The Influence of Djola Eegima'a on French in Senegal by Sébastien TENDENG

Gaston Berger University of Saint-Louis Faculty of Arts and Humanities English Department Master 1

Topic: The Influence of Djola Eegimaa on French in Senegal OPTION: LINGUISTICS / GRAMMAR PRESENTED BY:

SUPERVISOR:

Sébastien TENDENG

Pr Mawéja MBAYA

ACADEMIC YEAR  2007-2008

TABLE OF CONTENTS 1

Dedication ...............................................................................................................……...3 Acknowledgements........................................................................................................…4 List of Charts, Maps, Tables and Appendices....................................................................5 List of Codes and Abbreviations .......................................................................................6 GENERAL INTRODUCTION .........................................................................................7 Chapter One: BACKGROUNDS .................................................................................11 Eegimaa in Casamance ........................................................................................12 French in Casamance ...........................................................................................14 Chapter Two: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .....................................................16 Eegimaa Description.............................................................................................17 French Description ..............................................................................................19 Languages in Contact...........................................................................................21 Review of Related Literature ...............................................................................23 Chapter Three: THE FIELDWORK ...........................................................................26 The Field of Research .........................................................................................27 The Research Population .....................................................................................27 The Sample ..........................................................................................................28 Tools of Investigation...........................................................................................28 Chapter Four: DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION................................29 The Corpus Presentation.......................................................................................30 Morphophonological Analysis.............................................................................34 Reporting the Findings.........................................................................................43 GENERAL CONCLUSION............................................................................................ 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................................................................... 46 APPENDICES..................................................................................................................49

DEDICATION

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This work is dedicated to: my dear parents Fidéle, Rosalie Bassène and all my brothers and sisters. for their cherishing love and constant concern for my success. Boundless thanks for all. and Patrick COLY (1979-2005) who did not have the chance to defend his Master dissertation. He was taken away from our affection by the suddenness of death. May God, Lord of peace and forgiveness welcome him in His Holy Paradise. Amen.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS “The Lord is my shepherd; I have everything I need. He lets me rest in fields of green grass and leads me to quite pools of fresh water”. Psalm 23:1-2 My first thanks go to my dear parents Fidéle and Rosalie Bassène for their cherishing love and constant concern for my success and to my uncle and godfather Léon Bassène for all those years spent under his shelter. Boundless thanks for all. My special thanks go to Professor Mawéja Mbaya for accepting to supervise this work. He has made numerous proposals for improvement; both in regard to the overall structure of the work and to countless details, and have painstakingly read through the various drafts from the proposal. I owe also a very special debt of gratitude to all my professors at Gaston Berger University: Dr Abdoulaye Barry for his useful linguistic classes, Dr Omar Fall for his fruitful grammar courses, Pr Baydallaye Kane, Dr Badara Sall and all the others who, from the first year were always present. The following relatives, friends and colleagues have read the whole or substantial parts of the manuscript in various stages and have made valuable suggestions: Pr Pierre Marie Sambou, Dr Serge Sagna and Dr Alain-Christian Bassène for their continuous support and invaluable advice through all the stages of my writing, Michel Mbodji, Cécilia Faye, Carmen Ndour and all the members of the “Gadiaga Family”. Thanks are also due to Etienne Bassène and Louis Eketbo Bassène who provided me with valuable information on Eegimaa people and their culture. I am much indebted to the people at the CEM of Enampor for all their support and constant availability. My heartfelt thanks also go to all those who have helped in the fieldwork: Rolande Virginie Sagna, Amiral Bassène, Thibaut Bassène and all the members of A.E.R.M.A (U.C.A.D/Dakar). Last but not least, my special thanks go to my roommates Joseph Senghor and my cousin and brother Pierre Bassène, with whom I shared years of peaceful neighbouring. My thanks also go to Jules François Diatta who has been a constant source of encouragement. All my classmates (The Class 2003-2004) and the residents of G7G and G7E are associated with these thanks all without any exception and all those who knowingly or otherwise have contributed in making this work what it is.

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LIST OF CHARTS, MAPS, TABLES AND APPENDICES Charts Chart 1: Classification of the Djola group languages........................................................ 9

Maps Map 1: The location of Mof Ávi within Senegal............................................................. 10 Map 2: The Eegimaa speaking area..................................................................................10 Map 3: The migration from Burofay towards Mof Ávi...................................................13

Tables Table 1: Eegimaa phonological consonants.....................................................................17 Table 2: Eegimaa phonological vowels............................................................................18 Table 3: IPA chart for French consonants........................................................................19 Table 4: French phonological vowels.............................................................................. 20 Table 5: Age of the informants........................................................................................ 32 Table 6: Sex of the informants.........................................................................................32 Table 7: Level of study of the informants........................................................................32 Table 8: Languages spoken by the informants.................................................................33 Table 9: Mastery of Eegimaa............................................................................................33

Appendices Appendix 1: Portrait of Affiledjo Manga the last “king-priest-of-the-rain”....................49 Appendix 2: Questionnaire...............................................................................................50 Appendix 3: List of the informants..................................................................................51

List of codes and abbreviations

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(=) : means “corresponds” : means “becomes”

[+ATR] : Advanced Tongue Root [-ATR] : Non-Advanced Tongue Root A.E.R.M.A : Association des Etudiants Ressortissants de Mof Ávi A.N.S : Archives Nationales du Sénégal (National Archives of Senegal) Aff. : Affix C : Consonant I.P.A : International Phonetic Alphabet L1 : First language L2 : Second language

× : means “nothing” Rad. : Radical Suff. : Suffix U.C.A.D : Université Cheikh Anta Diop (University of Dakar) V : Vowel +v : Voiced -v : Voiceless

GENERAL INTRODUCTION Djola is a linguistic unit which, with Mandjako, Mankagna and Balanta, constitutes the Bak sub-group of the West-Atlantic group, which belongs to the great

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Niger-Congo family. It was classified in the West-Atlantic group by Westermann and J. H. Greenberg. But French linguists Delafosse and Lavergne de Tressan classified Djola in what they called the Senegalo-Guinean group1. The classification of Greenberg, until now up to date, is the one retained for this research work. Djola is spoken in The Gambia, Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. It is the language of the Djola people who occupy the area which extends on these three countries. All over this linguistic shelf, Djola is respectively in contact with English, French, Portuguese and other local languages. Basing ourselves on the truism according to which when one or more languages are in contact, they influence one another, we have chosen to work on the influence of Djola on French in Senegal. In one word, this work will be concerned with the study of the influence of a national language, namely Djola, on the official one, French, in Senegal. Senegal is a linguistic shelf where many languages are in contact. From this contact arises the phenomenon of mutual-influence but we will concentrate our work more on the study of the influence of Djola on French than the contrary. The Djola language, according to Sambou (1979), comprises around fifteen dialects2. Among this set of dialects, our choice laid on that commonly known as “Eegimaa”. This choice is justified by the fact that these people were in early contact with the colonizers and that’s the same for their language. Another reason is that their location is very enclosed and thus less exposed to the phenomenon of Wolofisation. The dialect was variously named by the linguists who worked on it: Palmeri called it Bandial, Doneux, Gusilay, while Odile Tendeng, a native speaker, labeled it Endungo at the end of a long term investigation. To find a name in which all the speakers of the linguistically delimited entity would recognize themselves, such was one of the concerns which animated the researchers. In spite of the provided efforts, it appears today that these denominations do not cover the whole of the speech community, certain villages feeling indicated by none of the three names. In order to answer this concern, the name Eegimaa was selected designating the people of this dialect. Indeed, to be distinguished from other Djola people, the native speakers call 1

Pierre-Marie Sambou. 1979. « Djola Kaasaa Esuulaalur : Phonologie, Morphophonologie et Morphologie ». Thèse de doctorat de 3ème cycle, Dakar : Université de Dakar, Page 4 2 Refer to Chart 1, page 3.

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themselves: “ájoola eegimaa”, which means: a Djola who uses the expression “eegimaa” to say: “here is what I say to you ". And this expression is very recurrent in the speech of this community. Apart from these authors, we can find other people naming it “Djola Essil” or even people from that area calling it “Guláay” or “Gujólay gamoyen”. In front of this situation of uncertainty, we have chosen to label it “Eegimaa” because it is the one mostly used in the academic sphere (Bassène 2001 and Bassène 2003) and we would not depart from the rule. Even for the spelling of the word “Djola” itself, we noticed many types (Diola, Dyola, Jóola and Jola), but we will use “Djola” in this work. We found an interest on this topic and it lays on the fact that not only it is one in which we will be pioneers on researching and findings from this work will be original ones but also because it will allow us to study the contact between local and official languages in a multilingual context. To bring a true contribution to the present field of language contact in multilingual societies, we have conducted a fieldwork in which we tried to bring as much reliable data as possible. We went to “Mof Ávi3” in the department of Ziguinchor, to Dakar and Saint-Louis where we found a high concentration of Eegimaa people. To collect these data, we proceeded by means of a questionnaire in which people were asked to give their identification (names, age, sex, address and country of birth) and also answered a limited set of questions such as their mother tongue, other languages they speak or understand and their level of study4 etc. Apart from the questionnaire, we observed people speaking and chose a sample of fifty persons (twenty five [25] from Ziguinchor and the remaining 25 others from Dakar and Saint-Louis) whom we interviewed by means of a voice recorder. The people interviewed were all native speakers of Eegimaa aged between 15 and 66. All of them went to school for at least 7 years. This work will be divided into four main chapters. In Chapter One, we will present these two languages giving their historical background in the field of research. Then in Chapter Two, we will give a theoretical approach concerning the description of the two languages of our study, all the theories about languages in contact and the 3

“Mof” is the word for land, soil and “ávi” stands for both King and hundred or cent franc CFA but here, it is for the first meaning that prevails. Thus “Mof Ávi” means the king’s land and is the original location of the Eegimaa people (for more information see Map 1 and 2, page 4). 4 For more details see Appendix 2: Questionnaire, page 44.

