(Studies in the History of Christian Traditions 178) Robert Aleksander Maryks - Jesuit Survival and Restoration_ a Global History, 1773-1900 (2014)

 Jesuit Survival and and Restoration Restoration

Studies in the History of Christian Traditions General Editor  Robert J. Bast (University (University of Tennessee, Knoxville ennessee, Knoxville))  In cooperation with with Paul C.H. Lim ( Nashville, ( Nashville, Tennessee Tennessee)) Brad C. Pardue ( Point ( Point Lookout, Lookout, Missouri  Missouri ) Eric Saak ( Liverpool  ( Liverpool ) Christine Shepardson ( Knoxville, ( Knoxville, Tennessee) ennessee) Brian Tierney ( Ithaca, ( Ithaca, New York )  Arjo Vanderjagt Vanderjagt (Groningen (Groningen))  John Van Van Engen ( Notre ( Notre Dame, Dame, Indiana) Indiana)  Founding Editor  Heiko A. Oberman†

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The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/shct 

 Jesuit Survival Survival and Restoration Restoration  A Global History, History, 1773–1900 1773–1900  Edited by

Robert A. Maryks  Jonathan Wright Wright

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Cover illustration: O���cial stamp of the General Order of Jesuits. Library of Congress C ongress Cataloging-in-Publication Data  Jesuit survival and restoration restoration : a global history history, 1773-1900 / edited by Robert Robert Aleksander Maryks, Jonathan  Wright. pages cm. -- (Studies in the history of Christian traditions, ISSN 1573-5664 1573-5664 ; VOLUME 178) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-28238-4 978-90-04-28238-4 (hardback (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Jesuits--History--19th century. century. 2. Jesuits--History--18th century. I. Maryks, Robert A., editor. BX3706.3.J46 BX3706.3.J46 2014   271’.53--dc23   2014035816

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Contents List of Illustrations  Abbreviations ��

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�  Robert A. Maryks Maryks and Jonathan Wright  Wright 

Introduction

���� � The Historical Context 1

A Restored Society or a New Society of Jesus?

13

Thomas Worcester Worcester,, �. � . �. 2

Some Remarks on Jesuit Historiography Historiography 1773–1814 1773–1814

34

 Robert Danieluk, �.�. �. �.

���� � The Commonwealth Commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania Poland-Lithuania and the Russian Empire 3

Before and After Suppression   Jesuits and Former Former Jesuits in the Polish-Lithuanian Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Commonwealth, c. 1750–1795  51

 Richard Butterwick-P Butterwick-Pawlikow awlikowski  ski  4

The Society of Jesus in the Russian Empire (1772–1820 (1772–1820)) and the Restoration of the Order  67

 Marek Inglot, �.�. �.� . 5

The Połock Academy (1812–1820)  An Example of the Society of Jesus’s Endurance Endurance

83

 Irena Kadulska Kadulska 6

Sebastian Sierakowski, Sierakowski, � .�. .� . and the Language of Architecture Architecture  A Jesuit Life during the Era Era of Suppression and Restoration Restoration

Carolyn C. Guile

99

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���� � Central and Western Europe 7

The Jesuit Artistic Diaspora in Germany after 1773 1773

129

 Je�frey Chipps Chipps Smith 8

Enduring the Deluge  Hungarian Jesuit Jesuit Astronomers from from Suppression to Restoration 148

 Paul Shore Shore 9

“Est et Non Est”   Jesuit Corporate Corporate Survival in England after after the Suppression

162

Thomas M. McCoog, �.�. 10

The Exiled Spanish Jesuits and the Restoration of the Society of  Jesus 178

 Inmaculada Fernández Fernández Arrillaga and Niccolò Guasti  Guasti  11

The Society of Jesus Under Another Name The Paccanarists in the Restored Society of Jesus

197

 Eva Fontana Fontana Castelli  12

Jesuit at Heart  Luigi Mozzi de’ de’ Capitani (1746-1813) (1746-1813) between between Suppression Suppression and  Restoration  Restoration 212

 Emanuele Colombo 13

The Romantic Historian under Charles X   Evaluating  Evaluating Jesuit Restoration Restoration in Charles Laumier’s Laumier’s Résumé de l’Histoire des Jésuites 229

 Frédéric  Frédéric Conrod 

���� � China and Beyond 14

Jesuit Survival and Restoration in China

 R. Po-chia Hsia

245

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Restoration or New Creation? The Return of the Society of Jesus to China

261

 Paul Rule Rule 16

Rising from the Ashes The Gothic Revival and the Architecture Architecture of the “New” Society of Jesus in China and Macao 278

César Guillen-Nuñez 17

The Phoenix Rises from its Ashes The Restoration Restoration of the Jesuit Shanghai Mission

299

 Paul Mariani, Mariani, �.�. �. �. 18

The Chinese Rites Controversy’s Controversy’s Long Shadow over the Restored Society of Jesus 315

 Jeremy  Jeremy Clarke, �.�. �. �. 19

The Province of Madurai Between the Old and New Society of Jesus Jesus 331

Sabina Pavone

���� � The Americas 20

The “Russian” “Russian” Society and the American Jesuits Giovanni Grassi’s Crucial Role 353

