueblo ayer. NEG-PAST go INDEF NOM Carlos LOC town yesterday Carlos and his company did not go to town yesterday. II.B.1. Nouns Zamboanga Chavacano nouns are predominantly of Spanish origin with a sizeable number of native Philippine origin. These nouns are rarely saddled with intricacies of grammatical gender and number (Camins, 1999). maestro „teacher‟

borrachón „regular drunkard‟

país „country‟

ciudad „city‟

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Gender inflection is commonly used. Chavacano distinguishes three genders: masculine, feminine, and common. The masculine gender is most of the time used to refer to general classes. The common gender is usually associated with word of native Philippine origin. The feminine gender is only used if the referred noun is also feminine. Nouns of Spanish origin are femininized by adding –a or by using a separate word. Words of Philippine origin do not have feminine forms. Common

Masculine

bata

„child‟

niño

manok

„chicken‟

gallo

Feminine

niña „rooster‟

gallina

„hen‟

maestro „teacher‟

maestro

maestra

babuy

puerco

puerca

nieto „grandson‟

nieta „granddaughter‟

abuelo „grandparent‟

abuelo „grandfather‟

abuela „grandmother‟

primo „cousin‟

primo

prima

nieto

„pig‟ „grandchild‟

Zamboanga Chavacano has a relatively fewer affixes. Though it may seems that Chavacano uses many of Spanish and Philippine affixes in its vocabulary, majority of the words bearing such affixes are actually direct borrowings with their roots completely meaningless in Zamboanga Chavacano. The following are the nominalizing affixes with their corresponding feminine forms. Feminine forms are those ending in the –a, -osa, -da, -cion. 1. Signifies relationship to the given noun

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a. N-ero, N-era signifies occupation cocina

„kitchen‟

cocinero

„chef‟

compañía

„company‟

compañero

„companion‟

hambug

„to brag‟

hambuguero

„a show-off‟

mensaje

„message‟

mensajero

„messenger‟

usura

„usury‟

usurero

„usurer‟

b. N-ista signifies occupation or adherence to the given noun presta

„to borrow‟

prestamista

„moneylender‟

sabado

„Saturday‟

sabadista

„Adventist‟

oportunidad

„opportunity‟

oportunista

„opportunist‟

comunismo

„Communism‟ comunista

„communist‟

c. N–ito, N-ita, andN–illo, N-illa signifies dimunitive function cuchara „tablespoon‟ plato

„dish, saucer‟

jeringa „syringe‟

cucharita

„teaspoon‟

platillo

„small saucer‟

jeringuilla

„little syringe‟

d. V-oso, V-osa, N-oso, N-osa ventaja „advantage‟

celos

„jealousy

amargo „bitter‟ poder „to be capable‟ condiciá „to covet‟

ventajoso

celoso person‟ amargoso poderoso codicioso

„someone who takes advantage‟ „zealous „bitter gourd‟ „mighty‟ „greedy‟,

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„covetous‟

e. V-an, N-an indicates the place where the action occurs or the place where the noun is abundant kumpay „hay‟ nipa

„nipa‟

kumpayan

„hay field‟

nipalan

„nipa grove‟

layas

„to wander aimlessly‟ layasan wanderer‟ haya „to wail‟ hayâan guidguid „to grate‟ guidguiran tujog „to skew‟ tujogan

„aimless „wailing‟ „grater‟ „skewer‟

f. V-dor, V-dora signifies occupation or trait

comprá

„to buy‟

comprador

„buyer‟

cobrá

„to collect‟

cobrador

„collector‟

salvá consentir

„to save‟ „to consent‟

salvador consentidor

„savior‟ „conniver‟

pajareá

„to hunt‟

pajador

„hunter‟

comé

„to eat‟

comedor

„dining room‟

g. V–(e)nte signifies the noun derived is a doer of the verb amá

„to love‟

amante

„lover‟

ayudá

„to help‟

ayudante

„helper‟

hablá

„to speak‟

hablante

„speaker‟

dominá

„to dominate‟

dominante

„personwho dominates‟

oí

„to listen

oyente

„listener‟

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h. N-(j)ón/in/un, V--(j)ón/in/un signifies personal characteristics or attributes mundo „to love‟

mundojin „bandit‟

juya llorá

juyain „timid‟, „bashful‟ llorón „a person who keeps on crying‟ ladrón „thief‟ TBjón „a person with tuberculosis‟ tecasin „cheater‟ drogasin „cheater‟

„shame‟ „to cry‟

TB „tuberculosis‟ tecas „fraud‟ drogá „cheating‟ i. V-nza matá „to kill‟ enseñá „to teach‟ esperá „to hope‟ vengá „to avenge‟

matanza „murder‟ enseñanza „instruction‟, „teaching‟ esperanza „hope‟ venganza „revenge‟

j. V-miento portá „to behave‟ mové „to move‟ sentí „to feel‟ sufrí „to suffer‟

portamiento „behavior‟ movimiento „movement‟ sentimiento „emotions‟ sufrimiento „suffering‟

k. V-da, N-da, V-do, N-do signifies the noun has something to do with the verb corazon „heart‟ chiplá „ come „to eat‟ sufrí „to suffer‟ sentí „to feel‟

corazonada „great yearning‟ chiplada „movement‟ comida „cuisine‟ sufrimiento „suffering‟ sentido „sense‟

l. V-cion adora „to adore visita „to visit‟

adoracion „adoration‟ visitacion „to visit‟

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m. mag- is used only with kinship terms to signify relationship mag-hermano

„brothers‟

mag-amigo

„friends‟

n. paka- signifies a state or a characteristic paka-alto

„height‟

paka-jambuguero „boasstfulness‟ paka-tecasin

„treachery‟

II.B.4. Pronominal System The section on pronominal system discusses about the complexity of the Zamboanga Chavacano personal pronouns. Included herein are the different forms of the pronouns depending on formality. Also, forms of pronouns in different grammatical cases are also shown. Demonstrative pronouns are given with explanations on how they are formed and when they are used. Discussion on the reflexive pronoun shall no longer be included since it is merely indicated by Personal Prooun + mismo or Possessive personal pronoun + cuerpo. II.B.4.a. Personal Pronouns Zamboanga Chavacano has a relatively simpler pronominal system compared to Spanish and other Philippine languages since pronouns in Chavacano do not change in form depending on the case. However, Chavacano has a set of pronouns used to indicate politeness and formality.

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Person

Nominative Singular

1st

yo

Plural nosotros

Dative/Objective Singular conmigo

Plural con nosotros

Genitive Singular mi

Plural nuestro de nosotros

îyo (Fam)

kamé (excl.)

kanámon

mío

dîamon

kanáton

di mío

dîaton

(excl.) kitá (incl..)

