The African Dispersal in the Deccan

The African Dispersal in the Deccan

The African Dispersal in the Deccan FROM MEDIEVAL TO MODERN TIMES

Orient Blackswan Private Limited Registered Office 3-6-752 Himayatnagar, Hyderabad 500 029 (A.P.), INDIA Other Offices Bangalore, Bhopal, Bhubaneshwar, Chennai, Ernakulam, Guwahati, Hyderabad, Jaipur, Kolkata, Lucknow, Mumbai, New Delhi, Noida, Patna © Orient Blackswan Private Limited 1995 eISBN 978 81 250 4799 5 e-edition:First Published 2012 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. For permission requests write to the publisher.

To my father, R.C. Srivastava my sisters Ramala and Leela who helped bring me up in such a way as not to feel the loss of my mother

Contents Preface List of Abbreviations Introduction 1. Perceptions of the Deccan 2. Patterns of African Immigration 3. Muslim Penetration of the Deccan: Malik Kafur 4. The Afaqi-Dakhani Feuds under the Bahmanis 5. The Nizam Shahi Dynasty 6. The Bijapur Kingdom 7. Golkonda, Berar and Khandesh 8. The Siddis of Janjira 9. The Importation of Arabs and Africans into Hyderabad 10. The Portuguese and the Slave Trade 11. The Siddis of Karnataka 12. The Africans on the Coromandel Coast 13. Manumitted Slaves and India

List of Maps 1. The Rise of the Bahmani Kingdom 2. The Rise and Fall the Nizam Shahi Dominions 3. The Kingdom of Bijapur 4. The Imad Shahi Kingdom of Berar 5. Konkan

Preface I was first inspired to write this book when I met Professor Joseph E. Harris from Washington's Howard University. He had come to see me at the Indian Council for Africa and was himself on a research fellowship, hoping to locate data in India on the African presence in Asia. The result was a fine exploratory study on the conditions of the Africans in the nineteenth century. He enthused me with his project, especially when he emphasised the need for Indian professionals to contribute in reconstructing African activities in India. I was disturbed that we in India, who talked so glibly about Indo-African relations, had done little to unearth the material lying untouched or poorly catalogued in the various libraries and archives of India. We were obsessed by the role of Indian communities in Africa, and generally on the Indian diaspora, vital though it was, in transforming plantation economies and monetising the African economy. But little work has been done on a sustained basis on the African heritage in India. However, the Council's responsibilities left me little time for research of this magnitude. Again, in 1974, when in Ethiopia, I met Professor Richard Pankhurst of the Haile Selassie University and he presented me with a copy of his manuscript on Indo-Ethiopian relations-it is an exceedingly well-documented study, and I do hope it has been published since then-I felt a twinge of conscience. Now I was free from the Council's work but I needed support. In the meanwhile, I had done a small book India and Afrìca Through the Ages on my own but had not touched on the African migration. I chose the Deccan as the subject of my study as, after Gujarat, Africans were concentrated in large numbers and for a longer period in the area. I drew up a working paper on the 'African Dispersal in the Deccan Region from Medieval to Modern Times' and shared it with the late Dr P.M. Joshi, coeditor of The History of Medieval Deccan, and an eminent historian well into his eighties. Dr. Joshi evinced a childlike enthusiasm for the project and encouraged me to apply for a grant. He gave me some of his published and unpublished papers which were of great use to me. It is a pity he passed away before my project was completed, although he did read and approve a few chapters. However, he put me in touch with Professor A.R. Kulkarni, well-known historian in Pune, who would become my principal consultant. He helped me contact a number of scholars, authorities on the Deccan region, advised me on the places and institutions I should visit and persons I should meet. Whenever I turned to him he was ever willing to help me with patient support and understanding. He translated from the Modi script, helped me with my bibliography and went through my manuscript. To both these two outstanding historians I am deeply indebted. Without their help this work would not have been possible. In the meanwhile, a two-year modest grant was made available through the kindness of Dr Iqbal Narain, Member-Secretary, Indian Council of Social Science Research. I am deeply grateful for this generous gesture as it enabled me to tour Bombay, Punc, Ahmednagar, Aurangabad, Janjira (Murad) in Maharashtra, Bangalore, Gulbarga, Bidar, Bijapur in Karnataka and Goa, Hyderabad and Madras. But for a project of this magnitude, the grant was insufficient. I was able to complete the study only because of the timely help given to me by Shri S. Nijalingappa, former Chief Minister, Karnataka and one-time President of the Indian National Congress who spoke to Shri Shamanur Shivashavarrappa, his admirer. He generously donated a sum of Rs 20,000 from the Shamanur Savitramma Kallappa

Trust, Davangere, Karnataka. Shri Sharad Pawar, Chief Minister of Maharashtra, was equally generous by his immediate response in sanctioning another Rs 20,000 from his discretionary fund. But for this assistance, I would not have been able to complete my project. I express my deep gratitude to all who came to my help. I would also like to express my appreciation to several others who contributed to this book: Shri Mohd. Assadullah, retired Archivist, the Andhra Pradesh State Archives for translating from Persian and Arabic; Fr Tetonia R. De Souza, Director, Xavier Centre of Historical Research, Alto Porvorim, Goa for his hospitality and for permitting me to utilise the very fine library at the Centre. He was good enough to go through my manuscript on Goa; Dr P.P. Shirodkar, Director, Historical Archives of Goa made available valuable material and translated from Portuguese into English, Mr Suresh Joshi, Director, Historical Museum, Ahmednagar, who took me to meet the descendants of Malik Ambar, and Janab A.A. Shaikh, Jakhali Darmaya, for translating from Urdu and Persian; Prof. K.S. Mathew, Department of History, University of Baroda and later Central University of Hyderabad; Shaikh Ramzan, Marathwada University, Aurangabad; Dr S.U. Kamath Editor, Gazetteer of Karnataka State, Bangalore; Shri R. Munswamy, Director. R.Q.S., Bangalore, Dr. S.V. Desika Char retired from the National Archives, New Delhi; and Mr M.A. Jaffar, Secretary, Public Library and Reading Room, Bidar; Shri N. Harinarayan, Director, Madras Museum; Mr Amir Ali, Prince of Arcot, Royapettah, Madras; Mr Krishnamachari, Madras Archives; Mrs Sudha Ravi, of the Hindu; Connemara Library, Madras University; Museum, Fort St. George, Mr M.K. Kulkarni, Librarian, Deccan College, Pune; Mr A.C. Tikckar, University of Bombay; and Mrs Asha Singh, Librarian to ICSSR, Hyderabad; who helped me locate books and guided me to more relevant reading. I would also like to thank Mr and Mrs A.R. Kulkarni for preparing the bibliography; Prof Rama S. Mclkote, Osmania University; Prof. A. Gupta, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi; Prof. R.R. Ramchandani, Bombay University; Mr K.C. Nainan, Joint Secretary, Education and Public Relations, Raj Bhavan, Bombay. Many others must remain unmcntioned but I owe them many thanks. For photographs and maps I am deeply grateful to Prof. A.R. Kulkarni, Pune; Mr Kamat, Bangalore; Fr Tctonia R. De Souza, Goa; Dr P.P. Shirodkar, Director, HAG, Goa, the Andhra Pradesh Government, Late Dr P.V. Rama Rao, Hyderabad; Mr Raza Ali Khan, Hyderabad; Mr Shaikh Ramzan, Marathawada University, Aurangabad; the Archaeological Survey of India, and Banaras Institute, Marg Publications, and Mr K.C. Nainan, Bombay, Joseph E. Harris, Susanne Everett's 'The Slaves' and Museu da Marinha Lison, Department of Archaeology and Museums, Bombay. For typing of the manuscript I had to turn to several people. I wish to place on record my thanks, particularly for the fine work done by Shri P.V. Baburajan, Hyderabad, and for the final typing of the manuscript by Chandra Hiranandani, Pune. To Dr Jal Mehta, Scrum Institute of India Ltd. Pune, and Mr Naresh Sharma who so generously keycd-in the manuscript on a word processor, I am particularly indebted. I wish to thank the personnel and the staff of the National Archives of India, New Delhi; the Archives and National Records Office, Elphinstone College, Bombay; University of Bombay Library; Deccan College Library, Pune; Osmania University Library and Salar Jang Library, Hyderabad; Andhra Pradesh State Archives; Historical Archives Goa. I would not have been able to incur expenses out of my modest grant on stay in various places. I am

therefore deeply beholden for the warn hospitality offered to me by the following: Mrs. Mukta and S. Prahlad, Hyderabad; Mr and Mrs A.C. Muthanna, Madras, Mr and Mrs Barun Chanda, Madras; Mr and Mrs S. Moolgaonkar, Lake House, Telco, Pune; Drs Jal and Mehru Mehta, Pune; Begum M. Nusrullah, Bombay, Raj Bhavan, Bombay; Mr Ramakrishna Hegde, former chief Minister of Karnataka who arranged for my stay in Bangalore and enabled me to travel to Bijapur. Last but not least, my dear young friends, Commander Rajeev and Anne Kaushal, Naval Base, Cochin in the quiet and beautiful surroundings of whose house I finalized this manuscript. Their hospitality and deep understanding stood me in very good stead in this difficult task. I also cannot forget the enduring support I received from my husband for long periods of absence from the house, which my work entailed, and the deep understanding he evinced in my work. I cannot thank him sufficiently. SHANTISADIQ ALI

List of Abbreviations

AN

: Akbar Nama by Abul Fazl, translated by H. Beveridge, Bibliothica Indica, Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1897

BM

: Burhane-Ma asir by Alib Azizu 1-lah Tabataba translated by Sir Wolesley Haig.

B.S.

: Basatin-us-Salatinby Mirza Ibrahim Zubairi.

Barbosa

: The Book of Durate Barbosa ed. by M.L. Dames.

Battuta

: Ibn Battuta, Travels in Asia and Africa (ed.) by H.A.R. Gibbs.

Elliot and Dowson

: History of India as Told by Its OwnHistorians by H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson.

FAS

: Futuhat-i-Adil Shahi by Fuzuni Astrabadi

Ferishta

: History of the Rise of Mohammedan Power in India, translated by John Briggs from the original Persian of Mohammed Kazim Ferishta.

GBP

: Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency (ed.) J.M. Campbell, Bombay.

HMD

: History of Medieval Deccan Vols. I & II (cds.) by H.K. Sherwani and P.M. Joshi.

House

: House ofShivaji by J.N. Sarkar.

KA

: The Kingdom of Ahmednagar by Radhey Shyam.

LTMA

: Life and Times of Malik Ambar by Radhey Shyam.

MN

: Muhammadnamah by Muhammad Zahur.

Orme

: Historícal Fragments of Indostan of the Mughal Empire, Marathasand the English Concerns, by Robert Orme London, 1782.

Pankhurst

: An Introduction to the EconomicHistory of Ethiopia, from Early Times to 1800 by R. Pankhurst.

Pieter Van Dan Broecke

: Journal of India History Vol. XI

Schoff

: The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea by W.H.Schoff.

Shivaji

: Shivaji and His Times by J.N. Sarkar.

Varthema Travels

: The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, etc. duríng the 16th Century, (ed.) Rev. George Percy Badger.

Introduction This study of the African dispersal in the Deccan region covers modern Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, the Coromandel coast and western coastal India. This choice has been deliberate for a variety of reasons. India, the East African littoral states and the Red Sea region of the continent, and the Arabian Coast, have because of their accessibility to the Indian Ocean, all been subjected to a long history of commercial contact, cultural influences and population movements. The push and pull theory has been very much in evidence, each trading its wares at entrepots and emporia along the Coast. This proved to be an alluring force drawing merchants and adventurers—some voluntary, others by force. Periplus also reports the existence of the slave trade, along the Somali Coast, the northern stretch which the Arabs called Ras-Assir (the Cape of Slaves). The Deccan of Periplus, 'Dachinabades', was known to foreigners from early times for its fabulous wealth. The selection of the Deccan is of particular interest because of its considerable social relevance. From the very inception of the Bahmani Kingdom(1347), the Africans (Habshis/Abyssinians) have played an active role in the turbulent historical developments. For instance, in the rout of the Delhi army of Tughluq which led to the accession of Hasan Bahmani Shah (1347), it is mentioned that "The whole army now laid down its arms, camels of Bactria, horses of Tartary, female slaves and Abyssinian males by the thousands". 1 These were all captured by the Bahmanis and co-opted into the army. Later, in the perennial struggle between the 'Dakhnis' and 'Afaqis'—the 'old-comers' and 'newcomers'2— there are references to the 'Habshis' making common cause with the former who were Sunnis domiciled in the Deccan from about the eighth century, against the latter who are Shias mostly from Iran and Iraq. One of the plausible explanations advanced for this alignment, and why Africans were not regarded as foreigners is that they had established themselves in the Deccan long before the Afaqis. Another reason given is that the Africans like the Dakhnis were Sunnis. This gave them considerable leverage in party politics often paralleled with religious affiliations—Shia/Sunni. Further, they had been integrated into Dakhni society and were not looked down upon, and there was no obtrusive racialism on the part of the local people. It was the Afaqis who treated them with contempt,3 thereby strengthening the alignment between the Habshis and the Dakhnis. The extent of the integrative process in the Deccan is further borne out by the varied roles the 'Habshis' were able to play. Though brought in as slaves (gulams) and also as mercenary warriors (jangjii), they could, nonetheless, rise to the rank of nobility and hold high office in the Bahmani kingdom and its successor states: the Nizam Shahis (1498-1634), the Adil Shahis (1500-1650), the Qutb Shahis of Golkonda (1512-1687) followed by the Asif Jahis (1724-1948). This was in recognition of their faithfulness, courage and energy. They were also a factor to reckon with in the politics of these states. Unlike most immigrant minorities, they rarely adopted a defensive posture but participated in developments freely and aggressively, often with a great sense of patriotism. The prolonged period during which the presence of the Habshis was felt in the Deccan region was much

more significant than that of the Habshis in Gujarat, the Delhi Sultanate, Jaunpur (in Uttar Pradesh) or Bengal. There is evidence of their acceptance into Hindu society also, the outstanding case being Malik Ambar, who rose from the position of a slave to Regent, the de facto ruler of the Nizamshahi kingdom. As the Gazetteer of Aurangabad (1884) records, it was under his banner that Shahji, father of Shivaji, "laid the foundations of Mahratha greatness". Ambar's achievements were many and it was only after his death that the Mughals could conquer the Deccan. The 'Siddis' of Janjira, an island near Bombay, managed to remain in effective control for almost two hundred years. They were sought as allies not only by local Indian groups; by the Nizamshahi and the Adil Shahi kingdoms, by the Maharattas, the Mughals, but also by the European merchants and governments: the Dutch, the Portuguese and the English. From 1616 to 1769 they emerged as prominent and successful naval guardians of the north western coast of India and were sailing throughout the Indian waters. In more recent times, the Africans who arrived in Hyderabad, Deccan, apart from playing their traditional role as bonded guards and servants, were recruited to the Nizam's private bodyguard. The Siddi Risala (African Regiment) was retained until 1948. Other Siddis were elevated to the status of khanazahs (proteges) and became trusted advisers of the Nizams. The Siddis in Hyderabad continued to retain certain aspects of their culture—musical instruments, folk songs, dances, until the police action in Hyderabad in 1948 when the Nizam was removed from power. The few remaining Siddis have since than declined precipitously in their social and economic status and now live in utter poverty. In Karnataka there are African Christians, Hindus and Muslims as well. These people have adopted the local language and customs but have retained a distinctive identity. They play only a marginal role in economics and politics and continue to live in relative poverty. The other aspect of the African dispersal in India which merits attention is the migratory patterns of immigration. This is relevant in the context of contemporary scholarship that avoids sweeping generalizations of slaves under the derogatory nomenclature 'Habshi'/'Abyssinians'. The emphasis on the term 'Abyssinian' may partly be due to the fact that the institution of slavery was long recognised by the Fetha Nagast, the Ethiopian code, which was partly based on Mosaic law, and which sanctioned the taking of slaves from among unbelievers. That slaves were being transported to Asia from other regions of Africa is now fairly well established. Gregory points to the ninth century listing in Al Jabari to differentiate between the East Africans (Zanj), who provided the vast majority of Mesopotamian slaves, the Nuba or Nilotic slaves, and the Furatiyya and Qarmatiyya of Negroid stock during the spectacular slave revolt. 4 Gervase Mathew indicates that the slave trade from the southern region was probably a constant factor on the East African coast between AD 1000 and 1498. In medieval Gujarat and Deccan, he believes, most of the slaves came from the area of present day Tanzania. In Goa before the arrival of the Portuguese, European travellers describe the presence of the 'Abyssinians'. Under the Portuguese who already administered Mozambique, Diu and Goa were developed as slave ports and while the British seized and liberated African slaves on Arab dhows, they did not take such direct action against the Portuguese. These, slaves or coffrees were mainly from Mozambique, although the Portuguese also seized African

4 The African Dispersal in the Deccan slaves when they defeated the Muscat Arabs in Diu in 1670. Finally a distinction needs to be drawn between the terms 'Habshi' and 'Siddi', commonly used to refer to Africans in Asian history. 'Habshi' came to be used to refer to slaves from the Red Sea region, while 'Siddi' applied to those slaves from the southern region of Arabia. The Portuguese and French also utilised slaves from East Africa and the French bought Africans from Goan agents in India. The English were also not lagging behind as the struggle for the Coromandel Coast shows. Much of the European demand for slaves in the nineteenth century was met in East Africa for their plantation economies till 1873. The British were then faced with the problem of manumitted slaves. In Arabia and the East Africa coast the majority of them opted to stay on with their erstwhile masters. The remaining ones, it was suggested, could be provided possible homes in India. This was however rejected outright by the Bombay authorities who argued that India had itself become an exporter of labour and could not absorb Africans. Still some were rehabilitated and others later returned to Africa. In India, a relatively liberal society which absorbed foreigners into its midst, provided the means of facilitating inter-marriage between the Africans and the local people. Commenting on the apparently increasing numbers of Habshis in the Deccan, Robert Orme notes: "Their first marriages were with natives of India, and afterwards among their own families, which preserving the nationality, in time formed a numerous community, distinct in figure, colour and character from all other races of Mohammedans; which nevertheless could not have subsisted, if the body of the people amongst whom they had intruded had been, as themselves, Mohammedans".5 Inter-marriage, no doubt, accounts for the fact of their racial and cultural identity being blurred over the centuries. This is dramatically opposed to American society, where inspite of being converted to Christianity, the AfroAmericans were kept segregated and had to launch a civil war movement, in Indian society the stigma of racial inferiority is less striking. With the growing recruitment of Rajputs, Jats and Maratha (Bargirs) into the Indian armies the demand for new African slaves, with the notable exception of Hyderabad, seems to have progressively declined. The Portuguese cartaz system also put a brake though Indian merchants defied this pass system for a while. Similarly, during the nineteenth century, when early efforts to abolish the slave trade had little immediate effect, the trade continued in various degrees in Cutch, Kathiawar, Diu, Bombay, Goa, the Malabar and throughout the then province of Hyderabad. In the latter case, it was reported that because of the possibility of African co-operation in an Arab attempt to seize political control, the Government of India in 1882, began to restrict the movement of Africans into Hyderabad. 6 When finally the slave trade was abolished and the Indian Ocean became a 'British lake', Indian indentured labour—an euphemism for slavery—replaced the African slaves in the plantation economies in the colonies. The positive role of the Indian immigrant in transforming the plantation economies of Africa, as elsewhere, and in monetising their subsistence economies, is well documented. By contrast the role of African immigrant communities in India and their contribution to historical developments remains relatively neglected. By compiling the facts related to their role, this study hopes to contribute to the restoration of that balance. NOTES

1

Isami, Futuhut-us-Salatin, Agra, 1938, p. 521. quoted in Sherwani, Deccan Ke Bahmani Sultan (Bahmanis of the Deccan), p. 36.

2

H.K. Sherwani has aptly described them thus, Mahmud Gawan, Allahabad, 1942.

3

R.C Majumdar, The History and Culture of the Indian Peoples : The Delhi Sultanate. Bombay, 1960, p. 265.

4

Robert Gregory "India and East Africa" A History of Race Relations within the British Empire - 1890-1939, Clarendon Press, OUP, 1971. See also R. Oliver and G. Mathew (eds.), History of East Africa, Oxford, 1963, p. 101.

5

Robert Orme, Historical Fragments of Indostan of the Mughal Empire, of the Marathas and the English Concerns London 1782.

6

The Indian Political Department, December, 1882, "Report on the Emigration of Siddies into Hyderabad", vol. I, pp. 110-13.

1 Perceptions of the Deccan The Deccan has had its own distinct identity since most ancient times. The word literally meaning "the southern and Peninsular part of the great land mass",1 derived from the Sanskrit 'Dakshina', has featured in classical Indian literature and in inscriptions to which modern scholars have drawn ample attention. H. C. Raychaudhuri refers to the term Deccan being applied in its broadest sense to "the whole of India between the southern sea and the Vindhyas" in the Puranas. Among the countries enumerated in the Markandeya, Vayu and Matsya Puranas, included in Dakshinapatha are those of the Cholas, the Pandyas and the Keralas, situated in the extreme south of the Peninsula and corresponds to modern Tanjore, Madura and Malabar. While there have been such references which appear to include in the term Dakshinapatha, the 'Damila Vishya' or Tamil country far south, this seems to have been excluded by both the great epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. By that time, Raychaudhuri points out, the northern borders of the Deccan stretched as far as the borders of the Vidharba country of Berar. In the Mahabharata, he observes, for instance, "Sahadeva, the youngest of the Pandus, is represented in his career of conquest to have gone to Dakshinapath after having conquered the king of the Pandyas". From this it would appear that the country of the Pandyas is not included in Dakshinapatha.2 Central to our purpose is the knowledge of the Deccan among foreigners from early times. This is suggested in innumerable allusions to this part of India. The geographer Ptolemy (second century A.D.) divides his Ariake, or the Maratha country, into three parts, Ariake proper or the BombayDeccan, Sadinon's Ariake or North Konkan, and Pirate Ariake or South Konkan. Besides Sopara on the coast, Nasik near the Sahyadris, and the great inland marts of Paithan and Tagar, Ptolemy mentions three places in Kolaba, which can be identified, the Cape and Mart of Symulla — the Cape apparently the south point of Bombay harbour and the Mart, modern Chaul — and Balepatna3, that is the modern Mahad called Palpattan from the Buddhist settlement of Pal. Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, a Greek guide book for navigators of A.D. 60 and almost contemporaneous with the work of Pliny, has left behind for posterity a substantially accurate account of 'Dachinabades' (Dakshinapatha), as the author calls the Deccan region, then under the sway of the Andhras.4 "Beyond Barygaza", the modern Broach, the document explains, "the adjoining coast extends in a straight line from north to south; and so the region is called Dachinabades for Dachanos in the language of the native means 'south'. The inland country rolls back from the coast towards the east; it continues to "comprise many desert regions and great mountains, and all kinds of wild beasts...and many populous nations, as far as the Ganges". Among the inland market towns of 'Dachinabades', two of special importance are identified in the context of the Indian Ocean trade. 'Paethana' on the Godavari river in Aurangabad district of Maharashtra, "distant about twenty days journey south from Barygaza beyond which about ten days journey east, there is", it points out,

"another very great city, Tagara (modern Thair, in Osmanabad district of Maharashtra) about 95 miles south east of Paethana". Explaining the trade route in 'Dachinabades', the author of the Periplus points out: "There are brought down to Barygaza from these places by wagons and through great tracts without roads, from Paethana carnelian in great quantity; and from Tagara much common cloth; all kinds of muslins and mallow cloth, and other merchandise brought there locally from the regions along the sea coast". The reference here, it is pointed out, is to the two great highways of Andhra from the Bay of Bengal; the first, starting from the 'Masalia' of the Periplus, or Masulipatam (on the Coromandel coast), where immense quantities of muslin were made, and the second from Vinukonda, joining about 25 miles south east of Hyderabad, and proceeding through Thair, Paithan and Daulatabad to Markinda (in the Ajanta Hills). Its natural terminus was at Kalyan in the Bombay harbour, "but the obstruction of that port by the Saka power in Gujarat forced the tedious, overland extension of the route through the mountains to Barygaza". From this description the hazy contours of the Deccan identity begin to emerge, stretching from Kalyan on the western coast to Masulipatam on the Bay of Bengal. From coast to coast a process, it appears, had already got into stride by the first year of our millennium, which helped to bring these distant areas into a closer partnership with the whole Indian Ocean trade. Obviously, the great demand for Indian commodities by the ruling elite in the Roman empire was sufficient to offset the difficulties of terrain and distance experienced in the transport of goods and merchandise for export. For Pliny complained: "By the lowest reckoning India, China and the (Arabian) Peninsula take from our empire 100 million sesterces every year — that is the sum which our luxuries and our women cost us".5 Megasthenes further gives an interesting insight into the military powers of the rulers of 'Farther India', the King of the Kalingas having in his service 60,000 foot soldiers, 1,000 horsemen, and 700 elephants in "panoply of war; while the Andhras possessed numerous villages, 30 fortified towns, and an army of 100,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry and 1,000 elephants". 6 Pliny, who died in A.D. 79, also speaks of several tribes, that scholars trace to the Deccan region. "Among those", he stressed, "must be included the Asmagi (Asmakas on the Godavari), the Calingae 'nearest the sea' (doubtless identical with the Kalingas of the eastern coast), and Andarae of the Andhras occupying the deltas of the Godavari and the Krishna".7 Claudius Ptolemy, though he lacked first-hand knowledge, and is very likely to have secured information from Greek traders already well acquainted with the west coast, especially Chaul, considered this region important enough for a notice in his Geographike Huphegesis (Outline of Geography), written about the middle of the second century A.D. He makes allusions to areas identified as parts of the Western Ghats and some connected ranges, to the rivers Godavari and the Bhima as well as the Tapti represented as rising from the Vindhya range along with the Narmada. Of interest also is the distinction he makes between the Deccan and the Tamil country. The coastal region of the west, best known to the Greeks, is divided into Saurastrene or Saurashtra, corresponding to present day Kutch, Kathiawar and North Gujarat; Larika or Latadesh in Sanskrit, identified as South Gujarat and part of North Konkan; and Ariake, which includes the rest of the Konkan. The latter is again defined as Ariake Sadinon, extending from Soupara or Sopara, six miles north of Vasai (Bassein), on the Bombay coast to Belepatna, probably Palpattan, according to scholars, in South Konkan. On the authority of Ptolemy we can see that the rulers of western India were used to naval practice, and the Andhrabhritya employed the navy to levy tribute from the

merchants who plied between the coasts of India and Egypt. The remaining part of Ariake, referred to as Ariake Andron Peiraton (Ariake of the Pirates) covered the coast from Mandagara, identified as Mandangarh, south of the Bankot creek, to Nitra in the extreme south of Maharashtra or the Netravati in South Kanara. His knowledge of the hinterland stretched from Nasik, near the Sahyadris, to the great inland mart 'Baithan' or Paithan. The Maisolos of Ptolemy, apparently modern Masulipatam, was so important that the river Godavari was known to him as the Maisolos river. It included the district of Maisolos, or the Krishna, and extended possibly to some part of Kalinga, the whole area being considered virtually identical with the country of Andhra or Telingana.8 The term 'Deccan' was used in a somewhat restricted sense later on to mean Bahmani Deccan or the Deccan of the Succession States. The kingdom of Narsing, as the empire of Vijaynagar was styled by the Portuguese chroniclers, was the neighbour of the kingdom of Daquens. Only in one place does Ferishta use the term in this comprehensive geographical sense when, in the Muqaddimah to his history, he personifies India as Hind and says, "Dakhan the son of Hind had three sons and the country of Dakhan was divided among them. Their names are Merath, Kauher (Kantrada) and Tilang. At present these races reside in the Dakhan". Elsewhere, Ferishta like other Persian writers, uses the term Deccan to indicate Bahmani territories. The establishment of the Bahmani Kingdom with its capital at Gulbarga (1347) coincided with the rise of the Hindu Kingdom of Vijaynagar and this soon after led to the geographical line being drawn between the Deccan and Karnataka. The former represented that portion of Central India, which lies between the river Godavari as a northern boundary and the Tungabhadra, and extended before long from one coast to another. The latter comprised the rich valleys of the tributaries of the Pennar with their mountain passes and from thence extended to modern Kanchipuram, Arcot and subsequently Madura. A Precise Connotation Raychaudhuri gives the Deccan a more precise connotation by designating it "the historic land in Peninsular India that stretches from the Sahyadriparvat (Western Ghat)...and the expanse of hill and plateau that connects it with the Mahendragiri and the Godavari in the north, to the Krishna and Tungabhadra in the south and from the Arabian Sea in the west to the Bay of Bengal in the east". 9 This, he further specifies, lies roughly between 13.59' N and 84.26' E, including within its embrace the Marathi and Kannada speaking districts of the former Bombay Presidency, the former state of Hyderabad with the southern part of Berar (Vidarbha), some adjoining tract of the former Central Provinces (Madhya Pradesh) and portions of Orissa and Madras (Tamil Nadu) lying between Mahendragiri and the Krishna rivers with a total area of 200,000 sq. miles. This definition is not fundamentally different from the limits set by the Deccan History Conference, which succinctly stated, "The Deccan shall be -deemed to mean the region from the Tapti in the north to the edge of the plateau in the South and from sea to sea."10 P. M. Joshi, tracing the geo-historical evolution of the Deccan, marshals a wealth of supporting evidence from which it can be deduced that strategic factors compounded by the complementarity of the economies of the plateau (or Desh) and the coastal plains contributed greatly to the two regions becoming closely interlinked and to a commonality of interests developing. Through their historical experience, moreover, the predominantly Maratha people within large areas of this region were to

acquire a common ethos, finding expression through customs and traditions, and a living language enriched by mystic poets and bards. In spite of being rent by war and internecine strife the Deccan, as defined above, was already being transformed into a viable concept by the medieval period. The Passes The geographical characteristics of the Deccan were undoubtedly the prime factor in shaping the history of the region. The great walls of the Ghats dominating the plateau region as massive battlements formed a natural cordon sanitaire. These were reinforced by a chain of forts built to guard the vital passes leading from the Konkan to Desh. As Jadunath Sarkar points out, "The Deccan hill ranges, particularly the Sahyadri, are often crowned by lofty forts, towering above the lowlands on some cliff with steep scarped sides and artesian water supply on the flat top or sides. These forts are nature's gifts to which the people can retire for safety when defeated in a pitched battle in the plain below. From these shelters nothing could expel them before modern artillery, if only they had laid in provisions or could smuggle in food at night by the backdoor".11 Thus, all along the western boundary of the Ghats from the Konkan, there appeared, in course of time, a series of forts, like sentinels, from Harishchandragarh, Shivneri, Rajmachi, Lohagarh, Kuvarigarh, Raigarh, Pratapgarh and Vishalgarh to Panhala and Bahadurgarh near Kolhapur. In addition to these, and astride the eastern marches, passing to the west of the old capitals of modern Maharashtra (Junnar, Pune, Satara, Karad and Kolhapur) there was another series of historical forts like Chakan, Tung, Tikona and Sinhagarh. In the same manner the Mysore plateau, "the loftiest and most well defined part of the whole Deccan plateau", as Joshi describes it, has hardly a hill or mountain top which has not been fortified, some like the ancient Nidugal, at one time considered impregnable. Important among other forts which protected the plateau and ensured its security were Hoskote, Huligurg, Ramagiri, Savandurga, Uttardurg, Madhugiri, Chennagiri and Kavaledurga. In modern Andhra Pradesh, the strong fortress of Kondavidu in the Tilangana region secured access to the eastern coast, while in Rayalseema district the forts of Mosallimadugu, Sakanikota, Adoni and Etgir protected the diamond fields around Kurnool and Adoni. In the interest of security the contending powers vied to control the passages. Security considerations apart, control of these fortresses, particularly those atop the great stretch of walls of the Western Ghats that enclosed the Peninsula, opened up vital lines of communication through the innumerable passes leading to the coastal lands and its commercial seaports. These were being enriched by the great development of Egypt around 30-25 B.C., when Strabo remarked that the Indian fleet in the Red Sea increased in a few years from a few ships to 120,12 and to which the hinterland, rich in natural resources, cotton, gold, diamonds and other minerals, made a substantial contribution. Without these outlets the hinterland would have remained insular, untouched by external influences which gave it its distinct social, ethnic and cultural traits. That the interest of the vast tableland and the string of sea marts and emporia scattered along the western coast were coterminous has been well summed up in the Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency where it is pointed out that "The openings through the Sahyadris by the Bor, Devasthali, Kumbha and Shevtya passes, from earliest historical times (225 B.C.) probably made the Kolaba ports centres of trade. As in Thana, the trade of these ports rose to foreign commerce when the Kolaba coast was under a power which ruled both the Konkan and the Deccan, and it shrank to local traffic when Kolaba became a part of Gujarat or was under a local

chief".13 The extent of the dependence on trade and commerce was highlighted in the great highway extending from Masulipatam on the Bay of Bengal across the vast tableland which naturally terminated at Kalyan, when it was not obstructed by the Saka powers of Gujarat in the first century of our era. This interdependence of the hinterland and coastal regions thus reinforces the conception of the Deccan as defined by Joshi and Sherwani. The Rivers The rivers flowing through the Deccan east and west posed less of a constraint except perhaps the Raichur Doab tract. True, the Narmada, along with the Vindhya range, has been described as forming "a double barrier between the North and the Deccan". But here perhaps it was more the impenetrable forests that guarded the approaches to the valley of the Narmada that obstructed easy passage, which, in any case, was overcome near the modern town of Hoshangabad and in the Mandaleswar plains. On the other hand, the course of the Narmada, through the alluvial plains of Gujarat, helped forge links between its northern region and the Deccan. Similarly, the importance of the Tapti traversing the rich cotton plains of western Berar and the two districts of Khandesh-Jalgaon and Dhulia and flowing through Gujarat into the Arabian Sea, a little west of the internationally renowned city of Surat, was self-evident. The Godavari, the Krishna and the Kaveri are the three principal rivers of the Deccan plateau, each with its system of subsidiary streams which flow into the Bay of Bengal. The Godavari rises near Trimbak, in a sacred hill of the Sahyadri range known as Brahmagiri and follows a generally southeasterly course through Maharashtra and Andhra, reaching the Bay of Bengal. The Godavari valley in Maharashtra, along with the Berar area, is the region where Maharashtra culture originated and prospered. The Krishna river rises near Mahabaleshwar and flows through Satara and Sangli districts of Maharashtra, Bijapur and Raichur districts of Karnataka and enters the Telengana plateau. The Bhima and the Tungabhadra 'are the most important tributaries of the Krishna. After entering Karnataka, the Bhima flows through Gulbarga district and joins the Krishna, a little north of Raichur on the border of that district. The Tungabhadra is the southernmost tributary of the Krishna. It is formed by the confluence of the Tunga and the Bhadra, both rising in the hilly region of Gangamula near Sringeri. Flowing through Shimoga, Dharwar, Bellary and Raichur districts of Karnataka, it enters the Kurnool district of Andhra Pradesh and joins the Krishna, near Alampur, in that district. From time immemorial, the Krishna-Tungabhadra Doab has been the cockpit of the Deccan. NOTES 1

H.K. Sherwani and P.M. Joshi (eds), History of Medieval Deccan, 1295-1724 Government of Andhra Pradesh, 1973, p. 3.

2

H.C. Raychaudhuri, "Geography of the Deccan" in G. Yazdani (ed.), The Early History of the Deccan, Oxford University Press, 1964, p. 3.

3

The Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency, vol. XI, p. 138.

4

W.H. Schoff (ed)., The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea (Travels and Trade in the Indian Ocean by a Merchant of the First Century), London, (1912), pp. 6,14,36,49, 56,62.

5

Pliny, as quoted in GBP, W, p. 63.

6

J.W. McCrindle, Ancient India (Megasthenes and Arian), (London, 1901),pp. 347-49.

7

GBP, I, p. 138.

8

Ibid.

9

Raychaudhuri, op. cit., p. 19.

10

Proceedings of the Deccan History Conference, First Session, Hyderabad, 1945, p. 19.

11 Jadunath Sarkar, Military History of India, (Calcutta 1960), p. 3. 12 Quoted in Vincent A. Smith, Commerce of Ancients, II, (London, 1807), p. 86. 13 GBP, I, p. 316.

2 Patterns of African Immigration Before the arrival of the Portuguese, the Indian Ocean trade was brisk and untrammelled, all the regions being interconnected through the exchange of commodities and visits of merchants. It was a self-contained system and we come across no treaties between the kings or merchants regarding trading as far as this region was concerned. None of these communities possessed armed shipping. The seas were common and open to all until the advent of the Portuguese when the system of cartazes (passes) was established in order to control trade in the Indian Ocean area. After the Napoleonic wars the Indian Ocean became a 'British lake'. British command of the Indian Ocean remained unassailable because "she needed only a few fortified bases to control a monopoly of the world's busiest commercial thoroughfare",1 and whatever ties these communities of the Indian Ocean had were severed. This area may be divided into four regions: (1) the area extending from the Somali Horn along the African coast of the Red Sea route, particularly Ethiopia2 to Egypt and beyond; (2) southern Arabia, including Aden, Mecca, Jeddah, Mocha and Ormus; and (3) to the East African coast down to Sofala, and then to Mozambique, Pemba, Mafia, Zanzibar, Mombasa, Kilwa, Melindi, Gardafui and Mogadishu; (4) the ports in the kingdom of Gujarat, known to the Portuguese historians as Cambay, especially Diu, Broach and Surat; the ports of the Konkan, Dhabol, Danda-Rajapuri, Chaul and Goa. These were some of the important centres of trade, and they comprised the chief regions of Indian trade without any restraint from the earliest times. All these regions had become a part of the Indian Ocean 'circuit of trade' assisted, as it was, by favourable trade winds—the monsoons—and the development of a suitable marine technology. All writers are agreed mat the traffic from the west coast of India to the Red Sea was mainly in the hands of Arabs. The most ancient intercontinental sea voyages in the Indian Ocean were made coast-wise. Indians, Sinhalese and southern Arabs were the first to use the monsoon course for establishing shorter sea routes between the coasts of India and Hadrarnaut and, later on, of East Africa. This long history of commercial contact provided both a channel for material and cultural influences as well as a powerful magnet for population movements to and fro. And, before Britain started its naval operations against the slave trade, the communities in the Indian Ocean were involved in a prosperous and legitimate commerce in which trafficking in slaves for gain was less than significant. The Red Sea Route As for the Red Sea route, Indian contact, as the Periplus3 says, was of great antiquity. The author of the Periplus was interested in the product of the country and not in politics. India at that time was "the most cultivated, the most active industrially and commercially, the richest in natural resources and production, the most highly organised socially".4 All the ports along the coast were of international fame in the Periplus' time; Strabo and Pliny have also underlined the importance of

these commercial relations. Maritime trade increased in the Red Sea in the course of the first two centuries. Trading ships came both from Egypt and from the ports between Ariaca (identified as the region around the Gulf of Cambay) and Barygaza (Broach) on the west of the Indian sub-continent to Adulis, the port of the ancient kingdom of Aksumite (modern Ethiopia). The imports from India, according to the Periplus, were "From the interior of Ariaka: they bring Indian iron and steel, and cotton fabrics, belts, cloaks, a few molokhinese Sindoni garments and material coloured with a kind of varnish."5 Objects of Indian origin have also been found; a seal in Adulis, terracotta figurines in Aksum, 104 gold coins dating from the Kushana kings before the year A.D. 200 in Debra-Damo. This indicates that Indian merchants lived in Adulis and Aksum. Also the small images of Buddha found at Aksum were probably brought there by Buddhist merchants from India.6 The Aksumite kingdom developed a written language Ge'ez, providing nearly 2000 years of documentation, which led A. Grohman in 1915 to point out "the principal similarities between the idea of the vocalised Ethiopic alphabet and that of the Brahmi and Kharoshthi". Indian influence on the reformers of the old consonant Ethiopic alphabet is quite probable, asserts the Soviet Africanist, Y.M. Kobishanov.7 It has also been stated, but without citing any authority that the Abyssinians had planted colonies, of which Rajpuri is one of the last remains, along the whole western coast of India and from Cape Comorin upwards in the very early period of the Christian era . They were traders and not slaves, and some had entered the service of Dakhni rulers inland. More reliable evidence of Ethiopians going to India by sea belongs to the fifth and sixth centuries. When Bishop Moses of Adulis sailed to India at the beginning of the fifth century, he was most likely on a visit to his spiritual flock, who had by that time formed trading colonies at ports in India and Ceylon. The commercial voyages of Adulis townsmen in particular, and Ethiopians in general, to Ceylon and south and north India are recorded by Pseudo-Callisthenes and Cosmos Indicopleustes. Between the fifth and sixth centuries Adulis became the leading port between Clysme and the ports of India, and the names of other African ports vanished from written sources. 8 And, by the sixth century, despite frequent voyages of the Byzantines to India, the Ethiopians were considered to have had more stable trade relations with that country.9 In the book Kebra Nagast, dating from the fourteenth century A.D., it is contended that, according to Menyelek, the Queen of Sheba's son, she "had gold and silver and splendid apparel and camels and slaves and had servants and merchants; they traded for her at sea and on land, in the Indies and in Aswan".10 Adulis was destroyed in 710 when Islam spread along the trade routes to the Ethiopian interior. But one kind of merchandise for which the demand never slackened was that of slaves. The narrow passage lined with rocky cliffs called the straits of Bab el Mandeb was for centuries the ferrying point for the slave trade. Zeila opposite to Aden also carried on a brisk traffic in slaves. Varthema writes: "Here also are sold a very great number of slaves, which are most of Prester John, whom the Moors take in battle and from this place are carried into Persia, Arabia Fellix and to Mecca, Cairo and into India".11 In Ethiopia the institution of slavery was formally recognised by the Fetha Nagast, the Ethiopian

legal code, partly based on Mosaic Law. 12 Slavery was also as much a religion as a civil institution among Arabs. The Abyssinian (Habshi) females were especially prized for their beauty and symmetry of figure, and as concubines among the Arabs their value was often treble or quadruple that of their darker sisters from further south. The Abyssinian male fetched a less considerable figure, but belonged, nevertheless, to the luxury trade; indeed Nubian and Abyssinian eunuchs were so expensive as to be found only in the service of kings, nobles and very rich merchants.13 The Ethiopian empire suffered from freqent warfare and there are references in the Ezana inscriptions and sources connected with Aksumite Hamayarite wars to prisoners taken in warfare who were regarded as desirable merchandise by foreign slave-traders.14 The Aksumites were, at the same time, in close commerce with south Arabia by the sixth century. Ethiopia and Arabia were knit during the rise of Islam both by trade and migration. The port near Mecca had long been the abode of a considerable number of Ethiopians, some of whom had probably come for the purpose of trade while others had been imported as slaves. Many of the latter were employed as soldiers,—they were a force to reckon with—by the rich traders, and according to the Medina poet, Kais ibn al Khatun, who died a few years before Hijra, were known as askir (singular askar). More frequently, however, they were termed as Ababish (singular ahbush), a derivation of Habash or Abyssinia. It was likely that from these soldier-slaves the Arabs learned the use of "the lance or javelin (Arabic harbah) which they adopted a little after this period, 15 and the Abyssinians were welcomed in India for this very skill. In 1298, the Venetian traveller Marco Polo wrote: "You must know that in the province of Abash, there are excellent soldiers and many horsemen. They have a great number of horses soldiers of all the provinces of India."16 By the early fourteenth century Ibn Battuta was also making several references to the presence of Habshis in India during his visit (1333-1342). He mentions the governor of Alapur, south-east of Gwalior, being an Abyssinian named Badr, a slave of the Raja of Dholpur. The courage of Badr, he writes, had become proverbial. Sailing down the western coast, he related that the ship on which he travelled, "had a complement of fifty rowers and fifty Abyssinian men-atarms". These latter, he added, "were the guarantors of safety on the Indian Ocean; let there be but one of them on a ship, and it will be avoided by the Indian pirates and idolaters".17 The Periplus gives a break-up of the import-export trade saying that ships from Cambay and Broach brought "wheat, rice, clarified butter, sesame oil, cotton cloth, girdles and sugar and the greater quantity of cinnamon. Somalia exported myrrh, frankincense, gold, ivory and ebony, which have also been pictorially depicted, while the Arabs had named the northern Somali coast, Ras Assir ('the cape of the slaves'). According to Cosmas, most of the slaves in the hands of the merchants were taken to Arabia from Somaliland. The coast of South Arabia also was visited by parties of Somalis, who pay the Arabs for the privilege of collecting frankincense."18 In western India, the word Habshi includes not only Abyssinians, but also Africans from the Somali coast. Ibn Battuta mentions people of Mogadishu, which shared in the commerce of the East, and that they ate rice. The betel leaf had also entered the social life of the people. He said the Sultan had sent him "a plate on which were some rice, leaves of betel and áreca nuts."19 Etiquette demanded in southern India, particularly, that a host should present his guest with a pan before the latter departs. Varthema writes that the annual fair was one of the most interesting sights on the coast, an annual

rendezvous for so many nations to be present. "It is estimated that as many as 20,000 natives assemble annually at the fair to barter their (products)... with merchants from the Red Sea, Muscat, Bahrain, Basra, Porebunder, Mandavie,.Bombay and other ports". 20 Burton gives a detailed description of Berbera, which was "the emporium of India" and in its harbours he found the same trade as described in Periplus. He mentions that export to Arabia includes "slaves, but rarely". 22 Cape Gardafui, on the northern Indian Ocean, also enjoyed considerable eastern trade, for as Barbosa explains, "as many ships as come from India and from the Kingdom of Cambaya (Cambay) and from Chaul, Dabul (Dabhol), Batical (Bhatkal), from Malabar and all the coast of Bengala, all make use of it, and enter it from this Cape with much merchandise. Some of them go towards the city of Adem (Aden) and Zeilam (Zeila) and Barbora".22 The Arabs From the sixth century A.D. to the sixteenth, the Arabs were masters of the Indian Ocean. In these international transactions the ports of Jeddah, Aden, Mocha and Ormuz played an important role. Arab geographers and navigators, like Masudi of Beghdad (tenth century), Abu Rachan Beruni (died in 440 A.H.), Abul Fida (died in 725 A.H.) and Iban Khaldum (died in 808 A.H.), were all aware of the Indian Ocean, Red Sea, the Mediterranean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, and may be compared favourably with the Greeks in their contribution to this subject.23 The Periplus mentions Rhapta, some distance south of Zanzibar Islands, as the last Arab settlement on the coast, and Ptolemy described Cape Delgado. The Periplus, moreover, says that the whole coast was "subject under some ancient rights to the sovereignty of the power which held the primacy in Arabia, frequented by Arab ships in command of Arab captains who knew the harbour, spoke the language of the natives and intermarried with them". Aden or Eudoemon Arabia (Arabia Felix), as the author of the Periplus calls it, was from the very early times an important trading centre, where goods from the east, were transhipped to the Mediterranean markets. By the third century, Yaqubi found "ships coming from Abyssinia, Mandab, Jeddah, Sylhet (Assam) and Cina".24 Ibn Battuta declared, around 1330, when he visited Aden that it was the port of merchants of India, to Qualequt (Calicut), Mangerru (Mangalore), Sindabur (Goa) and other places. The merchants of India live there, he added. The importance of Aden for eastern trade was also recognised by the late fourteenth century by the Arab historian Ibn Khaldum, Varthema and the Portuguese. Of interest, the latter lists exports to India of gold, horses, slaves and ivory, and emphasises the importance of both Cambay and Goa, apart from Malabar and Bengal.25 Varthema was imprisoned in Aden, when the Sultan marched to Sana "with his army, in which there were three thousand horsemen, sons of Christians, as black, as Moors. They were of those of Prester John whom they purchased at the age of eight or nine years and had them trained to arms. These constituted his own guard, because they were worth more than the rest of the eighty thousand"26 In Mecca, the most outstanding Ethiopian was probably Bilas, the son of an Ethiopian slave girl, whose stentorian voice secured for him the unique distinction of becoming Muhammad's muezzin. The Prophet called him "the first fruit of Abyssinia". Ships came to Jeddah, the port of Mecca, from Hejaz and Abyssinia and anchored there; "this harbour has been in use since the days of Ignorance, but with

the rise and progress of Islamic power in Africa, Abyssinia, Sind and Persia", it grew very important.27 Mecca and Jeddah continued to be visited for both trade and pilgrimage even after the nineteenth century by Europeans. Ormuz city was one of the richest entreports in the world, although the island on which it is situated produced nothing save salt and sulphur. But nearly all the trade between India and Persia was channelled through it in the twelfth century. The author of the Periplus mentions that large vessels were regularly sent from Barygaza to two market towns in Persia. In exchange, it records, from each of these market towns are exported among other things, "a great quantity of dates, gold and slaves". Marco Polo (1272) and (1293) refers to Ormuz as "a great and noble city". He particularly notes the export of horses to India. Abdur Razzak noted in the fifteenth century, Ormuz was visited, among others, by the countries of Malabar, Abyssinia, Zanzibar, the ports of Gujarat and the Arabian Coast, from Aden to .Jeddah. Barbosa also emphasized the international commercial significance of Ormuz, which he wrote, handled goods "from many lands". Exports, we are told, included horses from Arabia which were sent to India, "whither every year they used to take one and at times two thousand".28 Oman, situated in the south-east corner of Arabia, played its part in the growth of Arab trade in the Indian Ocean.29 It was the centre of an active and intensive shipping trade with India conveniently located with reference to the trans-Arabian caravan routes. The ports of Oman were always active in the slave markets. Al Masudi wrote in his Muruj al Dhahab: "Tusks from the country of the Zanj go generally to Oman, and from there are sent to China and India. That is the route they follow, and were it otherwise ivory would be abundant in Muslim countries". The sailors of Oman, Masudi says, were Arabs of the Azd tribe. They went as far south as Qanbala (Madagascar) inhabited even in his days by Muslims, and the merchants of Siraf were also in the habit of sailing there. In the eleventh century they were known for their excellence in ship building. In course of time, however, the pirates of Oman became the terror of the Persian Gulf and its approaches. The Omanis began the process of permanent Arab settlement and organised a dominion in East Africa. In the late seventh century, they fled overseas to the land of Zanj (Zanzibar). 30 The El Harth tribe, flying from persecution, founded Mogadishu and Barava. To the same century belongs the similar tradition of Hussain-bin Ali and his six sons. The story tells of a son begotten by the Sultan of Shiraf of an Abyssinian slave woman, who was out rivalled by his better born brothers and so departed with his six sons for Africa. One son founded a settlement at each of the six separate places; three of these were named Mombasa, Pemba and Johanna in the Comoro Islands. Hussain also founded Kilwa. The Persians also shared in the trade of the Indian Ocean. Already at the date of the Periplus, they were making at least temporary homes in East Africa and inter-marrying with the local women. It is more than probable that the Arab and Persian colonization of the coast was a long and gradual process, which began in remote antiquity and continued. Settlements running from north to south were Mogadishu, Barawa, Pate, Lamu, Melindi, Mombaza, Pemba, Zanzibar, Mafia, Kilwa, Mozambique and Sofala.31 By the beginning of the twelfth century they had brought the entire coast and islands, including the Comoros, under their control. The East African Coast Mombasa, Duarte Barbosa tells us, "is a place of great traffic and has a good harbour in which

there are always moored small craft of many kinds and also great ships, both of which are bound from Sofala and others which come from Cambay and Melinde and others which sail to the island of Zanzibar".32 Mombasa was also a centre of immense slave trade. "Here flourished a very profitable speciality of converting young African boy slaves into eunuchs, and also, by surgery, making fouryear-old girls into 'sealed virgins'. Both were trained and educated for harem service, and were exported at very high prices when they reached their teens."33 Similarly, "many ships come hither to Mogadishu from the great Kingdom of Cambay bringing plenty of cloths of many sorts and divers other wares, also spices". In Mafia, Pemba and Zanzibar "they live in great luxury, clad in very good fine silk and cotton garments which they purchase at Mombasa from the merchants of Cambay who reside there."34 About Melindi Barbosa says, "they are great barterers; and deal in cloth, ^gold and ivory and divers other wares with the Moors and the Heathens of the great Kingdom of Cambay.... In this traffic the Cambay merchants make great profits, and this, on the one side and the other, they earn much money".35 Pate Island occupied much the same position of pre-eminence along the northern reach of the Swahili coast as Kilwa, the 'queen of the South'. The surviving versions of the Swahili manuscript, Chronicle of Pate, which begins its story in 1204, tells us of contacts with India. The Sultan made the country prosperous, developing plantations and building vessels called gharabs, which are now called jahazia, (the equivalent is jahaz in Hindustani taken from the Arabic). "Now in those days," we are told, "Arab and Indian vessels used to come to Pate harbour". Sultan Omar, the chronicle continues, had a nephew who was fond of travelling. On the third attempt he finally made it to India, "where he traded and made much profit". On the return journey, however, though full of hazards, he discovered silver-bearing sand, which was loaded instead of the Indian cargo.36 Ibn Battuta, who reached the town of Kilwa in 1331, found bananas, oranges and lemons growing there and that the people also gather a fruit which they call jammun (the Hindustani word for the common Eugenia Jambu), which he goes on to describe faithfully looks like an olive, "It has a nut like an olive, but its taste is very sweet." With Bombay no more than 20 degrees north and Karachi no more than 30, Zanzibar owes its history mainly to its geographical position of the east coast of Africa and its proximity to Asia, as well as to the trade winds or monsoons. These account to a large extent for its close political and commercial connections from the earliest times with India, and with countries bordering on the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. The "Zinj' took an important part in the wars of South Arabia. The first emigration from Oman to Zanzibar was about the year 695 A.D.. 37 That the Zinj increased in number and became a power in the land is shown by the fact that in 850 they revolted under the leadership of a negro styled 'Lord of the Blacks' in Mesopotamia. The revolt had repercussions throughout Arabia. In 871 A.D. they captured and sacked Basra, annihilating its inhabitants.38 Idris, writing about 1154, describing the dealings of the Arabs with Zinj, says that rulers of Kush, opposite Muscat, had 505 ships, which were used to raid the Zanzibar coast for slaves, and that the Zinj, having great respect for the Arabs, used to let them take these people without any trouble. 39 The great mass of slaves from East Africa were consigned to Turkey, Arabia and Persia, where they

became a permanent element. In 835 the slaves in Oman constituted no less than a third of the population.40 The negro slave is a familiar figure in Arabic literature. Their lot was not unbearable since kindness to slaves is one of the duties inculcated by the Koran. East Africa thus had its place in the network of trade that chequered the India Ocean—ivory, gold and slaves. India Nor was the sea trade confined to Arabs and Persians. Ingrains thinks that "the Hindus not only made trade settlements on the coast, dating from the seventh century B.C., but apparently... penetrated inlands towards the region of the Great lakes".41 Much later, J.H. Speke, the explorer of the source of the Nile, was also impressed by the knowledge of the great many Indians he had met deep in the interior of Africa, who had their own names for the most important landmarks. 42 Reginald Coupland claims: "It is almost probable that the Hindus were trading with East Africa and settling in the coast as early as the sixth century B.C. Almost certainly it was they who introduced the coconut palm". 43 The mention of the word nauplios or narglios for coconut, which in India is known as naryal, in the Periplus is a confirmation of the trade of Indians and the Zanzibar coast around Rhapta. The swastika also occurs in Zanzibar, though no meaning is attached to it, being used more for decorations. Again, on the wedding day the bridegroom reaching the bride's house finds in the antechamber women guarding the wedding room to whom he must pay money, called Kifunga mlango, before they allow him to cross the doors.44 This ceremony is common in India. Kariba means to draw near and starehe stay where you are. Both words have similar meanings in Hindustani. Muhindi is the word for maize which, as the name suggests, was introduced by India,45 and, the people who appear as 'Debuli' and 'Diba' in the oral tradition at Zanzibar and Pemba and other coastal cities, could well be Muslim Indians, who emigrated from Diu and Dabhol, on the west coast of India, in the seventh century. Even till the recent past, the port of Mandovi, on the southern coast of Kutch, carried on a direct trade with Zanzibar, "in small vessels averaging 50 tons or less than 10 feet draught".46 Coupland, referring to the twelfth century, when the Arabs enjoyed an aristocracy of race, says; "Closely associated with them, but not of the ruling class, were Indian residents whose connections with the coast were as old as theirs. Much of the ocean shipping was Indian owned and Indian manned and since Arabs in general seem never to have shown much aptitude for the techniques of business, it is probable that the Indians were from the earliest what they still are in East Africa—the masters of finance, the bankers and the money changers and money lenders".47 The coast stretching from Gardafui to the extreme south was named by the Indian sea traders as Anjana bar, which was later romanized to Anzania. There also existed small Indian trading communities operating in Sofala and at the mouth of the river Save. Gold, ivory and iron were what the Africans supplied in exchange for Indian goods. Indian gold seekers had named Sofala, Sonabar, i.e. a land of gold, which was subsequently changed to Sofala in the fourteenth or fifteenth centuries by the sea-faring Arabs.48 The famous Moor (Muslim) sailor of Gujarat, Ahmad bin Magid (Kanaky), 49 who had the greatest knowledge of the art and instruments of navigation, was at Melindi when Vasco da Gama reached the coast of East Africa and conducted him across the Indian Ocean to Calicut. 50 In East Africa, the Portuguese left nothing behind but ruined fortresses, palaces and ecclesiastical buildings.

In India, it is generally considered that the earliest Muslims to settle in the Deccan were the Arabs of the Navayat clan, who had made the Konkan their permanent home about the year A.D. 701 when they fled from the Kufah (in the Euphrates valley) to escape the cruelties of the governor, Hajjaj bin Yusuf.51 Even prior to the Muslim conquest of the Deccan, the Rashtrakutas had Arabs and Abyssinians in their armies.52 Similarly, the Arabs were said not only to have monopolized the early carrying trade between Arabia and Malabar but also to have made many settlements on the Malabar and Konkan coast.53 Kalyan, Dabhol and Chaul were the principal ports of entry into the Deccan and they emerged from obscurity only when the Muslims took possession of the sea ports. Goa island was then a dependency of the Deccan. In 1490 the new king of Ahmednagar took Danda-Rajpuri and thus secured peaceable possession of that part of northern Konkan, which did not belong to Gujarat. The date of the establishment of the Abyssinians in Janjira cannot be clearly made out. There is one legend which shows them to have got possession by about 1489; another account puts this a great deal later. By now a large number of Abyssinians and other foreigners were employed in the armies of the Dakhan kings, not only as private soldiers but also in high command. Modern Kalyan was the principal port of the Andhra kingdom (later the Deccan) during the periods when it ruled the west coast. Cosmas Indicopleustes in the sixth century A.D. found it one of the five marts of western India.54Both Chaul and Dabhol were great commercial marts, with a large trade with Persia and the Red Sea, by which route all the Indian goods for Europe passed then. From the time of Marco Polo till the sixteenth century, Dabhol, in the district of Ratnagiri, was the principal port of south Konkan. It imported horses from Mecca, Aden and Ormuz, which is spoken of as of the highest importance. When the first Bahmani king established his independence in Dakhan (1347) he divided his kingdom into four governments, the first of which included Gulbarga, extended to the sea port at Dabhol; and the second from Daulatabad to Chaul. Ibn Battuta visited Daulatabad late in 1342 or early 1343 and described it as a great magnificent city equal to Delhi. It may be mentioned that Yusuf Adil Khan, the first king of Bijapur, believed to be the son of the emperor of Constantinople, first landed at Ormuz and then went to Dabhol in 1458, and from there he was taken as a slave to Bidar. Mahmud Khwaja Gawan, the able prime minister of the Bahmani kingdom, had also followed the same route from Persia to Bidar. When the kingdom of Bidar came to an end in 1619, the Konkan was divided between the kings of Bijapur and Ahmednagar, Dabhol becoming the principal port of the former and Chaul of the latter. Chaul, in Thana district 23 miles south of Bombay, is spoken of in the same terms as Dabhol, its weavers of silk and traffic in horses being particularly and frequently mentioned. In every treaty with the Portuguese, stipulations were made as to the importation of horses for the cavalry. The list of imports from Mecca included many European commodities. Ahmad Shah of the Bahmani dynasty had sent two different deputations by way of Chaul to a celebrated saint in Persia, some of whose family came to India afterwards. Feroze Shah Bahmani is also said to have despatched vessels every year from Goa and Chaul to procure manufactures and productions from all parts of the world, and bring to his court persons celebrated for their talents.55 In 1636 the Konkan dominions of the Ahmednagar kingdom were added to Bijapur. By the middle of the seventeenth century the Muslims had little influence in the Konkan.