 Daniel Schla�ly 21

John Carroll, the Catholic Church, and the Society of Jesus in Early Republican America 368

Catherine O’Donnell  22

The Restoration in Canada  An Enduring Patrimony Patrimony

386  John Meehan, �.�. �. �. and Jacques Monet, �.�. �. �.

23

Jesuit Tradition and the Rise of South South American Nationalism

 Andrés I. Prieto Prieto

399

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�������� The First Return of the Jesuits to Paraguay  Paraguay  415

 Ignacio Telesca Telesca 25

Jesuit Restoration in Mexico

433

 Perla  Perla Chinchilla Pawling Pawling

���� �  Africa 26

Early Departure, Late Return  An Overview of the Jesuits in Africa during the the Suppression and after the Restoration 453

 Festo  Festo Mkenda, �.�. �. �. 27

Hoping Against All Hope The Survival of the Jesuits in Southern Africa (1875–1900) (1875–1900)

 Aquinata N. N. Agonga 28

The Jesuits in Fernando Po (1858–1872)  An Incomplete Mission 482

 Jean Luc Enyegue, Enyegue, �.�. �. �. Index

503

467

List of Illustrations

1.1 1.2 1.3

Church of Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Paris. Exterior, Exterior, Dome. June 2012 16 Church of Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Paris. Interior. Interior. June 2012 17 Church of Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Paris. Façade under restoration.  June 2012 19 1.4 Church of Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Paris. Restored. Restored. June 2014 20 1.5 Church of Saint-Ignace, Paris. Exterior, Exterior, Apse. June 2012 21 1.6 Church of Saint-Ignace, Paris, Interior. Interior. June 2012 22 6.1 Project for the renovation of the façade of Wawel Cathedral. Elevation and plan. Sebastian Sierakowski, Sierakowski, 1788 103 6.2 Project for a church with a single nave and two two rows of chapels. Elevation. Sebastian Sierakowski Sierakowski 105 6.3 Jesuit church of SS. Peter Peter and Paul, Paul, Cracow Cracow.. Giovanni Giovanni de Rossis, Rossis, Józef Britius, Britius, Giovanni Trevano. 1597–1619, 1597–1 619, consecrated consecra ted 1635 106 6.4 Southeast bell tower, tower, Collegiate Church of St. Anne, Cracow. Cracow. Sebastian Sierakowski. 1775 108 6.5 Clock Tower “Over the Chapter House” (r; dome 1715) and Sigismund Sigismu nd Tower (l; dome 1899), Wawel Wawel Cathedral. Cathed ral. Cracow 109 6.6 Elevation of the short side and transverse elevation of the Cloth Hall (Sukiennice). Sebastian Sierakowski Sierakowski 110 6.7 Octagonal wooden chapel; plan, section, elevation. Sebastian Sierakowski. Sierakowski. n.d.  Watercolor  Watercolor and ink on paper, paper, 22.4 × 52.7 cm 111 6.8 Piarist church of the Trans��guration, Trans��guration, façade. Cracow. Cracow. Francesco Placidi. 1759–61 113 6.9 Piarist church of the Trans��guration, Trans��guration, nave. Cracow. Cracow. Franz Eckstein, 1733 114 6.10 Studies for capitals, plate XIII, Architektura  Architektura obeymuiąca obeymuiąca wszelki wszelki gatunek Sierakowski. 1810 124 murowania i budowania, Vol. 2. Sebastian Sierakowski. 6.11 Frontispiece.  Architektura  Architektura obeymuiąca obeymuiąca wszelki wszelki gatunek murowani murowania a i budowania, budowania,  Vol.  Vol. 2. Sebastian Sierakowski. Sierakowski. 1812 125 7.1 Johann Leonhard Öxlein, Commemorative Commemorative Medal for the Suppression of the 1774. Staatliche Staatl iche Münzsammlung, Münzsamm lung, Munich 130 Society of Jesus , silver, 1774. 7.2 Christoph Schwarz, Glori��cation Glori��cation of the Virgin Mary and the Christ Child , center of the Mary Altarpiece, 1580–1581. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg 135 7.3 Johann Smissek, The Church of St. Michael’s and the Jesuit College in Munich , engraving, c. 1644–1650 141 7.4 The Facades of the Church of Mariä Himmelfahrt and the former Jesuit College in Munich 144

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6.11 Frontispiece. Architektur Frontispiece. Architekturaa obeymuiąca wszelki wszelki gatunek murowania murowania i budowania,  Vol.  Vol. 2. Sebastian Sierakowski. Sierakowski. 1812 125 7.1 Johann Leonhard Öxlein, Commemorative Commemorative Medal for the Suppression of the Society of Jesus, Jesus , silver, 1774. 1774. Staatliche Staatl iche Münzsammlung, Münzsamm lung, Munich 130 7.2 Christoph Schwarz, Glori��cation of the Virgin Mary and the Christ Child , center of the Mary the Mary Altarpiece, Altarpiece, 1580–1581. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg 135 7.3 Johann Smissek, The Church of St. Michael’s and the Jesuit College in Munich, Munich , engraving, c. 1644–1650 141 7.4 The Facades of the Church of Mariä Himmelfahrt and the former Jesuit College in Munich 144