2nd

usted

ustedes

con usted

con ustedes

di usted

de ustedes

tu/ etu

vosotros

contigo

con vosotros

di tuyo

vuestro de vosotros

vos/evos

kamó

con vos

kaninyo

de evos

dîinyo

con ellos

di suyo

de ellos

con evos 3rd

ele/le ela (Fem)

ellos

con ele

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silá

con el

kanila

de el

dî ila

de ele

The table above shows the complexity of the Zamboanga Chavacano pronominal system. The pronouns are group according to person and number. For each grammatical person and number, there are at most three pronouns. The first one is the formal followed by the familiar and the common/coarse pronouns. Zamboanga Chavacano distinguishes exclusive from inclusive first person plural but rarely uses the feminine form of the third person. The genitive case is indicated by the particle de/di. There is no rule regarding the use of di but diis more common and de is usually reserved for formal contexts. Epenthetic glottalization occurs when de/di is used with pronouns beginning with vowels. The genitive form is indicated by the particle con. However, pronouns in the familiar and common forms have their own set of genitive forms without using con. II.4.B.b. Demonstrative Pronouns Nomina7tive Singular Este

Plural este maga

Dative/Objective Singular con este

Plural con este maga

Genitive Singular de este

Locative

Plural de este maga

aquí

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estos Ese

con estos

ese maga

con ese

esos Aquel

con ese maga

de estos de ese

con esos

aquel maga aquellos

con aquel

con aquel maga con aquellos

de ese maga

allí

de esos de aquel

de aquel maga

tallá

de aquellos

The formation of genitive and dative/objective forms of the pronouns is the same as in the personal pronoun forms. The plural form is indiacted by the use of maga (mana among older generations and mañga among younger generations of Philippinized orientation) or by using its Standard Spanish plural form. Este is the equivalent for the English „this‟. Eseand aquel both mean „that‟ but ese implies that the referred to is near the speaker and aquel implies that the referred to is far from both speaker and listener. The locative pronouns are aquí „here‟, allí „there‟, allá „there‟. The difference between allí and alláis the same as is ese and aquel. Note that there is no epenthetic glottal stop among the possessives and that it is to be pronounced by vowel merging, for example de este /deste/, de aquellos /dekeʎos/. II. B.2. Adjectives Adjectives are a set of grammatically distinct word class that contains words that mostly describe property concepts (Payne, 2006). Zamboanga Chavacano adjectives are mostly of Spanish origin. They are either used in their original Spanish or variant forms. There is also a large number of coined and native

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Philippine adjectives used in Chavacano. Similar to the Zamboanga Chavacano nouns, grammatical gender in not applied unless the referred necessitates its use. Below are examples of adjectives grouped according to certain categories: 1. Color blanco

„white‟

negro „black‟

azul

„blue‟

verde „green‟

colorao

„red‟

amarillo „yellow‟

aburrido

„annoyed‟

appurao

„in a hurry‟

ansioso

„anxious‟

asarante

„bothersome‟

grande

„big‟

largo „long‟

pequeno

„little‟

diutay

„small‟

corto „short‟

alto

„tall‟

cubalde

„coward‟

malo

garboso

„genteel‟

valiente

„brave‟

bueno „good‟

rosa

„pink‟

2. Conditions

3. Size

4. Qualities „bad‟

humilde

„humble‟

Adjectives can also be formed by affixation and reduplication 1. ma- indicates the abundance of something. mapiedra maduro mahumilidad maûling

„full of stones‟ „mature‟ „full of humility‟ „besotted‟

matentacion

„full of temptation‟

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2. V-o/do, V-ada gerund form of verbs taken as adjectives aguáo guisáo

„watery‟ „sautéed‟

confiáo dejáo

„trusted‟ „left as is‟

3. Reduplication of N and V stems can indicated intensification or diminishment in meaning 4. maka- indicates adjectival causation miedo maka-miedo

„fear‟ „frightening‟

ugod maka-ugod

„to oppress oneself‟ „frustrated‟

5. Typical Spanish loaned adjective include those suffixed with –tibo, isko, and –esa efectibo

‘effective’

positibo

‘positive’

blanquisko

‘whitish’

6. Adverbial deriviations formed by pa- and –mente

paafuera „outward‟ panorte

„northward‟

succivamente „succesively‟ lentemente

II.B.2.a. Comparison of Adjectives

1. Equality: igual de alto

„as tall as‟

igual de largo „as long as‟ igual de corto „as short as‟

„slowly‟

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2. Comparative Degree. In Zamboanga Chavacano, the comparative degree is expressed by {….más….que/contra con….} Comparison in Chavacano is formed lexically and is more similar to its Spanish superstrate. The particle más is place before an adjective to indicate the comparative degree. Alto si Juan. tall NOM Juan John is tall.

Más alto si Juan more tall NOM Juan John is taller. The succeeding comment to the topic of the sentence then is followed by que or contra with the object phrase taking the con form: TOPIC el más ADJ que/contra con OBJ Si Juan el más alto que/contra con Pedro. NOM John DET more tall than DAT Peter. John is taller than Peter.

3. Comparative Degree. In Zamboanga Chavacano,the superlative is formed by adding de con todo or todo (less emphatic) in place of más. Si

Juan el

de con todo

alto de/entre tres

bata.

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NOM John DET SUPERLATIVE tall between three children John is the tallest among the three children.

However, it should be noted that in Chavacano, certain comparative and superlative forms of Spanish adjectives are still in use.

II.B.3. Numerals 1. Cardinal numbers. Cardinal numbers are of Standard Spanish origin. Among younger generations, English cardinal numbers are also employed for higher numerical values. uno

„one‟

trece

„thirteen‟

dos

„two‟

catorce „fourteen‟

tres

„three‟

quince „fifteen‟

cuatro „four‟

veinte „twenty‟

cinco „five‟

treinta „thirty‟

seis

„six‟

cuarenta „forty‟

siete

„seven‟

cincuenta „fifty‟

ocho

„eight‟

seicenta „sixty‟

nueve „nine‟

setenta „seventy‟

diez

„ten‟

ochenta „eighty‟

once

„eleven‟

noventa „ninety‟

doce

„twelve‟

ciento „hundred‟ mil „thousand‟

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To form numbers above 15 (quince) the pattern diez + y + Number (or dieci + Number) is used as in diez y seis (dieciseis) „sixteen‟, diez y ocho(dieciocho) „eighteen‟ To form multiples of hundred the suffixed form –cientos is affixed to the number below ten (doscientos = 200, trescientos = 300, cuatrocientos = 400, etc.) except for five which is quinientos. 2. Ordinal Numbers. Zamboanga Chavacano has two ordinal number systems. The first one is Spanish and the other is Chavacano. Usually the Spanish forms are only used until the fifth ordinal number. Ordinal numbers higher than ten are expressed using the Chavacano system only.

Ordinal number

Spanish convention

Chavacano convention

first

primero

aca-uno

Second

segundo

aca-dos

Third

tercero

aca-tres

Fourth

cuarto

aca-cuatro

Fifth

quinto

aca-cinco

Sixth

sexto

aca-seis

seventh

septo

aca-siete

Eighth

octavo

aca-ocho

Nineth

nonavo

aca-nueve

Tenth

decimo

aca-diez

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3. Numerical Reduplication. Numerical reduplication in Zamboanga Chavacano signifies distributive-collective values

dos-dos „two by two‟, „two apiece‟ tres-tres „three by three‟, „three apiece‟ uno-uno „one by one‟, „one apiece‟ cuatro-cuatro „four by four‟, „four apiece‟

4. vez (pl. veces) indicates the recurrence of an action as well as restrictive functions of numbers.

uno vez „once‟

tres veces „three times‟

dos veces „twice‟ cuatro veces „four times‟

5. bílog means „piece‟. It is a quantifier used to refer to objects, especially round one, but never to persons. It is similar to Cebuano kabuok.

uno bílog „one‟

tres bílog „three‟

dos bílog „two‟

cuatro bílog „four‟

II.B.4 Case Markers Zamboanga Chavacano basically indicates four grammatical cases by use of specific case markers.

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1. Nominative case. Nominative case is indicated by the definite and indefinite articles (el, si, un tal, un). El bata bien cansáo gayot. NOM child very tired EMP The child is really very tired.

Si Santiago bien cansáo gayot. NOM James very tired EMP James was really very tired.

2. Dative case. The dative case is indicated by con. However, in some personal pronouns, there are forms specifically for the dative case which do not require the use of con (kanámon, kaninyo, kanila). Con is used only when the recipient is animate. A definite article is used when referring to impersonal recipients. Con can combine with el and un/un tal. Ya dale ya yo contigo el sen para pagácon el prestamista. PAT give 1-SIG DAT 2-SIG-fam DET money for pay DAT DET moneylender I had given you the money to pay the moneylender.