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inventory of works related in some way or other to ours. In Chapter Three, we will present the fieldwork and show in what way we have conducted the data collection. And at last, in Chapter Four, we will analyze the data we gathered during the fieldwork before giving the findings and then conclude.

Chart 1: Classification of the Djola group languages (“BAK” LANGUAGES SUBDIVISION: Djola group) DJOLA GROUP

Bayot group

Karone group

Proper Djola

Kwataay group

Central Djola

Fogny group

Kaassa group

Ejamat group

Gusilay group

*Fogny

*Huluf

*Ejamat

*Gusilay

*Buluf

*Ayun

*Her

*Eegimaa

*Kombo

*Selek

*Narang

*Esuulaalur

*Elun

*Fluvial *Bliss

SOURCE: Translation and adaptation from Hopkins 2005, page 7.

Map 1: Localisation of Mof Ávi whithin Senegal

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SOURCE: Bassène, Mamadou. 2003, page3.

Map 2: The Eegimaa speaking area

SOURCE: Bassène, Mamadou. 2003, page3.

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CHAPTER ONE *** Backgrounds

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1- EEGIMAA IN CASAMANCE The history of the establishment of the Eegimaa people in Mof Áví is partly based on mythical stories on the one hand and real facts on the other. Thus, according to legend, all ethnic groups of Senegal were said to come from Mecca where, they originally all live in peace: Serer, Djola, Fulani, Mandingo etc. But once came the day when they had to separate from each other because it was said that they were cramped for room. So, they decided to break into pieces the “big black stone” used in pagan rituals and allegedly called in Arabic “siat”. This same noun is found in the Eegimaa language and is the plural form of the word “eat” which is also a black stone but of an unsettled size. This stone is buried in the shrines. Always according to legend, the Eegimaa people sojourned a long time in the ancient Kingdom of Gaabu with the Fulani and the Mandingo. After their sojourn in the empire of Gaabu, the Djola left and moved northward until they reached the present region of Casamance precisely in a place called Burofay where they lived peacefully with their fellows the Baïnouk for a long period of time. But according to Palmeri, at a certain period of their cohabitation, drought cropped up and life with their fellows Baïnouk became harsh leading to internal fights between them. The Baïnouk left Burofay and settled in Brin where they live still now. The Eegimaa people as to them, stayed there for a while before a hunter named Djiméguéré discovered the bed of a stream in a place somewhere between Badiat and Badjokotong. Once back to Burofay, he told the king about his discovery and the latter sent three other hunters one from each of the three clans composing the kingdom. They went there, came back and confirmed what was said previously. All Eegimaa people left Burofay together under the king of that time named Djimanga and went westward to join Essil5. In their way, they stopped over at Gunih and waited for the king who left last bringing with him the fetishes called Ufulung. Once in Essil, which is the first village to be occupied officially by the Eegimaa, the families began to spread out all around the new lands. Thus, the Bassène stopped in Essil. The Jiben clan, composed by different families: the Sagna, Manga, Sambou, Diatta and the Aghène continued further and stopped in Enampor; while the Batendeng clan which was the most numerous, occupied the villages of Séléki and Gheubeul. After a certain number of years spent in the newly discovered lands, a quarrel broke 5

For more details, see Map 3: Migration from Burofay towards Mof Ávi, page 7.

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out in the royal family of Enampor, which caused its scission. This family broke up into two branches: the Manga remained in Enampor and the Sagna took refuge in Essil carrying with them their respective fetishes. From this moment on, the royalty belonged alternatively to Manga and Sagna families and the "kings" are selected once in Enampor and the following time in Essil. This tradition of royalty in Mof Aví lived on until 1978 with the death of Affilédio Manga6 the last “king-priest-of-the-rain”.

Map 3: Migration from Burofay towards Mof Ávi

SOURCE: Palmeri, Paolo. 1995, page 77. 2- FRENCH IN CASAMANCE7 In 1455, the Portuguese discovered the estuary of the river populated by the Baïnouk 6

See Appendix 1: Affiledio Manga, the last “king-priest-of-the-rain”, page 43. When writing this part, we mainly used researches by Palmeri (1995: 128-140) from where is extracted the major part of the historical quotations from the National Archives of Senegal. 7

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on the right bank and the Floup on the left one. The Venetian Alvise Da Cada Mosto, at the service of Portugal, baptized this place Casamansa (Casa which stands for house or ownership and Mansa for the name of the Floup's king of that time) which became later Casamance. One of the first official reports mentioning the contacts between French settlers and the people of Mof Ávi stated the destruction of Séléki in reprisals to an action of plundering which the men of this village had carried out on Karabane in 1857. In response, the French attacked and burned Séléki on January 26 th, 1859, (ANS, 1016,25)8 and to conclude peace and put themselves under French protection, the village committed themselves giving three heads of cattle (ANS, 1D16,54). At the end of 1886, as he did not yet perceive any intention on behalf of Djola to pay their debt, Lieutenant Truche decided to go to Séléki, accompanied by a small escort and about fifty volunteers of Karabane. After sailing up the Backwater of Gheubeul with a steam-driven boat, the men disembarked close to the village carrying a cannon and some grenades to intimidate the population. But, once close to the first districts, they found armed villagers awaiting them. Truche thought of having to face only the men of Séléki but he was in fact, in front of the warriors of Enampor, Etama, Gheubeul and those of Essil who surprised him in a heavy crossfire and encircled him. The soldiers panic-stricken, fled in all the directions and Truche himself was wounded by a poisoned spear. Rather than to fall between the hands of the enemy, he preferred to shoot himself in the head with the last cartridge that remained to him, while his men withdrew in disorder, leaving on the ground deaths of thirteen people9. The French counterattack was quick. On January 5th, 1887 the "Aviso Poder" approached the banks of Séléki and showered the village. The Djola people, too independent and not accustomed to live under any kind of authority, rebelled once again against the French settlers and attacked their fortified camp in Séléki during the night on May 17th, 1906. Djignabo Bassène, one of the most influential priests of the Circumcision fetishes, accompanied by warriors such as Adjalubay, Alandisso, Khulécho, Abekker and some 8

Archives Nationales du Sénégal (National Archives of Senegal) the number is that of the bookshelf and the bar code. 9 Christian Roche. 1976. Conquête et Résistance des Peuples de Casamance. Dakar-Abidjan : Nouvelles Editions Africaines. Page 185.

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other volunteers, was killed that night. His death plunged the village in consternation and the following day, the Elders resigned to the defeat and gave to the French eight heads of cattle. At the end of that same day, almost all had finished paying the due tax.

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CHAPTER TWO *** Theoretical Framework

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1- EEGIMAA DESCRIPTION The Eegimaa phonological system comprises 30 phonemes of which 20 consonants and 10 vowels10.

a- The Consonants PLACE

Labial

Alveolar

Palatal

Velar

MANNER +v

p

t

c

k

-v

b

d

j

g

m

n

ɲ

ŋ

+v

f

s

-v

v

Plosive Nasal Fricative Vibrant

r

Approximant

l

x

y

w

SOURCE: Bassène, Alain Christian. 2006, page 17.

Table 1: Eegimaa phonological consonants The above phonological table was designed according to the distributional theory. This theory classifies the phonemes of a language according to the features which are present in all the allophones which realize the same phoneme. However, we recognize that the application of this theory poses problem when it comes to classify, in relevant features, the phonemes of Eegimaa. Indeed, the term `plosive' cannot be 10

Alain Christian Bassène. 2006. « Description du Djola Banjal _ Sénégal », Lyon 2 : Université Lumière, Thèse de Doctorat. Page 34

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appropriate, actually, to classify the phonemes /p/, /b/, /c/ and /g/ because each of them have a plosive and fricative allophone. The term `obstruent' could have been used in replacement of 'plosive' while making modifications concerning the places of articulation i.e. in classifying /p/ and /b/ in the `bilabials', /f/ and /v/ in the `labiodentals', /t/ and /d/ in the `apico-alveolars' and /s/ in the `dorso-alveolar'. Unfortunately, a problem will arise concerning the classification of the phonemes /k/, /x/ and /g/ because the first two are all voiceless velar obstruents.

b- The vowels The phonological vowels are 10. In the notation that we have adopted for the phonological transcription, the non marked vowels (with no accent) are the loose vowels (-ATR), while the marked vowels (provided with an accent) are the tensed vowels (+ATR).