The island of Goa paid "annually to the King of the Dachan ten thousand golden ducats, called by them Paradai (Huns)".56 By the end of 1510 Goa was finally annexed by the Portuguese, who established the Estado da India (State of India) there, to supervise their discoveries, conquests and marts from the Cape of Good Hope in Africa to Japan in the Far East. 57 The Portuguese relied on African slaves and other servants because of their contempt for manual labour. Merchants and colonists sought a source of labour both cheap and easily controllable. An early traveller, Linschoten, observed that in the markets "were many sorts of (captives and) slaves...which are daily sold there as beads are sold with us. Where everyone may choose which liketh him best, everyone at a certain price."58 Those in bondage apparently were of a wide range and comprised both male and females, of all ages. Delia Valle noted that blacks from both East and West Africa became slaves to "Portugal's possessions, and other mercantile points of interest in India". But, he observed, that "of all those females (the) most pleasing are the servant-girls—Cafres de Mozambique and those from other parts of Africa, who are of black colour, very dark and have curly hair, and who are called negresses of Guine".59 Bondsmen of particular households frequently appeared in public as escorts and bearers. This life style was not restricted to Europeans; the Sultan who "had a black guard of some of a dozen slaves was a not infrequent personage in Portuguese India".60 Due to manpower problems, Portuguese shipping in the interport trade of Asia was increasingly operated, from the days of Albuquerque onwards, by Asian seamen working under a few white or Eurasian officers. As early as 1539, we find that D. Jaco de Castro, when organizing an expedition to the Red Sea, found that none of the Portuguese pilots were familiar with the straits of the Bab-elMandeb, or had any adequate charter of that region. He was forced to rely on "Arab, Gujarat, and Malabar pilots with their own nautical charts".61 At the end of the fifteenth century with the advent of the Portuguese the great age was over. The communities trading peacefully were prosperous and civilized but they were deficient in modern military organisation. To sum up, then, with Arabia and Persia emerging as important transit areas, through which goods from the Orient were transhipped to the Mediterranean markets and further afield, their ports and trading centres became a melting pot of diverse ethnic groups, and a growing class of racially mixed coastal people increasingly outward looking and dependent on foreign trade came into existence. The successful emigre communiries, African and Indian, drawn to these burgeoning entrepots, it is further reasonable to suppose, played a vital role in making their own development a pole of attraction for their compatriots. East Africa and India, it is almost certain, had direct contact. India had already acquired a legendary reputation as a land of wealth and prosperity, and with Dakhan rapidly becoming the proverbial El Dorado in the imagination of Muslim invaders from the north, the trading communities must also have acted as a sort of transmission belt of prospects, for the enterprising and the adventurous seeking their fortunes. Dakhan, under Muslim rule, it is well documented, had created a congenial environment for attracting talent from far and wide: Arabia, Persia, Turkey, Afghanistan and Abyssinia. As military regimes, the demand for soldiers by these Dakhani rulers exerted, in no small measure, a strong pull upon sections of those Arabs principally involved in slave commerce from Ras Assir—the Cape of slaves of north Somalia—from the ports of Suakin, Massawa, Zeila, from the islands of Dhalak and Tajura down to Tanzania and Zanzibar dominions and Mozambique, as indeed ífCITi the slave markets in southern Arabia itself. This flow of slaves into Arabia, Persia and India primarily as soldiers, domestic servants, concubines, gang labourers and sailors, was to

continue till the twentieth century though the slave trade was officially stamped out in the nineteenth century. These then, as will be seen, constituted some of the principal factors in the nature of African immigration into the Deccan, some Africans being drawn voluntarily, others by force. In the Deccan the points of entry were the Konkan ports, Gujarat, which was in commercial contact with East Africa, North India, during the early invasions of the Deccan, the negro dynasty in Bengal, which was put down in 1493 and thousands of Africans expelled from the kingdom. They were turned back from Delhi and Jaunpur and finally drifted to Gujarat and the Deccan, where already there was a considerable negro population. By the seventeenth century much of the European demand for slaves was met in East Africa and it continued till the 19th century. In contrast to the slave traffic for the plantation economies of the West, slavery as a chattel concept did not exist in India. To quote Ann Pescattello on the African presence in Portuguese India: "The concept of 'slave' implied a social and economic position rather than a racial subjugation. Thus it would appear that the Africans who lived and laboured in India, both during Muslim rule and later in areas specifically subject to Portuguese suzerainty, were a type of 'slave' not related in status to the type of chattel labourer we associate with plantation workers on European, African and American plantations after the seventeenth century" NOTES 1

G.S. Graham, Great Britain in the Indian Ocean 1810-1850 (London, 1967), p. 16.

2

Abyssinia is the Latinised form of Habash, while its people call themselves Itiopyavan, Hellenised into Aethiopians. Itiopyavan is derived from Atyoh 'increase'. The Habashat appear along the eastern terraces of South Arabia in Mahara where they were a dominant race for several centuries before the Christian era. The Abyssinians were converted to Christianity in about A.D. 330. It is Mehra was still called the 'Frankincense country'. In the third century«the Somalis (the true Frankincense country) migrated westward settling in the Tigre highlands. But the migration was due to warfare and oppression rather than trade.

3

See Schoff, op.cit, chaps. 16,22.

4

Ibid, p. 43:

5

Ibid, p. 398-99:

6

See S.K. Chatterjee, India and Ethiopia from the Seventh Century B.C., (Calcutta, 1967), pp. 53-56.

7

Y.M. Kobishanov, "Aksum: Political system, economics and culture, first to fourth century", in G. Moktar, (ed.), General History of Africa II, (Paris 1981), p. 397.

8

B. Priaul, "On the Indian embassies to Rome from the reign of Claudius to the death of Justinian", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XX, p. 277. See also Christian Topography of Indicopleustes (ed.) E.O, Winstedt (Cambridge, 1909).

9

Procopius, quoted in Y.M. Kobishanov (1981), op. cit., p. 397.

10

Y.M. Kobishanov, "On the problems of sea voyages of ancient Africans in the Indian Ocean", Journal of African History 1965, vol. VI, p. 2. See also E.A Budge, The Queen of Sheba and her only son Menyelek, (London, 1922), pp. 17-45.

11

Rev. George Percy Badger (ed.), The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, etc. during the 16th century, (London 1863), p. 66.

12 It was specifically recommended in seven different circumstances: (1) if a slave had served his master's parents, forefathers or kinsmen; (2) If he had been baptized by his masters or wished to become a priest or a monk; (3) if he became a soldier; (4) if he had saved his master from death; (5) if his mother had been freed while he was in her womb; (6) if after being taken prisoner in war he returned to his master on his own account; (7) if his master died without heir. On the other hand, the Code stated that a master's decision to liberate his slave could be reserved by a judge were it shown that the slave had behaved in an insolent or brutal manner

either to him or his children or had maladministered his estate. The master, moreover, was not supposed to free any slave unable to provide for himself as a free man. Guidi 11 'Fetha Nagast' o 'legislazione deire: 1899, pp. 298-99; quoted in R. Pankhurst, An Introduction to the Economic History of Ethiopia (front Early Times to 1800), New York, 1961, p. 373. 13

Ibid,, p. 18.

14 The campaigns of Ahmad Gran from 1527 to 1543 are recorded in detail by his own chronicler Arb-Faqih; quoted by Pankhurst, Ibid, p. 360. 15 The usual derivation of Habash is from the root and signifies "mixed", the mixture referred to being that of the various Arabian tribes who, prior to the era of Mohammad, emigrated from East to the West Coast of the Red Sea. The Arab component of this immigration has, in the course of centuries, become considerably modified by crossing with African races, both negro and others, and to some extent by crossing with European stocks, such as Greek and Portuguese. Speaking generally, southern Abyssinia is more negroid than northern. Dr. Surendranath Sen, (Studies in Indian History) Calcutta University, 1930. 16

Travels of Marco Polo, (translated by L.F. Beneditto and A. Ricci, 1931); (translated by R. Lathan, 1958), quoted by Pankhurst, op. cit, p. 97.

17

H.A.R. Gibbs (ed.), Ibn Battuta, Travels in Asia and Africa (London, 1963), II, pp. 229-30.

18

See Cruttenden, Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society, VII (1846), p. 121.

19

Ibn Battuta, op. cit., p. 376.

20

Varthema Travels, op. cit., p. 88.

21

Richard Burton, First Footsteps in East Africa (London, 1894), pp. 407-408.

22

MX. Dames (ed.), The Book ofDurate Barbosa (London, 1918), p. 33.

23

Sulaiman Nadavi, "Arab Navigation", in Islamic Culture, (January 1942), p. 33.

24

Pankhurst, op. cit, p. 131.

25

Ibid, p. 113.

26

That is, Abyssinians, Prester John being the fanciful name which the Portuguese had given to the emperor of that people during the preceding century. See. G.P. Badger, op. cit., pp. 83 and 84.

27

P.K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, (London, 1951), pp. 100-106.

28

Pankhurst, op. cit., p. 141.

29

See Sali-ibn-Razik, History of the Imams and Seyyids of Oman, translated and edited by G.P. Badger (London, 1871), "Chronicles of Kilwa", edited by A.S. Strong, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xxvii, (1895), C.H. Stigand, The LandofZinj (London, 1913).

30

It is generally accepted that the name 'Zanzibar' is derived from the Persian 'Zangh' meaning 'negro' and Tjar' a coast. It seems possible that the Persian word is a derivation from the natives' name for themselves. It may be connected with Zimba or Vazimba, Zimbabwe, Agysimba, etc. 'Bar' is the modem Persian word for 'coast', the old Persian being 'para'. The original derivation of the word 'Zang' is a matter of some speculation. See W.H. Ingrams, Zanzibar: Its History and Its People, (New York, 1931; rptd. 1969), Frank Cass and Co. Ltd., p. 24.

31

Al Masudi in his Muruj al Dhahab Wa Ma 'adin al-jawahar (Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems), includes an account of the east coast of Africa.

32

Barbosa, op. cit., p. 31.

33

Charles Mckew Parr, Jan van Linschoten: The Dutch Marco Polo (New York, 1960), p. 75.

34

Barbosa, op. cit., p. 31-32.

35

Ibid.

36

See translation in C.H. Stigand, The Land ofZinj, (1913); see also A.H.J. Prins, "On Swahili Historiography" Journal of the East Afrícan-Swahili Committee, (July, 1958).

37

Stigand, op. cit., p. 73.

38

Ingrams, op. cit., p. 78 also Reginald Coupland in East Africa and Its Invaders (Oxford, 1938), p. 32.

39

Ingrams, op. cit, p. 82.

40

Coupland, op. cit., p. 31.

41

Ingrams, op. cit., p. 43.

42

Ibid., p. 33. See also J.H. Speke, What Led to the Discovery of the Source of the Nile, (London, 1864).

43

Coupland, op. cit., p. 16.

44

Ingrams, op. cit., p. 235.

45

Ibid, p. 276.

46

Schorf, op. cit., p. 173.

47

Coupland, op. cit., p. 27.

48

Cyril A. Hromnik, Indo-Africa—Towards a New Understanding of the History of Sub-Saharan Africa, (Cape Town, 1981), pp. 43-53.

49

It is said that 'Kanaky' is the Tamil pronunciation of a Sanskrit word, which means "an expert in naval mathematics". See R.S. Avasthy, "Arab navigation" in Indian Culture (April, 1942), pp. 194-95.

50

GBP, vol. VI: Kolaba and Janjira, p. 74; also vol. XIII: Thana, Bombay, p. 261.

51

Muhammed Abdul Aziz, "The Deccan in the fifteenth century", Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (N.S. 1925), p. 569.

52

Jervis, op. cit., p. 195.

53

History of the Rise of Mohamedan Power in India; trs. John Briggs from the original Persian of Mohammed Kazim Ferishta, (r'ept Calcutta, 1996), IV., p. 508.

54

Imperial Gazetteer, Bombay, XIV, p. 322.

55

Ferishta op. cit., II, p. 368.

56

Varthema Travels, op. cit, p. 115.

57

Fonseca, An Historical and Archaeological Sketch of the City of Goa, (Bombay, 1878), pp. 136-37.

58

Linschoten, op. cit, I, p. 185.

59

60

The Travels of Pietro della valla in India, edited by E. Grey, (London, 1892), as quoted by Ann M. Pescatello in "African presence in Portuguese India", Journal of Asian Studies, (Netherlands, 1977), p. 38. John Fryer, A New Account of East India and Persia, (London, 1909), p. 62.

61

C.R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415-1825, (London, 1969), p. 57.

62

Op. cit., p. 38.

3 Muslim Penetration of the Deccan: Malik Kafur Legends of the immense wealth of the Deccan inspired the Muslim rulers of Delhi to conquer the territory in a long series of campaigns. Alauddin, the ambitious nephew of Jalaluddin Feroz Khalji, the reigning sultan, led a successful expedition against the famous Yadav fortress of Devagiri—the hill of the gods—in 1296, taking Ramachandra, the ruler, by surprise. He forced Ramachandra to surrender not only the fort, but also vast quantities of gold, silver and jewels.1 Devagiri was occupied in 1313, bringing the Muslim armies into the very heart of the Deccan. With this booty Alauddin bought over the army, decoyed his old uncle to death, and ascended the Delhi throne himself. The strategic hill fort of Ellichpur, in Berar, was also ceded to the Delhi power. In the following years Malik Kafur, an African, was called upon to complete the subjugation and exploitation of the Deccan and the far South. As a young slave he was snatched away from an Arab merchant, who had purchased him in Baghdad for a thousand dinars—hence his title 'Hazardinari'— by Nusrat Khan, one of Alauddin's generals, in the year 1299. Malik Kafur, an attractive man, then caught the fancy of the Sultan.2 According to the medieval chronicler, Ziauddin Barani, a deep emotional bond developed between them and gave Malik Kafur a great hold over the Sultan who, on his part, honoured him with the title of Malik Naib or Deputy of the Kingdom. Amir Khusro in his Tank-i-Alai, our authority of the period, though inspired by religious zeal, has left behind for posterity a vivid account of Malik Kafur's forays to plunder the Deccan when the Khalji power was in its most aggressive and expansive phase.3 Malik Kafur's first expedition was to Devagiri to subjugate the now vassal king, Ramadeva Yadav, who, taking advantage of the unsettled conditions in the north and the Sultan's unsuccessful attempt to seize the strategic fort of Warangal in neighbouring Tilangana, had adopted a defiant attitude and stopped remitting his annual tribute to the Sultan. Malik Kafur arrived there in March 1307 and victory was easy as he faced little resistance, the son of the Raja having fled at once. The general ordered the soldiers to retain the booty they had captured, but the horses, elephants and treasures were reserved for the Sultan. Ramadeva was taken prisoner and carried away to Delhi where Alauddin, it is recorded, treated him generously. And, after being detained for six months in the capital, he was released with full honours, a 'red umbrella' was bestowed upon him and his throne restored, on the solemn assurance that he would not again swerve from his allegiance. As a further mark of confidence Alauddin conferred on him the honorific title of Raya-Rayan and presented him with a sum of two lakh tankhas for his return journey. He was also permitted to retain the province of Navasari in South Gujarat. The trust of the Sultan was not misplaced. Ramadeva remained a faithful vassal and reliable ally, helping the Sultan in the expeditions to Warangal and other southern kingdoms. Two years later, on 31 October 1309, we find Malik Kafur once again leading the Khalji forces to

the Deccan and maintaining discipline through most inhospitable terrain—hills, ravines and forests, rivers crossed by fords, torrents and water courses— "now up, now down". And, the Narmada, Amir Khusro writes, was such "that you might say it was remnant of the universal deluge". Miraculously the army managed to arrive on the borders of Devagiri where Malik Kafur, acting under the orders of the Sultan, protected the country from being plundered by his forces. Barani adds, that Ramadeva also placed a contingent of soldiers at his disposal4 when the army proceeded into Warangal territory, where Malik Kafur invested the fort and garrison at Sirpur, a stronghold guarding the northern frontiers of the kingdom. The fort was finally captured but not without a fierce battle and heroic resistance, the local inhabitants putting up a fight till all hope was gone. For, when, as a result of the fire-arrows shot by Malik Kafur's army the houses in the fort began to burn, everyone threw himself, upon the flames. While the fire was yet blazing, an attack was made on the fort, "and those that escaped the flames, became the victims of the sword". Annad Nid, the brother of the commander of the fort, who surrendered and offered complete obeisance, was allowed to remain in charge of it. Malik Kafur continued his triumphal march towards Warangal, which he reached in January 1310. An advance detachment of a thousand men had already been sent on an intelligence gathering mission. Occupying a strategic position on the heights of the Hanamkonda hill which overlooked Warangal, he surveyed the terrain below. Khusro describes the impending battle scene vividly. "The wall of Arangal (Warangal) was made of mud", he writes, "but so strong that a spear of steel could not pierce it; and if a ball from a western catapult were to strike against it, it would rebound like a nut which children play with". Between it and the stone wall of the fort was a moat and behind those strong defences Prataprudra, ruler of Warangal, had collected his army. On the other side, near the outer wall Malik Kafur was camped; "the tents around the fort were pitched together so closely that the head of a needle could not get between them". To doubly secure the camp a wooden palisade was constructed all around. As night fell detachments of troops were spread so that the fort could be invested in every direction and the soldiers protected from "the naphtha and fire" of those inside the fort. A surprise night attack was successfully repulsed because of these meticulous preparations. Subsequently, and after much labour, breaches were made in the mud wall, concealed ladders and redoubts erected to scale the wall and throw missiles on the defenders. Thus, it was eventually captured and with the survivors being further pushed into the inner fort, Prataprudra was faced with problem of supplies. Still some of his soldiers held out valiantly, harassing the Khalji camp and its communication lines with Delhi. In the end, however, the besieged Prataprudra could hold out no longer and was compelled to sue for peace. Severe terms were imposed on him by Malik Kafur, who, according to Khusro, threatened a general massacre if it should be found that the Raja had reserved anything for himself. An agreement was then made that he should send an annual tribute in cash and elephants to Delhi. Malik Kafur left Warangal in March 1310 with all his booty, and "a thousand camels groaned under the weight of treasures" which, it is said, included the famous Kohinoor diamond. He reached Delhi in a blaze of glory and received a hero's welcome. "You would have said", writes Khusro, "that the people considered that day a second Id, when the returning pilgrims, after traversing many deserts, had arrived at the sacred dwelling of the king". Malik Kafur now set out on new conquests farther to the south, reducing in the end to vassalage all the three rulers— Ramachandra Yadav, Prataprudra of Warangal, and Bailala III of Hoysala. Tributes

from these princes and the wealth of the south taken during Khalji expeditions further helped to stabilise Alauddin's position. Malik Kafur undertook another expedition in 1313 to Devagiri to subdue the new ruler Singhama, who refused to pay the annual tribute, and it was after this final annexation that Alauddin issued coins from Devagiri mint in his name 5 to show that the Yadav capital and its environs were now part of the Khalji dominions. Malik Kafur is said to have administered the newly conquered areas with sympathy and efficiency. Devagiri was no longer treated as hostile territory but part of the Khalji empire. He stayed in Devagiri as governor for about two years but some time in 1315 he was recalled to Delhi when Alauddin fell ill. The Sultan died on 6 January 1316, after which the Khalji court witnessed palace intrigues and many disturbances in the ensuing struggle for power in which Malik Kafur was himself actively involved. His efforts to strengthen his position by rallying the Khalji garrison in the Yadav capital to his side however proved ineffective. He was murdered and Qutbudddin Mubarak Shah Khalji ascended his father's throne in April 1316. Coinciding with these events, the authority of the Khalji dynasty was once again challenged in Devagiri but the revolt was eventually crushed by the new Sultan's general and the fort renamed Qutbabad. The successive rebellions nonetheless indicate that the might of Delhi was not accepted meekly. And, in spite of the fact that Malik Kafur in one of his expeditions had brought his armies to the ports of Dabhol and Chaul on the Arabian Sea, many petty chieftains of the Konkan coast as well as of the plains maintained a semi-independent state. It was not until the fifteenth century that the Konkan chieftains were finally subdued.6 Deccan Subjection by Muhammad bin Tughluq The Deccan's subjection to northern Muslim rule in the real sense, was actually delayed till the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq, who decided on an ingenious policy which would give Delhi a greater hold on the tenuous authority the Khaljis had established in Gujarat, Malwa and the Deccan by ordering a large scale emigration of the elite, the Ulema, the Mashaik, courtiers, commanders of the army and civilians of rank7 to the south with the intention of planting a strong colony of northerners there. Devagiri, given the new name of Daulatabad—the abode of prosperity—was the site selected for the second capital,8 the move being completed by 1329. From this time onwards there was a continuous influx of northerners into the Deccan, who in course of time, would be gradually cut off from the land of their birth or adoption under the Khaljis. The Rise of the Bahmanis In the meanwhile resentment of Muhammad bin Tughluq's high-handed policies caused serious disaffection throughout his vast empire and the group of Amirs9, based at Daulatabad, refused to go to the Sultan's assistance at Broach in Gujarat in 1346. Instead, they elected from among themselves Ismail Mukh as the first independent sultan of the Deccan. Muhammad confronted the rebels in person and captured Daulatabad in his effort to crush the revolt in 1347. But, caught in a sort of cross-ruff situation between Gujarat and the Deccan, he failed to overcome the southern armies under the command of the local strongman, Zafar Khan, later to be known as Alauddin Hasan Gangu. The Sultan's general, Imadul Mulk Sartez, who had been ordered to chase Zafar Khan, was caught while fleeing and killed and the Delhi armies routed. That the Africans were already finding their way to the Deccan is borne out by Isami's account of the above conflict in which he states: "Camels of Bakhtar, horses of Tartars, slave girls (Kaneez) and Habashi slaves in thousands and maunds of gold and

silver, hundreds of tents ... came into the hands of Zafar Khan". 10 Ismail abdicated in favour of Zafar Khan, who then ascended the Deccan throne as Alauddin Hasan Bahmani Shah (1347-1358), the founder of the Bahmani dynasty, which ruled the Deccan for nearly one hundred and eighty years. Alauddin was an able, just and benevolent ruler, who consolidated the Deccan into a powerful state, with the territory extending from the river Bhima to the vicinity of Adoni and to Goa on the Arabian Sea while in the north expeditions were carried out as far as Mandu. In reality though it appears these conquests did not entail any effective occupation as the frontiers kept fluctuating throughout the Bahmani period. Alauddin now divided the kingdom into four large atrafs or provinces. Gulbarga became the headquarters of the Bahmani's northern province and its governor (Prime Minister Saifuddin Ghori) was considered to hold one of the highest ranks in the Bahmani state; Daulatabad remained the most powerful stronghold of the north-west province under the charge of the king's nephew, Muhammad; the other two provinces consisted of Berar, with Mahur, and Tilangana, with Indur and Kaulas. Now that the South was cut off from the North, the whole system of political hegemony began to rely on infusion of fresh blood, mostly of newcomers from the coasts around the Persian Gulf or further north from the territory south of the Caspian Sea, being mainly Syeds from Najaf, Karbala and Medina and Persians from Sistan, Khurasan or Gilan.11 It was during the reign of Tajuddin Firoz (1397-1422), one of the most learned monarchs, that we hear of the Deccan foreigners, when his fleet had gone from Bahmani ports to bring commodities from all lands as well as men 'excelled in knowledge', especially Persians and Turkish—statesmen, soldiers and craftsmen. The introduction of a strong foreign element called Gharibu'd-diyar or Afaqis (meaning cosmopolitan) to the structure of the Bahmani state, who sought to gain political advantage over the Dakhni colonists from the north settled in the Deccan, was to be a source of continuous strife. With the coming of Persians, in particular, the Shia sect became strengthened, causing religious as well as political tensions and favouritism. Thousands of captured African slaves (Ghulams) or warriors (Janhju), as already mentioned, had also by now become a political force. They could rise to the rank of nobility and hold high office in the Bahmani kingdom and its successor states. They were at times also a factor to be reckoned with in the politics of these states. Their attachment to the Sunni faith, and the contemptuous attitude adopted towards them by other afaqis threw them into the arms of the Dakhnis. The Habshis never seem to have been considered as foreigners throughout the history of the Deccan. To the Africans were added the Muwallads, a name applied to the offspring of African fathers and Indian mothers. Thus in this disastrous polarization, the Afaqi Party consisted largely of Turks, Arabs, Mughals and Persians, and the Dakhni Party of the 'old comers', Africans and Muwallads. Instances of temporary or permanent defection would not be unknown in the emerging party politics of the state, but, by and large, the homogeneity of both parties would not be seriously impaired.12 As events will show the party spirit in fact was more often stronger than patriotism, though on rare occasions, and in the face of serious external threat, examples would not be lacking of their rising above narrow considerations. NOTES 1

P.M. Joshi, "Alauddin Khalji's first campaign against Devagiri", in. H.K. Sherwani (ed), Dr. Yazdani Commemoration Volume (Hyderabad, 1966), p. 209.

2

M.S. Commisariat, A History of Gujarat, (London, 1938), vol. I, pp. 1-4.

3

See H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, History of India as Told by Its Own Historians: The Muhammadan Period, vol. Ill, (London, 1871), pp. 77-85

4

Elliot and Dowson, ibid, p. 201.

5

HMD, op cit., p. 50.

6

Ibid. p. 51.

7

Syed Moinul Haq, "The Deccan policy of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq", Journal of the Indian History Congress (Madras, 1944), pp. 269-77.

8

The full story of the move to Devagiri has been overdramatised by historians like Ziauddin Barani, who is our primary authority on the Tughluq kings, and Ibn Battuta who visited Delhi five years later. They depicted it as a great calamity which resulted in the total destruction of the flourishing city of Delhi. The more sober facts appear to be (a) that Daulatabad was to be a second capital after Delhi, not the new capital, and (b) not the entire population of Delhi, but only the court and the religious, social and commercial elite, were transferred there. The city emerged as a permanent centre of Muslim power and thereafter remained a proud Muslim possession under the Tughluqs, Bahmanis, Mughals and the Nizams of Hyderabad, and, this region was more profoundly influenced by Islam than any other part of the .Deccan.

9

Amirs or nobles were not purely military officers, but also revenue officials, responsible for the collection of taxes in groups of about a hundred villages each, who were entitled to a commission of 5 per cent of their contributions.

10

Isami, op. cit. p. 521.

11

H.K. Sherwani, Mahmud Gawan, the Great Bahmani Wazir (Allahabad, 1942X p. 63.

12

It may be noted here that Qasim Barid, the Kotwal of Bidar, though of Turkish origin succeeded in imposing his influence on Sultan Shihabu'ddin Mahmad (1482-1518), and annexing all authority to himself, but was opposed by all the powerful elements of the state.

4 The Afacji - Dakhni Feuds under The Bahmanis The Bahmani kingdom, 1347-1538, witnessed the co-existence of various communities and creeds and this was an outstanding feature of the social life of the Deccan under it. In the later phase it could not maintain a proper balance between the heterogeneous indigenous population and the immigrants, afaqis or gharibs. Consequently, fissiparous and parochial tendencies enveloped the kingdom. The wedge between the Dakhnis and Africans, on the one hand, and the newcomers on the other, could not be removed. This vitiated the entire political atmosphere. Tensions and hostiliy set at naught those principles on which the state had been established. The increasing dependence of the Bahmani sovereigns on foreign elements and the increasing influence of the latter in politics tended to reduce the Dakhnis to unimportant positions. This led them to demand their share in politics. The perpetual struggle between these rival groups and then between these groups and the king was mainly responsible for the break up of the Bahmani kingdom. The successor states of the Bahmani kingdom were: 1) Nizam Shahi kingdom of Ahmednagar (1496-1636) founded by Ahmad Nizam Shah, the governor of Junnar, 2) Adil Shahi kingdom of Bijapur (1489/90-1686) founded by Yusuf Adil Shah, the governor of Bijapur, 3) Barid Shahi kingdom of Bidar (1504-1619) founded by Amir Barid, the Bahmani minister, 4) Imad Shahi dynasty of Berar (1510-1574) founded by Fathullan Imad Shahi, the Bahmani governor of Berar; and the 5) Qutb Shahi dynasty of Golkonda (1543-1687) which owed its origin to Qutb-ul-Mulk, the governor of Telingana.

The respective positions of these kingdoms were as follows: Ahmednagar lay south of the kingdom of Khandesh and north of Bijapur; Berar to the north-east of Ahmednagar, but it was subsequently annexed by the latter in 1574; Bidar lay south-east of Ahmednagar and Golkonda's western boundary was almost identical with the eastern border of Bidar, but the former's northern extension was enclosed between the Godavari, the Pen Ganga and the Wain Ganga rivers. Of these five principalities, the two neighbouring kingdoms of Nizam Shah and Adil Shah played a very significant part in the Deccan politics and were to shape the course of events south of the Narmada. The reign of Firoz's successor, Shihabuddin Ahmad I (1422-36), who shifted the Bahmani capital to Bidar (1424), witnessed a continued foreign influence, principally from Iran and Transoxania. At the same time however there was a growing Hindu-Muslim interaction, which spilled over to the rival Hindu kingdom of Vijaynagar with many thousands of Muslims, including Africans, employed in the cavalry and where also one of the close companions of the Raja happened to be a Muslim named Ahmad Khan.1 Dakhni resentment at their supercession heightened with the accession of Ahmad's son, Alauddin

Ahmad, to the throne (1436-1458) for he was the first to enlist large numbers of foreigners in the rank and file of the army, epitomised in the formation of a special corps of three thousand archers from Iraq, Khurasan, Transoxania, Turkey and Arabia. It was during his reign however that Khalaf Hasan was able to retrieve his honour in a battle, howsoever futile, but nonetheless fought against the combined forces of the states of Khandesh, Gujarat and Malwa (1437-38), over a relatively flimsy complaint of maltreatment by Alauddin's first wife, who happened to be the daughter of the ruler of Khandesh. The king thereafter honoured Khalaf Hasan by receiving him personally on his return and upgrading the Afaqis in the warrant of precedence at the court, placing them on the left. This added another inflammatory dimension to the Dakhni's concern, making Khalaf Hasan even more vulnerable to his opponents, skulduggery. The opportunity arose in the Chakan episode, when Khalaf Hasan was commissioned by Alauddin to subdue insurgents in the Konkan. Although the Raja of Sangameshwar had been forced to submit, rebellious elements remained in the western part of the Bahmani kingdorh. He selected Chakan, in the midst of Maratha country, as his base and with his mixed force of Afaqis and Dakhnis succeeded in quelling the rebellion, with the exception of one Shankar Rao Shirke, Raja of Khelna (Vishalgad). When he also was captured at last, Shirke feigned to embrace Islam, promised to pay an annual tribute and even offered to lead the Bahmani army through the thick forest which separated them from the Sangameshwar territory of the recalcitrant Raja. An Arab cavalry with 300 horses, useless in mountain warfare, it is related, was originally sent as a large number of Dakhni and African soldiers declined to face the hazards of the terrain. Khalaf Hasan on the way developed a virulent attack of dysentery, which demoralized his army. Shirke, in the meanwhile, treacherously leaked out the news to the Raja of Sangameshwar, who, with 30,000 soldiers adept in mountain warfare, surrounded the Bahmani forces and killed Khalaf Hasan alpng with thousands of his men. Upwards of 7000 were massacred, among whom were 500 Syeds of Arabia and some Abyssinian officers. 2 The remnant of the army managed to struggle along to Chakan, where the Dakhnis and Africans had remained. Some of them were bent on informing Alauddin about the latter's disloyalty, and they had already sent word to Bidar that the debacle was entirely due to Khalaf Hasan's rash action and did not fail to add insinuations and innuendos about the Afaqi's allegiance. Alauddin, easily taken in, was about to punish the fugitives when, according to one version, some of them managed to escape from Chakan, reached Bidar, dressed in women's clothes, to relate the real facts to the king, who was persuaded to see reason by those he relied upon in the court.3 Overcome by remorse, Alauddin now avenged the wrongs of the Afaqis, according to Ferishta, by executing the leaders of the Dakhni party and "reducing their families to beggary". The Afaqis regained their former ascendancy. The stresses and strains resulting from the rift between the Afaqis and Dakhnis were further compounded in the reign of Alauddin Humayun (1458-1461) by the struggle for the throne. Alauddin's younger brother, Hasan Khan, who made an unsuccessful bid, was imprisoned. When Humayun was away in Tilangana on a military expedition, he however received a message from the capital that in his absence an Afaqi noble, Yusuf Turk, was instrumental in releasing Hasan, who had again proclaimed himself sultan. But he and his partisans had to face the royal army and were eventually defeated (1460). Humayun now gave vent to his most cruel propensities by ordering his brother to be thrown before hungry tigers and his adherents into boiling cauldrons. The tragic episode ended with the promotion of a number of Dakhnis, one of whom was Malik Hasan Bahri.4 It is recorded that

Humayun's rule, hated alike in his harem and in the country, was brought to an end in September 1461, when helplessly drunk, he was stabbed to death by an Abyssinian maid servant. The tragedy further ended in a measure to restore a balance between the two hostile groups of the ruling aristocracy with the promotion of Hasan Bahri, the progenitor of the Nizam Shahi kings of Ahmednagar, the first to break away from the Bahmani kingdom.5 Revision of Administration It was under the succeeding sultan, Nizamuddin Ahmad II (1463-1482), who being only eight when he ascended the throne, that a Council of Regency was appointed to administer the kingdom's affairs and that Khwaja Mahmud Gawan, the celebrated governor from Iran, emerged as the actual ruling force. Under this able minister the administration of the state was revised with an increased emphasis on centralization. The need was felt as the Bahmani kingdom had greatly expanded "from sea to sea", touching the borders of Khandesh in the north, the river Tungabhadra in the south, Goa in the southwest6 and Orissa in the north-east. At a time, moreover, when the means of communication were not sufficiently developed, it was difficult for a central government to keep its grip over a territory of such long distances, split up by so many natural barriers. The tarafdars (or governors) of each sprawling province had already begun to feel powerful enough at times to ignore central authority. Mahmud Gawan, therefore, devised a plan to subdivide the original four atrafs of Berar, Daulatabad, Ahsanabad, Gulbarga, and Tilangana into eight Sarlashkarships, while skilfully managing to hold the balance between the Dakhnis and Afaqis. By now the African nobles were no longer merely in alliance with the Dakhnis, but had become a power to contend with in their own right, and the superior appointments were thus distributed fairly evenly between all three parties. These now constituted Gawil and Mahur, carved out of Berar, Daulatabad and Junair, Bijapur and AhsanabadGulbarga, while Tilangana was divided into Rajahmundri and Warangal. Of the four great provisional governments, two,: Bijapur and Daulatabad were held by Mahmud Gawan and Yusuf Adil Khan,7 and the other two, Tilangana and Berar, by Dakhnis, Malik Hasan and Fathullah Imad-ulMulk. Khudawand Khan and Dastur Dinar, Africans, were made sarlashkars of Mahur and Gulbarga. Gawan also recruited an equal number of Africans, Dakhnis and Afaqis into the royal bodyguard. He, however, clipped the wings of the governors further by transferring some areas under their jurisdiction directly under the control of the king as Khasa-i-Sultani or royal domain. Reorganisation of Military Administration An even more radical step was the reorganization of the military administration where Gawan introduced a system of inspection control. The tarafdars had, it was found, come to exercise almost, limitless power both in the appointment of commanders of the garrisons in the forts in their territories as well as in the employment of soldiers on active duty. Corruption had likewise crept into the expenditure from the mansab received from the royal treasury for which a sum had been originally fixed in proportion to the troops maintained. The system, however, over the years, had tended to disregard the condition of keeping a fixed number of troops, an act at times endangering the very security of the kingdom. Mahmud now stipulated that only one fortress in the province would remain under the direct command of the Tarafdar while the qila'dars, or commandants of all other forts, would be appointed by the central government and remain under its direct jurisdiction. It was also laid down that henceforth every mansabdar would be paid at the rate of one lakh to one lakh and a

quarter huns8 annually for every 500 men kept under arms, but if he failed to maintain the required number of soldiers he would have to refund the proportionate amount back to the royal treasury. These reforms, curtailing the power and diminishing the wealth of the provincial potentates were, as to be expected, most unpopular, and some of these leaders, anxious that the political centre of gravity continue to remain near them, conspired to do away with Mahmud Gawan. The leading protagonist in the murky plot that unfolded was Malik Hasan Bahri, strong man of the Dakhni faction. The absence of Yusuf Adil Khan, a protege of Mahmud Gawan, on a military campaign was seized to execute the plan by Malik Hasan, Zarif-ul-Mulk and Miftah, the African, all leaders of the Dakhni party. They induced the keeper of Mahmud Gawan's seals, an African, while drunk, to affix his private seal to a blank paper, on which they subsequently wrote a letter to the Raja of Orissa, informing him that the people of the kingdom were weary of the tyranny and perpetual drunkenness of their king and urged him to invade the country. The contents were read out to Nizamuddin, when he himself was drunk, and he immediately sent for Mahmud Gawan, who readily complied notwithstanding the warning from his adherents. Without making any prior inquiries, the Sultan, when Mahmud Gawan appeared, roughly asked what was the punishment due to a traitor. On receiving the prompt reply, "Death by the sword", the king showed him the letter and disregarding his protestations of innocence ordered an African, named Jauhar to put him to death. The minister, it is related, knelt down in prayer and as the sword fell cried out "Praise be to God for the blessing of martyrdom". The tragic end of Mahmud Gawan, however, revealed in a stark manner that not all the nobles of the African faction were with Malik Hasan in this despicable deed. For like most of the Afaqi nobles, who had fled and taken refuge with Yusuf Adil Khan and refused to join the royal camp. Khudawand Khan, the African governor of Mahur, and Fathullah Irnadul Mulk, 9 sarlashkar of Gawilgarh, both members of the Dakhni party, from Berar, adopted a similar stance sending messages to the king that when a person of the Khwaja's eminence could be so treacherously removed, they feared a similar fate. They refused to see the king even for the purpose of discussing the punishment for the conspirators, informing him that they would decide their action on the advice of Yusuf Adil Khan. The king, thus, was completely isolated, receiving support merely from the rump of the Dakhni party, led by Malik Hasan; the rest of the nobles continued to distance themselves, refused to enter the capital and were dismissed to their provinces. Shortly afterwards, the king again commanded Fathullah Imad-ul-Mulk and Khudawand Khan to accompany him to Belgaum in the hope of bringing about a conciliation with Yusuf Adil Khan. Ferishta says: "Though they obeyed the summons, they would neither march with the royal troops nor enter his presence, but saluted him always from a distance and close to their own road". From Belgaum the king proposed to visit Goa but the nobles still refused to accompany him. Fathullah Imad ul Mulk and Khudawand Khan remained adamant, finally returning to Berar without permission. As for the king, he drowned his sorrows in drink and formally designated his young son, Mahmud, heir to the throne. In medieval times the cult of political murder was a culmination of opposition since there was no legitimate political means to overthrow the leaders. The opponents had no other choice but to resort to murder. Dastur Dinar: The Defiant Warrior The long reign of Shihabuddin Mahmud (1482-1513), who ascended the throne as a boy of twelve,

weakened the Bahmani kingdom beyond recall. Throughout his life the Sultan "remained a pleasing puppet in the hands of his opponents and ruled for 37 years as a namesake".10 The licentious atmosphere at the court, which encouraged sycophants with a slavish loyalty to pay lip service while exploiting the situation for personal gain, was bound to affect the state of affairs. The rank and file for one were distanced from the Sultan, if not excluded. The leading nobles, sensing the weakness of the monarch, developed an insatiable appetite for power. Dissensions quickly followed. The Dakhni and Afaqi elements were already sharply polarized, but now the traditional rivalry was further compounded by shifting alignments, at times cutting across the old religious and racial barriers. The 'standard bearers' demanded not only territories and power but moved inexorably towards independence. These leaders in the Bahmani kingdom were able to take advantage of the confusion of the time as the more or less systematic hierarchy of administrative power, developed through governors and subgovernors, provided them a political base to reach out for a share in the spoils. At this precarious stage, Dastur Dinar, one of the African slaves of Mahmud's warrior father, Sultan Muhammad Shah III (1463-1482), who had risen to a position of-power, became a tragic victim of the machinations of Qasim Barid and Yusuf Adil-Shah, the two main actors in the struggle to establish their supremacy and extend their dominions. Obviously a man of great ability and talent, Dastur Dinar held an important and lucrative position as sarlashkar, having been assigned administrative charge of the territories of Gulbarga, Aland, Ganjoti and the surrounding areas. During Mahmud's reign the tarafdari of Warangal in western Tilangana was also allotted to him. He was by now a renowned man, a factor to reckon with. Dastur Dinar Challenges Authority of Qasím Barid In the meanwhile Qasim Barid, the Turk, had been given the key post of the Kotwal of the capital by the triumvirate formed during the Sultan's minority, with the Queen Mother as the President of the Council. Initially this arrangement to administer the kingdom seems to have worked well. But during the absence of Malik Hassan Nizamul Mulk, the new prime minister, and acknowledged leader of the Dakhnis, on a campaign to crush a revolt in Warangal, the pliable young Sultan's ears were poisoned against him. The authority of Nizamul Mulk had been further weakened as a result of a rift within his own group. Quick to seize this opportunity to strike, Qasim Barid, with Dastur Dinar acting as a coconspirator, succeeded in getting a royal firman (edict) to put Nizamul Mulk to death. In the end, however, the prime minister was betrayed by one of his own friends, Dilpasand Khan, who strangled him to death while he was his guest in 1487, and presented his head to the Sultan on a salver. Bloody violence immediately erupted in the capital, with the Dakhnis, in alliance with the Africans, conspiring to put an end to the Sultan's life. As a Habshi leader, Dastur Dinar's actual role during the upheaval is not known. However, when after the abortive attempt the Sultan ordered a general massacre of the rebels, which ended only after three horrendous days, as a result of the intervention of a leading public figure, Dastur Dinar appears to have emerged unscathed. We hear of him again a few years later, now challenging the authority of Qasim Barid who, upon assuming charge of prime ministership, decided to effect some changes in the provincial governments. Afraid of the power and influence of Dastur Dinar, Qasim degraded him from the post of governorship of Warangal and transferred him to Gulbarga and Sagar, his former fief. Aware,

moreover, that the rank and file, the mansabdars, could become a source of strength for the leading nobles and instigate a revolt, Qasim Barid separated the hard core soldiers, though not the nobles, who had joined the party of Dastur Dinar and absorbed them in a select force. The patent injustice of the whole scheme was all too apparent. Thus, as a rightful claimant and resentful of the demotion, Dinar refused to accept the decision, raising instead the banner of revolt. With seven or eight thousand Habshis and other supporters he succeeded in capturing and occupying, without the permission of the Sultan, some parts of the adjoining territory of Tilangana. There is no doubt that he had mobilized his people in great force and rallied them to his side. Dastur Dinar went a step further in provoking the king by what appears to amount to a virtual ultimatum; "You should give us the ancient and great empire", he demanded, adding "and if you wish to have the crown, you should give up the helmet". Disapprobatory remarks! But his defiance clearly revealed he also had a definite view of the role of the sovereign. On his part, feeling he had no alternative but to deal firmly with this insubordination, the Sultan decided to impose his authority by force of arms. It was however no easy task to liquidate the formidable Dastur Dinar. It was only after Qasim Barid had secured the help of his rival, Yusuf Adil Khan, that the Sultan advanced with his armies against Dinar. By all accounts it was a close combat and a hard fought battle. In spite of his spirited resistance Dastur Dinar was defeated and taken prisoner in the battle near the village of Mahindri, but only "by the kindness of God which took out dust from the army of the enemies". Finally, on the advice of Yusuf Adil Khan, the Sultan abandoned the idea of Dinar's execution. He was pardoned for his insubordination and even reinstated in the fief of Gulbarga and Aland and "all the property confiscated by the Government was returned to him". Mutual jealousy between Yusuf Adil and Qasim Barid had given Dinar a fresh lease of life. But whatever Yusuf Adil's motives they were, it will be seen, not above suspicion. A bold and ambitious leader, Yusuf had managed to forge an alliance while still in Gulbarga with the Sultan himself; his daughter of three, Bibi Sitti, was betrothed to Mahmud's son, aged five. Having thus gathered additional strength he was now anxious to extend his dominions and as a first step absorb the jagir of Dastur Dinar. He however preferred that the Sultan himself formally hand over the territory to him in the hope that it would ward off any likely objections from his rival, Qasim Barid, or other nobles and, if necessary, enable him to launch an expedition into the unannexed territory of Dastur Dinar. But his plan did not fructify. Dastur Dinar, also present on the occasion of the festivities, refused to succumb to his aggrandizing ambitions and insisted that the status quo be maintained; that the river Bhima should form the boundary between their territories and that Gulbarga and other districts to the north of the river, which were originally his possessions, should remain under his jurisdiction. In this dispute Dinar further won the support of Ahmed Nizamul Mulk, the tarafdar of Ahmednagar, and a disappointed Yusuf Adil had to return to Bijapur without realising his ambition. But the fury of expansion had become a fever and far from abandoning his project, Yusuf Adil Khan worked to neutralise Ahmad Nizamul Mulk who appeared to him to be the main obstacle in his pursuit of hegemony. Addressing a letter to him, he argued, that since the Deccan was too small a country to be divided into twelve jagirs; it should be parcelled out among the four most powerful

tarafdars and as his share he be given the jagirs of Dastur Dinar and Ain ul Mulk, the governor of Goa. Qasim Barid was obviously not taken into confidence, for very soon we find him taking sides with Dinar in his dispute with Yusuf Adil Khan, though Ferishta mentions that the latter intervened in the quarrel.11 In the meanwhile, Yusuf Adil had also subdued the governor of Goa, who acknowledged Yusuf's suzerainty, and submitted to his authority without a fight. Not so Dastur Dinar. Made of sterner stuff, he refused to flinch. He turned instead to Qasim Barid and two other petty governors of Parenda and Sholapur, who rallied to his support. Yusuf decided to settle the issue on the battlefield and marched towards Dinar's camp on the banks of the Bhima, probably in 1509-10. There in a hand to hand fight with the Bijapur general, Ghazanfar, Dinar lost his life but not before he himself had inflicted a fatal blow on his enemy. However scanty the contemporary records, still something of Dastur Dinar's character can be glimpsed from the above events. Fiercely independent and unwilling to bend, he seems to have given scant thought to life and his increasingly blood-stained life was in the familiar heroic tradition: a warrior who appears to have received the unswerving loyalty of his followers and a readiness to die in his defence. His was an equally heroic death. Several years later, in 1514, Amir Barid conferred on Jehangir Khan, the adopted son of Dastur Dinar, the title of Dastur-ul-Mamalik, and established him in his father's province of Gulbarga. Yusuf Adil Khan executed his plan , incorporating Gulbarga, Kalyani and other districts. Bijapur now extended to the coast, with Goa and Dabhol, the two most important ports included in the kingdom. These events coincided with the first Portuguese expedition to India and by 1510 they had conquered Goa. Another era began in which Africans would play a vital role in the political upheaval of the times and there would be still another wave of African migrants in the coastal region under Portuguese control. The death of Dinar and the absorption and conquest of his jagir by no means meant the suppression of the African community in the Bijapur kingdom, as we shall see. NOTES 1

See. R Sewell, A Forgotten Empire; Vijaynagar: (London, 1900); R Sewell and S.K. Aiyangar, Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, (Madras, 1932); and Aiyangar, Sources of Vijaynagar History, (Madras, 1919).

2

Ferishta II, op. cit, pp. 24,436.

3

HMD, op. cit., pp. 173-74. Ferishta's version of the incident is considered rather exaggerated by the authors, who particularly point out that he is not correct in saying that "five or six thousand children" were also killed when "In fact there was only an Arab cavalry with 300 horses sent in the first instance"; see p. 174. Wolseley Haig, in the Cambridge History of India vol., III, relies on Ferishta's account. See also Ferishta, pp. 334 - 36.

4

Malik Hasan, surnamed Bahri, was originally a Brahmin of Pathri, who had been captured during the invasion of Vijaynagar by Ahmad I and brought up as a Muslim. He received the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk.

5

W. Haig op. cit, p. 412.

6

The conquest of Goa by Khwaji Mahmud Gawan, then one of the best ports of the Raja Vijayanagar was celebrated with great rejoicing at Bidar, both as an important victory over the traditional enemies of the kingdom and as a boon to Muslim pilgrims and merchants. For the western ports, which may be dominated from Goa, harboured pirates whom their nominal sovereigns might disown at will, while profiting by their depredations. See W. Haig, ibid., p. 415.

7

Yusuf Adil Khan, who claimed to be a son of Murad II of Turkey, but was a bigoted Shiah, proclaimed himself the ruler of Bijapur.

8

Briggs, op. cit. calculated in the last century that "a hoon may fairly be estimated at three and a half rupees. An estate for the support of five hundred cavalry in the field then would yield 350,000 rupees, out of which ten per cent at least must be deducted for

collectors and maintaining a police establishment, leaving a net balance of 315,000 rupees; a sum which amounts to nearly fifty per cent more than is necessary to support an equal number, at the present day". See pp. 503-504. 9

Fathu'1-lah Imad'1-Mulk, who was founder of the Berar kingdom, was a slave of Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahmani, captured in Vijaynagar in 1423 and converted to Islam. He had risen to power through the influence of Mahmud Gawan.

10

From the personal manuscript of P.M. Joshi giving the background to the Fateh-Namah Mahmood Shah, composed by the contemporary poet Aayani (Beedari) and translated into English by him. The theme of this poem is the battle waged by Sultan Ahmad Shah Bahmani II in 1495 to crush the revolt of the African leader Dastur Dinar. Joshi, in this unpublished manuscript, explains, a copy of the poetic work of Aayani is preserved in the Library of the Archaeological Department of the Government of Madras. Much of the work however is moth eaten. The Fateh-Namah, which forms the concluding portion has fortunately escaped.

11

Ferishta quoted in HMD, op. cit. p. 233, mentions that Ahmad intervened in the quarrel between Yusuf Adil and Dastur Dinar which it is stated took place at the close of 1509.

5 The Nizam Shahi Dynasty Murtaza Nizam Shah I was imprisoned by his son Husain II and then put to death on 14 June 1588. During the next ten years the affairs of the Nizam Shahi kingdom of Ahmednagar were unstable. The failure of Husain II to control the affairs of the state and the growing influence of Mirza Khan, the Wazir (or prime minister) made matters worse. The Dakhnis seized the opportunity and turned the new Sultan against Mirza Khan. But Mirza Khan turned the tables upon his enemies by imprisoning Husain and raising Ismail, son of Burhan Nizam Shah II, to the throne in April 1589. Jamal Khan's Assault on Foreigners The manner in which the succession had been changed led Jamal Khan, an Abyssinian and a Mahdavi,1 to gather round him Habshis and Dakhnis and raise the banner or revolt. Jamal Khan, the centurian (sada) mansabdar2, and Yakut Khan, another Abyssinian, besieged the Ahmednagar fort; the Abyssinians wanted to see Husain Nizam Shah, who had been imprisoned. Mirza Khan, from "exceeding arrogance", replied by engaging in battle. When this was not successful he, being desperate, had the head of Nizam Shah put on a spear and stuck above the fort. He then proclaimed, "Here is the head of the man for whom you are clamouring; our king is Ismail Nizam Shah". Some, on seeing this, wished to turn back, but Jamal Khan said that now he would extract retribution from this man (Mirza Khan) and put the reins of government into the king's own hand, otherwise, their fortunes and their honour would be ruined. He instigated a general riot and at the same time "some traders had brought govaris (cowdung cake used as fuel) and fodder on the back of 100 bulls. Jamal Khan ordered it to be piled against the wooden gate of the fort and set it on fire. The door was consumed by the evening".3 The rioters entered the fort and proceeded to kill the foreigners, including Mirza Khan. Jamal Khan, as a follower of the Mahdavi religion, made Ismail Shah, who was only sixteen, a member of the same faith. He abolished the proclamation in the name of the twelve Imams and began promoting the Mahdavi sect. He gathered together nearly 10,000 horses of this party, and the latter flocked from every quarter to Ahmednagar. Sayid Ilahda—a descendant of the Mir Saiyid Muhammad of Jaunpur—who had proclaimed Mahdavism, came to the Deccan with his son Saiyid Abu-1-lath. As Saiyid Ilahda was renowned for his austerities, and lived a pure life, Jamal Khan gave his daughter in marriage to Abu-1- lath. The recognition of the Mahdavi faith aroused animosity of all, including Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur. In Berar, it proved to be a rallying point for all those who bore a personal grudge against Jamal Khan and they joined Adil Shah to attack Ahmednagar. Rather than fight, Jamal Khan, knowing his weakness, sowed the seeds of dissension among the nobles of Berar and concluded a peace with Ibrahim Adil Shah on three conditions. These were, that Parenda and some adjacent forts be ceded to Adil Shah; that Chand Bibi and Khadir Sultan return to Bijapur; that the Nizam Shahi government pay

two hundred and seventy-five thousand huns as indemnity. The conditions having been fulfilled Ibrahim Adil Shah II retreated to Bijapur.4 On his return to Ahmednagar Jamal Khan planned another blood bath on the foreigners but was dissuaded by Khudawand Khan, an African. Still, his thirst for ruthless revenge remained unabated. The outbreak of religious fanaticism in Ahmednagar made its impact felt at the court of Emperor Akbar. He asked Burhan Shah, who had fled from his brother Murtaza Nizam Shah I, and sought refuge in the court of Delhi, to claim the throne. Burhan Shah was opposed to Jamal Khan, and with the help of Raja Ali Khan Faruq and Ibrahim Adil Shah, fought a battle with Jamal Khan in the neighbourhood of Rohankher5 on 7 May 1591. Jamal Khan was killed by a charge of musket shot. Ismail was made prisoner. Burhan now ascended the throne. Burhan Nizam Shah revived the Imamiya religion and put to death the Mahdavis and plundered their property. In a short time no trace of them remained. Saiyid Abdul Path, together with his wife's brother, who was Jamal Khan's son, were kept in prison for a long time. Afterwards he escaped) collected Jamal Khan's scattered troops and took possession of the territory of Bijapur. Unable to defeat Abdul Path, Adil Shah pacified him by giving him a high office and assigning him the revenues of pargana Gokak in Belgaum district. After some time Adil Shah turned against him, so he put his wife and mother on horseback and fled to Burhanpur. The Mughal, Khan Khanan (Addu-r-Ratan), procured him the rank of 5000 and the gift of drums. Later he was given Manikpur in fief and the government of Allahabad. He acquired a name there for courage. He died in the city of Mandal, northeast of Udaipur. Though indebted to the Mughals, Burhan Nizam Shah II refused to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Emperor.6 The Invasion of Dakhan Emperor Akbar was determined to conquer Dakhan, and as the Nizam Shahi kingdom lay in his path it became most vulnerable. In 1573, Mir Musham Rizavi, a poet, was sent as an envoy to Dakhan. He reported that Ahmednagar at the time was torn by party strifes, in which Africans were embroiled, and a bitter war of succession was the casus belli, so Akbar could derive some benefit. However, the conquest was delayed as Akbar devoted all his energies to taking the eastern provinces of North India and subduing the rebels. While Bijapur and Golkonda disregarded the Mughal emperor's diplomacy to bring them under his control by costly gifts and polite words, Burhan Nizam Shah II openly opposed his policy of a southward expansion by refusing to acknowlede his suzerainty. Akbar, infuriated, asked Prince Daniyal to reprove Burhan Nizam Shah II, but the latter died on 18 April 1595. Ibrahim Nizam Shah, who succeeded him, appointed Miyan Manjhu Dakhni as prime minister. During a battle fought with Ibrahim Adil Shah, Ibrahim Nizam Shah lost his life on 16 August 1595. The palace revolution at Ahmednagar seemed to have been gathering momentum from 1595. One of the first things that Miyan Manjhu did was to grant amnesty to Ikhlas Khan, the leader of the Abyssinians. But soon it was found that the views of the two leaders were irreconcilable, because of their personal ambitions. Nor could they agree to a common policy with regard to the Adil Shahi kingdom of Bijapur, which had coveted a slice of the Nizam Shahi kingdom.7

Miyan Manjhu put up a boy, Ahmad, to safeguard his own position. Chand Bibi, sister of Burhan, who had returned to Ahmednagar from Bijapur to condole the death of her brother, pressed the claims of Bahadur, the only son of the late king. She depended on the support of the Abyssinian nobles, under the leadership of Ikhlas Khan. Miyan Manjhu however won Ikhlas Khan to his side, seized Bahadur, imprisoned him and kept Ali Adil Shah's widow, Chand Bibi, under surveillance. The two leaders of the rival groups came to terms to oust Chand Bibi, because they feared the intervention of Ibrahim Adil Shah in the internal affairs of the Nizam Shahi kingdom. They proclaimed Ahmad as king on 16 August 1595. However, it was soon revealed that Ahmad had no connection whatsoever with the royal family because of which differences arose between the leaders of the Dakhni and of the Abyssinian party. Ikhlas Khan now made attempts to depose Ahmad. Miyan Manjhu strengthened the fort's defences to withstand the onslaughts of Ikhlas. The latter, his position fortified, blockaded the regular approaches of the fort and sent messages to the governor of Daulatabad to release Abhang Khan and Habsh Khan, the Abyssinians. Unable to get Bahadur Nizam Shah, Ikhlas Khan procured a child of the same age, Moti Shah, from the market and proclaimed him as the descendant of the late Ibrahim Nizam Shah. Similarly, Abhang Khan proclaimed Miran Shah Ali as king, and a large number of Abyssinians entered the fort of Beed. Ikhlas Khan now prepared to defeat Miyan Manjhu who in panic, sought the help of the Mughal emperor. For Akbar this was a windfall and he immediately instructed Prince Murad to mobilize the Imperial troops to go to the Deccan. Before Prince Murad could advance however there were grave dissensions among the Abyssinian chiefs over the distribution of offices resulting in large scale desertions from Ikhlas Khan's camp to Miyan Manjhu. Taking advantage of the situation, Miyan Manjhu took Ikhlas Khan by surprise, defeated him and forced him to decamp with his Abyssinian supporters. His success in neutralizing Chand Bibi and Ikhlas Khan fortified his position and he realised now what a mistake he had made by inviting the Mughals. Miyan Manjhu however proved weak and vacillating when in reality bold action was called for. Thus Mujahid-ud-ddin Shamshir Khan Habshi opposed his decision to leave the fort, saying; "To fly from the enemy's army without contemplating battle and using the sword and spear and leaving the plains of the dominions and all the subjects to be trampled upon by the enemy's army does not commend itself to men of sincerity and faith." To which Miyan Manjhu replied: "The enemy's force is double that of the Dakhan and in the battle it is possible that a thousand kind of troubles and affections—perhaps a fatal misfortune—may happen and all the elephants, artillery and the foundations of sovereignty and power may fall into the enemy's hands, for the sages have said: 'He is a wise man who avoids fighting one stronger than himself, and the obligations of vigilance and caution, as far as possible, not to resort to war.' 'Attack not a force greater than your own. For one cannot strike one's finger on a lancet.'" Miyan Manjhu continues, "It is absurd for a few drops of rain to claim equality with the infinite ocean or by the insignificant motes to imagine themselves equal to sunbeams. The best plan is to take refuge with Ibrahim Adil Shah and fly to his court and from the servants of that court and from Qutb Shah to seek assistance and with strength oppose the enemy's army".8 He, therefore, promoted

Shamshir Khan as Amir-ul-Umra to command the province of Ahmednagar and on the pretext of seeking assistance from Ibrahim Adil Shah and Qutb Shah, he left the fort of Ahmednagar, followed by his protege, Ahmad. When Chand Bibi came to know of this she went to the fort of Ahmednagar to offer resistance to the Mughals, whom Miyan Manjhu had invited. She proclaimed Bahadur Nizam Shah as king. In the meanwhile Prince Murad left Ahmedabad on 30 October 1594 hurriedly to attack the fort of Ahmednagar. The Khan-i-Khanan, however, left for Ujjain only on 19 July 1595. This inordinate delay on his part greatly annoyed the prince who, without awaiting his arrival, marched towards Ahmednagar. When others reached they were not given an audience which led to rivalries and jealousies on the part of his officers. Still, he did not lose courage and on 18 December 1595 he appeared on the outskirts of Ahmednagar. The pressure of the Mughal forces made the situation unbearable for the defenders. Many who were against Chand Bibi withdrew and this considerably weakened the Nizamshahi position. It was unfortunate that neither Abhang Khan nor Ikhlas Khan had any perception of the situation. They were busy gratifying their ambitions. Ikhlas Khan with his protege, Moti Shah, was at Daulatabad; Abhang Khan with Shah Ali, son of Burhan I, at Beed; and Miyan Manjhu, with Ahmad, encamped on the borders of the Adil Shahi kingdom. Ikhlas Khas was beaten back near Paltan by the Mughals. Soon Chand Bibi came to an understanding with Abhang Khan, who responded favourably to her overtures and marched towards Daulatabad, where he was joined by Abyssinian nobles, who had deserted Ikhlas Khan after his defeat. He successfully made a dash into the fort on the night of 19 December 1595. With his active support she was able to proclaim Bahadur Nizam Shah, as king. She had also won over Ikhlas Khan and asked her nephew Ibrahim Adil Shah, to help get rid of Miyan Manjhu, who had also taken refuge in Bijapur. There were other disconcerting developments for the Mughals. The news of the movement of the Adil Shahi and Qutab Shahi forces under Suhail Khan, another African; the clandestinely friendly attitude of Raja Ali Khan in the Mughal camp towards Chand Bibi; and internal dissensions. All this compelled Prince Murad to make one more assualt on the fort but he was thrown back again by Chand Bibi. Prince Murad, therefore, opted for a settlement and peace was concluded on 14 March 1596. Bahadur Nizam Shah was recognized as king; he accepted Mughal suzerainty, ceded Berar to the Mughals; in return the Mughals withdrew from the fort of Ahmednagar. Abu-1-Fazl the author of Akbarnama, and Mughal commander, comments: "Notwithstanding the desperate state of the place, and the scarcity of provisions, these unworthy terms were agreed to, and treaty was concluded on the 17th Isfandarmuz".