Ya dale ya yo con el perro el agua. PAT give 1-SIG DAT DET dog DET water

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I already gave water to the dog. The con structure is very similar to the superstrate Spanish structure a: Estoy llamando a Pedro. = Ta llamá yo con Pedro. Estoy buscando a mi perro. = Ta buscá yo con el perro di mio.

3. Genitive case. The genitive case is indicated by de or more commonly di. However, some formal personal pronouns have their specific genitive forms which do not require the use of de or di (nuestro, vuestro). The genitive can combine with el (definite article) but in such situations, only de is used.

El cuarto del inquilino bien cochinadas gayot. DET room POS-DET tenant very dirty extremely The tenant‟s room is very dirty indeed.

4. Locative case. . The locative case is indicated by na Ta andá el bata na iglesia. PROG go DET child LOC church The child is going to the church.

Ta vivi yo na Iligan. PROG live 1-S LOC Iligan I live in Iligan.

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5. Vocative case.Vocative case can be indicated by oy or juy Juy Carlos! Favor ya galeh habla deveresan! VOC Carlos please INT speak truth Hey Carlos will you please tell the truth!

6.

Ablative case. Ablative I indicated by de. Ablative case indicates the

origin or reason. It is similar to the English from.

Cansao yo de viaje de Iligan. Tired 1-S ABL trip ABL Iligan I am tired because of the trip from Iligan.

7. Instrumental case. Instrumental case is indicated by the pattern hace+Verb+agent+usando+DET+instrument Hace corta yo usando el bolo. INS cut 1-S INS DET bolo I cut it using bolo.

III. The Zamboanga Chavacano Sentence The Zamboanga Chavacano sentence is made up of two or more constituents. Primarily it is composed of the subject and the predicate. The subject can be introduced by

66

definite or indefinite particles or by pronouns. The predicate is usually an adjective, another noun or its substitute or a verb. The predicate generally narrates about the subject. Zamboanga Chavacano sentences usually are begun by subjects but in situations when the subject is to be emphasized, the order is reversed. Sentences can also be merely composed of predicates such as those in existential sentences.There are two type of sentences: Non-verbal, characterized by the absence of verbs and verbal which contains the verb. The following section shall discuss the verbal and non-verbal sentences of the Zamboanga Chavacano language following Howard Mackaughan‟s “Cebuano Grammar Notes”. III.A. Non-verbal sentences a. Equational sentences. Equational sentences are those sentences in which both constituents are topic-like. (Mckaughan, 1971)

a.1. Non-specific. In the the non-specific equational sentences, the predicate noun or adjective comes before the subject usually introduced by the nominative marker si or the definite and indefinite articles as well as the nominative pronouns. The marked predicative phrase referred to herein refers to the phrases introduced by respective case markers. The unmarked predicative phrase refers to the nominative pronouns which are unmarked.

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Subject

Predicate

Noun

marked predicative phrase

Adjective

definitie/indefinite nouns unmarked predicative phrase pronouns

Maestra si Carla.

„Carla is a teacher‟

Cansao yo.

„I am tired‟

Pobre el mujer.

„The lady is poor‟

Borrachon el tata di suyo. “Your father is a regular drunkard‟

a.2 Specific. In specific equational sentences, the order is reversed. Predicate

Subject

marked predicative phrase

Noun

definitie/indefinite nouns

Adjective

unmarked predicative phrase pronouns

Si Carlos este.

„This is Carlos.‟

Amo el dalaga.

„That is the girl‟

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Este si Fabian Roxas.

„This is Fabian Roxas‟

Reverse in the order changes the emphasis as evident in the examples above. In the sentence Si Carlos este., the emphasis is placed on Carlos, the subject of the sentence. In the other example, Este si Fabian Roxas, the emphasis is placed on este. b. Existential Sentences. The word tiene signifies existence in Zamboanga Chavacano sentences. It is negated by no hay.

Predicate tiene

Complement Rest of the sentence

no hay

Tiene accidente de auto.

„There is a car accident.‟

Tiene pescao na mar.

„There are many fish in the sea.

Tiene mucho pescao na monte.

„There are no fish on the mountain.‟

The sample sentences contained only predicates and no subject. In the Zamboanga Chavacano language, existential sentences may not take subjects. In instances when they take subjects, the subjects appear ahead of the predicate after the verb.

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Tiene yo sen.

„I have money‟

Yo el tiene sen.

„I am the one who has money.‟

Tiene si Carlos perro.

„Carlos has a dog‟

No hay perro si Carlos.

„Carlos doesn‟t have a dog.‟

When negating, however, the subject is placed at the end of utterance.

c. Locational sentences. Locational sentences are constructed using the words taqui, talli, and talla. These are collectively termed as locative copulas by Payne and Santoro.

Predicate

subject

taqui

marked predicative phrase

talli

definitie/indefinite nouns

talla

unmarked predicative phrase pronouns

Taqui el dalaga.

„The maiden is here.‟

Talla si Carlos.

„Carlos is over there.‟

Taqui yo.

„I am here.‟

Taqui un libro.

„Here is a book.‟

Taqui el perro.

„The dog is here.‟

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Talli yo na di suyo lado. „I am here beside you.‟

d. Descriptive sentences. Sentences which contain adjectives as the predicate are called descriptive sentences.

Predicate

Subject

Noun

marked predicative phrase

Adjective

definitie/indefinite nouns unmarked predicative phrase pronouns

Largo el camino.

„The road is long.‟

Malisod el exam.

„The exam is difficult.‟

Guapa el dalaga.

„The maiden is charming.‟

Grande el di suyo casa.

„Her house is big.‟

e. Interrogative sentences.

Predicate Question particle

Subject marked predicative phrase

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definitie/indefinite nouns unmarked predicative phrase pronouns

Quien este?

„Who is this?‟

Cosa exam?

„What exam?‟

Cuando el exam?

„When is the exam?‟

Onde el jornalero?

„Where is the laborer?‟

Cuanto este pescao?

„How much is this fish?‟

Que manera come?

„How to eat?‟

Porque rabiao si Carlos?

„Why is Carlos mad?‟

f. Possessive sentences. Possessive sentences are indicated merely by the use of the possessive pronouns or the possessive marker de/di. There is no rule on when to use de/di but de is more or less likely used in colloquial speech and is found usually in formal and literary contexts.

Diila el lapis.

„The pencil is theirs.‟

Este el di aton.

„This is ours.‟

De Carlos el auto.

„The car is Carlos‟.‟

De abogao este licencia. „This license is the lawyer‟s.‟ Taqui el casa di suyo.

„His house is here.‟

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III.B. Verbal Sentences Verbal sentences are those which contain verbs which are expanded by the addition of complements to the verb (MacKaughan, 1971). This section shall be discussing selected grammatical categories involving the use of verbs.

Overview of the Chavacano Verb Chavacano verbs are classified into five types. The first type is of superstrate Spanish origin further divided into three subcategories: -ar, -ir, and –er verbs. These infinitive verbs are, subjected to Chavacano phonological rules, derived from Spanish by dropping the –r of the infinitive form of the Spanish verb and accenting them on the last syllable. This category includes Chavacano-coined verbs from Spanish nouns and adjectives. -ar Verbs

-ir Verbs

-er Verbs

ama „to love‟

servi „to serve‟

pone „to put‟

anda „to go‟

mori „to die‟

vende „to sell‟

llora „to cry‟

admiti „to admit‟

corre „to run‟

The next type of verb is the Spanish irregular verbs. These verbs are of Spanish origin but the only thing that makes them different from the three verbs above is that they are conjugated forms. quiere „to want‟ tiene

„to have‟

puede „to be possible‟, to be able‟

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The last type are those verbalized by adding the particle man. It can occur with Spanish or native Philippine nouns or adjectives. Man is colloquially abbreviated as – n when paired with tense particles. Root

Verbalized

historia „talk‟

man historia „to chat‟

taklas

„the

act

of man taklas „to climb‟

climbing‟ kamang „to crawl‟

man kamang „to crawl‟

cuento „tale‟

man cuento „to tell a story‟

Verbal derivations Zamboanga Chavacano has three verbal derivations: a. man As mentioned above, man is used to verbalize nouns or adjectives of Spanish and Philippine origin. b. man pa- give the sense ot “to pretend” man pa-ma-fuerza

„to pretend to be strong‟

man pa-rico

„to pretend to be rich‟

c. man-jan

connotes reciprocal action

man prestajan

„to borrow each other‟s‟

man ayudajan

„to help each other‟

III.B.1. TENSE AND ASPECT

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a.