Tensed vowels

Loose vowels

Front

Back

Front

Back

í

ú

i

u

é

ó

e

o

á

a

SOURCE: Sambou, Pierre Marie. 1989 page 194.

Table 2: Eegimaa phonological vowels The graphs used here represent tensed11 vowels and loose vowels in a transcription adapted from the I.P.A according to the correspondence (=) below: 11

This terminology is borrowed from Sambou (1989:192). The tensed vowel, unlike the loose one, is realized with the root of the tongue advanced and is perceived bass and dark.

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tensed vowels: í = i; é = e; á = ә; ó = o; ú = u loose vowels: i = I; e = ɛ; a = a; o = ɔ; u = ɔ It is worth noting that, in Eegimaa, length is phonemic for all the vowels12 and for all the consonants except from /r/, /x/, /w/ which have only one realization.

2- FRENCH DESCRIPTION This part of our work discusses the phonological system of standard French based on the Parisian dialect. French is notable for its uvular ʁ, nasal vowels, and two processes affecting word-final sounds: liaison, wherein word-final consonants are not pronounced unless followed by a word beginning with a vowel; and elision, wherein a final vowel is elided before vowel initial words.

a- The consonants Where symbols for consonants occur in pairs, the one on the left represents the voiceless consonant and that on the right, the voiced consonant. Place

Bi-labial

Labiodental

DentalPalatoAlveolar alveolar

Manner Nasal

M p, b

Plosive Fricative

f, v

n t, d s, z

Palato-alveolar

Velar

Plain

Plain

Uvular Round

ɲ

Round

Ŋ

k, g ʁ

ʃ,ʒ

Approximant

j

ɥ

W

ʎ L SOURCE: (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_phonology#Consonants)

Lateral

Table 3: IPA chart for French consonants The velar nasal /ŋ/ is not a native phoneme of French, but occurs in loan words in final position such as parking or camping. The French rhotic has a wide range of realizations. [ʀ], [ʁ] (both the fricative and the approximant), [r], [ɾ], and [χ] will all be recognized as "r", but most of them will be considered dialectal. The approximants [j], [ɥ] and [w] correspond to [i], [y] and [u] respectively. While there are a few minimal pairs (such as loua [lu.a] 'he rented' and loi [lwa] 'law'), there are many cases where there is free variation. 12

Mamadou Bassène. 2003. “Some Aspects of Djola Eegimaa Phonology”. Master Thesis. Saint-Louis: Gaston Berger University. p 31

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b- The vowels Standard French contrasts up to thirteen oral vowels and up to four nasal vowels.

Front Central Back Unrounded Rounded i y e ø

Close Close – mid Oral

Open – mid Nasal

Open

Ɛ (Ɛ:)

ɛ̃

u

ǝ

o

œ

ɔ

(œ̃)

ɔ̃

a

ɑ̃ (ɑ)

Oral SOURCE: (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_phonology#Vowels)

Table 4: French phonological vowels Some speakers contrast a front /a/ vs. a back /ɑ/ but there are wide differences amongst such speakers as to which words have which vowel. Similarly, some speakers distinguish between long /ɛ:/ and short /ɛ/; maître [mɛ:tʁ] ('teacher') vs. mettre [mɛtʁ] ('to put'). The phonetic qualities of the back nasal vowels are not very similar to those of the corresponding oral vowels, and the contrasting factor that distinguishes /ɑ̃/ and /ɔ̃/ is the extra lip rounding of the latter. Many speakers have merged /œ̃/ with /ɛ̃/. The schwa (/ə/ also called "e caduc" ('decrepit e') and "e muet" ('mute e') is a mid central vowel with some rounding. It is always dropped ("muet") before another vowel (un(e) âme [yn.ɑ:m] 'a soul'), and usually when following a single consonant (rapp(e)ler [ʁa.ple] 'to recall'). On the other hand, it is usually pronounced when its omission would create a cluster of three consonants or more (gredin [gʁə.dɛ̃], une porte [yn pɔʁt], une porte fermée [yn pɔʁ.tə.fɛʁ.me]). This vowel is phonologically distinct from [œ], but for most native speakers of French, they may be pronounced identically. For example, in le bœuf /lə bœf/ or demi-heure /dəmjœʁ/, most French native speakers won't make any phonetic difference between the two

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vowels, pronounced identically most of the time (or even swapped). 3- LANGUAGES IN CONTACT Language contact occurs when speakers of distinct speech varieties interact. When speakers of different languages interact closely, it is typical for their languages to influence one another. One of the main consequences arising from language contact is the influence exerted by one language on the other and in most of the cases that of the superstratum over the substratum. This influence can be mutual or non mutual. Other no less important consequences of language contact are: borrowing, mixed languages, or even language endangerment or death to mention only these few. Change as a result of contact is often one-sided. Chinese, for instance, has had a profound effect on the development of Japanese, but the Chinese language remains relatively free of Japanese influence, other than some modern terms that were reborrowed after having been coined in Japan. In India, Hindi and other native languages have been influenced by English up to the extent that loan words from English are part of day to day vocabulary. In some cases, language contact may lead to mutual exchange, although this exchange may be confined to a particular geographic region. For example, in Switzerland, the local French has been influenced by German, and vice-versa. In Scotland, the Scots language has been heavily influenced by English, and many Scots terms have been adopted into the regional English dialect. All languages can borrow words from a language with which they are in contact. Most of the time, these borrowed words undergo transformations in conformity with the phonology of the target language. For example, given that French words are stressed on the last syllable, the word walkman, which has an initial accent in English, the source language, is pronounced with a final French accent. However, there are also cases in which such an adaptation does not take place; consequently, the sound structure of the borrowing language undergoes a change. For example, further to the contact with English and Italian, French has affricate consonants today, as in match and pizza. A mixed language is a language that arises through the fusion of two source

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languages (both being clearly identifiable), normally in situations of thorough bilingualism. It differs from either a pidgin, a Creole and Code-Switching. Concerning pidgin, it differs from it. The speakers of a mixed language are fluent in both languages, whereas a pidgin develops when groups of people with little knowledge of each other's languages come into contact and have need of a basic communication system, as for trade, but do not have enough contact to learn each other's language. As for the second, they differ because a Creole language generally has one identifiable parent in addition to diverse input which cannot be traced to any particular language. While creoles tend to have drastically simplified morphologies, mixed languages often retain the inflectional complexities of both parent languages. Finally, a mixed language differs from code-switching, such as Spanglish and Frenglish13, in that speakers do not need to know the source languages. The fusion of the source languages is fixed in the grammar and vocabulary, not left to the speaker. However, it is believed that mixed languages evolve from persistent code-switching, with younger generations picking up the code-switching, but not necessarily the source languages that generated it. Language death is a recurring phenomenon in Sociolinguistics. We can consider that generally language death occurs in a linguistic situation of domination i.e. when a dominant language A replaces completely a dominated language B. However the complete substitution of a language leading to its death proceeds by stage. Three principal types of causes can be called upon to explain the death of a language: physical, political and socio-economic causes14.

4- REVIEW OF THE RELATED LITERATURE 13

Spanglish is a word coined to label the language composed of the mix of Spanish and English same case as Frenglish which is the mixture of French and English. 14

Henri Boyer. 2001. Introduction à la Sociolinguistique. Paris: Dunod. Page 70

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As pointed out by Yasmine Marzouk (1993), after the era of great monographs by Louis-Vincent Thomas in Ethnology (1959) or by Paul Pelissier in Human Geography (1966): « La bibliographie sur les Djola pèche plutôt par son abondance et par son éclatement, comme si les auteurs avaient adopté la structure de l’objet étudié » [The bibliography on Djola is full of get-up-and-go rather by its abundance and its bursting, as if the authors had adopted the structure of the studied object]. Considerable works related to the Djola language and people in general and the Eegimaa dialect in particular, were consulted for the working out of this part of our research. This part, as its name suggests, is an inventory of fixtures but also a central and essential part of every academic research. Mbaya (1999:21) understood that and stated it clearly saying the following: “this stage is essential since it helps to master the field of investigation and methodologies and to generate hypotheses or questions for further studies”. This stage is also important in so far as it allows us to set down the relationship between the existing document and our project and also helps us diminish the risk of coming up with unreliable conclusions. Concerning the sociolinguistic situation of Senegal as a whole, Mbaya (2005) in his last work entitled Pratiques et Attitudes Linguistiques dans le Sénégal d'Aujourd'hui carried out a meticulous analysis on the situation of language use and attitude in Senegal and it appears in the light of his conclusions that the diversity of the national parlances is at the origin of a vast complex network of influences and interferences. This work could be useful for us for a good reading of the current Senegalese sociolinguistic situation since it is, to some extent, an update of the relational life of the languages (official and vernacular) in Senegal. In his book published in 1983 and entitled Le Français et les Langues Africaines au Sénégal, and most precisely in the second part: chapter five, page 196, Pierre Dumont talks about languages in contact and does a clear and concise exposé of the diversity of the languages in presence. This work will particularly call our attention because it presents the situation of the contact between the official language and the other national languages but focuses most on Wolof and Serer in some parts. Our interest in this study will be to push on further and try to see the real relationship between Djola and French in Senegal.