 Abbreviations I

Reference Works

In citing works in the notes, short titles have generally been used. Reference works frequently cited have been identi��ed by the following abbreviations:  ����   ��  ����  �� ��  Astrain 1902–1925a-b

          Bangert 1986 Burnichon 1914–1922

      Carrez 1900

 Archivum Historicum Historicum Societatis Iesu  Acta Romana Societatis Iesu Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (to be distingueshed from ����  from ���� ) Antonio Astrain, Historia Astrain,  Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la  Asistencia de España. España. Madrid: Est. Tip. Sucesores de Rivadeneyra/Razón Rivadeneyra/Razón y Fe, 1902–1925, 7 vols: I:San I:San Ignacio de Loyola 1540–1556  [Astrain  [Astrain 1902]; 2nd ed. (1912) [Astrain 1912] II: Laínez  Laínez – Borja 1556–1572 1556–1572 [Astrain 1905] III:  Mercurian – Aquaviva (primera parte) 1573–1615  [Astrain 1909]; 2nd ed. (1925) [Astrain 1925a] IV: Aquaviva (segunda parte) parte) 1581–1615  [Astrain  [Astrain 1913] V:Vitelleschi, Vitelleschi, Carafa, Piccolomini, 1615–1652 [Astrain 1615–1652 [Astrain 1916] VI: Nickel, Oliva, Noyelle, González 1652–1705  VI: Nickel, 1652–1705   [Astrain 1920] VII: Tamburini, Retz, Visconti, Centurione 1705–1758 [Astrain 1925b]. William Willia m V. Bangert, Bangert ,  A History of the Society of Jesus. Jesus. St. Louis: The Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1986 (2nd ed). Joseph Burnichon,  La Compagnie de Jésus en France.  Histoire d’un siècle 1814–1914. 1814–1914. Paris: Beauchesne, 1914– 1922, 4 vols: I:1815  1815 –1830 [Burnichon 1830 [Burnichon 1914] II:1830––1845  [Burnichon II:1830  [Burnichon 1916] III:1846  1846 –1860 [Burnichon 1860 [Burnichon 1919] IV:1860– 1860–1880 [Burnichon 1880 [Burnichon 1922]. Ludovicus Carrez, Atlas Carrez,  Atlas geographicus Societatis Jesu. In quo delineantur quinque ejus modernae assistentiae, pro vinciae tres et viginti singularumque in toto orbe missiones, necnon et veteres ejusdem Societatis provinciae

 ���

Cordara 1750

Cordara 1859

 ���� 

Duhr 1907–1928a-b

 

 

 

    Fouqueray 1910–1925a-b 1910–1925 a-b

 

 ����  �� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� quadraginta tres cum earum domiciliis, quantum ��eri licuit. Paris: licuit. Paris: Georges Colombier, 1900. Julius Cesar Cordara, Historiae Cordara, Historiae Societatis Jesu pars sexta complectens res gestas sub Mutio Vitellescho, Vitellescho, vol. 1:  Ab anno Christi ������. Societatis ������ . Rome: Ex Typographia Antonii de Rubeis, 1750. Julius Cesar Cordara, Historiae Cordara, Historiae Societatis Jesu pars sexta complectens res gestas sub Mutio Vitellescho, Vitellescho, vol. 2:  Ab anno Christi ������ ad annum MDCXXXIII . Rome: Civilitatis Catholicae, 1859.  Diccionario Histórico Histórico de la Compañía de Jesús. Biográ��cotemático, temático, 4 vols. Rome/Madrid: ����/Universidad Ponti��cia Comillas, 2001. Bernhard Duhr, Duhr, Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge. Freiburg, Herdersche Verlagshandlung/ München-Regensburg, Verlagsanstalt vorm. G.J. Manz, 1907–1928, 6 vols: I:Geschichte Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge Z unge im XVI. Jahrhundert  [Duhr  [Duhr 1907] II/1: Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher  Zunge in der ersten hälfte des XVII. Jahrhunderts, erster Jahrhunderts, erster Teil [Duhr 1913a] II/2: Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher  Zunge in der ersten hälfte des XVII. Jahrhunderts, zweiter Jahrhunderts, zweiter Teil [Duhr 1913b] III: Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher  Zunge in der zweiten hälfte des XVII. Jahrhunderts [Duhr Jahrhunderts [Duhr 1921] IV/1: Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher IV/1:Geschichte  Zunge im 18. Jahrhundert, Jahrhundert, erster  erster Teil [Duhr 1928a] IV/2: Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher IV/2:Geschichte  Zunge im 18. Jahrhundert  Jahrhundert , zweiter Teil [Duhr 1928b]. Henri Fouqueray, Fouqueray,  Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus en  France des origines à la suppression (1528–1762). (1528–1762).   Paris: Picard/Bureaux des Études, 1910–1925, 5 vols: I:  Les origines et les premières luttes (1528–1575) [Fouqueray 1910] II: La  La Ligue et le bannissement (1575–1604)  (1575–1604)  [Fouqueray 1913]