The jealousy and rivalry rampant in the Mughal forces made them weak, giving a respite to the Nizam Shahis. Slowly they recovered their losses. But due to differences between Chand Bibi and Abhang Khan on administrative questions, the places, which were taken by the Nizam Shahis from the Mughals, were lost. The expropriation of the entire administration by Abhang Khan and his excitable temperament, not only made him unpopular with the nobles, but resulted in Chand Bibi turning him out of the fort and closing the gates on him. He was permitted however to transact state business outside. Ibrahim Adil Shah's efforts to reconcile the two was of no avail. After the death of Prince Murad, Prince Daniyal was ordered to go the Deccan in September 1599 to accomplish the task of subjugating the Nizam Shahi kingdom. The delay caused by the arrival of the prince and the news of the return of some of the Mughal officers to the north animated the ambitions of

Abhang Khan. He brought out Shamshir-ul-Mulk, son of Mir Khan, the former governor of Berar, from prison, and with a large army sent him towards Berar. Shamshirul entered Berar, stirred up great strife, but the Imperialists defeated him. In the meanwhile, the affairs of Ahmednagar were in a state of confusion. Chand Bibi's authority was resisted by Abhang Khan on the question of the acceptance of Mughal suzerainty. An ineffectual attempt was made to check the advance of the Mughals. By this time the position of the Nizam Shahi kingdom had deteriorated further. Being offered a better salary and lucrative posts, a large number of Dakhnis joined the Mughal services. Abhang Khan fled to Junnar while Ahmednagar was invaded a second time in 1600. Chand Bibi was opposed by a number of Abyssinians and Dakhnis. She had no confidence in them, and expressed the opinion that the garrison should come to terms with the Mughals and the young king removed to Junnar. This was communicated to the garrison by an African eunuch, Hamid Khan. The brave queen was murdered in her palace by her own troops thinking that she had committed treachery and was about to surrender the fort. The Mughals entered the fort on 16 August 1600, made Sultan Bahadur Nizam Shah captive and sent him to be confined in the fort of Gwalior. The Emergence of Malik Ambar The turmoil caused by the Mughal invasion and their occupation of the fort of Ahmednagar, the districts adjacent to the fort of Daulatabad and Berar, led to a movement of national resistance. Strictly speaking the Nizam Shahi kingdom, though hard pressed, was not annexed by the Mughal empire. It provided Malik Ambar and Raju Dakhni among whom the kingdom was divided—one faction headed by an African, the other by a Hindu, 9—the opportunity to galvanize the disbanded soldiers of the almost defunct kingdom and fight for its independence, by raising the standard of power. In course of time Malik Ambar became the spearhead of the movement which aimed at the expulsion of the Mughals from the Deccan. Under him the Nizam Shahi dynasty obtained a fresh lease of life. He also saw the military advantage to be gained in the rugged country of Dakhan by developing guerrilla tactics and using the Marathas as predatory bands. Malik Ambar's original name was Shambu10 and he was born in the year 155011 in Harar in Ethiopia. Sold in infancy by his parents, who were very poor, he was brought to the slave market of Baghdad where Khwaja Baghdad or Qazi Mir purchased him12. His master was kind and treated young Shambu, whom he renamed Ambar, like one of his own children. Under his tutelage Ambar received his education in Arabic lore and literature. He took the boy to Dakhan and in Ahmednagar sold him to Malik Dabir, better known as Changez Khan, also an African, and the famous minister of Murtaza Nizam Shah. After the death of his patron, Dabir held a minor rank in the Nizam Shahi army. At the time of Malik Ambar's advent in the Nizam Shahi kingdom, Ahmednagar under the heroic leadership of Chand Bibi, was engaged in a life and death struggle with the Imperial forces as mentioned earlier. Party strife was at its height. Abhang Khan in order to strengthen his party and to press the claim of his protege, Miran Ali Shah, extended patronage to his tribesmen in 1595. Malik Ambar, who had built up an independent army of over 1,500 cavalry and infantry men, joined Abhang's standard and was made commander of 150 horse. During the siege of the fort of Ahmednagar by Abhang Khan, Malik Ambar displayed conspicuous gallantry, by cutting off the supplies of the Mughals and intercepting their lines of communication. At one time he got entry into

the fort and seemed to be on the point of capturing it but was thrown out as he was not adequately supported.13 Shortly afterwards the Mughal forces appeared before Ahmednagar in response to Miyan Manjhu and began the siege of the fort on 19 December 1595. Abhang Khan now agreed to join hands with Chand Bibi Sultan to fight the Mughals. In the attack on Ahmednagar, Malik Ambar also went with him and fought very well. But during the confusion that followed, he left the fort and after the conclusion of peace in March 1596 he opted to choose a different line of action. Ambar, with an armed party, frequently roved the Mughal frontiers, punished highwaymen and thieves, raided on every side, so that the robbers were hard pressed. They eventually agreed to follow him and thus nearly two or three thousand Bedar (Maratha) and leading men of the country gathered under his banner. Though Ibrahim Adil Shah and Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah continued to help Chand Bibi, it was a stupendous task to check the increasing pressure of the Mughals on Dakhan. The Mughals conquered the fort of Ahmednagar in 1600. And it seemed, as Ferishta has said, that the Mughal army would capture the whole of the Nizam Shahi kingdom. But at this crucial juncture Malik Ambar, Raju and a few other nobles united to prevent further encroachment of the Imperial forces in the Nizam Shahi kingdom. First and foremost, with the meagre resources at his command and the small area under his control, Malik Ambar was astute enough to realise the need for a unifying symbol. So he sought a prince of the Nizam Shahi dynasty, "to place over his head as master so that the populace might agree to obey him".14Malik Ambar wrote to Burhan Nizam Shah's grandson, Prince Ali, who was living in the fort of Parenda, inviting him, but he did not trust Ambar. To inspire confidence Malik Ambar offered his daughter to him. Prince Ali came to Bijapur and the marriage was celebrated with great pomp. He was made king with the title of Murtaza Nizam Shah II in 1600, Malik Ambar became his Wakil-ul-Sultanat- or prime minister, and Parenda was made the temporary capital. "From this act a new splendour appeared in the kingdom and the State", and many rebels became obedient to him, including the troops of Raju. Raju also professed loyalty to the Nizam Shahi, and gained prominence in another part of the kingdom. He was the adopted son of Munna Dakhni, a mahaldar of Sadat Khan.15 On the death of Burhan Nizam Shah I he, too, like Malik Ambar took to wandering in the hilly tracts. And while Chand Bibi and Abhang Khan Habshi resisted the Mughals within the fort, Sadat Khan was active in disrupting the supply line of the enemy with surprise night attacks. It is related that Sadat Khan with about 3000 horsemen cut through Khan-i-Khanan, the Mughal commander-in-chief s line, who was then supervising the siege, and attempted to enter the fort. But Chand Bibi refused to allow him in so he retired to his jagir which was situated in Nasik and Trimbak. 16His followers deserted to the Mughal commander-in-chief who later enrolled him into his service. As Raju was trusted by him, he entrusted everything to Raju. But during this period, Abhang Khan Habshi enticed Raju with an offer of peerage (Amir) and wrote to him, "Fortune has made you a great man. Bring the country into your possession, and become great. Sadat was (only) a slave of Nizam Shah and has gone over to the Mughals. Do act bravely because the reward of fidelity to salt is greatness. Guard carefully the territory and forts now in your hands and try to increase them".17 Raju, spurred on by the advice of Abhang Khan, began to harass the Mughals and forced the army under Sadat Khan to retreat in disorder. Malik Ambar now possessed the country from eight kos west of Daulatabad to within the

same distance of the port of Chaul, while Mian Raju possessed Daulatabad and the territory from the Gujarat frontier to within six kos of Ahmednagar.18 The next stage of the conflict began, when Abdul Fazl, the Mughal commander, was busy with Raju. Malik Ambar entered Mughal Telengana, defeated the Mughal commander-in-chief, Bahadur Gilani, who had been left there with a small contingent, made extensive conquests in the region, and then reappeared in Ahmednagar. His rapid movements from one place to another compelled Abul Fazal to abandon his expeditions against Raju and hasten towards Tilangana. Meanwhile, another Mughal army under Ali Mardan Bahadur marched from Tilangana towards Ahmednagar to relieve Sher Khwaja, the Mughal commander, but he was captured. The Mughal garrison was ousted and the provisions passed into Ambar's hands. On receiving the report of Ambar's success, the Khan-iKhanan sent another contingent of troops against him under Shaikh Abdul Rahman from Berar, who proceeded towards Nander. On 16 May 1601 the two forces met. Malik Ambar commanded the centre of the army, while Farhad Khan and Mansur Khan, Habshis, commanded the right and left wings. After a severe contest the imperialists were victorious. Ambar lost four hundred men, besides being wounded. After this defeat, Malik Ambar sued for peace. He agreed to release all the sarkars of Ausa, Dharur and part of Beed on 3 January 1602. The peace was made over the head of Abul Fazl, who shows his disagreement in the pages of the Akbarnama. The author of Iqbal Name-i-Jehangir agrees with him. He says, "His (Abul Fazl's) dissatisfaction was justified as even in the fifteenth year of Jehangir's, reign, i.e eighteen years after the event, there is no peace between Ambar and the Mughals".19 Events proved that Abul Fazl was right. After Abdur Rahman's victory over Ambar, the Mughals had taken possession of Tilangana. Bahadur-ul-Hamid Khan and Baz Bahadur were appointed commanders of the army there. But as soon as Abdur Rahman had withdrawn, Ambar once again raised his head and with a large force of Habshis and Dakhnis, fell upon the Mughal outposts and drove them out. Hamid Khan and Baz Bahadur were taken prisoner and the whole of Tilangana passed into Ambar's hands. Emboldened by his success, Ambar marched on to Bidar in order to collect the promised tribute from Barid Shah. Malik Barid sent his general, Ibrahim, against him but Ibrahim was defeated and put to death. Barid was forced to make peace by paying a large sum of money as 'Madad khurch'.20 Ambar next attacked Qutb Shah, defeated him and compelled him to pay a large sum of money. Having to cope with both Ambar and Raju, Prince Daniyal divided the Mughal Dakhan into two. Abul Fazl, with headquarters in Ahmednagar, was to be in charge of operations against Raju, while the Khan-i-Khanan, Abdur Rahim Khan, was to be in charge of Berar and Tilangana and to conduct the campaign against Ambar. The rivalry between Raju and Ambar proved very distracting for the imperialists, for it prevented them from concentrating on the one without providing an opportunity to the other to retrieve his position. On assuming his new command the Khan-i-Khanan at once sent a force under his son, Mirza Iraj, in 1602. When Ambar had attacked the Mughals in Tilangana, Mir Murtaza, who was in command there, retired from Nander, joined Sher Khwaja at Beed and was there besieged by Ambar. So, Mirza Iraj advanced first toward Beed and, converging with Mir Murtaza and Sher Khwaja, marched against Ambar. Ambar had, in the meanwhile, left for Dantur and-from there gone towards Qandahar, where he was joined by Farhad Khan Habshi with 30,000 horses. Iraj marched against them and at Nander

heard the news that the enemy was near. A severe battle took place. The Mughal advance guard attacked them with arrows and rockets and "so hot was the battle that for a long time it was dark on all sides, and even the faces of horses and men could not be seen".21 Furious attacks by the Dakhnis were beaten back with heavy losses, and towards the close of the day Ambar was completely routed and wounded. He would have fallen into the hands of the enemy but for the gallantry of some of his attendants who carried him away safely from the field. The defeat had a sobering effect on Ambar and he once again sued for peace. The parties concluded a treaty whereby their respective boundaries were demarcated. Malik Ambar marched to Jinapur where the Khan-i-Khanan accorded him a fitting reception. Soon after, the Khan-i-Khanan was advised by his councillors to put an end to Malik Ambar but he rejected the proposal. The Khani-Khanan felt that by winning over Ambar he would be able to exercise restraint on his anti-Mughal activities, whereas Malik-Ambar thought that friendship with the Mughals would not only bring him immunity from external danger but would also give him a status in the eyes of the neighbouring states and his rival and enemies.22 This treaty was a trial of diplomatic skill on the part of the Mughals and of Malik Ambar. Rivalry with Raju Ambar, who now possessed the southern and eastern districts of the Nizam Shahi state, devoted all his attention for the next six years to the struggle with Raju and to tackle his rivals in the kingdom. The chief cause of the quarrel was the attempt by them to control Murtaza II. The king complained to Raju about the treatment meted out by Ambar. He had put Ikhlas Khan and other nobles of the Deccan under surveillance who had sent a petition to the Nizam Shah, to this effect, "Hail, king of Deccan, Ambarjiu is a brother like us. Leave the work of regency and premiership to any one whom the army may desire. He too (i.e. Ambar) should be employed in the service of the court like us". 23 They collected a large army to oust Malik Ambar, but the latter marched against them, making Patang Rao a prisoner, took possession of the fort and tightened his control over Nizam Shah. Malik Sandal and Farhad Khan, both Africans, fled and took refuge in the fort of Parenda to stir up trouble there. Taking Murtaza with him, Ambar marched to Parenda. Where Manjhan Khan, the Abyssinian commander, who had been holding the fort for the last twenty years, refused to admit him. All attempts of Malik Ambar to convince Manjhan Khan of his loyalty to the Nizam Shah having failed, and in order to prevent the boy king from. going over to the conspirator, he put him under surveillance. On hearing this Farhad Khan and Malik Sandal entered the fort and made common cause with the garrison. So Ambar laid siege to it and captured it. The inhabitants then protested against Sona Khan, the governor's son, for the cruelties perpetrated by him. He had abducted the wives and daughters of some of the people. The garrison rose in revolt and put him to death. Manjhan Khan fled from the fort accompanied by Farhad Khan and Malik Sandal to Bijapur. The garrison of the fort held out a little longer. But when Malik Ambar removed all the restraints which he had imposed on Murtaza Nizam Shah, the gates of the fort were opened for him and he occupied it.24 Shortly after, the Mughal envoy, Asad Beg, then on his way to the Adil Shahi court, arrived at Burhanpur. The Khan-i-Khanan had made a personal request to him to mediate between Hasan Ali Beg, the governor of Beed, and Malik Ambar. When he arrived at Balaghat he sent word to Malik Ambar informing him that he was bringing a firman from Emperor Akbar, and asking him to be ready

to accord it the customary reception. As expected, Ambar marched out to the distance of a Karoh, to pay homage to the firman and to receive it formally. He was very happy to renew his acquaintance with Asad Beg, and escorted him to his home. Next day a grand reception for the Mughal envoy was arranged. Banarasi Prasad Saksena describes it thus: "All the Amirs, members of the government, men of letters, religious leaders, and saints formed an assemblage even one tenth of which is rarely seen at one place in India. Religious discourses and recitals from the Quran were held on a scale only to be witnessed in the holy town of Meshnad. Verily it was sheer good luck (to be there)and a heavenly joy" 25. Between the two prayers a magnificent dinner was held, which in Dakhni dialect is called 'Kanduri'. "A large tent was pitched in an open space, and -around it were erected shamianas, or decorative tents, embellished with figures of fish woven in the covering. In every corner were placed brass and silver vessels one on top of the other to the height of man, each filled with dainty eatables. Every item of food was tastily cooked, sprinkled with a profusion of spices. There were numerous varieties of delicious puddings, sweets, cakes, unleavened bread, all beyond praise." The formal reception being over, "the two retired into privacy, and cleared their misunderstanding in a heart to heart chat. Fresh promises were made and each party was satisfied. Hasan Ali Beg presented an elephant and a horse to Ambar and the two parted as friends". Asad Beg sent a report of the transaction to the Khan-i-Khanan, who forwarded it to the court with a letter of his own. Then the Mughal envoy, Asad Beg, was escorted by Malik Ambar's brother to the Shahi frontiers. When Prince Daniyal marched from Burhanpur to receive the daughter of Ibrahim Adil Shah II, he expected Raju to pay his respects and acknowledge his authority in Dakhan, as Malik Ambar had done. But Raju refused to wait upon the prince, even when he was asked to do so. And, though Raju did not come out in the open, he continuously harassed Daniyal's army which had a demoralising effect on the Mughals and compelled them to come to terms with him. As Patan was not included in the agreement, Raju demanded a loan of thirty thousand hun from its merchants, who being certain of the Mughal protection, refused to comply with the demand. So he marched into town, seized the leaders and extorted three or four lakhs hun from them. His high-handed manner alienated his leaders, who went over to Malik Ambar, attacked Raju and besieged the fort of Patan, which contained Sadat Khan's treasures. He occupied it but could not hold on to it for long.26 Malik Ambar's alliance with the Mughals offended Murtaza Nizam Shah II, who complained to Raju. Raju readily took up cudgels on his behalf and marched to Parenda. The two forces encamped near the fort and many skirmishes followed, which mostly ended in favour of Raju. Immediately Ambar dispatched letters to the Khan-i-Khanan, who ordered Mirza Husain Ali Beg, the governor of Deed, to march to Ambar's help. On receipt of this reinforcement, Ambar attacked and defeated Raju, who fled to Daulatabad. At this stage Prince Daniyal died, and the Khan-i-Khanan, being appointed to succeed him as viceroy of Dakhan, left Jalna for Burhanpur. This gave Ambar an opportunity for self-aggrandisement. He collected his forces and once again marched against Raju. In the battle that followed, near Daulatabad, Raju was defeated and appealed for help to the Khan-i-Khanan. The latter marched to Daulatabad and for six months prevented the rivals from coming to blows. Ambar then returned to Parenda and began to strengthen his position for further rounds with Raju. In 1607, feeling strong

enough, Ambar marched to Junnar, the ancient capital of the Nizam Shahis, captured it and from there sent an army against Raju. Raju was defeated, taken prisoner and soon after put to death, because the Dakhan Marathas were trying to rescue him. Raju's territory was added to Murtaza's and henceforth Ambar stood supreme. Malik Ambar established himself in the city of Khidki, afterwards named Aurangabad, about eight miles from the old fort. He left Murtaza II in the barren state of Daulatabad. The new acquisitions strengthened his position, extended the Nizam Shahi state and inspired him to wage intermittent wars against the Mughals. Ambar and Jahangir Emperor Akbar died in October 1605. He had always been suspicious of the Abyssinians. When Gujarat was conquered he ordered that the Abyssinians be kept away from the administration and "be included among the royal slaves on the same terms as they had been slaves of Sultan Mahmud".27 He did not succeed in his aim; more than half of the Ahmednagar state went into the hands of Ambar and Mughal Dakhan comprised Khandesh, the northern strip of Berar, and a narrow belt of territory around Ahmednager. Jahangir, who succeeded Akbar, resolved that the entire Dakhan should be conquered by the Mughals. Malik Ambar was Emperor Jahangir's special object of hatred. He frequently mentions Ambar but scarcely ever without some insulting terms, such as, 'black-faced', 'wretch' or 'cursed fellow'. When Akbar died, the Khan-i-Khanan, Abdur Rahim Khan, who had been primarily responsible for winning a foothold in Dakhan for the Mughals, was viceroy of the Deccan. Jahangir confirmed him in the viceroyalty. When he visited the court, he agreed to subjugate the country if additional troops and treasure were given to him. His wishes were complied with. He left the capital on 24 November 1607, and on reaching Burhanpur took counsel with his commanders, and decided to open hostilities against Ambar immediately. Ambar, who had known of the probable danger, decided to attack at Patan. Ordering his troops "to follow guerilla tactics in their customary manner, act as a door-guarding force, and close the path of food supplies to the Mughals. It was done. The Maratha troops were so hard-pressed that they agreed to escape with their lives, because all night guns, muskets and rockets were fired on them and night attacks were delivered. Six months passed in distress and from hunger arid famine no strength was left in any man or beast";28 When the Khan-i-Khanan, on the march, heard of this attack he immediately sent his son, Irij Khan, with the title of Shah Nawaz Khan, there. Shah Nawaz attacked Ambar, who after his victory at Patan, had encamped with a large force eight kos from Jalanpur and forced him to fall back. This success was temporary. Ambar soon rejoined his forces and returned the attack. He surrounded the Mughal camp at Jalanpur and forced the Khan-i-Khanan to fall back on Burhanpur. Ambar then occupied Jalanpur and sent his men in pursuit of the retreating Mughals. The Khan-iKhanan had failed, and seeing that the forces at his command were inadequate for the task he had undertaken, he requested the Emperor for further reinforcements. The Emperor decided to send Prince Parvez, who reached Burhanpur early in 1610. The Khan-i-Khanan had, in the meanwhile, devised an elaborate plan for delivering surprise attacks on Malik Ambar during the rains in 1610. Even against the better judgment of his own

followers, he made a dash from Burhanpur into Nizam Shahi territory which ended in tragic disaster. Malik Ambar avoided pitched battles. But his light Maratha cavalry harassed the invaders who were lured into the rugged hills and narrow passes of Balaghat. Here the Mughals found themselves exposed to severe suffering. Their supply of provisions having been exhausted, it could not be replenished from local sources. Famine conditions prevailed in the army, taking a heavy toll of men, horses and beasts of burden. On the other hand, the Dakhnis were ever fresh and keen to fight. The Khan-i-Khanan advised retreat to Burhanpur in order to recuperate and advance again after the rains. But the other generals paid no heed and rejected the advice on the ground that he was in league with the Dakhnis. So, the march on Daulatabad was resumed. As before, the Dakhnis attacked from every side, avoiding a pitched battle. "From every hill-top they fired upon the Mughals, every rock and boulder was an ambuscade". The Mughal position soon became dangerous and untenable. So a retreat was ordered and the army fought its way to Burhanpur. Ambar now took advantage of the opportunity presented to him. He attacked and captured the fort of Ahmednagar, compelling the Mughal commandant to evacuate it, as all hope of aid had vanished. In 1609 Jahangir recalled the Khan-iKhanan on account of his mismanagement of affairs. The Mughals made another attempt to destroy Malik Ambar in 1612 but confusion reigned in the Imperial army. When an expedition was dispatched against Daulatabad, Adbullah Khan, the ruler of Gujarat, was ordered to advance, by way of Nasik, with an army of 14,000 men from Gujarat, while Raja Man Singh, with another large army, was to maintain constant inter-communication and to attack the enemy at Daulatabad from opposite sides on the same day. The plan was sound, but it failed owing to the jealousy of Abdullah Khan, who, unwilling to divide with Man Singh, the glory of victory, deliberately neglected to maintain communications with the Berar army and with his own 14,000 men fell upon Malik Ambar at Daulatabad. He was defeated with much blood-letting and driven back to Gujarat. Man Singh, who halted, waiting for news of Abdullah movement, did not know where Abdullah Khan was until he received news of his defeat. Man Singh promptly retreated to the neighbourhood of Burhanpur, leaving the whole of Berar in the hands of Malik Ambar. The Dakhnis were now in a position to offer terms of peace and in 1613 they were concluded, Malik Ambar retaining Ahmednagar. Ambar regained most of the territory lost to the Mughals, who were confined to the fort walls of Burhanpur.29 Malik Ambar and Shah Jahan A special effort was called for to deal with this situation. Prince Khurram was sent to the Deccan with heavy reinforcements in October 1616. Earlier, in the same year there was disaffection in Malik Ambar's camp, and some of the Rajputs conspired to assassinate him. They placed themselves in an ambush and at an opportune moment surprised him and inflicted a wound on him but the injury proved to be light. Ambar's attendants overpowered the conspirators, killed them and carried him safely to his quarters. Some of his principal officers, including the leaders of the Maratha irregulars, and his own followers, like Adam Khan, Habshi and Yaqub Khan, had defected to Shah Nawaz Khan, who was then commanding the Imperial troops stationed at Balapur in Berar. He welcomed them effusively and bestowed on each a horse and elephant, a robe of honour, and a sum of money, and then, taking the deserters with him, marched against Malik Ambar.

On seeing this, Ambar formed an alliance with Adil Shah and Qutb Shah, who responded immediately. Adil Shah sent Mulla Muhammad Lari as envoy to recall the mutinous soldiers to their duty. Mulla Muhammad Lari came to the Dakhni army and saw its affairs in confusion. After some discussion, the Habshi nobles placed him under surveillance. Mirza Iraj, son of Khan-i-Khanan, Abdur Rahim Khan, treated Mulla Muhammad very respectfully. Therefore Ambar accused him of collusion with the Mughals, induced Adil Shah to recall him, which he did. He fell under Adil Shah's displeasure and was deprived of his jagirs for two years. The Habshi nobles who had gone over to the Mughals daily urged Shah Nawaz Khan to attack Ambar whose army was frequently engaged. It, therefore, became necessary for Shah Nawaz Khan to fight Malik Ambar. With the Habshi nobles and the Mughal army he marched to the bank of the river Patan. The Mughals took the post in a village encircled by the river with a deep ditch in front, behind which they planted their artillery. The next day Ambar appeared: "His squadron of youths, ten thousand Habshis, of the age of 17 or 18, mounted on Persian horses, charged from the front of Ambar. They were caught by the deep ditch and could neither advance nor retreat, being huddled together as if they had been chained. In this position they were mowed down by the Mughal artillery like leaves of trees under a destroying wind..."30 The right and the left wings of the army of Ambar fled due to dissensions within them. The Mughals then advanced to attack, slaying many of them. A great defeat fell on Ambar's army. Shah Nawaz Khan totally desolated the country from the bank of the Patan to Khidki (Aurangabad), Ambar's capital. In spite of his troops being reinforced by contingents from Bijapur and Golkonda, he was forced to evacuate Khidki, remove the Nizam Shah and the treasures to the fort of Daulatabad. The Mughals then entered Khidki and for three days the town was given up to looting and destruction: "The city that had taken twenty years to build would not be restored for twenty years to come". Shah Nawaz Khan found it impossible to hold a position so advanced as Khidki and after a short stay in the town retreated to Berar. In 1617 Prince Khurram, afterwards the Emperor Shah Jahan, recovered Ahmednagar and many other forts which had been recaptured by the Dakhnis from the Imperial troops, but Daulatabad remained the capital of the Nizam Shahi rulers. Later in the year Malik Ambar decided to deal with those who had deserted him and joined the Imperial army. He succeeded in detaching Adam Khan, the Abyssinian, from his allegiance to the Emperor and imprisoned him in Daulatabad until he found it convenient to put Adam Khan to death; but his troops sustained a defeat while they were attempting to capture Uda Ram, another of the renegades. Soon after this Khurram rebelled against his father, but was defeated and forced to flee to Dakhan where he took refuge in the Qutb Shahi kingdom. Ambar and Ibrahim Adil Shah II However, conscious of the fact that it was not possible for Ambar to resist the Mughals singlehanded, he made it a point to win the support and cooperation of the other kings of the Deccan. He sought the assistance of Ibrahim Adil Shah II, the ruler of Bijapur. He wrote to him: "It is my design to fight the Mughal troops so long as life remains in this body. May I through your Majesty's daily increasing fortunes succeed -in expelling the Mughals from the Deccan."31 Secondly, he requested Adil Shah to hand over to him the fort of Qandhar, which the Adil Shahis had wrested from

the Nizam Shahis. Thirdly, he proposed to bring the two states together. Ibrahim Adil Shah II readily responded to the request. He gave over the fort of Qandhar to him and sent ten thousand horsemen for military assistance. He married Ambar's son Aziz-ul-Mulk, or Path Khan, to the daughter of one of his favourite courtiers, Yakut Khan. The occasion was celebrated with great gaiety which continued for forty days. He provided from the state exchequer a large dowry for the bride and spent 20,000 huns (20,000 rupees) on fireworks alone. Sometime afterwards again, at Ambar's request, Adil Shah sent another force of three to four thousand cavalry to his aid. With this he took the fort of Antur from the hands of the Mughals and put the entire garrison to the sword. Murtaza Nizam Shah II constantly intrigued against Malik Ambar, thus endangering the security of the state and the popularity of the man who was rebuilding it. It was he who had instigated the rebellions of Patang Rao, Farhad Khan and Malik Sandal, and was in league with Raju Dakhni. But before resorting to any drastic action, Malik Ambar consulted Ibrahim Adil Shah II, who disapproved of the plan to depose Murtaza. He intervened on the latter's behalf and restored good relations between him and his minister. But in 1610 a more serious misunderstanding occurred. It so happened the king's first wife, who was fair complexioned and of Persian stock, taunted Malik Ambar's daughter, saying that she was a slave girl, merely a concubine of the king and that her father was a rebel. The daughter complained to her father who made up his mind to depose the king. Adil Shah tried to remove the misunderstanding, but he failed. Ambar won over the king's secretary. Mir Abdul Fateh, who poisoned Murtaza to death and proclaimed a minor prince of the royal house as Burhan Nizam Shah III.32 Ambar Emerges from Isolation Again, the dissatisfied Marathas made an unsuccessful attempt on the life of Malik Ambar and shortly afterwards a large number of Maratha and Habshi nobles, the pillars of the Nizam Shahi state, deserted him in favour of the Mughals. This large scale defection weakened Ambar's hands. Shah Nawaz Khan, the son of the Khan-i-Khanan, now opened an offensive against Malik Ambar and marched towards the capital of Khidki. Malik Ambar immediately sought the support of Adil Shah and Qutb Shah, who responded and reinforced his troops. With a large army at his command Ambar stayed at Khidki and despatched another fifteen thousand horse to check the progress of the enemy, who was moving fast towards the capital. But Shah Nawaz Khan overtook them and marched towards Khidki. When Malik Ambar heard of the reverses suffered by his men he left the capital to give battle to the enemy. A fierce battle took place in which Malik Ambar was defeated and put to flight. Shah Nawaz Khan advanced with his victorious army, ravaged and plundered the flourishing city of Khidki and then withdrew on February 1616. No doubt, the Khan-i-Khanan had achieved a glorious victory and partially retrieved the lost prestige of the Mughals in the Deccan but Ambar was still far from being crushed. "Indeed, the Mughals could not annex even a small slice of territory, not to speak of the extensive possessions of the Deccan".33 Prince Khurram, who had been assigned the task of retrieving the prestige of the Mughals in Dakhan, opened negotiations with Adil Shah, Qutb Shah and Malik Ambar through reliable and trustworthy messengers. The concentration of the Mughal forces, and assemblage of generals like the Khan-i-Khanan, the Khan-i-Jahan and Mahabat Khan, besides the Emperor camping in Mandu with the avowed objective of solving the Dakhan problem, unnerved Adil Shah and Qutb Shah. They

submitted to the Mughals and withdrew their support to Malik Ambar, who was now completely isolated. In sheer helplessness he was compelled to purchase peace by surrendering the fort of Ahmednagar, together with the district of Balaghat, which he had seized from the Mughals. It saved him from disgrace and defeat. During the next two years he patiently waited for a turn in the political affairs of the Mughals. In 1619, while Prince Khurram was busy reducing the fort of Kangra in Punjab, and the Emperor was in Kashmir, Malik Ambar resumed the offensive. He appealed to Bijapur and Golkonda and compelled their rulers to give him assistance in recovering his losses. Within three months he recovered his possessions and drove away the Mughals who sought shelter in the fort of Burhanpur. The major portion of Berar and Ahmednagar passed into the hands of Malik Ambar. Balapur now became the target of Malik Ambar's activities, which were so devastating that desertions on large scale occurred in the Mughal camp, the deserters going over and swelling the ranks of the enemy. The search for provisions compounded by the lack of speedy relief alarmed the Mughal officers. With the help of the Portuguese, Ambar advanced and laid siege to the fort of Burhanpur. Within a short time the surrounding country came under the control of the Dakhnis, who boldly crossed the Narmada and penetrated into the very heart of Malwa, burning and plundering the environs of Mandu and its adjacent villages. Ambar was now master of not only the portions lying within the jurisdiction of Ahmednagar but of many of the parganas of Berar and Khandesh, including those which lay across the Narmada. When the state of affairs was reported to the Emperor he decided to send Prince Khurram again to retrieve the position in the Deccan. As on the previous occasion the prince was accompanied by a galaxy of officers and generals and had at his command a very large army. He left Mandu on 25 March 1621 and marched towards Burhanpur. But owing to devastations in the country, the spectre of complete starvation of the army as well as the apprehension of surprise attacks by the Dakhnis, began to work heavily on the mind of Khurram and he began to think how to extricate himself from such an impossible situation with dignity and grace.34 As for Malik Ambar he could not compensate for the paucity of numbers at his command. Defeat and destruction once more stared him in the face. Therefore, negotiations were opened with Ambar, who made peace by restoring all the Mughal lands taken by him in the past two years and agreed that fifty lakh rupees would be paid as indemnity by the rulers of Bijapur, Golkonda and Ahmednagar. This humiliating treaty was the result of the pressures exerted on Malik Ambar by the rulers of Bijapur and Golkonda, who used him as a safety valve against Mughal aggression, but withdrew their support whenever they found that the situation had become threatening or their own interests stood in serious danger. But, by a singular irony of fate, Prince Khurram rebelled against his father and was compelled to leave the north in 1623. He sent Afzal Khan to Malik Ambar to seek his help. But he was reluctant to court disaster at a time when he had to settle scores with Adil Shah, an objective which he could not achieve without the help of Mughals. Nor did Afzal Khan fare better at the Adil Shahi court and thus the future emperor Shahjehan left the Deccan disappointed. Prince Parviz was now appointed viceroy of Dakhan in 1624. Dispute with Adil Shah II and the Battle of Bhatwadi By now Ambar's relations with Ibrahim Adil Shah II were greatly embittered. He had annexed

Sholapur, always a bone of contention, and its adjoining territories in 1600. When Mahabat Khan reached Burhanpur in pursuit of the rebel Khurram in 1623, he received overtures both from Malik Ambar as well as Ibrahim Adil Shah II, but he opted in favour of the latter. According to this treaty, Adil Shah agreed to station 5000 horses at Burhanpur under his minister, Mulla Muhammad Lari, to keep order in Dakhan. This was a diplomatic defeat which Ambar was determined to avenge. He moved warily. He asked Adil Shah to recall Mulla Muhammad Lari from Burhanpur as there was peace between them. On Adil Shah refusing to do so, Ambar opened hostilities. He led an army against Golkonda and realised the fixed tribute from its sovereign, but in reality to form an alliance against the new coalition. Shortly, after Mahabat Khan and Prince Parvez left Dakhan to meet Khurram's threat in the north. This was the signal for Malik Ambar's move against Adil Shah. He marched towards Bidar which was in the possession of Ibrahim Adil Shah II since 1619. After plundering the city he advanced to Bijapur. He completely destroyed the newly built suburb of Nauraspur and then laid siege to the capital. As the best troops of Bijapur had gone to Burhanpur with Muhammad Lari, Adil Shah, finding himself too weak to offer battle, shut himself in the fort. He then set messengers to Muhammad Lari and Sarbuland Rai, the Mughal viceroy, appealing to them to come to his help. When Ambar heard of this, he wrote to Sarbuland Rai that, as it was a domestic quarrel between him and Adil Shah, the Mughals should not interfere. Sarbuland Rao rejected this argument and sent troops on receiving two lakh huns from Adil Shah to accompany Muhammad Lari. Khanjar Khan, the commandant of Ahmednagar, also joined this force. Ambar, hearing of this rescue operation, raised the siege of Bijapur. He sought to make peace but without success. An epidemic also broke out among the horses of his army, and in one night five hundred of them died. 35 Just then it was reported that Mulla Muhammad Lari had arrived with the Mughal troops. When Ambar turned away from Bijapur, Adil Shah sent a large force under Ikhlas Khan Habshi in pursuit with Farhand Khan, Khairat Khan, Yaqub Khan, Sharza and Randaulah Khan, all tried African generals, so that this army advanced from the front and Muhammad Lari from behind. He slipped back into his own kingdom and took shelter in the fort of Bhatwadi, about 10 miles south-east of the fort of Ahmednagar, and on the western bank of the Kalinadi, a small feeder of the Sina river. The three confederated armies, Mughal, Adil Shahi and Qutub Shahi, came and sat down before Bhatwadi. About two months passed without action. Malik played a waiting game in defence. By letting out the water of the Bhatwadi lake he barred the path of the Mughal army. Fazun-i-Astarabadi's Fatuhat-iAdil Shahi gives an account of the Bhatwadi campaign (1624), which is the fullest and most satisfactory known to us: "Ambar seeing himself surrounded by the tempest of calamity, left the road with a few soldiers. By (letting out) the water of the lake of Bhatwadi, he barred the path before the Mughal army and though his own men were fewer, his heart remained confident in reliance upon God. When Ambar fled into a nook, the Mughal army under Mulla Muhammad arrived near Bijapur. Adil Shah sent special robes of honour to Ikhlas Khan Habshi and two or three other nobles. At this the Mughal peers became very dissatisfied. Though Mulla Muhammad wrote to Adil Shah (to honour the Mughal generals similarly), he did not show this favour. This was the beginning of the alienation of the Mughal troops."36 The allies were divided in their views. Sijahdar Khan, the commandant of the Mughal contingent, advised that they should retreat to Ahmednagar. Ikhlas Khan wanted to come to terms with Ambar and then fall back on Bijapur. But the Mulla Muhammad Lari was adamant for a fight. Hot words were

exchanged between him and Ikhlas Khan, the latter accusing him of being the cause of their misfortune. But this was not the time for reproaches, as Ambar's army was advancing to attack. The allies set their forces in battle array. The battle of Bhatwadi opened with an attack by Ambar's troops on the Bijapur forces. The Habshis like "Black Death" made furious onslaughts on Muhammad Lari's men. At the height of the battle a ball struck the Mulla and he fell from his horse. Fatuhat accuses Ikhlas Khan of having Mulla Muhammad Lari killed by his own men.37This was the signal for defeat. The three confederated armies were taken off their guard when a force of Ambar's regular cavalry (Ambar's guard corps of Abyssinian youth) were sighted at a distance, looking as if they were retreating after breaking off an engagement. So the Mughals took no heed of them nor got ready for self defence. The body of cavalry, after skirting the Mughal detachment, suddenly turned round and fell on the Bijapuri troops. The entire allied army broke ranks and fled. Mughal commandant Ikhlas Khan and 240 of the leading commanders of Bijapur were taken prisoners and three among the Imperial generals were captured, while the others saved themselves by riding hard to the Mughal frontiers. At this stage, a fresh army came to Ambar's help and set out in pursuit of the fugitives. Ambar had won a great number of horses, five leading Mughal and Bijapur armies were captured. They were bound in chains and sent to Daulatabad. In the Adil Shahi camp there were African nobles under Ikhlas Khan, who often spoke of Ambar in terms of ridicule, and yet in a short time some were slain, some taken prisoner, some put to flight. Malik Ambar, "swollen with greatness by his victory, from an ant into a snake, and enriched with wealth exceeding the treasures of a Corah and troops beyond imagination" now laid siege to the fort of Sholapur and captured it by storming it on 15 June 1625. When he brought the "Malik-i-Maidan" gun there as a spoil of victory, the garrison capitulated. His general, Yakub Khan, invested Burhanpur.38 Ambar was now in a position to strangulate the Mughal supremacy in the Deccan. At this moment Prince Khurram, who had been expelled from northern India, sought asylum in the Deccan. He had twice scored against Malik Ambar and now appeared as a rebel. Malik Ambar received him with open arms. At Malik Ambar's instance, he laid siege to Burhanpur, but it was firmly defended by Sarbuland Rai. When at length Mahabat Khan arrived again in Dakhan, Khurram and Yaqub Khan were forced to withdraw from Burhanpur. Khurram soon after submitted to his father, who allowed him to remain unmolested in Dakhan. There was further revolt in the Mughal court and a dearth of competent officers to control the situation. Malik Ambar could have utilized this opportunity to expel the Mughals from the Deccan. Before he could embark on this, he died on 14 May 1626 at the age of eighty, leaving an undying name and fame behind him. Just as Marathon became a magic word to the Athenians, and Haldighat to the Rajputs, Bhatwadi 39 similarly became a magic word to the Nizam Shahis. Land Revenue Reform Malik Ambar effected far-reaching reforms in revenue and military administration. In 1612 he extended land revenue reforms based—with some minor changes to suit the requirements of the situation—essentially on the system introduced in North India by Raja Todar Mai, the great Mughal administrator at the court of Emperor Akbar.40

His first step was to minimize intermediaries in the system, such as Deshmukhs and Deshpandes, district hereditary revenue superintendents and accountants, who had, in the general confusion following successive invasions, famines and defections, managed to exploit the situation and had themselves emerged as large landholders. As a result of their exactions and exploitative practices, agriculture had come to be grievously neglected. Malik Ambar sought to establish a more equitable and direct relationship between the government and the cultivator. The village headman, called Mukdam or Patil, was made more directly responsible for the collection of land revenue. Thus each Patil was to undertake to pay the revenue of the entire village within his jurisdiction. Similarly, each landholder was required to pay the full share of his assessed rent to the Patil which he was to remit directly to the government, keeping a percentage on the collections. He next determined the actual produce of the lands, broadly classified as good, middling and bad, according to the fertility of the soil—an exercise lasting several years—after which only the arable lands were taken into consideration, for assessment. In Malik Ambar's system of survey the areas were fixed not by measuring but by a glance estimate or 'Nazar Pahani', and were not as detailed or elaborate as that in Todar Mai's scheme. Furthermore, though the divisions of land or holdings were described in bigha41 it was the crop yielding powers of the different estates which were fixed, not the individual holdings. After the measurement of arable lands—the hilly tracts were excluded—they were divided according to ancient custom into the jirayat or unirrigated and bagayat or irrigated or garden land. The jirayat lands were further divided into four classes the first second, third and fourth (Avval, Dum, Seem and Chaharim), while the highlands were classified in a general way. Other divisions included the Khalsa land for the purpose of government revenue and Inamat for lands alienated through royal favour to mosques, temples etc. or in return for service. Lastly, there was an entry of cesses, some of them fixed while others varied, which were levied on craftsmen, shopkeepers and village servants. After deducting the latter from the total area, the Khalsa land (the land which paid rent to the government) was entered as including so much garden (Baghayat) and so much of Jirayat land. For the purpose of realizing the revenue, the rent alienated lands came first followed by details of the Khalsa and finally the various tax rates for craftsmen and shopkeepers, etc.42 To begin with, the revenue was fixed at two-fifths of the gross produce of .the land in kind but subsequently the grain payment was commuted into cash payment of about a third of the yield. In 1618 Malik Ambar doubled the government's demand. 43 Of significance "these conversion rates did not vary with the fluctuations in the price of grain and for their extreme lowness probably at the time when they were introduced were greatly below the actual price".44 Again, an average rent for normal years called the tankha, or ideal average rental, for the entire village was fixed after taking into account the fertility of the different holdings. This shows the total demand expected by the state, irrespective of the collection of revenue from each piece of land by the village official and the determining factor was the harvest; if the season was good actual collections increased, if not it was flexible and it was the principle of adaptability combined with moderate demands on the part of the government that contributed to giving a new impetus to agriculture as well as bringing many waste and under-utilized lands under cultivation. It enabled the Patils to give out the waste lands at low rates to the cultivators to till them. The rent was

increased on a progressive scale over a number of years till the normal rent was reached. This system was called Istawa. Efforts were made to bring barren land under cultivation. Malik Ambar's tankha is referred till the end of the Maratha period. It was continued without change by various persons whose names were handed down by oral tradition and were still known in 1822. Among the families which rose to prominence during Malik Ambar's period, as a result of his general policy of associating with the local elements, was that of Shahji Bhonsle. The Bhonsles hailed from Verual where they had some watan rights. An important step in the rise of the Marathas was the grant to Shahji of the mokasa of the Poona and Supa areas by the Nizam Shahi and later confirmed by the Bijapur Adil Shahi.45 An added incentive, it has been rightly observed, was that "Malik Ambar invaded no private property or rights of occupancies, whether the ryots were held by Meerasee, or such other descriptions of the hereditary tenure, whether by absolute free grants from former kingships, still he meddles not with it".46 As Radhey Shyam says: "Instead of making the state to be the sole landowner, Malik Ambar sought to strengthen the government by giving the people a definite interest in the soil they tilled. And the land was considered a joint property of the townships. The fallow land was common for the pasture of the cattle and the ploughed land was either the property of the individual villagers or it was tilled by the headman's tenants who received a portion of the crop.... In fact these excellent measures served two objects of Malik Ambar: first, they satisfied the people and thus strengthened the government; and secondly, they led to the cultivation of lands which might otherwise have been neglected and must have certainly deprived the government a share of revenues. His system combined two great merits; first, moderate and permanent demand; second, inculcation of new spirit in the cultivators to till the soil."47 At the same time Malik Ambar is said to have doubled the government revenue,48 so much so that in spite of heavy military expense the Nizam Shahis under him never had to face a financial crisis. Malik Ambar also anticipated the danger of the village headman using his power to feather his nest. He therefore introduced necessary safeguards; the management and supervision of revenue collection was entrusted to different groups to serve as a check on the other. Thus the management was entrusted to Brahmin agents but they worked under the supervision of Muslim officers.49 This salutary check benefited the cultivators considerably. Malik Ambar's land assessment extended from the Vaitraini to the Savitri rivers but did not include the territories of the 'Hubshees'.50 The area of north Konkan, prior to 1830, according to Jervis, was 4,524 square miles, that of the south 5,232, and the territory of the 'Hubshees', 279. The extent of the land in the north Konkan was calculated at the time to be 3,27,093 big has of which the 'Hubshee' land was 13,265 while in the hill lands totalling 1,37,013, the 'Hubshees' owned 6,667. They contributed Rs. 1,12,447 to the revenue of the whole Konkan, north and south, the average revenue calculated for the state for a 13-year period being Rs. 35,67,922. Habshis were given land in lieu of their military services, which fell under the category of Iqta. This meant there was no taxation levied but Malik Ambar took Nazrana and Judi from them.51 Jervis, who made a diligent inquiry into the revenue and land tenure system of Malik Ambar and compared it with that of Todar Mai, eloquently sums up their respective merits: "The excellence of the two schemes was thus, that they considered the interests of the state and the cultivator inseparable ... they obviated the capricious desertion of lands on false pretexts, or any slight grounds of dissatisfaction, they

precluded the deception on the part of the ryot or overcharge on the part of the revenue officers; and in fine the ultimate object of both, was the due realization of a certain amount from a province, which they might reckon upon getting from the state at intervals"52 On the whole the people were contented under his regime as recorded by both Mir Rafiuddin Shirazi and Astrabadi Fuzuni. 53 Even under their descendants the system continued to be popular as testified by Jervis, who in the last century found, while questioning the local people regarding the financial settlement of "this enterprising and sagacious Abyssinian", says "I have been told by all those intelligent landholders who have preserved any records of their states that the principle was in every respect the same, and the consequences have been acknowledged with equal gratitude, as they are now seen to have been elsewhere overlooked to the manifest injury of the agriculturists" .54 Malik Ambar and Defence Organization The exact strength of Malik Ambar's army cannot be estimated with any degree of certainty. However, there are references of its strength at various times in comtemporary records or authentic history as follows: 1.10,000 Marathas about the year 1609.55 2. 40,000 Dakhnis (Marathas?) about the year 1609.56 3.40,000 to 50,000 horse about the year 1624.57 4. "In the wars that this king (Malik Ambar) wages with the Mughal, as was said ... he ordinarily takes the field with more than 60,000 cavalry. Not all of them, though, are his. For Idalxa Adil Shah has supplied him 25,000 paid at his cost, because he is himself very much concerned with protecting himself against the Mughal; and King Cotubuxa (Kutbs'ah) of Golkonda also helps him to five or six thousand horse."58 5. According to Pieter Van Dan Broecke, Malik Ambar had 80,000 horse in all, including 600 from Golkonda, 10,000 horse from Bijapur and 2,000 of his own Maratha auxiliaries.59 In Malik Ambar's time the army, artillery, forts and fortifications formed the basis of defence and offence. Infantry was indispensable for the important hilly places and forts or fortifications, some of them considered impregnable. Ahmednagar was an example of a strong ground fort. Just preceding Malik Ambar's emergence, we are told, the Nizam Shahi guns were so enormous and the technique of casting so perfected that the Venetian traveller, Caesar Fredericks, wrote in 1586: "The Moor King Zamalluco (sic) was of great power, with 2,000,000 men of war and a great store of artillery, some of them made in pieces because the whole gun was so great to carry. Though they were made in pieces, the gun worked marvellously well. Their shot was of stone and some of the stone-shots had been sent to the King of Portugal for the rareness of the thing".60 The famous Malik-iMaidan was a Nizam Shahi piece. It was brought by Malik Ambar in early 1625 from Daulatabad to Sholapur in order to batter down the walls of the fort. Elephants also formed an integral part of Malik Ambar's army. Pyrard de Laval, a contemporary traveller observes: "The King (Nizam Shahi) has a large number of elephants",61 on which he loaded light cannons and guns. Aurangabad was a centre of production of war materials.62

The kingdom of Ahmednagar had a sizeable navy and Chaul was the most important port besides Rajapuri and Alibag. Malik Ambar had created a naval base on the rock island of Janjira. There was also a commander-in-chief, named Siddi Yaqut Khan, a trusted lieutenant of Klalik Ambar, but if there was anyone responsible for military arrangements, organisation, equipment, offensive and defensive policy, strategy and plans and forts and fortifications, it was Malik Ambar himself, whose authority remained unrestrained and unfettered. Much of Malik Ambar's strength, as we have seen, lay in guerrilla warfare. Actually, according to Tamaskar, the system was very old to Dakhan and to a large degree, it had been the product of the geographic environment of the country, but Malik Ambar perfected it. He realised the superiority of the Bergy horse. It may be recalled that he carried out swift and daring raids into the Mughal territory at Burhanpur in 1610, and even in Malwa beyond the Narmada in November 1620, successfully retiring into his own territory without much loss of men and materials. The triumphs of Malik Ambar had deeply stirred the Mughals. The essence of the new military tactics lay in avoiding pitched battles and fighting in the open ground. Malik Ambar's triumphant victory at Bhatwadi owed much to this method of warfare. He had closely studied the Mughal tactics and applied them against the combined forces of Adil Shah and the Mughals in Bhatwadi. G.S. Sardesai observes: "The success was mainly due to Malik Ambar's superior tactics of long and patient manoeuvring for contriving an inescapable trap in which the Mughal and the Bijapuri forces were caught".63 For about a quarter of century he waged a relentless struggle against the Mughals, Bijapuris, Portuguese and the English. For this he kept his infantry, cavalry, artillery and navy on a war footing. He depended upon an efficient spy system and never failed to obtain the fullest and minutest information about the movement of the army, its strength and its weak points. Above all he displayed a shrewdness in organising a grand coalition of the Deccan powers against the Mughals. The idea however of forcing a permanent alliance was foreign to his mind. It was from him that Shahji learnt guerrilla warfare and Shivaji learnt both from his father and Malik Ambar. As the Gazetteer of Aurangabad (1884) records, it was under his banner that Shahji, father of Shivaji, "laid the foundations of Maratha greatness". Even Jahangir, always allergic to Malik Ambar, concedes, "in the art of soldiering Malik Ambar was unique in his age". Malik Ambar as Administrator Malik Ambar's regime was a one man rule, but it was not personalized. His one mission was to throw back the tide of Mughal aggression in the Deccan against the Nizam Shahi state after 1600, that is, after the defeat of Ahmednagar by the Mughals. With the state revived and created by Malik Ambar, it was natural that the king was a nominal and titular head of state and Malik Ambar was the de facto supreme ruler and authority and the other ministers had no alternative but to carry out his orders in their respective departments. However, Fuzuni Astaratbadi in Futuhat-i-Adilsahi points out the danger of such a domineering system. It created resentment due to envy, jealousy and ambition of those who opposed him. "The nobles of the house of Nizam Shahi, each of whom considered himself as the equal of Malik Ambar, nay higher, and who were jealous of him, were on the watch to overthrow him and preferred discord

to cooperation with him". But it goes to the credit of Malik Ambar that he succeeded in keeping his position in the face of continuing hostility. His rule, though autocratic, was benevolent in effect and promoted the interests, welfare and well-being of the ruled, as far as circumstances permitted. That his administration was good is borne out by two contemporary foreigners. Van dan Broecke says: "The Malik maintains good law and administration in his country. He punished criminals and thieves very severely so that you can safely travel with gold through his territory without being molested. If anyone gets drunk, he promptly has molten lead poured down his throat. Nobody, on pain of death, offers strong drink for sale or even travels with it through the country. The camp is very large in circuit, one cannot ride round it in four hours. It is called Khidki and you can buy whatever you want in it".64 Similarly Ravesteyn, another Dutch traveller, says: "I understand there is very good justice here and he is generally respected here".65 The Italian traveller, Pietro della Valle, though less reliable as his comments are based on hearsay, observes nonetheless: "that Malik Ambar administers this state territory is more than generally known and called by the name Malik Ambar's country, than the kingdom of Nizam Shah. Nevertheless, this Malik Ambar governs not fraudulently, and with design to usurp but, according, as I have better understood since from persons informed nearer hand, he administers with fidelity and submission towards the young king." Indeed, it appears that Malik Ambar kept control over minute details of administration and his seal was thought to be necessary in order to secure the enforcement of an order.66 This was largely because the Nizam Shahi kings under Malik Ambar's regime were either puppets or children. Jahangir admits that "he put down the disorderly elements in his country and spent his noble life honourably. There is no record elsewhere in history of an Abyssinian slave attaining to such a position as was held by him". Khafi Khan, the author of Munta Khab-u-Laubab, describes his generous character when, he writes, just after the battle of Bhatwadi, when the Bijapuri and the Mughal captives were brought before him, he not only scolded them for their cowardly behaviour but also ordered that each of them should be punished with 100 straps. Among the prisoners was a poet and mansabdar of 1500. When his turn came, he explained: "I heard that Malik Ambar is just and upright but it was a mistake for me to think so. Would it be just to punish a mansabdar of 1500 and 3000 in the same manner?" Malik Ambar was highly pleased to listen to those words and excused him. Ambar and the Portuguese The aim of the Portuguese on the western coast in the sixteenth century was to destroy the naval power of the rulers of Gujarat and to oust the Arabs from the Arabian Sea. Thus there occurred a struggle between the Sultans of Egypt and Gujarat on the one hand and the Portuguese on the other. Since the interest of the Nizam Shahi state demanded that the Portuguese should not be given any quarter on the western coast, Ahmed Nizam Shah permitted the naval forces of Egypt and Gujarat to deliver an attack on the Portuguese at Chaul.67 They did so, defeating the intruders in 1508. But by February 1509 the Portuguese recovered their losses, defeated the Egyptian fleet at Diu and forced Malik Ayaz, the captain of the Gujarati fleet, to conclude peace. On his way back to Cochin, the Portuguese viceroy, Dom Francisco de Almeida, demanded from Ahmed Nizam Shah 30,000 cruzadòrs as war indemnity and an annual subsidy of 10,000 cruzadòrs. The latter paid only 2,000

cruzadòrs and concluded a treaty in April 1509. But in giving concessions for carrying on commercial activities, the Portuguese were never permitted to transgress their limits of growing into a political power on the western coast of India. Both the kingdoms of Ahmednagar and Bijapur demarcated their spheres of influence, safeguarded their privileges by concluding and ratifying the terms of the treaties from time to time.68 Burhan Nizam I always maintained friendly relations with the Portuguese. He granted them the right to establish a regular factory at Chaul in 1516. In 1521 the Portuguese sought permission to construct a fort at Revdanda on the northern side of Chaul. The reason for Burhan's friendly overtures was the constant danger of an attack from Gujarat and his desire to take the fort of Sholapur.69 From 1600 the consideration of safety and mutual interest against the aggressiveness of the Mughals, which guided the relations between the Nizam Shahis and the Portuguese, brought these two powers closer together and made them dependent on each other. The Portuguese had their prosperous province along a sixty-mile stretch off the coast between Bombay and Daman, and its safety also required the preservation of Ahmednagar as a buffer state. Ahmednagar had, in turn, put its ships entirely under the protection of the Portuguese, and agreed that none should sail from its ports without taking out Portuguese passes (cartazes). The Portuguese were bound to defend the coast of the Ahmednagar kingdom against pirates, in return for which they were to give as payment sailor's provisions and timber for their ships. Thus, the cities of Upper and Lower Chaul, respectively Musalman and Christian, flourished as long as the Ahmednagar kingdom lasted, and for sometime afterwards. As Tamaskar points out, "Chaul had developed an extensive entrepot trade under the Portuguese influence. If Goa was the political centre, Chaul was their commercial centre".70 Thomas Nicolls describes Chaul to be extremely prosperous for its imports71 horse traffic, silk-weaving, wood-carving and lacquer works in the seventeenth century. Tamaskar further notes: "the history of Chaul is largely the history of Malik Ambar's relations with the Portuguese as his contact, with them occurred mostly at that port....These relations were mainly governed by the southward expansion of the English and the Dutch on the stage of Indian history and their dependence and reliance for commercial activities on the Mughal Emperor".72 At least during Malik Ambar's regime the Nizam Shahi state held unbroken sway over the island of Janjira. Malik Ambar made the enclosing backwaters a naval base for his fleet. Siddi Ambar was appointed Subedar (governor) of Janjira in 1621. 73 There is ample evidence to show that the Portuguese helped the Nizam Shahi rulers with men, money and munitions. Chand Bibi had resisted the Mughals "with the help of Portuguese arms."74 Time and again the viceroys in India received instructions from the King of Portugal to make their own, the cause of Malik Ambar, who was straining all military and diplomatic skills to keep the Nizam Shahi kingdom alive. It was but natural that in this unequal contest the Portuguese should assist the weaker party, the defenders of the Nizam Shahi kingdom, against the devastating power of the Mughals. Malik Ambar's first contact with the Portuguese seems to have occurred in 1601. In 1604 the Portuguese eagerly sought a secret alliance with him, as confirmed by a letter of Philip IV, King of Spain, to Ayres de Saldhana, the Portuguese viceroy at Goa, which read: "The circumstances of the relations between Akbar and his eldest son, as related by you, are the most suitable for the welfare of state; and since we know the purpose of that king, I wish that the discord between them would last until his death, for after his demise it is understood that war will ensue in all his kingdoms. The precautions taken by the Mellique to defend himself

from him, as you told me, must be much appreciated, and I thank you for the pains that you tell me you are taking to induce and incite him.75

In 1604, confident of Portuguese support, Malik Ambar gave them the right of collecting half the land revenue of Chaul. Proving true to their traditions, the Portuguese resorted to high¬handed exactions from the peasants of Chaul who fled to nearby places. Malik Ambar forced them to return the excess revenue to the ryots and restore normal relations. They agreed to do so. Again, in 1605, while Malik Ambar was busy in wars against the Mdghals, the Portuguese wrought havoc in Chaul, forcibly exacting excess revenue from the peasants. Abdul Karim, the district governor of Chaul, with the assistance of the Dutch fleet, advanced and attacked them in 1609. They pursued George Henrique, killed him and seized his wife and two daughters.76The Portuguese decided to take revenge killing many Muslims and setting fire to the house of Abdul Karim. A full-fledged war flared up between the forces of Malik Ambar and the Portuguese. The struggle, however, remained indecisive. On hearing of the reverses which Malik Ambar suffered at the hands of the Mughals, the Portuguese decided to end all enmity and join the Dakhni powers into a close bond of friendship so as to build up a strong bulwark against the common enemy. With this in view, they opened negotiations with Adil Shah of Bijapur and Murtaza Nizam Shah II of Ahmednagar to ratify and confirm the alliance which they had formerly entered into. In a letter addressed to the viceroy, Rui Lourence de Tavora, the King of Portugal, wrote on 29 October 1609:. "And because the matter is of great importance and as you know, for the Mughal is so powerful a king that should he be in the vicinity of the said fortress, he would give them much to do and everything would run in danger. I recommend you to do all that is possible in order to unite these princes against him, helping them in all that be needful, not only to reward them for the good done on the occasion of the rebellions but also for the great advantage of this state. However, it should be done with such secrecy that the Mughal may not be apprised of it. You should rather honour him with all .the possible demonstrations to preserve his friendship and understanding so that in case you be favoured to declare yourselves for any of the parties, it must be that of the neighbouring kings.77 Trouble however arose once again in Chaul in 1612-13, when the thanedar, 78wanting to avenge the losses sustained at the hands of the Portuguese, lured some young Muslims to assassinate Balathasar Rebello de Almeida, commandant of the fort at Chaul. Ferdinando de Smapayo Cunha also arrived with a few Portuguese. He surrounded the enemy, defeated them and put everyone to sword, and made three thousand Muslims captives. This tragedy sorely angered Malik Ambar, who was alarmed at the growing power of the Portuguese. He decided to keep them under control by attacking their strongholds at Salsette, Bassein and Agashi, laying siege to the fort of Manora also. Thus all the Portuguese possessions were threatened by the forces of Malik Ambar, and the entire Portuguese trade came to a standstill. It was because of the corrupt Portuguese officers that sporadic conflicts with the Nizam Shahis occurred. Ever since September 1613 the Portuguese had been making efforts to force Malik Ambar to come to some settlement, but without success. They therefore sent Azu Naik, a Hindu, with letters and presents to the Mughal general in the Deccan offering to help him in his wars against Malik Ambar, in order to arouse Malik Ambar's fears of the possibility of their alliance with the Mughals, which might induce him to negotiate for peace. When, however, Azu Naik was returning with the reply of the

Mughal general, the vessel in which he was sailing was captured by Malik Ambar and he was made a captive. Thus the plan of the Viceroy, Dom Jeronime de Azevade, petered out. He then turned to Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur to pressurise Malik Ambar to conclude peace. On 9 October 1615, the Portuguese, Burhan Nizam Shah III, and Ibrahim Adil Shah concluded a 'treaty of peace' at Nauraspur ratifying the terms of the treaty of 1571.79 But as Malik Ambar maintained friendly relations with the Dutch and the English, an additional condition was incorporated in the treaty, laying down that in Nizam Shahi territory, the English and the Dutch be forbidden to settle down and its rulers never extend any sort of assistance to them. Another point was made regarding the disputes among officers and ryots which should be avoided in Ravedanda and Chaul. If they did occur they should be sent to a board of arbitrators who would scrutinise their claims on the basis of legal documents and restore the property to the rightful owner. Alternately, the decision would be arrived at after a full and complete inquiry. Ostensibly, Malik Ambar was bound by the terms of the treaty but this did not prevent him from maintaining friendly relations with the Dutch and the English.80 In 1617, Pieter Van dan Broecke, the Dutch traveller, obtained a passport from Malik Ambar for safe transit through the territories of the Nizam Shahi kingdom. Broecke writes apprecatively: "He was gracious towards me and put on me two shawls, one of gold, the other of camel's hair, which is the greatest honour that can be paid to anyone. Further, he offered to give me a guard to escort me to Golkonda". Similarly, another Dutch traveller, van Ravestyn, writes, on reaching the camp of Malik Ambar, he presented a letter of introduction to Mir Abdul Fateh, who introduced him to Malik Ambar, "who talked to us very freely about the sea war between the Portuguese and the English. He seemed to be very well inclined towards us and gave us a letter authorising us to cross the frontier." 81 But, this did not imply the extension of any privileges of settling down or setting up a factory on the western coast. The following year a Portuguese renegade of the Nizam Shahi army raided an English caravan which was coming to Burhanpur from Agra. When the English factor, Mr. Jefferies, demanded compensation. Malik Ambar consulted his interpreter, Jasper Gomes, a Portuguese. Jefferies reminded him of the treaty with the Portuguese. Malik Ambar refused outright to either meet him or pay any compensation to the English. This forced the English to seize the vessel belonging to the Nizam Shahis. These relations continued till May 1625 when the Portuguese resumed their activities at Chaul. Malik Ambar now attacked the port of Dabhol and occupied it, forcing the Portuguese to conclude a sort of truce with the Nizam Shah resident of Dabhol on 10 June 1625.82 To sum up, then, two factors were responsible for formulation of the policy which Malik Ambar adopted towards the Portuguese. The first was to safeguard the Nizam Shahi dominions from the pressures of the Mughals, and the second was that no foreign power should entrench itself on Indian soil. First, he followed a policy of status quo and conciliation towards the Portuguese. Secondly, he maintained a strong navy, with officers to watch the activities of the Portuguese. This naval power was always backed by the ground forces to yield quick results. He had a large number of Portuguese in his service: Jasper Gomes, the personal interpreter, and Mansur Khan, an able commander of the Nizam Shahi army, to name only two.