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On the typically regional level, Caroline Juillard (1995) in her study carried out on the town of Ziguinchor, tried to bring out the major issues for an efficient management of multilingualism in urban environment. Her greater merit would be to be able to decline two issues as well micro as macro-sociolinguistic, to have gone in search of the linguistic life of Ziguinchor citizens without any particular preconceived idea. This work will be for us of great academic importance in so far as it describes the complex reality of multilingualism in action in the everyday life of the townsmen. It poses the problematics of the emergence of new models of behaviour within a composite society in rapid change, with fast and unstable influences. Another work carried out on the Eegimaa population itself is that of Paolo Palmeri published in 1995 and entitled Retour dans un Village Diola de Casamance: Chronique d’une Recherche Anthropologique au Sénégal. In this book, the author, as a good anthropologist, penetrates deeply in the way of life of the Djola people of Mof Avi. The work of Palmeri is characterized by its ethnographic quality. Basing himself on a vast quantitative survey carried out in the majority of the villages of the area, he delivers invaluable data on the composition of the population and collects several oral versions of the history of the settlement in Mof Ávi starting from the emigration of the inhabitants from Burofay. Among the various works devoted to Eegimaa so far, we can add Sambou's “Approche phonologique du Djola Eegimaa” (1989). In this article, the author describes the phonology of Eegimaa. He provides phonological tables for both vowel and consonant phonemes, discusses the realizations of the phonemes as well as the various phonetic environments which condition the different allophones. Sambou also devises some morphophonological rules for an 'accurate transcription' of Djola Eegimaa. The work is valuable and the rules devised by the author prove very useful. This article also proposes to provide to the linguist all information on the paradigmatic phonemics and some practical rules for an exact phonological transcription of the language. Alain Christian Bassène, after his Master (2001) and DEA (2003) dissertations devoted respectively to the phonology of Djola Eegimaa and the nominals in this same variety, has supported on October 13th, 2006 at the University Lumière Lyon 2 in France, his doctoral dissertation on the following topic: “Description du Djola Banjal (Senegal)”. In this work, Bassène presents a general and as complete description as possible of the Eegimaa grammar. This description made it possible to review the study of phonology, morphophonology, morphology and syntax, in a typological and functional 24

point of view. Mamadou Bassène (2003), as to him, worked in the framework of his master dissertation on the following topic: “Some aspect of Djola Eegimaa phonology”. He devoted his entire work to the vowel system. In so doing, he described the organization of Eegimaa vowel segments as well as their features. He also described the following phonological processes: vowel harmony, vowel elision, vowel coalescence, vowel lengthening, vowel juxtaposition and vowel insertion which are very common in Eegimaa. Both works mentioned here above are of a high linguistic importance and the conclusions carried out will be very helpful to us mainly in the presentation of the Eegimaa language because nothing was apparently neglected. To emphasize on the studies that stick much more than every other one, we have found the master dissertation of Ms. Adja Khady Thioune (2006) entitled “The influence of Wolof on African French and African English: a comparative study”. In her work she studied the influence of Wolof on both popular French and English as spoken in the streets by ordinary people. Following her example, we will devote our work on the study of the nature of the influence of a national language on French in Senegal. But the sole difference between our two studies will be that we will exclusively work on educated people. Another study that is closely linked to our topic is the article of Mr. Edmund Biloa entitled “L’influence du Français sur l’Anglais Camerounais”. In this paper, he studied the contact between the two Cameroonian official languages namely French and English. He discovered a high frenchisation of the English language and pointed out that this phenomenon is due to the situation of a minority English-speaking community in a country where the vast majority of its citizens are French-speaking. His paper, as pointed out previously, treats the contact of two official languages and the influence arising from that but ours will be somehow different talking about official and a vernacular language.

25

CHAPTER THREE *** The Fieldwork

1- The field of investigation Ziguinchor, capital of Basse Casamance, is located in an area of economical, political, cultural and linguistic contacts. Estimated to about 10,125 people all around Senegal in 200215, the Eegimaa people live in the Casamance region in an area known as Mof Ávi. The area is bounded 15

http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name=SN

26

by the Casamance River on the north, the Kamobeul Bôlon on the west, the ZiguinchorOussouye road on the south, and the Brin-Nyassia road on the East. The area is composed of a set of ten villages which are: Essil, Badiatte, Kamobeul, Séléki, Enampor, Batighère Essil, Batighère Bôlon, Elubalir, Etama and Banjal16. As for the two remaining places of the research zone: Dakar and Saint-Louis, they are both towns where a great number of Eegimaa people are found. Dakar being the capital city of Senegal is also the favourite destination of the Djola who drifted away from Mof Ávi in search for better living conditions or for studies. The Djola people found in the town of Saint-Louis are, most of the time, student at the university.

2- Research population On the two banks of river Casamance, in the south of Senegal, between Gambia and Guinea-Bissau, live populations labeled under the term of Djola. Approximately 550 000 (all dialects) in the 1990s17, Djola people constitute 5% of the Senegalese population. The political organization of Djola people comprises a nobiliary chieftaincy which has nothing more than religious functions, advisory committees composed of old wise men who regulate the local litigations and heads of villages or cantons chosen by the administration and who have the special responsibility of collecting the tax. But the real power is held by adepts of animistic practices. But a part of the population adheres however to Islam or Christianity.

3- The Sample In the choice of our informants we tried to find a certain number of people capable of reflecting the general tendency (25 from Ziguinchor and 25 others from Dakar and Saint-Louis)18. All the informants fulfilled a certain number of criteria: they were Eegimaa native speakers, men and women aged of at least fifteen years and having 16

See Map 2: The Eegimaa speaking area, page5 Encyclopædia Universalis 1995 France S.A. All rights of intellectual and industrial ownership reserved. 17

18

See Appendix 3: The list of the informants, page 45.

27

attended school for at least seven years.

4- Tools of investigation Concerning our tools of investigation, we used different methods and among these, we can mention: the questionnaire and the conversation recordings.

a- The questionnaire The choice of our informants was done via a questionnaire. The paper in question comprises two major parts namely the identification and the questions. In the first one, people were asked to give personal information such as their family name, surname(s), address, age, sex and their birth country. As for the second part, people were asked a limited set of questions among which: their mother tongue, other spoken languages, if they have studied French and up to what level etc19. Once all those information collected, we picked up people likely to help.

b- The conversation recordings For this research work, the topic chosen for our discussion was “education in the Eegimaa society”. By this topic, we meant to talk about the specificities of education in the Eegimaa environment. To foster discussion, we sometimes ask our informants to choose one ceremony or one aspect of their culture and tell us something about it. The main aim in doing so was not to test their knowledge concerning their culture but to make them fill free to speak so as we could record data for analysis. The conversation recordings lasted between five and seven minutes free discussions per informant.

19

See appendix 2: Questionnaire page 44.

28

CHAPTER FOUR *** Data analysis And Interpretation

1- CORPUS PRESENTATION

The corpus presented here after is the result of the recordings made within the

29

framework of our fieldwork. It consists of all the information collected from our fifty (50) informants: 35 men (70%) and 15 women (30%) all aged between 15 and 66 years old and all educated native speakers of Eegimaa. The topic for discussion was about Education in the Eegimaa society.