 ����  �� ���� ���� ���� ���� ����    

Frías 1923–1944

  Hughes 1907–1917

      Inglot 1997

 Institutum I–III  Institutum I–III

    ����  Jap. Sin. I–IV  I–IV 

 Jouvancy 1710

 ���� III: Époque  Époque de progrès progrès (1604–1623) [Fouqueray (1604–1623) [Fouqueray 1922] IV:Sous le ministère de Richelieu. Première partie (1624– IV:Sous 1634) [Fouqueray 1634) [Fouqueray 1925a] V:Sous V:Sous le ministère de Richelieu. Seconde partie (1634– 1645) [Fouqueray 1645) [Fouqueray 1925b]. Lesmes Frías,  Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en su  Asistencia Moderna de España. Madrid: España. Madrid: Administración de Razón y Fe, 1923–1944, 2 vols: I:(1815–1835) [Frías (1815–1835) [Frías 1923] II:(1835–1868) [Frías II:(1835–1868)  [Frías 1944]. Thomas Hughes,  History  History of the Society Society of Jesus Jesus in North North  America  America Colonial Colonial and Feder Federal. al. London/New  London/New York/Bombay/ Calcutta: Longmans, Green and Co., 1907–1917, 4 vols: I:Text  I:Text , vol. I: From I:  From the ��rst Colonization till 1645  [Hughes  [Hughes 1907] II: Documents (1605–1838), (1605–1838), vol. I, part I: N.os I: N.os 1–140 [Hughes 1–140 [Hughes 1908] III: Documents (1605–1838), III: Documents (1605–1838), vol. I, part II:  N.os 141–224 [Hughes 1910] IV:Text  Text , vol. II: From II: From 1645 till 1773 1773 [Hughes  [Hughes 1917]. Marek Inglot,  La Compagnia di Gesù nell’impero Russo (1772–1820) et la sua parte nella restaurazione generale della Compagnia. Compagnia. Rome: Editrice Ponti��cia Università Gregoriana, 1997.  Institutum Societatis Iesu, Iesu, Florence: Ex Typographia A. SS. Conceptione, 1892–1893, 3 vols: I: Bullarium  Bullarium et compendium privilegiorum. II: Examen et Constitutiones. Decreta Congregationum II: Examen Congregationum Generalium. Formulae Congregationum. Congregationum. III: Regulae,  Regulae, Ratio studiorum, Ordinationes, Instructiones,  Industriae, Exercitia, Exercitia, Directorium. Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu Albert Chan,Chinese Chan,Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit  Archives in Rome. A Descriptive Catalogue JaponicaSinica I–IV . Armonk/New York/London: An East Gate Book, 2002. Josephus de Jouvancy, Jouvancy,  Historiae Societatis Jesu pars quinta sive Claudius, Claudius, vol. 2:  Ab anno Christi ����� ad  ������ . Rome: Ex Typographia Georgi Plachi, 1710.

 ���  Kröss 1910–1938 1910–1938

 

Leite 1938a–1950 1938a–1950

     

 

     

Lukács 1987–1988b

Lukács 1990a–1995b  

 ����  �� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� Ludwig Kröss [Kroess], Geschichte der bömischen Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu. Jesu. Vienna: Verlag der Buchhandlung  Ambr.  Ambr. Opitz Nachfolger/Verlag Nachfolger/Verlag Mayer & Comp., 1910– 1938, 2 vols: I:Geschichte Geschichte der ersten Kollegien in Böhmen, Mähren und Glatz von ihrer Gründung bis zu ihrer i hrer Au�lösung durch die böhmischen Stände, 1556–1619 [Kröss 1556–1619 [Kröss 1910] II/1–2: Beginn der Provinz, des Universitätsstreites und II/1–2: Beginn der katholischen Generalreformation bis zum Frieden von  Prag 1635 / Die böhmische Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu unter Ferdinand III. (1637–1657) [Kröss (1637–1657) [Kröss 1927–1938]. 1927–1938]. Sera��m Leite, História Leite,  História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil . Lisbon: Livraria Portugália/Rio de Janeiro, Civilização Brasileira, 1938–1950, 10 vols: I:Século Século XVI – O estabelecimento [Leite estabelecimento  [Leite 1938a] II:Século XVI – A obra [Leite II:Século obra [Leite 1938b] III: Norte (1) Fundações e entradas. Séculos XVII–XVIII  III: Norte XVII–XVIII  [Leite 1943a] IV: Norte  Norte (2) Obra e assuntos gerais. Séculos XVII–XVIII  XVII–XVIII  [Leite 1943b] V: Da V: Da Baía ao Nordeste. Estabelecimentos e assuntos locais. Séculos XVII–XVIII  XVII–XVIII  [Leite  [Leite 1945a] VI:  Do Rio de Janeiro ao Prata e ao Guaporé.  Estabelecimentos e assuntos locais. Séculos XVII–XVIII  XVII–XVIII  [Leite 1945b] VII:Séculos XVII–XVIII. Assuntos Gerais [Leite VII:Séculos Gerais  [Leite 1949a] VIII: Escritores: de A a M (Suplemento bibliográ��co )I VIII: Escritores: [Leite 1949b] IX: Escritores: de M a Z (Suplemento bibliográ��co II) IX: Escritores: [Leite 1949c] X: Índice  Índice Geral  [Leite  [Leite 1950]. Ladislaus Lukács, Catalogus Generalis seu Nomenclator biographicus personarum Provinciae Austriae Societatis  Iesu (1551–1773). (1551–1773). Rome:  Rome: Institutum Historicum S.I., 1987. Pars I: A-H   A-H  [Lukács  [Lukács 1987] Pars II: I-Q.  I-Q. [Lukács 1988a] Pars III: R-Z   R-Z . [Lukács 1988b]. Ladislaus Lukács, Catalogi personarum et o���ciorum  Provinciae Austriae Austriae S.I. Rome: S.I. Rome: Institutum Historicum S.I. III:(1641–1665) [Lukács III:(1641–1665)  [Lukács 1990a]

