The Inka and Christian Calendars in Early Colonial Peru

 

This is an extract from:

Native Nati ve Traditio raditions ns in the Post Postconque conquest st World  Elizabeth Eliza beth Hill Boone and Tom Cummins, Editors Editor s

Published by Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection Washing ash ington ton,, D.C. D.C.

© 1998 Dumbarton Oaks Trustees for Har Harvard vard Univ University ersity Washing ash ington ton,, D D.C. .C. Printed in the United States of America

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T heI nka and C hri hrist stiian Ca C ale lend nda ars in in Ea E arly C olo loni nia al Pe Peru

T ime, Space, and R itual Ac A ctitio on: T he I nka and C hristitia an C ale len ndars in Ea E arly C olo lon nial Pe Peru SAB ABIN INE E MACC MACCOR OR MACK  UNIVERSITY  OF MICHIGAN

INTRODUCTION IXTEENTH- CENTURY   EUROPEAN  OBSERVERS  OF  PERU  were

in the habit of  discussing how soon and how seriously Andean people might convert to Chr hriistitia ani nity ty.. Opi Opini nions ons we were re di divi vide ded d on this this subj ubje ect, and they they were were also divided on the related issue concerning the role that Andean people ought to play in colonial society. Were members of these conquered nations entitled, as the missionary Domingo de Santo Tomás viewed it, to the same privileges as any Ca Castitillian vassal of the king king of Spain, or was was thei theirr pri primary functi function tha that of  tribute payers and of workers? Discussion of these theological and political questions, which continued well into the seventeenth century, obscured not only the increasingly harsh realities of colonial society that, as matters turned out, had little room for Andeans in any roles other than subordinate ones, but also the the compl comple exi xititie es of the process of conve converrsion. It I t is is thi thiss latter is issue that I wish to address by way of examining what ritual action, sacred space, and sacred time could mean in Peru during the early colonial period. Dur uriing his hisextende xtended d trave travellsthro throughout ughout theAnde ndess, thehi hisstor toriian Pedro Ci C ieza de León, an admirer of Domingo de Santo Tomás, had ample occasion to com co mme ment nt on on the nega negatitive ve co cons nse equence quencessof the des destr truct uctiion of of the the Ink Inka aemp mpiire re.. But the process of evangelization inspired in him a certain hope that some at least of of the ilills he had obse observe ved d coul could be rem reme edi die ed beca becaus use e, so he he fel felt, t, Chr Chriistian teaching highlighted everything that he viewed as positive in Andean culture tur e and theAnde ndea an pas past. It I t wasin thi thiscont conte ext tha thatt Ci C iezarep repor orted ted an inci incide dent nt that had occurred in 1547 in the course of teaching Christianity in the village of Lampaz near LakeT ititica caca ca.. I n Ma M ay of tha thatt yea year, the kurakas of Lampaz had requested the missionary priiest Ma pr M arcos Ota Otazo, zo, who wa wass livi ving ng in in their their com comm muni unity ty, to give give hi hiss pe perrmis-

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sion for the customary celebrations that accompanied the potato harvest. With consiide cons derab rablle rel relucta uctance nce,, Ota Otazo zo di did d so. so.At midda midday aft afte er the full full moo oon, n, the community accordingly gathered in the village square to the solemn sound of drums, the kurakas s  sea eated them themssel elve vess on fi fine clot cloths hs th tha at ha had been been spread out out on th the e ground, gro und, and the peopl people e sat down down in in orde ordered red groups aro round und the them. N ext, a procession fo forrmed. In In it it wa walked aboy and and girl girl,, both most most exquis exquisitely dre dresssed, with a number of ladies distinguished by their “great poise and nobility.” At the end came six men carrying digging sticks with another six carrying sacks of  pota pot ato toes eswho we were also beatiting ng drums. Ha Havi ving ng incl incliined thei theirr heads heads be befo fore re the kurakas, these members of the procession performed a solemn dance while the villlage vi gerrs wa watched tched attenti ttentive velly and and in in si silence nce.. Ne N ext, a circl circle e of people people ga gathere thered d around the principal kuraka and a llama was killed in the Andean manner, by havi ving ng its its entr entra ails rem remove oved d (Fi (Fig. 1).T he hesse were were give given n to di divi vine nerrs who we were re to make the predictions customary on such occasions,1 and the blood of the llama was sprinkled over the potatoes in the sacks. At that very instant, a kuraka w  wh ho had ha d recently recently beco become meaChr hriistitia an emerge emerged d and lo loudl udly y reproa reproached the assembl bled ed crowd for pe perf rfor orm ming “thi thiss di dia abol boliic ri rite te..” T he pr priiest Ma M arcos O ta tazo zo adde added d his his own exhortations to those of his convert and the ritual was left incomplete, with wi th eve everyone goi going ng quie quietltly y to thei theirr home homess (C (Ciieza de León 1984: 1984: chap. 117, 117, 305–307).2 Similar collisions between Andean and Christian forms of ritual action occurred cur red freque requentl ntly y duri during the ea early deca decade dess of eva vange ngelliza zatition on.. I n Ci Cieza za’s ’s eye yess, they clarified the difference between pagan “diabolic rites” and the pure rituals of C hr hriistitia ani nity ty,, and and thus they they se serve ved d a cr cruci ucia al di dida dacti cticc purpos purpose e.“Eve verry day,” he concl co ncluded uded,,“I seegreat signs signsby which which God God is isserve ved d in in thes these daysmor ore e than than in in the past. And the Indi I ndia ans conve converrt and gra gradua duallly for forge gett the theiir ritesand evi evill cus cus-1

See Se ede Domingo Domi ngo Sa nto Tomá Tomás 1M 951: 245194 245: :“ca cal cuni, , agora argorar, r, mirand mi rando o decir aecir los livi los lilos via aque nos o bofes ani nim m alesde o ave aSanto ves s.” See Se e alsso1951 oli:ina ol 1943: 3:llpa 22:ri“cuni 22: C alpa icuqui cuqui, , quiere qui ere d ven la la ventu venturra y suceso que habia habian de tener tener la las co cossas que les lespregunt pregunta aba ban; n; los los cuales cualespa parra el el dicho efecto mataban aves, corderos y carneros, y soplando por cierta vena los bofes, en ellos ell os hallaba ban n ciert cierta as senales, por donde decia decian lo lo que que habi bia a de sucede uceder.” r.” In In general general,, on I nka and Andean divi divina natition, on, see C obo 1964: 1964: 13, 24, and for di divi vina natition on from from sacr criififici cia al animals, see 227a. Such sacrifices were still made in the early seventeenth century, see Gua uam man Poma Poma 198 1980: 0: 880– 880–882 882.. Also R os ostwor tworows owski ki 198 1988: 8: 206– 206–207 207.. 2  T  Th hiswasno isolated occurr rre encebecausethecomple lex xit itie iessof conversio ion n did not emerge until later. For a similar incident of early and rapid evangelization, where the Andean communi comm unity ty in in questition on appea appears simpl ply y to have adde dded d Chr C hriistitia ani nity ty to to exis existiting ng observa observance nce,, see Jimé ménez nez de la la Espa pada da 1965: 158:“Espa pantaronse ntaronse los los indi ndios os con oí oírr estascosas [sc [sc.. Chr C hriistian preaching]; oíanlas de gana; dijeron que se holgarían de ser cristianos y a recibir agua de bautismo. Juntáronse ellos y sus mujeres en la plaza; hicieron un baile concertado a su usanza. . . .” 296

 

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Fig. 1 And Fig nde ean llam llama sacri crififice ce. Guaman Poma describes the ritual that was prohibited but still practiced in his time: “Indians who kill the llama, the llamas; as in the time of  idolatry they place the hand to the right ri ght of the hea heart. T he hey y ought not to kill in this way but as in this time of Christians they should cut the throat . . .” (after Guam Guaman Poma Poma 1980: 880). 880).

toms” (Ci toms (C ieza de Le León 198 1984: 4: cha chap p. 117, 117, 307). 307). In In effe effect, however, however, the diff diffe erence betwee be tween n Chr C hriistitia ani nity ty on on the one hand hand and and Ande ndea an ri rites and evi evill cus custo tom ms on the other other proved to be much ha harder to to dis discern than Ci Cieza and his his Spani nissh contemporaries in Peru had anticipated. So it was that some sixty years later, in the early seventeenth century, the missiona onarry pri priest Fra ranci ncissco deAvi villa, convince convinced d that that hi hisscha charge rgesscont contiinue nued d pracpracticing their ancestral inr he secret, scouring the of  H ua uarochi rochirí rí provi province nce fo forrreligion whate wha teve ver couldwas could discov dis cove er of Ande Andea ancountryside objectsof wor obje worship and sacred observance. Around this same time, the historian Felipe Guaman Poma de Aya yalla, des descenda cendant nt of an Andean nobl noble e fami family fro from m Hua Huama manga nga,, was was also in in the theareaand heard of of Avi villa’sdoi doings ngsfr from om ace cerrta taiin Don Don Pedro Puypa Puypaca caxa xa,, who was over a hundred years old and had thus witnessed the turbulent history of evange ngelliza zatition on in in the regi region on from from the ve verry begi beginni nning. ng. T he pe peopl ople e we were re C hr hriistitia ans ns,, Don Don Pe Pedro tol told Gua Guam man Pom Poma. In In the vil village of San Fe Felipe, for exampl ple e, there were a chur church, ch, painted enti entirel rely y on the the ins nsiide de,, aC hr hriistitia an hospital, and a priest’s house, which had all been erected at the village’s expense and with with the la labor of its inha nhabi bita tants nts.. N onethe onethelless, when when Franci Francissco de Avi villa came to inspect the place, 297

 

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under cover of telling the people that they were idolaters, he took from them much gold and silver and clothing and feather ornaments and other fine things, attire of cloth for festive and for daily wear, cla cl asps ps,, tunics tunics,, cups and contai containers, ners, all of gol gold d and and si silve ver. r. T hese things things they used for dancing and celebrating the festivals and holy days of the yea ye ar such such as Cor orpus pus Chr hriistiti,, and he too took k al all thi thiss fro from m the poor I ndi ndi-ans. (Guam (Guama an Po Poma 1980: 1121; see also 1111– 1111–1112) 1112) M uch ha had happe happened ned in in Pe Peru duri during the si sixt xty y or or so ye yea ars that se sepa parrate these two tw o epis episodes odes.. In In La Lampaz, in in 1547, converts converts were few, but by the the early se seve vennteenth century, almost everyone had been baptized. At this very time, however, a number of missionaries were coming to the conclusion that Andean people had ha d acce ccepte pted d Chr Chriistitia ani nity ty in in a merely outwa outward rd fa fashi hion, on, whil while in their their hearts ts,, and often in daily practice, adhering to the beliefs and rituals they had learnt from fr om thei their for fore ebe bea ars.T he mot otiive vess of missiona onarries who, lilike Franci rancissco de Av Aviila, conf co nfiisca cated ted the belongi belongings ngs of Andea Andean people people were were usua usuallly at bes best mixe xed. d.Yet, behind their attacks on Andean lifestyles and sensibilities lurked the difficulty of drawing a clear distinction between those aspects of a ritual that expressed beliefs incompatible with Christianity, and those that did not. Divination in all its fo forrms wa wass outl outla awe wed d in in Chr C hriistitia an Peru. T hi hiss prohi prohibi bitition on extende extended d to the verry voca ve vocabul bula ary tha thatt wa wass us use ed by Quechua Q uechua spe pea akers. T he ea earliest Q uechua dictionary, published by Domingo de Santo Tomás in 1560, records a term for divinatory sacrifice: callllpa paricuni uni,,  “to divine, looking at the entrails of animals or birds bi rds..” In I n 1608, 1608, a much more comprehe comprehens nsiive di dicti ctiona onarry by the Je Jesui uitt Di D iego Gonzá onzállez Hol H olg gui uin n appe appea ared in in Li Lima. He He lis liste ted d thir thirtyty-three three expre xpresssions that were etymologically related to callllpa paricuni uni,,  but none of them dealt with sacrififice ce or divi divina natition. on. In I n the eye eyess of the mi missiona onarry le lexi xicogra cographe pher, r, at any any rate rate,, the meaning of the entire group of terms had shifted decisively. Whi hille the Chr Chriistitia an cas case agains nstt divi divina natition on wascl cle ear cut, cut, doubts fr fre eque quentl ntly y arose as to how far the prohibition of other Andean customs should go. Andean danci da ncing, ng, mus musiicc-m maki king, ng, and ceremon ceremoniial att ttiire were at titim mesrecogni recognized zed as appropriiate accompani propr nim ments of C hr hriistitia an ri ritua tuall acti ction; on; but but some some missiona onarries ins nsiisted tha thatt al all fo forrms of Ande Andea an selff-e expression ine inevi vita tabl bly y evoked evoked ritua tualls like the one that had provoked the converted kuraka of Lampaz to turn against his own people.3 Guaman Poma himself, much though he reflected on these questions, was unable una ble to arrive at any any consi consistent resol oluti ution. on. He H e cons consiide dered red him himself to be be,, in in For a di disscus cusssion of of thi thiss issue ue,, see M ills 199 1994; 4; also, Ma MacC cCor orma mack 1994. 1994. On On callpa a  an nd rela rel ated terms terms, see Gon onzá zállez Hol Holgui guin n 1952: 44– 44–45; 45; Domi omingo ngo de Santo Tomá Tomás 1951: 245. 3