Past Tense In Chavacano, the past tense is generally indicated by the particle ya (Spanish for „already‟). Ya

puede sila comprá manga

PTcan

na Cebu.

3-PLbuymanggo LOC Cebu

'They could buy mangoes in Cebu.'

Ya usá le escribí el lápiz di mío. PT use

3-SG write DET pencil 1-POS

'He used my pencil to write.'

Ya dale le conmigo arroz. PT give 3-SG 1-DAT

rice

'He gave me rice.'

Ya mirá le

el

aeropuerto.

PT see 3-SG DET airport 'She saw the airport. ' Since Chavacano lacks a copula verb, adjective and locative sentences do not take the particle ya to indicate the past tense. El

casa

daan y

DET house old

cochinadas.

and dirty

'The house is/was old and dirty.'

El

camino resbaloso y

DET road

delicado

para maga viajero.

slippery and dangerous for

PLU traveller.

'The road was slippery and dangerous for travellers. '

El

hija di suyo na

Zamboanga durante

el

vacación.

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DET daughter 3-POS LOC Zamboanga during DET vacation 'Her daughter was in Zamboanga during the vacation. ' Locative sentences with taquí´to be here´ and tallá ´to be there´, despite having copulas do not take ya to convey the past. Tallá yo na America cuando ya vené si

Carlos.

to be there 1-SIG LOC America when PT come NOM Carlos 'I was in America when Carlos came. '

b.

Present Tense If the verb is not accompanied by any time marker in Chavacano, it usually

denotes a present or non-past action. Ta can be used to express the present action but it connotes more of a habitual or progressive action than a plain simple present one. Andá yo na go

pueblo todo el día para ta comprá maga comestibles.

I LOC town

everday

to

PROG buy

PLU food.

„I go to town every day to buy groceries.‟

c.

Progressive Aspect Chavacano uses the particle ta (derived from the Spanish estar) to indicate the progressive aspect. Ta-n historia el

bata

con

el

PROG to chat DET

child

DAT DET

dalaga. maiden

'The child is chatting with the maiden. '

Ta

compra el

bata

candy para el

PROG to buy DET child candy for 'The child is buying candy for the maiden. '

dalaga. DET maiden.

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d.

Habitual Aspect Chavacano uses ta (the progressive marker) to indicate the habitual action along with the necessary time expressions. El

maestro di mío todo el año ta andá na Manila.

DET

teacher-M 1-POS all DET year PROG go LOC Manila.

'My teacher goes to Manila every year. '

Cada vez andá silá na Zamboanga, el familia ta visitá La Fuerza. Everytime go

they LOC Zamboanga, DET family PROG visit The Fort

Everytime they go to Zamboanga, the family visits The Fort.

e.

Completive Aspect Chavacano uses ya VERB ya to express the idea that the action is completed. Ya aprende ya ele chavacano por eso bien facíl ya lang el español. PT study

PT 3-SG chavacano

very easy

DET Spanish

He had learned Chavacano that is why Spanish is very easy (for him) . Ya subí ya sila na

monte cuando ya principiá man ulan.

PT go up PT 3-PL LOC mountain when PT start VERB rain „They have climbed the mountain when it began to rain.´ Usually, the first ya is omitted if the context is understood. Leé ya yo este libro por eso puede yo ayudá contigo. read

PT 1-SIG this book

can

1-SIG help DAT 2

„I have already read this book so I can help you.‟

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f.

Future Chavacano uses hay (archaic hey, el; di among Manila Bay Chavacano dialects)

to indicate future, conjuncture or hypothesis. However, the use of the progressive marker ta is more common. Ta tumbá el bata. PROG stumble DET child „The child will stumble.‟

El bata el ta dale comé con el perro. DET child DET PROG give eat

DAT DET dog

„It is the child who will feed the dog.‟

Modals, verb derivations formed by man-, and reciprocal action man-Verb-(j)an do not take any particle to mark the future Necesitá silá bien manada sen para viajá na need

they very much

Europa.

money PURPOSIVE to travel LOC Europe

„They will need a lot of money to travel to Europe.‟

Man peleájan

el

dos bata.

RECIP fight RECIP DET two kid „Both kids will fight.‟

Man historia kita mañana. VERB to talk 3-PL tomorrow „We will talk tomorrow.‟

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g.

Imperfect Aspect Imperfect aspect in Chavacano is expressed by pa and the corresponding time

markers ta, ya, orhay. Ta come pa yo. PROG eat

IMPERF 1-SIG

„I am still eating.‟

Ta

viví pa kamé na Iligan cuando ya empezá el

guerra.

PROG live IMPERF we-excl. LOC Iligan when PT start

DET war

„We were still in Iligan when the war started.‟

h.

Change in state In Chavacano, the construction ta…..ya is also used to express a change in state similar to the use of na in Tagalog and Cebuano. Ta aprendé ya yo Chavacano. PR study already 1-SIG Chavacano „I am already studying Chavacano.‟ (before I wasn‟t)

Ta-n ulan ya. PR to rain already „It is already raining.‟ (before it wasn‟t)

Chavacano has a relatively easier tense-aspect system than its parent languages. Chavacano also prefers economy of words so that it is no longer necessary to use time markers or particles to indicate time and aspect if there are

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time expressions present or if it is obvious from context. Time markers cannot combine to form one meaningful and grammatically correct utterance.

III.B.2 VOICE Chavacano traditionally on had one voice, the causative. In the past, whenever necessary, the ancient Chavacanos expressed the passive voice using the Spanish language of which they were conversant (Camins, 1999). However, since modern Chavacanos no longer are conversant in Spanish, there have been new structures to express passivity although its use remain relatively limited and most speakers still prefer the causative over passive. a. Causative Causative construction is a grammatical construction that increases transitivity by adding a controlling participant to the scene embodied by a verb (Payne, 2006). Causative construction in Chavacano usually involves the use of the verbs mandá, hacé and dale. Chavacano therefore expresses causatives lexically as opposed to most Philippine languages which express it morphologically. Binasag

ni Anthony ang baso.

break-PT-CAUSE

NOM Anthony DET glass

„Anthony broke the glass.‟

Gibuak ni Anthony ang baso. PT-break NOM Anthony DET glass „Anthony broke the glass.‟

Ya hacé quebrá si Antonio el vaso.

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PAT CAUSE breakNOM Antonio DET glass „Anthony broke the glass.‟ ‘Hacé´, ´mandá´, and ´dale´ are the three most common causative verbs in Chavacano representing a wide range of causative meanings. ‘Hacé’, meaning „to make‟ or „to do‟, conveys the idea that someone is made to do something while ‘mandá’ conveys the meaning of being ordered to do something and is more emphatic.‘Dale’ means „to give‟ and conveys the sense of giving someone to do something.

The causative pattern in Chavacano is thereby given as:

ta/ya/hay+ hacé/mandá/dale + VERB + (si/el)+ AGENT + con el/un + RECIPIENT +rest of the sentence

Hay dale comé con FUT CAUSE eat

el

mío perro el

dalaga.