Malik Ambar Builds a New Capital The village Khadki is situated in the southern part of modern Aurangabad and is 10 miles distant from Daulatabad. Malik Ambar decided to build a magnificent city on ths site—Fateh Nagar (victory town)—to commemorate his victory over the Mughals in 1611. He transferred the Nizam Shahi kingdom to this newly constructed town from Daulatabad fort, which was the capital of the remnants of the Ahmednagar kingdom in about 1601, after the greater portion had been conquered by the Mughals. Daulatabad, which had never been stormed since it was built by Muhammad Tugluq, three centuries earlier, was doubly safeguarded by Malik Ambar, who built a number of fortifications specially known as Ambar Kot. Subsequent to his death it was captured by the Mughals after much warfare. There was, as Sheikh Ramzan of Aurangabad rightly points out, no political, religious or commercial reason, to transfer the capital from Daulatabad to Khadki (renamed Aurangabad), built up within six years, except "the inner desire to leave a mark of identity with a town".83 The Mughal governor, Shah Nawaz Khan, who defeated Malik Ambar on 4 February 1616 and annihilated Khadki, had hardly left Dakhan when Malik Ambar took possession of his capital and within five years rebuilt a more splendid city. When Prince Khurram was assigned the governorship of the Deccan in 1621, he again attacked the town and razed it to the ground. Malik Ambar soon recovered from this adversity. Another campaign by the Mughals was launched against Malik Ambar for sheltering the rebel, Prince Khurram in 1624, and the entire town of Khadki was laid waste. Soon after Malik Ambar regained power in the battle of Bhatwadi, but unfortunately the end was near, and he died soon after. Malik Ambar was buried in Khuldabad, previously known as Roza, about 14 miles north-west of Aurangabad. His dargah is to the north-west of the town and, according to Ferishta, it was erected by him during his lifetime. Nearby is the tomb of his wife, Bibi Karima. They are both in the Pathan style of architecture and stand on raised platforms. The larger of the two contains the mortal remains of Malik Ambar. Though the smaller is also of the same general appearance, it does not have all the facade of being decorated with recesses and cusped arches in stucco plaster.84 A seventeenth century traveller, Mirza Sadiq Asfam, broke his journey in Khadki and gasped in admiration, exclaiming: "A fragrance loaded breeze was passing over the city built by Malik Ambar. Water in the rivulet was flowing with divine sweetness. This is the city that Malik Ambar has built. The tops of the palaces have reached the sky. The residents of this town looked gentlemen and urbane from top to toe. The people in the town praised Ambar for having brought paradise to earth".85 Malik Ambar also developed several localities, each self-sufficient in respect of bazaars, mosques, public baths, cisterns, etc. Deeply religious as far as he was personally concerned, he was also secular in his attitude to other sections of society. Thus, he built mosques, Pandit Khana (Chita Khana), and churches.86 He used massive black rocky cubes in the construction of his buildings and that is why all the mosques built are called Kali Masjid (black mosques). The impact of the Bijapuri style of architecture was found everywhere in the construction of his buildings.87 Nawkhanda Palace, built in 1616, was so named because it had nine apartments: five zanana (women) mahals, a Diwan-ìe-Aam, a Diwan-e-Khas, a Masjid and a Kacheri. Each bunding was

provided with a beautiful garden and cistern. Today the walls of the central part of the Diwan-e-Khas and the hamams (hot bath) attached to the building are fairly well preserved. However, the woodwork and the stucco plaster have gone. The Diwan-e-Aam was a large quadrangular structure which was demolished when the present Medical College of Aurangabad was being constructed. Out of all the Nawkhanda building complex, nothing remains except for a gate called Chota (small) Bhadkal.88 Bhadkal Darwaza, or the Victory Gate, lies to the south-west of Nawkhanda Palace. On it is inscribed the story of the Mughal governor, Abdullah Khan, who attacked the Nizam Shahi kingdom, but was badly defeated by a brave general like Malik Ambar in Khadki in 1611. It is one of the largest and most remarkable gateways built in the Deccan. The plan of the ribbed vault, the oldest and best specimen of which is found in Cordova,89 the Great Mosque of Spain (968 AD), was first introduced in Bhadkal gate (1611) and this was later used, after fifteen years, in the construction of the world famous Gol Gumbad in Bijapur. Heavy blocks of black lava rock were chiselled by the Dakhan artisans in building it. The gate measures 62 ft. 3 inches by 60 ft. and the height is 62 ft. 5 inches.90 There is a small watch tower, 7 ft. 8 inches, raised on the south side of the flat roof of the gate. A gallery has been constructed on all sides to provide safety. Malik Ambar seemed to have a penchant for using the "chain and bell" motif in all his constructions. In the Bhadkal gate, one sees, it has been given a prominent place on both sides of the lofty central archway. Animal and flower motifs are also to be seen on the eastern side of the gate. The carved lion is small in size, but very attractive and probably used as a symbol of vigour, power and victory. This symbol is also used on the rampart of Daulatabad, which he constructed. A complete view of Aurangabad can be had as far as the eye can see and the external view of Bhadkal gate is that of a large black cube reflecting its masterpiece to the visitors passing through it.91 The first of Ambar's beneficent undertakings was the provision of water supply as a public utility. The underground water supply system of Aurangabad, of which Malik Ambar was the founder patron, is considered another unique technological achievement. Such an extensive network of rock-cut canal systems has no parallel in medieval India. This was perhaps because in Baghdad, where he passed his childhood, Ambar must have observed the ancient aqueduct system of the Middle East, and it helped him to design the massive Khair-e-Jari or Nahar-e-Ambari in 1617 under the supervision of Malik Darbar Khan. Because of the acute water shortage in 160592 about six hundred cisterns and hauzi received water supply from these underground aqueducts, which not only quenched the thirst of the people of his time, but are still a major source of water supply, known as the Ambar canal. One of the ministers of the Adil Shahi court, Mulla Muhammad Khusaram, had doubts about whether Malik Ambar would complete this big project, but Malik Ambar accepted the challenge and completed its main water tunnel within a short period of only fifteen months. The fate of Khadki was sealed after the death of Malik Ambar; its fortunes were linked to the royal house of the Nizam Shahis. During the period of eight years of Aurangzeb's first viceroyalty he continued to stay at Daulatabàd, but the uncertain life of Aurangabad came to an end under the Mughals. Malik Ambar: A Multi-faceted Personality

The great contemporary Persian writers of the Mughal court and the courts of Bijapur and Golkonda were prejudiced against Malik Ambar for political reasons. The Mughals, however, mentioned Malik Ambar, when living, without an undignified abuse, and did justice to his memory thus: "Ambar, whether as a commander or as a strategist, was without an equal in the military art. He kept the bad characters of that country (the Deccan) in perfect order, and to the end of his days lived in honour. There is no record elsewhere in history of an Abyssinian slave attaining to such a position, as was held by him".93 Mutamad Khan, another contemporary Mughal historian writes: "This Ambar was a slave but an able man. In warfare, in command, in sound judgment, and in administration, he had no rival or equal. He well understood predatory warfare, which in the language of the Deccan is called bargi-giri. He kept down the turbulent spirit of that country, and maintained his exalted position to the end of his life, and closed his career in honour. History records no other instance of an Abyssinian slave arriving at such eminence".94 The author of the Ma-a-asir-ul-Umara writes of him in the same strain: "In charity, piety, justice and in helping the needy he had a generous hand". Well has the poet said: "In the service of the Prophet of God there was one Bilal, after a thousand years came another, Malik Ambar".95. Pietro della Valle, as already mentioned, describes that Malik Ambar "administers with great fidelity and submission towards the young king to whom, nevertheless, they say, he hath provided or given his wife, a daughter of his own, upon security that he himself shall be governor of the whole state as long as he lives".96 Sir Richard Burns had very aptly said that so long as Malik Ambar lived the Mughals could not conquer the Deccan. "He was the ablest man of the period, distinguished alike in the strategic conduct of a campaign, in the tactics of battle, during time of peace in the administration of a kingdom. His death appeared to free the Emperor from the menaces in the South."97 A.R. Kulkarni mentions Malik Ambar's secular heritage: "When Chaul, an important post on the western coast in the seventeenth century went under the Adil Shahi kingdom after the death of Malik Ambar, the people requested the new government to follow the policy of tolerance initiated by Malik Ambar. It was stated in the petition that the Hindus had settled down at several places in that region, and were working for the prosperity of the region. It was, therefore, requested that neither their religious practice nor their temples be disturbed."98 Personally he was a deeply religious man in the best tradition of Islam, and Sheikh Chand points out: "As for himself, in his camp every night twelve thousand men recited the Holy Quran. He offered his prayers along with the common people whose number was never less than a thousand. His charities were beyond description."99 Path Khan—Son of Malik Ambar Malik Ambar left two sons—Path Khan and Changiz Khan. Path Khan, the elder, succeeded him as regent of the Nizam Shahi kingdom. But this intensified the jealousies among the Dakhnis and the Habshis, many of them deserting to the Mughals, thus weakening the kingdom. To strengthen his

position Path Khan sought the support of Hamid Khan100 and his influential wife. Upon her suggestion Hamid Khan decided to recover the fort of Ahmednagar and marched there. But Khan Jahan Lodi, the Mughal commandant, promptly met his attack. When Khan Jahan drew near Daulatabad, Hamid Khan took 3 lakh huns and went to meet him. The Abyssinian's wiles and love of money led Khan Jahan astray; he took the money and agreed to restore to Nizam-ul-Mulk all the Balaghat range in Khandesh area as far as Ahmednagar. He wrote to the commandants of the different posts ordering them to give up the places to the officers of Nizam-ul-Mulk and to return to court. Siphadar Khan, the commandant of Ahmednagar, received one of these letters, but when Nizam-ul-Mulk's officers reached Ahmednagar, the Khan said: "Take the country: it is yours; but without the Emperor's orders I will not surrender the fort". The representatives of Nizam-ul-Mulk did their utmost to persuade him, but in vain. Siphadar Khan never swerved and busied himself in laying provisions, and putting the fortress in a state of defence. The other officers meekly surrendered to the command of Khan Jahan Lodi and returned to Burhanpur. On acceding to the throne, Shah Jahan asked Khan Jahan Lodi to recover the territory he had surrendered. This made Path Khan nervous. He opened negotiations with him and was willing to surrender Berar and Balaghat, but he secretly instigated his men to resist the Mughals. This aroused the apprehension of the Nizam Shahi nobles who, led by Hamid Khan and Burhan Nizam Shah, threw him into confinement in Junair. They say that with the help of a woman, a bracelet maker (churigar), he used a file to get rid of his fetters and escaped. He joined his army and went off to Ahmednagar. A battle ensued, Path Khan was wounded and taken prisoner in Daulatabad. Burhan managed his state with so little ability that it became the scene of faction fighting, offering every advantage to his foreign enemies. Shahji Bhonsle, the Maratha leader, broke his connection with Burhan and went over to the Mughals. But though some of the Marathas had accepted posts under the Mughals, Jadu Rai, desiring to stay on good terms with the ruler of Ahmednagar, sent sons and relations to take service with Burhan. The king knowing Jadu's duplicity summoned him to his court and murdered him. Thus judging the time suitable for a further advance of his power, Shah Jahan, now emperor of Delhi, marched into the Deccan in person. The Mughal forces further added confusion at Ahmednagar and gave an opportunity to Muhammad Adil Shah of Bijapur also to send his troops to seize a strip of Nizam Shahi territory. Hamid Khan's wife herself took the field and defeated the Adil Shahi commander with heavy losses. But the strength of the Imperial troops was too great for Burhan, and he was forced to seek safety in his forts and in desultory warfare. Khan Jahan Lodi—a rebel of the Mughal empire—overwhelmed by the defeat of his allies, the destruction of their territory and additional calamities of famine and pestilence, retired from the country. The flight of Khan Jahan did not end the war with the Nizam Shah. With the help of the Adil Shahis, the Mughals occupied Mahad, Ghoregaon, Nizampur, etc. The fall of the kingdom seemed imminent and in order to save it Muqarrab Khan suggested to Burhan that he should abandon his anti-Mughal policy at a time when the Mughals and the Adil Shahis were trying to swallow the kingdom. But Hamid Khan, Farhad Khan and Safdar Khan, all Abyssinians, opposed this and pressed Burhan to continue the struggle. Burhan's own mother persuaded him to release her brother Path Khan, who had been imprisoned, as this would definitely bring about a change in the situation. With a heavy heart, Burhan released Path Khan on 18 January 1631. On seeing this Muqarrab Khan deserted him and

joined the Mughals. While in power, Path Khan put Hamid Khan to death. In time, he got a hint from the past, and set about cultivating the 'Ambari Abyssinians' and made them his friends. As he perceived it, his release from prison had been the result of necessity, and that he would be imprisoned again whenever the perfidious one had recovered heart. He anticipated matters and in 1632 imprisoned the Nizam Shah, giving him out to be insane, in the same manner that his father (Malik Ambar) had kept him in confinement. Also on the first day he put twenty-five of the old leading officers to death, and opened negotiations with the Mughals, promising to recognise their suzerainty. Shah Jahan demanded proofs of his sincerity, which he gave by putting Burhan to death, and raising his son Hussain to the throne in 1638. He also read the Khutbah with the name of the Mughal emperor and struck coins in his name. When he again reported what had occurred, Shah Jahan demanded elephants and jewels etc. of Nizam Shah. Path Khan, in spite of his obedience and submissiveness, delayed in sending them. Accordingly, Wazir Khan was sent off in the fifth year to Burhanpur to take Daulatabad. Path Khan hurriedly sent his eldest son Abdur-r-Rasul, with jewellery and elephants, which were valued at 8 lakhs rupees. In this way Path Khan escaped the Emperor's anger.101 On 6 March 1632, the Emperor left Burhanpur for the north. Mahabat Khan, who had been appointed governor of the Deccan, had to bear heavy responsibilities and face the opposition of the Adil Shahis and Shahji, who had in the meanwhile deserted the Mughals and seized the districts of Nasik, Trimbak, Sangamner, Junnar and some portions of Konkan. As Fath Khan carried on the administration without any partner, Adil Shah of Bijapur wished to get rid of him and to take possession of Daulatabad. He sent a large army under Farhad Khan, an able African. Path Khan wrote to Mahabat Khan, the governor of Deccan, that his father's will stated that the office of sweeping the courtyard of the Timurid princes was better than the Bijapur dominion, and begged him to come before the arrival of the Adil Shahi forces. On the approach of the Mughals, an Abyssinian, in the employment of the Bijapur kingdom, opened negotiations with Path Khan and successfully persuaded him to change sides and oppose the Mughals. No sooner did Mahabat Khan hear of this treachery, he ordered his son to surround the fort of Daulatabad and begin its siege. He himself marched to support his son. Despite the persistent efforts of Murari Pandit and Randaula Khan to send provisions inside the fort and relieve Path Khan, Mahabat Khan occupied Ambarkot and Manakot. When provisions ran out, Path Khan soon had recourse to supplications and surrendered the fort on certain conditions. He went off with Mahabat Khan, along with the boy Hussain Nizam Shah, and the dependents of that family who had ruled the country for 145 years. Mahabat Khan, without any apparent cause, broke the treaty and imprisoned Path Khan in Zafarnagar, and confiscated his goods. In accordance with the orders, Islam Khan, who had been removed from the government of Gujarat, came to Burhanpur and brought the ruined family to the king. Nizam-ul-Mulk was imprisoned in Gwalior, but Path Khan was treated with favour. The conferring upon him of high office was under consideration when, perhaps, in consequence of a wound in his head which had affected his brain, improper expressions were used by him, and he fell out of favour. But his property was restored to him and he got two lakh rupees a year as allowance. He lived in retirement in Lahore for a long time with ease and comfort till at last he died a natural death. They say he kept company with the people of

Arabia and used to give them money. His brother Changez entered into service before him and in the second year, attained the rank of 2,500 with 1,000 horse and had the title of Mansur Khan. Many of his relatives received suitable offices. It was left to Shahji Bhonsale to come forward to save the kingdom. He chose a scion of the Nizam Shahi family and proclaimed him king under the title of Murtaza Shah III in September 1633, making Bhimgarh the capital of the Murtaza Shahi state. After the departure of the Emperor, Prince Aurangzeb sent Khan-i-Zaman to march towards Junnar and forced Shahji to flee. He was hotly pursued by the Imperial forces. In August 1636 he removed Murtaza Shah III to Mahuli. Reduced to great extremities, Shahji began negotiations with Khan-i-Zaman through Randaula Khan, offered to surrender the fort of Mahuli and six other forts, and to hand over Murtaza Nizam Shah. He also promised to enter the Adil Shahi service. Murtaza Nizam Shah III was taken by the prince to the north and was presented before the Mughal emperor. Like the other members of the family, he was sent to Gwalior and imprisoned there. Thus after 145 years of ceaseless struggle the kingdom of Ahmednagar became a subha of the Mughal empire. The Nizam Shahi dynasty was now extinguished. Its local officers set themselves up. Among them there were three Africans, Siddi Saba Saif Khan in Konkan, Siddi Ambar at JanjiraRajpur, Siddi Raihan at Sholapur. Descendants of Malik Ambar The descendants of Malik Ambar are still to be found in Ambarpur, 51 km from Ahmednagar. After the death of Malik Ambar, Shahji continued to protect the territory of .Ambarpur, where Malik Ambar died, from the Mughals. But the Mughals conquered the entire territory and the descendants of Malik Ambar came under their suzerainty. Aurangzeb gave them an annual pension of Rs 75,000 in order to persuade them not to instigate any trouble and asked them to settle in Ambarpur. The sanad (alienation papers) mentions 14 villages. During Peshwa rule, Siddi Faiz, one of his grandsons, produced this sanad before Shahu Chhatrapati, who assigned them Ambarpur and twenty bighas of land. After the Peshwas, there was the Shinde's rule and in 1803 the Surji Anjangaon treaty was signed near Bhopal, under which Ambarpur was exchanged for some villages in the north. But the Shindes continued to pay Rs 400 annual pension to be divided among the descendants till 1914. The descendants went to Gwalior in 1924 to appeal for the resumption of the pension. Madhavrao Scindia, who was ill and was on the eve of leaving for London for treatment, sanctioned Rs 200 on 16 September for the maintenance of the dargah and the urs. They received this till 1977, when the privy purses were abolished by Mrs Indira Gandhi. All the lands were sold to mahajans or money-lenders. Malik Ambar's wife was Bibi Karima, from whom he had four children, two daughters and two sons. The latter two were taken to the north. Of the daughters, Shahir Bano went to Nanded in Marathwada and her tomb is still to be found there. Azija Bano, the other daughter, was married to Siddi Abdullah, who was given a jagir in the village of Velup, also in Nanded, where there are still some family members. Apart from this, there is a caste called Gaya Kasab (beef butchers)102 who are found in small numbers in Ahmednagar. They are said to be descended from the "Abyssinian" slaves in the service of Haider Ali of Mysore. They are hard workers but given to drink and are seldom well-to-do. They marry among themselves and form a distinct class. They select a Chaudhry or headman from among the most respected members with the consent of the community. He has the powers to dismiss anyone

disobeying his orders. Though Sunnis of the Hanafi school, very few are really religious. Their manners and customs do not differ from those of the regular Muslims and like them they obey and respect the regular Kazi and employ him to register marriages. Malik Ambar has two descendants living in Ambarpur. Akbar Mian Ambari Jagirdar is his eleventh direct descendant. Abdul Karim Bare Mian Ambari Jagirdar is the indirect descendant of Malik Ambar. He is a retired pensioner from the revenue department. His son is a first class B.A. from Sheogaon Residency College. Akbar Khan runs a hotel and farms ten bighas of land. Both his sons are studying in Ambarpur. They do not resemble Africans in any respect and seem to have been completely assimilated.103 NOTES 1

The Mahadavis are a sect of Muhammadans. They assert that in the year 1550 (A.H. 960) a person of the Hanafi school, who styled himself as Syed Muhammad was the promised Imam of the Mahdavi sect. The sect is fairly numerous in the Deccan and chiefly confined to the descendants of certain Afghan tribes.

2

'Sada' means one hundred and it would seem from Ferishta that there were a number of officers so styled. Originally perhaps it meant the captain of 100 men.

3

Ferishta op. cit, III. p. 233,. p. 274, p. 252-53. According to Abdul Fazl 3,000 Iranians and Turkanians were put to death; see Akbar Nama, III, p. 821.

4

Ferishta, op. cit., pp. 269-79.

5

This is near the Ajanta caves in Aurangabad.

6

HMD, op. cit, pp. 255-56.

1

Radhey Shyam, Life and Times of Malik Ambar (Delhi, 1968), p. 12.

8

Ibid., p. 17.

9

At the time of Malik Ambar's accession to power, the kingdom was divided into two factions, headed by the Hindus and Abyssinian noblemen. "The latter were said to have been the offsprings of the Abyssinian wives of some of the Nizam Shahi kings. Several of them had espoused women from that part of Africa." See W. Haig, "The history of the Nizamshahi kings of Ahmednagar"; IA, (April 1920), p. 108.

10

D.R. Seth, "Life and times of Malik Ambar", 1C, XXXI (April 1957), p. 142.

11

Radhey Shyam in The Kingdom of Ahmadnagar (Delhi, 1966), gives the date about the year 1549.

12

According to the Dutch traveller, Pieter Van Dan Broecke, Malik Ambar was a slave and was sold in Mocha for 20 ducats (Journal of Indian History 1932) p. 146.

13

Haig, IA, vol X-IX, p. 594.; Ferishta, op. cit., Ill, p. 293-96.

14

J.N. Sarkar, "Malik Ambar A New Life", Indian Historical Quarterly, IX (September 1933), p. 633.

15

His history is given in BM., op. cit., Ill, 1409.

16 The boundaries of the present Thana, Nasik and Ahmednagar districts meet at the Kalsubai hills, its peak being the highest point of the Sahyadri range in Maharashtra. 17

Sarkar, IRQ. op. cit.

18

Seth, 1C. op. cit., p. 143.

19

Sarkar, IHQ. op. cit., p. 11.

20

Seth, 1C, op. cit., 1 & 4

21

Ibid, p. 145.

22

Radhey Shyam, KA, op. cit., p. 250.

23

Sarkar, IHQ, op. cit., p. 15.

24

Ferishta, op. cit., Ill, pp. 316-17.

25

Banarasi Prasad Saksena, "A few unnoticed facts about the early life of Malik Ambar" in Transactions of the Indian History Congress, Hyderabad Session, 1941.

26

Radhey Shyam, KA., op. cit., p. 253.

27

Akbarnama, vol. Ill, Chapter I, p. 11.

28

Jadunath Sarkar, House of Shivaji (Second edition, 1949), p. 14.

29

Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, tr. Rogers and Beveridge, (London, 1909), vol. I, pp. 155-84.

30

Jadunath Sarkar, House, op. cit, p. 120; Pieter Van Dan Broecke, JIH, 1938, p. 140.

31

Mirza Ibrahim Zubairi, Basatin-us-Salatin, pp. 262-65.

32

Ferishta, op. cit., Ill, pp. 319-20; D.R. Yazdani, Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica; 1933-34, p. 22.

33

Radhey Shyam, K.A. op. cit., p. 266.

34

Radhey Shyam, K.A, ibid, p. 273.

35

FAS, as quoted by J. Sarkar in House, op. cit., p. 288.

36

Ibid, 290a, 290b, 291a.

37

Seth, op. cit, p. 153.

38

FAS, p. 292 as quoted by Sarkar, House, op. cit., p. 25.

39

Jadunath Sarkar in Military History of India, (Calcutta 1960), says " I reject the statement of the poet Parmanand, who wrote 54 years after this battle that Shahji Bhonsle took the leading and even the sole, part, in fighting for Ambar and ensuring his victory. No contemporary and no Muslim authority mentions it. Fuzuni, writing in 1640, says the cavalry of Ambar that delivered the attack were Turkha or Turks, technical name for foreign heavy cavalry, the exact opposite of the Maratha light horse".

40

See S.N. Sen, Administrative System of the Mahratias (Calcutta 1925), pp. 63-66.

41

Bigha is the Sanskrit vigrah, a share of allotment, apparently like the earlier dhep or hunda without measurement.

42

Bombay Gazetteer—Poona Volume, Part II, pp. 318-19. See also A.R. Kulkarni, Maharashtra in the Age ofShivaji (Pune, 1969), pp. 150-51.

43

Jervis, op. cit., p. 67.

44

BG, op. cit., p. 317.

45

Jadunath Sarkar, Shivaji and His Times (6th edn.; Calcutta, 1961), p. 22. See also Kulkarni, op. cit., p. 20.

46

Jervis, op. cit., p. 67.

47

Radhey Shyam, KA., op. cit., p. 286.

48

BG, op. cit., p. 317.

49

Ahmednagar Gazetteer, p. 395; Grant Duff, A History of the Maharashtra (5th ed., London, 1921), vol. I, pp. 77-78.

50

Jervis, op. cit., pp. 6-7.

51

Nazarana implied voluntary payment from them in cash for the occupancy rights. Judi means quit rent or the charge imposed for exemption from inquiry into Inam Iqta. Inam Iqta is an assignment of land in lieu of military service.

52

Jervis, op. cit, p. 67.

53

Sharazi, Tozirat-ul-Mulk, p. 58; FAS, op. cit., p. 270.

54

Jervis, op. cit, p. 55.

55

BS., op. cit, p. 306.

56

Samuel Purchas, Purchasand His Pilgrims (London, 1905), vol. IV, p. 31.

57

BS, op. cit., p. 415.

58

Documents Remetides da India, No. 1115, Feb. 20.1619 A.D.

59

JIH, op. cit, 140. See B.C. Tamaskar, The Life and Work of Malk Ambar, (Delhi, 1978), chapter 12.

60

IA, (1923), p. 289.

61

F.Pyrard, Voyage to the East Indies, (ed.,) Albert Grey, (London 1887-89).

62

Shaikh Chand, Malik Ambar [Urdu], (Hyderabad, 1931), p. 184.

63

Tamaskar, p. 148.

64

JIH, op. cit, pp. 147-48.

65

Ibid., p. 148.

66

Tamaskar, op. cit., p. 206.

67

68 69

F.C. Danvers, The Rise of the Portuguese in India, (London 1894), vol. II, p. 141-42. Besides Goa, the Portuguese had set up trading stations at Cochin (1503), Cannanore (15Q3), Chaul (1516), Diu (1535), Bassein (1558) and Daman (1539). Other Portuguese settlements on the western coast were Salsette, Dabhol, Thana, Karanjah, Bardesh Island, Cucullee, Verunda, Mangalore, Kranganore, Quilon and Honavar. See J.N. Das Gupta, India in the Seventeenth Century, Appendix C. Radhey Shyam, IT A, op. cit., p. 113. P.M. Joshi, "The Portuguese on the Deccan coast", JIH, XLVI, (1968), p. 67. Sholapur is adjacent to Ahmednagar in the north, to Bijapur in the south. After the dismemberment of the Bahmani kingdom (between 1490-1535) into five kingdoms, Sholapur figures as a bone of contention between the rulers of Bijapur and Ahmednagar. It was in the beginning annexed by Yusuf Adil Shah. But after his death in 1510 Ahmed Nizam Shah, taking advantage of minority of Ismael Adil Shah, captured and occupied the tract. But it was soon recovered again by Bijapur till Malik Ambar won it for the Nizam Shahis.

70

Tamaskar, op. cit., p. 94.

71

Paranjape and Kale, English Records on Shivaji (Poona, 1931), p. 256.

72

Tamaskar, op. cit., p. 96.

73

William Foster, English Factories in India (Oxford, 1910), vol. Ill, p. 296.

74

P. Pissurlenar "The extinction of the Nizam Shahi" in Sardesai Commemoration Volume (Bombay, 1938), p. 28.

75

Ibid, p. 103.

76

F.C. Danvers, op. cit., p. 149-51.

77

Pissurlenar, op. cit., p. 29.

78

Station Officer.

79

Tamaskar, op. cit., pp. 106-8; Pissurlencar, op. cit., p. 31-32; F.C. Danvers Report to the Secretary of State for India in the Council, in the Portuguese Records Relating to the East Indies, p. 51.

80

See William Foster, East India Company Records (Oxford, 1910), II, p. 1613-15, for the kindness received by the English from Malik Ambar.

81

R.D. Wadekar, "Malik Ambar from Dutch sources", Shivaji Nibandavali (Poona, 1930-32), p. 7.

82

Tamaskar, op. cit., p. 109.

83

Shaikh Ramzan, Medieval Aurangabad, A Cultural Study; unpublished thesis, Marathwada University, Aurangabad, June 1982.

84

Maharashtra State Gazetteer: Aurangabad District (Revised edition, Bombay, 1977), pp. 935-1030.

85

Shaikh Chand, op. cit, p. 165.

86

Tarnaskar, op. cit, p. 90.

87

Beveridge (ed.) Tuzuk-i-Jahangir, (rept. Delhi, 1961), p. 103.

88

Aurangabad District Gazetter, op. cit., p. 946.

89

V.S. Bendre Vijapurchi Adilshahi, A Marathi translation of Basatin-us-Salatin, '" (Bombay 1968), p. 172, as quoted by Shaikh Ramzan.

90

Ramzan's thesis, p. 155. See also Percy Brown, Indian Architecture—The Islamic Period, (Bombay, 1942).

91

Marg XXVII, (March 1974).

92

Shaikh Ramzan, op. cit, p. 320.

93

As quoted by Major T.W. Haig, in Historic Landmarks of the Deccan (Allahabad, 1907), p. 43.

94

Elliot and Dowson, The Iqbal Name-e-Jahangirí, vol. VI, pp. 414-15.

95

Seth, op cit, p. 155.

96

Quoted in Radhey Shyam, LTMA, op. cit., pp. 144-45.

97

Cambridge History of India, vol. IV, p. 176.

98

99

Quoted in A.R. Kulkarni, "Social Relations in the Maratha Country" (Medieval Period); presidential address, 32nd Session of the Indian History Congress, Jabalpur, December 1970. Shaikh Chand, op. cit., p. 184.

100

Hamid Khan, the Abyssinian, married a poor woman, who served in Nizam-ul-Mulk's palace. She made herself so useful in supplying the king with wine and women that she was as much mistress inside the palace as her husband was outside. Iqbal Namai-Jehangiri, op. cit., p. 153.

101

Khafi Khan, Muntakhaba-i-Lubab, p. 467.

102

Ahmednagar Gazetteer, p. 231.

103 From personal interview and from Munshi Abdul Qadar Pranth, Tarikh-i-Ahmadnagar (Urdu, translated for me by Janab A.A. Shaikj, Takhati Darwaza. House No. 3983, Ahmednagar.

6 The Bijapur Kingdom The Bijapur kingdom was founded in 1490 and was absorbed into the Mughal empire in 1686. Its duration was full of political activity and marked by incessant wars. The Baridis and Nizam Shahis proved to be its worst enemies. This struggle was mainly for the hegemony of Dakhan. It was the Adil Shahis of Bijapur, who repeated the achievements of Alauddin Khalji by carrying out an expansion southward. They, however, lost Goa to the Portuguese which remained with them even after India won freedom. The nucleus of Shivaji's Swarajya was provided by the Bijapur kingdom. It was the kingdom which maintained the political balance in Dakhan for nearly 200 years and then yielded place to the fast-expanding Mughal empire. Bijapur made important contributions to culture—it was the nursery of the Urdu language; it was the first state in India to proclaim the Shia form of worship as the state religion. Bijapur is also renowned for its architecture—the Gol Gumbad is one of the best known mausoleums in the country. The African nobility also built mahals, tombs and mosques some of which have survived, though in a state of neglect. Africans played an important role in the confused politics of Bijapur. During Yusuf Adil Khan's governorship of Bijapur, under the Baridis, he had to face the challenge of Dastur Dinar, who was killed in 1509-10. In 1510 Yusuf died having proclaimed himself as ruler of Bijapur in 1490. A Period of Civil Strife Young Prince Ismail (1510-1534) succeeded his father at Bijapur with Kamal Khan, a Dakhni, as regent. The latter had come to Bijapur with Yusuf Adil, the first ruler of Bijapur, and risen to the high position of Sar-i-Naubat. It was Kamal Khan

who had now to face the second attempt of Albuquerque to seize Goa, when it was finally lost to Bijapur.

After the treaty with the Portuguese, Kamal Khan turned his attention to the internal affairs of the state, and, from the very beginning, showed signs of coming into conflict with the Àfaqi or Gharib elements in the capital. One of his first acts was to discontinue the Shia form of Islam, inaugurated by Yusuf Adil Shah, and substitute Sunni worship, also to read the Khutbah in the name of the four Khalifas. Many of the Afaqi amirs were deprived of their office to make room for members of Kamal Khan's party and almost all the units of Afaqi troops were disbanded. Kamal Khan was not satisfied with the power of a regent but aspired to possess, the crown of his king.1 Amir Barid, de facto ruler of Bidar, was found a willing ally to further his ambition. Kamal Khan virtually confined Ismail with his mother and aunt, Dilshad Agha, in the citadel. The latter two tried to devise a plan to safeguard the throne—the only solution being the assassination of Kamal Khan. This was not a simple matter for there were many spies among the royal attendants. However, there was a devoted servant of the royal family, Yusuf Turk, and an enemy of the regent from the days of the late king. Yusuf was anxious to retire to Mecca. In accordance with the custom of those days, Yusuf expressed a desire to receive from the Regent the ceremonial betel leaf which meant his sanction and approval for his journey to Mecca. The request was granted and Yusuf, about to receive the betel leaf from the Regent, whipped out a hidden dagger and stabbed Kamal Khan to death.2 Yusuf in turn was killed by the royal guards. Kamal Khan's death was the signal for civil strife. His son, Safdar Khan, lost heart and was about to seek safety in flight but his mother refused to adopt such a craven policy. So, he unwillingly led ,the Dakhni soldiers to the citadel and laid siege to it. Dilshad Agha took the lead and under her leadership the garrison began to show confidence in the cause. A chance arrow struck Safdar Khan who, in order to take shelter, ran under the parapet on which Ismail was sitting. The younger ruler recognized the enemy and, pushed a heavy stone from above, killing Safdar Khan on the spot. The end of the civil strife also ended the Dakhni domination in Bijapur. When matters had died down Ismail Adil Khan summarily dismissed the Dakhnis and Habshis from his service. As an additional precaution the 'newcomers', who were related to the Dakhnis or Habshis, were also removed from power. The Afaqis were reinstated both in the military and in the army. Never again during Ismail Adil's rule were the Dakhnis encouraged or allowed to enter service. Ibrahim Adil Shah I (1535-1558) discontinued the Shia practice in vogue since the time of his father and grandfather. He now (1539-40) replaced these by Sunni usages and ordered the style of the Khutbah to be changed accordingly. He also showed greater preference for the Dakhnis over the Afaqis and dismissed many of the latter from service, retaining only a few of the most powerful. These disbanded officers and soldiers were welcomed both in Vijayanagar and Ahmednagar. On the accession of his son, Ali Adil Shah, Shia practices were resumed and the Afaqis were back in service. African Regencies in Bijapur The reign of Ibrahim Adil Shah II (1580-1627), nephew of the former king Ali Adil, again witnessed a period of regencies, with two African leaders assuming responsibility. When Ibrahim succeeded to the throne as a boy of nine his aunt, the able dowager queen Chand Bibi, became his guardian. The affairs of the state were entrusted to a regent, Kamil Khan, originally

in the service of the Nizam Shahi kingdom, because his party emerged the strongest and he had the tacit support of Chand Bibi. But no sooner had he come to power when he usurped all authority, tampered with the royal treasury and for all purposes by-passed the dowager queen who thereafter planned his downfall. He lost his life in a skirmish while trying to escape to his estate in Karad and was succeeded by an equally unpopular regent, Kishwar Khan. Exploiting the unsettled conditions in the kingdom Kishwar instigated Chand Bibi's brother, Murtaza Nizam Shah, to invade Bijapur and she was imprisoned in the fort of Satara. In the ensuing civil strife, it was the African officers, headed by Ikhlas Khan, who took advantage of the popular unrest to revolt against Kishwar Khan. As a result, the Regent was compelled to escape to Ahmednagar on 24 October 1580. Chand Bibi was released and assumed her original duties as the guardian of the young king. Ikhlas Khan, the leader of the Habshi party, now became Regent and "the Habshis treated her with great deference and consulted her on all political matters". Chand Bibi, after her own bitter experience, was now wary of entrusting all powers to the Regent and divided the responsibilities between Afzal Khan Shirazi, a Newcomer, as Wazir or prime minister, and the Habshi leader Ikhlas Khan, as the Regent. Reluctant to share responsibility, Ikhlas Khan, under the pretext of high treason, put Afzal Khan to death.3 This excited deep feelings among the 'newcomers' and led to serious riots in the capital, and the disorder spread southwards among the Nayaks4 of Karnatak. It further resulted in an invasion of the kingdom by the combined armies of Ahmednagar and Golkonda. The sore straits to which the kingdom had been reduced under Ikhlas Khan's administration filled him with remorse and he resigned from his high office and agreed to subordinate himself to any regent the dowager queen might appoint. The new regent Shah Adbul Hasan worked with zeal to bring back order. He reconciled the Nayak rebels as well as the malcontents in the capital. As the son of the distinguished prime minister of Ahmednagar, Shah Tahir, who wielded considerable influence over Burhan Nizam Shah I, he was able to prevail upon him to withdraw. The Golkonda contingent, however, was not allowed to escape unpunished. Dilawar Khan, another Habshi leader pursued them out of the kingdom.5 Dilawar Khan, after his victorious return from the expedition against the Qutb Shahis, hankered for more power. Ikhlas Khan was still in favour of working in consultation with the Regent, Shah Abdul Hasan, but neither Dilawar Khan nor his colleague Hamid Khan, another African, relished the idea of sharing power with a man who did not belong to their party. They declared their opposition to the dual system of government and their intention of putting an end to it. The tension in the capital continued unabated. After a stalemate of about two months Dilawar, by judicious gifts and promises of future gains, persuaded the garrison in the capital to desert Ikhlas Khan and join him. The alliance thus weakened, the Regent now offered to discuss terms and came personally to Dilawar's residence to negotiate a compromise. While there, he was captured by Dilawar's men and shortly afterwards imprisoned and blinded. Ikhlas was finally compelled to retire to Miraj where he died around 1600.6 Dilawar Khan and Hamid Khan now emerged all powerful, and for a time, worked in unison. But on Hamid Khan wanting to be appointed chief of the army, Dilawar Khan passed over his claim in favour of his own son. He went still further; he placed Hamid Khan under arrest and sent him to end his days in the fortress of Satara.7 Dilawar Khan now became supreme.

Ruthless though he was in his pursuit of power, from all accounts he was an able administrator. "He strove for order at home and peace with the neighbouring kingdom". He first sent an expeditionary force into the Kannada region to subdue the Nayaks and then endeavoured to cultivate the friendship of Ahmednagar and Hyderabad. Ibrahim's sister, Khadija Sultana, was given in marriage to Husain, son of Murtaza Nizam Shah, and young Ibrahim himself was afterwards married to Chand Bibi Sultana, sister of Muhammed Quli Qutb Shah. The dowager queen, Chand Bibi, finding her influence declining in Bijapur, gracefully retired to her brother's court at Ahmednagar on the pretext of escorting the Adil Shahi princess.8 For a time the kingdom enjoyed peace. But in 1588, it was again involved in war with Ahmednagar in the battle of succession. Dilawar Khan supported Murtaza Nizam Shah, the protege of Emperor Akbar. But Dilawar received a crushing defeat at the hands of Jamal Khan. This led to his downfall. His rivals accused him of complicity with the enemy and called upon the king to put an end to the minister's power. Ibrahim Adil Shah, now nineteen years old, himself wanted to dispense with Dilawar's services and assert his authority. While he was at Shahdurg he sent word to two of Dilawar Khan's rivals—Ainu 1 Mulk and Ankus Khan—to help him get rid of the Regent. Ibrahim seized the opportunity in the early hours of 10 May 1590 to surreptitiously go across to the camp of Ainu 1 Mulk. Dilawar Khan followed the king at daybreak, professing his loyalty. He entreated Ibrahim to return to his tent, and on the king's refusal, resorted to force. But the army was with the king, and after a skirmish, the frustrated Dilawar Khan escaped first to Bidar and subsequently to Ahmednagar, where he was received by Burhan Nizam Shah II, who had now established himself on the Nizam Shahi throne. From Ahmednagar, Dilawar Khan plotted against Bijapur and incited Burhan to invade the kingdom. He was authorised by Burhan to lead the campaign, marched towards the Adil Shahi frontier and, with his intimate knowledge of the territory, occupied an old disused Bijapur fort on the Bhima, which he fortified. Ibrahim Adil Shah lured Dilawar to Bijapur, captured him, blinded him and sent him to Satara. According to another version he was sent to Khelna fort. 9 Ibrahim now marched against the Nizam Shahi army and forced it to retire. Burhan Nizam Shah was obliged to sue for peace and Ibrahim Adil Shah agreed to it on the simple condition that Burhan dismantle the fort that Dilawar had rebuilt on the Adil Shahi frontier. Bidar was annexed to Bijapur in 1619. Divisions at the Bijapur Court. After Ibrahim Adil Shah's death, Prince Muhammad, aged eleven, was raised to the throne (16271656). This resulted in the usual changes, both violent and placid, ending in the retirement of the Habshi wazir, Ikhlas Khan. This also brought to the surface the racial factionalism in Bijapur which had been largely dormant. The Dakhni party had been largely successful in placing Prince Muhammad on the throne. Its leaders were Mirza Muhammad Amin and Daulat Khan, an Abyssinian noble, who now became supreme and assumed the titles of Mustafa Khan and Khawas Khan respectively. 10 The Bijapur court was at this time divided into many cliques. Primarily, Mustafa Khan, with his pronounced sympathies for the Mughals, was proving to be a rival to Khawas Khan. Mustafa Khan's hatred for the Nizam

Shahi kingdom had its roots in the death of his father-in-law, Muhammad Lari, at the hands of Malik Ambar in the battle of Bhatwadi. He was for an alliance with the Mughlas and for the partition of the Nizam Shahi territory. As opposed to this were Khawas Khan and Murari Jagdeo, as well as some other nobles, who tried to persuade Muhammad Adil Shah from adopting such a policy, which, in their opinion, would bring the Mughals to the very doors of the kingdom. But Mustafa Khan succeeded in his pro-Mughal policy. Muhammad Adil Shah renewed the alliance with the Mughals and it was agreed that the Nizam Shahi kingdom should be divided between the two parties so that the Mughals would have the country to the north of the Bhima river and the Adil Shahis to the south. The Mughals however reduced Dharpur which was south of the Bhima. The Bijapur general, Randaula Khan, another African, demanded its possession but he was refused. 11 This put an end to Mustafa Khan's influence; Khawas Khan now came to power, launched a policy of joining hands with Ahmednagar. The allies now tried to intercept the Imperial army, but were defeated in two encounters. Soon after Path Khan, the successor of Malik Ambar, submitted to Shah Jahan. After the fall of Daulatabad on 17 June 1633, Shah Jahan wanted to put a check on the growing activities of Shivaji. The latter had placed a child of the Nizam Shahi royal family, aged eleven, on the throne at Pengarh, with the title of Murtaza Nizam Shah III, as mentioned earlier. While Mahabat Khan, the Mughal general, was trying to reduce Parenda, Shahji spread havoc in the recent conquests of the Mughals. In this he had the support of Khawas Khan, who advised the king that the Nizam Shahi amirs should be encouraged to do their best to revive their kingdom somehow and sent Randaula Khan and Murari Pandit with a large army to help Shahji. When Emperor Shah Jahan was informed of this, he sent a force of about 10,000 men under Khan-i-Jahan against Bijapur. As the Imperial army approached Khawas Khan saw no alternative, but began to make protestations of submission in self defence to the Mughals. But the Mughal envoy, suspicious of the Bijapuris, reported his misgiving to Shah Jahan, at which point Imperial orders were sent to carry on a ruthless campaign against Bijapur. At the approach of the Mughal army the the people of Bijapur broke down the tank of Shahpur and took all the inhabitants of the suburbs of Bijapur into the city (1635). The Bijapuris finding further resistance hopeless, accepted that there was no alternative and offered to submit to the Mughals and deserted Shahji. Randaula Khan, the African commander, was directed to help the Mughals in the suppression of Shahji. He began a joint action with Khan Zaman, the Mughal commander, against Shahji who was besieged at the fort of Mahuli. Being hard pressed he offered to surrender. He handed over the fort to the Mughals and was honourably received by Randaula Khan in a personal meeting. He was to accept service with the Mughals, but this he rejected and entered the service under the Adil Shahis. Randaula Khan handed over the young Nizam Shah to Khan Zaman and returned to Bijapur with Shahji in 1636, as related earlier. Dissensions in the Bijapur court now began to intensify. Mustafa Khan was slowly poisoning the king's ears against Khawas Khan. Khawas Khan now imprisoned Mustafa Khan in the fort of Belgaum. Muhammad Adil Shah did not like this arbitrary step and ordered Malik Raihan, another African noble, to set aside Khawas Khan somehow. 12 Malik Raihan advised Khawas Khan to dismiss Murari who had become overbearing and unpopular. Randaula Khan also asked Khawas Khan to hand over to him the administration of the capital but Khawas refused both of them.13 Khawas Khan, in turn, informed Shah Jahan that the Bijapur court was at odds with itself and, if at this time the

Mughals attacked it, he would ensure safeconduct to them at the entrance of the fort. When his treachery became known to the court, Randaula Khan took the lead in organising the armed overthrow of Khawas Khan. When Khawas Khan was coming out of the court, the conspirators fell on him and stabbed him to death (1635). His death was followed by that of Murari Jagdeo, and Mustafa Khan, who was released, came to power. Malik Raihan Habshi, who had contrived the murder of Khawas Khan, with his son Hussain, was given the title of Ikhlas Khan (1635). In the meanwhile, the Mughals were marching against Bijapur. Shah Jahan now directed Khan-iZaman, who was busy dealing with Shahji, to pursue him right into Bijapur territory, and he took appropriate measures. The government of Bijapur was hard pressed, and they saw no way out but to sue for peace. Khan-i-Zaman was accordingly directed to stop hostilities. The 'treaty' dated 6 May 1636 is in the form of an Imperial farman and is termed Inqiyad Nama or deed of submission. The terms of the deed were to a certain extent favourable to Bijapur but the humiliation was great. While prohibited any further expansion in the north, no conditions were imposed as far as the south was concerned. Bijapur did not become a vassal state, like Golkonda, but retained a semblance of independence. But by the deed of submission the kingdom of Bijapur was assured peace, as far as the Mughals were concerned. This 'treaty' marked the beginning of the great expansion of the Adil Shahis to the south.14 After concluding peace with the Mughals in 1636 Muhammad Adil Shah directed his army towards Karnataka and Malad. The aim, apart from territorial aggrandisement, was the glorification of Islam in a Hindu area and to win the title of 'Mujahid and Ghazi'. The campaign was undertaken in the spirit of a Jihad, or religious war. Southern Expansion under Randaula Khan Randaula Khan was asked, in 1638, to undertake the expedition to the south. He was honoured with the title of Khan-i-Zaman and appointed commander-in chief of the army. He was assisted by another African, Malik Raihan, who was from an equally distinguished military family. Randaula Khan was the son of the famous African,general, Farhad Khan, and nephew of another leading general, Khairiyat Khan. He was viceroy of the south-west of Bijapur kingdom. The family held South Konkan and Kanara (i.e Karwar district) as their fiefs.15 His charge extended on the west coast from Ramagiri town, going southward round the Portuguese territory of Goa to Karwar and Mirjan, while landwards it included the southern part of Ramagiri district, Kolhapur, Belgaum, a bit of Dharwar and the western corner of the North Kanara district. His seat was Miraj. The fort of Panhala lay within his province, but it was governed by a commandant directly under the order of the Sultan. The viceroy administered, by means of his agents, the flourishing ports of Rajapur in the north and Karwar in the south, through which the trade of the rich inland places passed to Europe. In both towns the English had factories. "The best pepper in the world is of the growth of Sunda, known in England by (the name of) Karwar pepper, though five days journey from thence". 16 Indeed after the loss of Chaul, Karwar became the greatest port of Bijapur on the west coast. "The finest muslins of western India were exported from here. The weaving country was inland, to the east of the Sahyadris, at Hubli (in Dharwar district) and at other centres, where the English East India Company had agents and employed as many as 50,000 weavers".17