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eve verry se sens nse e, a Chr hriistitia an. Mor M ore eove over, r, whil while he judg udge ed Franci Francissco de Avi villa’s conduct in in Hua H uaroch rochiirí to have be bee en motiva motivated by by se selff-iintere nteresst, he warmly apapproved prove d the no le lessvi viol ole ent cam campaign of extir extirpatiting ngAnde ndea an religi religion on by Cr Cristó tóba bal de Albornoz, undertaken in the 1560s, in which he had himself assisted as a young you ng man.4 T hi hissina nabi billity to to fifind nd asecure bounda boundarry betwe betwee enAnde ndea an re religi gion, on, whi hich ch wa was to be es eschewe chewed, d, and Chr C hriistitia ani nity ty,, which which wa was to be emb embrraced, also spe pea aks in Gua Guama man Pom Poma’s refl reflecti ection onss on the the I nk nka a and Chr Chriistitia an cal calenda ndarrs in which he touched on the nature of time and sacred time, on space, and religious rituals. Guaman Poma discussed the workings of calendars in the Andes in two separate cont conte exts xts.. H is account of I nka hi hissto torry and soci ocia al or orga gani niza zatition on incl include udess a description of the twelve months of the year and of the sacred actions that the I nkaspe perf rfor orm med duri during ea each month, and and the the second part of hi hissC oró róni nicca,  consistiting ng of ahi hissto torry of Chr C hriistitia an Peru, ends endswi with th an an account account of of the twel twelvemonths of the Chr Chriistitia an yea year and of the agr griicul cultur tura al ta tassks tha thatt were pe perf rfor orm med in in them. them. I n both both cal calendars, the na narrratitive ve de desscr criibi bing ng ea each month month is is acco ccom mpa pani nie ed by a drawi dra wing ng highli highlig ghti hting ng ce cerrta taiin as aspe pects ctsof tha thatt mont month’s h’sacti ctivi vititie es.T hi hissfo forrmal similarity the twodi calendars several Alloon, drawings forr the Chr Cbetween hriistitia an months dis spl pla ay at at the textends he top either eitother the sparticulars. the un or or the moo m n, whether whethe full, waxing, or waning, but September and December have both sun and moo oon. n. In In the se series of I nka mont months hs,, Ja Janua nuarry and and Ma M ay have have ne neiither sun sun nor nor moon, but fo forr Febr brua uarry, Augus ugust, t, Nove N ovem mbe ber, r, and and De Decem cembe berr bot both h are are present.  Th  T he remain inin ing g In Ink kamonthshave one or the other.T here is, in short, an overall conceptua co nceptuall schem cheme e that per perva vade dessbot both h cal calenda ndarrs. In In addi additition on,, the two dra drawi wings ngs (I(Inka nka and Chr Chriistitia an) for for Augus August depi depict ct the same acti ctivi vity: ty: four men are are brea breaki king ng the ground with digging sticks while women separate clods of earth and bring chi hiccha (F (Fiigs. 2, 3). Mos Mostt si signi gnififica cant nt of of al all, both cal calendars be begi gin n in in Ja Janua nuarry and have ha ve twelve twelve mont nths hs,, al alth thou ough gh there there exi exissted a co cons nsens ensus among tho thosse who sor tudied tudi uch ma matt s that, however, the Ink I nka yea ye a r be bega ga no inaJa in Japa nuar nua isnof De De cembe ber Med ay.5s G  Gua uam matte nePoma Proma howev er,apercei pe rceive ved dnthe thnot e Ink Itnka pas st riny,ter tbut erm min acem certa cert ainr See Gua uama man Poma Poma (1980: 280) regardi rding ng Ink Inka a pr priiests and other other reli religi gious ous speci pecia alists: “To Todo do . . . lo se se porque fue serbi serbiend endo o a Cr Cristobal de Albor bornos nos vecit vecita ador ge genera nerall de la santa madre ygles yglesia. . . .” See also Guam Guama an Poma Poma 1980: 283, 689– 689–690; 690; Ador dorno no 1991. 5  T  Th he le lea ad among those who thought the In Ink ka year began in De Deccember was taken by  Jua  Ju an de de Be Bettanzos (1987, 1: 1: chap. 14 14, 69 69): “d “de esde allllii en tr trein intta dia iass se podia comenzar porque por que alli entr entra aba el me mess de do pri princi ncipa paba ba el ano. . . .” T he same vi vie ew wa wass hel held d by Jua Juan n Pollo de Ondeg Po Ondega ardo (191 (1916, 6, 3: 3: cha chaps ps.. 7–8). 7–8). Polo’s Polo’s wor work k was fifirst rst publis published in the D octri trina na chr hrii sti stia ana y ca cate tecci smo para instr instruc ucccion de los indi indio os (198 (1985: 5: 263 263––28 283). 3).T he foll followi owing ng accounts accounts of  the Inka I nka month monthss are directl directly y dependent dependent on Pol Polo: o: Acos costa ta 1962 1962:: 5, 28; 28; Murú Murúa a 194 1946, 6, bk. 2: chaps. 71–72; 71–72; Mur Murúa úa 1962, 1962, bk. 2: chap chap. 38 (adds that order order of ye yea ar wa wass inve nvented nted by Ma M ayta 4

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Fig. 2 I nka mon Fig onth th of August. “Aug ugus ust. t. M onth of pl plowi owing ng the earth. T ime of work. T he Inka Inka sings the triumphal haylli ” (Guaman Poma: 250).

Fig. 3 C hris Fig. ristia tian n mon onth th of  August. “H e works works. Trium umpha phal song.T ime of plowi plowing ng the ea earth. th.””  To  T o the le lefft, beneath the sun, Gua uama man Poma Poma gi give vess the Quechua Q uechua text of the triumphal song that is being sung to accompany the work. Four nobles, representing the four pa parrts of the Inka Inka em empi pire re,, dig with foot ploughs while women turn the sods. For the cellebra ce bratition on duri during Inka Inka titim mes, the maize beer for the diggers is brought by a handicapped girl, in accord with with the I nka pri princi nciple, ple, as reme emembered mbered by Guam Guama an Po Poma, that all individuals were obliged to contribute to the common good (after Guaman Poma 1980: 1153). 300

 

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continuity with his own Christian present, which is why he thought that the I nk nka a ye yea ar beg bega an at at the the same titime me as th the e C hr hriistitia an one one.. A CALENDAR EXPERT FROM CUZCO: CRISTÓBAL DE MOLINA

Long before Guaman Poma put pen to paper, several Spanish observers had swas tudied tudi ed the caBetanzos, lenda ndarr of who the Ink Inka a sta tate in some in some deta taiil.T he his earlinformation ea iest among among them Juan decal lived inteCuzco andde collected from the sur urvi vivi ving ng ki kins nsfol folk k of of Inka I nka Ata tahua hualllpa in the midd-ssixtee xteenth nth centur century y. Jua Juan n Pollo de Ondeg Po Ondega ardo, who who serve ved d as as corregigido dor  of  of C uzco in 1558 1558 and and 1559, 1559, also wro rote te an acco account unt of the Ink Inka a ca callendar. An abr abriidge dgem ment of of thi thiss text ha has be been en presserve pre ved d am among the docum docume enta ntatition on of of the the T hi hird rd Counci C ouncill of Lima, hel held in in 1583,, and wasco 1583 copi pied ed by by se seve verral later hi hissto torrians (P (Pol olo o de Ondeg Ondega ardo 1990 1990:: 20– 20– 21).T he most ext exte ens nsiive and careful carefullly research rche ed des descr criipti ption on of the Ink Inka aca callendar wa wass wr wriitten in in ca. ca. 157 1574 4 by by Cr C ristóba tóball de M ol oliina na,, a longong-te terrm res reside dent nt of  C uzco and and pri priest of of the the parish of N ue uesstr tra a Se Señor ñora a de los R emedi dios os fro from m 15 1565 65 (Po Porrras Barrenechea 1986). As a youn young g ma man, Guam Guaman Po Poma had spent some titer tim mm esininCuzco Cwhi ahe nd refer peferred perha rhaps ps m t Mol Msoli ina na,a,twhich whi ch swould woul expla expl ain a the dmi iraira” ng term wuzco hich chand re red toethis thi “gre grea lilingui nguis t of of d Que uechua chua nd aAdm yma ym (Guaman Poma 1980: 611).6 A comparison betwee between Mol M oliina na’s ’sca careful reful de desscr criiptition on of of the the festitiva valsof the Inka Inka ye year, which which accor accordi ding ng to him him be bega gan in in Ma M ay, and tha th at of of Guaman Po Poma reve vea als how much mor more e dis distant the the Ink Inka a pa passt ha had becom co me in in the the ye years that inter interve vened ned betwe betwee en ca. ca. 1574, 1574, wh whe en Mol M oliina co com mpl plete eted d his treatise, and 1615, when Guaman Poma put the finishing touches to his C oró róni nicca.  B  But ut a fu furrther issue sepa parrates Gua uama man Poma Poma fr from om Mol M oliina and other other Spani nissh students students of I nk nka a anti ntiqui quitities es. Spani nia ards studi tudie ed the the Ink Inka a pa passt as amatt tter er of political or antiquarian interest, but they could not, in the last resort, identitify fy wi with thi thiss pa passt in in the the same way as as an Andean person person wou woulld. On On the the ot other her hand, antiquarian interest could and did serve practical purposes, in that Polo C apa pac); c); Ca C abell bello o Va Vallboa 1951, 1951, bk. 3: chap. 19, 349ff; R amos Gavi villán 1988, bk. 1: chap. chap. 24, 148–157. 148– 157. Bern erna abé Cobo Cobo (1964, bk. 13: chap chapss. 25ff  ) had also read Polo but adds informatition on from from M ol oliina and el elsewhere. Betanzos (1987 (1987,, 1: 15) is is obvi obvious ouslly inde indepe pende ndent nt of Pol Polo. o. C ristóba tóball de Mol Moliina is also inde indepe pende ndent nt of Polo; Polo; accordi ccording ng to Mol M oliina na,, the fifirst rst month of  the Ink I nka a ye yea ar, whi which ch wa was wh when en the maize har harve vesst wa was cel celebra ebrated, ted, corres corresponded ponded more or less to the Chr C hriistitia an month of M ay (194 (1943: 3: 25). 25). For For Gua uam man Poma Poma’s I nka calend enda ar, se see 1980: 235– 235–260, 260, and for for the the Chr Chriistitia an cal calendar, see 1130– 1130–1168. 1168. 6 Gua uam man Poma Poma reproduces here an extra extract from from a Quechua Quechua sermon by Mol M oliina na.. T he passage stands out for its lyrical grace and persuasiveness, whereas the other extracts from sermons by various missionaries that Guaman Poma reproduces abound in threats and abus buse e of the Andea Andean audi udience ence.. 301

 

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de Ondeg ndega ardo and Mol M oliina na,, lilike many others, others,be bellieve ved d that that an an understandi understanding ng of  Andean history and religion enhanced a missionary’s ability to convince his audi udie ence to embr embra ace Chr hriistitia ani nity ty.. Gua Guam man Pom Poma be bellieve ved d this this also, but for for him hi m the Ink I nka a pa passt re remained amatt tter er of live ved d exper experiience beca becaus use e it cons consta tantl ntly y impinged on his experience and perception of the present. M ol oliinafound the doing doingssof the Inka Inkassutterl utterly y abs absor orbi bing ng,, and, notwi notwiths thsta tandndiwng his hriirsnt hr titia ain convict ions which wereriprofo were profoundly atdva at iance with th much much hathi ha t he hseClear lea innconvicti the cours the cour se ofwhi hissch hi enquir enqui es, heundly also lilike ked arnd admwi ire red d the m. Hof  e thusstudi tudie ed theInkacalendar and thetopogra topograph phy y of Cuzco uzco,, in in which which Ink I nka a ri rituals had unfolded month by month, with the warm interest of a shepherd of souls. M ol oliina unde underrsto tood od the festitiva vals of the Inka Inka calenda ndarr to to have have evol volve ved d in in the course of a historical process, and this process in turn was reflected in the festitiva fes vallsthem themsselves.T he festa tall ca callenda ndar, r, Mol M oliinalearnt in in Cuzco, C uzco, had had bee been give given n its de defifini nititive ve sha hape pe in the mi midd-fififtee fteenth nth century by the Inka Inka Pa Pacha chacuti cuti,, who had named the months, which were lunar, and laid down what rituals were to be obse observe ved d in in each. At the sa same tim time, Mol M oliina was awa ware re tha that some of thi thiss ritua tuall orde orderr predated Pacha chacuti cuti (M (Mol oliina 19 1943 43:: 19 19). ).7 C  Ce erta taiin features in the ritual initiating men, for Ca example, were attributed hisainformants to the theoflege genda ndary fir fiyoung rst Inka I nka M anco C apac (Mol (M oli ina19 1943 43:: 58 58)) so soby that numbe num berr of  of  ritua tuall acti ctions ons evoked the ve very dawn of of Inka I nka hi hissto torry, thereb thereby y lilinki nking ng ea each group of partitici cipa pants to the their own ve verry earl rliiest ances ancesto torrs. It It ha had thus be been at at the the tim time when Ma Manco C apa pacc emerge erged d from from the cave at Pa Paca carrita tam mbo tha thatt the the divi divine maker of all things was thought to have given him the song huari,  which was sung by by Inka Inka young men duri during thei their ini inititia atition on (M (M ol oliina 194 1943: 3: 51 51,, 57; 57; see also C obo 196 1964, 4, bk. bk. 13: cha chap p. 25, 25, 210, 210, 211). Li Likewi kewisse, the loi oincl nclot oths hs made of  animal and plant fibers that young men wore during one phase of their initiatition on were the same in eve everry respe pect ct as astho thossewor worn n by theor oriigi gina nall I nkas(M (Mol oliina 1943: 194 3: 51 51). ). Inka I nka ori origi gins ns also pla playe yed d a rol role e in in othe otherr ca callendr ndriica call ce cerem remoni onie es. For For example, therul gold anding silver oftion llamas thatwi accompanied procession of the the I nka ule er duri dur theimages cellebra ce brati on of the winte nterr sol solsstitice cethe stoo tood d for the the llamas that had had em emerge ged d wi with the fir first Ink I nka as fr from om the cave of Paca carritambo (Mol (M oliina 19 1943 43:: 28). 28). Si Similarl rly y, the be begi ginni nning ng of the ma maize harve rvesst in in Apr priil wa wass marked by gathering the maize crop from the field named Sausero, where M anco Ca C apac’ssister and and consor consortt Ma M amaHua uaco co had had sown the thefifirrst maize(M (Mol oliina 1943: 66). At the the same tim time, the Inka Inka past wa was not the only only his histo torrica call di dim mens nsiion tha thatt Beta etanzo nzoss wa wass also tol told d that Ink Inka a Pacha chacut cutii ha had d name named d the months and la laid down the the festivals of each month, but the two accounts do not entirely match. See Betanzos 1987, bk.. 1: chap. 14, 65; chap. bk chap. 15, 71. 7