DAT DET 1-POS dog DET maiden

„The maiden will feed my dog.‟

The Causative Construction in Chavacano begins with the verb phrase bearing the time markers ta/ya/hay followed by the causative verbs hacé/mandá/dale. It is then followed by the nominative case markers si/el which introduces the next element which is the agent. However, if the agent of the sentences is introduced by a pronoun, they are never used. Following the agent are the definite and indefinite markers with the dative marker con which introduces the recipient and is followed by the remaining parts of the sentence.

Ta hacé llorá el soltero con el dalaga. PR CAUSE cry DET bachelor DAT DET maiden „The bachelor makes the maiden cry.‟

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Ya

hacé

guapa

el

dalaga con el

di suyo cuerpo.

PAT CAUSE beautiful DET maiden DAT DET 3-POS 3-REFL „The maiden beautified herself.‟

The position of the agent and the recipient can be interchanged. However, there is a noticeable change in emphasis:

Ta hacé llorá con el dalaga el soltero. PR CAUSE cry DAT DET maiden DET bachelor „The bachelor makes the maiden cry.‟

The meaning of both sentences is essentially the same but the latter emphasizes more on the agent and the former emphasizes the recipient.

‘Mandá’ can also imply „to tell/get someone to do something‟, „to want/require someone to do something‟, „to urge‟, „to order‟, „to permit/allow‟

El maestra ta mandá con el maga estudiante someté el maga proyecto antes el vacación. DET teacher-FEM PR CAUSE DAT DET PL student submit DET PL projectbefore DET vacation

„The teacher required the students to submit the projects before vacation.‟

Ta mandá ba el nana con el bata despertá temprano? PR CAUSE INT DET mother DAT DET child wake up early Did the mother urge the child to wake up early?

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El gobierno ya mandá pará todo´l ofensiva contra el maga rebelde. DET government PT CAUSE stop alloffensive against DET PL rebel The government ordered to halt all offensive measures against the rebels.

If there is an indirect object the pattern becomes: ta/ya/hay+ hacé/mandá/dale + VERB1 + (el/un) + AGENT + con el/un + RECIPIENT + VERB2 + (el/un) + DIRECT OBJECT

Ya mandá yo con ele comé pan. PT CAUSE 1-S DAT 3-S eat bread „I asked him to eat bread.‟

Ya mandá yo con ele cortá el arból usando el bolo. PT CAUSE 1-S DAT 3-S cut DET tree use-GER DET bolo „I asked him to cut the tree using the bolo.‟

Causativity is also achieved by the use of other causative verbs such as pedí „to ask‟, fuerza mandá „to force‟, etc.

a. Passive The passive construction is a grammatical construction that upgrades a recipient to the subject position and either omits or denotes the agent to an oblique role (Payne, 2006). Traditionally Chavacano de Zamboanga did not have a passive structure. Whenever necessary, the Chavacanos of the olden days expressed themselves in the Spanish language of which they were conversant (Camins, 1999)

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or just by converting the passive structure into causative. As language evolved, Chavacano developed its own passive structure. The Chavacano of Zamboanga expresses the passive voice using arbitrary null subjects in combination with time markers. The pattern is hereby defined as: ta/hay/ya VERB con el/un RECIPIENT si/el AGENT

Ya quebrá con el

vaso si

Antonio.

PT break DAT DET glass NOM Antonio „The glass was broken by Pedro.‟

Ya matá con el

criminal el

maga polis.

PT kill DAT DET criminal DET PLU police „The criminal was killed by the police.‟

The pattern above can only be used if there is an agent. The agent is must never be omitted in such sentences. When the agent is not mentioned, the causative voice is the only construction used: However, despite having a passive structure, most Chavacano speakers prefer to express themselves only using the causative voice as evident in the questionnaire given to the informants and people interviewed.

III.B.3. MODALITY Modals in Chavacano include: a. would is expressed by the particle man Man vené le si jendeh ya ele ocupado.

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She would come if she is not busy anymore. b. should, must, has to, and ought to are expressed by the verbs necesitá and debé. Necesitá yo pagá con el propietariomás temprano. MOD 1-sing pay DAT DET landlord more early I ought to pay the landlord as soon as possible.

c. might, may, and could are expressed by puede Ara, puede ya vos entrá now-inf. MOD already 2-SIG-inf. enter You may enter now.

III.B.4. NEGATION a.

Negation of Verbs In Chavacano, verbs that are marked with ya are negated using no hay (lit. There was none). The marker ya become redundant and thus is omitted.

No hay ele

usá escribí el

lapiz

di mío.

NEG-Past 3-SG use write DET pencil 1-POS He didn‟t use my pencil to write.

No hay ele dale conmigo arroz. NEG-Past 3-SG give 1-DAT

rice

He didn‟t give me rice.

No hay ele mirá el NEG-Past

3-SG see

aeropuerto. DET airport

She didn‟t see the airport.

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Notice that the subject/agent of the sentence is place between the verb and no hay. In the affirmative structure, agents/subject follow the verb: Ya mirá le

el

aeropuerto.

PT see 3-SG DET airport She saw the airport.

Verbs that are marked with ta and hay are negated by jendeh. However, unlike ya, ta and hay must never be omitted.

Cada vez andá silá na Everytime go

Zamboanga, jendeh sila ta

visitá La Fuerza.

they LOC Zamboanga, Neg-PR 3PL DET family PROG visit The Fort

Everytime they go to Zamboanga, they don‟t visit The Fort.

Jendeh ta comprá el

bata

candy para el

Neg-PR PROG to buy DET child candy for

dalaga. DET maiden.

The child is not buying candy for the maiden.

Ya hablá le jendeh ele hay vené mientras tanto tiene guerra. PT speak 3SG NEG-FUT 3SIG FUT come while there is war She said she is not coming while there is war.

b.

Jendeh Jendeh is used to negative adjectives and also negates sentences that are normally rendered with copula verb which absent in Chavacano. El camino jendeh malandúg. DET road NEG slippery The road is not slippery.

Jendeh abogáo el tata di Juan.

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NEG lawyer DET father POS Juan Juan‟s father is not a lawyer.

Jendeh ya estudiante si Pedro. NEG already student NOM Pedro Pedro is no longer a student.

Jendeh yo doctor. NEG 1-SIG

doctor

I am not a doctor.

c.

No hay No hay does not only negate past action but also existential structures and the locative copulas taquí, tallí, and tallá Taquí si María. to be here NOM María Maria is/was here.

No hay si

María aquí.

NEG NOM Maria here Maria is/was not here.

In this situation we notice some etymological irregularity. The copulas taquí and tallá are contracted forms of the Spanish está aquí ,está allí and está allá. When negating the two negative copulas, the inherent t- is removed and aquí, allí, and allá are placed at the end of the utterance although at times may already be omitted when clear from context. The Existence Copula tiene „to have‟, mucho „to have much‟

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Tiene yo sen

para

viajar na Europa.

to have 1-SIG money in order to travel LOC Europe I have money to travel to Europe.

No hay yo sen

para

viajar na Europa.

NEG 1-SIG money in order to travel LOC Europe I don‟t have money to travel to Europe.

d.

No Of Spanish origin, no is used to negative imperative sentences, verbs not marked with time markers as well as modals which do not have time markers.

No

vos

andá na

NEG-IMP 2-SG-inf go

casa

di

Abdul!

LOC house POS Abdul

Don‟t go to Abdul‟s house!

No quiere yo andá na Basilan. NEG MOD-want 1-SIG go

LOC Basilan

I don‟t want to go to Basilan.

No sabé si tiene ele sen para viajá. NEG know COND have 3-SG money in order to travel. I don‟t know if he has money to travel.

No puede kitá entrá na clase no hay saludá con el maestra. NEG MOD-can 1-PL-incl. enter LOC class without greet LOC-DET teacher-FEM

We cannot enter the class without greeting the teacher.

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e.