 ����  �� ���� ���� ���� ���� ����  

 �� 

IV:(1666–1683) [Lukács (1666–1683) [Lukács 1990b] V:(1684–1699) [Lukács (1684–1699) [Lukács 1990c]   VI:(1700–1717) [Lukács (1700–1717) [Lukács 1993a]   VII:(1718–1733) [Lukács VII:(1718–1733)  [Lukács 1993b]   VIII:(1734–1747) [Lukács VIII:(1734–1747)  [Lukács 1994a]   IX:(1748–1760) [Lukács (1748–1760) [Lukács 1994b] X:(1761–1769) [Lukács (1761–1769) [Lukács 1995a]   XI:(1770–1773) [Lukács (1770–1773) [Lukács 1995b] Martina 2003 Giacomo Martina, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in  Italia (1814–1983). (1814–1983). Brescia: Morcelliana, 2003. Mendizábal 1972 Rufo Mendizábal, Catalogus defunctorum in renata Societate Iesu ab a. 1814 ad a. 1970. 1970. Rome: Curiam P. Gen., 1972.  ����   Monumenta Historica Historica Societatis Iesu (series) Iesu (series) Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu (publisher) ����  ����   Monumenta Missionum Societatis Iesu  Iesu  (sub-series of  ���� ) Nadal 1976 Jerónimo Nadal, Scholia in Constitutiones S.I. S.I.,, ed. Manuel Ruiz Jurado. Granada: Facultad de Teologia, 1976. Orlandini 1615 Nicolaus Orlandini, Historiae Orlandini, Historiae Societatis Iesu prima pars pars.. Rome: Apud Bartholomaeum Zanettum, 1615. Padberg 1994 John W. Padberg, Martin D. O’Keefe, and John L. McCarthy, For McCarthy, For matters matters of greater moment. The The ��rst thirty  Jesuit General Congregations. Congregations. A brief history and a translation of the decrees. decrees. St. Louis, Missouri: Institute of  Jesuit Sources, 1994. 1994. Pastells/Mateos Pastells/Mate os 1912–1949b Pablo Pastells,  Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la  Provincia del Paraguay (Argentina, Paraguay, Paraguay, Uruguay, Uruguay,  Perú, Bolivia Bolivia y Brasil) segun segun los documentos documentos originales del  Archivo General de Indias. Indias. Madrid: Librería General de  Victoriano Suárez/Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Investigaciones Cienti��cas/Instituto Santo Toribio de Mogrovejo, 1912– 1949, 9 vols: I: [Pastells 1912] II: [Pastells 1915] III: [Pastells 1918] IV: [Pastells 1923] V: [Pastells 1933]   VI:1715  1715 –1731 [Pastells/Mateos 1731 [Pastells/Mateos 1946]   VII:1731––1751 [ VII:1731 1751 [Pastells Pastells/Mateos /Mateos 1948]

 ���     Pérez 1896–1898

 

 