At Mirjan, a port twenty miles south-east of Karwar, pepper, saltpeter and betelnut were shipped to Surat. Gersappa, a district annexed by Benur, was so famous for its pepper that the Portuguese used to call its Rani 'the Pepper Queen'.18 In 1649, the pepper and cardamom trade of the port of Rajapur, which Rustam-i-Zaman owned, was the chief attraction that induced the English Company to open a factory there. Vingurla was spoken of in 1660 as a great place of call for ships from Batavia, Japan and Ceylon on the one side, and the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea on the other. All the ports of Ratnagiri district did much trade also in calicoes, silks, grain and coarse lac, though pepper was their chief export, "which comes out of Kanara is sent by sea to Persia, Surat and Europe. The country is the storehouse for all its neighbours".19 Randaula Khan was thus a powerful and rich man and fit to undertake the mission to conquer the south. He was first directed to take the forts of Ikkeri and Bednur. The Raya of Basavapattan, Keng Nayak, came to Randaula and offered to assist him, provided one lakh was paid to him as a price for his help. The offer was, however, made more out of a sense of personal grievance, for he was a tributary of Virbhadra Nayak of Ikkeri, had rebelled against Virbhadra's overlordship and was deprived of his jagir. Randuala Khan was sent ostensibly to espouse the cause of Keng Nayak but really to conquer the southern territories. A settlement having been made, Keng Nayak led him to Ikkeri by a secret route. Virbhadra, the Nayak of Ikkeri, could not withstand the surprise attack and fled to the north of Kashaldurg. Ikkeri thus fell into the hands of Rustam-i-Zaman, who advanced further and besieged Kashaldurg. Virbhadra was forced to acknowledge the suzerainty of Bijapur and agreed to pay thirty lakh huns as ransom—an immediate payment of eighteen and a half lakhs20, with a promise to pay the balance in three annual instalments. After the loss of Ikkeri, Virbhadra moved his capital to Bednur, and appeared reluctant to pay the balance of the tribute he had promised. In 163738 Randaula Khan marched right up to the woods of Bednur, overran the whole area and annexed it to Bijapur. Subsequent to the subjugation of Virbhadra, Randaula Khan, with his second in command Shahji, was ordered by the Sultan to lead a. second expedition, this time in the eastern direction. Randaula crossed the river Tungabhadra and decided to attack the forts of Adoni and Tarpatri as his goal. The Rayas of that region were known as 'Manaywaran'. Keng Nayak was their friend and they secretly appealed to him, observing: "If the fort of Tarpatri falls into the hands of the Muhammadans the whole country will be easily overrun by them. So you should make an effort to dissuade Rustam-i-Zaman from attacking Tarpatri, on the plea that the path was studded with dangerous forests and dense hills, and argue instead, it would be more paying to attack the fort of Bangalore where Kemp Gauda was ruling in wealth." In return for his advice Keng Nayak demanded the fort of Sera, which lay on the way to Bangalore and was under Kasturi Ranga, Nayak. Rustam-i-Zaman reluctantly agreed. Randaula sent Afzal Khan in advance to reduce the fort of Sera. Kasturi Ranga Nayak, the commandant of the fort, came out to negotiate with Afzal Khan, but he was betrayed and killed by Afzal. The garrison, however, closed the gates and resisted Afzal Khan whose advance contingent was soon reinforced by the main body of the Bijapur army under Randaula Khan. The Nayaks offered resistance, but Sera capitulated in the end. The fort was given to Keng Nayak and the wealth and booty was sent to Bijapur. Randaula continued his triumphant march towards Bangalore. It took him three days to take the

town. The chief of Bangalore, Kemp Gauda, was able to seduce Keng Nayak who withdrew with thirty thousand cavalry. The desertion of Keng Nayak did not weaken the will of Randaula. He went to the tent of Keng Nayak and won him over to his side by promising him many royal favours on rejoining the Bijapuris. Keng Nayak suggested: "It is not advisable to try to take this fort at this time, because most of us are wounded and exhausted while the enemy is greater in number. I will negotiate with the Rajah and bring him out of the fort."21 He was allowed to do so and, strangely enough, he succeeded beyond expectations. Kemp Gauda was prevailed upon to hand over the fort, along with all the property it contained, to Rustam-i-Zaman and Shahji was appointed governor of the newly conquered territories with Bangalore as his centre. Randaula Khan and Shahji now went further south against the ruler of Mysore, Kantiraya Narasa Raja.22 A month's siege humbled the Raja, who sent a message saying: "Leave this fort to me and I will give you 5 lakh huns as indemnity". His offer was accepted and Rustam-i-Zaman departed for Bijapur as the rains were approaching, leaving behind Keng Nayak. The latter, however, did not ally himself with Bijapur any more and said, "Henceforth I will not remain under Rustam-i-Zaman, and can no longer obey him". He withdrew to the fort of Basavapattan and fortified it. Muhammad Adil Shah was not slow in punishing the rebel and deputed Rustam-i-Zaman for the purpose. The latter was adept in the policy of divide and rule and his conquests in Karnataka were chiefly due to this policy. He had taken Ikkeri with the help of Keng Nayak and now he wrote to Virbhadra, the Nayak of Ikkeri, "If you help me in defeating Keng Nayak, I will restore to you that dominion of yours which I gave to him after the victory of Ikkeri".23 Virbhadra, as was expected, jumped at the idea and accepted the proposal. Keng Nayak had made preparations for war with 70,000 men for guarding the town. Rustam-i-Zaman advanced towards Basavapattan and encamped on a hill which was half a league from the fort. Afzal Khan, Shahji Bhonsle and some Africans were stationed at the main gate; Siddi Raihan Solapuri, Hussain Ambar Khan and Peshjang Khan, also Africans, at the second gate; Ali Khudawand Khan, Muhammad Yaqub Sarni and Ankus Khan at the third gate. After a fierce battle, Afzal Khan entered the main gate and after killing the guards got possession of the qasba at a blow. Afzal Khan also succeeded in repulsing three successive attacks of Keng Nayak and forced him to retire to the fort. The heroic feat of Afzal Khan encouraged his officers who attacked fiercely from both sides. Nearly 3,700 soldiers of Keng Nayak were killed and he surrendered the fort and paid 40 lakh huns.24 He was, however, kept a prisoner and, shortly after, done to death on the charge of attempting to bribe the guard to release him. Keng Nayak's defeat so frightened other Nayaks of Karnataka and Maland that they readily submitted to Bijapur and received robes of honour from Adil Shah.25 The minor chieftains around Bangalore were Randaula's subsequent victims. The first of these was the Raja of Chiknayakan Halli, 30 miles south-west of Sera. As soon as the Raja heard of the advance of the Adil Shahi army he sent a message to Randaula Khan offering to acknowledge the suzerainty of Bijapur. "If you kindly allow me to keep the qasba I will leave my men therein and accompany you for help".26 Although he was allowed to retain the qasba in exchange for 20,000 huns, the fort was taken by Afzal Khan. Afzal Khan advanced still further and besieged the fort of Belur. An army also came from Rustam-i-Zaman to assist Afzal Khan. Venkatpati, the raja of the place, put up a brave defence. Afzal Khan laid siege to the fort, but even after a protracted siege of four months they were unable to reduce it. Finally the Raja himself, exhausted by warfare and at the end of his resources,

opened negotiations with Randaula Khan, agreeing to cede the fort of Sakripattan, 20 miles south of the fort of Belur, in exchange for the Belur fort. But all the property of Chiknayakan Halli was attached to Bijapur. Then the Raja of Belur too was brought under the Adil Shahi jurisdiction. Subsequently, the Nayak of Tumkur followed suit and on his own acknowledged the authority of Bijapur. The stiff resistance generally offered even by the small polygars forced Rustam-i-Zaman to enter into an agreement with Sriranga Raya, ruler of Vellore for the conquest of the whole of Karnataka. According to the arrangement, both were to undertake operations jointly and, after the reduction of a fort, its movable property was to be the share of Bijapur, whereas the fort was to be taken by the Raja. But the Raja shortly afterwards broke his promise and revolted. Rustam-i-Zaman continued his work single-handed and achieved considerable success. His victories cowed down the Raja, who appealed for peace, and offered 20 lakh huns as indemnity. Rustam-i-Zaman now made an alliance with Sriranga Raya and put the chhatra (umbrella) over his head. The two attacked the fort of Belapur and took it after besieging it for a month. The next target was the fort of Kolihal (Kunigal) 40 miles west of Bangalore. The fort defied the royal force for 14 days after which it surrendered. All the wealth found within was taken by the army and the empty fort was given to Sriranga Raya. Rustam-iZaman then returned to Bijapur. The campaign in the south was renewed in 1643. With the help of Keng Nayak, Randaula Khan surprised and occupied the fortress of Tikri, surrounded by thick forests and high hills. He left one of his officers, Khan-i-Jahan, as hawaldari.27 But the latter proved to be an indolent commander and Shivappa Nayak of Ikkeri soon wrested it from him. This proved to be Randaula's last expedition, for soon after his return to the capital in 1643 he died. He is buried at Rahmatpur in Satara district and the date of his death is given on his tomb as 1643. In his campaigns during the last five years he had reduced some of the petty Nayaks of the south and thus opened and prepared the way for the conquest of the whole Karnataka region. Vacillating Siddis Siddi Raihan, an Abyssinian slave, was originally employed by Muhammad Adil Shah as Rugarasan, or officer charged with the presentation of petitions to the king in his private chamber. He was a very able and energetic general and greatly distinguished himself in the conquest of Mysore and Eastern Karnataka, being entrusted first as Ikhlas Khan and later as Khan-i-Khanan Khan Muhammad. He, along with Shahji, who was again in Bijapuri service, was commissioned to deal with Mir Jumla, the Qutb Shahi commander, who had trespassed on the Adil Shahi conquest and annexed a number of forts. They were successful in their mission. Mir Jumla agreed to pay Bijapur an indemnity of six lakh pagodas. A further agreement was concluded to restore the forts and districts which had been wrested by one from another. Ikhlas Khan was appointed to the government of the new territories and Aurangzeb in one of his letters says "like Mir Jumla on the Golkonda side, he too contemplated treachery".28 After Muhammad Adil Shah's death on 6 November 1652, when there was disorder in Karnataka and Aurangzeb was marching towards Bijapur, Khan Muhammad, the prime minister of Bijapur, was sent to oppose the Mughal advance towards the capital. But he had already been won over by Aurangzeb and he turned a Nelsonian eye to the Mughal advance. In fact, on one occasion when the

enemy was in a strategically unsound position, he even refused to attack them in spite of the repeated insistance of his junior officers.29 This neglect of duty was reported to the Sultan. Khan Muhammad hurried to the capital protesting that he was helpless before the superior force of the advancing Mughal army. But his treachery was already known and the dowager queen, Bari Sahiba, who was acting as regent of the new king, Ali Adil Shah II, just nineteen years old, issued orders for his execution. As he was entering the capital, he was done to death at Mecca Gate. Another African, Siddi Jauhar, was a slave of Malik Abdur Wahah, son of Malik Raihan I. After his death Jauhar cast his master's son, Malik Raihan II into prison and made himself master of Karnul.30 Ali Adil Shah sent Jauhar against Shivaji, who had become active once more in depriving the Adil Shahi kingdom of its important outpost, and conferred upon him the title of Salabat Khan. The campaign opened about the end of February 1660, and on 2 March the Bijapuris succeeded in driving Shivaji into the fort of Panhala. Shivaji was trapped but was able to persuade Jauhar not to deal with him severely. When the news of Jauhar's vacillations reached Bijapur, Ali Adil Shah decided to march towards Panhala in person and bring the recalcitrants to book. Shivaji handed over the fort to Siddi Jauhar on 22 September 1660 and, with his connivance, managed to escape proceeding to Vishalgarh which he reached safely. Abdul Muhammad, the Adil Shahi wazir, and Shahji prevailed upon Ali to make peace with Shivaji. He was confirmed in the possession of all the conquest in the north-western part of the kingdom. On his part he agreed not to molest Bijapur, "a promise which he broke as soon as he found it convenient".31 But Karnataka affairs did not end here. While engaged against Shivaji, Ali received dispatches announcing an extensive revolt. The Sultan decided in April 1661 to send Jauhar to quell this rebellion. But Jauhar did not see eye to eye with the wazir, Abdul Muhammad, disobeyed his master and returned to his jagir. He was pursued by Ali Adil Shah himself. But at this stage Jauhar fell ill and soon after died. His son and son-in-law submitted to Ali Adil Shah and were taken into royal favour through the intercession of the wazir and were left in possession of their paternal jagir. Shivaji and Rustam-i-Zaman II The third expedition to the south was planned on a grand scale. It envisaged not only the kingdom of Sriranga, the scion of the last dynasty of Vijayanagar, but also the territories ruled by the Nayaks as far south as Madurai which was once the southern limit of the Tugluq empire. The command of this campaign again devolved upon Mustafa Khan who had subdued Malnad, and on 5 June 1646 he left the capital at the head of a large army. The general was supported by able lieutenants of whom, Shahji Bhonsale and Randaula's son, Rustam-i-Zaman, who had assumed his father's title on his death, were the most prominent. Besides, the Nayaks who had been subdued during the previous expeditions and had been reinstated in their respective territories, proved loyal vassals of the suzerain power. Mustafa Khan arrived at Vellore, where the Sriranga Raya's forces maintained the upper hand. Various skirmishes were fought in which the Bijapuris almost always lost. But soon they were reinforced by two Africans, Malik Raihan, the governor of Solapur, and Randaula Khan II. This turned the fortunes of the war in their favour. Sriranga Raya laid down arms and gave fifty huns and a hundred and fifty elephants as indemnity. In November 1648, however, Mustafa Khan died while the

fourth campaign was under way. His difficulties were further enhanced by the disloyalty of his own subordinate officers, for he found Siddi Raihan, an African, openly defying his authority. After Muhammad Adil Shah's death, all the glory of Bijapur vanished. His death provided the Hindu chieftains of the south, who had accepted his overlordship, opportunity to rebel against the central government. As a matter of fact, after the death of each Bijapur ruler the Hindu Sarkars declared their independence and the new Adil Shah had to conquer the territories again. Ali Adil Shah II was only eighteen years old and was not up to the task. Aurangzeb was now the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan. On the death of Muhammad Adil Shah he sought Emperor Shah Jahan's permission to conquer that region. The Mughals, he said, should never rest till the Emperor's sway was supreme from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin.32 On 26 November 1656 Shah Jahan sanctioned the invasion and gave Aurangzeb a free hand in carrying out the policy. He began by seducing as many Bijapuri nobles as he could. By December 1661, through Mirza Raja Jai Singh, who was appointed to the Deccan, they were able to corrupt Randaula Khan II, Abbas Khan and other nobles. Shivaji also showed a desire to join the Mughals against Bijapur if the Mughals were prepared to recognise the position he had already built up for himself. Aurangzeb had no desire to do this and yet he did not want to turn Shivaji into an open enemy. The Maratha leader saw greater benefit for himself in creating a diversion in favour of Bijapur. Aurangzeb arrived in Aurangabad on 18 January 1657 and proceeded towards Bijapur. Entering the Adil Shahi territory, the first place he had to pass was Bidar, of which the governor was Siddi Marjan, an African. When Aurangzeb besieged the fort, Siddi Marjan defended it most bravely. But, by an accident the Adil Shahi magazine caught fire and in the terrific explosion that followed Siddi Marjan was mortally wounded. All hopes were now lost, and after a siege of twenty-seven days the strong fortress of Bidar fell into the hands of the Mughals on 29 March 1657.33 In the meanwhile Aurangzeb advanced to Bijapur and laid siege to it. At this juncture the scene changed unexpectedly. Orders came from Shah Jahan to stop the campaign and Aurangzeb was called back. Close on its heels came the news that Shah Jahan had fallen seriously ill in September 1657. The news reached Aurangzeb when he was directing operations against Bijapur and 'this led him to conclude a hasty peace with Ali Adil Shah. By the treaty, Bijapur agreed to pay Rs. 1.50 crores as indemnity, besides allowing the Mughals to keep Bidar and Kalyan, the strategic forts on the northeastern frontier of the Adil Shahi kingdom.34 During this period Shivaji was consolidating his conquests and organising the administration. The Adil Shahi court was unable to face Shivaji because of differences within itself. After the murder of Afzal Khan, who had volunteered his services in the southern campaign, his son Fazl Khan, along with the African, Rustam-i-Zaman II, started from Bijapur against Shivaji in 1659. This show of hostility by Rustam-i-Zaman II was only made to establish his trust in his king. The queen regent, Bari Sahiba, being his enemy, he made a secret alliance with Shivaji for self-protection. This fact was well-known to the country around and the English factors had found proofs of it.35 But even if Rustam had been in earnest, he could have done little with his small army Shivaji had followed up his victory over Afzal's army by pushing on to Panhala and capturing it on 28 November 1659. Then he entered the Ratnagiri district and began to "take possession of all the

ports and the inland towns". The Bijapuri governors of these places fled to Rajapur, which was at first spared, "because it belonged to Rustam-i-Zaman, who is a friend to Shivaji".36 On the fall of Dabhol, its defeated governor made his escape to Rajapur with three junks of Afzal Khan, of 450, 350 and 300 tons burden respectively. The governor of Rajapur, by order of his master, Rustam-i-Zaman, received the junks and landed their cargoes for safe-keeping. Shortly after this, Shivaji encountered and routed near Panhala, the combined armies of Rustam and Afzal Khan. The latter, who bore the brunt of the battle, lost many followers, while Rustam, who had made a mere show of fighting, retreated to Hukri with slight loss, and waited there. The Marathas continued to make their incursions into Adil Shahi territory.37 The news of this battle greatly alarmed the governor of Rajapur, who took refuge in one of Afzal Khan's junks for escaping to the open sea. Before he could start, a Maratha force appeared on the bank to seize the junks; but on 10 January 1663 the governor succeeded in slipping away beyond the range of the Maratha guns, with the help of the English factor, Henry Revington, who for his own private gains opposed the Marathas. Shivaji condemned this attack on his ally's town of Rajapur and dismissed Doroji, the general responsible for it, "commanded all things that his soldiers took from the townsmen (at Rajapur) to be restored", and put Rustam-i-Zaman's agents again in possession of the town and port.38 In March 1663, Rustam-i-Zaman II rendered another good service to Shivaji. Netaji Palkar, Shivaji's 'lieutenant general', had raided the Imperial territory, but a large Mughal division of 7,000 cavalry pursued him so close as to force him to march 45 or 50 miles a day. Rustam met this army near Bijapur and persuaded the Mughal commander to give up the chase as "that country was dangerous for any strange army to march in, likewise promising them to go himself and follow him, by which deceit Netaji escaped, though not without the loss of 300 horse and himself wounded". This reverse defeated Shivaji's plan of raiding North Kanara and penetrating into the rich port of Karwar.39 The Sultan dismissed Rustam-i-Zaman for his secret friendship with Shivaji and gave his province to an African, Muhammad Ikhlas Khan, eldest son of the late Khan-i-Khannan Ikhlas Khan and a brother of Khawas Khan. Shivaji got final possession of Rajapur at this time and kept it permanently under his own control. In the meanwhile, Rustam's agent at Karwar fleeced the English factors so severely that in July 1663 they were ordered by the Council at Surat to remove themselves and the Company's goods quietly to Hubli. Adil Shah and Rustam-i-Zaman were both sensible to the loss of revenue caused by such molestation of traders, and therefore the king sent a farman promising that they would be left in peace at Karwar and would have to pay no other duties than they had done formerly. By 1664 Rustam-i-Zaman seems to have returned to favour at the court. Muhammad Ikhlas Khan was transferred from the government of Karwar and his friends from other places in North Kanara and these cities were given to Rustam's sons. In August Rustam himself was ordered to go to that region with two other Bijapuri generals and try to expel Shivaji. He reached Kudaì at the end of August, but did nothing. Throughout the second half of 1664 the coastal region was in a pitiable condition. Shivaji next plundered Vingurla and looted Hubli. The raiders were said to have been assisted by some of Rustam's soldiers; that noble, as the English remarked, had "begun to taste the sweetness of plunder (so) that in a short time he would get a habit of it".40

In the course of the Mughal commander Jai Singh's war with Bijapur, Shivaji made an unsuccessful assault on the fort of Panhala on 16 January 1666 and then he went off to Khelna. From this place he sent 2,000 men under a Muhammadan officer to besiege Phonda. The garrison resisted for two hours. In the meanwhile, the Bijapur government had sent 5,000 horse and 1,000 foot under an African, Siddi Masaud, Abdul Aziz (son of Siddi Jauhar), and Rustam-i-Zaman to the Panhala region. They formed a plan for surprising Shivaji, who lay on top of the hill overlooking the Konkan. When they approached, Rustam who was leading, beat his drums and sounded his trumpets and thus gave his friend Shivaji timely warning to escape. But Masaud chased the Marathas with 600 chosen cavalry and cut off the enemy. On the way he intercepted Shivaji's friendly letters to Rustam, which he immediately sent to Bijapur. At this Adil Shah wrote to Rustam that though he reluctantly pardoned this act of disloyalty, he would dismiss him unless he raised the siege of Phonda. Rustam then wrote to his agent, Muhammad Khan, to save Phonda by all means. This was effected by a stratagem. Muhammad Khan could get together only a small force, with which he went and sat down in a town of his master's about three miles from Phonda, and sent word to the general of Shivaji that he had only come to look after his own country. The general suspected no trick or artifice, as his master and Rustam were friends. He went with his Muslim soldiers to a hill, a mile off, in order to say his prayers in public. Muhammad Khan seized this opportunity; he surprised and routed the soldiers left in the siege camp and after a long and well-contested fight defeated the rest of the Maratha army who had hurried back from the hill. Thus the siege of Phonda was raised after the unfortunate men in it had been driven to eat leaves for the last three days.41 This incident, it is generally thought, had broken the long friendship between Rustam-i-Zaman and Shivaji. Subsequently, in September 1671, Rustam-i-Zaman broke out in rebellion against his master. He had at last been deprived of his viceroyalty and jagir for his treacherous intimacy with Shivaji, the crowing act of which was the surrender of one of the king's forts to the Marathas. And now he took up arms in the hope of intimidating the government into reinstating him. But within a month the royal troops crushed the rebellion. Though Kanara had been freed from the Marathas, the province enjoyed no peace. By 22 April 1674 this "long and tedious rebellion" was at last ended by the arrival of Abu Khan, Rustam-i-Zaman III, as the new viceroy. Unlike his father, the new Rustam-i-Zaman did not cultivate the friendship of the Marathas. In October 1674 Rustam was summoned by Khawas Khan, the new wazir of Bijapur. After his visit to the capital he evidently lost his viceroyalty. 42 This was Shivaji's opportunity and he conquered Kanara for good. Dakhni-Afghan Struggle Ali Adil Shah (1659-1672) showed great interest during the early years of his reign, but later buried himself in the pleasures of wine and women, leaving the kingdom in a chaotic state. The new king, Sikandar, was about five years old when he was raised to the throne. The state was being threatened by the Mughals and the Marathas, and its peace disturbed by rival factions and recalcitrant governors. The treasury was empty because of incessant warfare and demands for tribute by the Mughals. All these factors taken together hastened Ali's death. Khawas Khan, leader of the Dakhni group, seized full power during the accession of Sikandar Adil Shah (2 November 1672) and disregarded the other nobles. He tried to reconcile others by giving Bahlol

Khan,43 the leader of the Afghan party, command of the troops. Khawas Khan was the son-in-law of Rustam-i-Zaman. He had distinguished himself in the war with Shivaji (1664) and Jai Singh (16651666). But the pro-Mughal leanings of Khawas Khan strained relations between himself and Bahlol Khan. The latter had already made a pact with Shivaji, while Khawas Khan entered into negotiations with the Mughal general, promised the hand of Sikandar's sister to Aurangzeb's son, and active cooperation against Shivaji. Khawas Khan's proposal for peace with the Mughals was the cause of his downfall. Bahlol Khan captured his rival by ruse on 11 November 1675 and imprisoned him in the fort of Bankapur. Many members of Khawas Khan's party subsequently went over to the Mughals and found service in Hyderabad. On becoming regent Bahlol Khan gave his kinsmen the best jagirs from which the Dakhnis were dispossessed. But his rivals were unwilling to submit to Afghan rule and rose in arms against him. Bahlol put Khawas Khan to death on 18 January 1676.44 To make matters worse Bahlol Khan alienated Bahadur Khan, the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan, who now openly took the side of the Dakhni party. Siddi Masaud and Sharza Khan who belonged to the Dakhni party had become inactive. Sharza Khan was the "bravest of the brave" among the warriors of Dakhan. The Emperor, however, appointed Diler Khan, who was an Afghan and in sympathy with the regent Bahlol Khan. The latter agreed to help Diler Khan in the invasion of Golkonda. But their combined armies suffered a defeat at the hands of Qutb Shahi troops. After this, the adventure had to be abandoned due to Bahlol Khan's illness. He died on 23 December 1677. Before this, Siddi Masaud, an African, and other nobles faithful to the house of Adil Shah, being disgusted with Afghan rule, had appealed to Golkonda to mediate. Abdul Hassan Qutb Shah brought the heads of the rival factions together and influenced them to agree to the following terms: (i) Bahlol should resign the regency in favour of Masaud; (ii) Masaud should pay six lakh rupees, the arrears of pay due to the Afghan soldiers, who would then be disbanded and would quit Bijapur, while Bahlol would retire to his own jagir; (iii) the kingdom was to be saved from further dismemberment; and (iv) a Resident from Golkonda would advise the administration of Bijapur, Akanna, the brother of Madanna, being chosen for this post.45 At Gulbarga, Masaud met Diler Khan and made peace with the Mughals. He was to act as wazir of Bijapur, but must obey the orders of Aurangzeb and make no alliance with Shivaji; Adil Shah's sister, Shah Bano Begum (popularly called Padishah Bibi), was to be sent to the Mughal court to marry a son of the Emperor. After Bahlol's death Masaud was installed as Regent in February 1678. Soon afterwards, he sent 11 lakh rupees as tribute to the Emperor which drained his treasury dry. He had undertaken to pay up the arrears of the Afghan mercenaries, only on the strength of the promise made by the Qutb Shah to lend him the six lakhs. But the latter delayed or refused to pay the amount. This exasperated the Afghans who broke out in a lawless fury. All citizens believed to be rich were caught and tortured by them. A free fight now deluged the suburbs of Bijapur with blood. "All the time Masaud sat down in helplessness, shutting the doors of his own house. Many people emigrated to the Karnataka in fear." 46 Nor was the new regent better obeyed in the provinces. When his family was coming from Adoni to join him at Bijapur, the commandant of Raichur slew his son and imprisoned the rest of them. It was only on the intervention of the universally loved princess, Padishah Bibi, that led to the release of the captives. To add to his misfortunes, he provoked the wrath of the Mughals by trying to strengthen himself by a secret alliance with Shivaji. "He wanted to buy off Shivaji whose violence and

encroachment had passed all bounds. But Diler Khan forbade him to do so saying that the Mughal army was ready to cooperate with him in fighting the Marathas. But Masaud, distracted by the lawlessness rampant throughout the kingdom, appealed to Shivaji, as an old subject of Bijapur, to help him in arresting the ruin of the monarchy and expelling the alien Mughals".47 In the meanwhile, Shivaji according to the treaty, sent six thousand steel-clad troopers to guard Bijapur and reinforce Masaud. But Masaud could never shake off the suspicion that Shivaji would take the first opportunity of seizing Bijapur by treachery. When Shivaji's men asked to be put in charge of one gate, the bastion of the city, it only confirmed Masaud's fear. The Marathas were detected trying to smuggle arms into the fort, concealed in sacks of grain, while they themselves were disguised as drivers of the pack-oxen, so the two allies stood on guard against each other. Then Shivaji resumed plundering the Bijapur territory. But a cannon ball from the fort walls killed the Maratha commander and they retired. Masaud, in greater fear of his pretended ally than of his open enemy, sought the protection of Oiler Khan. Mughal forces were invited to Bijapur and royally welcomed. Shivaji himself arrived with seven or eight thousand troops. But the Bijapur cause was weakened by an angry quarrel between the Regent and Sharza Khan, whom the death of Bahlol had left as the best general of Adil Shah. Indeed, the government had been dissolved and there was utter anarchy in the country. Sharza Khan appealed to Diler Khan to do justice between them, and offered to enter Mughal service. By a breach of faith he arrested Sharza's wife and children, who had come to his camp at Dulked, then sent them to Aurangabad to be held as hostages for the blind support of Sharza Khan.48 The Mughal viceroy of the Deccan had now become the sole arbiter among the warring factions of Bijapur. He then paid large bribes to Sharza and Venkatadri, the chief adviser and agent of Masaud, and through them seduced many of the Bijapuri nobles. "About 10,000 troopers of Adil Shah, consisting of Dakhan Muslims, Afghans and Marathas, entered the Mughal service and gathered around Diler, while only three or four thousand starving men remained with Masaud in Bijapur, and even they hankered for Mughal pay."49 Such a kingdom was in no position to refuse any Mughal demand. Aurangzeb wrote censuring Diler Khan for not having exacted the terms of the treaty of Gulbarga. The most painful of these, to the Bijapuris, was that the Sultan's sister should be sent to the Mughal harem. She refused to desert her young brother Sikandar, go to Delhi, and marry the son of a bigoted Sunni who hated her for being a heretic Shia. Masaud, however, influenced her through her maid, Taush Ma, and convinced her that the safety of the state and the permanence of her brother's throne required that she should enter the Mughal family. On 1 July 1679 she left "amidst tears of the citizens who adored her as their beloved princess and cherished her as the idol of the kingdom."50 But the sacrifice of the royal maiden was of no-avail to the doomed dynasty. Diler Khan now demanded that Masaud should resign the regency and retire to his own life, while the Bijapur government would be carried on by a creature of the Mughals supported by a Mughal garrison, and the Bijapur army would be sent away to fight Shivaji. Masaud wisely rejected the proposal as a "a strategy of the Mughals for putting an end to the Adñ Shahi dynasty". 51 At the same time Masaud's son slipped away from the Mughal camp with his troops and returned to Bijapur. The Mughal general at once declared war against Bijapur. Masaud sent envoys to avert the blow, but his new overtures were

scornfully rejected. Diler Khan had declared war in a fit of anger. His own position was really weak, as the new viceroy of the Deccan, Prince Shah Alam, was his sworn enemy, and refused to supply the general with siege artillery and even the necessary money. He said Diler was merely wasting the resources of the empire and would be paid his expenses only if he succeeded in capturing Bijapur. 52 Diler Khan was thus brought to a halt at the very outset of the campaign. Masaud had sent an envoy to Shivaji appealing to him to come to the help of Adil Shah in his supreme need; Shivaji responded promptly and with effective help. Urging Masaud to confine himself to the defence of the capital, with 10,000 Marathas, Shivaji would himself go with the rest of the army and punish Diler Khan. Shivaji ravaged the Mughal territory so effectively that Diler Khan's ruin became certain. But the agents of Masaud went with offers of peace to Diler Khan with the object of gaining time. The Maratha chief in the meanwhile devastated Imperial dominions. The Mughal soldiers, who had jagirs in the Deccan were financially ruined and complained to the Emperor. Stung by the Emperor's reproaches and disillusioned by Masaud forsaking him, Diler Khan resumed the campaign. His first work was to plunder the Bijapur territory with insane cruelty. "The wives of the Hindus and Muslims with their children jumped into the wells near their houses and committed suicide. Nearly 3,000 men, both Hindus and Muslims, were taken prisoner for being sold into slavery".53 The Bijapuris were powerless to injure the Mughals. But God willed it that the Mughals would not take the city this time.54 From Shivaji's territory much grain and other necessities reached the fort of Bijapur daily, while the scarcity in the besieged camp reached its extreme. Diler, in utter disappointment, sought peace, but Masaud declined as he knew the hopeless situation of the Mughals. Diler's position before Bijapur was no longer tenable. So, on 28 January 1680 he began his retreat, after having wasted 56 days before the fort of Bijapur. On his way back he invaded the Berar country then ruled by Pam Nayak, one of the most powerful and loyal Hindu feudatories of Bijapur. So heavy was Diler's loss that he abandoned Berar. Diler himself wanted to halt for another three days and avenge his defeat with a fresh attack upon Berar. But the spirit of his soldiers was utterly broken and they declined to face the enemy again. Diler Khan was utterly disgraced and his credit gone. The Emperor recalled Diler Khan at the beginning of February 1680. Shivaji died on 4 April 1680 and with him the last barrier between Bijapur and the Mughals was removed. The Adil Shahi regent, Siddi Masaud, had succeeded, with Shivaji's help, in driving back Diler Khan from the environs of Bijapur, and for four years the Mughals were busy elsewhere. Siddi Masaud set Venkatadri free, and he in his turn induced Sharza Khan to come back to his master Sikandar Adil Shah. Aurangzeb, who was now in the Deccan, was making overtures to the Bijapuri nobles. He asked them to join the Mughals for the good of the Adil Shahi kingdom and to reconquer the lands taken over by the Marathas. He even induced his daughter-in-law, Padshah Bibi, to address a letter to Sharza Khan to dissuade him from throwing his weight in favour of an alliance with the Marathas and to join the Mughals with the common object of crushing them. Siddi Masaud was a loyal servant of Bijapur; bravely and courageously he had stood by the Adil Shahi kingdom during its decline. However, the condition was now hopeless. Five years of wazirship at the decadent court of Adil Shah had thoroughly disgusted Siddi Masaud with a post which brought him only troubles, anxiety and loss of money. "With all his efforts he failed to reform the government

or restore order in the administration. No man from peasant to chieftain ate his bread in peace of mind for a single day; none from king to beggar slept in happiness for a single night."55 The Regent saw the end was near and in sheer desperation decided to shake off the responsibilities of government. Masaud left the court on 21 November 1683, on the pretext of a visit to his jagir, and formally resigned his post on reaching his fort of Adoni. Sikandar now appointed Agha Khusro as his wazir, but he died soon after taking office. And then the implacable Mughal foe was already knocking at the gates of the capital. On 13 September 1686 Sikandar came out of the capital and was received in Aurangzeb's camp. He handed over the keys of the citadel and his royal insignia to the Mughal emperor.56 He became a Mughal prisoner and died in captivity on 3 April 1700. On the 25 January 1688, Firuz jang, the Mughal general, was sent at the head of 25,000 cavalry to conquer the district of Karnul and the fort of Adoni, where Siddi Masaud was now reigning in independence. Firuz Jang's call for surrender was rejected by the Siddi. Then the Mughals sacked the prosperous village of his province, and invested the fort. "At last on 6 August 1688 Siddi Masaud was induced to capitulate; his fort was occupied and named Imtiaz-garh, the Siddi was enrolled in the Mughal peerage as a 7-hazari, his sons and relatives were highly favoured, the court band played joyous notes on hearing of the success, and the courtiers made their bow of congratulations at the submission of the most powerful noble of Bijapur"57 Malik Sandal's Mosque 58 Malik Sandal's name is preserved in an inscription in the mihrab of a small plain mosque, of no architectural account, situated in the Langar Bazar, close to Kishwar Khan's tomb in Bijapur. He was the architect of the Ibrahim Rauza. The building has been used by some Muhammadans as a dwelling place. The inscription reads: When Malik Sandal built this mosque he prepared the date only by divine effusion. The italicised words give a date 1024 (A.D. 1414), thirteen years before the death of Ibrahim II, and probably during the period in which the Ibrahim Rauza was under construction. The lower portion of the inscription is but an extract from the Quran. It is quite possible that Malik Sandal's house stood near this mosque, which was a private chapel for himself and his household. His name is connected by tradition with a small group of buildings close to the Bukhari Masjid. There is a small mosque, and a little pavilion over a tomb, said to be that of his mother or wife, in the middle of the courtyard. Surrounding these are rooms forming rest-houses. It has been said by some that the great architect himself lies here in the grave in the open. But this is probably a mistake since the weight of evidence, such as it is, goes in favour of Tikota, 15 miles west of Bijapur, being his last resting place. It was probably his inam village to which he retired in his old age. There is at this place a ruined tomb and mosque which are supposed to be his. A few years ago, it is said, the roof of the mosque was dismantled at the instigation of a yogi, who was well paid, in order to get at the hidden treasure alleged to be buried in it. None was found, nor was the yogi. The name Malik Sandal often crops up in inscriptions and tradition. First, there was a slave of Dilshah Agha, in Ismail's reign 1510-27.8.1534. It occurs in the inscription on the mosque just mentioned and the Ibrahim Rauza. On the Mustafabad gun we find the name Sandal without the "Malik", and we are told that the Taj Bauri, or great tank, near the Makka gateway, was constructed

by him. The earliest date for him, in the Bijapur inscription, is 1614, while the latest, on the Makka gateway, is 1655, a period covering forty-one years. Ferishta tells us that the eunuch Malik Sandal, and other officers under Malik Ambar, deserted to Murtaza Nizam Shah II. Subsequently, he and other officers fled from the Ahmednagar kingdom and entered the service of Bijapur. This was about 1602. The stray references to him that we have, seem to point to him as being rather a man of war than a man of peaceful employment. Can it be that, after all, he is not the architect of the Ibrahim Rauza, but simply a minister of works under whose control the buildings were erected? In this case, we know nothing whatsoever of the real architect whose name has dropped into oblivion. Yaqut Dabuli's Mosque and Tomb Yaqut Dabuli, the Abyssinian slave, who was entrusted by Muhammad Shah (1627-1656) with the elaborate colour decoration of the great mihrab in the Jami Masjid, lies buried just outside the citadel to the north-east. An inscription in the Jumma mosque, in which his name occurs, is to the effect: "Yakut Dabuli was the servant of the mosque and slave of Mahmood Shah, whose shadow may God protect, A.D. 1635". His remains repose within a very small mausoleum, close beside which is the mosque, in this case a larger and more important building than the other. The tomb is a compact little square structure with stone lattice work filling each of the three sides, the doorway being on the south side. Inside is a single tombstone. Above the doorway is an inscription which reads, according to the late Mr Rehtsek's translation: One atom of divine grace Is better than to be chief of 1,000 villages. Between the two compartments of the inscription is embossed Malik Yaqut Chini. The surname 'Chini' has, however, been challenged by a local Muslim gentleman, with considerable knowledge, of Bijapur and its history, who maintained that the name should be Malik Yaqut Jannati. It is sometimes difficult to read these inscriptions correctly when, as so often happens, the accurate transcription in stone for it is made subservient to the decorative effect of the design formed by the interlacing of the letters. If there is no room for the necessary diacritical marks which distinguish letters whose form are otherwise identical, they are left out, and often additional unnecessary and misleading ones are inserted to fill up vacant spaces. Here, for instance, the ' ] ' and 'Ch' are represented by the same shaped letter, but with a different arrangement of dots, and without the dots either letter might well be read. Probably 'Jannati' is the correct reading. In the inscription in the mihrab of the Jami Masjid, which gives his name, only the first two are given. Is it possible that this Malik Yaqut could have been the architect of the Gol Gumbaz? Across the road from the mosque and tomb is the travellers' bungalow, constructed out of the ruins of Yaqut Dabuli's mahal (palace). The whitewashed grave in the enclosure is said to be that of Hazrat Haji Rumi, who came from Mecca, in A.H. 808, and died in 875 (A.D. 1368). If this be correct, it is the oldest known grave in the city. The Mulla Masjid The Mulla Masjid, also called Malik Raihan's masjid, is situated within the suburb of Shahapur or Khudanpur. Malik Raihan was a general and noble in the reign of Muhammad Adil Shah. The only

Malik or Siddi Raihan, of note was he whose tomb is close beside that of Khawas Khan. It is to be noted that Malik Raihan Habshi, who had contrived the murder of Khawas Khan, was given the title of Ikhlas Khan, as related earlier. It is a very neat little building, in a good state of preservation, having its cornice and parapet almost intact. The front minarets are very graceful and well proportioned, and the little minars over the central piers enhance the general effect. The facade is, perhaps, just a trifle spoilt, by the arches being a little too low for the best proportions. The dome is of the high stilted type, drawn in at the neck where the bank of leaves encircles it; and, as was the tendency in later buildings, it has become but a ball ornament. The mosque has been used, of late, to house a Hindustani school. NOTES 1

Ferishta, II, 24; BS, 27 as quoted in HMD, p. 305.

2

Ferishta, II, 26; see HMD, p. 306.

3

Ferishta, H, p. 99; BS, p. 169,189-90.

4

The Nayakwaris were a power in the kingdom ever since the establishment of the dynasty.

5

HMD, p. 339.

6 See Ferishta II8/29/2012, 105-6; BS, 184. TM, 128a-131 describe the jealousies, antagonisms, plots and counter plots and lay bare in full measure the volatile and unpredictable politics of" the Adil Shahi capital. 7

Ferishta II, 107; TM, 131 a-b; BS., 189-70.

8

Ferishta II, 109-10; BS, 199-204, quoted in HMD, p. 340.

9

BS, 209-11, 214-18. TM followed by BS say that Dilawar Khan was sent to Khelna fort.

10

BS, pp. 283-84, quoted in HMD, p. 351.

11

HMD, p. 352.

12

BS, states that Malik Raihan was purchased as a boy of seven years, with his mother, by Ibrahim II from a merchant at Nauraspur, and was sent to the palace to be the playmate of the young Prince Muhammad who was of the same age.

13

FAS, p. 336 a-b.

14

HMD, pp. 358-35; see also D.C. Verma, History of Bijapur, (New Delhi, 1974), pp. 138-42.

15

Sarkar, Shivaji, op. cit., p. 220.

16

J Fryer: A New account of East Indies and Persia, ed. W.Crooke, 3 vols. (London, 1909-15), vol. II, p. 42.

17

Ibid, XV, pt.II, pp. 123-25.

18

Ibid, pp. 333 and 124.

19

BPG, vol. X, p. 175.

20

Rice, Mysore (London, 1897), vol. 1., p. 359.

21

Muhammad Zahur, Muhammadnamah, cited hereafter as MN, pp 98-99; Shiv Bharati by Parmanand in Sanskrit, p. 43, states that Kemp Gauda was an expert in the art of fighting and after a bold stand lasting for many days, he surrendered the fort of Bangalore.

22

R.S Aiyer, History of the Nayaks of Madura (Madras, 1924), p. 117. Parmanand, Shiv Bharati, p. 39, mentions that Kanti Rai was very cruel and was subdued by Shahji.

23

MN, op.cit, p. 100.

24

Ibid, pp. 100-101.

25

Permanand, Shiv Bharati, pp. 9-37, says that Randaula (Rustam-i-Zaman) attached Karnataka, then Shahji defeated Keng Nayak of Basavapattan.

26

MN, op.cit., p. 101.

27

Chief zamindar of the country.

28

HMD, op.cit., fn. p. 368.

29

BS, pp. 366-67, quoted in HMD, p. 373.

30

HMD, p. 524.

31

Ibid, p. 378.

32

The Mughals now had four provinces south of the Narmada: (1) Khandesh, (2) Berar, (3) Tilangana, and (4) Daulatabad.

33

BS, p. 365, as quoted in HMD, p. 373.

34

HMD, pp. 372-74.

35

Bijapur to Surat, 10 December 1659, Factory Records, Rajapur.

36

Ibid.

37

Rajapur to Bassein, 4 February 1660, F.R. Rajapur.

38

Ibid., 20 February 1660.

39

F.R., Surat, p. 103, vol. 2,9 October 1663.

40

Ibid., p. 104, Karwar to Surat, 6 January 1665.

4 42 43

Sarkar, Shivaji, op. cit, p. 235. Ibid., p. 241. Raja Jai Singh, when campaigning against Bijapur in 1666, wrote that the Afghans formed more than half the army of Bijapur. They also formed the most efficient part of the army and they were the only troops which could meet the heavy Mughal cavalry on equal terms.

44

HMD, pp. 384-85.

45

Sarkar, Shivaji, op. cit., p. 98.

46

BS. p. 410, as quoted by Sarkar in History of Aurangzeb, vol. 1 (2nd ed, Calcutta, 1925), p. 151.

47

BS,p.414.

48

Ibid, p. 416.

49

Ibid., pp. 423-24.

50

Ibid., pp. 376-89.

51

Ibid., p. 426.

52

Ibid., p. 427.

53

Ibid., 430.

54

Ibid., 431.

55

Ibid., pp. 442-46.

56

Ibid., pp. 540-41.

57

Sarkar, Aurangzeb, vol.1, op. cit., I, pp. 389-92.

58

From Henry Cousens, Notes : Bijapur and its Architectural Remains, (New Delhi, 1933).

A view of the Ahmednagar Fort (courtesy: Maharashtra Archaeological Dept.)

Daulatabad Fort (courtesy: Marg)

Present-day Siddis in Hyderabad

The tomb of Malik Amber's wife at Khuldabad

Malik Amber's tomb at Khuldabad

Juma Masjid, Aurangabad (courtesy : S.R.)

Bhadkal Gate (courtesy: Dept. of Archaeology and Museums, Maharashtra State)

Malik Amber's 'grave', Medical College Campus, Aurangabad

Malik Ambar's descendants living in Ambarpur The old man (second from left) is Abdul Karim, son of Bade Miya. The others are relatives, (courtesy: S.R.)

Khawas Khan, where Africans guarded the entrance (courtesy: Raza Ali Khan, View Point, Masab Tank, Hyderabad)

Janjira Fort

7 Golkonda, Berar and Khandesh Sultan Quli Sultan Quli belonged to a Turkman tribe and it was during the reign of the Bahmani sultan Muhammad Shah (1463-82) that he arrived in the Dakhan with his uncle, in Muhammadbad— Bidar, the capital of the Bahmanis. When his uncle took leave of Muhammad Shah to go home, the young Sultan Quli refused to accompany him. For, according to him, "It was bravery and prowess which was regarded as passports for favours in the Deccan". And, so it was to be. Curiously, the first definite date we come across in the life of Sultan Quli is 8 December 1487. He was conspicuous among the Afaqis, who saved Sultan Mahmud from a precarious situation due to the rebellion of the Dakhnis and Habshis. The king, who lacked all will power and determination, went out that day on a picnic to Bagh-i-Dilkusha, oblivious of the great discontent among a section of the population due to the recent murder of Malik Hasan Nizam-ul-Mulk, in which he himself was said to be implicated. When he returned he found there were hardly any nobles to pay him respect at the palace. He, however, was unconcerned and joined his friends in the usual revelry. Suddenly a thousand men, led by Dakhni and Habshi Sardars, entered the Bidar fort and locked it from inside making it impossible for any one to enter the palace and protect the king.1 It so happened that Sultan Quli was present with a few armed .Afaqis near the king. There was a free fight between the two sides, and when the king seemed to retreat, Sultan Quli persuaded him to persevere and not lose heart. The royal attendants were done to death by the rebels and the sultan had to escape to Shah Burj in the fort where the battle continued between Sultan Quli's men and the rebels. When morning came, it was found that the king's party was ii) full control of the situation. The next episode in which the Habshis were involved was the campaign against Baha.dur Gilani, the thanedar of Goa. The intrepid kotwal, perceiving the weakness of the central government of Bidar and dissensions at the court, managed to take possession of the whole Konkan coastline right up to Dabhol, in what is now called Southern Maratha country. He went even further and harassed the land as far as Chaul, sent one of his subordinate officers, Yakut Habshi, with twenty armed boats as far north as Mahim2 which belonged to the kingdom of Gujarat, and sank twenty-five Gujarati ships with all the merchandise on board. The Sultan of Gujarat, Mahmud Begada, sent a letter to the Bahmani monarch complaining of the depredation caused by Bahadur and appealed to him to put down the rebellion. The Sultan proceeded to Bijapur accompanied by Sultan Quli and Qutbul Mulk Dakhni. Subsequently, Qutbul Mulk Dakhni was killed in the fight against Bahadur. And the sultan conferred the vacant title on Khawas Khan who is known in history as Qutbul Mulk. With the new Qutbul Mulk in command, the army gained a series of victories against Bahadur and finally killed him.

Golkonda Dynasty: Ibrahim Quli Qutbul Mulk' the founder of the Golkonda dynasty, rose to power during the reign of the last Bahmani sultan ruling from Bidar, though he never formally declared his independence. Quli was a devout Shia himself, and while this did not influence his original loyalty to the Sunni Bahmanis, Shiaism was introduced into the Golkonda dominions as a state religion. This/ however, did not lead to feuds as in the Adil Shahi kingdom. The third king of the dynasty, Ibrahim (1550-1580), was forced to remain in exile to escape the enmity of his brother Jamshid, who was anxious to get rid of Ibrahim's better claims to the throne. Here among his trusted followers were Hameed Khan Habshi, Syedji Siladhar, Dilawar Khan and Kawaji Brahmin who, we are told, "followed him in every trial and were prepared to suffer any privation for the sake of the prince.3" They advised him to seek the support of Ali Band of Bidar who, however, behaved treacherously in the attack on Golkonda resulting in Ibrahim's defeat. He then sought asylum in Vijayanagar, which was still quite powerful, for seven years. This welladministered state made a deep impression on him. It is related that when he reached the outskirts of the southern capital, he was welcomed by Ramaraj, the ruler of Vijayanagar. Ramaraj assured him that it was Ibrahim and not Jamshid's descendants who would sit on the throne of Golkonda. The host 'and guest proceeded to the palace on a road flanked by thousands of citizens of Vijayanagar, and Ibrahim was the guest of the raja for the next three weeks. At the beginning of the fourth week he moved to a house which had been lavishly furnished at state expense and was also granted a jagir. It however seems that the jagir, which was now granted to Ibrahim, had already been granted to one Ambar Khan Habshi, who was, no doubt, one of the many Muslim refugees who had made Vijayanagar their home. The tenancy of the jagir seems to have been made at will, and Ibrahim contended that it was within the power of the virtual ruler of Vijayanagar, Ramaraj, to withdraw the tenancy and give it to whomever he desired. But while Ibrahim was dignified and reserved, Ambar would have none of it and he even began to abuse him. A battle was fought and Ambar was killed in a fair fight. It is related that Ibrahim captured the ensign which Ambar carried on the occasion and made its sky-blue colour the emblem of his state when the time came for him to ascend the throne of Tilangana.4 The Golkonda kingdom was plunged into civil war over the succession to the throne. Saif Khan Ainul Mulk,5 the Commander-in-Chief, while making necessary preparations for its defence against Ibrahim Qutb Shah's attack, led a big army with Khudawand Khan Habshi among others, whereas Ikhaas Khan Habshi was among those posted to Golkonda to look after the Central Government in the minister's absence. Ibrahim, however, seized his ancestral throne. Those who were loyal were duly rewarded with cash and jagirs. The defeated Ainul Mulk, on the other hand, left the kingdom with five thousand cavalry that he commanded and most probably settled in Berar. With him went the Africans who formed a large part of his army. Ibrahim was the real architect of the Golkonda kingdom. The Qutb Shahi durbars or courts were as gorgeously decorated as those of the Bahmanis. In the reign of Ibrahim Qutb Shah, a grand durbar hall, known as Daulat Khana Ali, was constructed and durbars were held with great pomp and pageantry. "The durbar was convened every day in the morning and the nobility of the state were required to attend but had to leave their retainers outside. The hall was guarded by armed negro

soldiers under the command of their chieftains.6 Abdullah Qutb Shah Abdullah Qutb Shah (1626-72), was only twelve years of age when he ascended the throne. After the ceremony was performed the government took precautionary measures to tighten up the security against lawlessness which usually followed a change of regime, particularly when the king was a minor. The foreigners, the Persians and Turks, were already nervous and felt insecure. Consequently Mansur Khan Habshi and his colleagues, Malik Ahmad and Malik Yousef, were commissioned to control the country. The state administration was conducted by a Council of Regency under the sole guidance of the boy king's mother, Hayat Bakshi Begum, who emerged as the undisputed ruler of the kingdom when her son Abdullah acceded to the throne. It was she who maintained law and has been described "as a woman with wits and shrewd understanding and sound reason, who handled state affairs on her own initiative and brooked no interference from any quarter".7 A new government was constituted after Abdullah's accession, which included Mansur Khan Habshi, who had risen from the rank of havaldar8 to the position of Ainul Mulk (literally, eye of the state), was further promoted to the office of Meer Jumla.9 He was next in rank to the Wazir or prime minister, and held the portfolio of revenue and finance in the modern sense. He supervised the accounts and audit not only of the civil, but also the army and, as such, he exercised more extensive powers than the Wazir himself. As Ainul Mulk, he was in charge of the militia. Although the duties of the minister were nowhere clearly mentioned in history, yet from the references available, it may be inferred that he was an army minister and looked after the administration and recruitment of state forces and acted in the capacity of Commander-in-Chief. As the supervisor of the state forces, the minister wielded great influence and was crucially important to the state. But, unfortunately, the administration deteriorated due to the petty jealousies of the officers. Mansur Khan was held largely responsible for this state of affairs. For example, influenced by the instigation of evil-minded persons, he dismissed some of the old and experienced domestics, like Malik Yusuf and Malik Ambar, with a good record of service under the late sultan. Malik Ambar who as havildar had collected 600 Gurji (Georgian) and Habshi (Abyssinian) slaves was separated from them and each, according to merit, was given a salary, ranging from 1000 to 3000 tankhas and ordered to stay out of the royal tents. Out of this group, four intelligent and wise men were created Khans and each was made a sardar of a fauji (army). One was Firuz Khan, a Turkish slave; the others were Abyssinians—Adam Khan, Yakut Khan and Hamid Khan. 10 There are many indications to show that Mansur's duties were not confined to purely civil or financial matters, but embraced the military tasks of leading expeditions, and the police functions of law and order in the state. He left the entire department of accounts and finance in the hands of the Brahmins who handled them in their own interest. To make matters worse, "he put on false airs of greatness and behaved rudely with the nobility and gentry who grew hostile and ranged themselves against him".11 Yet, nobody could represent his grievances because of Mansur's enormous influence on the king. Even the prime minister, Shah Mohammad, felt insecure because of his machinations. Nonetheless the Wazir's authority was challenged and Syed Mohmmad Israsi was called from northern India to replace him. The latter was an old Qutb Shahi employee, but had, for some reason or

other, left for the north and joined Mughal service. Qasim Baig, the commissioner of police, was another victim, whom Mansur contrived to degrade by replacing him with Mulla Taqi, the havildar of Masulipatam. He was soon entrusted with the affairs of the whole revenue department by Mansur Khan Habshi who was incapable of handling complicated financial problems. In order to discredit the commissioner, he is said to have had a scandal embroiling him with a party of unruly 'negroes'. Although the latter were guilty of gross breach of discipline, everything was hushed up at Mansur's command. Qasim Baig was consequently forced to resign and retire from service. Mansur's plan was, however, wrecked by the king's independent action, who promoted Hasan Baig to the post of commissioner instead of Mansur's nominee. Mansur retaliated by appointing his friend Mulla Taqi as deputy Meer Jumla in sole charge of the department. Mansur Khan did not live long enough to carry out his designs. He died in October 1628. His deputy Mulla Taqi, the African, was appointed Mir Jumla. To his credit he acquitted himself well. He not only checked up all government accounts but brought to book all culprits who were charged with embezzlement. A large number of choudharies, who were guilty of embezzlement, were put to death. In recognition of his meritorious services, Mulla Taqi was awarded the title of Shariful Mulk. According to the French traveller, Thevenot, who had visited Golkonda in 1655-68, the Qutb Shahi army numbered 5 lakhs comprising both feudal and standing forces.12 He clearly states that the fiefholders of Golkanda, who were supposed to supply the bulk of the army, failed to provide their stipulated quota and, therefore, half the number was supplemented by the central government at its own expense. The statement further reveals that the kingdom in the earlier period depended greatly on the feudal forces supplied by jagirdars, which included Africans. It was only later during the reigns of Abdullah, and his son-in-law Abul Hasan, beginning from 1634, that the idea of maintaining a standing army slowly took shape. The advance of the Mughal armies under Shahjahan added to the urgency. Abdullah's biographer, Nizamuddin Saidi, says that the king of Golkonda had advanced a large sum of 50,000 hoons to Nawab Shariful Mulk to recruit a fresh army and to be prepared for any emergency.13 Two years, later the same king advanced a similar amount to Mansur Khan, an African, who was in charge of Guntur, officially known as Murtuzanagar, to restore order in the. district by the recruitment of a fresh standing army.14 Abdullah Qutb Shah, whose reign marked the employment of regulars on a large scale, was not unmindful of the time-honoured tradition of the feudal army and valued the services of his jagirdars. He was always on the look out for able-bodied persons with a good physique, appearance and valour and conferred on them rich jagirs for the purpose of maintaining efficient campaigners. All the forts were garrisoned by local people, many were Africans. Abul Hasan Qutb Shah The accession of Abul Hasan Qutb Shah (1672-87), superseding Syed Ahmed; the eldest son-inlaw of Abdullah Qutub Shah, was a period of great turmoil and upheaval in the Deccan. Maratha forces under Shivaji invaded the kingdom. He fell a victim to the sweeping tide of the Mughals who laid seige to the capital in 1686. Both Hindus and Muslims formed a common front to check the Mughal expansion into the Deccan. Finally, however, the Golkonda forces were defeated in 1687 and the king taken as prisoner to Daulatabad.

In this period Africans played a crucial part. Abul Hasan's wife, the eldest princess, popularly known as Ma Saheba or 'Bari Shahiba', wielded great influence. "She not only handled the palace affairs like an absolute ruler but also commanded a female guard consisting of Negro and Turkish slave girls who were armed with weapons and were prepared for any eventuality". In a touching description of the conquest of Golkanda by Aurangzeb, it has been stated that while the nobility fled to the sourthern districts of Karnataka, the ladies of the harem committed mass suicide. Insurrections against Shiaism Though the Qutb Shan kings belonged to the Shia faith they were generally free from religious bias; Their secularism transcended religion and cultural barriers. The first three kings Sultan Quli Qutb, Jamshed and Ibrahim were particularly catholic, admitting all sections of the population—Hindu and Muslim, Shia and Sunnis—into the administration. But the subsequent ruler, Mohammad Quli Qutb Shah, though extremely liberal towards the Hindu population, was a bigoted Shia. He was the first Golkonda king to establish diplomatic relations with Persia treating the Persian monarch as his overlord, and encouraged Persian families to migrate to Hyderabad to safeguard his interests. This sectarianism had wide repercussions and two serious insurrections assuming political and racial overtones between the Dakhnis and Africans and foreigners occurred. 15 The later kings—Sultan Mohammed Abdullah and Abul Hasan— restored the old no-sectarian spirit to a large extent.16

Export from Golkonda According to Thevenot swords, daggers and spears were being manufactured near Indore and at Nizamabad end supplied to markets all over India. Gunpowder and catridge were manufactured at Masulipatnam, a town also famous for salt and durable masts for ships. Cotton was famous in the kingdom of Golkonda, and particularly in the neighbourhood of the Masulipatnam. Tavernier gives the

following description in the 17th century:17 "The baftas, or cotton cloth required to be dyed red, blue, or black, are sent uncloured to Agra and Ahmadabad, because these two towns are near the places where indigo is made, which is used in dyeing. The cost from 2 rupees per piece up to 30 or 40 rupees, according to the fineness and the amount of gold at the ends, and, in some, also at the sides. The Indians know how to pass some of these cloths through a certain water which causes them to appear like a waved camlet, and these pieces are the dearest. "These kinds of cotton cloth, which cost from 2 to 12 rupees per piece, are exported to the coast of Melinde18 and they constitute the principal trade done by the Governor of Mozambique, who sells them to the Kafirs who carry them into the country of the Abyssinians and the kingdom of Saba, 19 because these people, who do not use soap, need only simply rinse out these cloths". Berar: Khudawand Khan of Mahur The Imad Shahis of Berar and the Baridis of Bidar ruled from 1489 to 1574 and 1488 to 1618, respectively. However, records relating to both official and non-official sources are still beyond the reach of historians. Whatever little we know about these two states is gathered from scattered incidental references in the literature of neighbouring states. Ferishta, the most eminent historian of those times, failed to get any authentic record concerning them and expressed his helplessness in the matter.20 The province of Berar, of which the two chief fortresses were Gawilagarh and Mahur, was divided into the two provinces of Gawil and Mahur, Fathullah Imadul Mulk, the viceroy of Berar, who afterwards declared his independence, retained the province of Gawil only, and Mahur was given to Khudawand Khan, the African. When this sub division was made, the powers of the tarafdars who had hitherto been practically supreme in their provinces, were considerably curtailed, by Mahmud Gawan. Fathullah Imadul Mulk proclaimed his independence of Berar, but his power over the southern portion of his kingdom was dependent principally on the goodwill of Khudawand Khan, who held the districts of Mahur, Paunar, Kalam and Mekhar. The African, who was not strong enough to stand alone, had to choose between the inactive Bahmani and the new Sultan of Berar, became the vassal of the latter, for whom he seems to have had a real regard. Thirteen years later, when Mahmud Shah Bahmani, who had been too weak to assert his authority over his rebellious vassals, invited the Sultan of Golkonda, Fathullah Imad Shah and Khudawand Khan to help him against Yusuf Adil Shah of Bijapur. The latter two disregarded the summons, apparently on account of friendship, which had always existed between Fathullah and Yusuf, but also perhaps owing to mutual distrust. Berar often came into conflict with Ahmednagar. The forts of Mahur and Ramgarh were the bone of contention between these two states. These two forts were originally included in the jagir of Khudawand Khan Habshi. Imadullah had reduced them in agreement with the partition treaty which had been made on the initiative of Adil Shah in 1498. According to Ferishta this readjustment of territories took place and the following arrangements were made: "Imad ul Mulk was to have Mahur, Ramgarh and all the territory then in possession of Khudawand Khan, the Abyssinian, the Nizamshahi's share was Daulatabad, Antur, Jalna and the country beyond these parts as far as the

borders of Gujarat. Yusuf Adil Shah was allowed to seize the territories of Dastur Dinar and Ain-ulMulk. This was in addition to what the contracting parties already possessed".21 After the death of Imad ul Mulk the affairs of the province of Gawilgarh remained in a state of flux because his son Alauddin was a prisoner in the fort of Ramgarh. With the assistance of Khudawand Khan, Alauddin managed to escape, came to Gawilgarh and established his hold over the territory. Upon the recommendation of Ismail Adil Shah Sultan Mahmud Shah Bahmani conferred upon him the title of Amad ul Mulk and confirmed him in his possession. The ambition to extend the frontiers of his state brought Alauddin into an open clash with the Nizam Shahis of Ahmednager. Taking advantages of the minority of Burhan Nizam Shah and the unsettled condition of the state, he not only welcomed the political refugees from that kingdom but also marched in their company to attack the Nizam Shahi kingdom. But he was defeated in the battle of Ranveri in 1510. The defeat made him realise that without a powerful ally, he could neither extend his frontiers nor protect them. The presence of Khudawand Khan in south Berar was one of the factors, among others, restraining him in his ambitions. In 1517, Khudawand Khan rebelled. His defeat and death gave an opportunity to Alauddin to attack his son, Mahmud Khan, defeat him and drive him towards Ahmednagar. These new acquisitions brought the frontiers of the Imad Shahi state in touch with the neighbouring states of Ahmednagar, Bidar, Golkonda and Khandesh. Amin Ali Barid, taking Mahmud Shah With him, marched to pursue Sharza Khan, the son and successor of Khudawand Khan of Mahur. Sharza Khan and one of his brothers were slain in the field, and Mahur was besieged but Alauddin Imad Shah marched to its relief and compelled Amir Ali Barid to retire. He placed Galit Khan, another son of Khudawand Khan in Mahur, as his vassal, and thus established his authority in southern as well as northern Berar. Malik Yaqub Sultan of Khandesh When the Muslim invasion of Ethiopia took place in 1527, Habshi slaves were taken from there to Arabia and were subsequently sent to Gujarat in 1531 to help Sultan Bahadur against the Portuguese in considerable numbers.22 At one time the Habshis in Ahmedabad, the capital of Gujarat, were said to have numbered 5000.23 There were many outstanding Habshi nobles, three bearing the title of Ulugh Khan. Others were Mandal Dilawar Khan, Yaqut Sabit Khan, Muhammad or Khairyat Khan. During the declining years of the Gujarat kingdom, the Habshi nobles rose to powers of influence. In neighbouring Khandesh, the Faruqi rulers belonged to a mixed Arab-Indian heritage, and produced rulers of ability and administrative skills.24 The Habshis were also very powerful. At first the Faruqi headquarters was Thalner25 and later at Burhanpur with the fort of Asirgarh guarding it. The Burhanpur-Asir gap was the age-old passage from North India to the Deccan. The Khandesh rulers always regarded the king of Gujarat as their natural protector and paid tribute to him; they also invariably married princesses of the royal house of Gujarat. It is thus most likely that the Habshis from Gujarat infiltrated into Khandesh. When the kingdom of Berar was annexed by the Nizam Shahi kingdom in April 1547, the ruler of Khandesh, Miran Muhammad Shah Faruqi I, created trouble there with the intention of occupying it. Murtaza Nizam Shah entered Burhanpur, plundered and ravaged it and laid siege to the fort of

Asirgarh. The kingdom of Khandesh would also have been conquered and annexed but for the fact that Changiz Khan, the African minister of the Nizam Shahis, interceded on behalf of the Faruqi ruler, who concluded peace and Murtaza returned to Ahmednagar .26 But, Khandesh was doomed during the reign of the last ruler of the dynasty, Bahadur Shah (15971601). His refusal to accept suzerainty of the Mughals made Akbar personally lead the expedition against Khandesh. Hearing about the news of his approach, Bahadur Shah left his capital Burhanpur, undefended and locked himself up with "huge arms and ammunition, men and animals, food and fodder in the fort of Asir". 27 Burhanpur thus fell unopposed to Akbar, followed by the commencement of the siege of Asirgarh by the end of March 1600. The Commandant of the fort was an Abyssinian, Malik Yaqub Sultani, who put up a stubborn resistance. There was no other way left for Akbar but to employ underhand means. Mahid Hasain says: "The Mughal gold sealed the lips and damped the spirit of the Faruqi princes and amirs."28 Akbar thus won over the support of most of the leading Amirs of Khandesh, such as the Minister Afdal Khan and his brother Khudawand Khan, Abdul Karim Fulad Khan, Sadat Khan and even Muqarrib Khan, the son of Malik Yaqub Sultani, all Abyssinians, to the Mughal cause. Prior to this, Bahadur's vacillation and stinginess disgruntled many of his amirs and at a critical hour, when two of the best generals of Khandesh were needed, Bahadur, by his folly, lost them.29 On 17 January 1601, some leading Mughal warriors came to he fort and asked for the keys. They were armed with the document which Bahadur had been coerced to write to the garrison to surrender the fort. Sirhindi and Abul Fadl both note that the document was carried to the fortress to be delivered to Yaqub Sultan by a party of the garrison headed by his son, Muqarrib Khan. "When they approached, Muqarrib Khan's father mounted on top of the fort, unable to endure the abuse, the son stabbed himself two or three times in the abdomen and a few days afterwards he died".30 Convinced of the futility of further resistance, in view of the mass seduction of the royal Princes, the valiant commandant put an end to his life. "He (Malik Yaqub Sultan) assembled in the royal palace in the fortress all the sons of Mubarak Shah and their sons, and said to them, 'the fortress is as it was and the garrison is as it was, which of you accept and protect the honour of your father?' and none of them answered him anything and, he said to them, "would to god that ye were women", ...so saying he summoned his family and went out to the mosque...and prayed, and distributed benefits and gave alms, and he caused to be dug a grave... and then he ate opium, for his tealous partiotism, was strong upon him, and he died".31 The drama was over; the "golden keys" opened the gates of Asir on 1 January 1600.32 Beckingham has asserted that the Ethiopian Slaves in India probably introduced into the Muslim kingdom or Khandesh what he describes as "one of the most characteristic features of the contemporary Ethiopian polity", namely, "the imprisonment on a closely guarded mountain of all, or nearly all the male members of the reigning dynasty". It is obvious he concludes "that there was a close resemblance between the custom in Ethiopia and in Khandesh. Though we do not know when precisely it was adopted by the Faruqis, we can say with confidence that it was practised in Ethiopia by the early fourteenth century, so that it was in operation before Khandesh came into existence as an independent state. Since those Habshis, who were really Ethiopians by origin, must have been familiar with it in their homeland, it may well be that they introduced it into a state which they came

to dominate".33 But this may be no more than a coincidence, as there are many instances of similar practices in India where no Habshi influence is suspected. NOTES 1

Perish ta, op.cit, 1,365.