Standard French

Integrated word

Context of production

1- avancer [avɑ̃sƐ] 2- brousse [bʁus]

[vɑ̃se] [burus]

Woli ni ɟi vɑ̃sewul maa20 Ici on fait le buhut pour emmener

3- c’est-à-dire [sƐtadiʁ]

[sa:dir]

les garçons dans la bourousse. Etre éduqué c’est être sympathique saadir

ne

pas

être

n’importe

4- choisi [ʃwazi]

[ʃwazise:]

comment. Achila a choisisee gaɟow gagu gaa

5- chose [ʃoz] 6- commencé [kɔmɑ̃se]

[soz] [kumasime]

Affiledio Ils veulent faire leurs propres soz Woli ɟi kumasime tale a-b-c-d ni

7- comportement [kɔ̃pɔʁtǝmɑ̃] [kɔp:ɔrtǝmɑ] 8- comprendre [kɔ̃pʁɑ̃dʁ] [kɔmprǝne]

lekkol yauye Mbu kan nu ɟuh copportema yola ɟama ni ɟi baɟ si sabu, Omoi babu

9- d’abord [dabɔʁ]

matu comprene Il y a daabor papa et maman au sein

[da:bɔr]

de la famille. Do pan depande ni buroŋ babu

10- dépandre [depɑ̃dʁ] 11- dernier [dƐʁɲe] 12- école [ekɔl]

[depɑnde] [dǝrɲer] [lek:ɔl]

13- l’historique [listoʁik]

[listɔrik]

lekkol katin an aam ni iniversite U maŋmé u etuɟé listorik yaa Mof

14- inscris [ɛ̃skʁi] 15- leçon [lǝsɔ̃] 16- maman [mamã]

[ɛskrive] [lǝsɔŋ] [mam:a]

Ávi U escrive aŋil ahu Nu liŋene su lesoŋi? Il y a d’abord papa et mamma au

17- monsieur [mǝsjø] 18- papa [papa]

[musƐ] [pap:a]

sein de la famille. A muse ahu na oblige-oblige Il y a d’abord pappa et maman au

19- parce que [paʁs(ǝ)k]

[paskǝ]

sein de la famille. Paske c’est à cause des guerres

[polotih] [paratikma]

tribales que ces gens-la ont quittes ɟi hat polotihay yo ɟi kaneme. Au village, on est paratikma tous

20- politique [pɔlitik] 21- pratiquement [pʁatikmã] 22- premier [pʁǝmje]

[prǝme:]

23- problème [pʁɔblƐm]

[pɔrɔbulƐm]

Bugo gu ʃilo dárɲer Inɟe ni ɟoge buoh na halekalen

de la même famille. Woli ɟi comasime tale a-b-c-d, woli preme No Sálagi gu baɟme e porobulem

20

Sentences in Eegimaa, in the corpus, will be translated in the next part before analysis same for French ones.

30

24- saleté [salǝtƐ] 25- suivre [sɥivʁ] 26- temps [tã] 27- une [yn]

[saltƐ:] [si:ve] [taŋ] [ín]

yauye To nu ɟuge an a saltee U siiveutme Nu ɟuge ni taŋ yauyu ín personne mal éduquée est un

28- université [ynivƐrsite]

[inivƐrsite]

marginal. Inɟe ni ɟoge buoh na halekalen

[wa:la] [ví]

lekkol katin an aam ni iniversite Waala! Wolof hum nu munde uun De mon point de vue

29- voilà [vwala] 30- vue [vy]

This is the corpus to be analyzed in the next chapter. It is composed of thirty (30) words.

In this part, which is one of the most determining in the work because conclusions will arise from it, we will present and analyze the data collected from our informants. These following tables will help achieve our goal.

Table 5: The age of the informants Age Number Percentage

15-25

25-45

45-65+

Total

37

8

5

50

74%

16%

10%

100%

Table 5 shows that the sample is relatively very young. Almost ¾ of our informants are aged between 15 and 25 years old. They represent 74% versus 16% aged between 25 and 45, the remaining 10% being the age bracket 45-65 and over.

Table 6: Sex of the informants Sex

Male

Female

Total

31

Number Percentage

35

15

50

70%

30%

100%

In the table above, one can notice that 70% of the people interviewed are men versus 30% women. This is mainly due to the fact that men are far better represented in the schools and they were more available than women to answer our questions.

Table 7: Level of study of the informants Level of study Number

Primary Secondar y 4 20

Percentage

8%

Tertiary Total

40%

26

50

52%

100%

Table 7 is about the level of study of our informants. It shows that all of them have been to school. The greater majority (52%) has reached the university level, 40% rose the secondary level and only 8% of the sample stopped at the primary level. One of the most significant information to be retained is that our sample is highly educated.

Table 8: Languages spoken by the informants Djola Spanish French Wolof Mandingo Fulani English Creol e 50 8 50 45 7 1 16 4 100%

16%

100%

90%

14%

2%

32%

8%

Mankagne Portuguese 2

4

4%

8%

From this table, it is noticeable that ten languages are spoken by our informants. Among this set of ten languages, Djola and French are spoken by all of them and 90% speak Wolof. Further details show that almost all our informants are bilingual (Djola – French) or trilingual (Djola- French -Wolof).

Table 9: Mastery of Eegimaa Languages

Eegimaa

Other (s)

Total

Number

41

9

50

32

Percentage

82%

18%

100%

Among the people interviewed, all are Eegimaa native speakers. But table 9 shows that nine (9) persons out of fifty master other languages better than Djola. Out of these nine informants, six master French, two Wolof and only one Spanish more than Eegimaa. The reason is that it is the languages, (except for Spanish) used at home with their parents and relatives. To sum up, we can point out that fifty persons have been interviewed among whom 70% are men and 30% are women, all aged between 15 and 66 years. They all have been to school and 52% of them reached the tertiary level. They all speak, at least, two languages and the most spoken ones are Eegimaa, French and Wolof but they also speak other languages such as English, Portuguese, Mandingo, Spanish etc. Concerning the mastery of the mother tongue, only 18% of our sample affirms mastering French and Wolof more than Eegimaa because they are the languages spoken in the family circle with parents and relatives. 2- MORPHOPHONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS This part will take into account all the thirty words composing our corpus. The analysis will be carried out following the order in which the words occur in the presentation of the corpus. For the sentences in Eegimaa, they will be translated both in French and English before being analyzed in order to ease comprehension. As to those in French, they will only be translated in English as it is the language in which the analysis will be done. After each analysis, a rule is formulated if necessary. 1. “Woli ni ɟi vɑ̃sewul maa” a. French: Nous avançâmes de ce côté-ci. b. English: We advanced this side. [avɑ̃sƐ] in standard French becomes [vɑ̃sƐ] in Eegimaa. The phonological process used here is truncation. As its name suggests, it consists in truncating or shortening the word. Here the initial [a] was taken away so as [avɑ̃sƐ] becomes [vɑ̃sƐ]. We also have another process called lexical hybridization consisting in using the features of different languages in the same word. The word, as it is used in the spontaneous speech gives

33

[vɑ̃sewul] which, decomposed, will give [vɑ̃se+wul]. The suffix “wul” comes from the contraction of “woli” meaning “we/us” in Eegimaa. The rule for truncation: Aff. + Rad. + Suff.

× + Rad.+Suff

The rule for lexical hybridization: feature of L2 + feature of L1 2. “Ici, on fait le Buhut pour emmener les garçons dans la bourous” a. English: [Here, we organize the Buhut21 in order to bring the boys into the forest]. Two processes are noticed in this sentence. The first is related to cluster simplification by vowel copying or simply called vowel intrusion/insertion and the second is an alveolarization. [bʁus] becomes [burus]. Not only another [u] is copied/inserted between the two first consonants of the word but the uvular [ʁ] is replaced by the alveolar [r] this process is commonly known as alveolarization. The rule for alveolarization:

[ʁ]

[r]

The rule for vowel intrusion/insertion: CCV

CVCV

3. “Etre éduqué c’est être sympathique saadir ne pas être n’importe comment”. English: [To be well-mannered is to be nice meaning not to behave any old how] [sƐtadiʁ] becomes [sa:dir] by three processes. The first one is known as omission or deletion, the second as alveolarization as seen in sentence 2 and the third as lexicalization. Concerning deletion, it consists in omitting or deleting a sequence in the word. The gap left here by the deletion of the sequence [Ɛt] occasioned by the liaison is filled by the immediate following vowel [a] which is lengthened. As for lexicalization, it is materialized here by the fact that the French word “c’est-à-dire” is composed of three syllables whereas in Eegimaa we have only two. The rule for deletion: [sƐtadiʁ]

[sa:dir]

The rule for lexicalization: sƐ-ta-diʁ

sa-dir

4. « Achila a choizisee gaɟow gagu gaa Affiledio » 21

Buhut is the Eegimaa word for the big ceremony of Circumcision which is a central event in Djola societies.

34

French: [C’est lui qui a choisi le nom Affilédio] English: [He has chosen the name Affilédio] The phonological process noticed in this sentence is lexicalization simply because [ʃwazi] becomes [ʃwazise:]. [se] is added to the radical of the verb, the sound [e] being the marker of the past participle in Eegimaa. 5. « Ils veulent faire leurs propres soz » English: [They want to do their own things] In this sentence, [ʃoz] became [soz]. The change noticed here is that the palatoalveolar sound [ʃ] is substituted by the alveolar [s]. This phenomenon is known as alveolarization as already seen in some previous examples.