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M ol oliina di dissce cerrne ned d in in the fes festitiva val ca callendar of C uzco. I nka reli religi gious ous obs obse ervance ncess natur na tura ally domi domina nated ted thi thiss ca callenda ndar, r, but but behi behind nd the I nka ritua tualls, Mol Moliina wa wass on occasion able to distinguish older or different rituals that were possibly still observed in his own day and had certainly been observed when the Spanish arrive ved d in in the Ande ndess. For For exam exampl ple e, almos ostt al all extant des descr criipti ptions ons of the Inka Inka year, including that by Guaman Poma, refer to the two months preceding the sBol ole cel ebra brati tion ont of summ sum sol olsstitice asOthat mtathes R aim i andm Aont yarm caR imi. utem non cele one except excep Mthe Mol oliina fullm ful lyerunder unde rsce tood to od tha e two onths hsawe were reathus named beca becaus use e this this was when the the people people of Oma and Ayarmaca respecti pective velly celebrated the initiation of their young men.8 S  Siimilarl rly y, M ol oliina learnt that that the sacred topography topography of I nka Cuzco Cuzco ha had d bee been supe superrimpos pose ed on earlrliier ne netwo twork rkss of hol holy y pla place cess, some of whi which ch the Inka Inkass inte ntegra grate ted d into into the theiir own network. network.  Th  T he rock Yavir ira a had thus been a holy place of the people of M aras, but it was incor ncorpor pora ated into into the Inka Inka sys ystem tem of hol holy y pla place cess by Pacha Pachacuti cuti,, who pl pla ace ced d an an alta tarr on it; it; late later, r, Inka Inka H ua uassca carr adrone adroned d the rock wi with th two stone fal falcons (M (Mol oliina 1943: 56–57). M ol oliina na’s ’s fa fam miliarity with with the sacre cred d topograph topography y of Cuzco C uzco and and its its enviro nvirons ns e nabl ed him hi m take the topogr aphi phica cal ceremonial l fr fra amewor work k in ofwhich I nka fes fevictims stitiva vals. Hna eble thus des de scr crito ibe bed, d, in inaccount cogent of cogent deta detai il, topogra the capacocha forr human sa fo sacr criififice ce were were accompani nie ed from from the ends of the em empi pire re to Cuzco, and vice vice ve verrsa (M (Mol oliina 19 1943 43:: 69 69ff ff ). Sim Similarl rly y, he unde underrsto tood od the topogra topographi phica call dimensions of the celebration, in August, of C oya yarai raim mi  o  orr C itu tua a,  the expulsion of evi vills, dur duriing whi which ch tea teamsof men bel belongi onging ng to the di diff ffe ere rent nt Inka I nka ki kingroups ngroups of Cuzco ran out to the four directions of the empire, carrying burning torches. At some some di disstance fr from om Cuzco, Cuzco, these I nk nka a runner unnerss were rel reliieve ved d by by four four teams of fr fres esh runner runnerss representi nting ng groups of I nk nka a sta tate te settl ettlers ers..T hese tea teams in tur turn n were relieved by a final set of runners, who threw the torches into rivers that carrried the evi ca vills to be expe xpellled away to the ocea ocean (Mol (M oliina 19 1943: 43: 31 31––32 32). ). T he rel reli giou oussoaby genda ge nda Ipro nka aces em pire pi wa was sathu thus proj jecte ected dthe from from thewa saycred sa center center of iCgi uzco uzc meaof nsthe of aInk proces so fre deleg del ega tition onsipro n much the same way asadmi as dminnM ol oliina (194 (1943: 3: 47 47––48 48), ), where the text is is tra trans nscr criibe bed d with with mis mista take kess. Ma M anus nuscri cript pt fol fol. 19r-- v rea 19r reads ds:: “Al me mess de Septi Septiem embre bre llllamava van n oma omacr cra ayma  sic  [ sic ] llamavanle asi porque los yndios de oma quees dos lleguas del cuzco hacian la fiesta del guarachillo quees quando armava van n ca cava vallleros a los mancebo nceboss .. . Al me messde otubr otubre e llllamava van n aya ayarrmacaraymi llamava vannle asi porque los yndios del pueblo de ayarmaca hacian las fiestas del guarachico.” Polo de O ndeg ndega ardo (1916 (1916:: 273), 273), fol folllowe owed d by Ca C abe belllo Va Vallboa (1951, (1951, bk. 3: chap. 19, 352), 352), Murúa M urúa (1946, bk. 3: chap. 72, 350), 350), and Cobo C obo (1964, bk. 13: chap. 30, 219), 219), all all mi missspell Ayarmaca asAyamarca, but Mur M urúa úa (1962, bk. bk. 2: chap. chap. 39, 136) als also us usesAya yarrmaca ca.. Beta Betanzo nzoss ca callls th thiis month Ca C anta ntaraiqui raiquiss.T he only only wri writer other other than than Mol M oliina to capture capture some some sens nse e of the real nature na ture of the cel celeb ebrati rations ons during during Aya Ayarrmaca R aimi and Om O ma R aimi wa wass Betanzos (1987, (1987, bk. 1: chap. 15, 73). 8

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istrative and economic transactions were delegated to individuals who acted as the th e Ink Inka a’s repr repres esenta entatitive vess. M os ostt Spani nia ards inte ntere resste ted d in in Inka I nka re relligi gion on conce concentra ntrate ted d thei their attenti ttention on on on the acti ctivi vititie esof men. It It was waspe perha rhaps psM ol oliina na’s ’spastor tora al conce concerrn with with al all of Cuzco’s Ande ndea an popula populatition on tha thatt le led him him to enqui nquire re also aft afte er wom women. He He thus poi pointed nted out that that whil while the ini nititia atition on of young I nka men into into adult adulthood hood was was a pub publlic, imperial event, partt was of swomen’s initiation was home (Mol (M oliina19 1943 43:: 68). 6a8).large But tha that wa not the whole whol e stor tory y, forcelebrated M ol oliinaalsin o le lthe earnt that that young women participated in the men’s initiation ritual as partners and compani pa nion onss (M (Mol oliina 194 1943: 3: 49, 52, 53, 55).9 B  Be eyond this this, Mol Moliina pe perceived rceived tha thatt women played a crucial role in other festivals because they had charge of the cult of the moon, which was known as Pacsamama or “M “Mot oth her Moon M oon”” (Molina (Molina 1943: 49–50).10 INTER IN TER SECTI ECTION ONS S OF INKA IN KA PAS PAST T AND COLON C OLON IAL PRES PR ESENT ENT

 Th  T he socio iolo log gic ica al an and to topographic ica al detail th that ch characteriz rize es M olilin na’s account nka fesititiva fes israt,lm osttt entirely os enti relyof laGcki cking ng innPoma Goma uam m Poma Poma counte count erpart. T of heIrea re ason s,va inlspar in pa tha that much ofla uam ua main PGua ’san info nfor rma’s tition on about the Inka Inka ca calendar or oriigi gina nate ted d not in Cuzco C uzco but in in his his na natitive ve H ua uam mang nga a.Whe here re thus M ol oliinade desscr criibe bed d the aristo tocrati craticc ri ritua tualls of the capi pita tall, Gua Guam man Pom Pomaha had d learnt from from his his fo foreb rebe ears about the provinci provincia al repe repercus rcusssions of the thesse ritua tualls. In In N ove ovem mbe ber, r, accor ccordi ding ng to both Be Beta tanzos nzos and Mol M oliina na,, the I nkasin Cuzco C uzco bega began the immediate preparations for the elaborate and lengthy ceremonial of initiating young men,11 and Guaman Poma only mentioned it in passing. What concerned him more immediately, however, was that this was also the time when I nka of offifici cia als made the theiir selecti ction on of of wom wome en who we were re to lilive in se secl clus usiion wea we avi ving ng and worki working ng for the Sun Sun and and the Inka Inka rule ruler. Si Similarlrly y, Gua Guaman Pom Poma noted no thatin ineaMa M y, lalage dellcomm de ega eg ate of the I nka Ink nspe pected cted cro crops ps haadtoc had be been ha har rted vessted ve inin chavil vi communi unity ty,, and ianiJune in Jns une and Dece Dthe ecemb mbe er,that an Ink an I nka rien coc   T his in  Th infform rma atio ion n can also be found in Cob Cobo o (1964), who took it from M olin lina a.  Th  T he movement of the moon underlay the tim imin ing g of several In Ink ka festiv iva als, in part rtic icu ular C itu tua a,  which began on the first day of the new moon and was subdivided by the different days of the moon’s pha phasses. See See Mol Moliina 1943: 29f 29f,, for the beginni beginning ng of Citua; 44, for the days of the festival; see also 25, for the beginning of the year and of the different months on the first day of the new moon. 11 Betanzos does not mention a month when he begins his account of the initiation ceremon cerem oniial (1987, bk. 1: chap. 14, 65), but tha that Nove N ovembe mberr is i s intended is is cl clea ear fro from m chap. 15, 71: 71:“Y ngaYupa upangue ngue les lesdi dijjo este este mes mes que viene viene en el cua cuall se han de hacer hacer los los orejones orejones . . . que es don donde de el ano co comi mineza neza llllamarei reiss Pucoy quil quillara raym ymeq equi uiss que es nuestro mes de dici di ciem embre. . . .” 9

10

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or village supervisor,12 inspected people’s houses and property. Finally, in July, the annua nnuall redi redisstr triibuti bution on of of fi fields to took ok pl pla ace ce..T he hesse memor oriies of I nka adm dmiinistration are overlaid by Guaman Poma’s own experience of their Spanish equivalents in that he described all these local interventions by representatives of the Inka ruler with the term visita, which was also used to refer to Spanish official inspections.13 Guaman Poma’s own experience also speaks through he gives to the weather and its impact on agricultural tasks and onthe theattention state of people’s health. Apr priil and Ma M ay were mon onths ths of abunda bundance nce,, when crops crops were taken to storehouses, and in August there was abundant meat, although fruit and y  yu uyos were in short supply. February by contrast was a month of cold weather, hunger, and illness, and in July, although the weather was good, people were often sick and llamas were afflicted by mange, carachi hi..  I  In n Octobe O ctoberr the there re tende tended d to be ins nsuff uffiici cie ent ra rain for for the the young crops, whil while the ra raiin in in Ma M arch made it a good time for plowing. Such is the framework into which Guaman Poma inserted his comments and ilillus ustr tra atition onssrel rela atiting ng to the the fes festitiva valsthat the Ink Inka asha had d cel celebrate brated d mon month th by mont month. h. picture In Dece In Decembe the Ink Inka aiss dominated obs bserved erved the ummer er so so lstitice, ce, and Gand uamthe an Poma’s formber, ther,occasion by saumm mature bearded sunGuam full moon (Fig. 4). For the winter solstice in June, he drew a small sun which the I nka rul rule er for fortitififie es wi with th a toa toasst of chi hiccha (F (Fiig. 5). 5). For For M ay, Gua Guam man Pom Poma showe howed d crops be being carried to sto torehous rehouse es unde underr the supe uperrvi vission of an Inka I nka official (Fig. 6), and for August, he depicted the ceremonial plowing that initiated the new new agr agriicul cultur tura al season (s (see Fig. 2). Anot nothe herr Inka I nka ritua tuall about whi which ch Gua uama man Po Poma ma had lea learnt was C itu tua a,  w  whi hich ch he des descr criibe bed, d, as M ol oliina ha had d al also done, as a festival of the moon, accompanying his text with a drawing of the expul xpulssion of of evils evils tha thatt Mol M oliina ha had d des descr criibe bed d so so care careful fullly (Fi (Fig. 7). 7). All these observances did indeed mark important occasions in the festival ca cal lenda r re of conditi I nk nka a Ctioned uzco. E lsewh whe ere, however, er,tGhad uam ua anenPoma Poma ’sin dea de abou bout t Ink I nka ritua tual l we were condi oned El not as m as uchhowev by what wha ha dmbee be done iin Casuzco Cuzco but bya wide desspreadAndean pra practi ctices cesand by Chr Chriistitia an reinter reinterpreta pretatition onssof theInkapast. Accordi ccording ng to Gonzá Gonzállez Hol H olguin guin (1952: (1952: 34 344), 4), an Inka I nka tocricoc  is  is de defifine ned d as as:“T tocr tocriicuc cuc,, la guarda, el que tiene a cargo el pueblo o gente.” 13 See Guam Guama an Poma Poma 1980: 245, Ma M ay, “se veci vecitan tan la las comunida comunidades des y sapci del mays y papas y toda la comida y los ganados”; 247, June, “los dichos corregidor, tocricoc . . . toma to man cuenta cuenta alos dicho dichoss indi ndios os de cada ca cassa de lo lo que tiene tiene””; 257, 257, Nove N ovemb mber, er,“mando el I nga veci vecitar tar y cont conta ar la la gente de la veci vecita ta general general deste rreyno. . . . se beci becita tava va ganados de la la comunidad . . .”; 216, December, “Acavado esta dicha vecita, la otra vecita tornan a hazella otra vecita en el mes de dezienbre”; 249, July, “becitavan las dichas sementeras . . . y rrepartian a los pobres. . . .” 12

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Fig. 4 I nk Fig nka a mon onth th of Dece Decem mber. “December, the great solemn festival of the Sun” (Guaman Poma: 258).

Fig. 5 I nka mon Fig. onth th of Jun June. “June, [the Inka] drinks with the Sun on the festitiva val of the Sun.” Sun.” I n accord with Catholic notions of  the time, the maize beer is conveyed to the sun by a winged demon (Guaman Poma: 246). 306

 

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Fig. 6 I nka mon Fig onth th of M ay. “M ay, they they take the food food to the sto toreho rehouse usess.”Wo Worrker kerss are supervissed by vi by an an Inka I nka offi offici cia al who is is distinguishable by his headdress and Inka I nka ea ear spools spools (after Guaman Poma 1980: 244).

Fig. 7 I nka mont Fig onth h of Sept pte embe ber. r. “September, the solemn festival of the Coya Coya, the Quee Queen,” n,” when runners carrying lighted torches drive dri ve out evi evills. In In his his account of  I nka festi tiva vals, Cr Cristóbal de M ol oliina pointed out that the celebration of this festival began on the new moon which is shown by Guaman Poma in the top left corner (after Guaman Poma 1980: 252). 307

 

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M ol oliina na,, like like the ve verry wel well info nforrmed Jua Juan n deBeta tanzos nzos be befo fore re hi him m, ha had d noted thatt in tha in the Cuzco Cuzco re regi gion on the the lunar lunar mont onth h of Se Septe ptem mbe berr to October was wasmark rke ed by theini nititia atition on of of young men in in the vi villlageof O ma. I t was wasalso the tim time when in Cuzco C uzco its itse elf the wome women bega began weavi ving ng the spe peci cia al tuni tunics cs tha thatt woul would d be nee ne ede ded d for for the ini inititia atition on of of I nka young me men that that le led up to the the ce cellebra bratition on of  of  the winter solstice. According to Betanzos, no other celebrations were held in 14

the city during  Guaman Poma, hand, retaiicapital reta ning ni ng the I nka namthis e ofmonth. the mont month h Um U marai raim mi, de deson criithe cr bed be dother an Ande an ndea an ri rwhile itua tuall of pra prayi ying ng for rai rain n that that wasalso menti mentioned oned by by Jua Juan n Pol Polo o de Onde Ondega gardo asstitilll beiing wide be widelly obse observe ved d in in his his day. T hi hiss ritua tuall inv nvol olve ved d tying tying up some bla black ck llamas in the public square and letting them starve so that they would “help to weep” wee p” for for rain (F (Fig. 8). T he son ongs gs that acco accom mpa pani nie ed this this obse obserrva vance nce were were of  penitence, grief, and supplication for water (Guaman Poma 1980: 254 [illus.], 255 [text with songs]).15 Dur uriing the luna unarr month of Octobe O ctoberr into into Nov N ove embe ber, r, fur furthe therr prepa prepara ratitions ons were made in Cuzco for the initiation of young men that would take place duriing the fo dur folllowi owing ng month. In I n add addiitition, on, as as M ol oliinaha had d bee been told, told, thi thisswa wassthe pe per riod wthe hen n the Ayar Aya ca,i,rayoung ca n ethnic ethnim cegroup fro from m19 the vici of C uzco uzco, , cel cel16ty ebra brate ted dwhe ini niti tia atition on rof om f the tahei n (Mol (M oli ina 1943 43::vi 4cini 47). 7).nity  Betanzos (1987, bk. 1: chap. 15, 73), on the other hand, conflates this occasion with the initiatition on of of the the young young me men of Oma dur duriing the pre prece cedi ding ng mont month. h. Gua Guam man Pom Poma give gi vess a di diffferent acco account unt alto toge gether. ther. He He ca callled the mon month th not not Aya Ayarmaca ca,, but but Ayamarcai, “carrying forth the dead” (Guaman Poma 1980: 256–257).17 In his M ol oliina (194 (1943: 3: 46) 46) reads reads“los Indi Indios os de de Orco, Orco,”” whi which ch is is an error. error.T he ma manuscri cript pt reads reads (fol (f ol.. 19r): 19r):“Al me messde Septi Septiem embre bre llllamava van n oma omacr cra ayma sic   [sic ] llamavanle asi porque los yndios de oma quees dos lleguas del cuzco hacian la fiesta del guarachillo”; Betanzos (1987, bk. 1: chap.. 15, 73) rea chap reads ds::“los de Oma Omaen su su puebl pueblo. o. . . . alos cuales cualeshi hizo zo me merc rced ed y a los aya yarrmacas y a los quiaios y a los tambos que se pudiesen oradar las orejas. . . .” 14