2

Mahaim, modern Mahim, now a suburb of Bombay, was originally an island with the Mahim river in the north, the sea to the west and salt pans to the east and south.

3

Ali Bin Taifur Bustani, Hadinqatus-us-Salateen Qutub Sahi, P. 107; Abdul Majeed Siddiqui, History of Golkonda (Hyderabad, 1956), p. 48.

4

H.K. Sherwani, History of the Qutab Shahi Dynasty (Delhi, 1974), pp. 99-100.

5

He was a deputy minister in charge of the military establishment, the recruitment and administration of state forces.

6

Siddiqui, op. cit, p. 318.

7

Mahanama, p. 314,quoted in History of Golkonda, p. 136.

8

Havildars were in charge of the royal stores and stables of horses and elephants.

9

Literally, the term Mir Jumla or Ameer-i-joomla implies the chief of collections and so strictly his office was that of finance minister.

10

Jagadish Narayan Sarkar in "Some aspects of the Qutb Shahi administration of Golkonda", I.B.R.S., vol. XXX, Part I, p. 87.

11

Siddiqui, op. cit., p.137.

12

Thevenot, Travels of Thevenot into the Levant (London, 1687).

13

Siddiqui, op. cit., p. 333.

14

Saidi Nizamuddin (Hyderabad edition), p. 72.

15

Siddiqui, op. cit., p. 298.

16

See Syed Mohiuddin Zeor, Life ofMohd. Qu li (Hyderabad, 1940).

17

Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India (London, 1925).

18

Melinde was an Arab town on the east coast of Africa.

19

Saba, which was probably the Saboea of Strabo, occupies a large portion of Southern Arabia.

20

Ferishta, op cit, II, 349.

21

Ibid, p. 99.

22

Commissariat, op. cat, vol. I., p. 470.

23 Abdullah Muhammad alias Haj-ud-Dabir, Zafarul-Walih be Muzaffar wa Alkih or An Arabic History of Gujarat, translated by Sir E Denison Ross, (London, 1910) vol. I. oo. 97,407,447. 24 25

Mohammad Mazhar Hassan, "The fall of Asirgarh: a critical stud/', Islamic Culture (Julyl977), p. 201. Thalner, now a village in the Shirpur taluka of the West Khandesh district, Dhule, Maharashtra, situated on the river Tapti, 28 miles north-east of Dhule. Toward^ the end of the 14th century, Malik Raja Farqi, the founder of the dynasty chose it as its capital. Four of the Faruqi rulers of Khandesh are buried there.

26

T.W. Haiq, "Faruqi dynasty of Khandesh", Indian Antiquary (1928), p. 142.

27

Mohammad Mazhar Hassan, op. cit, p. 20.

28

Age Mahid Hussain, Khandesh in a New Light, (Bangalore, 1963), p. 39.

29

The relation between Bahadur Shah and Abdul Karim Fulad Khan had become so strained that the latter left Burhanpur and retired to the hill fortress of Songher, where Ravi Rai, a Khandeshi general was sent by Bahadur Shah with an order to cut off his head. Severe fighting took place on the river Narmada and Ravi was killed. So both fine generals were lost to him.

30

Elliot and Dowson, op. cit, 146

31

Denison Ross, op. cit, 1,86-87.

32

K.K. Basu "The siege of Asirgrah—a new study", Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, (Calcutta, 1939),p. 1102.

33

C.F. Beckingham, "Amba Geshen and Asirgarh", Journal of Semitic Studies (1957), pp. 182-8. See also Richard Pankhurst, Economic History of Ethiopia (New York, 1961) Chapter 4.

8 The Siddis of Janjira The picturesque coastal state of Janjira1 used to lie in the Murd taluqa of Kolaba (Raigad) distiict, nearly forty-five miles south of Bombay. It covered an area of approximately 325 square miles, and had a population of 7,63,000, according to the 1881 census with the Siddis or Habshis constituting only 258.2 The coastline is almost forty-five miles long. The fortified island of Janjira is situated just within the entrance of the Rajpuri creek, which was an anchoring place for the Siddi vessels. It divided the Janjira state into the northern and southern sections. In 1538, Dom Joao de Castro described "the Danda creek as the largest inlet in this part of the coast, which, at its low tide, has four fathoms at entrance. Inside were two islands, one close to the land, in the form of an elephant's trunk. It was a pleasing woody bay in which the whole Portuguese navy could take shelter".3 Half a mile east on the main land stands the town of Rajpuri and two miles south-east of it is the fort of Danda. They formed the headquarters of the land possessions of the Siddis covering much of the modern district of Raigad. From this tract were drawn the revenue and provisions of Janjira. Janjira can be taken as the best specimen of naval fort architecture of the Muslims. As the Siddis had to defend themselves from this sea-girt fort, it had all the equipment necessary for a township, viz., palace for the Siddis, quarters for officers, private houses, mosques; two sweet water tanks for drinking water were also there. The fort had an inner citadel overlooking the sea. It also had a magazine and other storing arrangements. At the entrance of the fort, on the left bastion, a tiger-like beast trampling upon elephants is carved in stone. This appears to be a common device used on many fort gates. The emblem had probably some religious significance, or it assured victory to the person constructing the fort, though it is difficult to interpret its exact meaning.4 The Legend of the Siddis The exact date of the establishment of the Abyssinians in Janjira is not clearly known. Originally the Kolis 5 had colonised the island, erected wooden fortifications around it and earned their livelihood by fishing. There is one legend which reveals that the Siddis got hold of the land by fraud. A certain Perim Khan, and one or two other Abyssinians, dressed as merchants, had brought from Surat a shipload of great boxes said to contain wine and silk. They asked Ram Patil, the Koli captain of the island, if they could land their goods. Ram Patil permitted them to do so, and in turn, they entertained the garrison with wine. The Kolis were intemperate and drank to excess, and the merchants, opening some of the boxes in which were hidden armed men, attacked and took the fort. Rama Koli seems to have been an officer under Itbarrao. But according to the legend Rama and Itbarrao were the same. Subsequently, the fort was built from inside, the Padshah was informed and Itbarrao Koli was sent

to him. Itbarrao became a Muslim after going there. Being pleased with this, the Padshah gave the right of fishing and twelve orchards of palm (mada) trees; also an umbrella as a symbol of authority, as well as a banner. He was to patrol the Janjira island with qualified troops (chabina). The Koli was sent back to Janjira with the necessary farmans. From then onwards the control of the Nizamshahis over Janjira was established6. Itbarrao ruled from 1522-1527. According to another version by Muslim historians of Ahmednagar, under the Nizamshahis, Siddi Yakut, who was in their service, captured the fort with great difficulty from the Kolis in 1490, and he was appointed as officer of Janjira by Ahmad Nizam Shah Bahri, the first king of Ahmednagar. 7 According to local information Burhan Nizam Shah (1508-1553) granted Janjira and Danda Rajpuri to his famous Shia minister, Shah Tahir.8 The Abyssinians were hardy, skilful and daring mariners and the most efficient fighters at sea among the Muslim races, while their courage and energy, combined with coolness and power of command, made them enjoy a high reputation as soldiers and administrators. The Mughals and the Siddis In 1578, when the emperor Akbar conquered Gujarat, he is said to have arranged that.Danda Rajpuri should be considered part of Ahmednagar. In 1600, Ahmednagar was taken by the Mughals and, though Malik Ambar recovered soon after most of the territory for his king, local records seem to show that till 1618, the governors of Danda Rajpuri were Mughal officers. 9 In 1618, an Abyssinian by the name of Siddi Khan was appointed governor. In 1620, Siddi Sirul was succeeded by Siddi Yakut Khan, and he, in the following year, by Siddi Ambar, who was known as Sanak or 'the little', to distinguish him from the great Siddi or Malik Ambar, who restored and ruled Ahmednagar till his death in 1926. In 1636, when Siddi Ambar was governor of Janjira, Ahmednagar was finally conquered by the Mughals, and the Ahmednagar Konkan was ceded to Bijapur. The cession is said by Kafi Khan to have been made by the emperor of Delhi in exchange for the districts belonging to Bijapur in the neighbourhood of Aurangabad. The importance of the Jaira had, by this time, increased considerably and, on the promise of protecting the Bijapur trade and Mecca pilgrims, the country from Nagothna to the Bankot river was granted to the leading Abyssinian officers of the Bijapur fleet and he was raised to the rank of wazir. In accordance with the aristocratic constitution of the Siddi community it was arranged that on the death of the wazir, the first officer of the fleet, and not the son of the late governor, was to succeed. Among the Bijapur wazirs the local records mention Siddi Ambar, Siddi Yusuf who died in 1655 and Fateh Khan.10 The English and the Siddis In the meantime there were English attempts to capture Janjira. English trade in the Arabian Ocean, in the first half of the seventeenth century, needed a stronghold to meet the attacks of the enemies of the East India Company. This would, at the same time, contribute to secure shelter for the Company's ships to take refuge; and Janjira was found to be the place. There was some dissension at Danda Rajpuri — a cannon shot from Janjira —according to Kafi Khan.11 The cause seems to have been the appointment of a new governor of Danda by Malik Ambar, then, apparently, far from Janjira. 12 The old governor did not accept the new appointment, and hastened to the castle in rebellion. The British

hoped to have the castle surrendered to them. "He would have come aboard our ships for succour", wrote Captain Hall. "But sending Mr. Priddis and Mr. Blackden ashore, we saw and perceived he had no intent". The British ship then left Danda for Bombay.13 But the English did not give up. For besides its strategic topography it was the character and occupation of the people of Janjira that troubled them. Thirty-two years later, however, President Andrews, writing to the Company, stated: "Those that inhabit Danda Rajpuri are pirates and rogues".14 In March 1628 the British fleet once more set sail for Danda Rajpuri. "Siddiambar (Siddi Ambar), the captain of the castle sent them a complimentary letter with a present. At night another boat arrived with a present from 'Abiscan' (Habshi Khan), who was trying to take the castle on behalf of the king of Ahmednagar". The English decided to send Siddi Ambar a present the next day, to see "if we could upon composition draw him to surrender up the castle unto us". But neither the temptation of great rewards nor any other inducement could persuade the governor to do so. However, he promised the disappointed English that if they would return next year, he would obtain a firman for them from the king of Dakhan, which would enable them to trade in these parts. In spite of this failure and extraordinary difficulties — they did not have the men to take such a strong place — they decided to make an attempt to storm the fortress. But this was given up on hearing the following account of the fortifications, related by the two land soldiers, who were on shore with them. Predys writes: "The Castle of Danda (Janjira) is situated in the sea upon a little hummock, distant from the shore a little more than a musket shot; by nature very strong; wherein are at least 400 men, six great pieces of ordinance, and some 16 to 18 falconet and ravenet, environed with a wall, of 18 to 20 foot towards the land, some 14 foot towards the sea, round about, with battlements and half moons; and upon the top and the middle of it a great house, and by it a block house from where three pieces of ordinance shot over to the south side into two Malabar frigates which were coming into the bay."15 At last the English fleet, frustrated in its project, left Danda Rajpuri for Dabol on 17 March 1628. Yet, they were not discouraged. They found new hope in Aurangzeb's war in Dakhan and the old enmity between the Siddis and the Mughals. In 1657 Aurangzeb approached the English several 1 times to help in capturing Danda Rajpuri. Then there is a break of 17 years in the records of relations between Janjira and the English. The Marathas and the Siddis Several others besides the English were anxious to gain possession of the castle. The Siddis of Janjira were a constant nuisance to Shivaji's kingdom, plundering the Maratha territory, desecrating the Hindu temples and kidnapping their women. The Sabhasad chronicle compares the Siddi threat to the nuisance of a mouse in a house. The Siddis of Janjira are described in the Ajayapatra (royal edict) of Amatya, a statesman of Shivaji and his times, as follows: "Further with a view to bring under his control this kingdom by his valour, he thought of subduing first the adjoining enemy who was like a disease in the stomach. The Shyamalas (Siddis) were truly the causes of harm to the state.... On account of the Shyamalas the success of the chief enemy was at first great, nay during the adverse times the Shyamalas conquered several territories and forts. At first the late revered king... checked the Shyamalas. On that occasion they were supported by the Tamras (Mughals) and therefore the Shyamalas remained as a power."16

Shivaji had spent three years enlisting the sympathy of Maratha officers. As a result he had become master of practically fhe whole of the north-western corner of the Adil Shahi kingdom, with the exception of the Konkan ports, the area where the Siddis resided. In 1648, with the help of these Maratha commandants, who broke into the Konkan from behind the Sahyadri mountains, Shivaji succeeded in conquering the Kolaba forts of Tala, Gosala and Raigarh. The following year under the Peshwa Shamraj Pandit, Shivaji sent a strong force to invade the Siddis' territory; but they were met by Fateh Khan and defeated with great slaughter. Shivaji made every effort to retrieve this misfortune by sending another force under Raghunath Pant, but Fateh Khan withstood the attack and in 1660 gained some important advantages. During the rains of 1661 Shivaji renewed the attack on Fateh Khan and, in spite of bad weather, drove back his troops and captured Danda Rajpuri before the season was open enough to allow the Bijapur government to relieve it. He opened batteries against the fort of Janjira, but for want of guns and artillery men failed to make any impression on it. Rustam-i-Zaman, an African rebel general of Ali Adil Shah II of Bijapur, invited the English to assist Shivaji but they refused. Shivaji attacked the island fort of Janjira from 1660 to 1678 but with little success. He emptied his coffers and stacked his men for its possession, but the conquest of Janjira remained an unaccomplished dream in the absence of an efficient navy. Fateh Khan was hard-pressed and applied for help to his neighbours, the English. The English factors were constantly engaged in Danda Rajpuri since 1660, as has already been seen. The English lascars refused to go to Surat for fear of the Siddi vessels at Danda Rajpuri. The Council was therefore obliged, once more, to discover the possibility of obtaining by peaceful means a fortified settlement on the western coast. The need for taking more summary measures became apparent. "Our expectations are now wholly bent to the attaining of Danda Rajpuri and it is high time to seek a place of refuge, when the honour of our nation, nay our lives are even at stake",17 wrote the Council. At last they sent Captain Roger Middleton with a few attendants and a small present of five yards of satin and three yards of scarlet to the governor of Danda Rajpuri and requested him to allow the English ships to shelter in his harbour whenever it was necessary. However, the real motive behind this request was to make a survey of the place, to gauge its strength and to discover a vulnerable point against which an attack could be made. This overture also proved a failure and forced them to turn away from the idea of attaining their desire. In a letter from Basra dated the 15 July 1660, William Parker and George Cranmer disapproved of the plan, advising them to give up the project; for they believed that Janjira could not after all prove to be such a port as they had formerly expected. But the English would not listen and the Council impressed upon them to keep up the factory of Rajpuri.18 It also appears that the authorities of Bombay were ready to comply with the request of the Siddi to help them. For they anticipated that by interfering in their affairs Janjira would eventually fall into their hands, and its advantages as a settlement would be superior to that of Bombay. So great a name for strength did the Janjira rock acquire for itself that the English factors in Bombay wrote to the Surat Council to give up Bombay and take Janjira island.19 In the meanwhile, Shivaji succeeded in persuading Fateh Khan to surrender Janjira to him. As the Bijapur government failed to send help, Fateh Khan consented to do the same and enter into his service. But three brave Siddis — Sambal, Kasim and Khairyat, staunch Muslims and deadly foes of

Shivaji — did not approve of this. They prevented this treachery by taking into confidence their countrymen and with their approval Fateh Khan was arrested and put in chains. Kasim and Khairyat, who were brothers, waived their claims in favour of Siddi Sambal, who was appointed governor ofjanjira. He immediately sought the help of his master, Adil Shah of Bijapur, and of Khan Jahan, the Mughal governor of the Deccan. Adil Shah was hardly able to help. The Mughal general, delighted to have so valuable an ally against Shivaji, sent messages of friendship and promise of assistance. The Siddis agreed to transfer their fleet from Bijapur to the Emperor and accepted the supremacy of the Mughal. In 1660 Aurangzeb changed Sambal's title from Wazir to Yakut Khan, and gave him a commission of thirty lakh rupees on the revenues of Surat. When Sambal was appointed admiral of the Mughal navy in 1677, Siddi Kasim seems to have received the command of Janjira, as according to records he remained governor of the island till his death in 1690, and Siddi Khairyat of Danda Rajpuri, which the Siddi had won back from the Marathas in 1671. During the Holi festival (March-April) that year, when the Maratha garrison was drunk and off their guard, Kasim sent four or five hundred men under his brother, Siddi Khairyat in the night with rope, ladders and other apparatus to attack the fort by land, while with thirty or forty boats he approached from the sea. At a given signal Siddi Khairyat attacked the place with loud cries from the land side. The garrison rushed to meet his attack and Kasim, planting his ladders, scaled the wall. In spite of fierce resistance, they pressed on and forced their way into the fort. A powder magazine caught fire and exploded with a crash which disturbed Shivaji, asleep forty miles off in Raigad, who woke with the words, "Something is wrong in Danda Rajpuri". In the fort a number of men, including ten or twelve of Kasim's band, were killed. The smoke and the noise made it hard to tell friend from foe, but Kasim raised his war-cry and the place was taken. Kasim followed up his success by gaining six or seven forts in the neighbourhood of Danda Rajpuri. The Siddis pushed forward their approaches and kept up such heavy fire that the commandant was forced to surrender. Kasim granted quarter to the garrison and seven hundred persons came out. He made the children and pretty women slaves, and forcibly converted them to Islam; the old and ugly women he set free, and the men he put to death. Kasim sent news of his victory to Prince Mohammed Muazzam, governor of the Deccan, and to Khan Jahan. Both he and his brother Siddi Khairyat had their ranks raised and were presented with robes of honour.20 War between Siddis and Marathas affects Peace of Bombay From 1673 till Siddi Kasim's death in 1707, as admirals of the Mughal fleet, the Siddis were at constant war with the Marathas. During Aungier's regime, in October 1672, the fleet under Siddi Yakut entered Bombay harbour with the object of ravaging the Kurlas, that is, the lands and villages of Panvel, Pen and Alibagh. As Aungier refused to let them land in Bombay they withdrew to Janjira, but returned on 24 December and were grudgingly allotted houses in the town of Mazagaon. In 1672, both Shivaji's and the Siddi fleet anchored off Bombay and requested permission to winter on the island. The English authorities were engaged in informal discussions with both. In the meanwhile, the Siddi fleet entered Bombay harbour without obtaining the necessary permission. What is more, Siddi Yakut wanted to form an alliance in their fight against Shivaji. This would have meant a stop of all supplies of provisions to Bombay. The Si4di showed appreciation of the English dilemma, but before he left, his people "with insolence characteristic of the Moors in the service of the Mughals" made a bonfire of several houses which had been allotted to them during their stay in Mazagaon. 21 At this

time the Dutch, taking advantage of these differences, were negotiating with the Marathas, whereby Shivaji was to help them to take Bombay. In return, the Dutch would engage their whole fleet for capturing Danda Rajpuri from the Siddis. But Shivaji did not comply with their demands as he had already lost nearly 15,000 men in the war with Siddis. In May 1673, the Siddi again asked for permission 'to winter' on the island of Bombay from May to October.22 The English were afraid that the Great Mughal might retaliate on the factors in Surat if his admiral, Yakut, the Siddi, was refused permission and this would mean the destruction of all their trade. The importance of this was revealed in the reply from the Surat Council to the President and Council at Bombay: "The Hon'ble Company's trade in this King's dominion is not small, it is of great consideration and ought by all means to be preserved. Trade, when that is lost we shall be subject to a thousand insolvency." 23 The President, therefore, permitted the Siddi to land four of his vessels ashore on condition that their crews withdraw and leave them under the garrison's protection. On 10 October 1673, the Siddis, with their fleet commanded by Siddi Sambal, entered the Bombay harbour without prior permission and laid waste the Pen and Nagothana rivers in the Kurlas of Shivaji's territory, contrary to solemn promise. They brought to Bombay a number of men, women and children, who had been made slaves. This action of the Siddis resulted in a scarcity of provisions and firewood on the island in the Maratha areas and could have led to desertion, causing the English serious loss of income and revenue, making it difficult for them to maintain their garrison. President Aungier disapproved this violation of the Bombay harbour, but to no avail. In spite of the president's indignation, the Siddis continued with their depredation in the kurlas, "till one hundred of the Siddis were surprised and cut to pieces without mercy by the troops of Shivaji which had arrived from Rairi. The Siddi landed the best part of his force to meet these unexpected foes, and Shivaji's troops were defeated with considerable loss".24 The Siddi then withdrew his smaller vessels, and promised not to commit any hostilities in the harbour. But in his letter to the court of Delhi the Siddi grossly misrepresented his dealings with President Aungier. Shivaji, though enraged by the recent devastations, knew that Aungier was trying his best to prevent such events from taking place. He therefore repeated his former request for cannon and invited an ambassador to settle their differences. Coincidently, letters arrived from the governor of Surat requesting that the Siddi fleet may be allowed to pass the approaching monsoon in the Bombay harbour. Aungier was in a quandary. For, if any favour were shown to the Siddis, Shivaji threatened to assist the Dutch fleet with 10,000 men to attack the island of Bombay. 25 The Siddis nevertheless anchored in the harbour on 24 April 1674. A gale justified their presence. However, President Aungier wrote to. the factories at Surat, "Siddi Sambal forced us much against our will to permit him to winter with his fleet at Mazagoan". Nevertheless, all the troubles were borne with patience, "because the people of your island are not a little enriched by the money which he and his soldiers spent here". In 1674 Shivaji reduced the whole coast from Rajpuri to Bardez near Goa. It was then agreed that more than 300 Siddis should never be on shore at the same time and that they should have no arms but swords and be under the watch of guards from the garrison. This permission was to cease if they attacked the kurlas, that is the coast south of the Bombay harbour. Aurangzeb had by that time returned to Delhi as the Afghan War was over (1675), and he urged his general, Bahadur Khan, to proceed without delay against Shivaji.26 In the meantime the English were

supplying the Siddis with ships, wood, water and provisions at Danda Rajpuri on condition they did not plunder any vessel or boat from Khanderi or Chaul. At the same time, Aurangzeb supplied the Siddis with 2,000 men, provisions, ammunition, two frigates and two large men-of-war, and the fleet arrived in Bombay harbour under the command of Siddi Kasim and Siddi Sambal in April 1677. The former was accommodated, near the fort, while the latter took up his residence in Mazagoan. Sambal pressed for fresh operations against Shivaji. The Siddi fleet, thus strengthened, went down the coast to Vengurla plundering and burning. To stop the Siddis, Shivaji sent squadrons from Gheria and Rajpur, but the Siddis escaped by turning in to relieve Janjira which was being besieged by Shivaji. It should also be pointed out that Shivaji had his vessels wintering in the Bombay harbour. It was therefore not unreasonable to grant the Siddis the same favour, though it was absolutely against the will of the English. In October that year Siddi Sambal and Siddi Kasim quarrelled about the command of the fleet, and Siddi Kasim with 300 men marched from his quarters and attacked Sambal and his followers in Mazagaon. The sound of firing reached the castle which despatched the best of the garrison and troops of horses to quell27 the riot. Siddi Sambal was superseded as commander of the fleet by Siddi Kasim, who pursued a different policy from one of his predecessors in his capacity as commander of both the fleets, the one at Surat and the other at Janjira. In order to win the goodwill of his officers he indulged in familiarities with them. Animosity existed between the two Siddis and the Council acted as mediator to bring about a peaceful settlement between them. Siddi Sambal was to have one of the Mughal ships, and his family restored to him. Siddi Kasim, after receiving everything, hoisted his flag as admiral of both the fleets. Between 1678 and 1682 Siddi Kasim made continual use of Bombay as a military base. He plundered the Alibagh coast, Shivaji's generals attempting in vain to burn his ships. For seven long years Shivaji had been making efforts to increase his fleet so as to be a match for the Siddis. In 1679 he increased his fleet to twenty-two mast grabs and forty gallivats, and as he could not persuade the English to prevent the Siddis from spending the stormy seson in Bombay harbour, he decided to land troops in Khanderi. The English decided to act at once, for they thought it was high time to check Shivaji, who was gaining ground on sea and land. Siddi Kasim was equally anxious to preserve his stronghold at Janjira, and as the Mughal could not wish for anything better, for the first time the Siddi received ungrudging help to equip his fleet from the Surat government. Siddi Kasim, well prepared, now proposed to the English a joint attack on Kennery or Khanderi in Raigad district. But the English saw through the designs of the Siddi, who ultimately meant to keep the island for himself, thus further endangering the English situation. These considerations therefore prevented them from assisting in this enterprise, which perplexed Siddi Kasim. In the meanwhile, the Marathas captured Khanderi island in 1679 and started to build a fort there. Khanderi, lying in the mouth of the Bombay bay, commanded a key position. To the north it could keep a watch on the movement of ships in Bombay waters between the points of Malabar (Bombay) and Kolaba; to the south it could see as far as the forts of Korali and Reva danda.28 In January 1680, Kasim's fleet anchored at Underi or Henry, close to Khanderi, landed men and cannon and began to fortify it, which neutralised the Maratha occupation of Khanderi. Shivaji beat off the attempts of the allies and the Siddi fleet to wrest it from him, but was defeated and severely wounded.

It was now impossible to remain neutral in this critical situation. So, negotiations were started with Shivaji's ambassador. Lest the Marathas believe that the success of the Siddis was viewed with an approving eye by the Bombay Council, the English recalled their own fleet. Subsequently, in an endeavour to put an end to the fresh negotiations started between the English and the Marathas, the Siddis sent some of the grabs captured from the Marathas to be sold in Bombay. 29 Permission, was naturally not given. On 17 February the Siddi entered the harbour with his entire fleet, landed on the south shore of Bombay, burnt towns and villages and seized nearly a thousand inhabitants. But these hostile demonstrations did not yield the results anticipated by them. In March 1680 the English broke off their alliance with the Siddis and promised neutrality. A treaty was concluded between Shivaji and the English by which Kennery remained in the possession of the Marathas, who in exchange were to leave Bombay without committing any act of harassment.30 The English did not allow the Siddis to enter the harbour, unless the latter promised to abstain from any depredation in Shivaji's Kurlas. Even after this peace treaty between $hivaji and the English the Siddis continued their aggressive activities and were harboured in Bombay. By this time the English could see that both Shivaji and the Siddi had gained a firm foothold at the very mouth of the Bombay harbour. Shivaji died on 3 April 1680. He who was so successful against the Adil Shahis, Qutb Shahis and the Mughals could not claim the same credit as far as the Siddis were concerned. Sambhaji's War with the Siddis: 1680-82 During the reign of Sambhaji the Konkan was the main centre of Maratha activity. Sambhaji had to face the onslaught of the Mughal armies led by Aurangzeb in person. The whole Maratha country was engaged. The Siddis, who had given their allegiance to Aurangzeb, fought the Marathas. Their marauding operations once again spread like fire and they occupied many of the strongholds in the Konkan. Siddi Kasim sent his small vessels from Underi or Henry to the safe shelters of Bombay harbour every year and sailed with the larger vessels, to cruise near Danda Rajpuri. At the same time a rise in the rates levied on English goods by two to three and a half per cent by the Mughals ^encouraged the Siddis to administer justice in their own way, believing that the Emperor was unfriendly to the English. Contrary to their agreement, they pillaged the south shore of Bombay harbour and offered the captives for sale in Bombay. The Bombay Council protested, but beyond setting free as many of the prisoners as they could get hold of, they took no steps to punish the Siddis. A few days later (4 May) at Mazagaon, in a running fight between the English and the Siddis, several were wounded on both sides. Next day Siddi Kasim and the main body of his troops, without any regard or warning, came so close to the fort that guns were fired at his ships, but they were finally allowed to anchor on the promise that they would not attack the Maratha coast. But Sambhaji was so annoyed with the protection given by the English that he threatened to invade Bombay. A little later, Sambhaji tried to burn the Siddi ships and landed 200 men in Underi, but it ended in disaster and most of his men were either killed or taken prisoner. Eighty heads were brought in baskets to Mazagaon, and Kasim was preparing to exhibit them on poles, but he was prevented by the Council from making such a ghastly display of barbarity. For want of money, the Siddi fleet stayed in the harbour till 22 December when it sailed away for Vengurla. After numerous chases and fights he returned in 1681 to Bombay. Earlier the President of the Council at Surat bribed the Siddi with thirty thousand rupees and sent a mandate to the Siddis to behave properly and also to reduce the custom to the old rate of two per cent.31

But the behaviour of the Siddis remained the same as before. In 1681 after sailing down the coast, Siddi Kasim returned to Bombay, from where he sailed to Surat, leaving men and ships both at Underi and Mazagaon. From Underi the Siddi several times attacked Bombay boats crossing for supplies to the Kolaba coast. In the middle of August 1681 Shambu's flotilla (22 gallivats and j albas) tried to land 4000 men at Underi but were beaten off by the Siddi fleet after a four-hour fight, and in turn the Siddi boats sailed across from Bombay, ravaged the Kolaba coast, carried off some of the chief inhabitants, and though several of them were Muhammedans, took them to Underi and beat them up till they agreed to pay a ransom of eighteen thousand rupees. All these events took place in Bombay, where the Siddis, besides taking up temporary residence, had gone to the extent of purchasing houses and establishing their families. The English at Surat complained of this breach of agreement. The Siddi retorted by demanding the value of the Maratha prisoners, whom sixteen months before, the Bombay Government had prevented him from selling. On the whole, this time the Siddis were comparatively quiet till the end of October, when, being pressed by the Bombay Council to stop their hostilities within the harbour, replied by holding up the trading vessels of the Marathas daily, and went so far as to detain a Bombay boat carrying its own pass. "All this while he (Siddi Kasim) occupied the town of Mazagaon", wrote Orme, "and every advantage of the port without control".32 Sambhaji grew so distrustful of the English that he stopped supplying Bombay with grain from his territories. The Portuguese also exploited the situation so that the price of provisions tripled in Bombay. Early in January 1682, the Maratha general, Dadaji Raghunath Deshpande, was sent to besiege Janjira, with the promise that if he took the fort he would be made one of the eight chief officers or pradhans. Later on, Sambhaji, with Sultan Akbar and 20,000 men joined the besieging forces from Raigad, battered the island for thirty days and levelled its fortifications. While the siege of Janjira was on Sambhaji tried a clever ruse. With the help of one Farjud he organised a plot for its defection. Farjud pretended to have fallen out and joined the Siddis, planning to blow up the Siddi magazine on the day fixed by Sambhaji for attack. Farjud also brought women to corrupt the garrison. Unfortunately, one of them had been the mistress of a Siddi officer; from her he got wind of the plot and Farjud and his associates were put to death.33 Sambhaji then attempted, with stones and fragments of rock, to fill the channel, which was eight hundred yards broad and thirty feet deep, and thus form a causeway for the assaulting parties. The work was not completed when he was forced to return to Raigad to meet a body of Mughal force which had invaded the Konkan and also captured Kalyan on 30 January 1682. Sheltered by a rock in the middle of the island, the garrison, under Siddi Khairyat, gallantly continued its defence while Siddi Kasim cleared the bay of Sambhaji's fleet. After Sambhaji left Rajpuri, Dadaji Raghunath Deshpande abandoned the attempt to fill the channel between Janjira and the mainland. When Siddi Kasim sailed for Bombay, Dadaji assembled boats and made an attack on the island, but was beaten off with the loss of two hundred men. In order to counterbalance the Siddi stronghold of Janjira, Sambhaji sent a subehdar to Anjadiva, to fortify it as a naval base is 1682. On hearing this the Portuguese landed 200 men at Anjadiva, threw out the Marathas and fortified it in April 1682. This led to hostilities between Sambhaji and the Portuguese. When Sambhaji attacked Chaul, then in possession of the Portuguese, in July of the same

year, Siddi Yakut Khan and Siddi Khairyat Khan rushed to the aid of the Portuguese. For some time after Sambhaji left, Siddi Kasim, with his whole fleet, continued to watch Janjira. In April he sailed to Bombay, where the English, afraid of the Emperor's displeasure, allowed him to anchor. After the Siddis came they ravaged the Maratha coast and even passed as far inland as Mahad in Kolaba and carried off the wife of Dadaji, Sambhaji's general.34 Again in October, Sambhaji's fleet sailed from the Nagothna river to attack the Siddi, whole fleet was anchored off Mazagaon. The Maratha attack was led by Siddi Misri, nephew, of Siddi Sambal, who had defected when he lost command of the Mughal fleet. Kasim commanded the Siddi fleet in person, and though he had only fifteen vessels to Sambhaji's thirty, gained a complete victory. Siddi Misri was mortally wounded, and his own and three other vessels taken.35 Enraged by this defeat Sambhaji threatened to fortify Elephanta, to annoy the English and to prevent the Siddi vessels from anchoring at Mazagaon during the monsoon season. But this scheme fell through, and instead, he suddenly proposed an alliance with the English against the Mughals and the Siddis. In November the Siddis entered the Pen river and carried away 200 prisoners to Mazagaon, the Bombay Council deprecating the whole thing but not daring to express resentment or be provoked. Not a year elapsed without frequent skirmishes among the Siddis, the English and the Marathas. In April 1684, Siddi Kasim sailed again into the Bombay harbour. He attempted to pass the fort of Bombay, as he was accustomed to, without ceremony. But this time he was called to order, and told he would not be allowed to land, except for the necessary provision of water. Annoyed by the cold reception received from the English, he turned his attention towards his own island Kennery. But he found he was no longer master of the place either, and had to depend on Mazagaon for his supply of water. From this time Bombay was no longer the headquarters of the Siddis and this had the effect of making the Marathas give up all thoughts of an attack on the island.36 Subsequently, according to the English, the Siddis thought of attacking Kennery, which would be detrimental to their interest. The English entered into a treaty with the Marathas by which the latter agreed to give them Rs. 50,000 and 2000 kandis of rice on condition that they protect the creeks and mouths of rivers along the Maratha coast.37 As Sir John Child, governor of Bombay, himself acknowledged, Sambhaji was losing against the Mughals and hence nothing much could be expected of him. On 9 January 1688, Child informed the directors that his endeavours in dealing with Sambhaji did not have the desired effect.38 Meanwhile in 1689, in the struggle against the Mughals, which formed part of Child's ambitious scheme for increasing the power of the English, boats from Bombay captured several vessels of Siddi Yakut which were carrying provisions to the Mughal army at Danda Rajpuri. Siddi Kasim wrote many polite letters to the English demanding his vessels. On receiving no justice, he landed at Sewree on the east of Bombay island on 14 February, with twenty thousand men. The next day he captured the fort of Mazagaon, which the English garrison had deserted in such foolish haste that they left behind ten chests containing 1,000 pounds each; four chests of arms, fourteen cannon and two mortars, some powder, shots and shells. The Siddi hoisted his flag in Mazagaon fort, made it his headquarters, and sent a party to plunder the island. Two companies of seventy men each, with several gentlemen volunteers, were sent from Bombay and the garrison greatly harassed. Ultimately two factors were

sent to the Emperor. After being subjected to the humiliating ordeal of having their hands tied behind their backs, they were made to prostrate themselves as culprits before the Emperor. They were severely reprimanded for the whole business. It was only then that Aurangzeb consented to come to proper terms of peace, on condition that all moneys due to his subjects be paid, that reparation be made for losses suffered by the Mughals, and that the hateful Sir John Child, 'the origin of all evil' leave India before nine months. If these terms were agreed to the Emperor was ready to grant them the new firman.39 Such words had never been addressed to the English from their first settlement in India. "The Company were treated", says Anderson, "not (as) the subjects of an independent power, but as criminals who having been mercifully pardoned, were again admitted to live in a state of slavery".40 It was not until 22 June 1690 that the Siddis departed from Mazagaon fort, which was a heap of burning ruins. Many a home was empty, and the "plague intensified by his malice, grew more virulent and in 4 months time slew more men than even he and his intemperate followers had slain".41 Sir John Child was spared the disgrace of surviving the humiliation as he expired on 4 January 1960, and this went a long way in facilitating the restoration of the English in Aurangzeb's favour. In 1690 Yakut Khan Siddi Kasim got Anganvel and Sindudurg taluqas from Aurangzeb as a reward for his help in capturing Raigad, the capital of Shivaji. He became the de facto ruler of Janjira after the death of Khairyat Khan, governor of Janjira, in 1696. After the death of Kasim, with the consent of all, Yakut Khan Siddi Sirul became the ruler of Janjira. Formerly he was the qiladar of Padmadurga about two miles north-west of Janjira. The Siddis and the Angres The struggle of the Siddis with the Marathas came to an end with the rise of Kanhoji Angre, who proved to be the most troublesome of all the sea rovers, and in 1698 he was appointed admiral of the fleet. A brave and daring commander, his ships crept along the coast, plundering every vessel and sailing up every creek to sack the undefended towns. Shivaji had guarded every creek with a fort, and these fell into the hands of Angre, who became the founder of the piratical empire extending from Goa to Bombay. Sirul Khan entered into a treaty with the Marathas in 1714 promising mutual forbearance and the suitable adjustment of rights and claims.42 Sirul Khan not only defended his possessions, but took the offensive and caused much loss in Shahu's districts. Therefore, the Marathas entered into a secret treaty with Yakut Khan, also known as Yakut Shaikji, converted Koli, one of the best of the Siddis officers.43 On condition of deserting his master's cause, Yakut was to receive the command of the Maratha fleet, almost the whole of the Siddi's possessions, and two per cent of the revenue of the lower Konkan from Pen to Kolhapur. His brother was to be appointed second in command at Raigad, and in case of success 10,000 pounds sterling (Rs. 1,00,000) were to be distributed among his troops and crew. But nothing came of this. The Portuguese had accused the Siddis of being in league with Kanhoji Angre. The viceroy complained in a letter addressed to Don Diogo Mendes (in the army of the Mughal emperor) on 15 May 1715. "The treaty that the Siddi had concluded with Angria, the Pirate, who oppresses the subjects of the Mughal King by his repeated robberies and totally ruins the port of Surat. If the Siddi

had some movements by land last year, when I besieged the Angria by sea at Kolaba, it is certain that this rebel would have been annihilated."44 In 1727 Siddi Saat, governor of Anjanwel and Govalkot, wreaked vengeance on- Brahmendra Swami by desecrating his temple which was regarded as an insult to Hinduism and Shahu was, above all, the leader of the Hindus in the Deccan. The joint forces of the Peshwas and Angria reduced Rajpuri and Kokri, the ochre-coloured ensign of Shivaji was once again hoisted on the towers of Raigarh. Sekhoji captured the fort of upper Chaul, the fort of Ravance in the Pen river, on 5 July 1773, and battered it for 3 days. Siddi Ali and Siddi Kasim, two sardars of note, were killed. During the night the Siddis fled to Underi. This was where they used to get their provisions from. If Sekhoji's men could expel the Siddis from it, the harbour and shipping of Bombay would be entirely at his mercy. The Siddis still retained Janjira and the fortresses of Anjanvel and Govalkot, but they were not in a position to offer a prolonged defence unless assistance arrived from outside, and they sent distressing signals to Goa and Bombay. The governor of Bombay responded, saying that the Siddis hoist the English flag upto Underi and deliver 'it for defence on condition that whenever the Siddis think proper to demand restitution, it shall be delivered to them on payment of charges that may have accrued in preserving it. The Goa government also despatched two men-of war to their aid. In addition Siddi Masud, the admiral of Imperial fleet, made elaborate arrangements for helping his fellow countrymen. Sekhojì therefore found himself pitted against four maritime powers, the English, the Portuguese, the Siddis of Janjira and the Siddi admiral of Surat. Help began to pour in at Janjira from outside, mainly from the English at Bombay. "Upon this emergency," the English wrote, "we have been frequently solicited by the Siddis' offers for assistance and succours both from Underee, nearest in our neighbourhood, but to grant the necessary assistance to all these it is not in our power, both from our garrison and the great distance of the places, were there no other political reasons for our so far interfering .but the consequences of Underee's falling into the enemies possession claim our more immediate attention, as that will more sensibly affect both with respect to the trade of this port and the procuring of the provision for the use of the Island".45 The English force reached Underi on 16 July 1733. Siddi Balal, the qiladar of Underi, hoisted the English flag. The English ships brought the families of the Siddis to Bombay on 19 July 1733. Sekhoji Angre was worried at the alliance between the English and the Siddis against him and therefore suspended the attack on Underi. Shekoji Angre died at Alibag on 28 August 1733; earlier Siddi Sirul Khan had passed away on 16 February 1733. Bajirao, though a valiant soldier, was not accustomed to naval warfare. The Peshwa, tired of sitting before the island castle without hope of reducing the place, advised the Raja to accept the terms offered through the English. Truce was declared on 1 December 1733. Abdur Rehman, the Peshwa's nominee, was seated on the Janjira masnad. The Peshwa agreed not to claim beyond the territory in his actual possession. Bajirao abandoned the siege of the island and marched away from Rajpuri. Thus, the Siddi was drawn back to the sea, his territory dwindling down to the rock islands of Janjira, Underi, Anjanwel and Govalkot in the south. Raigarh, the capital of Shivaji, as recovered by the Marathas as also Chaul, Thai and Revas. Siddi Saat of Anjanwel continued to give trouble for some time; there was much fighting over Bankot, Govalkot and Anjanwel. But Siddi Saat was overcome in 1736. A final treaty was concluded on 25 September 1736, establishing a dual

government in the eleven mahals formerly owned by the Siddi. The Siddis continued to administer the five and half mahals near the coast, while the rest were taken over by the Peshwa's officers. The civil war in the house of the Angres made it impossible for the Marathas to carry on any operations against the Siddis. Sambhaji Angre was at war with his brother Manaji. The result was the division of their jagirs made by the Peshwas in 1735. Sambhaji was allowed to keep the main fleet with his headquarters at Vijayadurg. His possessions narrowed down to a barren strip in South Konkan stretching from Nankot to Malwan, the revenues of which were hardly adequate to keep his fleet afloat. The result was Sambhaji Angre lost all interest in the war against the Siddis of Janjira. He earned the odour of being in league with them— the enemies of the Marathas. In the meanwhile, Siddi Sambal and Siddi Ambar managed the affairs of Janjira after Sirul Khan's death. Sirul's eldest son, Siddi Abdalla Khan, who was looking after the business of the state while Sirul was alive, was murdered at Nowgagi (a place in the fort) by the Habshis of Janjira. Subsequently, the Peshwas concluded a friendly alliance with the Siddi. In January 1740, Sambhaji Angre's fleet besieged the fort of Kolaba but the English also sent assistance to his brother Manaji. Thus Kolaba was saved. Before anything could be done in the matter, a fire broke out in his fleet in September 1741, due to which he sustained considerable loss. Many of his seasoned sailors left him on account of his poverty. Proud man that he was, he could not stand the barbs of misfortune and died on 12 January 1742. Tulaji Angre succeeded his brother in 1743. He was an intrepid seaman and would not easily give up the claim of sovereignty of the sea made by his ancestors. But despite Tulaji's offer of peace, the English sent the 'Restoration' and the Bombay grabs in December 1744 to assist the Siddi to foil Tulaji in his attempt to seize Anjanwel and Govalkot. Messages were sent to the English governor, appealing to him to step this aid, but he replied that Tulaji and his predecessors had committed untold harm on the Company's trade compelling them to spend large sums for their protection. He therefore had no choice but to take revenge. Tulaji, however, capturd Anjanwel and Govalkot on 25 January 1745, and continued to challenge the English. The Siddis at Surat Tegbakt Khan, who was now independent ruler of the city and castle of Surat, owed much of his success in recent troubles to the English at Underi. Under these circumstances the English endeavoured to obtain from him a firman for the position and revenues of the admirals of Surat, which had been allotted to the Siddis of Janjira to maintain the Mughal fleet. As the Siddi was their ally, and an ally through whom the growing power of the Marathas could be checked, they could illafford to offend them. What made the English more careful was that their own naval power had already begun to be acknowledged and they had acquired a suzerainty by forcing traders to carry English passes and declaring all those ships that were without them their lawful prizes.46 Then in June 1733 negotiations were started by the Bombay government for the appropriation of the tankha.47 Tegbakt Khan was at first anxious to please the English, but when his power was firmly established his tone changed by degrees. The Marathas now enjoyed almost all the revenue of the country around Surat. Tegbakt found himself in straitened circumstances and suggested that two lakh rupees be given to cover their expenses.48 But the negotiations were suddenly brought to a standstill by the unexpected

arrival of Siddi Masud Khan of Janjira at Surat. He came to ask the English for assistance to protect the forts which were situated south of Janjira, and -which were still in the possession of the Siddis. Masud was not a trustworthy guest, for Mr. Lowther at Surat writes: the Siddi confessed to him that the report of his friendship and alliance with Bajirao, the Peshwa, was true. Now it was clear that Siddi Masud "being for a long time at variance with Sciddee Yaucoob Caun" had been mainly instrumental in first stirring up the Marathas against his own countrymen. It was essentially due to him that the Siddis lost their fleet and many of their forts. While these negotiations were being carried on by the Surat and Bombay governments, the strong fort of Rairi under the Siddi command was delivered up to Bajirao. On 23 June 1733, Siddi Masud Khan, the principal officer of Janjira forwarded to Mr. Henry Lowther a memorial addressed to the King of England, which was signed by the Surat merchants emphasising the Angre's power at sea and the insecurity the general trade would have to undergo in case the Janjira fort was not protected. The Siddis' concern required immediate attention. But Mr. Lowther expressed his helplessness on the pretext that he could not act on his own authority. At last the Siddi, who petitioned the Mughal emperor, succeeded in getting his demands fulfilled. The Mughal court recommended to the President to help the Siddi with forces to regain his possessions. In the meanwhile, Siddi Yakut Khan died, after which it was more through the dissension of his officers than by force of arms that the enemy managed to get possession of the town of Rajpuri and the fortune of Kokre. All that remained in Siddi hands was the castle of Danda Rajpuri. The change in Tegbakt Khan's conduct was accompanied by so many acts of oppression that the English left Surat and remained on board their ships at the mouth of the Tapti. A Siddi fleet was sent to act against them but they were repulsed and the river blockaded. This caused such distress in Surat that Tegbakt Khan was forced to redress the English grievances. The English did not press their claim to be made admirals of Surat. Instead, on 6 December 1733, they concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with the seven principals of Janjira Siddis. Of course, the willingness of the English to help the Siddi was inspired by vested interests. The purpose of these treaties was to establish a lasting basis of friendship between the two parties. It bound each of the signatories not to act in any way without the consent of the other. If any one of the two parties should happen to be in enmity with a power friendly to the other party, the treaty should be merely defensive. Moreover, those on friendly terms with the enemy would make it their duty to act as mediators. The forces of both Bombay and Janjira were to be under the command of their own officers, yet the commander of the Janjira navy was to be subordinate to the chief commander of the English forces. In case Janjira was invaded by any power, who was an enemy of both the governments, Janjira was to be supported with all the naval resources the English had in Bombay; and if on the contrary, Bombay were to be attacked, Janjira would come to its assistance with thirty gallivats and two thousand sepoys. It was further agreed that all the prizes taken at sea by the united navies of the allied parties should be allotted to the English. But the territories that the land forces might occupy were to pass into the hands of the Siddis, with the exception of the fort of Kennery, which if recaptured from the Angres, was to be restored to the English, and the fort of Kolaba was to be razed to the ground. The

contracting parties were also to divide equally the revenues and products of the Kolaba district to enable the two parties to build a fort at Mohant (Mohpal) situated between the Pen and Nagothana rivers. Both the parties were to get equal shares in bearing the charges of building the fort and of supporting its garrison. The expenses incurred to supply the necessary ammunition should likewise be borne by each party. Restitution was to be made to the person injured, in case of robberies being committed on either side. If deserters committed any crime, which was punishable with the death penalty, they should be handed over by either party to their respective authorities. Under no circumstances were the Siddis allowed to issue navigation passes to any people. If occasion arose, and Kolaba was attacked, under such circumstances, the charges of maintaining their forces should be defrayed by both the parties. These articles were drawn up and signed. Besides these published articles, there was a secret treaty made between the Bombay government and the Siddis of Rajpuri, which was likewise signed and sealed the very next day. 49 The provisions of this treaty were mainly concerned with the policy to be adopted towards their common enemy, the Angrias. It was settled that a fleet was to be equipped, which meant that the Bombay Government would have to spend two lakhs. This sum of money was to be reimbursed in the following manner. The Siddis were to ask the Mughal emperor or the Governor of Surat for a sum of three lakhs, which was equivalent to the Tanka tribute. Of these three lakhs, the Siddis could keep one for himself, but the other two had to be given to the English. This was a great diplomatic victory for the English. Before long the Siddis realized to what extent they had surrendered to the English. Tegbakt Khan, in the meantime, took advantage of the Siddi weakness by keeping to himself the whole of the fleet subsidy. Failing in his efforts to obtain a share of subsidy by peaceful means, Siddi Masud of Surat collected a fleet and seized several ships at the mouth of the Tapti. The English were called to mediate and, in August 1735 Tegbakt agreed to pay the Siddi pound sterling 15,000 (Rs. 1,50,000) for the current year. But he failed to do so, and Masud, the Siddis, agent at Surat, again interrupted the trade, raising his demand to pound sterling 90,000. This time the English refused to interfere and the governor was left to make his own arrangements. After some concession, in February 1736, he succeeded in inducing the Siddi to restore all the ships he had taken,50 and the tanka affair was finally settled.51 The English Dilemma The English and the Siddis continued to be on friendly terms with each other. The trouble in Surat was hardly over, when in the beginning of the year 1756, just ten years after the death of Tegbakt Khan, Siddi Masud died. The English immediately sent a strong force to Surat in order to quell any disturbance that may arise on the occasion.52 By this time, i.e. 1756, the Siddi, the Portuguese and the Angre had ceased to be a danger to the English. The Marathas alone now imperilled them. In 1760 the Siddi of Janjira arrived in Bombay to pay a visit to the departing governor. He told the English that he was in great distress, for he had no money and ammunition to ward off the ceaseless attacks of the relentless Marathas. The English however could not offend Nana Fadnis (1741-1800), who was already one of the prominent Maratha leaders. Nor could they refuse to help the Siddi, for if the Marathas took possession of Danda Rajpuri, they would become formidable neighbours. If,

moreover, the Marathas became masters of Janjira they would be more troublesome to the English in their demands about, the tanka at Surat than the Siddis, and in case they did not help the Siddis, their desperate state of affairs might induce them to ask the help of the Dutch and in the words of the President they would thus "at once render all the abortive pains we have taken to prevent their (the Dutch) getting any footing there". Therefore they resolved to help the Siddi as secretly as it could be done.53 They were to take in return as security any jewels he had, or anything else which it was in his power to give. Again, in February 1760 the Siddi Ibrahim Khan made another appeal for the Fort of Kansa at the mouth of the Rajpuri creek which was in imminent danger. The President's instructions to the Janjira Committee, appointed in January 1761, was to make it clear to Ramaji Pant, the leader of the Maratha fleet, that in sending their expedition to Janjira they were acting as mediators between the Siddis and the Peshwas. If Ramaji Pant was not prepared to withdraw his force, then the English would hoist their colours both at Janjira and Kansa, until an amicable settlement was arrived at. In return for all these troubles the English expected that the Siddi would sign a contract, by which they would not allow any other European power to settle in Janjira.54 Ramaji Pant avoided holding a meeting. He declined to withdraw his forces unless both Siddi Ibrahim and Siddi Yakut Khan gave up the possession of the castles and their forts were garrisoned by the English. This time the English showed a more determined attitude. The President decided to dispatch a letter to the Regency at Poona and to send an ultimatum to Ramaji through the English agent, Monkoji. By the end of March the Janjira Committee informed the President the entire Maratha force had retreated by land. On 5 March January 1761 the Union Jack was hoisted on the fort of Janjira. The Maratha forces gave up the siege on 23 March 1761. After they left, the Committee wanted to return to Bombay but the Siddi would not hear of this, asking them to stay "until his government was a little settled, and his subjects convinced, that Rajapore ha,d once again become a safe haven for them". The Siddi complained in his letter of 14 September that the continuous attacks of the Marathas had not only ruined his country, but also reduced his people to such a state of poverty that they had begun to plunder among themselves. It would take fifteen years to restore Janjira to its original state, provided it was not invaded. The English helped the Siddis because of the agreement entered into between the Honourable Charles Crommelin and Govind Pant Tatya of Poona on behalf of Madhavrao Balaji, the son of Balaji Baji Rao. By this treaty they had not only promised to remain on friendly terms with the Marathas but also agreed to act as mediators to adjust the disputes between the Siddi of Janjira and the Government of Poona. In September 1762, Siddi Ibrahim died. He had usurped the throne of the real claimant, Abdul Rahim Khan, son of Khanjad Siddi Sirul. He sat on the throne for three years but after sometime went into exile. Siddi Yakut Khan and Abdul Rahim contested for the throne of Janjira in which the British supported Siddi Yakut Khan. The English however thought that unless they succeeded in placating Abdul Rahim Khan, who had a force of 3000 men, he would turn into an intrepid foe. So they asked the Siddis to settle the dispute among themselves. The Marathas would have no reason to complain against the proceedings of the English, because by the treaty of 1761 they had stipulated never to interfere in an engagement between the English and the Siddi. However, Siddi Abdul Rahim showed no sign of submission. Force was

the last resort the English had, if they wished to regain the Medgur Fort. Mr. Fletcher, who had been sent to Janjira to sort out things, decided eventually to act in conjunction with Siddi Yakut's forces on 22 November 1767. But scarcely had the troops landed when they made haste to re-embark because the English were hopelessly out-numbered. When reinforcements had been sent from Bombay on 29 November 1767 and on the morning of 1 December, the British troops were put on shore at three different places at once. Within a short space of three hours peace was once more restored. But the victory was a costly one, though no force was necessary for as soon as the English troops approached the fort, the Kiledar was ready to deliver it into their hands. Siddi Abdul Rahim had made good his escape and withdrew into Maratha territory. The Janjira Committee succeeded in obtaining from the Siddi only Rs 17,000 in cash.55 Siddi Abdul Rahim made his appearance again at Goregaon with more than two hundred men. By this time the English were weary of settling the endless disputes which arose every now and then between the two Siddis. The President therefore asked them to come to a final settlement and to pay Siddi Abdul Rahim a suitable allowance. By the middle of May 1768 they longed for peace between Siddi Yakut Khan of Janjira and Siddi Abdul-Rahim was concluded in Bombay through the mediation of the President at Bombay. Four years later in 1772, an agreement was finally arrived at by which Abdul Rahim was put in possession of Danda Rajpuri in place of Siddi Yakut, and also promised the right succession to Janjira. He succeeded Siddi Yakut in 1784 and died on the morning of 30 November 1785. Siddi Jauhar, the son-in-law of Siddi Abdul Rahim Saheb, usurped the throne after his death. Abdul Rahim's legitimate son, Abdul Karim Khan, alias Balu Mian, who was the real successor, fled to Poona and approached Peshwa Nana Fadnis to give him asylum. On 6 June 1791 Balu Mian agreed with the Marathas to hand over Janjira in return for a jagir in Gujarat equal in revenue to Janjira. This proved to be merely a paper agreement and Janjira was never transferred to the Marathas. Siddi Jauhar, with the help of English, ruled till his death in 1789 and enjoyed the power of the Chief without occupying the throne. Siddi Ibrahim, also known as Dhakale Bhai, (younger brother) the nephew of Siddi Abdul Rahim Khan, became the Chief now. All the work of wazir was assigned to Siddi Jamrud, the Qiledar of Matgad fort, and Siddi Ibrahim was made the Chief on 15 March 1790. Siddi Jamrud arrested Siddi Ibrahim Khan on 9 October 1794 and usurped the throne of Janjira. Jamrud died in 1804 A.D. Ibrahim was still under arrest but was released and became the ruler of Janjira till 1826 A.D. He was succeeded by Siddi Mahamad (1826-1848). It was during his reign that the British established supremacy over Janjira in 1831 A.D. and closed the Mint of the island. In 1884 Mahmad Khan abdicated the throne in favour of his son Ibrahim whose rule from 1848-1870 was full of confusion and disorder. He was therefore deposed in 1870. But after an enquiry the British restored him to power. He was, however, not a successful ruler and died in 1879. In a letter to the British, Siddi Husain Juburtee who had been confined in the fort by Siddi Ibrahim Khan Yakut Khan, complained that the Nawab of Janjira had conspired to kill him and his eldest son and they had to take refuge in British territory. British Management of janjira State The British set about to establish law and order and introduce a modern administration in Janjira. For several years prior to 1869, the Khan of Janjira had been guilty of gross mismanagement of his

government, and especially abused the criminal powers he possessed over his subjects. After repeated warnings it was resolved to withdraw his criminal jurisdiction.56 In a letter from Bombay which announced this decision, it was stated that this deprivation would remain in force during the pleasure of the British Government. The Nawab strongly deprecated the loss of his criminal jurisdiction and contended that without this power he would be unable to realise the revenues. The British authorities felt, however, that the objection would be overcome if a regular revenue code was introduced. The Khan's civil and revenue jurisdiction were left intact. The government had appointed a Political Agent in 1869. But now an Assistant Political Agent was also appointed to reside within the state with powers up to those of an Assistant Sessions Judge. The Assistant Political Agent was made subordinate to the Collector and Political Agent, who was also vested with the powers of a Sessions Judge. All the expenses of these arrangements were to be defrayed from the state revenues. The Siddi of Janjira, however, did not take it lying down. He asked "the Political Agent to refrain from attempting to interfere in matters relating to the revenue administration of my principality, the selection and employment of my subordinate officers, or other affairs of a like nature which do not come within the proper scope of the duties entrusted to the functionary by Your Excellency's government".57 The Nawab also caused intense dissatisfaction among his Mohammedan subjects as he ceased to pay the Bakshee's inam. The title of bakshee was granted to the present Bakshee's ancestors by the Emperor Aurangzeb, about the same time as the chief of Janjira was conferred the title of Yakut Khan by him. The inam of about 500 rupees per annum was given for the service of his ancestor as a sort of political agent in the state deputed by the emperor of Delhi. The only reason for its withdrawal was that he was unfortunately a relation of Siddi Husain Juburtee, an arch enemy of the Nawab. But there was deep resentment over this act and since it was granted in perpetuity out of Janjira's revenue, the Nawab had no right to stop it. The Siddi sardars, from time to time, also made complaints of the harsh treatment meted out to them by the Nawab and his officials. But enquiries revealed that although perhaps a little harshness was shown to them regarding payment of revenue, land questions, etc., yet the Nawab had dealt with them legally. Siddi Husain Juburtee, about w hom the Nawab had complained earlier, was imprisoned for treason, but escaped in April 1869. The Nawab now requested the government "either to order the said Siddi Husain to be seized and delivered up to me for the purpose of being detained in confinement, or at least banish him from my territory". He further stated he considers it unsafe to return to Janjira from Bombay so long as Siddi Husain was allowed to reside in his fort. Siddi Husain was the father of Fatima Beebee, wife of the Nawab, who died the previous year under suspicious circumstances. It appeared from the letter that he was the leader of the party representing the interests of the Nawab's kinsmen referred to as Siddi sardars or Siddi chieftains. Earlier in 1870, in the absence of the Nawab, elections by the Siddi chiefs resulted in a new nawab, Ahmed Khan, then a boy of ten and the legitimate son of the Nawab, formally being proclaimed successor. The Siddi sardars, unexpectedly created disturbances, asserting their claim , to participate in the administration. However, in 1870 the Governor and President in Council at Bombay wrote: "From the evidence which has been obtained, Government have come to the conclusion that the Siddi Sardars have, by long disuse, lost that original claim they may have had to regulate the administration of state, and that no such claim can now be held to exist".58 The Siddi was gratified

that the government had satisfied itself that no one had a right to his state. The interference of the British government, so the Nawab felt, in depriving him of his criminal jurisdiction had encouraged the Siddis to depose him, and to believe, perhaps, that his deposition would not be viewed with dis favour. In fact there was no evidence that the people of Janjira had any desire for a change of government, and it would seem that the movement was simply the result of palace intrigues, and not the outcome of any popular sentiment. The right they arrogated to themselves of electing their chief they later admitted rested wholly with the supreme government. The British government thus reinstated the Nawab Siddi Ibrahim Khan on 23 January 1871, and by 1874 the Siddis had completely reconciled themselves to him. Two of the disaffected ones—Siddi Husain and Siddi Mohammed—appeared to share his confidence for they were always present both in the durbars and at private interviews. In November 1870 the Nawab of Janjira accepted the articles of agreement sent by the government. Nawab Ibrahim died on 28 January 1879, leaving two illegitimate sons, Siddi Mohammed Bakshi, aged seven, and Abdul Rehman, aged eighteen, both by Saidabi, a concubine of low birth. He one legitimate son, named Ahmed Khan, aged nineteen, whose mother Fatima Beebeè was the daughter of the renegade, Siddi Husain Juburtee. Siddi Ahmed Khan was assured of the administration when he was 21 years of age. In the meanwhile, he was sent to Rajkumar College at Rajkot to complete his education. Till then the government was carried on by the Kharbari with ministerial duties under the supervision of the Political Agent. During the reign of Siddi Ahmed Khan the state was brought more in line with the British territories. The system of revenue account was now simplified in view of the incomparably smaller means of the state and the limited capacity and efficiency of its accounts establishment. Three acts were passed in 1888 by the Nawab relating to the Janjira state: the Municipal Act, the Janjira Local Fund Act, the Janjira Land Improvement Act, and the procedure or the Tehsildar Court. The total military strength was 311 consisting of 47 garrisons, 14 gunners and 250 irregulars. Some of these men carried old fashioned swords, while others had old matchlocks of native manufacturer. They lived throughout the year in Janjira and received no regular military training, thus were unfit for active service. The total strength of the police force was 135. The articles exported to Bombay were chiefly firewood, betel, coconuts, dried fish and hemp. There were 43 schools, including a girls school, in the whole district by 1884. The British Government was anxious to check salt smuggling, in which they had failed. These arrangements had not been pressed because of the great aversion of the late Nawab to change of any kind. The problem was that the duty imposed on salt from the salt works in Habshan and also that imported from Jafarabad in Kathiawar, a dependency of Janjira, was much lower than the British rate; and also the Habshan salt customs tariff and akbari regulations differed widely from the British. It was thus necessary to maintain a cordon of customs posts round Habshan in order to prevent the entrance into British territory of untaxed salt, liquor and merchandise. But it could not be withdrawn unless the Habshi agreed to assimilate his rate of taxation, customs, and excise revenue management, to those obtaining in the adjacent British territory and made unprofitable. It was also thought advisable to stipulate that the Nawab would not import arms and ammunition except from the port of Bombay. In 1884 an agreement between Siddi Ahmed Khan and the Governor of Bombay was signed

regarding customs, salt, opium and akbari in Habshan.59 In 1915, the community of Ben Israelis of Jewish descent were found in the state. Their clothes combined the Muslim and Hindu styles and their language was Marathi. They were oil presseurs by trade; and though fond of drink, they were enterprising and prosperous people. Since then they seem to have migrated to Bombay. The relations between the British Government and the state of Janjira were now regulated by the treaty of 1870. The government was satisfied with the Nawab's administration and the title of KCIE was conferred on the Nawab in 1895. Later on his salute was permanently raised from nine guns to eleven. Sir Siddi Ahmed Khan was married to the daughter of Haji Hasan Ali Fyzee, a brother of Mrs. Badruddin Tyabjee, the wife of a judge of the Bombay High Court. A picturesque palace built in 1882 is located at Murud, a mile from the coast. Sir Siddi Ahmed is the grandfather of the present family. He died in 1922 and was succeeded by Siddi Mohammed Khan, who left the palace in 1949 and went to live in Indore in present day Madhya Pradesh. He died in 1972. Today the Janjira fort is under the archaeology department. Till the early 1960s people stayed in the fort but today it is in utter neglect, though a tourist spot. The present Nawab knows little about the family history. He lives in Bhopal and has married a girl from Bangladesh. They often utilise the palace in Janjira and own some groves there. The sister, Fatima Jazdariwall, 21 years his senior, knows the family's history. She is married and lives in Bombay. Both brother and sister are extremely good-looking. The Nawab has fine features which bear testimony to his ancestry and a trace of Arab blood. They take great pride in their ancestry, specially the valour of the Siddis, and how it has been embedded in their character by their parents. The state of Jafarabad, fifty-three square miles, is situated in the extreme south of Kathiawar in present-day Gujarat state and was a dependency of the Janjira state. The capital town of Jafarabad with a population of about 7,000 was a seaport, situated in a fine creek, about a mile inland from the Arabian Sea. The name was a contraction of Muzaffarabad, after the Sultan Muzaffar of Gujarat, who built its fort. At the entrance of the creek there is a beautiful light-house with an English revolving light, and flag staff for hoisting storm signals. It enjoyed important facilities for commerce, and its coastal trade was next only to that of Diu, amounting to nearly ten lakhs per annum. It was ruled on behalf of the Nawab by a mamlatdar, with revenue and judicial authority, who resided at Jafarabad and looked after the administration of the taluka, under the immediate control of the state Karbhari at Janjira. There was also a Madatnis Kamgar (helper) who looked after the civil works. The report of 1899-1900 stated: "The administration of the state was conducted with care and efficiency in every department, which is due to a great extent to the personal interest and supervision of His Highness, the Nawab Saheb. The arrangement made for famine relief, especially in Jafarabad which was severely affected, was very satisfactory".60 The State of Sachin His Highness Nawab Siddi Ibrahim Mohamed Yakut Khan was the Nawab of Sachin, which was a small state, forty-two sq miles in area, in the Surat political agency of the former Bombay Presidency, now in Gujarat state. It was, however, a rich and resourceful principality with 30,000 inhabitants,

yielding an annual revenue of two lakhs and a half. The Nawab exercised full sovereign powers over his subjects in both civil and criminal matters, and was entitled to a salute of nine guns. The family of the Nawab of Sachin was an off-shoot of Janjira. As mentioned in the sketch of Janjira, it supplied a number of admirals under the kings of Ahmednagar and Bijapur, and afterwards transferred its allegiance to the Mughal emperors. In 1784, Ballo Miyan, the rightful heir of Janjira, was expelled from the state by a junior member of the family, and the exiled prince took refuge with the Peshwa in the hope of getting back the state. But the Peshwa was not enthusiastic in the matter, and it dragged on for some time, until Ballo Miyan sought the aid of Sir Charles Male, the British resident in the Peshwa's court at Pune. Through British intervention, a treaty was made with the Peshwa in 1791, by which Ballo Miyan was to receive in perpetuity a territory in Gujarat equal in value to the territory of Janjira. The tract so conferred on him constituted a pargana in the neighbourhood of Surat, yielding an annual income of Rs. 75,000. It consisted of twenty villages, seventeen in Chorasi division, and three in Jalalpur division of Surat district. He made Lajpore, on the Mindola river, the capital, and was allowed the title of Nawab on payment of a nazarana to the Mughal emperor at Delhi. Latterly, he changed his lesidence to Sachin. He was succeeded by his son, Ibrahim Mahommed Yakut Khan, in whose days the state became overburdened with debt. The British intervened and took up the management in 1835, giving him a monthly allowance of Rs 38,000. Ibrahim Mahommed Yakut Khan died in 1853, and his son Abdul Karim Khan succeeded him. He enjoyed the confidence of the British. The state was made over to him, though a balance of five lakh rupees remained unpaid, and an agreement was entered into, by which he undertook to liquidate the debt by paying Rs. 35,000 annually. A sanad of adoption was granted to him in 1866, and special privileges were conferred on the family. Captain H.H. Nawab Sidi, Ibrahim Mahommed Yakut Khan, Mubazarat Dawla Nasrat Jung Bahadur, the recent ruler was brought up by a European lady. He was then sent to Rajkumar College at Rajkot. From 1904 to 1906 he received military training in the Imperial Cadet Corps, after which he returned to the state to gain administrative experience, and was invested with full powers on 4 May 1907. In 1906 he married Fatima Sultan Jehan Begum, the only daughter of his uncle. The Nawab was a capable ruler and introduced many reforms in the state. The state, like Janjira, was incorporated into the Indian Union at the time of independence, and all powers and privileges removed by the abolition of privy purses in 1972. NOTES 1

The word Janjira organised from the Arabic word, 'Jazira' i.e an island. The whole country is generally known as Janjira though the name refers mainly to the island fortress. The island is also called Habshan, that is of the Habshis, or Africa land. See GBP: Kolaba and Janijira, vol XI, 1833, p. 432 for early history of Janjira.