6. “Woli ɟi kumasime tale a-b-c-d ni lekkol yauye” French: [C’est nous qui avons commencé ici le a-b-c-d dans cette école] English: [We are the one who began a-b-c-d here in this school] [kɔmɑ̃se] becomes [kumɑsime], we notice in this word phonological phenomena such as closing, denasalization and cluster simplification by consonant copying. Concerning the closing, we know that both [ɔ] and [u] are back rounded vowels but the first one which is mid-opened is substituted for a totally closed one. This process is called closing. As to denasalization, it is materialized by the substitution of a nasal sound for an oral one [ɑ̃] becomes [a]. In addition to this, the [m] of [kumasi] is reduplicated and added to the radical of the verb only for the sake of simplification and conjugation. 7. “Mbu kan nu ɟuh kopportema yola” French: [Essaie de voir son comportement] English: [Try to see his/her behaviour] [kɔ̃pɔʁtǝmɑ̃] becomes [kɔp:ɔrtǝmɑ]. In this word, we have a denasalization of both [ɔ̃] and [ɑ̃] which become respectively [ɔ] and [ɑ].The sound [p] is lengthened. We also have an alveolarization the uvular [ʁ] is replaced by the alveolar [r]. The rule for denasalization: [nasal sound]

[oral sound]

35

Examples: [ɔ̃] [ɑ̃]

[ɔ] [a]

8. « ɟama ni ɟi baɟ si sabbu, Omoi babu matu comprene » French: [Maintenant vous avez plusieurs types de savons, de détergents à la fin on ne comprend plus] English: [Now you have different types of soaps, detergents that at last no one understands] In this word, the French nasal vowel [ɔ̃] broke up to be [ɔm]. The process described here is known as nasal unpacking. As a nasal vowel is the contraction of an oral vowel plus a nasal consonant, the nasal unpacking, as its name suggest is its break into two distinct sounds because nasal vowels do not exist in Eegimaa but nasalized ones only. Another important aspect to be studied is the break or deletion of the cluster [ndʁ] replaced by [ne] so as the [CCC] cluster becomes a [CV] one much more frequent in Eegimaa than the previous. The rule for nasal unpacking: [nasal sound]

[oral vowel + nasal

consonant] The rule for cluster simplification by vowel copying: [CCV]

[CVCV]

9. « Il y a daabor papa et maman au sein de la famille » English: [There are first dad and mum in the bosom of the family] In the pronunciation of the word “d’abord” the first phenomenon to be studied is that of the lengthening of the sound [a] which became [a:] this, is certainly due to the deletion of the liaison. We also have the alveolarization of the final [ʁ]. 10. “Do pan depande ni burong babu” French: [Ceci dépendra de la vie] English: [This will depend on life] [depɑ̃dʁ] in standard French becomes [depɑnde] in Eegimaa. The observation of this word shows that we have two processes. In the first, we have a nasal unpacking with [ɑ̃] becoming [an] and in the second, a cluster simplification by consonant deletion and vowel addition. The [dʁ] at the end of the word is replaced by [de]. The consonant was

36

deleted because it would be difficult for an Eegimaa speaker to pronounce [depɑ̃dʁe:]. The rule for cluster simplification by consonant deletion and vowel addition: [dʁ]

[de]

11. “Bugo gu chilo dárɲer” French: [Ils sont venus en dernier] English: [They came in last] In the pronunciation of this word, the [ɛ] is replaced by [ә]. This can be considered as centralization because the front vowel sound [ɛ] is substituted by the central one. Another important phenomenon is that of alveolarization of the Parisian [ʁ] but most important and very surprising is the pronunciation of the final [r] due to the orthographic influence of French. This final [r] is written but not read in French this could have misled Eegimaa native speakers. 12. “Inje ni joge buoh na halekalen lekkol kattin an aam iniversite” French: [Pour moi il a abandonné les études alors qu’il est à l’université] English: [For me he has left school while he is at the university] This word presents features of a phonological process known as lexicalization as we have seen in many examples above. [ekɔl] becomes [lek:ɔl] by fusion of the article and the noun linked by the liaison. We also have the lengthening of the sound [k]. 13. « U maŋme u etuɟe listorik yaa Mof Ávi » French: [Si tu veux étudier l’historique du Mof Ávi] English: [If you want to study the history of Mof Ávi] [listoʁik] becomes [listɔrik]. The [o] is replaced by [ɔ] which is lower and more opened. The lexicalization process in this word consists in its spelling in one word whereas in standard French it is written in two words. We also have an alveolarization [ʁ] becomes [r]. 14. « U eskrive aŋil ahu » French: [Inscris l’enfant] English: [Enrol the children] 37

[ɛ̃skʁi] becomes [ɛskrive] thanks to three phonological processes namely denasalization, alveolarization and lexicalization. In the first one, the nasal vowel [ɛ̃] lost its nasality replaced by [ɛ]. Concerning the phenomenon of alveolarization, the velar sound [ʁ] is replaced by the alveolar sound [r]. As for lexicalization, we noticed that the word has changed to become [ɛskrive] thanks to the deletion/substitution process. The final [ʁ] of the infinitive in French was deleted and substituted by the [ve] for matters of simplification and conjugation. 15. « Nu liŋene si lesoŋi? » French: [As-tu appris tes leçons?] English: [Have you learnt your lessons?] This word presents features of either lexicalization [lǝsɔ̃] became [lǝsɔŋi] here the [i] represents the second person possessive pronoun in Eegimaa it is placed behind the possessed object contrarily to French, and nasal unpacking [ɔ̃] became [ɔŋ]. 16. « Il y a d’abord papa et mamma au sein de la famille » English: [There are first dad and mum in the bosom of the family] [mamã] becomes [mam:a] by two processes. The first is the lengthening of the nasal consonant [m] which is an allophone of [m] in Eegimaa and the denasalization of the final nasal vowel [ã]. 17. « A muse ahu na oblige-oblige » French: [Le monsieur été obligé] English: [The mister was obliged] [mǝsjø]

[musƐ]. In this word, we first have a backing of the central

vowel [ә] which is substituted for a back [u] and then the depalatalization of the sound [j]. At last, we have the [ø] which is replaced by [Ɛ]. The phenomenon is known as opening. 18. « D’abord il y a pappa et maman au sein de la famille » English: [There are first dad and mum in the bosom of the family] No special process is to be noticed here apart from the lengthening of the second [p]. 38

So, the French word for dad “papa” as pronounced by the Eegimaa people, is a little bit heavier than as if it was done by French simply because of the lengthening of the [p]. One of the reasons that can account for this is that in Eegimaa, the original word for dad is ‘appa’ with a slight insistence on the [p]. 19. « Paske c’est à cause des guerres tribales que ces gens-là ont quittées » English: [It’s because of the tribal wars that those people left] [paʁskǝ] becomes [paskǝ] by means of cluster simplification by consonant deletion of the [ʁ]. The reason of the deletion is justified by the simplification of the clusters in Eegimaa. The rule for cluster simplification by consonant deletion: [CVCCCV]

[CVCCV]

20. “ɟi hat polotihay yoɟi kaneme” French: [Arrêtez cette politique que vous faites] English: [Stop this kind of politics you are involved in] The word “politique” as it is pronounced in this spontaneous speech is no longer [pɔlitik] but [polotih]. The closing of the initial [ɔ] give [o]. The first [i] which is a front vowel is replaced by a back [o] by the process known as backing. The final velar consonant [k] is replaced by the glottal sound [h] which is not “muet” (mute) in Eegimaa. The process here is known as glottalization. Words ending in [ik] in French such as “boutique” and “politique”, are realized [bitih] and [polotih]. 21. « Au village, on est tous paratikma de la même famille » English: [At the village, we are practically all from the same family] In the pronunciation of this word, we have a cluster simplification by vowel copying the [a] is copied and inserted between two consonants [p] and [r]. The velar sound [ʁ] is replaced by the alveolar [r] causing then an alveolarization. The last thing to be reported is that the nasal sound at the end of the word is denasalized because nasal vowel sounds are not allowed, in word final position, in Eegimaa. 22. « Woli ɟi comasime tale a-b-c-d ni lek:ol yauye, woli preme »

39

French: [C’est nous qui avons commencé ici le a-b-c-d dans cette école, nous les premiers] English: [We are the one who began a-b-c-d here in this school, we the first] The only two things to be noticed in the pronunciation of this word are the alveolarization of the French velar [ʁ] and the deletion of the [j] so as the word in Eegimaa becomes [prәme:] and not [pʁәmje]. 23. « No Sállagi gu baɟme e porobulƐm yauye » French: [Au temps où les villageois de Séléki ont eu ce problème] English: [At that time when people of Séléki got that problem] The analysis of this word presents features of a cluster simplification by vowel copying. The [ɔ] is inserted between the [p] and the [r] alveolarized and copied so as the word is read simply and more easily. Another vowel to be inserted is the [u] incorporated between [b] and [l]. The lexicalization is at the origin of the shift from [pʁɔblƐm] to [pɔrɔbulƐm]. 24. « To nu ɟuge ana saltee » French: [C’est à ce moment là que tu vois une personne sale] English: [It’s at that time when you see a dirty person] [salǝtƐ] becomes [saltƐ:] by the process of deletion of the central vowel [ǝ]. But we also have a lengthening of the short vowel [Ɛ] which becomes [Ɛ:]. 25. “U siiveutme” French: [Si tu ne suis pas] English: [If you do not follow] The most obvious phenomena to be noticed in this word are the depalatalization of the sound [ɥ] replaced by [i:] and the deletion of the final uvular [ʁ]. The gap left by the deletion of [ɥ] is filled by the lengthening of [i]. To this, we can add the lexicalization of the verb [sɥivʁ] which becomes [siive] plus [ut] which, put behind a verb, stands for the negation in Eegimaa and plus the [me] which accounts for the condition in this case. 26. « Nu ɟuge ni taŋ yauyu » French: [Tu vois en ce temps] 40

English: [You see at that time] [tã] in French becomes [taŋ] in Eegimaa by process of nasal unpacking. The single nasal vowel is divided into two sounds: an oral vowel and a nasal consonant simply because not only we don’t have nasal vowels in Eegimaa but it is not allowed in word final position. 27. « ín personne mal éduquée est un marginal » English: [An ill-mannered person is a fringe of society] [yn] becomes [ín]. The French back vowel [y] is replaced by the front vowel sound [í] simply because we do not have [y] in Eegimaa.