15

C róni niccta t  Th  T h edthe ito it oersba osfisGu Gua mansuppos Poma’istition  trans ransl U Uma raimi rai mimais“fr festi fes tivi vida d del aU gua,” gua ,” perhaps perhap seon th ba ofathe upposi onoró that tha he dela der rite ved ve d ma U ma Uma raim rai from om Qdad Quechua uechua nu, water wa ter (González (González Hol H olgui guin n 1952: 1952: 395 395). ). An al altern terna atitive ve expla explana natition on is is tha thatt Gua Guam man Pom Poma retained retai ned the Ink Inka a na name me of the month but reported reported a ge genera nerall Andea Andean obser observa vance, nce, not on one e spe peci cififica callly or exclus exclusiive velly from from C uzco. Jua uan n Polo Polo de O nde ndega gardo (1916: cha chap p. 8, 8, 273), 273), fo folllowed by the authors dependent on him (cf. n. 5), describes the ritual a little differently: “El undecimo undeci mo mes se lla llamaH oma ra raymi ymi pucha puchayqui yquiss. En En el cual sacr criififica cava van n cien cien car carneros, y si si faltava agua, para que lloviese ponian un carnero todo negro atado en un llano derramando mucha chicha al derredor y no le davan de comer hasta que lloviese. Esto se usa tambien agor gora a en much mucha as pa parrtes tes,, por este me messmo tiem tiempo, po, que es es por O ct ctubr ubre e.” Cob Cobo o (1964, (1964, bk. 13: chap cha p. 30, 30, 21 219b 9b)) combined the account of Pol Polo o wi with that that of M ol oliina na.. 16 H ere again, Mol M oliina na’s ’spr priinted ver version misspe pelllsthe name nameof the month asAyarmarca rcarai raimi mi (cf.. n. 8). See (cf See also R os ostwor tworows owski ki 199 1993. 3. 17 As described by Guaman Poma, the name of the month thus describes its principal ritua tuall acti ctivi vity; ty; see see González Hol H olgui guin n 1952: 39, 39, “Aya, cuerpo muerto uerto;; Ayamarca rca,, mes de de

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Fig. 8 I nka mon Fig onth th of O cto tob ber. “O ctobe ctober. r. Bla Black llllama. T he lla llama helps to weep and ask for water from God with the hunger that it suff uffers ers.. Proces Procession. T he hey y ask fo forr water from God the maker of  huma hu mans” (Guam (Guama an Poma Poma:: 254).

Fig. 9 I nkamon Fig onth th of No November. “N ov ove embe ber. r. M onth of car carryi rying ng forth for th the the dea dead.T he festitiva val of the dead” (a (after Guam uama an Poma Poma 1980: 256). 309

 

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text, he mentions the preparations made in Cuzco for the initiation of young I nka men. But the the pr priinci ncipa pal ritua tuall acti ctivi vity ty of the month, as he unde underrstoo tood d it, it, was to bring the dead from their places of burial, to carry them about on biers, to feed them, and to sing and dance with them before returning them to their burial places (Fig. 9).18 T he drawi wing ng for for thi thiss mont onth h shows shows ade dea ad per person be beiing carrried about, ca about, and and the tim time is is de desscr criibe bed d in in a mixtu xture re of Q ue uechua chua and Spani nissh as T “Nhove ovem ber. r.ptMont M onth ofuca of car ying ng for forth thegde the dth eaed.mTohe feosftitiva vaol vofem the de ad. d.”  Th isdm esbe cri rip ion io n oh f rit ritu alrarcyi tiv ivit itie ies s dthurin ring nthfes N berdea dis p”lays with wi th spe speci cia al cl cla arity the laye layerring of Gua uam man Pom Poma’s pe percepti rceptions ons of the Inka Inka past. He H e was not alone in in descr criibi bing ng the mont month h in in questition on asAiamarca rcaii, for for the sa sameter term malso appe appea arsin the the frequentl frequently y copi copied edacco ccount unt of the Ink Inka amon onths ths by the law lawye yerr Pol Polo o de Ondeg Ondega ardo (1916: cha chap p. 8, 273). Polo, Polo, alon ong g with with tho thosse who copied him, however, said nothing about the dead but instead mentioned prepa pre para ratitions onsfo forr the ini inititia atition on of youngI nkamen.19 But Guaman Poma did not inv nve ent wh wha at he wrote wrote about about the dea dead. It It wa wass an Ande Andea ann-wi wide de custo tom m, sti stilll followed in his own time, to entertain the dead near their places of burial by offering them nourishment, song, and dance. Such celebrations took place on the oftr person’s date of death, time ofPyear, were we reanniversary thus not res triaicted to the month mont h of Nirrespective ovem ove mbe ber. r.20 Yofet,the Guama Gua man omaand had had a reason for for hi highli ghlighti ghting ng N ove ovem mbe berr in in terms of thi thissAnde ndea an custo custom m of br briinging out and and feastiting ng the de dead, fo forr he knew knew tha thatt the Chr Chriistitia an mont month h of N oN ovi oviem embre”; 231, “M arca rcani ni,, llllevar en bracos bracos.” .” Polo Polo de Ondeg Ondega ardo (1916 (1916:: chap chap. 8, 273) 273) and autho authorrs de depe pendi nding ng on this thi s text wr write Ayamarca fo forr N ove ovem mbe berr but de desscr criibe ritua tualls leading up to the initiation of young men, which have nothing to do with this version of  the th e mont nth’s h’s name name. 18 For a similar ceremony where the dead person is labeled “aya defunto,” see Guaman Pom Po ma (1980: (1980: 289 289––290 290), ), where where he des descr criibe bess the“enti entiero ero de los los Chi Chincha nchay suios suios.” .” 19 Beta etanzo nzoss (1987, bk. 1: cha chap p. 15, 73b) calls calls N ove ovembe mberr Ca C antara ntaraiiqui quiss; it it wa was the time time hicctimo hi ha when young men chap. 8, 273)y w rites tes::the “Elcul ulti moformes mthe es seinitiation llllama, Aof yama rca, en el was el quall prepared. qua se sacr criificaPolo van va n otro o(1916: tross ci cien en carneros, se hazi zia a la fifies esta llamada da,, Ra R aymi ca cantara ntarayqui yquiss.” H e goes goes on to to menti mention on prepa preparati ration onss fo forr the the ini nititia atition on of young men and and the I tu festi festiva val. 20 Witnesses in the vi visi sita tass dei dolatrí latría as, published by Pierre Duviols (1986), regularly mentioned honors paid to the dead on the anniversary day of their death to assist them in their  jou  jo urn rne ey to the other wo world ld.. At tim ime es, the offerin ring gs were presented not to the dead body itself but to clippings of its hair and nails (Duviols 1986: 149–151, 176, 183–184, 238). I think this may be a modification of an earlier ritual when the dead body itself received these thes e of offer feriings; fo forr the the Inka Inka prece precede dent, nt, see see M acC cCor orm mack 1991: 68– 68–71. 71. T he ritual ritual was modi odifified ed,, I sugg ugge est, beca becaus use e in C hr hriistitia an time times the logi logisstitics cs of rev reveri ering ng the de dea ad body its itself  elf  were imposs impossible to ca carrry out. out. Reg R ega ardi rding ng the dea dead body as assome omehow how senti sentient, ent, notesDuvi uviol olss (1991: 157–158), villagers wept in the streets and at the door of the church where the decea dece ased had been been buri buried in in the the Chr Chriistitia an manner, so so he coul could d hear them them.. See See also, for for the the year 1613 and an annual cult of the dead, Duviols 1976: 287.

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vember began with a double commemoration of the dead, which he described in the Chr Chriistitia an cal calenda ndarr at at the end end of the the C oró róni nicca as “the festival of all the Saiint Sa ntss” and and “co comm mmem emoratitio on of of th the e decea deceased (Guam (Guaman Po Poma 1980: 1163) (Figs. 10, 11).21 I Itt wa was a titim me when when Ande ndea an peopl people e worr worried about about there be beiing ins nsuff uffiici cie ent ra rain for for the rece recentl ntly y pla planted ma maize ze,, and in in Inka I nka tim times, so Gua Guam man Poma thought, penitential processions prayed to the creator for rain. People used to sing:

With faces of corpses, weeping with faces of corpses, little ones the children at your breast implore you. (Guaman Poma 1980: 1161)

Perhaps in Guaman Poma’s mind this song in which the living look like the dead provided further reason for associating the month in which it was sung with the ritual of bringing the dead from their burial places.  Th  T he deit ity y in inv voked in the song was both An And dean and Ch Chri risstian, his tit itle less beiing the Que be uechua chua Capac Apo, Powerf Powerful ul Lor ord, d, and Runa R una Camac, M ake kerr of  of  M n,nic acas fr as wel we ll a sginni the Spa nis h Di DiH os,e, wa os God. God. T hi hiss compos composi ite dehuma dei ity pe per des s the C oaró róni  from om be begi nning ng ni tosend. was sinvoked in praye prayer r by nrva bede bei ings in the Andes in the the ea earliest ti time mess, he wa wass gl gliimp mpssed in in Ink I nka a titim mes, and aft afte er the Spanish invasion Andean people turned to him in their afflictions.22 But it was not just the names of God that were woven out of this composite texture. For many of the ri ritua tuall acti ctivi vititie es tha thatt articul articula ate Gua Guam man Poma Poma’s I nka calenda ndarr are like kewi wisse the res resul ultt of a fus fusiion of of Inka I nka,, Ande ndea an, and Chr Chriistitia an components components..  Th  T he cle lea arest ex example of th this fusio ion n is is the month of of January in Gu Gua aman Pom Po ma’sI nk nka aca callenda ndar. r. Pol Polo de Ondeg Ondega ardo ca callled this thismon onth th by the term C amay, which describes a task to be performed or an obligation (1916: 271). 23 Betanzos and Mol M oliina na,, dra drawi wing ng on info inforrmatition on from from Cuzco, Cuzco, have Janua nuarry as H atun Poco Po coiiqui quissand Atun Atunpucuy pucuy,, respe pecti ctive velly, whi which ch tr tra ans nsllatesas“ye yea ar of much wa water ter  T hisin  Th infform rma atio ion n wasderi riv ved from amis isssal sim imila ilar to the one here reproduced: M is isssale R oma omanum num (1560). Gua Guama man Poma Poma’s models incl included uded commem commemor ora atition onss fo forr a number number of  Spanish martyrs and saints who are not found in office books from other parts of Europe. 22 For exa examples mples of thi thiss, see see Gua Guaman Poma Poma 1980: 49, 49, praye prayerr to C apa pacc seño señorr by Va Varri Viracocha R una una;; 190, 190, Inka Inka praye yerr to Pacha C amac; 825, 825, coloni colonia al pra praye yerr to “Di “D ios Yaya, Dios C hur hurii, and Di Dios Espi pirritu Sancto Sancto rura ruracni cni,, camacni cni,, cay pacha rur rura ac” (God (God Fa Father, Son, H ol oly y Spi Spirit, my Ma M ake ker, r, my Cre C rea ator, Ma M ake kerr of thi thiss worl world). d). 23 On camac, camay, etc., seeTayl ylor or 197 1974– 4–76; 76; for camay  i in n part rtiicul cula ar, see Gonzá onzállez Hol Holguin guin 1952: 46,“camay, la la tarea en el tr tra aba bajjo” o”;; 48, “ca cama may, mi obl obliigaci cion on””; on Ja January as camay, see Po Pollo de de Ondega Ondegardo 1916: chap. chap. 8, 271, “La fiesta del segundo me mess se llllama, Ca Camay, en que hazian diversos sacrificios, y echavan las cenicas por un arroyo abaxo, este mes de Ene nero, ro,” foll followe owed d by Murúa Murúa (i(in n both versions versions of his his work work), ), Cobo, C obo, and Ca C abe belllo Va Vallboa boa.. 21

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Fig. 10 C alendar for for the Chri C hrissti tia an month month of N ov ove embe ber. r. For the firs firstt and and second days of the month, Guaman Poma notes the celebration of the festivals of All Saints and Al All Soul Soulss, respe pecti ctive velly. Notw N otwiiths thsta tandi nding ng these Chr Chriistitia an obs observa ervances nces, howeve however, r, Guaman Poma still called the month by the same activity that he had mentioned forr I nka tim fo times, nam namely “carryi “carrying ng for forth the dead” (aft (after er Gua Guam man Poma Poma 198 1980: 0: 1163 1163). ).

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Fig. 11 C alendar for for the month month of N ov ove embe berr from from the M issale Rom R oma anum (1560). (156 0).T he pr princi ncipa pal sign of the zodia zodiac is is Sagi gitta ttarrius us,, depi depicte cted, d, along with with season ona al acti ctivi vitities es, at the the top. As is cus custo toma mary, this this ca callendar also provi provides des the infor nform matition on that Nove N ovembe berr ha hass thi thirt rty y days ys,, whil while the cycle of the moon moon onl only y hass twentyha twenty-ni nine ne..T hi hiss info nforrmatition on wa was also entered entered by Gua Guam man Pom Poma on hi his C hr hriistitia an cal calend enda ars (s (see ee Figs. 10, 10, 18) 18) al along with with the the domi domini nica call lette etters rs (second (second column in the Mi M issale). Spe Speci cia al C ol olllecti ctions ons Libra brary ry,, Unive Univers rsiity of M ichiga chigan, n, Ann Arbor. Arbor.