2

Thereafter they have all been included as Muslim. The home speech of the Siddis is Dakhni or a corrupt from of Hindustani or Konkani. All the Janjira Muslims are Sunnis; the Siddis belong to the Hanafi School. The foreign element in the Siddis is Abyssinian, not negro. They are generally larger boned and more robust than Konkani Muslims. The Siddis were also known as Habshis, from the territory of Habshan.

3

Primeiro Roteiro da Costa da India, pp. 160-67.

4

GBP, op. cit., pp. 642-43.

5

Fishermen.

6

D.B. Paransis, "History of the Siddis of Janjira", Bharat Varsha, vol. II, 1987.

7

Sahabi's Ahmednagar History (3-7) gives the following account of the way in which Siddi Yakut acquired command of Janjira fort. During the siege Ahmad Nizam Shah, looking down from the rock shore across the half mile of sea to the fort, lost heart, and turning to his General Salabat Khan and his slave Yakut, said: "Who can take a fort whose moat is the sea"? Salabat Khan was silent. But Yakut raised himself from the water and struck at the boat with his "sword declaring that he would not come back unless the king commanded, and sent his right ring as a token of his command. Ahmed sent his ring and Yakut binding it in his turban swam ashore. Pleased with his courage Ahmed promised that if Janjira fell, Yakut should command it.

8

Danda Rajpuri was, after Chaul, the port of most consequence under the Ahmednagar kings. In the 17th century it was still a place of trade. But the unceasing struggle between the Siddis and the Marathas, that filled the last quarter of the 17th century, drove trade from Rajpuri, and it has never returned. Danda Rajpuri, on the southern shore of the Rajpuri creek, is about a mile from the island fort of Janjira.

9

The appointment of one Allah Khan is noted in 1612 and of Ibrahim Khan in 1618.

10

Grant Duff, History of the Marathas (Calcutta, 1921), p. 63.

11

Kafi Khan, Muntakabul Dubah (Calcutta, 1869, p. 280).

12

William Foster, English Factories in India (Oxford, 1906), p. 219.

13

Captain John Hall to the President and Council, Swalley, 21st February 1628, Forster, op. cit., p. 24.

14

From President Andrews to the Company, 10th January 1660, Foster, Ibid.

15

Richard Predy's Account, Foster, Ibid, pp. 252-53.

16

Quoted in Kamal Gokhale's Chattrapati Sambtiaji, (Pune, 1978), p. 70-71.

17

Grant Duff, op. cit., p. 83.

18

Ibid.

19

BG, Ibid., p. 436.

20

Kafi Khan in Elliot and Downson, op. cit., VII, 289-92.

21

GBP, Chapter III, p. 12.

22

By 'winter' the English meant the monsoons.

23

From Surat to the President at Bombay, 18th March 1673, Appendix no. 3.

24

D.R. Banaji, Bombay and the Siddis (Bombay, 1932), p. 17.

25

Orme, op. cit., p. 41.

26

Ibid., p. 44.

27

Bombay City Gazetteer (rept. 1977), p. 82.

28

29

G.S. Sardesai, New History of the Maratlias, (Bombay, 1946, vol. I, pp. 289-91. Khanderi is eleven miles south of Bombay and thirty miles north of Janjira. The only islands on the Kolaba coast are the rocks of Khanderi and Underi (Kennery and Henery), at about 21/2 and 2 miles respectively from Thai. They are separated from one another by about two miles. Banaji, op. cit., p. 31.

30

The Treaty was concluded between the Marathas and the English on 18th January, 1680. For some of the salient articles relating to the Siddis see Kamal Gokhale, op. cit, p. 74.

31

Orme, op. cit., pp. 96-98.

32

Orme, op. cit., pp. 107-9.

33

Iliìiasa Sangralm, p. 40.

34

Mahad was a good inland port throbbing with trade.

35

C. Fawcett, The English Factories in India, (New Series) vol. Ill, pp. 109-72.

36

Orme, op. cit., pp. 134-35.

37

Philp Anderson, The English in Western India, (Bombay, 1854), p. 242.

38

F.R. vol. 3, Bombay, 9th January, 1688, quoted by W.S. Desai in Indian History Congress (1938), p. 605.

39

Firman of Aurangzeb to the Company is dated 27th February, 1689-90.

40

Anderson, op. cit., p. 115-16.

41

S.M. Edwards, Rise of Bombay, (Bombay 1902) p. 132.

42

D.B. Paranis, op. cit., Bliarat Vasha, vol. II, 1897.

43

Yakut, who was familiarly known as Shaikji, had the unqualified confidence of the Siddis. He was a descendant of one of the Koli chiefs of the Konkan and was hereditary patil of Gohad. He was taken prisoner as a child and brought up as a Muslim. He early distinguished himself, and, on getting command of a ship, became celebrated for his stratagem and bravery. See GBP, vol. XI, Chapter III.

44

Ismael, Gracias, quoted in S. Sen, Studies in Indian History, p. 81.

45

Public Department Diary, No. 5, pp. 148-90,13th July, 1733.

46

See Bombay Quarterly Review, IV, pp. 187-89.

47

This special revenue, which was granted to the Siddis for their naval service, was known as "Tankha".

48

The negotiations lasted from 7th June to July 31st, 1733.

49

Quoted in Banaji, op. cit, pp. 74-75.

50

See Surat Diary from March 1735 to February 1736; Consultation Book of the Bombay Government.

51

Bombay Castle Diary, 16th March, 1735-36, referring to a letter from Surat, 9th March, 1736, Appendix no. 97.

52

From the Chief and factors at Surat to the President; Bombay Castle Diary, 27th January, 1754, Appendix no. 238.

53

Bombay Castle Diary, 26th February 1760, Appendix, no. 244.

54

Instructions to the Janjira Committee, Bombay Castle Diary, 1st March 1761, Appendix no. 251.

55

See Janjira Committee to the President of Bombay, Bombay Castle Diary, 1767, Appendix nos. 260 to 282.

56

From acting Chief Secretary to the Government of Bombay, no. 524, 30th November, 1869; Resolution 1382,29th September 1869.

57

His Excellency Seedee Ibrahim Khan Yakoot Khan, Nawab of Janjira, 5th April 1870, to His Excellency the Governor and President, Bombay in Council, Foreign Department Pol A, September, 1873.

58

F.R. "Management of Janjira side over to the Nawab", no. 262, 2, Khureta, dated Mahabaleshwar, 17th November 1870.

59

See Appendix B.

60

W.T. Morison, Acting Secretary to Government, Administrative Report of the Janjira State, for the year 1899-1900.

9 The Importation of Arabs and Africans into Hyderabad The creation of Hyderabad as an independent state by Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah marked the break—up of the Mughal empire during the first half of the eighteenth century. Subsequently, the Nizam was forced to enter into a subsidiary alliance with the British in 1798 and 1800. The turning point in Hyderabad's history came during the thirty years of prime ministership of Salar Jung I (1853-1883). What helped Salar Jung to secure the necessary freedom of action from control of the British was that Hyderabad did not join the 1857 rebellion on North India and remained loyal to the British. As a token of their regard the British cancelled the Nizam's debt of Rs. 50 lakh and restored to him some of the rich territories they had taken away. This helped to increase the revenue. The state of Hyderabad included Tilangana and some areas of present—day Karnataka and Marathwada. The British, however, were concerned about Hyderabad's links with the Hadramaut, in particular, the Jemadar of Shuhur and the Nakeeb of Maculla.1 The Kayatee family of Shuhur at this time consisted of five brothers. The eldest was governor of the town of Shiban in Hadramaut, while the remaining were in the service of the Nizam of Hyderabad. In fact, the wealthy members of the Owlakees of Maculla were also serving the Hyderabad state. Both states had a large number of negroes. In Maculla, situated on the seaboard midway between Aden and Muscat—a port of call for steamers trading between India and Europe—not surprisingly in 1886, long after the agreement on slave trade was signed (1863), it was noted "we see a large number of negroes ... there was a considerable importation of slaves especially from Galla and Abyssinia".2 Joseph E. Harris pointed out earlier: "In December 1869, the British political agent in Turkish Arabia reported that many African slaves were allegedly disguised as women in order to pass by the Bombay customs officials.3 Female slaves and men disguised as women posed as wives and daughters of the dealers. Dr. E.G. Balfour, deputy inspector-general of hospitals in Secunderabad, Hyderabad, confirmed that a number of Africans were imported into Hyderabad as domestics and that many Arabs returned from pilgrimage to Mecca which was the centre of this slave trade with one or two Africans who posed as members of the family." The movement of Arabs, especially those returning from pilgrimage from Mecca, was never checked. "The presence of Africans in the city was also noted by the Resident of Hyderabad in 1870; he rejected the term 'slave', however, because he believed that the Africans could leave their 'masters'. He based this belief on a report by Sir Salar Jung, who wrote to Major. W. Tweedie, first Assistant Resident of Hyderabad, that although some Arabs did bring Africans with them from Arabia, he could not confirm that the Africans were slaves because soon after their arrival they were seen working for other 'masters'. He noted: "Since I have assumed the administration, except for one or two cases, I have not heard of any complaint from any African of oppression having been exercised on him, or any complaint touching slavery." 4 This was

confirmed by the Commissioner of Customs. According to him, Africans from Arabia appeared to be satisfied members of the family, and they did not seem to have been brought against their will. The British Government grew alarmed at the large number of Arab mercenaries in Hyderabad and the possibility of an attempt to seize power from the Nizam and also at the interference of the Nizam's government in the war between the states of Maculla and Shuhur." When the Jemadar of Shuhur seized the port of Maculla in 1866 he made Hyderabad the base of the operations. In 1875 it was found that the Jemadar received active support from Hyderabad. The money came from Bombay, and was believed to have been supplied from Hyderabad. Salar Jung tried to effect a temporary settlement of the dispute, which the British resented, stating, "The Nizam's Government lies under a distinct promise not to interfere in Arabian affairs". 5 But, in real truth, Sir Salar Jung was also afraid of the turbulent and powerful Arab Jemadars in the service of the Hyderabad State, mainly in the armed forces, among who were several Siddis. The number of Arabs in and around Hyderabad 6 was not known but it was considered large enough and if any further collision should occur the consequences could be serious.7 This frightened the British, who emphasised the need to control the Hyderabad Arabs in future and the reduction of the Arab element in Hyderabad which is now "distinctly explosive, having for their object the breaking of the Arab strength in the Nizam's territories. This will be difficult, and the matter must be carefully and deliberately worked out, but we ought not, in my opinion to let the Hyderabad State remain as it is now, a source of danger. We ought not to have a large British garrison hopelessly locked up in Hyderabad in case of serious difficulties elsewhere and until the Arabs are reduced and thoroughly broken in this will always be the position".8 Report of the occurrence of a dispute on 30 October 1886 between the police and the Arabs under Sultan Nawaz Jung, one of the Shuhur families, brought things to a head. The Arabs (Siddis) seized some police thanas9 and murdered eleven men. According to the police, a procession of Sultan Nawaz Jung's children arrived at the old bridge accompanied by several Arabs, Siddis and Rohillas when a procession of a Goshamahal Regiment Tabu 10 was passing the same place. A dispute arose between the two parties, and one of the regimental set—up was wounded by a Siddi accompanying Sultan Nawaz Jung's children. When the police apprehended him, a dispute arose between the Arabs and the police. Nawaz Jung said "I bore patiently upto now the tyranny of the police." But when he heard from his people "this African had been apprehended and that the elephant which carried his children had fled, he issued orders to his jawans to punish the police." 11 The plan of using this opportunity for disarming the Arabs generally and for establishing them in new quarters outside the city was abandoned, because it would have had the effect of enlisting the sympathies of all Arabs on the side of Sultan Nawaz. Instead, the British launched upon an exercise of overhauling the Nizam's military forces and by controlling the influx at Bombay, by detaining those who were not provided with passports and deporting them to Aden, under Act III of 1864, and to request the Nizam Government for the amount.12 Similarly recognizing the possibility of African cooperation in an Arab attempt to seize political control, the Government of India in 1882 began to restrict the movement of Africans in Hyderabad because Africans "consort with Arabs, follow the same purposes, are practically the same." 13

Africans were detained at Bombay and were not allowed to proceed from Bombay unless they had been provided with a pass from the resident of Aden. Siddi ka Risala : The African Bodyguard During the ziladari of the Raja of Wanaparthy in Mahboobnagar district about 100 kms from Hyderabad, which was part of the Nizam's dominions, the first batch of Africans were bought. 14 Raja Rameshwar Rao I of Wanaparthy was interested in building up a disciplined 'armed force under his command. He imported Siddis from Somalia and Abyssinia and organised them into two regiments— one of Siddi soldiers known as the African Bodyguard and another regiment of Siddi cavalry known as the Wanaparthy Lancers. On account of skirmishes and conflicts between the Raja's troops and the Nisam's, the British Residency intervened and arranged a tripartite treaty by which the Raja presented his African Bodyguard and Wanaparthy Lancers to the Nizam while he was appointed the Inspector General of the Nizam's field forces. The Nizam also agreed to respect the Raja's autonomy. Raja Rameshwar Rao I established a cantonment at Makhtal in Mahboobnagar district, where these troops were stationed. Under the command of the Raja these soldiers served the government of the Nizam during the 1857 rebellion. They continued to be fielded for action under the command of Raja to subdue Afghans and dacoits in the Deccan. The African cavalry, later renamed the Golconda Lancers, became a part of the Nizam's regular forces. On the death of the Raja all the personal forces and troops of the Raja including the African cavalry were gifted to the Nizam, the Makhtal cantonment was abolished and the establishment transferred to Maharajgam and Lakdi-ka-Pul (Khairatabad). The establishment in Lakdi-ka-pul of the African Bodyguard and the cavalry existed during the police action in 1948. Rameshwar Rao III, the last ruler of Wanaparthy, was sent for his riding lessons to the African cavalry at Lakdi-ka-pul. He not only learnt riding there under the supervision of Siddi horsemen but was also regaled with stories of how their ancestors were .brought to India and formed the infantry and cavalry, personal troops of the Raja of Wanaparthy and how they were presented to the Nizam when the Raja died. Many of the Siddi call themselves "Bin-Bahiree" or Son of Bahiree, Bahiree being a title of the Rajas of Wanaparthy. There was continuing contact between Somalia and Abyssinia on the one hand and Hyderabad on the other. The Siddis were brought to work in the armed forces in the Deccan from the time of the Bahmani Sultans. This continued under the Qutb Shahi kings of Golkonda and the Asaf Jahi rulers of Hyderabad. There is a bazar in Hyderabad named after one of the Siddi commanders, Siddi Amber. It is called Siddi Amber Bazar and is still known by the same name.15 The Siddis were trustworthy, quickly earned the confidence of the Nizam and his court, and were appointed as his bodyguard. Brigadier Afsar Ali Baig, who served as the commandant of the nonIndian State forces, soon after police action and was commander of the Nizam's forces, informed The Hindu that the African Bodyguard Were also under his command. 16 These Siddis used to flank the throne of the Nizam. The Siddis, according to Afsar Ali Baig, were experts in taming wild horses brought from Australia for the regiments. These Abyssinians were good soldiers also. The Siddis, he said, were honest and upright. Eating and drinking well was their first love. But, according to a report by another Indian commander, the British and Indians were nervous of the guards because of this

weakness. Being loose in discipline they (the guardsmen) used to indulge in drunkenness (sic), gambling and rowdiness. Special efforts were necessary to keep them cowed down to peace and under control, as there was no arms act in Hyderabad, and they could possess all sorts of weapons like matchlocks, swords, lances and daggers.17 They were a kind of 'Casabianca' and did what they were asked to do. Brigadier Baig recounts an incident when a Siddi did not even hesitate to stop the Nizam from entering the cabin of his master, Sir Afsar ul Mulk, the commander of the Nizam's forces. Sir Afsar was the grandfather of Brig. Afsar AH Baig, and the right-hand man of the Nizam. In 1905 they were travelling in the Nizam Special from Delhi to Hyderabad. The entire train was guarded by Siddis. Sir Afsar instructed his bodyguard, a Siddi, not to allow anyone to enter has cabin as he was going to bed. The following morning, even before Sir Afsar got up from his bed, the Nizam casually wanted to enter his commandant's cabin. The Siddi instantly poised his gun and ordered the Nizam not to enter the cabin. The startledd Nizam recovered soon and the officers around him pleaded with the Siddi that it was the Nizam who was entering the cabin. But he did not yield. Learning later about the incident, Sir Afsar-ul-Mulk apologised to the Nizam and was about to punish the Siddi. But the Nizam, appreciative of the dutyconscious Siddi, asked the commandant to promote him and he was the only Siddi to be promoted to the rank of second lieutenant.18 But the British saw things differently. When the Nizam took eight of the guardsmen to Delhi for an official ceremony in 1905, he armed them with carbines, bandoliers and dummy cartridges. The officiating inspector—general of the Imperial Service Troops, an Englishman, reacted vigorously to this 'misuse of weapons', which he labelled 'a dangerous act'. The controversy was resolved when the Resident at Hyderabad confirmed that only dummy ammunition had been issued.19 There is another case of a Siddi rising to a high position. During the latter part of the nineteenth century the Nizam started selecting young Arab and Siddi boy? as Khanazahs (proteges). They received their education at the Nizam's court. One Siddi, who became a Khanazah, was Nasir bin Muftah, who served for thirty years in the guard. He became a lineman, moved up to watchman, ultimately became superintendent of the Nizam's entire household, a post he held till the guard was disbanded after police action in 1948. In this last capacity, one of Muftah's duties was to supervise the Nizam's kitchen, which reportedly fed over 20,000 persons daily—family concubines, servants and nobles and their families. After having saved the Nizam from an attempted assassination in 1947, Muftah became the Nizam's closest confidant. In the 1960s, his wealth was considerable. He owned several rental properties and a poultry farm with 20,000 chickens. His son Hussain, also a former Khanazah, owns property in Hyderabad also.20 Gradually, with growing intimacy with the local Muslims, their popularity with the rulers and their financial stability led to offers of Muslim girls in marriages. The population of the Siddis went up to about 3,000 according to one estimate. A masjid came up in 1904 for the exclusive use of the community. During the days of the sixth Nizam the guards used to draw sumptuous rations from the Nizam's official stores free of cost, besides a regular salary. Whenever a male child was born there used to be a raise of three lakh rupees in the salary of the parents. The boys were enlisted into a unit called "Line Boys". These boys were taught how to fire guns and they carried rifles on their shoulders. They were also employed for other petty jobs connected with the Darbar.

Some Siddis became Christians. The Lady of Church was constructed in the vicinity of the A.C. Lines for their use in 1904. Those that have remained in Hyderabad are employed as domestics, cooks, porters, watchmen or rickshaw drivers and a few policemen. Some twelve of about 500 khanazahs are better off as the Nizam established a trust fund for their maintenance. They own small shops and restaurants. The police action suddenly threw the Siddis out of jobs. Though the families were allotted houses permanently free of cost, all the guards were retired and awarded pensions. As they did not know any other skill except martial arts, their survival became difficult. Some of them encashed their pensionary benefits, sold away their property and left for cities like Bombay and Ahmedabad in search of employment. Some of the dargahs in Ahmedabad kept these people, who play their bow string instruments, as an attraction for the local public. The Siddis were frequently called upon to sing and dance for weddings and other unofficial activities. The dance called the zubu was their principal show. Zubu means cutting the animal into pieces. The dancers tie the dead animal upside down to the centre of a tripod of bamboo poles. The members of the ensemble dance, around the tripod till the dead animal is sufficiently hacked. This ferocious dance gave way to a non-violent one which has become popular in and around Hyderabad. It is performed by bare-chested Siddis wearing coloured lungis tied in place with broad belts and with peacock feathers tucked into their headgear. They move around a pole. Three of the thirty-member groups play drums called 'dhols' and three others play string instruments. Tambure, one of the string instrument varieties, is regarded as divine. Before picking up this instrument the dancers take a bath, perform Fatah (reading from the Quran), and put flowers on the instrument. The dances generally have a thrilling opening with the members rushing on to the stage firing guns in rhythm. During their exit they brandish swords and other weapons like spears and daggers. They dance around a pole held by a person to the deafening rhythm provided by the drums. At times a song of Savali (Swahili) accompanies the dance. Bital bin Mabrook, who died in the 1970s, was regarded as the greatest dancer of the community. The Siddis have participated in the folk dance festivals in Delhi during Republic Day. The Indian Council for Cultural Relations proposed sending the troupe to Lagos to participate in the Second World Festival in Black Arts. Their favourite sport is wrestling and their favourite game hockey. Mohammed Bin Farullah represented Hyderabad in the national hockey tournament in the 1970s. Most of the other Siddis have been assimilated into the Arab Indian population. Even in Siddipet (African market) located on the road between Hyderabad and Bidar it is rare to find a pure Siddi; those in Habshi Guda (African village) claim Arab descent. The Siddi ka Risala is the only place where they are concentrated, approximately 2,000 in number. NOTES 1

Foreign Department, Pol. A., December 1874, nos. 210-14.

2

Foreign Department, Pol A., February 1874, nos. 225-44. In Hyderabad he was originally appointed Jemadar of 100 Arabs, then raised to command 500 Arabs. He was also honoured with the title of Sultan Nawab Jung.

3

Joseph E. Harris, The African Presence in Asia (Evanston, 1971), pp. 101-102.

4

Bombay Pol. Department, April 1871, Sec. A, pp. 40-51; August 1870. pp. 376-77; December 1870, p. 377.

5

F.D. Pol. A., 17th October 1873, nos. 225-66.

6 India, Secret Department, February 1895; "Correspondence and Reports Relating t o the Troops in Hyderabad State," Hyderabad Residency, September, 29,1890, pp. 1-6. 7

"Arab Colony in Hyderabad", F.D., July 1882, no. 384,: F.D. Internal A. January 1885, no. 282-355-.

8

Foreign Department, Internal A. January 1885, nos. 282-361.

9

Police stations.

10 The name applied in India to a kind of shrine or model of a Muhammadan mausoleum, of flimsy material, intended to represent the tomb of Husain at Kerbala, which is carried in a procession during Moharram. See Hobson-Jobson, p. 87. 11

F.D. Internal A. January 1885, nos. 282-361.

12

F.D. Internal A. August 1887, nos. 85-86: "Deportation from Bombay of Arabs Adventure, Hyderabad".

13

India Political Department, December 1882, "Report on the Emigration of Siddis into Hyderabad", vol. 1,110-13.

14

Several Hindu rulers retained African contingents when Hyderabad was part of the Bahmani kingdom.

15

See also Manik Rao Vithal Rao 'History of Hyderabad State' as narrated in Bustan-e-Asfia, vol.1 (Urdu), p. 394.

16

Interview to G.S. Hari, The Hindu, October 29,1973.

17

India, Army Record Office (Hyderabad), "Siddi Report", p.2. .

18

The Hindu, op. cit.

19

India, Secret Department, September, 1905, pp.42-43.

20

Joseph E. Harris, The African Presence in India, pp. 103-104.

10 The Portuguese and the Slave Trade The Konkan coast was very important in the fifteenth century, though it never had any role in the political system of the Deccan. The three biggest ports were Dabhol, Chaul and Goa. Politically, the most important goods imported through these ports in the fifteenth century was horses. The importance of the horse trade were shown in the fact that one of the first things Albuquerque (Governor; 15091515) had to do after he took over Goa was to have an embassy from Vijayanagar which sought a monopoly of the purchase of horses in Goa. An undated account of about 1580 says that Goa made Rs.'18,000 from horse trade, but Chaul, another Portuguese port, made Rs. 28,000.1 It was, however, to control the spice trade, which engaged the Portuguese, especially in the first-half of the sixteenth century. They bought the product cheaply and transported it to Europe where they sold it dear. Alfonso de Albuquerque, who succeeded Francais de' Almeida, as governor of the Portuguese possessions in the East, was en route via the Red Sea to Ormuz, when he was persuaded by Timoja, a naval officer of Vijayanagar, to abandon the project in favour of Goa. 2 Albuquerque did not share de Almeida's objection to land settlement. He was clearly of the view that to maintain the struggle at such a distance from home it was absolutely necessary for Portugal to have a foothold of her own, secure from the caprices of native rulers. Establishing the Estado da India Strategically the position of Goa had every possible advantage from the Portuguese point of view. "It offered the combination of a natural harbour, and a natural fortress which should sooner or later be necessary at some place in the coast. If Albuquerque's policy of making India the principal region of commercial activity of the Portuguese in the east were to succeed, Goa was more favourably situated than Calicut or Cochin so far as the trade with the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf was concerned, and it was for this reason that Albuquerque desired to possess it. It was at this time the most important port on the Malabar coast, both on account of its trade and its location. Its proximity to the Deccan sultanates and Vijayanagar gave it an added importance as the commercial centre". 3 Cochin, moreover, could not be held securely without the help of native armies; Goa could be defended by the Portuguese alone. Its rich trade in Arabian horses undoubtedly offered some attraction to Albuquerque; so did the spice monopoly4 and the disunity in the enemies' camp. Yusuf Adil Shah of Bijapur, whose armies dominated Dakhan, had just died. His successor Ismail Adil Shah immediately set out into the interior parts of the realm to fight off neighbours who wished to test the new ruler's mettle. It was obviously the moment to strike at the virtually independent island of Goa while he was away. Albuquerque's initial capture of the city was even easier than Timoji had led him to believe, but the problems lay in holding it. He was soon forced to abandon the city on 25 November 1510. He stormed the city for a second time, but Goa had to be defended almost constantly, over the next two

years, for Adil Shah was almost as determined to have it back as Albuquerque to hold it. Luckily for the Portuguese, the impetus of their second attack, together with the fact that Adil Shah's main forces were engaged far inland, allowed them more opportunity for the construction of proper fortifications. Thereafter, both the king of Cambay and the Zamorin sent embassies to Albuquerque and offered allowances, concessions and fortress sites. As Albuquerque himself wrote to King Manuel, "The capture of Goa alone worked more to the credit of your Majesty than fifteen years worth of Armadas that were sent out to India".5 By dint of this conquest Portugal was established as an Asian imperial force. Thus, to order administratively their growing mercantile interests, Albuquerque founded the Estado da India, which at its zenith stretched from South-east Asia to South-east Africa. Portugal's historical presence in India is marked by four important dates: Goa captured in 1510, Diu ceded to Portugal in 1535, Daman in 1559 and Nagar Haveli in 1789.6 Duarte Barbosa, who visited Goa in the beginning of the 16th century, described it thus: "It (Velha Goa) was inhabited by many Moors, respectable gentlemen, and rich merchants and other gentlemen including men-at-arms. It was place of great trade".7 The foreign traders included Turks, Persians, Arabs, Ethiopians, Chinese and representatives of many other nations—each group attired after its own distinctive fashion. The Swahili Coast The Portuguese interest in the Swahili coast was aroused in the exercise to reach India by sea. It was with the help of the navigational expertise of a Gujarat pilot, the well-known Ibn Majid, a confidential servant of the Sultan of Melinde,8 that the route to India was finally discovered. In Africa, Melinde extended the only welcome that Vasco da Gama and Alvares Cabral received along the Swahili coast during the first voyage to India in 1498 and 1500. But Melinde was further north than was convenient for India-bound vessels. And it could not have been coincidental that Vasco da Gama made peace with the ruler of Mozambique on his second voyage in 1502. Three years later, India-bound viceroy, Francisco de Almeida established fortresses at Sofala and Kilwa as he passed en route to India. The Sheikh of Kilwa was suzerain over most of the towns of the Swahili coast. Here he destroyed Kilwa and set upon its throne a king friendly to the Portuguese. Mombasa was also overrun in 1515 when Almedia destroyed all the vessels he found there. Although the Portuguese now had the choice of any anchorage along the entire coast, they continued to prefer their original stopping place at Mozambique, apparently because it was the most conveniently located. Its importance in this whole eastern enterprise is obvious. The Cape of Good Hope not yet being discovered, Mozambique was a good refreshment base. There, by the order of King Manuel, the first hospital was built in 1507-1508, together with a large feitoria and warehouse. Thereafter, the city—located on a small island just off the coast, but with a fair harbour—became the main port of call for vessels travelling either to or from India and Lisbon. As Van Linschoten remarked, "About Mozambique is a verie great and safe haven, fit to receive and harbour all ships that come to and from Portingale and India, and although both the Kingdom and Island are not very great, yet are they rich and abundant in all kinds of things".9 More than the strategic location of Mozambique, it was its nearness to Sofala and the river Cuama that decided in its favour. The Portuguese adventurers could combine better the interests of the state and their own personal interest in gold, ivory and slaves obtainable from the Zambezi region in exchange for Indian beads and

textiles. The captain of Sofala was instructed to ship his gold dust up to the coast to Mozambique's feitoria to coincide with the arrival of the India-bound fleet. When the Dutch besieged the place in 1607 and 1608 these were the most decisive military actions to be fought in the region. Had the Dutch gained the fortress of Mozambique, the Portuguese possessions in the East would have been imperilled. The Luso-Dutch treaty finally came into force in Asian waters in 1663.10 In 1518, Duarte Barbosa recalls how da Cunha had treated Barva on the Somali coast. This "very great town of very fine stone and mortar" was "destroyed by the Portuguese, who slew many of its people and carried many into captivity, and took great spoil of gold and silver goods. Thenceforth many of them fled away towards the inland country, forsaking the town ". 11 The Portuguese pretension to control the Indian Ocean and to cripple, or lay under tribute, the whole established system was, moreover, apparent by the capture of Socotra followed by the attack on Ormus, the independent Persian sultanate based on the island of the same name, whose strategic location near the mouth of the Persian Gulf made it the entrepot for all the Indian Ocean traffic, although by 1550 the caravan crossing to the Mediterranean was infrequently made. By now along the African coast and in Asia the Portuguese crown had become a giant mercantile corporation. King Manuel I of Portugal had gained permission from the Pope to call himself "The Lord of the Navigation, Conquests and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India" in 1502. The Portuguese then set about trying to reshape this ancient Indian Ocean trade between western India and East and South Africa. At one end of the commercial network they grossly interfered with the trade of inland Africa, or with such of it as they could reach by way of the Zambezi; at the other end across the Indian Ocean they seized or simply ruined the export-import trade of India. They did their best to stop all maritime enterprise not conducted under their own flag or sovereignty, through the Cartaz system, and although many Indian Ocean sailors and traders continued to evade them, Portuguese intervention gradually proved fatal.12 The ties of antiquity were finally severed and a new relationship emerged. Slave Trade from Mozambique The Church was the vanguard of Imperial development, though Hindus and Muslims, including those on the Swahili coast, were highly resistant to conversion. Apart from the fisher folk who lived in Kanyakumari, the other converts were mostly slaves, servants, concubines and merchants closely associated with Europeans. "The proselytization was encouraged, as in Goa lands, by a barrage of laws which provided greater civil liberties and commercial privileges to those who became Christians".13 Conversion apart, the Church was equally involved in the slave trade. It was observed that "the (slave) traffic was resorted to generally by Catholics, but a few who profess the Protestant faith are also concerned in this inhuman traffic".14 That the clergy were guilty of indulging in slave trade is also evident from this advertisement: "TO BE SOLD BY PRIVATE SALE. Two coffee (African) boys who play remarkable well on the French horn, about 18 years of age, belonging to a Portuguese Padre lately deceased. For particulars enquire of the Vicar of the Portuguese Church". 15 Though the Portuguese had established a presence all along the east coast of Africa, it was mainly from Mozambique that they carried away slaves to India. In Mozambique two things were done before this. Every slave was branded with an iron to certify that he belonged to the King. Secondly, all were converted to Christianity. Van Linschoten who visited Mozambique at the end of the sixteenth century wrote, "From Mozambique great numbers of the Caffres are carried out to India.,

because that every ten or twelve miles, or every village, or town, there is several kings and rulers of the people, one of them not like another, neither in law, speech, nor manners, whereby most of them are in warre, they keep slaves. The Portingales doe make a living by buying and selling (of them) as they do other warres". Not only for the neighbouring states did they buy, but also "because they are the strongest (moors) in all the east countries, to do their filthiest and hardest labour, wherein they only use them".16 Careri, who travelled to India towards the end of the seventeenth century, describes the carriage of slave cargoes to India's west coast: "The slaves are carry'd to sell at Goa, and all along the Portuguese towns, by the company's ships belonging to Lisbon and India, who buy them at Mombaza, Mozambique, Sofala, and other ports along the coast of Africa".17 Auctioning of Slaves When the slaves were brought to Goa, at the Rue Direitia or the auction block, Van Linschoten says: "There is holden a daylie assemble (or meeting together) as well of the citizens and inhabitants as well as of all nations throughout India and the countries bordering on the same Here, likewise they have running about them, many sorts of (captives), both men and women, young and old, which are daylie sould here, as best are sould with us, where everie one at a certain price." 18 Pyrad de Laval says the sellers first performed a thorough examination of the merchandise, "all their endowments, skills, strength and health; and the buyers question and examine them with curiosity from head to foot, the same with the men as with the women, while for their own purpose the slaves hoping for better treatment with the changes of owner, showed their best disposition and are boastful of themselves in order to stimulate the desires of the buyers".19 On the other hand some of the slaves were underfed and "their bones seemed as if ready to penetrate their skin", some of them presented "skeletal structures, chest sunk and bent, joints unnaturally swelled and horribly knotty by contrast with the wretched limbs between them".20 Careri observes that some of these blacks have a genteel and noble disposition.21 Linschoten, further recording that slaves were sold cheap, says that "from Mozambique great numbers of these Caffres are carried into India, and sold for two or three ducats". Bernier notes that there were "pirates who waited for the arrival of the Portuguese who brought whole cargoes of slaves at cheap rates".22 The Mogadishu ships discharging off at Aden paid two dinars per head capitation fees on slaves, sometimes more.23 Employment of Slaves Pyrard de Laval says that among the most pleasing were the female slaves, the caffres Mozambique, Sofala and Cuama, who are of colour black, very dark and have curly hair and are called Negress de Guinea.24 In order to prevent trickery, girls offered as virgins were subject to a humiliating examination before they were purchased as concubines by the Portuguese. The female slaves attended their female owners and nursed their children, if necessary. The more attractive ones were engaged in selling stitch-work, condiments and pickles along the city through prostitution. The female slaves were also used by their own masters as intermediaries to convey messages to their secret lovers and to gratify their sexual desires in many other ways by evading the watchful eye of their wives as festal virgins and kept them confined within their four walls. According to Pyrard de

Laval, if any one fathered "a son by his negress slave, the boy was legitimized and the slave girl given her freedom".25 Mandelso, however, adds, "The children born between slaves belong to the Master, unless the father will redeem them within eight or ten days after they are born".26 Abbe Caree draws a picture of female slaves in their more intimate relationships to the Portuguese gentry. One Dom Pedro de Castro was particularly singled out as a man who "amused himself only with scoundrels and debauchers, and with a troop or women s-laves whom he kept for his sensual pleasures" and furthermore that type of living was "one commonly led by all the Portuguese in India".27 In the Abbe's opinion the other fidalgos (gentry) were alike in that they were always "dragging about an appalling number of slaves". The slave trade was also valuable to the Portuguese who found Africans useful and indeed necessary for the Indian settlement. Portuguese contempt for manual work also required that this kind of work be relegated to slaves. Both Linschoten and Delia Valle observed that the wealth of the Goa gentry derived from the number of slaves they possessed, and that the Goans commonly held "five, six, ten, twenty, and some more, some less slaves both men and women in their houses". 28 By the end of the 17th century the total population of slaves was nearly 20,000 and about a fourth of this was made of mulattos, i.e., of mixed blood.29 The Italian doctor Gemelli Careri, visiting Goa in 1695, found the city teeming with mullatos.30 He also says "there are an abundance of Cafre and Blacks; for there are Portuguese that employ thirty and forty, and the least six or twelve; to carry their umbrellas, and Andora, and other means of Employments, nor are there any charges to keep them,, but a Dish of Rice at Noon, and another at Night; for they have no other garments but what they brought out of their Mother's womb".31 The Abbe also recorded an incident to which others allude as fairly common practice. On arrival of any gentleman, or nobleman, or person of major rank "the Noble ladies sent their Kafir slaves to escort him". Fryer further observed that although Kafirs initially arrived as slaves, "they have become as endeared to their Master, who, as they merit, have the first places of honour and trust imposed upon them...."32 The Frenchman Thevenot says as a result of these slaves, "the Portuguese live a very great life in India, both as to their table, clothing and number of cafres or slaves to serve them, having some of these to carry them in palanchines on their shoulders and other great umbrellas of palm-tree leaves." This lifestyle was not restricted to Europeans for the Sultan who "had a Black-guard of some Dozen slaves was not an infrequent personage in Portuguese India."33 A comparatively small number of slaves were state—owned and these were employed in the galley and in gunpowder manufactory. The Estado's military establishment depended on African slaves as soldiers in all the territories, and as auxiliary troops. The first terco (infantry), although it lasted for only a few months, was organised in Goa in 1671, but wastage from sickness and desertion was so high that slaves and coloured soldiers formed a small proportion of the rank and file. There was also rather numerous contingents of black militia for there were frequent requests from parts of the empire for blacks, such as that from the Governor of Macao in 1631 for a squad of African slaves. Nicolao Manucci describes vividly the state of private war: "Once in Goa, being in my house, there suddenly appeared a gentleman of birth, who with much assurance took a seat without uttering any words of politeness. At his back stood four Kaffirs with sticks in their hands. He said he was a gentleman of high rank, and occupied an important position in His Majesty's service, but fortune had

not been kind to him. He had been wealthy, the lord of many plantations, but to pass the time he had gambled and lost all. Then, raising his eyes, he looked at me and said, 'I have heard that your honour is a merchant, a person of position, and the reputation you enjoy has induced me to visit you. But he could not stay long, because the viceroy was waiting for his appearance to begin his dinner; and since he was in want of pocket money, could he borrow a sum from me'. I replied that I was a poor soldier, and not a merchant; he had been misinformed. Raising his voice, he said, 'These arguments will not do for me; either lend me or give me what I need'. At these words the Kaffirs raised their stanchion. On seeing this I fell into a quandary, and began to reflect on what might be the result. I tried to retire into my room, when he said to me roughly, raising his voice, that I was not to stir from my place. Then dissimulating as to put pressure on me, I told my boy to bring me my writing desk. I opened it in front of him and showed him what it contained—namely, thirty ashrafis (gold coins). I handed him this amount with the greatest politeness, saying that had there been more, I should willingly have offered it to him. He felt so honoured that he took twenty-five coins, saying that would suffice for his wants during that day. He put his good services at my disposal, instructing his Kaffirs that when I needed them for giving any one a beating with bamboos, or stabbing anyone, they must carry out my orders. He then departed. I at once changed my quarters, shifted to a place close to the convent of the Carmelites."34 Cruelty to Slaves In civilian life the male slaves were generally required to do all kinds of tough menial jobs or help in construction works. The most common occupation was to carry water from the Banguinium spring and to bear palanquins and parasols. Whenever the newly—converted Christians went for mass, they were accompanied by female slaves in chains. The male slaves were also employed by their masters to punish their enemies and rivals. Profligacy had become a fashion of the day, ultimately resulting in various murders and assassinations. Generally, these murders were performed by Negro slaves, who obeyed the orders of their masters unhesitatingly, unmindful of the consequences, howsoever serious they proved. The situation had become so serious that we find viceroy Dom Durate de Menzes issuing a charter as early as 1586, banning slaves from carrying bamboo sticks, lathis (staff or pole) and any other arms, failing which they had to pay a heavy fine to the tune of 200 xerafins or 30 lashes, apart from a jail term of 20 days. They were allowed to bring arms only in the company of their masters. In case any Portuguese was attacked, the slave was to be exiled for twelve years in the galleys.35 This was not effective and the viceroy, Conde de Alvor, issued an order (Alvara) in 1681 which, among other things, states "In case the Negro slaves were noticed during the day accompanying their master with 'Bambus Macho' without 'Sombreros' the government would confiscate them." The law stipulated that "if any negro was found in the city, or out of it, with bamboo or other offensive arms after the night fall he could be imprisoned by any one and sentenced immediately by the officials of justice upto natural death or as deemed fit to them. The people, with some notable exceptions, being found in the city during the night time after the bells had signalled retirement, were to be jailed for two months and pay a fine of 50 xerafins".36 Manucci has narrated the stories of a series of crimes committed, on account of women, and Lavel was witness to a crime of the death of a slave in a well as a result of the master's fury. Tavenier describes the situation in Goa during the last quarter of the seventeenth century thus: "The Portuguese

dwelling in India are the most vindictive and the most jealous of their women of all the people in the world. As soon as they entertain the least suspicion about their women, they will without scruple make away with them with poison or dagger. When they have an enemy they never forgive him. If they are of unequal strength and dare not come to a struggle, they employ their black slaves who blindly obey their masters' order to kill anyone, and this is generally accomplished with a stab of a dagger, or the shot of a blunderbuss or by felling the man with a large stick in the length of a short pike which slaves are accustomed to carry."37 There were instances of slaves being beaten to death and buried in the backyards. Most slaves received little or no care of all if they fell sick. It was the custom, so Manucci tells us, to close shops at six o' clock, as soon as the sun sets, for if it were not done they would be ransacked. "This is because the soldiers and Kaffirs, dying of hunger, are forced into such conduct". 38 The slaves could not easily run away from their cruel masters, as there was an official slave-retriever in the pay of the municipality and it was not easy to escape the vigilance of .those who guarded the passages to the mainland. Nonetheless, there were many slaves who did run away, who were a menace to public safety and the government was forced to take stiff measures to control their movements outdoors after sunset. Once during the viceroyalty of Filipe Mascarenhas (1641-51) nearly 250 Kaffirs were slaughtered overnight for deffing the restrictions imposed on them.39 Many escaped to North Kanara where the borders were difficult to police and their descendants are still to be found there today. The Role of the Church Here, as elsewhere in the Empire, for economic reasons the Portuguese Church (and court) placed itself in opposition to the colonists. "Priests entreated 'His Majesty' to investigate persons who are cruel to their slaves" and allow those "who are cruelly treated" to be "sold away from them". Priests claimed that the slaves' suffering and torments were so abominable that many die and are interred en cazas a quintaes and demanded firmer treatment of offenders. Throughout the seventeenth century, however, the situation scarcely changed if we are to believe other petitions to the crown to "help the desperate slaves who are evidently in danger of dying".40 The Church however interceded on their behalf. Teotonia R. de Souza has mentioned a manuscript entitled Cartas de Alforria aos Escraves which contains 112 folios, a register describing the deeds of obligations drawn up by various priesto during the years 1682-1759, and signed by the slave-owners binding themselves to set their slaves free within a maximum time-limit of ten years. "Their register contains nearly 350 such deeds. Nearly two-thirds of these are females on an average age of twenty. Several of these deeds also refer to orphan children handed over by the Fathers of the Christians to the care of certain families under condition of teaching them good manners and the Christian doctrines, treating them well in their infirmities, training the boys in some suitable skills, and giving the girls in marriage at the appropriate age". In the midst of cruelties to which the slaVes in Goa were often subjected to by their owners, the concern shown by the Church brought them some solace in their sufferings and some hope.41 And, last but noi least, Africans played a role in the Church itself. One of them by the name of Fr.

Miguel studied at Goa, and for a time worked at 'Bacaim, but returned to Goa again where he was appointed vicar of the Convent of Santa Barbara in the village of Chimbel. An erudite scholar and theologian, in 1670 he was awarded the degree of Master of Theology. In addition, Fr. Constantine or Prince Mapeze and his brother Fr. Joas also studied and worked at Goa, staying at the Convent of Santa Barbara. They were all sons of the Munhumutappa emperors.42 Indians Involved in Slave Trade The "monhe' or the Vanias, from Diu and Daman, were also the dominant slavers in the region when ivory and gold gave way to slave trading in the late eighteenth till the mid-nineteenth centuries. There was no way of checking the number of slaves that arrived each year. One single frigate, for instance, that came from Mozambique to Goa in 1683 had brought 207 Negro slaves. They had been purchased by different persons at Goa and some belonged to the crew members of the frigate who enjoyed the privilege of bringing a fixed charge of five xerafins per share. A limited number of slaves were obtained by capturing Muslim vessels that visited Mecca every year or any other vessel that failed to comply with Portuguese regulations. 43 Mhamays Dealings with African Slaves T.R. de Souza has also delved into the private papers of the Mhamay Kamat Family (camotins) "a Goa-based agency house that from the 1760s was associated with the French in India". The Mhamai records are quite informative about the negro slaves bought through Goa. Their clients were mainly Frenchmen of the Isle de France, who in the late eighteenth century were anxious for a steady supply of slaves, both for their own use and for export to their American possessions. De Souza writes "one has to depend upon the inward-outward correspondence of the Mhamay Kamat family with many prominent and less prominent names of Frenchmen in India till 1791 to imagine that much more was transacted than meets the eye". He throws light on what Toussaint and Fillios regard as the "prevailing vagueness about the Indian side of slave labour during 1773-1810 compared with the supplies arriving from the African coast or from Madagascar" 44. It was a period when the commerce in the Indian Ocean was no longer a monopoly of the French company and Goa had become a muchfrequented 'comptoir'. The British occupation of Goa during the Napoleonic period may explain why the French connection with Goa comes to an end after 1791. In 1757 Suba Camotin, who founded the business house in partnership with his four sons, was appointed as one of the official brokers of the Goa customs. Although the Mhamays seem to have functioned from 1764 as the 'courtiers' or brokers of the French in Goa, the correspondence of the Mhamays with them begins picking up from 1777. That was the beginning of a new active period of French political intrigues in India, coinciding with active French interest in the war of American independence. De Souza goes into every aspect of the French-Mhamay connection with the help of records revealing a high degree of dependence of the former merchants, agency houses and the Mauritian country traders on the latter. However, it is relevant to deal with information relating to the slavetraffic between Goa and Mauritius, the correspondence going up to 1791. Mr. Moracin, a seasoned French official and holding an important position In the administration and company affairs in Pondicherry for many years, seems to have been carrying on a private trade

since 1765 and was known to have amassed a considerable fortune. He had his establishment in Mauritius, and a certain Goa-based French businessman named Mr. Frederic Breauchaud had acquired 100 slaves on his account. Mr. Martin from Pondicherry had come to Goa to collect them on behalf of Mr. Moracin, but for some unknown reason only 30 were handed over to him. One day later the businessman fell ill and died, and the government took charge of all his possessions, including the remaining slaves. The Mhamays made arrangements for the transport of the 30 slaves from Goa, but two slaves had run away and one was sick. The Mhamays were sending the remaining 27 to Mahe in a ship belonging to Mr. Lorecet to be handed over to Mr. Picot de la Motte, who would then arrange to convey them to Moracin. It is clear from the correspondence that these slaves were to be sent to Mauritius for sale. The Mhamays would continue to look after the interests of Mr. Moracin. On 11 April, 1782 the Mhamays obtained a state permit for Mr. de Beaubrin, the French agent in Goa, to take out of the Powder House (which served as a jail and a place for safe-keeping of slaves) the slaves that had escaped from corsanous of Mr. Dechien. It was said in the application for the permit that these slaves were to be sent to Mauritius. Dechien had come with ships Philipina and the Philipa, and two other vessels captured from the China merchants who worked for Pitot & Freres, businessmen of Mauritius. The Mhamays wrote to them on 4 April 1782 giving news of the fourteen slaves they had acquired for them and that seven were being embarked to Mauritius in a ship (La perle de Goa) belonging to Camillee, an Armenian merchant. Four of the remaining were embarked a month later in a curveta sent by J. Ribeiro under the captainship of Mr. Portello. Two slaves seem to have run away while being embarked. There is a letter of Mr. De Canaple, who was earlier posted as agent at Haider Ali's court, and later administered Mahe for three years till he left for Mauritius in April 1790 aboard the Thetis. He died on arrival in Port Louis after being caught in a popular upsurge. He wrote this letter two years before his departure from India, asking the Mhamayá to buy a black slave 19-20 years old, of good strain, able to cook and speak Portuguese, intelligent and with agreeable looks, and not foul-smelling. He was willing to invest Rs. 190. He wanted two other slaves, aged 15-20, who should be healthy, honest and not given to drinking. They should have also already had small-pox already. He seems to have been told that blacks were being sold for cheap prices by their masters in Goa. On 9 October 1769, the Mhamays secured a permit for the captain of a French curveta that had arrived in the Goa port to purchase 250 fardles of rice and would be going away with slaves (escravatura). No more details are available. The Mhamays wrote to Mr. Dayot in Bombay on 28 September 1788 that the ship Le Person will soon arrive in Goa to take slaves for Mauritius. A bill of lading signed by Michel Pierre, the super-cargo of the 1'Aleandre, at Goa on 11 May 1791 stated having taken for safe delivery to Messrs Villeaulet and Neucent in Mauritius two consignments, one of 111 heads (including 104 blacks and seven Malabaries), and another with six slaves. The consignments also included hides, pepper and wine. The papers of the Mhamays, writes Dr. de Souza, are yet to be fully ordered and classified. The information about their dealings with the French and with slaves for Mauritius thins out and disappears after 1791. That was the disturbed period of the French revolution that created local disturbances in French settlements in the East. Though Mauritius continued to be an active base for the French privateering till its capture by the British in December 1810, its normal trade network with

India was disrupted. Apparently the disturbed situation had its effect upon the slave market. A Mozambique-based businessman named Jao da Silva Giiedes was writing to the Mhamays in Goa on 22 August 1800 describing the slump in the slave market there. And he believes that only when the wars with France cease and the Frenchmen return to that port as before, the slave trade might pick up and the colony breathe again! Daman The Portuguese conquered Daman, which was under the Gujarat sultanate, from Imadul Malik Sarshan, the rival of Itimad Khan, in order to combat the latter. Itimad entered into an agreement with the Portuguese that in return for the services of 500 Prankish (white portuguese) troops he would hand over to them the fort of Daman, the fief-holder of which was an African noble, named Sayful Malik Miftab. Miftab, however, refused to surrender the fort even on the orders of his master.45 Soon after the capture of Asheri and Manor in 1556, Daman, which the Portuguese had colonized long ago, was ceded to them, and with it apparently a good deal of the coast between Daman and Bassein. Asheri and Manor gave them the command of a rich and productive district, while the fort of Asheri was considered almost impregnable. It was given up by the Abyssinians to the captain commanding the district on payment of Rs. 6,500.46 In 1559, a body of Abyssinians made an attack on Sanjan and Tarapore. At the latter place there was only a stockade fort and forty men, but the Abyssinians were beaten off after they had raided some villagers. Within the city of Daman there were three Abyssinian captains, Cide Bofata (Mufta), Cide Rana, and Cide Carnaber. They were the chieftains of all the Abyssinians of whom there were more than 4000, in the kingdom of Gujarat. As soon as the viceroy made preparations in Goa and started his journey to Daman these Abyssinians were informed and they immediately set to repair their fort and its other defence works. They collected arms and ammunition and assembled more than 3,000 Abyssinians within the fort, determined to defend themselves. On 2 February 1559, the viceroy landed his men and laid siege to the fort. Seeing the powerful Portuguese armada, the Siddis lost courage. They did not resist but deserted the town and withdrew to the jungles.47 This, it appears, was a strategic move as on previous occasions the Portuguese had landed in Daman and looted the town. The defeated Abyssinians were co-opted into the new elite which had come from Portugal and joined the system by conversion to Christianity. In 1695, many slaves from Daman escaped to the kingdom of Raja Chauthia. In the treaty between the Portuguese and the Raja, a clause had been proposed by which the Raja was supposed to seize the slaves and hand them over to the Portuguese. And if it was not done, he was liable to pay 300 xerafins for each slave, the amount being deducted from the chauth paid by the Portuguese. According to the viceroy this was the best means to recover the amount. However, the Holy Office prevented this under the pretext that this would result, in sale of slaves to the unfaithful, thereby giving a free hand to Raja Chauthia and leading to a loss of a slave as well as his price.48 On a visit to Daman, the Frenchman Thevenot observed that "the Portuguese have slaves there of both sexes, which work and procreate only for their masters, to whom the children belong, to be

disposed of at their pleasure...." He further commented the style of living provided by these African slaves to the Portuguese: "The Portuguese live very great in India, both by their tables, clothing and the number of Cafres, or slaves, to serve them; having some of them to carry them in Polanchines on the shoulders and other great Umbrelloes of Palm-Tree Leaves".49 Abbe Caree's observations about the social conditions at the end of the seventeenth century in Daman are distressing: "Most of the houses are filled with women who make dainties and sweets, with troops of slaves, who have hardly any food but rice and fish".50 In another description, he writes, "On Tuesday, 22nd November, I had prepared all my equipage to leave at day break, but received a message from P. Fidalgo, Dom Fransisco Gonsalve de St Pays, one of the richest citizens of Daman, asking me to wait for an hour for him as he wished to accompany me to Tarpur, where he was going to visit his farms and tenancies. I waited till 7'o clock when I saw my Portuguese arriving with an escort of slaves armed with matchlocks, javelines, and some sort of blunderbuss... I was amazed at the weight of the arms which these caffres are obliged to carry".51 Duarte Barbosa writes about Daman: "The inland folk are Christians, many of whom are held in captivity, and these captives are held in great esteem among the Moors, and are worth much more among them any other slaves so ever, for they find them skilful and faithful, and fine men in their persons, and as soon as these Abexyns are taken by the Moors they turn their faith and afterwards come to be more employed then the Moors themselves".52 Abolition of Slave Trade It was only in the mid-nineteenth century under British pressure, and with the wave of liberalism in Portugal, that slavery was abolished. By now Portuguese power in India was on the decline and moral depravity had become the hallmark of social life. A heavy drain of manpower from their nation was an added factor. In 1817, an additional Convention to the Treaty of 22 January 1815 53 between the Portuguese Regent Prince and the British Crown was signed and published in 1817 to prevent their respective subjects from carrying on illicit slave trade. Its articles stipulated that the slave trade by Portuguese vessels should not be allowed in any of the harbours or ports of the coast of Africa.54 Further, by another decree issued on 26 January 1818 from Rio de Janeiro, the Portuguese Crown took stringent measures to curb the menace of the slave trade. According to this decree, any one of any status, if found preparing to redeem or sell the slaves in any of the ports of Africa situated on the northern side of the Equator, will be subjected to the punishment of the loss of the slaves abroad, who would be released immediately. Secondly, their ships engaged in this traffic would be confiscated along with all the machinery and belongings with whatever cargo, their own or of Charter party or of those shippers of the slaves. Thirdly, the officials of the ships, captains or masters, pilots would be convicted for five years to Mozambique and each would pay a fine equivalent to the wages which would have been due during the voyage. Fourthly, they should not insure the ships or goods. If done, it would be termed void and the insurers who would do so were to be fined three-fold of the stipulated premium.55 The Royal Decree published during the rule in Goa of the Governor-General Jose Ferreiara Pestana (1864-1870) on 25 February 1869 abolished slavery throughout the territory of the

Portuguese monarchy.56 Further, the law of 25 April 1875 envisaged that the service conditions of the slaves would cease one year after its publication in the Overseas provinces, provided those set at liberty would be under tutelage till 29 April 1878. The said law was promulgated under decree of 20 September 1875. Soon after, the Charter of Law of 3rd February 1876 abolished also with effect from its publication the service conditions of the black race in San Tome and Principe.57 A Mixed Commission was set up to ensure good treatment and full and complete emancipation to the liberated slaves. Unfortunately Portugal substituted forced labour (chibal) after the abolition of slavery in 1869. Portugal had signed conventions with South Africa and with the former federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland for the 'sale' of Mozambique labour till as late as the 1980s. In return a sizable amount of their cargo was to be channelled through Lourenco Marques (Maputo), and South Africa would also pay mine wages in gold through the Portuguese banking system, thus creating an enduring vested interest in labour trade. NOTES 1

M.N. Pearson, "The port city of Goa", in Coastal Western India (New Delhi, 1981), Chapter II, p. 80.