Pérez 1901

Polgár I–III

          Poncelet 1927a-b

  Poussines 1661

 ����  �� ���� ���� ���� ���� ���� VIII/1:1751 VIII/1: 1751––1760 [Pastells/Mateos [Pastells/Mateos 1949a] VIII/2:1760––1768 [Pastells/Mateos VIII/2:1760 [Pastells/Mateos 1949b]. Rafael Pérez, La Pérez, La Compañía de Jesús Jesús en Colombia y Centro América después de su Restauración. Restauración. Valladolid: Imp., Lib., Heliografía y Taller de Grabados De Luis N. de Gaviria/ Imprenta Castellana, 1896–1898, 3 vols: I: Desde  Desde el llamamiento de los ��. ��. de la Compañía de Jesús Jesús á la Nueva Granada en 1842, hasta su expulsión y dispersión en 1850 [Pérez 1850 [Pérez 1896] II: Desde  Desde el restablecimiento de la Compañía de Jesús en Guatemala en 1851, hasta su segunda expulsión de la  Nueva Granada en 1861 [Pérez 1861 [Pérez 1897] III–IV: Desde  Desde la segunda expulsión de la Nueva Granada en 1861, hasta la de Guatemala en 1871/Desde la expulsión de Guatemala en 1871, hasta la de Nicaragua en 1881, con los tres últimos años de existencia en Costa Rica  Rica  [Pérez 1898]. Rafael Pérez,  La Compañía de Jesús restaurada en la  República Argentina y Chile, el Uruguay y el Brasil . Barcelona: Imprenta de Henricii y C.a en comandita, 1901. László Polgár, Bibliographie Polgár, Bibliographie sur l’histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, 1901–1980, 6 1901–1980, 6 vols. Rome: ����, 1981–1990: I:Toute Toute la Compagnie [Polgár Compagnie [Polgár I] II/1: Les  Les pays. Europe Europe [Polgár  [Polgár II/1] II/2: Les  Les pays. Amérique, Asie, Afrique, Océanie  Océanie  [Polgár II/2] III/1: Les  Les personnes: Dictionnaires. A-F  A-F  [Polgár  [Polgár III/1] III/2: Les  Les personnes: G-Q [Polgár G-Q [Polgár III/2] III/3: Les  Les personnes: R-Z  [Polgár  [Polgár III/3]. Alfred Poncelet, Histoire Poncelet, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus dans les anciens Pays-Bas. Établissement de la Compagnie de  Jésus en Belgique et ses développements jusqu’à jusqu’à la ��n du règne d’Albert et d’Isabelle. d’Isabelle. Brussels: Marcel Hayez, Imprimeur de l’Académie Royale de Belgique, 1927, 2  vols: I: Histoire  Histoire générale générale [Poncelet  [Poncelet 1927a] II: Les  Les œuvres [Poncelet œuvres [Poncelet 1927b]. Petrus Poussines and Franciscus Sacchini,  Historiae Societatis Jesu pars quinta sive Claudius, Claudius , vol. 1: Res 1:  Res extra

 ����  �� ���� ���� ���� ���� ����

Revuelta 1984–2008

    Rodrigues 1931–1950

Sacchini 1620 Sacchini 1649 Sacchini 1652 Scaduto 1964–1992

 ����  Europam gestas, et alia quaedam supplevit Petrus  Possinus.  Possinus. Rome: Ex Typographia Varesij, 1661. Manuel Revuelta González, La González,  La Compañía de Jesús en la  España contemporánea. contemporánea. Madrid:  Madrid: Universidad Ponti��cia Comillas, 1984–2008, 3 vols: I:Supresión Supresión y reinstalación (1868–1883) [Revuelta (1868–1883) [Revuelta 1984] II: Expansión en tiempos recios (1884–1906)  II: Expansión (1884–1906)  [Revuelta 1991] III: Palabras  Palabras y fermentos fermentos (1868–1912) [Revuelta (1868–1912) [Revuelta 2008]. Francisco Rodrigues,  História da Companhia de Jesus na Assistência de Portugal . Oporto: “Apostolado da Imprensa” – Emprensa Editora, 1931–1950, 7 vols: I: vol. 1: A  A Fundação da Provincia Portugesa 1540–1560, 1540–1560,  vol. I: Origens-Formação-Ministérios Origens-Formação-Ministérios [Rodrigues  [Rodrigues 1931a] II: vol. 1: A  A Fundação da Provincia Portugesa Portugesa 1540–1560, 1540–1560,  vol. II: Tribulação– Tribulação–Colégios– Colégios– Missões [Rodrigues  Missões [Rodrigues 1931b] III: vol. 2:  Acção crescente da Provincia Portugesa Portugesa 1560–1615 , vol. I:  Expansão–  Expansão–Vida interna– interna– Ministérios [Rodrigues 1938a] IV: vol. 2: Acção  Acção crescente da Provincia Portugesa Portugesa 1560– 1615 , vol. II:  Nas Letras– Letras– Na Côrte– Côrte– Além-mar   [Rodrigues 1938b] V: vol. 3: A  A Provincia Portugesa Portugesa no Século XVII, 1615–1700, 1615–1700,  vol. I:  Nos Colégios– Colégios– Nas Ciências e Letras– Letras– Na Côrte [Rodrigues 1944a] VI: vol. 3: A  A Provincia Portugesa Portugesa no Século XVII, 1615–1700 1615–1700,,  vol. II:  Lutas na Metrópole– Metrópole– Apostolado nas Conquistas [Rodrigues 1944b] VII: vol. 4: A  A Provincia Portugesa Portugesa no século XVIII, 1700– 1700– 1760, 1760, vol. I: Virtude– Virtude– Letras–  Letras–Ciências [Rodrigues Ciências [Rodrigues 1950]. Franciscus Sacchini,  Historiae Societatis Jesu pars secunda sive Lainius. Lainius. Antwerp: Typis Martini Nutii, 1620. Franciscus Sacchini, Historiae Sacchini,  Historiae Societatis Jesu pars tertia sive Borgia. Borgia. Rome: Typis Manel�� Manel��j, 1649. Franciscus Sacchini, Historiae Sacchini, Historiae Societatis Jesu Jesu pars quarta sive Everardus. Everardus. Rome: Typis Dominici Manelphij, 1652. Mario Scaduto, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia. Italia. Rome: Edizioni “La Civiltà Cattolica,” Cattolica,” 1964–1992, 3 vols: I:  L’epoca epoca di Giacomo Laínez. Il governo, governo, 1556–1565  [Scaduto 1964]