No mas No mas, sometimes just shortened to nomá colloquially, is used to mean an imperative or suggestive negation on something that one is no longer required to do. It is similar to Tagalog huwag na and Cebuano ayaw na. It is usually accompanied by ya No mas ya vos andá kay ta anochecé ya. NEG

already 2SG-inf. go

because PROG to get dark already

Don‟t go out anymore because it‟s getting late.

f.

Double Negation Chavacano, being of Spanish superstrate possesses double negative construction of the negative concord. In double negation, indefinite subjects and verb phrases are to be negated with the subject. No hay nada aquí. There is nothing here.

No andá ninguno na Basilan durante el encuentro. Nobody went to Basilan during the conflict.

III.B.5. COPULA a. Chavacano does not have a copula verb as in English to be. For predicative sentences, it is usually expressed as Topic-comment

El camino malandúg. DET road slippery The road is slippery. (road=topic, slippery=comment)

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However, if the comment includes a noun or a noun phrase, the structure become comment-topic. The noun or noun phrase comes first and the rest to the sentence last. Abogáo el

tata

di

Juan.

lawyer DET father POS Juan Juan‟s father is a lawyer. (lawyer=comment, Juan‟s father=topic)

Estudiante si Pedro. student NOM Pedro Pedro is a student. (estudiante=comment, si Pedro=topic)

Doctor yo. doctor1-SIG I am a doctor. (doctor=comment, yo=topic) b. Locative copulas include taquí „to be here‟, tallá „to be there over there (far from the speaker and the listener), tallí „to be there‟ (near to the listener).

The term locative copula is originally coined by Payne and

Santoro (1986). Taquí si María con Juan y Pedro. to be here NOM Maria with Juan and Pedro Maria is here with Juan and Pedro.

Tallá na Zamboanga el entero familia. to be there LOC Zamboanga DET entire family The entire family is there in Zamboanga.

Tallí ba vos na escuela ahora? Are you in school right now?

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c. Ser and Estar In Chavacano, the third person present conjugated form of the Spanish verbs ser and estar occasionally appear. In Chavacano, está means „to stay‟. Both copulas are in common use in the written language as well as on formal speech. However, it occasionally is used even in informal speech by many speakers. There is no rule on which situation the use of ser and estar should be used. El camino es resbaloso. DET roadCOP slippery The road is slippery.

El

tata

di

Juan es abogáo.

DET father POS Juan COPlawyer Juan‟s father is a lawyer.

Si Pedro es estudiante. NOM Pedro COP student Pedro is a student.

Yo es

doctor.

1-SIG COP doctor I am a doctor.

Ónde está usted? where COP you Where are you? (cf. Ónde usted?)

Está aquí si María. COP here NOM Maria Maria is here. (cf. taquí si María.)

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Among older texts, Spanish conjugation is applied to both verbs. However, nowadays only es and esta as well as estaba are used. Estaba is used as the English “was” to convey a state in the past.

Estaba gayot el ulan duro duro. COP INT DET rain hard hard It was raining very hard.

IV.

Discourse Particles Zamboanga Chavacano has an abundant sent of particles used to convey various meanings. Most of these are of native Philippine origin. Some of the particles have already been discussed in the previous discussions of syntax. The following are the other important particles of the language.

a. Ba signal questions when interrogatives are not used. The sentence order remains the same with ba inserted between the verb and the agent. It is accompanied by a rise in intonation at the end of the sentence. Ba is also used in questions with interrogatives for emphasis or suggesting impatience on the speaker.

Tiene ba vos sen ahora?

„Do you have money now?‟

Ta anda ba tu escuela todo‟l dia? „Do you go to school every day?‟ Onde ba kamo?

„Where on earth are you?‟

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Cosa ba este?

b. Galeh

„What on earth is this?‟

Galeh is used for emphasis.

Cosa galeh el nombre di suyo? „What was his name again?‟

Onde galeh vos ta vivi? „Where do you live again?‟

c. man Man, aside from its functions mentioned in previous discussions, indicates that the piece of information is not previously known to the speaker. No hay man ele anda na Zamboanga. „He did not go to Zamboanga.‟

d. seguro Seguro signifies probability or uncertainty of fact. Grande seguro el casa di suyo. „His house may be big.‟

e. Bien Bien is a less emphatic particle translated as „very‟

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Bien lejos el casa di suyo. „His house is very far‟

f. Dau Dau is used in quoting statements. No hay man daw ele sen. „(He said) He doesn‟t have money‟

Dau can also be used to mean seems, or like Dau man ulan ya. „It seems it is going to rain. ‟ g. Ganeh Ganeh is the equivalent of the English really and the Tagalog nga. It is used for emphatic purposes. It basically intensifies the meaning. Jendeh ganeh yo rabiao.

„I am not angry, really‟

Ansina ganeh.

„Is that so?‟

h. Gajah Gajah is used with man to indicate „…said such and such…‟

Ya habla man gajah le sen?

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PT say man gajah 3-S money for trip „But he did said that he already gave you money, didn‟t he?‟

i. Gayot/gat Gayot, or less emphatically gat, is used as an intensifier as in English „very‟ Malisud gayot el viaje.

„The trip was really difficult.‟

j. Lang Lang is restrictive meaning „only‟ Tiene lang yo dos pesos ahora.

„I only have two pesos now‟

k. Amo Amo emphasizes the definiteness of the construction which it modifies, often translated as „the one‟ Este amo el tienda.

„This is the store‟

Amo este si Pedro.

„This is Peter.‟

l. era Era means “would like to‟, „should have‟, or „would have‟ Quiere era yo compra candy. “I would like to buy candy.‟ m. acaba

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acaba or caba is a verb used to convey participatory action similar to Tagalog infix –si-. Ya caba para el maga bata. Nagsitayo ang mga bata. „The children stood up.‟ n. baka signifies uncertainty Baka jendeh ele man vene. „Maybe he won‟t come. ‟ o. oleh signifies a repeated action. A more formal form is otra vez Vota oleh tu conmingo por favor. „Please vote for me again.‟ p. si signifies a conditional statement Si tiene tu sen, puede tu man viaje. If you have money, you may go. q. tamen/tambien means „also‟ Estudiante yo tamen. „I am also a student‟

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Chapter V Summary, Conclusions, and Recommendations This chapter presents the discussion on the summary, conclusion and recommendations of the study.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION This study aimed to describe and present a more detailed analysis of Zamboanga Chavacano morphology, phonology, and syntax.Quantitative methods were used in this research involving the use of test questions as well as interviews with native speakers. After an in-depth analysis of the data gathered from the said sources, we were able to draw the following conclusions: 1. Zamboanga Chavacano contains a large inventory of phonemes as well as phonological processes heavily influenced by Spanish and Philippine languages. Zamboanga Chavacano has 17 consonants (/m/, /p/, /b/, /n/, /t/, /d/, /s/, /k/, /g/, /h/, /l/, /ʔ/, /ʨ/, /ʥ/, /ɲ/, /ʎ/, /ŋ/, /ɾ/, /j/ and /w/) and 5 vowels (/a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /u/). Zamboanga Chavacano also has 6 variant consonants (/f/, /v/, /z/, /ʨ/, /ɕ/, /ʥ/), 16 diphthong and 26 consonant clusters and 3 diagraphs. 2. Zamboanga Chavacano retains vestigial Spanish inflectional morphemes such as those for indicating grammatical gender and number. Zamboanga Chavacano grammar is basically native Philippine although it lacks the explicit inflectional marking system extremely abundant in Philippine languages. This makes

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Chavacano very different and much simpler than other Philippine languages in terms of grammar. In place of the inflectional affixes, Zamboanga Chavacano used particles to indicate their functions 3. Derivational morphemes in Zamboanga Chavacano are mostly of Spanish origin especially in the adjectival and nominal morphemes. These derivational morphemes are inflected with gender when they are used to refer to feminine people. 4. Word order in non-verbal sentences can be interchanged depending on the emphasis

RECOMMENDATIONS The researchers recommend that: 1. Further studies be made in detail about the Zamboanga Chavacano phonology in order to come up with a standardized orthography and to standardize the language. 2. Further studies on the extent of Spanish fossilized grammatical elements that survive in the Zamboanga Chavacano such as the copula, pluralization, passivity, etc. in order to assess the extent of their use in the language. 3. Distinction be made between formal, informal, familiar types of vocabulary and construction thereby asserting the uniqueness of the Zamboanga Chavacano language with its own system of honorifics.