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and many crops crops”” (B (Betanzo nzoss 198 1987, 7, bk. 1: chap chap. 15, 71; 71; Mol Moliina 1943 1943:: 66 [fol [fol.. 29r]).24 T he ter term H atun pocuy appears in Guaman Poma, as well as in Polo and autho uthorrswho copi copie ed from from hi him m, asthe Inka Inka name of Fe Febr brua uarry.T hi hissisone of the seve veral ral dis discrep crepa anci ncie es in coloni colonia al de desscr criipti ptions ons of the the Inka Inka mont months hs tha thatt can can be account ccounte ed for by the fact fact that that the Inka Inka luna unarr months di did d not ful fullly corres correspond to the mont months hs of the Chr Chriistitia an cal calenda ndar. r. Gua Guam man Poma Poma’s na nam me for the Inka Inka month ofero Janua nuar provi nother no xamp mpl of lslauch discrepa dis ncy.. He ncy HeJa wro “El pr priim mersy. Ene Eprovide nero. ro.des Csaapa Ca cther raimei xa ra cam ca maliequi quil ”:“Tahe first month. fir Jawrote: nuate: ry. Great Fe Festitiva val. Mont Month h of of Labor bor”” (Gua (Guam man Pom Poma 19 1980 80:: 236 236). ).25 C  Ca apac R aimi, or Capac Inti I nti R aimi, was the cel celebra bratition on of of the the sum umm mer sol solsstitice ce in De Dece cem mbe berr and crept into into Gua uam man Poma Poma’s de desscr criipti ption on fo forr Janua nuarry precis precisely beca becaus use e Inka Inka and Chr C hriistitia an months did did not enti ntirely rely ove overl rla ap. Gua Guam man Poma Poma’s C amay quill quilla a, as ha hass bee been n seen, seen, ma matc tches hes th the e term term for for January in seve verral of ou ourr oth ther er sou sourc rces es, and it it al also matcheshi hissde desscr criipti ption on of of the the Chr Chriistitia an month of of Ja Janua nuarry, where he outltliined a va ou varriety of of ta tasks that had had to be pe perrfo forrmed at thi thiss titime me. T hese range range from weeding and keeping birds and foxes away from the young crops to weaving cloth for the community and for tribute payments. Similar jobs dominate the month mont h of of Febru brua ary in in Gua Guam man Poma Poma’sC hr hriistitia an cal calendar (G (Gua uam man Poma Poma 1980: 1131–1132, 1134–1135). Beta tanzos nzos impl pliied, and Mol M oliinasta tated ted,, that that the the I nkasobs obse erve ved d no major rituals during January and February because people worked their fields at this time (Be (B etanzos 1987 1987,, bk. 1: chap chap. 15, 71; 71; Mol Moliina 1943 1943:: 66). 66). But But Gua uam man Poma Poma,, in in desscr de criibi bing ng the I nka mont onth h of Janua nuarry, outli outline ned d an el elabor bora ate pe peni nitenti tentia al ce cerremonial: I n this this month month,, they they offered offered sacr criififices ces, fas fasts and peni penitence tence,, and took took ashes, rubbi rubbing ng them on them themsselve vess and their their door doorss. Unti Untill thi thiss day the I ndi ndia ans do thi thiss.And the they made pro proces cession onss, the sta tatition onssof the templ temple es of the Sun and the Moo M oon n and and of thei theirr gods ods.. . . . From templ temple e to temple and mountain to mountain they went, performing rituals and weeping, with the pontiffs, sorcerers and priest confessors going in front, revering the said g  gu uacas. . . . And so so [t [the he Ink Inka a] co com mmanded that that they fast and do penitence and weep in their temples, [before their] idols, performing rituals and sacrifices, without sleeping with women. (Guaman Poma 1980: 236) For the tra trans nsllatition, on, see seeGonzález Hol H olgui guin n (195 (1952: 2: 292): 292):“H atun poccuy poccuy,, ano ano de mucha uchass agua guass y de much muchos os fr frut utos. os.”” 25  Tr  Tra anslatio ion n ba based on on Gon Gonzále lezz Holg Holguin 19 1952: 292. T he edit ito ors of Gua Guaman Po Poma translate camay quil qui lla a  ass“mes del del de dessca cans nso, o,”” for for whi which ch I ca can n fi find no suppor upportiting ng evi evide dence nce.. 24

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Fi g. 12 I nka month of Janu Fig Janua ary ry.. “T he fifirst rst month. month. Ja January. Gre rea at Fe Festitiva val. Month Month of Labor. Peni Penitence and fa fPoma asts of1980: the Inka” I nka” (aftertence Guaman 236).

 T he accompanyin  Th ing g drawin ing g shows acrowd of acllas, cho  chossen women women of of the Sun, dresssed in dre in a ga garb resembli bling ng that that of of C hr hriistitia an nuns, nuns, in in atti attitudes tudes of pe peni nitence tence and pra praye yerr (F (Fiig. 12).T he capti ption on rea reads ds::“Peni Penitence tence and fa fasts of the Ink I nka a.” Sim Similarly, the penitential processions headed by men of religious authority traversing the theAndea ndean n la landscape and making stati tation onss, est stac aciones, at the various temples of the capital evoke the penitential processions that were so regular a feature in the preaching and practice of the missionary church of early colonial Peru.26  Th  T he ashes that the In Ink kas“r “ru ubbed on themselv lve es and their doors” recall the C hr hriistitia an custom whereby whereby on As Ash Wedne Wednessday, the fir first day day of Lent, the pr priest offifici of cia atiting ng at the the Ma Mass of the day rubs rubs a cro crosss of ashes on the for fore eheads of the faithful.27 G  Guam uaman Poma Poma’s ’sideath tha at the the Ink Inka asalso rubbed rubbed ash on on door doorssperhaps refle refl ects the sto torry in in Exo Exodus dus (12: 1– 1–13 13)) whe where re the I sra rae elites in Egyp Egyptt were instructed to paint their doorposts with sacrificial blood as a sign that God was to See Guaman Poma’s depiction of Arequipa (1980: 1053) during the volcanic eruption of 1600, with a penitential procession carrying two crosses and a religious image traversing the main square. Fur Further, on thi thiss epi epissode, see M ateos 1944: 1944: 217ff 217ff;; cf. cf. 104f, 132, 137. 27  T  Th he rit ritu ual of of ble lesssin ing g and dis isttrib ribu utin ing g the ashes, whic ich h are obtain ine ed by burn rnin ing g the palm fronds or other branches that had been used during the preceding Palm Sunday, is desscr de criibe bed d in in the Tride denti ntine ne Mi M issale Roma R omanum (1560 (1560)) unde underr the hea headi ding ng “propri proprium um de de tempor temp ore e,” for As Ash Wednesday (fer (feriia qua quarrta cineru cinerum). m). 26

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pass over these doors in order to smite the firstborn of the Egyptians only.28 At the same time, however, Guaman Poma was interpreting rather than merely inve nventi nting ng the Ink Inka apa passt, as asbe become comesscl clea ear if we we juxt uxta apos pose e hi hissacco ccount unt of Janua nuarry with wi th Mol M oliina na’s ’scomm comme ents about the mont month h of Dece cem mbe ber. r.29 M ol oliinaca callledthe mont month h of Decembe berr by the sameter term mC amay qui uilllla a, “  “m month of labor bor,,” that that Gua Guam man Pom Poma appl ppliied to Ja Janua nuarry. Mol Moliina na’s ’s C amay qui quilllla a witne nes ssedfollowed the concl conclus usiiaonritual of the of Inka ce Inka cerem remoni onie es ofashes ini nititia atiting ng young men stored which which were by of throwing sacrificial that had been throughout the year for this purpose into the small river Capimayo in Cuzco.30 Along with the ashes went coca, cloth, sandals, headbands, featherwork, llamas, flowe flowerrs, and and precious precious me meta talls. T hi hiss ritua tuall to took ok pl pla ace an hour hour or so be befo fore re suns unse et.T he offe offeringstha thatt ha had d bee been throw thrown n into into the ri rive verr we were re accompa accompani nie ed on their way downstream by relays of persons equipped with torches who saw to it that none of them were caught on the riverbank. When the offerings reached the bri bridge of Ollanta ntaytam ytambo, tw two o bas baskets of co coca ca were thr throw own n in in aft afte er them them,, and they were left to travel the remainder of the way to the sea on their own (Mol (M oliina 19 1943 43:: 64– 64–65 65). ). Pol Polo de O nde ndeg gardo also menti ntioned oned that duri during the ay  month of C  orVa  or January, were thrown (1916: 8,, 271), and and Caam Ca bell bel lo Val lbo boa a, who whashes o some twenty tw enty yeainto rs lathe ter river copi co pied ed thischap. this passsage pa added that the the Ink Inka asbel beliieve ved d“th tha at wi with th the e asheswent the the sins and evil evilsbesetting the republic” (1951, bk. 3: chap. 19, 350). But such such was was pe perha rhaps ps not the the or oriigi gina nall inte ntenti ntion on of of the the ritua tuall tha thatt Ca C abe belllo Vallboa and Pol Va Polo de Onde ndega gardo ha had d refer referred to and that that Mol M oliina ha had d des descr criibe bed d in greater detail. Instead, this ritual harmonizes with other rituals in which the I nk nka as ende endea avor vored ed to rea reach ina inacces ccesssibl ble e pa parrts of th the e ea earth th’s ’s sur urfface and indee indeed d parts of the ea earth that that were be bellow the ground with with their their off offe ering ngss. In In Cuzco, C uzco, for example, an underground channel went from the ushnu,  the receptacle for sacrificial chi hiccha and othe other of offer feriings in the ma main squa square re,, to Cor C oriica cancha ncha,, the

tem templ of to thegla Saun. M ore etove over, r,dthroughout thedAby the ndes s,lki sang criififici cr cia aldem offer of feri ngs9). were we hurllple hur edeup glSun. cie ci erMor stha that could coul not be reache ched bnde y wal wa king (Z (Zui uide m ai197 1979). Ire In n  T hisrit  Th ritu ual mig igh ht haveattracted Gu Gua aman Poma’sattentio ion n sin inccethereexisted anAn And dean ritual of painting doorposts with sacrificial blood, to wit the doorposts of burial sites, on the occasion of the anniversaries of one’s deceased relative; see Duviols (1986: 19, 20): “quando venia venian [a [a] ha hacerl cerles es el cabo de ano matabam llllamas y la la sangr ngre e se la la of ofreci recia an a los diffun di unto tossy quem quema aba bam m sebo mai maiz coca coca cuies cuiesco con n que que los los incensa incensaba bam m y que esaera la lacausade estar las puer puerttas llenas de sa sangr ngre. e. . . .” 29 For an ana anallogous process in interpr interpreti eting ng Mexi M exica can n cal calenda ndarrs, see see R agon 1993. 1993. 30  T  Th hese Ch Chris ristia ian n ashes were not, in the stric rictt sense, sacrif rific icia ial, l, but to an early colo lon nia iall Ande ndea an obse observer like li ke M ol oliina na,, a ce cerrta taiin si similarity ma may have linke nked d this this C hr hriistitia an ri ritua tuall to the I nka ritua tuall of throwi throwing sacr criififici cia al ashe hess into ri rive vers. rs. 28

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the same way, it was possible to let the ocean partake of sacrificial offerings that had ha d bee been made in Cuzco C uzco by throwi throwing them, them, or the the ashes, into into a rive verr tha thatt would woul d convey convey them to thei theirr di dissta tant nt goal goal. T he capacocha processions that traverrsed the I nka em ve empi pire re in in al all di directi rections ons rad radiiatiting ng from the ca capi pita tall also funcfunctition oned ed by thi this ra ratitiona onalle, whereb whereby y the Inka Inka’s ’sof offer feriingswe were re proj proje ected to every part of his empire.31 IDOL ID OLS S AN AND D DEVI DEVILS LS,,T IM E AND SPACE

C hr hriistitia an account accountss of I nka and Ande ndea an religi religious ous obs obse ervance tende tended d to fofocus, during the early colonial period, on the various Andean deities and idols tha th at so so much preoccupi preoccupied ed mission ona aries. T hei heirr numb number er see seeme med d to be be,, quite quite simpl mply y, unendi unending. ng. Guam Guaman Poma Poma’s ’s text th thus us abo bounds unds wi with pa passsage gess where he lists“the theiir p  pa acaricocs (places of origin), and vacas of the mountains and caves and cra cr ags”; or “the “the Sun, Sun, the Moo Moon n and and their their gods, vaca bilcas (local gods), and other vacas a  and nd idol idolss”; or “the “the Sun, the Moo Moon, n, and the stars tars,, and vacas,  and rocks and crags and lakes and other things” (1980: 84, 237, 265, respectively).32 Such lists ts,, howeve however, r, do lilittl ttle e to expla explain the the concepts concepts tha thatt unde underl rla ay Inka I nka and Ande ndea an ritual and sa sacred topogr topogra aphy. T hi hiss to topogr pogra aphy docum documented the dive diverrse contacts that human beings in the Andes had experienced and continued to experience with their environment, while the rituals perpetuated such contacts and endowed them with religious and political significance in the present.33 Wi  Witth the adve advent nt of Chr hriistitia ani nity ty,, howeve however, r, that si signi gniffica cance nce change changed. d. Andean sa sacred places, meaningfully grouped according to a variety of conceptual sequences O n the other other hand, hand, col coloni onia al para ralllelsto a pe peni nitential tential mea meani ning ng of the the ritua tuall of throwi throwing ng sacrificial ashes into rivers so that they are carried away to the ocean do exist. See Duviols (1986: 144 144)) fo forr testitim mony of of H ernand ernando o Ha H aca casspoma: aft fter er hearing the confes confessions of the members of his ayllu and after having absolved them, he threw offerings into the river and pra pr ayed:“Señor Sol Sol,, Seño SeñorraLuna, Señor Señora asestr trel elllas, yavues vuestr tros os hij hijos y chri chriatu turas rasan comfes comfesado todos sus pecados y rio llebad estos pecados al mar perdonad [a] vuestras chriaturas e hijos y vos vosot otro ross Seño Señores res ma malqui quiss Seño Señorras guaca guacas dadno dnoss vida vida salud no aya emfer emferme meda dades des en el pueblo. pue blo. . . .”; similarl rly y ibi ibid.: d.: 157. 157. O ne shoul hould d perhap perhapss compare this this ritua tuall of the midd-sseve ventee nteenth nth century to the the I nka ce celleb ebrati ration on of C itu itua a; see Mol Moliina(1943 (1943:: 31– 31–32): 32): torches that had absorbed the ills that were being expelled from the community were also thrown into ri rive vers rs to be carried to the ocea ocean. If I f such a comp compa arison is i sjus ustitififie ed, then then Ca C abe bellloVa Vallboa boa’s ’s suggestion that “with the ashes went the sins and evils besetting the republic” could be correct. 32 For a missionary’s list, see D octr triina chr hriisti stia ana y ca cate teccismo para instr instruc ucccion delos indi indio os 1985: 554– 55 4–56 563, 3,“Se Serrmon XV X VI I I de los mandamientos ntos..” 33 O n going going after the callpa of the dei deityTutay Qui Q uirri in orde orderr to get get ra rain, seeTayl ylor or 19 1987 87:: 11, 20, 23 wi with edi edito torr’s no note; te; seealso thi thisspassagein Salomon and and Ur U rios oste te 1991: 1991:11,158 158––159 159.. See fu furrther above (p. 296) 296) and and below below (pp (pp.. 338f 338f). ). 31

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Fi g. 13 T he I nka rul Fig rule er and and his qu que een at Pacaritambo, the place of origin of  the Inka Inka line nea age. In In accord accord with with C hr hriistitia an, rather rather than than Inka I nka,, decor decorum um,, the Inka Inka has ta taken ken off hi hiss impe perrial headband and kneels for prayer (after Guaman Poma 1980: 264).

and ritual procedures that were performed throughout the year, were dissolved into lists of objects of idolatrous worship, and the rituals were outlawed. As Guaman Poma and others understood very well, this did not invariably mea me an tha thatt th the e ri ritu tua als ceased bei being perfor performe med. d. Yet, Guam Guaman Poma Poma’s ’s ow own n descr criipti ption on of of the the Inka calenda ndarr shows shows tha thatt Inka I nka and Ande ndea an ri ritua tualls, the fo forrmer remembered, and many of the latter still practiced, acquired new meanings because they were no longer intelligible in the same terms as formerly. M ol oliina na’s ’saccount of the fes festitiva vals of Inka Cuzco Cuzco shows shows tha thatt the days of festiti-vals, lilike the daysof mon val onths, ths, were were count counte ed by the phas phasesof the moon. moon.T he fir first day of the moon and the day of the full moon are regular chronological markers.34 Such chronological details are entirely missing from Guaman Poma’s account co unt of of the the Ink Inka a mon onths ths be beca caus use e he computed computed time time by aChr hriistitia an cal calendar. Sim Si milarlrly y, M ol oliina na,, like Beta tanzos nzos be befo fore re hi him m, wa wass to tolld about Inka I nka festitiva vals in theirr geograp thei geographi hica call setti tting. ng. R itua tuall acti ction on der derive ved d much of its its meani ning ng fro from m the place where it was carried out or the place toward which it was directed. Very little of this setting appears in Guaman Poma’s descriptions of these same festiSee, for See for examp mplle, in in Dece Decemb mber, er, Mol Moliina 194 1943: 3: 61, fo forr the fir first day day of the moon moon;; 62, 62, for the full moon. 34

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Fig. 14 “T he gre grea at city and and he hea ad and roya royal cour courtt of the the K ing I nka nkass, Santi ntia ago of Cuzco, C uzco, in the the cente centerr of the kingdom and the bishopric.” U nde nderr this this C hri hrissti tia ani nizi zing ng he hea ading, Guaman Poma depicts numerous buildi buil ding ngss of the Inka Inka ca capi pita tall (cf. Fig. 13 for a similar mixture of old and new components) (after Guaman Poma 1980: 1051).