28. « Inɟe ni ɟoge buoh na halekalen lek:ol kattin an aam ni iniversite » French: [Pour moi il a abandonné les études alors qu’il est à l’université] English: [For me he has left school while he is at the university] The French word “université” is pronounced [inivƐrsite] in Eegimaa. The [y] sound is substituted for [i]. As we have said in the previous example, the [y] does not exist in Eegimaa. 29. « Waala ! Wolof hum nu munde uun » French: [Voilà ! c’est le Wolof que tu as appris en premier] English: [Well! It’s Wolof that you learnt first] [vwala] becomes [wa:la] by means of cluster simplification by consonant deletion. The simplification consists in the fact that the labio-dental consonant followed by a bilabial is omitted and the first [a] is lengthened. 30. « De mon point de ví personnel. » English: [To my personal standpoint] The pronunciation of the French oral sound [y] is realized so as people hear the Eegimaa vowel sound [í]. The rounded vowel sound [y] in standard French is substituted 41

for the unrounded vowel [í] of Eegimaa. This can be justified by the fact that in Eegimaa, the sound [y] does not exist.

3- REPORTING THE FINDINGS After the analysis of all the thirty words composing our corpus, we discovered that the influence exerted by Eegimaa on French is mostly noticeable on the words borrowed from that language. During their integration within the Eegimaa language they are subjected to various transformations. These transformations are materialized through different phonological and morphophonological processes such as lexicalization, cluster simplification, vowel or consonant intrusion/insertion, deletion/omission, alveolarization etc. Apart from that major discovery others are also to be reported hereafter. We have discovered that: •

The French sound [y] is not part of the Eegimaa phonological alphabet. When it occurs in this variety it is substituted for [í] as in [yniv Ɛrsite] and [yn] which becomes respectively [íniversite] and [ín]. Any word in which it is found is undoubtedly a borrowing from French or other languages.

•

Eegimaa does not have nasal vowel sounds but nasalized ones such as [an] in [depande], [aŋ] in [taŋ] and [ɔŋ] in [lәsɔŋ].

•

Nasal vowels are not allowed in word final position. If a nasal is to happen, it is either denasalized as in [kɔp:ɔrtǝma] or nasally unpacked as in [lәsɔŋ] and 42

[taŋ]. •

Words in Eegimaa do not or rarely end with the central vowel [ә]. French borrowed words and most precisely verbs ending with this sound are simplified or deleted as in [kɔ̃pʁɑ̃dʁ] which becomes [kɔmprǝne] and [depɑ̃dʁ] which becomes [depɑnde]. French words with a [CCV] cluster are simplified either by means of deletion as in [paʁskǝ] which becomes [paskǝ] or by vowel intrusion as in [bʁus] which becomes [burus].

•

In most of the cases, when a consonant is deleted for the sake of simplification, the following vowel is lengthened to fill the gap left as in [sƐtadiʁ] which becomes [sa:dir] and [sɥivʁ] which becomes [siive].

GENERAL CONCLUSION Almost a set of twenty local languages are spoken in Ziguinchor (Djola, Mandingo, Fulani, Portuguese Creole, Mandjak etc.) on which is superimposed the official language: French. The Djola language is, in Casamance, more than a vehicular language and enjoys a prestigious status. It is at the same time the language of the Djola people, the language of the South and the language of unification. Our main objective in this work was to study, as clearly as possible, the relationship between Djola and French, particularly the influence exerted by the former on the latter. In so doing, we decided to focus mainly on the educated native speakers of Eegimaa a variety of Djola spoken in the Ancient kingdom of Mof Ávi. This choice was motivated by the fact that they were the fringe of the society most closely in contact with the official language French. To achieve the goal we had set ourselves, a methodology was designed consisting in first travelling to the south side of the country, the centre of the Djola language and civilization, in order to meet native speakers whose fifty were chosen to compose our sample. Then, we proceeded to the conversation recordings from which,

43

the raw material for data analysis was taken. And at last, those collected data were analyzed and interpreted so as major conclusions could be drawn. After a deep analysis of all the data, we came up with the major conclusion that Eegimaa, contrarily to what people may think, exerts a great influence on French which is not only the official language but above all the most prestigious in the community. That influence is mostly felt on the borrowed words, as they are integrated into Eegimaa; it mostly affects, as we have studied, the fields of morphophonology, syntax, vocabulary and even grammar, morphophonology being the most affected of all. We discovered that: • Eegimaa do not have nasal vowel sounds, contrarily to French, but nasalized ones. • Whenever a word with nasal vowel is borrowed from French, it is denasalized when integrating the Eegimaa dialect. Concrete examples for that are words such as “comportement” [kɔ̃pɔʁtǝmɑ̃] and “commencer” [kɔmɑ̃se] etc. which become respectively “copportema” [kɔp:ɔrtǝma] and “kumasi” [kumasi].

Illustrations: [ɔ̃]

[ɔ] [ɑ̃]

[a]

• French words ending with a nasal vowel sound are nasally unpacked because nasal vowel sounds are not allowed in word final position, in Eegimaa. Examples in point will be found in words such as “temps” [tã] and “leçon” [l ǝsɔ̃] which become respectively [taŋ] and [lǝsɔŋ] Illustrations: [ã]

[aŋ]

[ɔ̃]

[ɔŋ]

• The standard French sound [y] does not occur in Eegimaa. So, all words in which it is found are borrowings from other languages. When [y] occurs in Eegimaa, it is substituted by [í] in words such as “université” [ynivƐrsite] and “une” [yn] which become respectively “iniversite” [ínivƐrsite] and “ín” [ín]. Illustration: [y]

[í]

44

Some difficulties can be mentioned: the major one was concerned with finding works dealing with a scientific description of Eegimaa. We succeeded, however, in finding some (Bassène 2003, Bassène 2006 and Sambou 1989) that helped us to achieve the goals we set ourselves from the beginning. Another one is that almost all the documents used in this work were written in French so as we were obliged to translate some part where needed. Despite the problem of documentation, we found that Eegimaa was, linguistically speaking, a virgin land. This made our desire to keep on working on this variety grows up. Our interest, in future researches will surely be turned towards studying the influence of Eegimaa on English and why not comparing the results with the ones already found for French.

MAIN BOOKS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 BERANGER, Ferraud. 1879. Les Peuplades de la Sénégambie. Paris : F. Leroux.  BOYER, Henri. 2001. Introduction à la Sociolinguistique. Paris : Dunod.  DIOUF, Makhtar. 1999. Sénégal : les Ethnies et la Nation. Dakar : NEAS  DONEUX, Jean Louis. n.d. Casamance. Dakar : CLAD.

Les Systèmes Phonologiques des Langues de

 DUMONT, Pierre. 1983. Le Français et les Langues Africaines au Sénégal. Karthala.  GUMPERZ, J-J. 1989. Sociolinguistique Interactionnelle. Paris : L’Harmattan et l’Université de la Réunion.

 JUILLARD, Caroline. 1995. Sociolinguistique Urbaine : la Vie des Langues à Ziguinchor (Sénégal). Paris : Editions du C.N.R.S.

45

 MBAYA, Mawéja. 1999. Exploring Primary and Secondary Research. Dakar: ELU.

 MBAYA, Mawéja. 2005. Pratiques et Attitudes Linguistique en Afrique d’Aujourd’hui: Le Cas du Sénégal. Munich: LINCOM Europa Gmbh.  PALMERI, Paolo. 1995. Retour dans un Village Djola de Casamance: Chronique d'une Recherche Anthropologique au Sénégal. Paris: l'Harmattan.  PELISSIER, Paul. 1966. Les Paysans du Sénégal. Fabrègue, Saint-Yrieix.  ROCHE, Christian. 1976. Conquête et Résistance des Peuples de Casamance. Dakar-Abidjan : Nouvelles Editions Africaines.  THOMAS, Louis Vincent. 1958-1959. Les Djola. Essai d'analyse fonctionnel1e sur une population de Basse Casamance. Tomes I et II. IFAN, Dakar.  TRUDGILL, P. 1996. Sociolinguistics: An Introduction to Language and Society. Penguin Books.  WEINREICH, Uriel. 1963. Languages in Contact. La Hayes : Mouton.