 �����

 ����  �� ���� ���� ���� ���� ����

    Sommervogel I–XII

Synopsis 1950 Synopsis 1950 Synopsis actorum 1887 actorum 1887

Synopsis actorum 1895 actorum 1895

Tacchi Venturi 1910–1951

 

  Zubillaga 1971

II

 Aquit.  Angl .  Arag.  Arag.

II: L’epoca epoca di Giacomo Laínez. L’azione, azione, 1556–1565  [Scaduto  [Scaduto 1974] III: L’  L’opera opera di Francesco Francesco Borgia, 1565–1572 [Scaduto 1565–1572 [Scaduto 1992]. Carlos Sommervogel, Sommervogel,  Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de  Jésus,  Jésus, vols 12. 12. Brussels: Schepens/Paris, Picard/Toulouse, Chez l’Auteur, Auteur, 1890–1932. 1890–1932 . Synopsis Historiae Societatis Jesu.  Jesu.  Leuven: ad Sancti  Alphonsi, 1950. Synopsis actorum S. Sedis in causa Societatis Iesu 1540– 1605 . Florentiae, Ex Typographia Typographia a ��. � �. Conceptione, 1887. [L. Delplace] Synopsis actorum S. Sedis in causa Societatis Iesu 1605– 1773. 1773. Lovanii, Ex Typographia J.-B. Istas, 1895. [L. Delplace] Pietro Tacchi Venturi, entur i, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in  Italia, narrata col sussidio di fonti inedite. Rome/Milan: inedite. Rome/Milan: Società Editrice Dante Alighieri/Civiltà Cattolica, 1910– 1951, 4 vols: I: La  La vita religiosa in Italia durante la prima età della Compagnia di Gesù. Con appendice di fonti inediti  [T  [ Tacchi  Venturi  Venturi 1910]; second ed. in two parts [Tacchi [Tacchi Venturi 1930–1931] II/1: Dalla  Dalla nascita del Fondatore Fondatore alla solenne approvazione dell’ordine (1491–1540) [Tacchi (1491–1540) [Tacchi Venturi 1922]; second ed. [Tacchi Venturi 1950] II/2: Dalla  Dalla solenne approvazione approvazione dell’ordine ordine alla morte del  Fondatore  Fondatore (1540–1556) [Tacchi (1540–1556) [Tacchi Venturi 1951]. Félix Zubillaga, Walter Hanisch, Guía manual de los documentos históricos de la Compañía de Jesús de los cien  primeros volúmenes, que tratan de los orígenes de la Compañía, de san Ignacio, sus compañeros y colaboradores, legislación, pedagogía y misiones de Asia y América. Rome: Rome: ����, ��� �, 1971.

Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (�� (� � ��) �� )

Provincia Aquitaniae Provincia Angliae Provincia Aragoniae

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Provincia Austriae Provincia Baetica Provincia Bohemiae Provincia Brasiliae et Maragnonensis Provincia Campaniae Provincia Castellana Provincia Chilensis Congregationes Epistolae Externorum Epistolae Generalium ad Nostros Exercitia Spiritualia Provincia Franciae Provincia Flandro-Belgica Provincia Gallo-Belgica Assistentia Germaniae Provincia Germaniae Superioris Provincia Goana et Malabarica Assistentia Galliae Assistentia Hispaniae Historia Societatis Institutum Assistentia Italiae Provincia Iaponiae et Vice-Provincia Sinensis Provincia Lithuaniae Provincia Lugdunensis Assistentia et Provincia Lusitaniae Provincia Mediolanensis Provincia Mexicana Miscellanea Provincia Neapolitana Opera Nostrorum Provincia Paraquariae Provincia Peruana Provincia Philippinarum Provincia Poloniae Polemica Provincia Novi Regni et Quitensis Provincia Rheni et Rheni Inferioris Provincia Rheni et Rheni Superioris Provincia Romana

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Sard . Sic. Sic. Tolet . Tolos. Tolos. Venet . Vitae  Vitae 

III

Provincia Sardiniae Provincia Sicula Provincia Toletana Provincia Tolosana Provincia Veneta Vitae

Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu (���� (�� �� [selected frequenly cited volumes])