Fig. 15 “R oy oya al Pa Pallace cess, hous house e of  the I nka nka..” In In accord accord with the the I nka custom of occupying every person in some useful way (see Fig. 3), the structure described as C uyu yuss mango is watched by a handicapped guardian (after Guaman Poma 1980: 329). 319

 

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vals. Guaman Poma knew of and regularly mentioned Pacaritambo and Guana naca caur urii, both both of whi which ch fig figure in the I nka myth of or origins (F (Fiig. 13), 13),35 and he also re regul ula arl rly y referre referred to some of C uzco’spr priinci ncipa pal hol holy y si sites: the tem templ ple e of  the Sun Cor oriica cancha, ncha, the ma main squa square re Ha H auca ucaypa ypata ta,, the ushnu i in n tha thatt square square and and seve veral ral ot othe herr tem templ ple es. Fur Further therm mor ore e, he produced produced two dra drawi wings ngsof C uzco, one a view of its center, and the other a detail of certain sacred buildings and 36

storehouses (Figs. 15). many topographical that pa related part of C uzco to a14, nothe not herr and a But nd rel rethe lated the ca pita pi tall its tse elf tolinks the four rts ofone the empire appear in Guaman Poma for the most part only by implication and indi ndirectl rectly y. Wha hatt ha had d once once been been an acti active velly engage ged d unders understandi tanding ng of of sacred space and time, such as still speaks, in however fractured a manner, in the pages of M ol oliina na,, has has be beco com me, in in Gua Guama man Poma Poma’s ’s pa page gess, a hi hissto torrica call me mem mor ory y on on the the edge ed ge of tur turni ning ng into into myth yth.. T hi hiss memor mory y, howeve however, r, was was moor moore ed in in pre present experience, which is why it stayed alive not only in Guaman Poma’s day but for some time beyond.  Th  T he festiv iva al cale len ndar of the In Ink kashad been an ari risstocratic cale len ndar:it art rtic icu ulated the expectati expectation onss, fe fears, and and hope hopess of Cuzco uzco’s ’srul uliing cla class.When mem membe berrs of thi this uliitha ul cla ssntoo took no tenofri itua tual l eve vents nts outsi outs ide uzco, , they the y did diI nka d notequi failva fa topoi point ntsout orut tng hattcl eaven eve if kanote if give gi ven rirtua tual l res em bled tha that t of oCf uzco C uzco, Cuzco, the equiva lent bestowed a privilege on its participants that could be attained by no other mea me ans (see (see Betanzo Betanzoss, bk. bk. 1: cha chap. 15, 73b).37 When, on the other other ha hand, nd, Gua Guam man Poma and ma many of hi hiss Chr hriistitia an contem contempor pora aries rem remem embe bered red Ink Inka a festitiva vals, the soci ocia al and pol poliititica call context in in which which they they place placed d such non-C non-C hr hriistitia an ri ritua tuall acti ction on wa wass a ve verry dif different one one.. Mi Mission ona aries ha had d preached for for de deca cade dessthat the worship of Andean deities was in error and demonically inspired, and Guaman Poma accepted this reasoning. When depicting the ritual for the winter solstice, he thus showed a devil conveying to the sun in the sky the chi hiccha that the I nka rul ule er is of offeri fering ng to it it on on earth (s (see Fig Fig. 5), 5), and and similar re repre pressenta ntatitions ons C oró róni nicca (1980: occur elsewhere in the 246). Guaman Poma accordingly condemned all ongoing expressions of Andean religious belief, and they were many. “I nfi nfide dells,” he noted noted,, continue continued d observi ving ng the ol oldd-e esta tabli blisshe hed d ri ritua tualls of ini nititia ating young peopl people e that that the the Ink Inka as ha had d observed, observed, made sacr criififices ces to Andea Andean deidei-

See also Gua uama man Poma Poma (1980: 79) 79) fo forr the coa coat of armsof Ana A nancuz ncuzco, co, show showiingVa Vana na-caur ca urii, Paca Pacarrita tam mbo, and Tamboto botoco, co, wi with th Ur U rton 1990. 36 See Bauer 1992: 18–35. 37 Betanzos here here repor reports ts on the the ini inititia atition on of of young young men men from Om O ma and else elsewhere: Pachacuti I nk nka a granted that that “se pudies pudiesen ora orada darr la las or orej eja as con tal que no se cortas cortasen los los cabe ca belllos porque se conocies conociese que era eran n subdi subditos tos del del C uzco, porque los los orejones orejonesde dell eran los los señores y los que lo habian de ser en toda la tierra e tenian tusado el cabello. . . .” 35

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ties, and adhered to beliefs inspired by demons.38 Ecclesiastical attempts to extirpate such practices were in Guaman Poma’s eyes both justified and necessary. Extirpation, however, entailed not only the destruction of ongoing religious practices and forms of cultural expression but also a devaluation of the reliigi rel gious ous practi practice cess of the Inka Inka past.T he fact fact tha thatt the the Inka Inkass ha had d rul rule ed an an empi empire re and that their festivals were a solemn expression of their power mattered less in the thanstitilthe idea that festivals addressearly ed toseventeenth false gods fa gods.. Tcentury hosse who ho ll adhere dhered d tothese Andea Andea n beli beliefhad s at been thiss titime thi me were generally described as backward and as lacking in intelligence. As one missiona onarry expres expressed it it succi succinctl nctly y in in asermon, the joi joint nt fa fate of the Inkas Inkasand of  Andean people who were foolish enough to continue following the old religion gi on wa wass to burn in hell hell (A (Ave veda daño 16 1648 48:: sermon 4, fol. fol. 44r44r-v). v). To rem reme embe berr the Ink I nka a fes festitiva valls of the pas past wa wass thu thuss to rem reme embe berr obse obserrva vances nceswh whiich, ins insof ofa ar as they were still followed, were evidence of backward intelligence. INCOMP INC OMPA ATI TIBL BLE E TR ADITIO ADITIONS NS

 Yet, neit  Ye ith her was it possib ible le to le lett go of these memori rie es. On the one hand, Gua uama man Poma Pomarepe repea atedl tedly y noted noted that the soc sociial or orde derr expr xpres essed in in Ink I nka afestitiva valls and in the administrative tasks which these festivals articulated had been preferable to that of Spanish Peru.39 And on the other, Christianity was unintelligible unle unl essit coul could d some omehow how beancho nchored red in inAnde ndea an exper experience nce..T hi hissiswhy Gua Guam man Pom Po mabe bellieve ved d that that monothei monotheisstiticc and and inde indee ed Chr Chriistitia an bel beliefs had bee been at at hom home in the Andes long before the Spaniards arrived, and why he argued, again and again, that that Andean peopl people e ha had d the inna innate te capa paci city ty both both to to comp comprehe rehend nd Chr Chriistian teaching and to put it into practice (Figs. 16, 17).40 Gua uama man Poma Poma 1980: 100, I nk nka a C apa pacc Iupa I upanqui nqui of offfers chi hiccha to the Sun, the chi hiccha beiing trans be transport porte ed by a de devi vill; for de devi vills pre pressent in in Inka I nka sacr criififice cess and ri ritua tualls of divi divina natition, on, pp.. 277ff pp 277ff.. On On ri ritua tualls of ini i nititia atition, on, see see p. 239; 239; on watching watching the sun, p. p. 235. 235. For the the de devi vill in colonial Peru, see pp. 862–863. 39 O n the the one hand, hand, Gua Guama man Pom Poma de desscr criibe bed d the Inkas I nkasas illeg egiititim mate te,, la lacki cking ng ances ancestor torss and place of origin (1980: 80f   ), but on the other other hand, the “hor horde dena nans nsa as” of Topa Topa Inka Inka  Yup  Yu panqui (18 (182ff  ) descr descriibe the Ink I nka a em empi pire re as a rea reallm of peace and order order to wh whiich the the viceroyalty (484ff   ) makes makes a gr griim contra contrast. R ol olena ena Ador dorno no (1986 (1986:: 32– 32–51) ana anallyzes how Guaman Poma formulated this judgment in moral and political terms. 40 Gua uam man Pom Poma wa wass not alone in in holdi holding ng this this opi opini nion, on, see see M acC cCor orm mack 1991: 312 312–– 331. 33 1. By way of de decl cla aring that Indi I ndia ans we were re to be incl include uded d in in the his histor tory y of hum huma ani nity ty from from the ver very beginni beginning, ng, Guama Guaman Poma Pomapl pla aced allama in the the ark of N oa oah h (198 (1980: 0: 24). 24). Ferna Fernando ndo C erva ervantes ntes (1994 (1994:: 64) comm comments on the stro trong ng impa pact ct of Chr C hriistitia an his histor toriici city ty on the forformatition on of cor corpora porate te identiti identitie es in coloni colonia al M exi xico. co. A para ralllel proce processs took plac place e in the Andes and explains the readiness with which Andean writers integrated the Andean past into a Christian framework. 38

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Fi g. 16 T heApostle Bartholome Fig Bartholomew, after rea reachi ching ng the the Andes ndes,, has has erected a cro crosss at Ca C arabuco on th the e sho hores res of  LakeT ititica caca ca;; he preaches to an Andean disciple, who is depicted in the act of praying, having first placed his headdress on the ground in front of him (see Fig. 13) (Guaman Poma: 92).

Fi g. 17 Two Ande Fig Andea an im image ma make kers rs paint a cruci crucififix. x. In In this this image and Fig. 16, above, Guaman Poma declares his conviction that Andean C hr hriistitia ans are the equa equalls of Spani nissh ones. For the most part, the colonial church thought otherwise (after Guaman Poma 1980: 673). 322

 

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But there was a disjuncture between the beliefs that Guaman Poma professed and their implementation, and this is what emerges when we examine hiss Chr hi hriistitia an cal calenda ndar. r. Wha hatt is is at is issue he here re is is not since ncerrity of be bellief but the the extent to which a given system of beliefs could be anchored in and could then be deployed to formulate ritual action. Gua uam man Pom Poma copi copie ed his his Chr hriistitia an cal calenda ndarr fro from m a Catho thollic mi missal or a breviary, which thethe prayer and members of ,religious gi ous or orde der rs towas recite reci te seve ven nmanual daily offi dai ofused fice cessby of priests the church. Or pos Or possibly bly, his his exemplar was a simplified and shortened version of the breviary, such as a book of hours hours or the the off offiice book of theVirgi rgin n Ma M ary, which circula circulate ted d pr primarily among la lay peopl people e. Mode Modelling his Chr Chriistitia an cal calendar on a work of thi thiss ki kind, nd, he displayed in separate columns the dominical letters for each day of the month, the saint whose feast was celebrated on that day, and finally the days of the mont onth h in in numer numerica call or orde derr (F (Fiig. 18). 18). Some Some brevi brevia ariesand mis missalssuppl uppliied, along with th thes ese numbe numbered red days ys,, aR oma oman n calenda calendar, in in whi which ch each each month month’s ’s days are numbered numbe red by by reference to K alends, Non None es, and Ide Idess (F (Fiig. 19). El Elsewh whe ere, on onlly the day of of the Ka K alends is no noted, ted, and thi this is the usa usage fo folllowed by by Gua Guam man Pom Po menters a. In In addit additi ion,sign office offi ce books book s indi ndica cate te the day ofPoma each month m which whi ch the sun a new of the zodiac, and Guaman didonth the on same. Finally, office books note at the head of the page assigned to each of the months the number of days in that month and the number of days in the cycle of the moon. Once O nce again, so did did Gua Guama man Pom Poma. He He thu thuss pro produced duced a ve verry fa faithf thful ul rendering of the ecclesiastical calendar current in his day.41 Some office books depicted activities pertinent to the different months.  Th  T hey begin wit ith h domestic existence duri rin ng the cold months of January and February (Figs. 20, 21), go on to the agricultural tasks, as well as the pleasures, of spring and summer (Figs. 22, 23), and to harvesting and plowing during late summer and autumn (Figs. 24, 25), and finally bring the year to its end with work to be done at home in December. Although astrology was, strictly speaking, afo forbi rbidde dden n sci scie ence dur duriing the M iddle Age gessand the ea earlrly y modern modern peri period, manuscript books of hours, like the printed missals and breviaries of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries do, as we have seen, refer to the sign of the zodiac that rules each month, and their illustrations expand on these reference ncess. In In addi additition, on, the la labor borss of the mont month h are are some sometitim mes paired with with pi pictur cture es illustra tratiting ng stor toriies from the Bible ble..T he illustra trator tor of the R oha ohan n Hours H ours,, for example, paired his wintery image for January with a picture of the creation of  O n the purposeof domi domini nica call lette etterrsand the rem remaini ning ng fea featuresof litur turgi gica call ca callendars, see H ughes1982: 275–280. 275–280. 41

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Fig. 18 C athol tholiic calendar for for the Chri Chrissti tia an month month of January ry.. “Gre rea at cel celebra brati tion. on.  January has thirt irty y-on -one e days, the moon has thirt irty y” (after Gu Gua aman Poma 1980: 1133).

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Fig. 19 C alendar for for the month month of Ja J anuary from from the M issale Rom R oma anum (1560). Under Under the si sign of Aqua Aquarrius us,, peopl people e warm them themselves at a fire fire duri during thiss col thi cold d tim time of ye yea ar. “Janua nuarry has has thi thirrtyty-one one days ys,, the moo moon n has has thi thirrty ty..T he night ni ght has has fifift ftee een hour hourss, the day has has ni nine ne.” .” Both Both Mi M issale Roma R omanum and C orón róniica mark the Roma R oman date date of the the Ka Kalendsof February (on (on Ja Janua nuarry 14). Spe Sp eci cia al C ol olllecti ctions ons Libra brary ry,, U nive nivers rsiity of Mi M ichiga chigan, n, Ann Arbor.

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Fi g. 20 C alendar for the fifirs Fig rstt part of January ry.. U nde nderr the the sign of Aqua Aquarrius us,, a meal is be beiing enj njoy oye ed at at the the fires fireside de.. Off Offiici cium um Beata tae e Ma Mariae Virginis (1609). Special Collections Library, U nive nivers rsiity of M ichigan, Ann Arbor rbor..