MASTER DISSERTATIONS AND THESES  BASSENE, Alain Christian. 2001. « Phonologie du Djola Eegimaa ». Mémoire de Maitrise, Université Cheikh Anta DIOP, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Département de linguistique générale.  BASSENE, Alain Christian. 2003. « Les Nominaux en Djola Eegimaa ». Mémoire de DEA, Université Cheikh Anta DIOP, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Département de linguistique générale.  BASSENE, Mamadou. 2003. “Some Aspects of Djola Eegimaa Phonology”. Master Thesis. Saint-Louis: Gaston Berger University, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, English Department.  HOPKINS, Bradley Lynn. 1995. « Contribution à une Etude de la Syntaxe Djola Fogny ». Thèse de doctorat de 3ème cycle, Université Cheikh Anta DIOP, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Département de linguistique générale.

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 KEBE, Moustapha. 2006. « La Domination Coloniale Française en Basse Casamance 1836-1960 ». Thèse de doctorat de 3eme cycle, Université Cheikh Anta DIOP, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Département d’histoire.  NDAO, Papa Alioune. 1996. « Contact de Langues au Sénégal, Etude du CodeSwitching Wolof-Français en Milieu Urbain : Approche Linguistique, Sociolinguistique et Pragmatique ». Thèse de doctorat d’Etat, Université Cheikh Anta DIOP, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Département de Lettres Modernes.  SAMBOU, Pierre-Marie. 1979. « Djola Kaasaa Esuulaalur : Phonologie, Morphophonologie et Morphologie ». Thèse de doctorat de 3ème cycle, Dakar : Université de Dakar, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Département de Linguistique générale. 211 pages.  TENDENG, Antoine. 1974. « Les Sources de l’Histoire de la Casamance aux Archives du Sénégal 1816-1920 ». Thèse de doctorat, Université Cheikh Anta DIOP, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Département d’histoire.  TENDENG, Odile. 1984. « Contribution à une Phonologie du Djola Edungo ». Mémoire de Maitrise, Université Cheikh Anta DIOP, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, Département de linguistique générale.  THIOUNE, Adja Khady. 2006. “The Influence of Wolof on African French and African English: a Comparative Study”. M.A Thesis. Saint-Louis: Gaston Berger University. English Department.

ARTICLES  BILOA, Edmund. « L’influence du Français sur l’Anglais Camerounais » in Sudlangues numéro 2, Juin-Juillet 2003.  DONEUX, Jean Louis. « Hypothèses pour la Comparative des Langues Atlantiques » in Annales du Musée Royal de l'Afrique Centrale. n° 88, 1975, pp. 43-129.  DUMONT, Pierre. « Les Nouveaux Rapports entre le Français et les Langues Nationales au Sénégal » in Réalités Africaines et Langue Française numéro 8, Octobre 1978. 47

 JOB, A. « Une Analyse Sociolinguistique de l’Emprunt dans le Contexte Multilingue Gambien » in Plurilinguismes numéro 9-10, juin-décembre 1995 C.E.R.P.L (Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches en Planification Linguistique).  JUILLARD, Caroline, « Répertoire et Acte de Communication en Situation Plurilingue : le cas de Ziguinchor au Sénégal » in Langage et Société numéro 54, décembre 1990.  MARZOUK, Yasmine, « Du côté de la Casamance : Pouvoirs, Espaces et Religions », in Cahiers d’études africaines, 1993, XXXIII (3), 131 : 485.  SAMBOU, Pierre Marie, « Approche Phonologique du Djola Eegimaa » in Annales de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines, numéro 19, 1989. pp 191-205

WEBLIOGRAPHY  http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name=SN 07:09

14th, May, 2007 at

 http://www.freedomfaith.org visited on 03rd, June, 2008 at 18:08  http://www.sudlangues.org visited on 20th, May, 2008 at 16:55  http://www.uquebec.ca/diverscite visited on 24th, June, 2007 at 16:45

APPENDICES Appendix 1: Portrait of Affiledio Manga the last “King-priest-of –therain”

48

Portrait by: Louis Eketbo Bassène (1992)

Appendix 2: The questionnaire IDENTIFICATION Nom :……………………………………………………………………………………… Prénom(s)……………………………………………………….……………………… Adresse :……………………………………………...………………………………… Age :……………ans Sexe :

MASCULIN

FEMININ

Pays de naissance :…………………………………………... QUESTIONS 49

 Quelle est votre langue maternelle? …………………………………………………………………………………...……  Quelle(s) autre(s) langue(s) parlez-vous et comprenez-vous? ……………………………………….……. ……………..…..………………………… ………………………………………….…. ……………………………………………  Parmi ces langues y- a-t-il une que vous connaissez mieux que votre langue maternelle ? OUI

NON

Si oui laquelle ?............................................................................................................................... Pourquoi ?.............................................................................................................................  Avez-vous étudié le français ? OUI

NON

 Si oui, jusqu’à quel niveau ? Primaire

Secondaire

Supérieur

Appendix 3: List of the informants

FAMILY NAME 1- BADJI 2- BASSENE 3- BASSENE 4- BASSENE 5- BASSENE 6- BASSENE 7- BASSENE 8- BASSENE 9- BASSENE 10- BASSENE 11- BASSENE 12- BASSENE 13- BASSENE 14- BASSENE 15- BASSENE 16- BASSENE 17- BASSENE

FIRST NAME(S) Serghinho D. Amiral Trésor Bienvenu Missa Charlotte A. De Gonzag Louis Dembo Djibril Michel Erik Erikol Etienne Florence D. Florent F. Frédéric Jean Christophe Juliette Louis Eketbo Mamadou Vieux

AGE /SEX Male / 25 Male / 25 Male / 24 Female / 18 Male / 23 Male / 26 Male / 22 Male / 25 Male / 65 Male / 54 Female / 17 Male / 23 Male / 29 Male / 17 Female / 18 Male / 55 Male / 27

ADDRESS Saint-Louis Banjal Cite Conachap Kameubeul Fass Delorme Grand Yoff Niary Tally Thiaroye Séléki Séléki Séléki Grand Dakar Sicap rue 10 Essil Essil Séléki Thiaroye

LEVEL OF STUDY Tertiary Tertiary Tertiary Secondary Tertiary Tertiary Tertiary Tertiary Primary Primary Secondary Tertiary Tertiary Secondary Secondary Primary Tertiary

50

181920212223242526272829303132333435363738394041424344454647484950-

BASSENE BASSENE BASSENE BASSENE BASSENE DIATTA DIATTA DIATTA DIATTA DIATTA DIEME GOUDIABY MANE MANGA MANGA MANGA MANGA SAGNA SAGNA SAGNA SALL SAMBOU SAMBOU TENDENG TENDENG TENDENG TENDENG TENDENG TENDENG TENDENG TENDENG TENDENG TENDENG

Marius Sandrine Butai Martin Djibril Gachili Ibra Barthélemy Josué Diouma Félicité Nadège Pascaline Simplice Ababacar Mbaye Aliou Berthe Awa Fansou Ndella Edith Robert Ousmane Eugénie A. Amadou Ibrahima Moussa Ousmane Assane Kassén Léna Charlotte Danfa Donat Gérard Ampa-B. Madeleine Malang Souadou Dialika Théodore Youssouph Ndèye Léna

Male / 25 Female / 24 Male / 24 Male / 20 Male / 66 Male / 19 Female / 17 Female / 18 Female / 26 Male / 24 Male / 15 Male / 25 Female / 21 Male / 15 Female / 18 Male / 17 Female / 23 Male / 17 Male / 16 Male / 17 Male / 25 Male /26 Female / 21 Female / 19 Male / 41 Male / 26 Male / 17 Female / 18 Male / 16 Female / 17 Male / 24 Male / 27 Female / 26

Grand-Dakar Fass Delorme Saint-Louis Saint-Louis Séléki Essil Kameubeul Badiatte Sicap rue 10 Grand Médine Kameubeul Dieuppeul Parcelles Ass. Enampor Enampor Enampor Saint-Louis Enampor Banjal Banjal Guédiewaye Parcelles Ass. Guédiawaye Batighère Séléki Fass Casier Batighère Enampor Séléki Banjal Sacré-Coeur Ouakam Saint-Louis

Tertiary Tertiary Tertiary Tertiary Primary Secondary Secondary Secondary Tertiary Tertiary Secondary Tertiary Tertiary Secondary Secondary Secondary Tertiary Secondary Secondary Secondary Tertiary Tertiary Tertiary Secondary Secondary Tertiary Secondary Secondary Secondary Secondary Tertiary Tertiary Tertiary

51