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4. Zamboanga Chavacano be considered a separate language and not a mere dialect of the “Filipino” language as characterized by its grammatical properties and phonology as well as its origins. 5. Further studies be made on the standardization of Zamboanga Chavacano orthography to facilitate the instruction of the language in schools to avert language moribundialism.

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Bibliography

Theses and Dissertations Barrios, Aireen L.. Austronesian Elements in Philippine Creole Spanish. Ateneo de Zamboanga University, 2006. Holm, John., Chabacano versus related creoles: Socio-linguistic Affinities and differences. University of Coimbra, Portugal. 2001. Ing, R.O. (Wu Guoxian)., Sources and Variants of Chabacano Consonants. 1976 Lipski, John M., Modern Spanish once-removed in Philippine Creole Spanish: The case of Zamboangueño. University of Houston, Department of Hispanic and Classical Languages, 1987. Lipski., Null subjects in (Romance-derived) creoles: routes of evolution. University of New Mexico Lipski., New Thoughts on the Origin of Zamboangueño (Philippine Creole Spanish). University of New Mexico. 1993. Lipski, John M. and Santoro, Salvatore. Zamboangueño Creole Spanish.2000. Perez-Semorlan, Teresita. Gramatika ng Wikang Chavacano. 1983 Riego de Dios, Maria Isabelita., A Composite Dictionary of Philippine Creole Spanish (PCS). Ateneo de Manila University, 1989. Saavedra, Benjamin L., The Chabacano of Zamboanga. University of the Philippines, College of Arts and Letter, 1999. Steinkrüger, Patrick O., The Puzzling Case of Chabacano: Creolization, Substrate, Mixing and Secondary Contact. ZAS (Centre for General Linguistics), Berlin. 2004.

Books Camins, Bernardino. Chabacano de Zamboanga Handbook and Chabacano-EnglishSpanish dictionary. Zamboanga City. 1999 Payne, Thomas E. Exploring Language Structure. Cambridge University Press. 2006

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Internet “Chavacano Language”. Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 14 Oct. 2010. Web. 16 Oct. 2010 “Ermitaño Creole”. Wikipedia.Wikimedia Foundation, 16 June. 2010. Web. 16 Aug. 2010 Holm, John. An Introduction to Pidgins and Creoles.Cambridge University Press. Jan 2001. Web.12 Oct 2010. Kindell, Gloria. Ph.D., Endangered Language Groups. What is an Endangered Language?.Web.12 Oct 2010. “Languages of the Philippines” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 16 Jul 2010. Web. 24 Aug. 2010 Schiffman, Harold. Language Shift. 31 Dec 1998. Web. 12 Oct 2010.

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APPENDIX I Test Sentences

Tagalog: Mangga raw ang kinain ng bata, hindi saging. Chavacano: Mangga daw el ya come el bata, hinde saging.

Tagalog: Ang binata ang bumili ng kendi sa bata para sa dalaga. Chavacano: El soltero el ya compra candy, konel bata para del dalaga.

Tagalog: Isinulat ng binata ang pangalan ng dalaga. Chavacano: Ya escribi el soltero el nombre del dalaga.

Tagalog: Kumain ng marami ang bata. Chavacano: Ya come mucho el bata.

Tagalog: Pumunta sa bahay ang dalaga. Chavacano: Ya anda na casa el dalaga.

Tagalog: ako ang nakipag-usap sa dalaga. Chavacano: Iyo el ya conversa konel dalaga.

Tagalog: Ako ang kinausap ng dalaga. Chavacano: Comigo yan storya el dalaga.

Tagalog: Nag-away ang aso‟t pusa.

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Chavacano: Yan pelyahan el pero pati gato.

Tagalog: Abugado ang kapatid niya. Chavacano: Abugado el su hermano.

Tagalog: Nasa bahay ang mga dalaga. Chavacano: Talya na kasa el mga dalaga.

Tagalog: Gumagabi na. Chavacano: Tan de noche ya.

Tagalog: Natulog ang dalaga at umuwi ang binata. Chavacano: Ta dorme el dalaga ya volve el soltero.

Tagalog: Mabuti nga. Chavacano: Bueno se.

Tagalog: Naiiyak ako tuwing maalala kita. Chavacano: Ta llura yo si ta acorda contigo.

Tagalog: Kung ibibili niya ako ng singsing na may malaking diyamante. Chavacano: Si compra le anilio akel tiene grande diyamante comigo.

Tagalog: Pinaulan ng pari. Chavacano: Ya ace ulan el padre.

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Tagalog: Ang binata ang nagpaiyak sa bata. Chavacano: El soltero ya manda llura konel bata.

Tagalog: Ang dalaga ang nagpakain sa aso ko. Chavacano: El dalaga el ya dale come konel mio pero.

Tagalog: Ang binata ang nagpakita ng daga sa dalaga. Chavacano: El soltero ya dale mira raton konel dalaga.

Tagalog: Ang binata ang nagpaluto ng kanin sa bata para sa dalaga. Chavacano: El soltero ya manda kusi kanun konel bata.

Tagalog: Hindi tatawa ang binata. Chavacano: Hinde ta re el soltero.

Tagalog: Huwag kang tumawa. Chavacano: No tu re.

Tagalog: Hindi maaring dumaan dito. Chavacano: No puede pasa aki.

Tagalog: Kumain ka ng kanin! Chavacano: Come tu kanun!

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Tagalog: Ito ang kanin mo. Chavacano: Este el kanun tuyu.

Tagalog: kanin ninyo ito! Chavacano: Come ostedes este.

Tagalog: Bakit tumawa ang binata? Chavacano: Porke ya re el soltero?

Tagalog: Ano ba‟t naririto ka na naman? Chavacano: Porke bat a ki ya tamen tu?

Tagalog: Ano sa iyo kung tumanda akong dalaga? Chavacano: Nuay tu kebersi queda yo dalaga bieha.

Tagalog: Ika-anong president ng Pilipinas si Rohas? Chavacano: Ika cuanto president del Pilipinas si Roxas?

Tagalog: Matutuloy kaya ang kasal ni Selya? Chavacano: Porsigi raha el kasamiento di Selya?

Tagalog: Umaraw sana sa linggo. Chavacano: Tiene era sol no domingo?

Tagalog: Ilan ang gusting uminom?

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Chavacano: Cuanto quiere tuma?

Tagalog: Kailan ka nagpagamot sa ospital? Chavacano: cuando tu manda cura na ospital?

Tagalog: Anong oras kang bumangon? Chavacano: Kosa hora tu ya desperta?

Tagalog: Kanino ang saging na ito? Chavacano: Di kien sagging este?

Tagalog: Saan dumapo ang ibon? Chavacano: Onde ya para el pajaro?

Tagalog: Paano lumangoy ang dalaga? Chavacano: que modo ta nada el dalaga?

Tagalog: Nagsisitayo na ang mga bata. Chavacano: paraw ya el mga bata.

Tagalog: Kanin mo ito! Chavacano: ya come ta con este!

Tagalog: Ibibili ng bata ang dalaga ng kendi. Chavacano: Ay compra el bata kendi para konel dalaga.

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Tagalog: Makikipag-usap ang bata sa dalaga. Chavacano: Man stroya el bata konel dalaga.