Fi g. 21 U nd Fig nde er the sign of Pis Pi sce cess, an old man sits by the fireside, while God creates heaven and eart rth. h. Roha R ohan n Hours, H ours, fol fol.. 2v 2v. Par Paris, Bibli Bi bliothè othèque que N ati tiona onalle, M S Lati tin n 9471, 947 1, pa paiinted ca. 142 1425/ 5/143 1430. 0. 326

 

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Fig Fi Ts he m onth of June, June , the the T rg ès. rir22 i che hes heure heur esont ofhJean, Duke of  Berr erry y (fol (fol.. 6v 6v, 1413 1413// 141 1416), 6), shows the harrve ha vesstiting ng of hay hay. In In the back ckgrou ground, nd, city wall and buildings of Paris, with the Sa Sainte C hape pellle at ri right. Unli Unlike ke calendars in other books of hours and missals, which for simplicity’s sake match each month with a single sign of  the zodiac (see Fig. 23), this calendar more accurately displays Gemini for the first part of June and Cancer for the rema remainde nder. r. Mus M usé ée Condé, Condé, Chantilly.

Fig. 23 U nde nderr the sign of C ance ncer, r, she hee ep are are beiing sheared in June be June.. Off Offiici cium um Beata tae e M ariaeVirgi rgini niss (16 (1609 09). ). Spe Speci cia al C ol olllecti ctions ons Library ry,, Unive U nivers rsiity of M ich chiigan, Ann Arbor. 327

 

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Fig. 24 U nd Fig nde er the sign of Le Leo, one peasant reaps wheat with a sickle while another ties sheaves. At right, the Church springs forth from the side of the crucified Christ, while faithful Christians pray bel below ow.. Roha R ohan n Hour H ourss, fol. fol. 10r, 10 r, Pa Parris, Bibli bliothèq othèque ue N atitiona onalle, M S La Lati tin n 9471 9471..

Fig. 25 Fig. 25 (detai taill ) Ca C alenda ndarr for for Jul uly y. Under Under the sign of Leo L eo,, hay is is be beiing harve vessted at right, while at left, a farmer runs his horses over sheaves of wheat by way of  threshi hing ng them them. Mi M issale Roma R omanum (156 (1560). 0). Spe Speci cia al C ol olllecti ctions ons Li Libra brarry, U nive nivers rsiity of M ich chiigan, Ann Arbor rbor.. 328

 

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the world (see Fig. 21). For each of the following months, this book of hours depicts an activity appropriate to the season with an accompanying episode illustrating the story of Genesis from the Fall and the expulsion from Eden to God’s cur curssing of C ain and and his his de dessce cenda ndants nts;; this this O ldTesta tam ment epi pissode in in tur turn n ispaired with with a matchi tching ng epi epissode from from the sto torry of salvatition on asto tolld in in the Ne N ew  Te  T estament.42 I In n thi thiswa way y, the vie viewer cont contem empl pla atiting ng the yea year’scalendar wastake taken n on a journey both through the year’s work and through the content and meaning of human history: a history that began with bliss in paradise, continued with wi th the Fa Fall and its its cons conse eque quence ncess, and culm culmina nated ted in the life life of Chr C hriist and and the mission of the church. I n addi additition, on, the signs of the zodia zodiac draw attenti attention on to a manner of reckoning and describing time that had been retained from the pre-- Chr pre hriistitia an Europea European past and and inde indee ed continue continued d to be ampl pliififie ed and bui buillt upon, even though it was frowned upon by the church (Garin 1983; Bober 1948). Guaman Poma adjusted one aspect of this manner of contemplating time to hiss own Chr hi C hriistitia an cal calenda ndar, r, in that that he illus ustr tra ated ted,, mont onth h by mont onth, h, the di diff ffe erent agr griicul cultur tura al ta tassks that that were bei being perf perfor orm med in in the theAnde ndess. He H ere re,, we be begi gin n with hoeing and guarding the growing maize plants during January to April (Fiigs. 26, (F 26, 27), 27), go on to ha harrve vesstiting ng and sto storring ma maize and potatoes potatoes in Ma M ay (F (Fig. 28), June, and July, and on to plowing and sowing maize in August and Septembe tem berr respe pecti ctive velly. Octo Octobe berr and Nove N ovem mbe berr are take taken n up wi with th loo ooki king ng aft fte er the very young maize plants, and in December potatoes are sown (Fig. 29). Where thus in Europe office books and almanacs unabashedly displayed the originally pagan signs of the zodiac that dominate each month as in some way capa ca pable ble of integ ntegrati ration on wi with Chr C hriistitia an tim time, Gua Guam man Pom Poma wa wass silent about about theirr Inka thei I nka equi quiva valents nts..43 I n addi additition on,, Gua Guam man Poma Poma’s ’s Chr hriistitia an Andean la lands ndsca cape pe is an empty empty la landscape. While in Europe office books displayed before the viewer a landscape that had had bee been penetrate penetrated d by by Chr Chriistitia an wors worshi hip p and was wasthu thussor orde dered red in in rela relatition on to churches and shrines, as well as in relation to civic and military architecture (see Fig. 22), there is no sign of this in Guaman Poma’s vision of the Andes.  Th  T he land has been strip ripp ped of devililss and An And dean deit itie iess, but the sain intts and the See Meiss See Meiss and T homas 197 1973; 3; Longnon Longnon and Ca Cazell zelles es 196 1969; 9; O ff ffiici cium um 1609. 1609.T he publisher of the last mentioned item was Plantin, a press that regularly published books for use in Spain. Cf. Clair 1964: 155ff. 43 M oreove oreover, r, there there are only only two points points where his his I nka and Chr Chriistitia an cal calend enda ars inters ntersect ect explici expli citltly: y: thi thiss is fo forr the the work of of harves harvestiting ng (cf. (cf. Inka Inka calend enda ar [G [Gua uam man Poma 198 1980: 0: 244 244]] with wi th C hr hriistitia an cal calend enda ar [G [Gua uam man Poma Poma198 1980: 0: 1144 1144]) ]) and plowi plowing, ng, but but thi thissdoesnot amount to any explicit continuities between early colonial Andean Christianity on the one hand and Inka Inka thought and rel religi gious ous ritua tuall on the other. other. Fo Forr the theol theologi ogica call unde underrpi pinni nning ngss of  thiss issue as fo thi forrmul ula ated by Ga Garci rcillas de laVegathe Ink I nka a, see Duvi uviol olss 1994. 42

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Fi g. 26 C hri Fig hrissti tia an month month of of Ja Janu nua ary ry.. “H e works. works.T ime for hoe hoeiing around maize and pota potato. Ja Janua nuarry. Mon Month th of  of  the Grea Great Celebra C elebratition” on” (s (see Figs. 12, 12, 18). Guaman Poma’s use of a European model for this drawing becomes evident when comparing his rendering of beds separated by paths to that shown in Fig. 27 (after (aft er Guam Guama an Poma Poma 1980: 1132).

Fi g. 27 Fig 27 Digging ging,, pla planting nting,, and pruni pruning ng during duri ng the month of of M arch, under under the the sign of Ari Arie es. Offi O fficium cium Beata tae e Ma M ari ria aeVirgini rginiss (1609). Special Collections Library, U nive nivers rsiity of M ichigan, Ann Arbor rbor.. 330

 

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Fig. 28 C hri Fig hrisstia tian n mont month h of Ma M ay. “Work. T ime for colle collecting cting,, gather theriing the maize ze.. Ma M ay. M onth of ha harves rvest” (after Guaman Poma 1980: 1144).

Fig. 29 Fig 29 C hri hrisstia tian n mont onth h of  December, with its mature sun (see Fig. 4). 4). “Work. T ime for sowi sowing ng potato and and oca oca.. Dece Decem mbe ber. r. Mont M onth h of the great festival of the Sun” (after Guaman Poma 1980: 1165). 331

 

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Virgi rgin n Ma M ary, al altho though ugh nume numero rous us churchesha had d bee been dedi dedica cated ted to them by this this time, have have not as yet stage staged d any any meani ningf ngful ul entr entry y.44 Guaman Poma’s considerabl ble e erudi uditition on in in Chr Chriistitia an hagi hagiogra ography phy and sacred icono conogra graphy phy, which which he di dissplayed elsewhere in his C oró róni nicca (see Fig. 16),45 thus remained inactive when it came ca me to vi vissua uallizi zing ng Andean spa space as Chr hriistitia an space ce.. I t was was pos posssibl ble e to integ ntegrate rate an Ande ndea an vis vision of of the the mythi ythicc and and his histo torrica call past wi with the theiir C hr hriistitia an equi equiva valents nts,, asGua uam man Poma Pomadi did d at at the the be begi ginni nning ng of  his C oróni nicca.  H  He ethusmatchedbi bibli blica call and Chr Chriistitia an epochs epochswi with thAnde ndea an counterparts before letting the two sets of epochs converge around the incarnation of Jesus and the Spanish invasion of Peru.46 For here, Christian universal historiography with its unitary chronology could accommodate the integration of  diff di ffe erent nati nationa onall and cultur cultura al hi hissto torries into one and and the sa same sche chem me. T hi hiss provided room for a vision of the Andean past that was compatible with that scheme while also retaining some of its own characteristics. R itua tuall acti ction on and and the tho thought ught and expe experrience tha thatt for form mul ula ated it, howeve however, r, were le less easily tur turned ned to Chr hriistitia an uses uses. In In one one sens nse e, mi mission ona ariesthem themsselve vess stoo tood d in in the way in in their their ina nabi billity to envi vission, bey beyond the conve conversion of of Ande Andea an individuals, the accommodation of Christian culture to Andean history and society. Francisco de Avila, like the other extirpators of the seventeenth century, thus perceived in Andean festive display clandestine articulations of the idol dola atro trous usbe belliefs of the the pa past. Gua Guam man Poma Pomaand afew lilike ke-- minde nded d indi indivi vidua dualls, on the other hand, perceived in such display the legitimate reaffirmation of  Andean musical and poetic traditions, of the canons of ceremonial dress, ritualize zed d work, work, and and public public fe feastiting ng in in a now Chr C hriistitia an soci socie ety ty..T he is issue was not merel me rely y tha thatt most Andean people people had had been been bapti baptized, zed, received received some some Chr Chriistitia an ins nstr tructi uction, on, and partitici cipa pated in Chr Chriistitia an festitiva vals on a reg regul ula ar bas basis. For in a sens nse e, titim me its tself elf ha had d bee been reconcep reconceptual tualiized in Euro Europe pea an and and Chr Chriistitia an term terms; however, this reconceptualization left certain Andean realities unaccounted for.

M icha chael el Sal Sallnow (198 (1987: 7: 51– 51–99) 99) des descr criibe bess the “recons reconsecra ecratition” on” of the Ande ndea an la landsca cape pe around Cuzco C uzco in in Chr C hriistitia an terms. 45 SeeGua uama man Poma Poma1980:639,C rossof C arabuco wi with Saints Saints Ja Jame messand Ba Bartho thollome omew w; 703, 70 3, I mmacul cula ate Conce Concepti ption; on; 825 825,,Trini nity; ty; 82 827, 7, O ur La L ady of the Ros R osa ary wi with Saint Peter; Peter; 829, Saints Sebastian, Peter, Lucy, and Barbara, among others, for his deep familiarity with C hr hriistitia an iconogra iconograph phy y. 46 A great deal has been written about this topic; see, for example, Duviols 1980; Pease 1981; and Szeminski 1983. 44

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T heI nka and C hri hrist stiian Ca C ale lend nda ars in in Ea E arly C olo loni nia al Pe Peru EUROPEAN EUROPE AN TIME TIM E AND THE FURY OF GOD

 T he routin  Th ine es of Ch Chri risstian prayer and in insstru rucctio ion n and of labor organiz ize ed by and for for Spani nissh mas master terss were regul regula ated in in step step wi with a seve venn-da day week week wi with th Sunday as a day of rest, and in step with a day the hours of which were counted by the clock.47 Sundials and clocks measuring hours were a European import into the Andes, and in Guaman Poma’s time, they were beginning to change the Andean exper experience and percepti perception on of of ti time. It It wa was a questition on of mor ore e than vocabula bularry. Europe Europea an clock clockssdi divi vide ded d eve everry nig night and and day into into twe twentynty-fo four ur hour hourss of the same length, irrespective of the changing duration of night and day at different times of year (Fig. 30).48 A  Ass Gua uam man Poma Poma realized zed,, thi this made it it possible to regulate times of worship and work in a manner that remained the same th thro rougho ughout ut th the e yea year. Hence H ence he sugge suggessted tha thatt each Andea Andean settl ettlem ement, ent, howeve howe verr small, shoul hould d have its own “cha “chape pell, ora orato torry and and clock clock..” Ne N ext to the “clock,” in effect a sundial, as he envisioned it, was a bell, which announced to all and sundry the order and duration of their daily tasks (Fig. 31). People were to rise at fi five and begin begin wor work at se seve ven. n. Sunday Sunday Ma M ass and the the mi midday pra praye yerr of  each wor worki king ng day were at noon noon.. T he mi midday mea meal fo folllowed, and more work work wass to be done from wa from two to to fi five, ma maki king ng an eighteight-hour hour wor worki king ng day.T hi hiss wa wass not only a method of delimiting the corvée labor Andean people had to perfor orm m for thei theirr Spani nissh master terssbut al also a way of of ensur ensuriing that that pri priests said Ma M ass and the the custo custom mary pra praye yerrs at the prope properr titim me.T he time timekee keepe perrs who wa watch tche ed the clock, Guaman Poma thought, should be the Andean people themselves (Fiig. 32). (F 32). He Hence the parad radox ox that that in in his his C oró róni nicca it was not Spaniards, but Andean secular officials and sacristans who rang the bell that called everyone to tasks such as as co coul uld d only only be assigne gned d in in acco accord rd wi with a Euro urope pea an and and Chr C hriistitia an conceptualization of time and duration.49

47 reasons for producing equal See aSee See lso Le LTurner e Gof offf(1994: (1980: (198 0:21–22) 35–36, 35– 36,on 43–52). 43– 52). Jeroni eronimo mo de O résundials (1598: measuring (1598: folls. 50v– fo 50v–61v) 61v) deshours. des criibe cr bess the life and timetable of a (somewhat idealized) missionary doctr triina. M  My y thanks to John John R owe and to Ann Ann Pol Pollard Rowe R owe fo forr dis discus cusssing thes these matters with with me. 48  T  Tw wo mis isssals that show, alo lon ng wit ith h the usual ca cale len ndar, the vary ryin ing g hours of nig igh ht and day throu throughout ghout the yea year are the Mi Missale Secundum Secundum consuetudi consuetudinem nem (1493) and the Mi Missale R omanum (1499). 49 O n the the clock clock fo forr each each sett settllem ement, ent, see see Gua uama man Poma Poma (1980: 853– 853–854): 854):“Se levanten a las ci cie ete hora horas y al almos osen en y entren a tr tra avajar a los cinco cinco hor hora as.” “C iete ete”” is is a cor correcti rection on of a word wor d that that is is illeg egiibl ble e in the facsimile edi editition. on. It I t appe appea ars tha thatt Gua Guam man Pom Poma made an error error here:: this here this ca can n be correcte corrected d by reve reverrsing the two numbers, numbers, whi which ch resul results ts in the eighteight-hour hour work day he mentions further down on the same page. For Andean sacristans ringing bells, see, apa parrt fro from m Fi Fig. 32, Guam Guama an Poma Poma 1980: 1980: 652.