2

Sandarbur or Sindabur was the name by which the island and bay of Goa were known to the early Muslim traders, the name Goa did not come into general use until the sixteenth century. It was captured by the Muslims for the first time in 1312 and was subsequently taken and taken more than once.

3

P.M. Joshi, "The Portuguese and the Deccan", JIH, vol. XLVI, Part I (April 1968), p. 69.

4

See "The port city of Goa", op. cit, p. 71; also K.S. Mathew, Niels Steensgaard, Mme Bouchon in Teotonia R de Souza IndoPortuguese History: Old Issues, New Questions (New Delhi, 1985).

5

Quoted in W. Diffie Bailey and George L. Winius (ed.), Foundation of the Portuguese Empire (Oxford, 1977), p. 251.

6

Josef Wicki, Documenta India, (Rome, 1948), III, p. 114, as quoted by Jeanette Pinto in a Ph. D. dissertation on "Slavery in Portuguese India 1510-1842", University of Bombay. The Portuguese had to depend on the Gujarat products for any meaningful trade with the Africans, and this realisation led them to capture Diu. See Alexandre Labato, an Expansao Portuguese em Mozambique, vol. III, Lisbon, 1950, quoted in Teotonio R de Souza, "The Afro-Asian Church in the Portuguese Estado da India", Indian Churchh History Review, vol. XXI: no. 2 (December, 1983).

7

Durate Barbosa, op. cit, I. p. 37.

8

Edgar Prestage, "The first voyage of Vasco da Gama", The Portuguese. Pioneers, (London, 1936), p. 260.

9

John Huyghen Van Linschoten, Voyages to the East Indies, 3 vols., (London, 1885), 1,29.

10 Eric Axelson, Portuguese in South-East Africa 1600-1700 Johannesburg, 1960), pp. 28-29. The effect of the prolonged LusoDutch conflict were disastrous and devastating for the Portuguese. During the conflict India was bled white, both in terms of manpower and financial resources. 11 Quoted in Basil Davidson, Africa in History, (London, 1974), p. 183. 12 M.N. Pearson, op. cit., described the Cartaz system as 'purely parasitic'. "When this system worked, especially at Hormuz and Diu, it worked extremely well and produced large surpluses which were sent to Goa for general state needs, as the centre of Portugal's seaborne empire, getting revenue not from its own economic activity so much as from its political and military dominance in Asian waters". See pp. 81-82. 13

Quoted by Banaji in Slavery in British India, (2nd edition, Bombay, 1993), p. 10.

14

Ibid., p. 7.

15

Ibid.

16

Linschoten, op. cit., p. 55.

17

S.N. Sen, (ed) Indian Travels ofCareri and Thevenot, (Delhi, 1949), pp. 188-89.

18

Linschoten, op. cit, p. 55.

19

Op. cit. II, p. 50.

20

L.W. Hollingworth, A Sìiort History of the East Coast of Africa, pp. 122-24.

21

Sen, Indian Travels, op. cit., p. 189.

22

Francois Bernier, Travel in the Moghul Empire, 1656-1668, (London, 1891), p. 176.

23

R.B. Sarjeant, The Portuguese off the South Arabian Coast, (London, 1963), p. 10.

24

Francisco Pyrard de Laval lived in Goa from 1601-1611. Cafre, Cafra pr Kafir usually referred to blacks from the Arabs to pagan Negroes and meant an infidel, or a non-believer in Islam. It was adopted by the Portuguese and later by other Europeans.

25

Pyrard de Laval, op. cit, II, p. 52.

26

See Commissariat Mandelso's Traivels in Western India (London, 1931), pp. 80-81.

27

The Travels of Abbe Caree in India and the Near East, 1672-1674 (London, 1947), II, p. 242.

28

Delia Valle, op. cit, p. 245.

29 Pyrard de Laval, op. cit. It was not easy to persuade Portuguese men to marry. They preferred to live in concubinage with as many coloured women a they could afford. Portuguese Indian half-castes were called Mesticos, those of African-Portuguese descent Mulattos. 30

Sen, Indian Travels, op. cit., p. 188.

31

Travels of Caree, op. cit. II. p. 740.

32

John Fryer, A New Account of the East Indies and Persia, 3 vols (London 1909) I, p. 62.

33

Sen, Indian Travels, op. cit., p. 116.

34

Nicolao Manucci, Stpria Do Mongor, 1653-1708, translated by William Irvine (Edition India, Calcutta), Part HI, pp. 154-55.

35

See the Alvara of the Viceroy, dated 5th February 1586, in Lirvo Vermelho, Historical Archives Goa (HAG), no: 8791, Fls. 157-58.

36

See R.R.S. Chauhan, "Crime and Punishment in 17th Century Goa", Purabhilekha Puratatva, vol. Ill, (July-December, 1985), p. 33.

37

Travels in India (rpt. New Delhi, 1977), I, p. 172.

38

T.R. de Souza, Medieval Goa (New Delhi, 1979), p. 125-26.

39

40

Alvara, 26th Jan. 1599, Monctoes do Reino, no. 1 (1574-1594), HAG, Fls. 95-95v, quoted in P.P. Shirodkar's article in Purabhilekha Puratatva, vol. Ill, (Jan-June 1988). Pesacatello, "African presence in Portuguese India", op. cit., p. 36.

41

T. R. de Souza "The voiceless in Goan historiography—A case for the source-value of the Church records of Goa", in IndoPortugues History: Sources and Problems (Bombay 1981), p. 124.

42

S.I.G. Mudenge, A Political History of the Muhamatappa (1400-1900), Chapters 6 and 7.

43

De souza, Medieval Goa, op. cit., p. 125.

44

Teotonio R. de Souza, "Mahamai House Records: Indigenous sources for Indo-Portuguese Historiography", II Seminario International d e Historia Indo-Portuguese (Lisbon, 1985), p. 83. See also E. Gaudart (ed.) Catalogue des Manuscripts des Anciennes Archives de T Inde Francaise, 1739-1801, Tome II, (Pondicherry, 1934), pp. 187-99; Teotonia R. de Souza, "French slave trading in Portuguese Goa (1773-1791) "in Essays in Goan History, op. cit, pp. 119-31.

45

S.A.I. Tirmizi, Sopme Aspects of Medieval Gujarat, (Delhi, 1968), p. 76.

46

Nairne, The History of the Konkan, p. 48.

47

Canto, Decades VII, Book VI, Chapter V.

48

A letter dated 81th December 1695 of the Viceroy to the King of Portugal, HAG, Reino do Moncoes, no. 95, Fl. 75.

49

Sen, Indian Travels, op. cit, p. 116. Jean Thevenot (1633-1667) was a student of geography and ethnology, who travelled in the western areas of India.

50

Travels of Abbe Caree, op. cit., I., p. 168.

51

Duarte Barbosa, op. cit., p. 37.

52

Ibid.

53

See details in no. 196A., HAG, Fls. 175ff.

54

Article I of the Treaty of 22 January 1815.

55 Article I of the Alvara Issued by the King on 26 January 1818, Reino do Mancoes, no. 196A, Fls 201-209, quoted by P.P. Shirodkar, "India and Mozambique", Purabhilekha Puratatva, vol. VI, (January-June 1988), p. 51. 56

57

See also Agostinho da Piedade Colaco, "Abolicao de Escravatura", in Boletim do Institute Vasco da Gama, Panjim, Goa, 1938, no. 38, p. 26ff. Cartas de Alforria aos Escravos, Goa, 1682-1759, HAG, 860 fls.

11 The Siddis of Karnataka The Siddis of Karnataka are found in the ghat area of Uttara Kannada, Dharwar and Belgaum districts. In Uttara Kannada district they are concentrated in Ankola, Mundgod, Sirsi, Supa, Haliyal and Yellapur talukas. In Dharwar and Belgaum they are found in one taluka each—Khalghatgi and Khanapur respectively. At present, their total population is about 10,000. That the term "Siddi" employed here is synonymous with negro appears apparent from a letter written by one William from the ship, S.S. Nepal, sailing from England to South India and Ceylon, in which he describes the crew of the ship as "composed of seven English quarter masters and fortythree lascar seamen, six English engineers, thirty-five men (Muslim) and fifteen Sidimen or negroes for coal shifters".1 The majority of these Siddis were said to have come from Goa where they were imported from East Africa, mainly Mozambique, by the Portuguese as slaves. As the bulk of Goa's Inquisition historical legacy has been destroyed, it is difficult to know its impact on Africans. The Inquisition records, to the extent they have been studied, indicate that it was the New Christian, that is the Jews, who had been forcibly converted, that Were the most affected.2 There were however always a section of the African population who managed to escape slavery. Having been cruelly treated, they were resentful and uncooperative. At the market place or at the auctions, some of them presented "mere skeletal structures, chest sunk and bent, joints unnaturally swelled and horribly knotty by contrast with the wretched limbs between them"3. There were many runaway slaves who were a menace to public safety and the government was forced to take stiff measures to control their movements after sunset as already mentioned. Three Religious Groups Among the Siddi families in Karnataka there are Catholics, Hindus and Muslims. In Haliyal there are only Muslims and Christians, and in the ghat areas of Yellapur and Ankola only Hindus. Owing to the division of the Siddi people into three religious groups a distinct Siddi self-identity has not developed. It was a normal procedure for the Portuguese to baptise Negro slaves before they embarked on their journey to India, the West Indies, and the Americas. It is said some of these Christians changed their religion after settling in the forests of Kanara. After living for generations among Hindus they considered themselves to be Hindus. Hindu Siddis live mainly in areas where settlements are dispersed while the Christian and Muslim Siddis live in settlements which are compact. "Living in a compact group or community, it was easier for them, to preserve their faith in spite of neglect for centuries by the Church or the Mullahs to look after their spiritual needs".4 As against this in settlements of dispersed homesteads "the individual families easily came under the influence of rituals and religious practices of the Hindu dominant group... and over a period of time,

they came to consider themselves as Hindus".5 But the names in common use -are partly Christian like Tamasya (Thomas), Mania (Manuel), Bastia (Sebastian) and Pashya (Francis), and partly Kanarese as Pooha, Sanna, Gampa, and Lookdas. The women's names are all Kanarese as Jetu, Puti, Laxmi, Gampi, Somi, Sukri and Nagu. The Christian names found among the men and their absence among women supports the tradition that when the men fled from Goa they had to leave their wives behind and later married Kanarese women, some of whom are said to be Brahman outcastes. Widow remarriage is not prevalent among them. Divorce is permitted. Many of them buried the dead until about 25 years ago; now cremation is the accepted custom. They also believe in rebirth and that the dead will be reborn into the family. 6 The Siddi Hindus owe allegiance to the Saudmath and remit a yearly kanka (subscription). They also carried the chariot of the Swami of the Math during the annual ceremony, but this was discontinued due to a dispute with the math. They worship the Hiriyaru. They drink liquor and have no scruples about eating meat, except beef. They speak Are Marathi, a mixture of Marathi, Konkani and Kannada. The Siddi Hindus have become part of the local caste hierarchy. They claim a status above that of Bandhis and Namadaris but below that of Having Brahmans and Okkals. This is explicit in the pattern of inter-dining and other interactions. While they live in a Brahman's or Okkal's house the food is served outside the house. But the Bandhis and Namadaris are ready to accept the Siddis inside the house. However, Siddis do not dine on the assumption that they, as a group, are higher in the caste hierarchy. The Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency also points out that in 1872, 'Habbus', who claimed to be Brahmans and numbered 234, were found on the coast of Karwar, Yellapur and Honavar. The word Habbu is supposed to be a corruption of Habshi or Abyssinian and, according to a local tradition, the people are the descendants of the followers of a 'Habshi', who was the husband of Bhairadevi, one of the Jain queens of Gersappa, whose power was destroyed by Venkatappa of the Bedur family about the close of the sixteenth century. In 1800, the land in the north of Kanara was held by Habbu Brahmans, who were considered degraded and were 'miserably ignorant'. The evidence of early foreign settlers along the western coast of India, and the presence in Kanara of Siddis who rank as Hindus, favours the idea that the Habbus may have been of Abyssinian descent. Almost all of the men add the word Habbu to their names. They «have no subdivisions. The men are dark, of middle height, and thick—lipped, and women do not differ from the men except in being fairer. They consume neither flesh nor liquor and their common food is rice and vegetables. Among farmers they rank next to Brahmans and observe all regular Hindu holidays. They are clean, orderly and hard-working, and like the Having Brahman fond of going to court. They had begun sending their boys to school to teach them English. On the whole the Habbus were a prosperous and rising class towards the end of the nineteenth century.7 Still another story of the Siddi Hindus is that they were brought by Arab merchants and sold to Having Brahmans in exchange for local products. Another story is that the king of Hania, in North Kanara, bought several of the Siddis from Arab merchants and, when the kingdom was conquered by Hyder Ali, they fled from the kingdom and became free. Among the Siddi Hindus there are some who do not eat pork, though pork is permitted among the Hindus. These are said to have been Muslims who adopted Hinduism recently. In substantiation of this fact some of their names are Muslim—Jama, Fakira, Ismail. The Siddi Christians are Catholics, adherents of the Haliyal and Yellapur churches. These

churches are in turn controlled by the Goan Catholic Church. There have been instances of Siddis marrying local low-caste Hindus and converting them to Christianity. These people are Hinduized, e.g. marriage takes place once in the church and then at home according to Hindu rites but without a priest. They also worship the Hiriyaru. Because of this local Christians do not consider them true Christians. Lobo says there is a tendency among some Christians to delete Siddi and take on a Portuguese surname, such as Fernandez or Dias. "This is mainly because they feel Siddi signifies low status and is a word of contempt and they want to be on par with other Christians in the locality".8 The Muslims have a strong identity. "They are very particular that they be called Muslim Siddis and not just Siddis or in some rare cases they would not like to be called Siddis at all". They are Sunnis. They say they are direct descendants of Mohammad and their guru is Sabaghor, a disciple of Mohammad. They feel they are not converts but Muslims from inception. These Siddis trace their history to the Bijapur kingdom. In order to substantiate this they quote their Siddi Musalman surnames, such as 'Naik', 'Havaldar', Patel' etc., given by the Bijapur kings. Lobo, however, states that he has come across "quite a few cases where Muslim Siddis or their ancestors were Catholics and became Muslims because of the strict Church law on monogamy. Some Siddis also say Muslim Siddis were originally Catholics but became Muslims on account of polygamy". But these cases, he underlines, were generally few and by and large Muslim Siddis do not seem to have been converted from another faith. Muslim Siddis are still not allowed to have marital relations with local Muslims. "One reason for this is their physical features (negroid) and the other is the practice of cross-cousin marriage which is forbidden in Islam9. They also practise the Hiriyaru cult. The Muslim Siddis generally, and to a great extent the Catholic Siddis, show clear negroid characteristics. But the Hindu Siddis generally are not quite as dark and a few of them have hair which is very black and wavy but not woolly. The Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency had noted already in 1883 this difference between Hindu Siddis and Christian Siddis and explained the change in Hindu Siddis due to intercourse with the local caste Hindus. Hiriyaru Worship The one factor which binds the Siddis, whatever their religion, is Hiriyaru or ancestor worship. The dead are believed to be nearby, not only in their graves but also as spirits which are present in different places. As parents of the family, the departed are looked on as a cloud of witnesses, intensely interested in the needs of their family and to be consulted in all its concerns. At births, marriages and deaths the ancestors are invoked. The home is therefore organised around Hiriyaru, the spirits of the dead father and mother. It refers to the remembrance of the parents, constituting a recognition of and recompense for the services they had rendered over the previous years, and also securing their assurances that they would keep vigil over the family in the succeeding years. It is obligatory on the part of all relatives to attend the function, thus renewing kinship relations. Hiriyaru worship may be performed twice a year and daily by the 'Kartha' (headman) of the family. It normally takes place in the first week of November during the Navarathri festival, but if anyone were to miss it due to ill health it may be performed in April-May during the major festival—Holi. These do not, of course, correspond with the dates when the parents died but both the Siddis and

Hindus observe only the first death anniversary. Those Siddis who are Hinduized have elaborate functions marking the event, but not so the Siddi Christians or the Muslims. The Siddi Hindus preserve the memory of the dead parents with the help of a ritual symbol in the form of an unhusked coconut. When the father dies, the eldest son, after the funeral, installs the spirit inside the house. A small space is smeared with cowdung and a wooden pedestal is placed within this space. The coconuts, in memory of each parent, are decorated with flowers, placed on a pedestal, and a puja is performed. The keeping of a coconut is borrowed from local Hindu castes such as Okka, Bandhis, Namdars. The belief underlying this is welcomed ceremonially through the performance of puja. Among the Siddi Hindus the coconut represents solidarity of the family. The Siddi Christians and Siddi Muslims do not keep the coconut as a ritual symbol but a place is reserved in the house for the Hiriyaru. Among the Christians a candle is lit daily by the Kartha and the Siddi Muslims burn incense sticks on Friday and special occasions. The Siddi Christians are slowly giving up the practice of Hiriyaru puja.10 Lobo agrees with Ethoven11 that Muslim Siddis are not religious and points out that the 1931 census of India also noted that "Christian Siddis are not zealous in their observance of the tenets of their faith".12 Even at present their adherence to Christianity can be limited to getting a child baptized and a couple married in the church. Language The Konkani Christian Siddi speech has a high mixture of Marathi vocabulary. The fact that the Christians and Hindus speak the same type of Konkani and that they have not borrowed it from the people among whom they live points out to the probability that they must have picked it up together or rather that both these groups had a common past going back to the days of slavery in Goa. The Maratha Siddis are classified by the Bombay Gazetteer as Christian reverts, implying that the Hindu Siddis in the region were possibly Christians once.13 The Muslim Siddis have picked up Urdu from all over the western coast. Political-judicial Function The local unit of political organisation is the 'Siddi Subha', consisting of all the households of the settlement. In some areas these may be five, called Pancharu, literally the five, or in others there may be a fixed number of leaders, who are simply called Jante, the elders. The important leaders are the Buddiwanta (wiseman) or the headman, the Kolkara or the orderly, and the Khanjadan or the treasurer.14 The pancharu is the cabinet, with whom the Buddiwanta discusses various matters concerning the settlement, whereas the Subha is a body which expresses opinion on issues concerning its settlement.15 The office of the Buddiwanta is democratic in theory but he is elected for life by the Subha on the advice of the pancharus. In practice it has become a hereditary position. According to Palakshappa, the Buddiwantas are invariably the earliest settlers or their descendants and they are Mulgenidars in

the settlement. "Bondu, the Buddiwanta of Chukmana, maintained that the members of his family were the first settlers in the settlement. He alone is the Mulgenidar in the settlement. Imam Siddi, the head of Malalgaon, puts the migration of the forefathers of the settlement to 200 years back. Sautan Siddi of Bikhi owns 50 acres of land. This land was hereiditary. His grandfather was a Buddiwanta". 16 They are all economically better—off than any other person. In his secular role the Buddiwanta looks after the day-to-day affairs of the settlement and acts as an intermediary between the settlement and the village. Within the settlement he mediates between families. In inter-settlement disputes he represents the settlement. In his more sacred function he performs the role of Mirasi of the settlement. Before they start ploughing the land and before they harvest the crop the Siddis bring in the Mirasi who performs the puja. Every group—Catholic, Hindu, Muslim—has its own Mirasi with almost similar functions in ceremonies like marriage and initiation. If the priest is unable to come to the funeral then the Buddiwanta assumes the role. Among the Muslims, the Buddiwanta acts as the Mulla at marriages, circumcision, birth and death ceremonies. In the performance of his daily duties the Buddiwanta is assisted by the Kolkara. The cases brought before the Subha by the Kolkara are extensively discussed by the members and parties are given enough opportunity to explain the case before they arrive at a consensus. The Buddiwanta after separate consultations with the elders of the Subha pronounces the judgement, which is binding on the parties concerned. The Siddi Subha also imposes punishment on the guilty, which includes whipping, but today it is generally a fine. The fine thus collected is used for the feast or for some other function. Excommunication is never meted out, whatever the nature of the offence committed. The offices of the Buddiwanta and the Kolkara are honorary and the Siddis do not associate any magical or divine powers with the office. The Siddi Subha is a restricted organisation, whose power and functions are confined to a settlement. This, however, does not prevent them from cooperating between settlements. Among the most vulnerable situation between the two settlements is that of marriage. In such cases, heads interview the parties, individually or jointly, and try to work out a compromise. If unsuccessful, they call for a joint meeting of the Subha of both settlements, and one of them presides over the meeting and tries to resolve the differences between the two parties. Among Siddi Christians, both the Buddiwantas take the dispute to the priest for arbitration, while among the Muslims the matter is referred to the Kazi and is settled before him. In 1984, at the instance of the Secretary of Rural Welfare Trust, Dandeli and some other wellwishers, an all-Karnataka Siddi Development Association was formed in order to bring all the Siddis together and work for their integrated development. Occupation Almost all the Siddis live on agriculture. The majority are labourers, on a daily basis, contractual or bonded. In the latter case again, there are two types of labour—boys between ten and twenty years being employed on a long—term basis on an agreement with parents, another where the entire family has to work for a master for the entire year. In reality "The family seems to be constantly in debt to the landlord and therefore has to work perpetually for the landlord without being rewarded for his

labours. Such cases are not just a handful".17 The forest is part and parcel of the life of the Siddis. After running away from Goa or after being released from bondage, all of them made the forest their home. "In many villages, it appears that they were the original settlers. They braved the wild beasts and deadly malaria and made headway into the dense forests, selected a convenient spot to erect a house, cleared a patch of land and started cultivation. Only when there was some habitation, did some other Indians appear on the scene and that too in very recent times. But in many cases the latecomers have thrived better and have become dominant in terms of the amount of land they possess, which they have acquired not just through their own labour but mainly through cunning ....There are many instances, where the original Siddi settlers have lost their lands to Having Brahmins in Ankola, Sirsi, and Yellapur area, the Lingayats and Marathas in Haliyal and Mundagod areas".18 This may be due to the fact that the Siddi economy is not oriented towards the acquisition of wealth but towards the sharing of wealth within the family and also within the community. Sharing of agriculture and other produce constitutes the essential basis of their economic system. Moreover, the income the Siddi family gets from land is not sufficient to maintain them for more than five or six months in a year. The Siddis thus go in for wage labour in the forest department. Here they take up the strenuous work of clearing forests, stacking wood and loading trucks. At the beginning of the rainy season they take on jobs like Kolta Kathu Vade (Protection of areca nuts). The work has to be done in the rain and gusty wind during the monsoon and is very risky and tedious, but the Siddis perform their tasks with utmost ease and efficiency. Honey extraction also provides subsidiary income as does hunting and fishing. A few better-off farmers have a subsidiary income from milch cattle. The women folk do not work in the forest but go to their landlords for domestic service. In the scale of values, no Siddi should eat without working except in old age or ill health; idleness in a person of productive age is disapproved. The Siddis are by nature proud of their capabilities, and very conscious of public criticism. So hard work brings not only money but also bestows prestige. However, there is a feeling among the local people that they do not work hard. This stereotype of the Siddis has been formed through generations and rests upon a gross misunderstanding of Siddi values. The Siddis, though they do all types of work, place the highest value on land. They conceive of it as their way of life. When it comes to activities outside agriculture, they show less enthusiasm. Often they just do not bother to offer themselves for forest work or labour on the roads, even though they need the money. They are concerned with the present primarily and almost wholly. "When they get an advance on work or lump sum from the landlord, they spend their time merrily, till the major part of the sum is exhausted. This happy-go-lucky attitude coupled with a lack of foresight is reflected in their attitude to work outside agriculture".19 As a rule the Siddis are well—built, tall and robust. "They are sought after for hard and strenuous work in the clearing operations in forests, unlike the other poor and low caste groups in the region they present a noble appearance and are dignified in their bearing".20 Assimilation One common feature of all the Siddis found in Karnataka, as also those in Maharashtra and Goa, is that they have not retained anything of their original culture. Palakshappa notes that the Siddi

assimilation is two-fold: first, to the total Hindu culture of the region, and secondly, to the social structure of various religions. The Siddi identity lies in the Hiriyaru belief for their conceptions are uniquely Siddi, even if the symbols representing the Hiriyaru are adopted from their respective religions. A stranger to the area would not be in a position to distinguish the Siddis from other groups except through their racial characteristics. The Siddis do not suffer from any sort of prejudice, either racial or cultural. Moreover, there are no pressures to change; whatever changes have taken place are voluntary. He concludes, by saying "In accepting the value of the local area the Siddis have kept before the dominant castes—Having Brahmins, Marathas—to initiate and evaluate their behaviour."21 Other Siddis in the Area There are references to royal bodyguards in Kodagu (Coorg) in the Kannada book, Kogagina Itihala by D.N. Krishhayya, who says that under Dodda Veerarajendra (1763-1809) Siddis worked as palace guards. Rev. G. Richter also wrote in 1870 with reference to the same prince: "The Raja had surrounded his house with African bodyguards."22 The uprising in Uttara Kannada was the longest in a series of such happenings during 1857-58 in Karnataka. Earlier, a Siddi called Gajaveera had joined hands with Sangolli Rayanna in his revolt against the British in 1829-30 in Kittur, near the Siddi settlements of Khanapur taluk of Belgaum district, bordering Goa. The Kittur kingdom was annexed by the British in 1834 after defeating Chanamma. Sáwantwadi in the Ratnagiri district of Maharashtra state revolted against the British in 1844. The British records show that three of the sons of Phen Sawant, a noble of the Sawantwadi court, entered Uttara Kannada territory and enlisted two Siddi brothers, Bastian and Benove, from Punsolli near Dandeli, among others for their cause. The first notable act of this group appears to have been the looting of a British outpost in Supa taluka and confiscating some government funds from the chaukidar (watchman), followed with the burning of many British outposts in Supa taluka and taking some chaukidars captive. The leaders of the 'bund' took shelter in the Darshanigudda Ranges and at times escaped to Goa territory. There are references to a formidable fight at Dandeli against Untoo Siddi, and one at a Somalinga temple. The group's activities continued for several months. Three groups of convicts from the British area were sentenced. The Portuguese also deported more than 100 of the insurgents who included the Sawant brothers and their families to Timor Island in the East Indies. 23 Gunaba Shenvi, Siddi Bastian, his brother Anna Saheb and the three Phadnis brothers, were still at large. The British offered rewards of Rs. 1,000 each for the arrest of these people in July 1859. Chintoba Phadnis and Siddi Bastian were killed in an encounter at Jagabet. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that there are also negroid elements and traces in the South Indian population. For instance, the Kurumbas of the Nilgiris district have curly hair, thick lips, very black skin, etc. And, according to E.G.L. Swami, a reputed botanist, seeds of a huge tree called Adangonia digitata linn, which is a native of Africa, were probably brought by the Habshis. NOTES 1 2

J.C. Palakshappa, The Siddis of North Kanara (New Delhi, 1978), p.110. James C. Boyagiyan "Goa-Inquisition—A new light of the first 100 years (1561-1660)", Purabhilekh Puratatva, vol. IV., no.

1,1980. 3

L.W. Hollingsworth, op. cit, pp. 122-24.

4

Cyrus H. Lobo, S.J., Siddis in Karnataka, (Bangalore, 1980), p. 42.

5

Ibid.

6

Palakshappa, op cit., p. 17.

7

GBP, vol. 15: The Konkan, p. 245.

8

Lobo, op. cit. p. 40.

9

Ibid.

10

Palakshappa, op. cit., p. 75-76.

11

R.E. Enthoven, Tribes and Castes of Bombay, Government of India, vol. 2, (Bombay, 1922).

12

The Siddis of Gujarat, Census of India, 1931, vol. 3, Part I, p. 378.

13

GBP, op. cit., p. 380.

14

Lobos, op. cit., p. 30.

15

Palakshappa, op. cit., p. 60.

16

Ibid.

17

Lobos, op. cit., p. 23.

18

Ibid.

19

Palakshappa, op. cit., p. 44.

20

Lobos, op. cit., p. 12.

21

Palakshappa, op. cit., p. 362.

22

Gazetteer ofCoorg, 1870, p. 227. They are also described as Siddis on p. 228.

23

Uttar Kannada District Gazetteer (Bangalore, 1986), pp. 163-64, under the title "1857 Series". See also Suryanath U. Kamath, Deccan Herald of 30.12.1984.

12 The Africans on the Coromandel Coast Karnataka was the name commonly given at one time to a region of southern India between the Eastern Ghats and the Coromandel coast. It extended about 600 miles from the Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh in the north to Cape Comorin in Madras state in the south. The Carnatic, defined as the eastern coastal strip, was a region of great historic importance. Its fertile soil, its textile industries, its commercial trade with the East Indies and the Middle East, made it a seat of wealth and power from pre-Christian times. In 1687 the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb overthrew Golkonda and in 1692 appointed Zulfiqar Khan Nawab, as deputy for the Carnatic with his seat in Arcot. This part of the Carnatic was, therefore, an off-shoot of the Golkonda kingdom. In the early 18th century, the Carnatic became dependent on the Nizams of Hyderabad, the first of whom, Asaf Jah, established himself in 1724 with only a nominal dependence on the Delhi emperors. In 1748, the rivalries of the English and the French East India Companies led to European intervention in Indian politics. Both sides supported rival claimants to the Carnatic; the French, under Joseph Dupleix, supported Chand Sahib, and the British upheld Mohammad Ali. In 1752, largely because of the leadership of Robert Clive, Mohammad Ali was successful; the Carnatic became virtually a client state of the Company. After Tippu Sultan's overthrow, Lord Wellesley, GovernorGeneral (1796-1805) decided to take over the Carnatic in 1801 on the plea of the discovery of correspondence between the Nawab and Tippu. In 1853 its nominal sovereignty was ended by Lord Dalhousie, and the title of Trince of Arcot' was later conferred on the head of the family. Under the British crown, coastal Carnatic became the core of the Madras Presidency.1 The Chief Secretary to the government, at Fort St. George, enclosed a confidential letter of 10 June 1870 from Mr. Girdlestone, officiating Political Agent in Turkish Arabia, on the subject of importation of African slaves into India. "It appeared there has been no importation of domestic slaves into Madras for many years. In the last century the Nawab Wallajah imported a considerable number of African male and female slaves, and the few Africans now remaining in Madras are the descendants of those imported during the Nawab's time. When the late Nawab died in 1855 there were in his service some twenty of these Habshis born in India. The number of wealthy Mahomedans who go as pilgrims from this Presidency to Mecca, the great market for African slaves, is very small. These are the only persons who are likely to import Africans as domestic slaves, and there are so many difficulties attending their landing unobserved, or the retention as slaves after they are once landed, that the custom of importing Africans may be stated to have entirely ceased of late years".2 But to go back a little, the Nawab Mohammad Ali Khan Wallajah (1749-1795), Nawab of Carnatic, had two sons. The second Amal-ul-Umara was of strong character and exercised great influence over his father, who made him Captain General of his troops. He was invested with a great

deal of power and suspected of having some design on Tanjore, which had fallen to the British in 1773 and the Rajah deposed. Amal-ul-Umara, it was admitted, "was indefatigable in this pursuit". He had 7 corps, consisting of cavalry, light armed sepoys, and artillery—12 battalions of sepoys with nearly 1000 artillery. "Some of the Black Cavalry", we are informed, "are as well—disciplined as any of the English Troops; his artillery attached to them may vie almost with the Europeans".3 Nawab Umrat-ul-Umara Bahadur Wallajah II, who succeeded his father, had great confidence in Africans. "After breakfast the Nawab sat alone for an hour till 10 o'clock, smoking his hookah and pondering over problems. From 10 o'clock he worked in the Alchemy house and prepared six banis of gold which weighed 5 huns. He honoured Siddi Muhammad Firuz Khan, an old loyal and trustworthy servant of the Sarkar with the appointment of darugha of the Alchemy house, and entrusted him with all the work, attached to that office, and no one else had access to that place. But occasionally the Nawab invited Abdul Karim Khan Bahadur, his son, and made him work in the Alchemy house. The gold was got ready the previous day and was distributed the next day as nadhr to Allah among the poor and the needy at his gate through Muhammed Ma'sum, his attendant and an officer of the Sarkar".4 Then for a period of six months Nawab Sahib offered fatiha on every Thursday in the following manner. He went out in great state in the suk sawan accompanied by his nephews and other trustworthy officers. "He was followed by bandars, ghozanawas, armed men, and Abyssinian horsemen".5 Nawab Umrat-ul-Umara Bahaur died on 13 October 1795. He had already chosen several people to attend to the details in regard to the burial. "Some experienced Abyssinians were given for the assistance".6 Africans Employed by the French Africans were employed by both the English and the French on the Coromandel coast, particularly during the siege of Madras in 1747. Thus we read in the diary of Anand Ranga Pillai that on May 24 1747, the French had attacked Fort St. David, entered the boundary and seized the English batteries. But the English had returned to fight and slain a thousand Frenchmen, while the English fleet had captured Karikar and came to Fort St. David to land 10,000 coffrees (Africans), English and Rajputs. At once, the remainder of the French troops had fled to Pondicherry. Then the English had seized Ariyankuppam, surrounded Pondicherry, and resolved to attack the French by sea, and that Pondicherry could not hold out against them.7 Earlier on 5 May, we are told, there was strange news that night. "Two Frenchmen and two Coffrees8 had got ready a large catamaran on the beach at Virampathnam, 3 miles from Pondicherry, with augers, a barrel of gunpowder and some match. They meant to approach the English ships off Fort St. David in the night, make holes in them, and blow them up with gunpowder. They did get near the ships, but God designed otherwise, for the match went out, so they had to return".9 ' They complained that M. Dupleix was no longer the governor, but Madame had usurped the role. Ananda Ranga Pillai deplored the degradation caused as a result. He says "It is the will of God, such things cannot but happen. Coffrees, Topasses, and Europeans with axes and spades cut down coconut

trees in the streets, pick off young leaves, arid go away with them. Moreover, the trees fall on the peoples' houses and damage them".10 Again, on 18 September 1748, we learn "The English lying in ambush in the trench north of the Paracheri had their guns ready; and when the French neared the Paracheri, the English, all at once, fixed a thousand muskets. About a hundred of our people were killed and wounded and brought in cots, dhollies and palanquins; and a few Topasses (coloured people) also taken to hospital. When the Governor saw 400 or 500 men advancing to their (the English) help, he ordered Ali Khan and his sepoys to march at once.... The English who retreated did not renew their attack...but they all retreated two and a half miles. In their fight they lost many men, and withdrew to their camp.... ...Twenty Coffrees stripped the English, wound off their coats and hats; leaving the dead bodies on the field, but they carried in five who were not quite dead. However, three or four of the English died on the way. The Governor ordered the Coffrees to throw away the bodies. They did accordingly. The French returned tp Minakshi Ammals' choultry with Kettledrums beating in sign of victory, and thrice shouted 'Vive le roi'. The Governor and other European gentlemen and Tamils who had watched the fight from the ramparts, heard them and were accordingly joyful. ...As the Coffrees had been the first to attack the English, the Governor ordered half a rupee and a bottle of liquor to be given to each of them. I also hear that all of them have been given muskets".11 On Thursday, October 3, he reports "When our sepoys and Coffrees heard that their carriages were being moved forward, they attacked and fired their guns. The English were but few, and fired only once, wounding two or three men and killing two horses... and 10 or 15 of the enemy were mortally wounded. The Governor, hearing that our people were returning with six English prisoners and the guns and carriages, sent out lascars, coolies and bearers. The English troops and their coolies fled; and our people returned to the Madras gate in great joy... and dragging the gun carriages with them".12 Again on 14 October, Pillai writes "when Abd-ul-Jalil, who had the protection of the Nawab of Arcot, had arrived on September 20... waiting to plunder the four streets of Pondicherry," the Governor told Jemadar Abdul-Rahman that he would make him Nawab of Arcot. The Jemadar replied "give me only 1,000 sepoys and troops with four mortars and four great guns, I shall need no money",.- He also ordered with all Abdul Rahman's sepoys, "my people under Shaikh Ibrahim and the Carnatic musketeers, 500 sepoys in all, together with 300 military, 200 coffrees and two guns to attack the English battery early tomorrow morning, drive the enemy out, destroy it and seize all that was to be found there". The English had to endure the humiliation of having lost their principal settlement, of having failed to take Pondicherry, and of having recovered Madras only in exchange for conquests made upon the other side of the globe. The struggle for the Coromandel Coast had come to a deadlock. African Employed by the English That the English also employed Africans is borne out by the following passage: "Colonel Cook had by this time captured every French port of importance in the province, Thiagar and Gingee excepted; and he had circumscribed their force within the limits of a few miles around Pondicherry. For the

purpose of confronting this new danger, he detached a corps under Major Moore, to which holding too cheaply to the military prowess of the Mysoreans, he appointed no more than one hundred and eighty Europeans, thirty Abyssinians, fifty Hussars, eleven hundred sepoys and sixteen irregular horses. This corps was met on the 17th July 1760 near Trivadi by the whole body of Mysoreans proceeding to Pondicherry and were completely routed".13 Sir Eyre Coote reinforced with troops, but numerical forces without the means of movement tended little to relieve this complicated embarrassment. All the vigilance and energy he could accomplish was incessantly attempted to procure immediate supply or the means of future equipment; and among the losses sustained by the enemy was that of Siddi Hilal, the commandant, an Abyssinian, and an officer of distinguished reputation,14 who had innumerable Africans under him. Evidently the Africans were giving valuable help for we read that Miyan Masud Khan was paid part of the 5,000 rupees and "according to M. Cornet's orders I received this afternoon four pieces of scarlet and two of green broad-cloth and two rolls of China paper to be given to Miyan Masud Khan".15 The Coffrees it is certain were imported from abroad. This seems to be indicated in the following passages: "I have been ordered to tell you that a letter should be written to the Company by the Europeans saying that 3000 Europeans and 2000 Coffrees are needed by (Mir Aazam) and Chand Sahib will pay them so long as he remains Nawab". The Governor said: "Tell Chand Sahib to write asking me to apply to the Company in Europe for 3000 soldiers and 200 Coffrees and promising, if they are sent, maintain them so long as he is Nawab". He agreed to do so.16 NOTES 1

See Imperial Gazetteer of India (1908); Cambridge History of India (1937), vol. IV.

2

F.D. Confidential, no.376, 29th July 1870.

3

Henry Davison Love, Vestiges of Old Madras (London, 1913), vol. Ill, p.69.

4

History of the Nawabs of Carnatic, vol. III, p.I, page 20.

5

Ibid, p. 49.

6

Ibid, p. 46. Section 4.

7

The Private Diary of Anand Ranya Pillai, translated from Tamil Madras, 1904, p.2.

8

Africans.

9

Ibid, vol. V, p. 76.

10

Ibid, p. 336.

11

Ibid, p. 382.

12

Ibid, p. 384.

13

Ibid, p. 255.

14

Ibid, vol. V, p. 471.

15

Ibid, vol. VI, p. 221.

16

Ibid, vol. VI, p. 336.

13 Manumitted Slaves and India During the nineteenth century the East India Company considered it necessary to put down the East Africa slave trade and their agents in the Persian Gulf and Muscat entered into treaties with various chiefs for that purpose.1 However, this had little immediate effect partly because there were never enough British cruisers to provide even the limited effectiveness, but also because of the increased intensity of European and American, as well as Asian involvement. The British were also concerned with protecting their interests in the Indian Ocean as European rivalry increased and, in particular, to combat the influence of the French. Thus illegitimate trade flourished.1 A negro page boy was as common a sight in an English lady's household in Calcutta or Bombay as in London about the middle of the eighteenth century. 3 A senior magistrate of police writes in a letter dated 16 January 1836: "African children are so valuable in Bombay that I have been afraid to let them go about lest they should be stolen".4 Sir Bartle Frere stated to the Anti-Slavery Society in 1876 that the annual drain of human lives was still estimated at a million. It was not till 1897 that the legal status of slaves came to end and slavery was abolished on the mainland of Africa in 1907. The East African traffic was carried on for the most part by Arabs, subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar, or by Portuguese subjects. The worst field of operation was from Lake Nyassa to the south, with Kilwa as the port of shipment. These dealers would start for the interior well—armed and provided with articles such as beads and cotton cloth to barter for slaves. On arriving at the scene of their operations, they would excite the cupidity of native chiefs by the display of muskets, powder and the goods brought as purchase money. They would sometimes help the natives of one tribe to make war upon another. Such assistance almost invariably secured victory to the side they supported, and the captives became their property, either by right or by purchase of a few yards of cloth. In the course of such warfare the villages would be burnt and the women and children carried away.5 According to common report, the most lawless and good-for-nothing Arabs were engaged in the slave trade. Besides the slaves brought at Zanzibar, some thousands were stolen by these men, who were a terror to the southern Arabs. Sir Bartle Frere said that "slave trade has become possible only since piracy was suppressed; not only because it is chiefly the old pirate tribes among the Arabs who have, of late years, turned their energies to slave trading, but because such valuable and portable property as a cargo of slaves would have presented unusual temptations to any pirates, so that it is only since the seas have been cleared of pirates that slave trading on such a great scale and as a branch of ordinary commerce has become possible." 6 Apart from this a new pattern of trafficking in slaves had emerged. This consisted of the shipment of negroes in larger vessels by French, Spanish, and American speculators, who took orders from their agents in the Oceanic islands and transAtlantic ports to carry abroad as many slaves as they could on each visit to Africa. Captain Sullivan

wrote bitterly in 1849: "Slave trading abolished in the Portuguese territory!... It was never so extensive, as it is now, and is aggravated by the cruelties that have shocked the Arabs on the coast— cruelties which they are incapable of practising...and all this rendered still more revolting by the falsehoods and sarcasm contained in the name given the poor wretches—that of free negroes".7 Slaves imported into the Persian Gulf through the southern ports were of two kinds—the African from the coast of Zanzibar, the territory principally of the Imam of Muscat; and the Habshi, or Abyssinian, from the shores of the Red Sea, Jeddah, Hodeida, Mocha. "Muscat and Sur are the principal ports to which slaves, from wheresoever shipped, whether Zanzibar or the Red Sea, are brought, and hence they are eventually carried into Turkey, Persia, Sind, the Arab States and to the West Coast of India." 8 A considerable traffic in slaves was also being carried out in Jeddah, according to reports in 1869. Approximately 2,000 to 2,500 slaves were landed annually in the immediate neighbourhood. The Sheikh of Zeila, opposite Aden, was long engaged in this traffic.9 Though a number of slaves appealed to the British authorities for freedom on grounds that they had been abused by their masters or that they had been brought into the country illegally, 10 it is on record that "there is one thing to be said in favour of slavery among Arabs, and that is, no class of the community is so happy, so free from care, and so well treated as the Mohammedan slave; nine out of ten would hardly regard freedom as boon, and but for our intervention, which compels slavers to resort to all kinds of expedients to procure cargoes, the sufferings of the slaves after their arrival on the coast would be hardly appreciable."11 For those whose lot was domestic slavery on the plantations or in the houses of Zanzibar, the auction once at an end, the worst of their sufferings were over, for Arabs, apart from the dealers, were kind to their slaves. But, whatever, their experience, the average life span of Africans was only from seven to eleven years, so a constant fresh supply was needed. A report from the British Resident at Baghdad dated 18 December 1890 is revealing: "Two facts are palpable", he says, "inummerable houses in Iraqi towns, notably Baghdad, contain male and female Africans (including Galla) of all ages from childhood upwards who have been bought from slave importers. Basra, Kuwait, Zubair are among the places, near or on the Persian Gulf, to which these poor creatures are taken, being landed from Africa. The fact that once brought on Turkish soil they are not sold again, but become members more or less of the first buyer's family, nay indeed when old enough to walk of their masters house and assert their independence without much risk of the authorities openly at least interfering, alleviates their fate undoubtedly, while forming one of the marked differences between slavery in the old European and American slavery and slavery of the Muslim types, still the root of the evil—the hidden traffic in humanity resides in both systems".12 The Indian merchants were the capitalists and almost monopolised the function of collecting and distributing all articles of trade of the Zanzibar dominion and were in charge of customs clearance— the Arabs needing their enterprise, their painstaking and plodding habit and their intelligence. They provided the money to the Arabs and could not be absolved for something more than a silent spectator's share in the practical cruelties and inquiries of the slave trade, as was carried on then. However, while the first purchase of slaves caused great misery, there was a favourable side of slavery: "The slave at Zanzibar is not hard, worked, he appears content and happy, and there is a peculiar feeling of kindness evinced by Banians towards their slaves which cannot be traced to

selfish feelings alone".13 With regard to the Kutchees and natives of other Indian states under British protection, forbidden to possess slaves, Rigby remarks: "If in Kutch or Kathiawar, or any other native states in Western India, any native is found importing, or possessing or trafficking in African slaves, the British Political Agents have authority to try such natives in the courts, for an offence against the paramount power; and I, therefore, think that it was a lanemtable error of judgement of a former Political Agent at Zanzibar that any native of any protected state in India should have been permitted to possess slaves at Zanzibar, or to traffic in them, or take them in pledge from Arabs". 14 Indians, residing at Zanzibar, took advantage of the latest act of Parliament on Naturalisation, to renounce their allegiance to the British Government and declare themselves subjects of the Sultan, "solely to enable them to hold and traffic in slaves". They were told they would enjoy the same privileges as the Arabs themselves. One of the major ones was that domestic slavery was permitted, reminiscent of the libre engage system in December 1867, and the Indians were not in possession of more than 1,200 slaves.15 In 1869, however, the Rao of Kutch placed all his subjects abroad under the jurisdiction of the British and warned them against slave dealing. The opinion of the committee of 1871 was that as Kutchees had held slaves with the implied sanction of the British authorities since 1862 they should be given reasonable time, say three years, to prepare, but if at the expiry of the period determined, any Kutchee should be found holding slaves, they (the slaves) should be immediately emancipated and the owner punished. No acquisition of fresh slaves was to be permitted meanwhile. In 1873, Sir Bartle Frere pointed out how Sir John Kirk, the Consul at Zanzibar, had made the Banian give up their slaves and desist from all indirect participation in the slave trade. Nine years later these people in whose hands the entire trade of the coast rested, expressed their thanks to him as this had proved to be the means of turning capital into legitimate channels and had opened up many new sources of wealth. This class had come to see that free labour was cheaper in the end than the maintenance of a large establishment of slaves. Later; when 231 slaves were liberated from the Island of Pemba held by Indian subjects, the great majority of them elected to remain with their former masters. The slaves appeared to be in an "unexceptionally good condition". A large number were women, concubines of the Indians, with whom they had lived for years and whom, except in rare instances, they did not wish to leave.16 With regard to slave holdings, again in July 1875, the British Consul at Zanzibar reported with satisfaction that "after the most careful and searching enquiry I came to the conclusion that the British Indian subjects in Mombasa and its vicinity are quite guiltless of anything of the sort." 17 There were charges of importation of Africans into Bombay as slaves, to which J.W. Robertson, officiating Commissioner of Customs, replied: "There are some instances, rare the exception rather than the rule, in which Africans have been brought to Bombay by Mahommedans returning either from pilgrimage, or the coast of Arabia etc. In all such instances, those so brought here cannot be viewed as coming under the category of slaves, as they are invariably treated with respect, and regarded more as "members of the family than as ordinary slaves".18 Further, the British Agent at Jeddah stated "... those who embark at this port after the pilgrimages are, as far as we know, liberated slaves, furnished with papers of Manumission from the Cadi at Mecca or his Najib in the city, duly attested by the local authorities and also in the consulate".19

India had by now become a large exporter of labour herself and it was understood that Indian indentured labour was a "cheaper article than the Negro Slave". But, in Aden, where liberated slaves were maintained, there were some difficulties owing to few possibilities of employment as labourers or domestic servants and the housing shortage.20 The surplus was therefore sent to Bombay whether there was any immediate prospect of employment or not.21 Basra and Muscat were also allowed to deport manumitted slaves to India. The Bombay Government, however, complained at the expense and inconvenience they were put to in providing for liberated African slaves, who were sent after July 1886. It stated: "We would repeat our opinion that the suppression of the slave trade on the east coast of Africa is not an object for which the Indian revenue should be forced to contribute. It is a matter exclusively connected with Imperial Policy, and in which the Government of India have no concern, and the expenditure which it necessitates should, therefore, be defrayed solely from Imperial sources. We cannot consent to debit any portion of such outlay to the Indian Budget. We consider it right that under the altered relations of Zanzibar to the State of Muscat, the Government of India should be relieved of all the connection with Zanzibar and all expenditure in that quarter. But should H.M. Government think otherwise, the only alternative arrangements which would command our assent ... is that we should continue, as heretofore, to pay the political charges and have control of the Political Agency at Zanzibar, the entire cost of the arrangement for the suppression of the slave trades being borne by Imperial revenues. We cannot believe it to be just, under any circumstances, to impose a portion of the latter charges on the revenue of India."22 It repeated the request that expenses incurred by the Government of Bombay for the maintenance of liberated slaves and for 'the African Asylum at Nassick', founded in 1874 by Rev. William S. Price, may be made a charge of the Imperial Treasury. Further, the Bombay Government called for alternative disposal of emancipated slaves, "representing that the number of Africans in the city of Bombay was considerable, that they formed an excitable and turbulent element in the population, and that constant additions to their number might prove a source of risk".23 It was suggested to utilize freed slaves on the Somali coast, Sarawak and the Fiji islands, who were consulted by the Bombay Government, but were not prepared to receive any emancipated slaves. The Government of North Borneo said they might find deployment for freed slaves provided they were strong and capable of work and able to bear the climate.24 At this stage the Bombay Government dropped the matter. Mauritius agreed to accept, to a moderate extent, say 200 or 300. Some of the large continents of slaves in dhows were sent to Seychelles and they were all found to be thriving and in good condition in 1861. On arrival of a batch of manumitted slaves in Bombay, innumerable applications were received from Indians for children whom they desired to bring up as servants. "Every care, however, is taken to entrust them to those only of known respectability and it is always explained by the children in such cases, that they are no longer slaves, and free to leave their employers". Those above ten and under sixteen years of age were employed by Europeans and Indians as domestic servants. The missionaries were also consulted and 'a good many' were placed under the Roman Catholic Orphanage of Bandra. There grew up also at Sharanpur, near Nasik, some ninety miles north-east of Bombay, a branch of the church. Established in 1860 under the name of the African Asylum, it

received about 200 children. "The number represents but a small proportion of the slaves rescued and brought to Bombay. For several years none have been sent to us, though considerable numbers have been set at liberty".25 " I do not know," says the principal of the institution, "whom I shall bewail most, those who after their arrival here are made over to Mohammedans and adopt their religion; or those who, after having been instructed in the ^Way of Life in our institution at Sharanpur, are then thrown amongst the very dregs of European society on the railways, participate in their sins, and are a shame and dishonour to Christianity".26 A fate not less happy than those found in the slums of Bombay and Poona. In five years at Bombay the known negro births were thirty-seven and the deaths 754.27 Of the adults, some were apprenticed at the workshops of the Railway Company and a few were taken into the Police. Some were sent to the government's model farm in Khandesh, to Badgaon Farm as agricultural labourers but being unable to do the work, returned to Bombay to find work more suited to their taste. Sir Bartle Frere speaks of the disposal of rescued slaves at Bombay as 'a great trouble', when their numbers increased "there were some very painful cases, some of the men being kidnapped, and others, women in a worse condition".28 Two other communities, of whom special mention is made at this period, were the Vanjaras and the Madagascar cofferies or slaves. These slaves were either shipped to St. Helena and other places, or were enlisted as soldiers in the Bombay army. They and the slaves from Zanzibar have been largely responsible for the Siddi elements in the modern population of Bombay. 29 By the year 1872 the population of Negro-Africans in Bombay was 0.18 per cent of the population. In 1881 a further decrease of population was noted, to 689 or 0.09 per cent of the population. In 1891 there were 730, by 1901, 694, and thereafter no mention is made in the census. The social life of these people has been described thus: "There was little for relaxation and one found often, among the group, 4 or 5 persons, who cluster round the flame in which opium juice is burnt before insertion in the pipe. You will find Sikh embroideers from Lahore, Siddis from Zanzibar, Moghuls from Persia, native children and men from Gujarat: for the Opium club destroys all caste prejudice and render the Votaries of the 'black smoke' careless of social obligations."30 The life of the city at night has many strange features. In Mandanpura, the Siddis may be found indulging in one of the noisy revels, which constitute their only relaxation, and which have the effect of working them into a state bordering on frenzy. They have four chief dances, which are said to be of African origin and, when properly performed, to induce the spirit of divination. "They are danced to the accompaniment of a shrill pipe and quaint drums, shaped like a cannon with a parchment mouth, astride each of which members of the company sit, while the rest of the Siddi Jamat, first men, then women, and then both sexes together dance round them for 3 or 4 hours. At intervals a bundle of straw is lighted, and the heads of the drums are pushed into the flames to tighten up the parchment. In the middle of the dancing-circle stands the Siddi Patelni or head-woman of the tribe, now beating time to the rhythm of the music, now encouraging the dancers with loud words of approval or slapping a drummer to arouse his failing energy".31 Sometimes large consignments of slaves arrived in the port of Bombay from Madagascar, as in the year 1736, when a total of 165 slaves, 48 men, 17 large boys, 72 women and girls and 30 children landed. They were put to work in the Marine and in the fortifications. Head money was given to

captains of the ships to see that slaves landed alive in the port. Capt. John Bill got 20 sh. per head and Mr. John Clengh got 6 sh. 3 d. per head. 32 On the other hand, a number of unmarried slaves became seamen, and years after, Rigby met many of them in the ports of Kutch and Kathiawar, still wearing the certificates of emancipation he had signed and sealed for them, enclosed in little silver containers as charms hung round their necks or as amulets on their arms. The Church Missionary Society already had a mission at Mombassa. Mr. Rebmann was the only European missionary there and his health was failing. It was found that five new converts belonging to two families, which had joined from the African orphanage at Nasik, were very capable and efficient. Among them was a George David, a very intelligent catechist, who was in charge at Kissoludini. Mr. George David had no doubt that "if set to agriculture or their industrial occupations, numbers of people would flock to the mission". Six Nasik boys were also sent on the CMS expedition to the East African snow mountains. In 1875 the asylum at Nasik was closed down and about 150 Africans emigrated to Frére town near Mombassa, where Rev. William Price established a centre under the auspices of the Churches Missionary Society of London. Thus, howsoever few, some Africans did return to Africa. The rest were assimilated into Indian society. From 1833 slavery as practised by the Arabs came increasingly to be replaced by a new system of indentured labour from India and China. NOTES 1

The Abolition Measures of 1833 had made slavery illegal for British subjects, but in relation to the Zanzibar dominions and races of Western Asia, generally there were various treaties or agreements which demanded observance.

2

Capt. Philp Howard Colomb, Slave Catching in the Indian Ocean (London, 1868), p. 96.

3

Banaji, op. cit., p. 3.

4

Bombay Record Department, from Senior Magistrate of Police to the Secretary of the Government of Bombay, 16 January 1836.

5

Report of the Select Committee: Addressed to the Earl of Clarendon 1871 as quoted in General Rigby, Zanzibar and the Slave Trade, by Mrs. Charles E.B. Russel (London, 1935), p. 128.

6

F.D. No. 309, H.B.E. Frere. H.M. Yacht "Enchantress" off the Mekran Coast, the 17th April 1873.

7

G.L. Sullivan, Dhow Chasing in Zanzibar Waters (London, 1873), p.116.

8

Colomb, op. cit., p. 52. See also Bombay Records, Vol. XXIV 1856, p. 646 for sale of slaves; Harrison, The East African Slave Trade (London, 1871), p. 32.

9

F.D. Pol. A. March 1870, no. 71. See Chapter II.

10 See Harris, op. cit, Appendix I, pp. 129-33, on slave statements, victims of cruelty. 11

India Office, Political, vol. 78, no. 126.

12

F.D. Ext. A. January 1891, no. 71.

13

F.D. Pol. A. March 1870, nos. 158-64.

14 Memorandum of Major-General Rigby on the Report of the Parliamentary Committee on the East Africa Slave Trade: F.D. Pol. 365, July 1872, no. 6. 15

India Office MSS, vol. 48, p. 123.

16 Foreign Department, Pol. A, October 1875, nos. 10-14. 17 Foreign Department, March 1876, no. 2-8, Affairs at Mombasa, Despatch 108, dated British Consulate Zanzibar, 26th July 1875. 18 J.W. Robertson, Officiating Commissioner of Customs to Secy. Government of Bombay, no. 2438, Bombay, 22nd July 1880, No. 41. 19 P. Sourian, acting Consul and British Agent Jeddah, to Right Hon'ble the Earl of Mayo, No. 1, Jeddah, 23rd November 1870, F.D. Pol. A., no. 42. 20

Sir Bartle Frere had suggested in 1873 that liberated Africans should return to East Africa, to the Universities Mission and the French Roman Catholic Mission at Zanzibar and Bagamoyo, several Church Missionary Society (CMS) missions and the proposed Universities Mission at Dares Salam.

21

Colomb, op. cit, pp. 99-100.

22

Foreign Department Sec., February 1890, nos. 160-62. Question of disposal of emancipated African slaves.

23

F.D. Sec, June 1889, nos. 76-85: F.D., Pol. Despatch No. 13, dated February 1890. See also F.D. Secret, India no. 338,1870.

24

F.D. Sec. E., February 1890, nos. 160-62; External A, June 1890, no. 124; External A, May 1885, nos. 142-47.

25

Annual Report of CMS Mission in India, Bombay 1872, p. 10.

26

Quoted by Harrison, op. cit., p. 21.

27

Ibid.

28

Parl. Rep. 1871, p. 36.

29

Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XXVI, Part I, p. 161.

30

The Gazetteer of Bombay City and Island (1909, reprinted in 1977), vol. I.

31

Ibid.

32

Court to Bombay, 25 Oct. 1752, paras 1-8; Public Dept. Court letters of 1752-1756, pp. 39-41.