Tagalog: Mag-aaway ang dalawang bata. Chavacano: Man pelyahan el dos bata.

Tagalog: Nag-aaway ang dalawang bata. Chavacano: Tan pelyahan el dos bata.

Tagalog: Pakakanin ng bata ang aso ko. Chavacano: Dale come konel perro el bata.

Tagalog: Mabibili nila ang mangga ng diyes. Chavacano: puede sila compra el mangga kon diyes.

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APPENDIX II CHAVACANO ORTHOGRAPHY Overview ZamboangaChavacano is traditionally a spoken language. In the ancient days, speakers of Chavacano wrote using the Spanish language (Camins, 1999). This phenomenon is similar to that in medieval Europe where people spoke different language but wrote using the Latin language. They were also conversant with Spanish. Following the collapse of the Spanish rule in the Philippines, English replaced Spanish as the main foreign language spoken by the educated class. It is during the American Era which Chavacano began to appear in written form particularly in popular literature while formal literature were still written in Spanish and/or English. Zamboanga Chavacano does have an alphabet based on the Spanish but lacks a standardized system of spelling words. Below is the Zamboanga Chavacano alphabet with their traditional nomenclature: (according to Camins, 1999) Aa

a

Bb

be

Cc

ce

Chch

che

Dd

de

Ee

e

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Ff

efe

Gg

ge

Hh

hace

Ii

i

Jj

jota

Kk

ka

Ll

ele

Llll

elle

Mn

eme

Nn

ene

Ññ

eñe

Oo

o

Pp

p

Qq

cu

Rr

ere

Rrrr

erre

Ss

ese

Tt

te

Uu

u

Vv

uve

Ww

doble u

Xx

equis

Yy

ye

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Zz

zeda

The de facto spelling rule is to spell all words etymologically. However, this is not entirely followed since some Spanish words have altered pronunciations in ZamboangaChavacano thus creating an ambiguity in spelling. Furthermore, not all Chavacanos of the present day are cognizant of Spanish orthography. Nowadays, most speakers write using the spelling system used by other Philippine languages. Proposals The researchers, having studied the phonemic inventory and phonological features of the language, suggests the following additions and guidelines for Zamboanga Chavacano spelling: 1.) Spell all words traditionally by etymology. Spanish words be spelt according to Standard Spanish spellings while words of Philippine or English origin be spelt according to their standard spellings.

exam

„exam‟

escogé

„to choose‟ nipalan

meeting

„meeting‟

encogé „to shrink‟

candy

„candy‟

someté „to submit‟

TB

„tuberculosis‟ sugerí

batâ

„nipa grove‟

„child‟

„to suggest‟

2.) If the native Philippine word begins with the letter/sound Hh, write it using Jj as in jendêh.

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3.) Epenthetic final –h sound shall not be indicated in words of Spanish origin but should be indicated in word of native Philippine origin as in jendeh, gajah, ganeh. 4.) The letter Ff, Vv, Zz be maintained all words despite being pronounced differently.

Zamboanga

„Zamboanga‟ /zambwaŋga/

fuerte

„strong‟

/pweɾte/

zacate

„grass‟

/sakate/

Fernando valiente

/feɾnando/ „brave‟

/baʎente/

5. ) Glottal sounds be only indicated when they occur medially, finally and epenthetically during affixation.

They should not be indicated at the initial

position. Glottal sound be written using the circumflexed letters. mâamo

„tamed‟

ganêh

jendêh

„not‟

talîti

galêh

„gentle rain shower‟

pâatrás

„backward‟

6.) Devoiced final sounds be spelt with the voiced letters jatud „to send off‟ jitad

„to stretch‟

itlog

„egg‟

sijag

„transparency‟

7.) The letter Hh is a soundless letter unless in English loanwords.

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8.) Use accent marks. Accent marks be only used in words whose stress pattern is irregular. Type I Zamboanga Chavacano verbs must always bear the accent mark at the end to distinguish them from their nominalized forms. „to love‟

surfí

„to suffer‟

ayudá „to help‟

abrí

„to open‟

hablá „to speak‟

escogé „to choose‟

amá

10.) Hyphen be used in reduplicated words dos-dos

„two by two‟ tilam-tilam

cosa-cosa

„things‟

„to taste a bit‟

11.) The sound /hɾ/ be spelt as rr as in corre„fast‟ 12.) The sounds /ŋ/ and /ŋg/ be distinguished from each other in written form. Traditionally, /ŋ/ was spelt as ñg in older texts of Philippine languages while /ŋg/ was spelt as ng. The use of ñg for /ŋ/ and ng for /ŋg/ is highly suggested. In the final position, /ŋ/ be written as ng only. Zamboanga

„Zamboanga‟

/sambwaŋga/

sangre

„blood‟

/saŋgɾe/

unpoquiting

„very little‟

/umpokitiŋ/

unratiting

„very little time‟

/unɾatitiŋ/

ñgusu „snout‟

/ŋusu/

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13.) Interchanging of letters with the same phonetic values must be avoided and spelling should be kept according to etymology. 14.) Archaic Spanish spellings for words of native Philippine origin be avoided. x came

o kame

x saltinbanqui

o saltimbangki

x quita

o kita

x camang

o kamang

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CURRICULUM VITAE Personal Data

Name

:

Arben Anthony Q. Saavedra

Age

:

19

Sex

:

Male

Civil Status

:

Single

Date of Birth

:

May 5, 1991

Place of Birth

:

Iligan City

Religion

:

Roman Catholicism

Home Address

:

0008-B #2 Morning Sun Apartment Brgy. San Miguel, Iligan CIty

Citizenship

:

Filipino

Father‟s Name

:

Ramon Pablo Saavedra

Mother‟s Name

:

Zenaida Quitos Saavedra

Educational Attainment

Elementary

:

La Salle Academy (2003)

High School

:

Mindanao State University-Integrated Developmental School (2007)

College

:

MSU – Iligan Institute of Technology (2011)

Course

:

Bachelor of Arts Major in English

114

EXTRA CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES: 

English Tutor at Echavez Elementary School, Barinaut, Iligan City (2010-2011)



Elementary Tutor at RTC International Tutorial and Review Center (2010)



English Tutor to Korean students (Dec 2008-Feb 2009)



AB – English Organization Member (2007-2011)

Attended the following: 

Content-Based Instruction Seminar –November 14, 2009



Pre-Service Training for Tutors of Slow Learners in the Elementary Grade – November 8, 2010



Current Trends and Issues in ELT –February 28, 2011



Making a Difference: Sharing and Reflection on Social Responsibility and Service Work –January 18, 2011

115

CURRICULUM VITAE

Personal Data

Name

:

Tisha Camille R. Claro

Age

:

21

Sex

:

Female

Civil Status

:

Single

Date of Birth

:

February 19, 1990

Place of Birth

:

Iligan City

Religion

:

Roman Catholic

Home Address

:

Purok Rosal – A Villaverde, Iligan City

Citizenship

:

Filipino

Father‟s Name

:

Roquillo Laure Claro

Mother‟s Name

:

Remedios Remo Claro

Educational Attainment

Elementary

:

Iligan City East Central School (2003)

High School

:

Mindanao State University-Integrated Developmental School (2007)

College

:

MSU – Iligan Institute of Technology (2011)

Course

:

Bachelor of Arts Major in English

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EXTRA CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES: 

English Tutor at Echavez Elementary School, Barinaut, Iligan City (2010-2011)



Sangguniang Kabataan Elected Official (2007-2010)



AB – English Organization Member (2007-2011)

Attended the following: 

Content-Based Instruction Seminar –November 14, 2009



Pre-Service Training for Tutors of Slow Learners in the Elementary Grade – November 8, 2010



Current Trends and Issues in ELT –February 28, 2011



Making a Difference: Sharing and Reflection on Social Responsibility and Service Work –January 18, 2011