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Fig. 30 I n this missal, the list of sa saints nts’’ days and festivals for the month of August is preceded by the customary observation: “August has thi thirrtyty-one one days ys,, the moo moon n hass twentyha twenty-ni nine ne..T he night night has has ten hours hours, the day has fo four urteen. teen.”” Mi M issale Secundu Secundum m (1493). U nive nivers rsiiSpecial ty of M Collections ichigan, AnnLibrary, Arbor rbor..

Fi Fig g. 31 31according T he dailytoroun roGuaman und d in the Andes Poma: “Indians. Clock that the Indians ought to have. Twel Twelve ve o’clock o’clock,, one.  Th  T hey should rest. In all the kingdom they should know the hour. T ime to eat, one hour. One One hour to cook. R est, son. From From seven o’clock, you serve for five hours. From twelve, you rest for an hour. U p to five five o’cl o’clock, ock, up to the evening, you serve” (after Guaman Poma 1980: 853). 334

 

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Fig. 32 Ande ndea an sa sacr criista tan n dres dressed in in Catholic liturgical dress ringing the titim me: “Sacr criista tan n of the Hol Holy y Church Church who calls to mass and rings for pra pr ayer” (a (after Guam uama an Poma Poma 1980: 664).

But these were not the only tasks that filled the lives of Andean people. For there were periods, as Guaman Poma expressed it, when people should rest, by which he did not mean that they should do nothing, but rather, they have to work to weed the fields and they rest during this month [of January]. T he hey y mus mustt work work in in comm communi unity ty to spi spin n cloth cloth for for the village or for tribute, and drive partridges and wild animals and foxes awa way y fro from m the maize and potato potatoes es. (Guam (Guama an Po Poma 1980: 1131)  T hiskin  Th ind d of work was not regulated by Eu Eurropean methods of measurin ring g tim ime e beca be caus use e in in Gua Guam man Poma Poma’sday Andean people people stitilll recko reckoned ned the tim timesof thei theirr agr griicul cultu turral ca callendar by so solar marker kerss such as th the e I nk nka as ha had d used. used. Gua uama man Poma himself mentioned this practice: U nti ntill thi thiss day they they do do it it and and foll follow it it in in sowi owing ng the crops crops,, in what what month and what day and what hour, and at what point, where the sun goess.T he goe hey y loo look k at at the the hi hig gh mountai mountains ns,, and in in the mor morni ning ng [they [they loo look k for] the light and ray which the sun marks in the window. By this clock they sow and harvest the crops in this kingdom. (Guaman Poma 1980: 235) 335

 

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Fi g. 33 “I Fig “Ind ndiians. Astrolog Astrologe er. Poet Poet who knows the wheel of the sun and of the moon and eclipse, and about the th e star tarss and co comets mets,, abo bout ut Sun Sunda day, month and year, and about the four winds of the world to sow the crops from of old.” As a sign of his learni ning, ng, the wis wise ma man Jua J uan n Yunpa from fro m Uchuc Uchuc Ma M arca ca carrries a qui uipu pu (after (aft er Guam Guama an Poma Poma 1980: 883). 883).

Similarlrly Sim y, in in his hiscomm comme entson the the mont onth h of August in in the Inka Inka calendar, Gua Guam man Poma noted that at this time, people “begin to sow maize until the month of   Jan  Ja nuary, in accordance wit ith h the clo locck and wheel of the sun and the weather of  the la land” (Gua (Guam man Poma Poma198 1980: 0: 25 251). 1). For For Augus August in the the Chr Chriistitia an cal calendar, he wrote more cryptically: I f it it free freeze zessamont onth h or awe wee ek or or aday of the wheel wheel and clock clock,, let the old ol d peopl people e obs obse erve it, the maize is spoi poillt. It It wants wants to grow in the low point of the sun, so that the sun and air of the sky raise the food. So God that the maize grows in its time. (Guaman Poma 1980: 50 1152)wants  T hislatter passage isfull of dif  Th ifffic icu ult ltie iess. I ex explain my translatio ion n as follllo ows:“Y ci ci hie ierr rra a [for “hiele,” from “helar”] un mes una semana o un dia del rruedo y rreloxo que lo ven los biej bi ejos os [Gua [Guama man Poma Poma rarely us uses essubj ubjunct unctiive vess: I rea read d thi thiss passage as sayi ying ng“que lo lo ve vea an los los biejo bi ejoss.” But “the “the old old people see see it” is is also pos posssible.] se dana el mays ys.. Qui Q uiere ere entr entra ar [f [for or “entra entrar” r” as“to grow” see see bel below ow.. One O ne could could al also tr tra ans nsllate it it as“ente enter” r”:: the mea meani ning ng would would be similar.] en el punto conquavidad del sol [for “conquavidad del sol” as “low point of the sun,” cf. cf. Rea R eal Aca Academ demiia Espa pañol ñola a 1984: s.vv vv.., conca concavi vida dad, d, conca concavo, etc. etc. No N o exact precedent for for Gua uama man Poma Poma’s us usa age is me menti ntioned, oned, but I sugge uggesst thi thiss tr tra ans nsllatition on as hi hiss likel kely y meaning.] pare que lo cria el sol y ayre del cielo la comida. A aci quiere Dios que entre [I translate this “grow” although “enter” would also be possible.] en su tiempo. . . .” 50

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 T his way of reckonin  Th ing g tim ime e rested on ancie ien nt An And dean le lea arn rne ed tradit itio ion n. As lon ong g ago ago as the fou fourrth Andea Andean age,51 be  befo fore re the I nk nka as rul ule ed, Gua uam man Pom Poma wrote that there had existed philosophers who understood the annual courses of the sun and moon and described the length of the days by reference to sunrise and sunset, and, as a result, agricultural tasks were performed in their proper order. Such astronomical knowledge, which was recorded on “qui uipus pus, cords co rds and si signs, the exper expertitisse of Indi ndia ans ns”” (G (Gua uama man Poma Poma 198 1980: 0: 72), 72), wa was stitilll alive in Gua Guam man Poma Poma’sown day. In In his his de desscr criipti ption on of col coloni onia al soci ocie ety ty,, he wa wass thus able to incl include ude a br briief por portr tra ait of of one one of its exponents xponents.. T hi hiss wa wass Jua uan n  Yun  Yu npa, fr from Lu Luccanas, wh who, lik like e his predecessors of lon long ago, re recorded his his knowledge on a quipu (Fig. 33); he “had the order of philosophy and knew about the stars and about the round of the course of the sun and about the hour ho urss and mon months, ths, the yea year” (Gua (Guam man Pom Poma 198 1980: 0: 883 883). ). In I n acco accord rd wi with Ink I nka a norms, he divided the year into two halves, from solstice to solstice, and observed the duration of the day, the “hours and minutes” with the help of an Andean time marker or “window,” so that people could see when the early and late sowing should be done, and the planting, and the shearing of animals [for the] wool of sheep all the foods and victuals and fruits [which they] are toand eat alpacas and notand eat for the distempers in their months. (Guaman Poma 1980: 883–884)  T ime  Tim e was thus div ivid ide ed and measured accordin ing g to the tasks that were performed in it. Christian worship and labor organized by and for Spaniards occurred cur red duri during the hours hours tha thatt we were re me measured on a cl clock ock..T he age ge--ol old d Ande ndea an tasks of sowing, harvesting, and looking after domesticated animals by contrast were perf perfor orme med d in in ti time of “res “rest,” awa way y fro from m the cloc clock. k.T hi hisstitim me wasmeasured by Andean philosophers according to the course of the sun and moon, which  Jua  Ju anYu Yun npadescri rib bed in term rmssremin inis iscent of theIn Ink kasas“w “wif ife e [of thesun] and queen of the stars.” CONCLUSION

 T hroughout Gu  Th Gua aman Poma’s lo lon ng work, Ch Chris ristian and An And dean notio ion ns of  time interpenetrate or are in tension with each other, much as did Andean ritua tualls, lilifestyl tyle es, and reli religi gious ous ide idea as. Chr Chriistitia an conce concepts pts are used to expl xpla ain Andean ones and vice versa as, for example, when Guaman Poma offered a translation and cultural transposition of the Andean method of measuring time by describing the solar marker and by extension the sun itself as a “clock,” 51

Gua uam man Pom Poma di divi vide dessAndean his histor tory y befo before re the Inka Inka into into fo four ur pe perriods or age gess. 337

 

 Sab  Sa bin ine e Ma MaccC ormack  rreloxo.  T he resul ult, t, however, however, was was mor ore e than, than, and and other other than, a fu fussion of two

religious traditions.  Th  T he In Ink ka relilig gio iou us cale len ndar ex expressed in rit ritu ual fo form a set of agri riccult ltu ural, political, and social transactions that were fundamental to the functioning of  the em empi pire re.. Inde Indee ed, thes these tr tra ans nsa acti ctions ons,, which which com combi bine ned d work work wi with cele celebra bratition on and the production and storage of commodities with their distribution and consumption, were fundamental to survival. But, as Guaman Poma and others observed again and again, Spanish governance disrupted these old, established harmonies and turned a land of abundance into a land of perennial shortages where crop failure and starvation were constant threats. Behind these realities, Gua uam man Poma Pomape perceived rceived the ha hand nd of an angr angry y Chr C hriistitia an God. God. In In Fe Febr brua uarry, for for example, people should work at home and not go outside for fear and danger of diseases and lightening and rivers and torrents, and in the plains [for fear of] earthquakes which come often during this month. And the rivers cannot be cr cro ossed in in any any way way becaus because e Go God sends sendsth them emin his his fur ury y and and we must not tempt God; entering the river which sweeps away mountains like tempting Pomais1980: 1134)52 God or wanting to drown oneself. (Guaman  T he punit  Th itiv ive e fury of th the Ch Chris ristian Go God was a regular th theme in missio ion nary dissco di cour ursse, repea repeated on occa occassion by Gua Guam man Poma Poma hi him mself.Yet, the the Chr Chriistitia an God figured as only a very remote prime mover in relation to the forces and powers that Gua Guam man Po Pom ma percei perceive ved d as as acti ctive ve in in the Andea Andean en envi viro ronme nment. nt. Febru brua ary and and Ma M arch were the mont onths hs of “the “the force force of the ri rive verrs,” when the “great force of the water from the sky passes over the earth” (p. 1134). For  Jan  Ja nuary, sim imilila arly, “G “Go od created the great fo force of th the ri riv ver and diseases” (p. 1130). 1130 ). In I n Dece Decem mbe ber, r, pota potato toe es and other other cro crops ps sho houl uld d be sow own n “be beca caus use e all the force fo rce of sowi sowing ng wi with th the waters of the sky [i [is] in in this this titim me” (p. (p. 116 1164). 4). Oft Ofte en, however, the crops were lost because there was too much water so that people were hungry and started dying: “and it is not their fault, but rather God commands it thus.” But divine agency was not the only defining aspect of these forces, for there were also, during the vintage in April, the “force of the wine” (p. 1140 1140), ), in in Ma M ay, the“fo forc rce e of the the chee cheese” (p. 114 1143), 3), and and in in June June,, the“fo force rce of 

R eg ega ardi rding ng force force of water, water, note the parall parallel el in i n Cobo C obo (1964 (1964,, bk. 13: 13: chap. 27, 27, 214a 214a): “Al terc tercero ero mes llamaba ban n hatunpucu hatunpucuy y, en en que es la fuer uerza za de la las agua guass.” Cob Cobo’s o’s phr phra asing, unusual in Spanish, suggests that he is quoting some Andean source and that Guaman Poma drew on similar material. 52

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weaving clothes of the poor” (p. 1146).53 H  He ere re,, the force force in ques questition on is is pr priimarily a human one.  Th  T he fir irsst Qu Que echua le lex xic ico ographer Do Dom min ing go de Santo Tomás translated the term “force,” f  fu uerza za,,  a  ass callpa (1951: 139, 245). Among the verbs derived from this noun are callpa lpacchi hini ni,,  “to endow someone with force,” and callllpa paricuni uni,,  “t “to o divine, looking at the entrails or lungs of an animal or bird,” as the diviners during the potato harvest at Lampaz in 1547 had been expected to do (Domingo llpa a a de Sant Santo o Tomá Tomás 1951: 245). C allp  allso descr criibe bed d an an Inka I nka divi divina nator tory y sa sacr criififice ce that was was of offered fered at ti time mess of cr criisis or wh whe en a ne new w Ink I nka a rul ule er wa wass to be de dessignated, to be endowed, as it were, with the force to govern.54 Deities likewise had callpa,  which they could pass on to their worshipers or lose when defeated (Taylor 1987: 25–26).55 Finally, according to the colonial dictionaries, human beings had callpa,  force of body, spirit, and soul, the vigor or energy to work and act act (Gonzá (Gonzállez Hol H olg gui uin n 1952 1952:: 44 44––45 45). ).56 Guaman Poma’s conception of the divine and human forces that were active during the different months reproduces some aspects of the meanings of the Q ue uechua chua term callpa.  O  One ne crucia crucial ingre ngredi die ent, howeve however, r, is is missing ng.. T hi hiss is the dimension of callpa as a sacrifice and act of divination, which involved gaining access to a deity’s power or to the forces inherent in nature and making them manifest in society in some ordered fashion, as the villagers of Lampaz had sought to do. I n the absence of such ri ritua tuallsin Chr C hriistitia an Peru, there wa wassleft ft,, on the one hand, the human energy or force that could be vested in agricultural and domestic production. And on the other hand, there was the inexplicable fury of the Christian God manifest in those natural forces of the Andean environment ronme nt tha thatt coul could d not be contro controllled or conta contaiine ned d by huma human acti activi vity ty. T hi hiss fur ury y, whil while it it re reson ona atesin Gua Guam man Poma Poma’s ’spa page gesswi with th echoesfr from om the He H ebrew Bible, could nevertheless also be described with the help of a theological terminology that was rooted in Andean experience both past and present. R eg ega ardi rding ng the“fo force rce of the the wine” wine” fro from m whi which ch Indi I ndia ans di died ed,, Gua Guaman Pom Poma made the point poi nt that wine wine ought not to to be sol old d to Indi I ndia ans (1980: 114 1140). 0). T he issue also fi figure gured d in in colonial legislation, R ecopi pillación de leyes (1973), bk. 6, title 1, law 36 (vol. 2, fol. 192r), reiterating earlier laws of 1594, 1637, and 1640. 54 Pedro Sarmiento Sarmiento de Ga Gamboa 1965: cha chap. p. 40, 112– 112–113, 113, upr upriising of C ol olllas; chap. 58, 140, Gua Guayna yna Ca Capa pacc conqu conquers ers Chapa Chapachoyas; chap. chap.62, 147–148, 147–148, see eek king succ succes essor to Gua uayna yna C apa pac. c. 55 For the loss of callpa by a super uperna natur tura al bei being, ng, seeTayl ylor or 1987: 16, 27, 27, in in compa comparison with wi th Sal Salomon and and Ur U rios oste te 1991: 1991: 16, 207 207.. 56 N ot ote e, in in par partiticul cula ar, 44:“ca calllpa pa,, la lasfu fuerca ercassy el poder poder y la laspot potenci encia asdel almao cuerpo. cuerpo.”” For amore Chr C hriistitia an and and theologi theologica call concept of the term, 45: 45:“ca calllpa, la laspotenci potencia as.Ani nima map quim can callpan, las tres potencias del alma. . . . callpayoc, el que tiene fuerca o vigor.” See also Ano Anonymous nymous 1951: 1951: 20. 53

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