For the corresponding number of the series, see the list of the  ����  volumes   volumes in the appendix.  Bobadilla  Borgia I  Borgia I  Borgia II  Borgia II  Borgia III  Borgia III  Borgia IV  Borgia IV  Borgia V  Borgia V  Borgia VI  Borgia VI  Borgia VII  Borgia VII  Broët  Chron. I Chron. I Chron. II Chron. II Chron. III Chron. III Chron. IV Chron. IV Chron. V Chron. V Chron. VI Chron. VI Const. I Const. I Const. II Const. II Const. III Const. III  Direct.  Epp. ign. I ign. I  Epp. ign. II ign. II  Epp. ign. III ign. III  Epp. ign. IV ign. IV  Epp. ign. V ign. V  Epp. ign. VI ign. VI  Epp. ign. VII ign. VII

 ����  46  46  ����  2  2  ����  23  23  ����  35  35  ����  38  38  ����  41  41  ����  156  156  ����  157  157  ����  24  24  ����  1  1  ����  3  3  ����  5  5  ����  7  7  ����  9  9  ����  11  11  ����  63  63  ����  64  64  ����  65  65  ����  76  76  ����  22  22  ����  26  26  ����  28  28  ����  29  29  ����  31  31  ����  33  33  ����  34  34

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 ����  �� ���� ���� ���� ���� ����  Epp. ign. VIII ign. VIII  Epp. ign. IX ign. IX  Epp. ign. X ign. X  Epp. ign. XI ign. XI  Epp. ign. XII ign. XII  Epp. mix. I mix. I  Epp. mix. II mix. II  Epp. mix. III mix. III  Epp. mix. IV mix. IV  Epp. mix. V mix. V  Exerc. Spir. Spir. 1919  Exerc. Spir. Spir. 1969  Favre  Favre  Font. doc doc.  Font. narr . I  Font. narr . II  Font. narr . III  Font. narr . IV  Laínez I  Laínez I  Laínez II  Laínez II  Laínez III  Laínez III  Laínez IV  Laínez IV  Laínez V  Laínez V  Laínez VI  Laínez VI  Laínez VII  Laínez VII  Laínez VIII  Laínez VIII  Litt. quad. I quad. I  Litt. quad. II quad. II  Litt. quad. III quad. III  Litt. quad. IV quad. IV  Litt. quad. V quad. V  Litt. quad. VI quad. VI  Litt. quad. VII quad. VII  Mon. paed. 1901 paed. 1901  Mon. paed. I paed. I  Mon. paed. II paed. II  Mon. paed. III paed. III  Mon. paed. IV paed. IV  Mon. paed. V paed. V  Mon. paed. VI paed. VI

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 ����  Mon. paed. VII paed. VII  Mon. Xavier  Xavier  I  I  II  Mon. Xavier  Xavier  II  Nadal  I  I  Nadal  II  II  III  Nadal  III  Nadal  IV  IV  Nadal  V  V  Pol. compl. compl. I  I  Pol. compl. compl. II  II  Reg.  Ribadeneira I  Ribadeneira I  Ribadeneira II  Ribadeneira II Salmerón I Salmerón I Salmerón II Salmerón II Scripta de s. Ignatio I Ignatio I Scripta de s. Ignatio II Ignatio II  Xavier  I  I  Xavier  II  II

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Introduction  Robert A. Maryks and Jonathan Jonathan Wright  Wright 

Long before the chaotic events of the mid-eighteenth century, the Society of  Jesus had grown accustomed to local banishments and the cycles of exile and return. The process that culminated in the 1773 suppression was of a di�ferent magnitude, however. The Jesuits’ corporate existence had now, at least on paper, been blotted out by papal command. There was no guarantee and, for some time, little realistic hope that the Roman Catholic Church’s most prodigious religious order would ever be fully restored. The situation was bleak, but all was not lost. For one thing, the Society of  Jesus never entirely disappeared. In many places, the removal removal of the Jesuits  was abrupt, but in others there was a slow and lingering death. This was the case, for example, in China, the subject of Ronnie Hsia’s Hsia’s chapter, chapter, and in Canada, discussed by John Meehan and Jacques Monet, where the last Jesuit from the pre-suppression era, Jean-Joseph Casot, breathed his last in 1800. More importantly, genuine, lasting, and vibrant survival was achieved in the Russian Empire (discussed in the chapters by Marek Inglot, Irena Kadulska, and Richard Butterwick): the Bourbon rulers of Europe may have attempted to expunge the Society of Jesus, but their aspirations counted for little in the empire of Catherine the Great and her immediate immediate successors. Crucially, Crucially, events in Russia were a source of much needed solace and direct in��uence for Jesuits, or ex-Jesuits, ex-Jesuits, in other parts of the world. Daniel Schla��y looks at this phenomenon in the ��edgling United States through a study of Giovanni Grassi: he reached American soil in 1810, became the superior of the Maryland mission and president of Georgetown Georgetown College, and his Russian formation was always always a  wellspring of “guidance and inspiration. inspiration.”” Even when legal corporate existence was not possible, former members of the Society worked hard to sustain the Jesuit spirit and cling to some measure of communal identity. Thomas McCoog takes us to England, where “a type of union” was possible, and Emanuele Colombo charts the career of Luigi Mozzi de’ Capitani, whose books, travels, and correspondence did a great deal to cheer ex-Jesuit spirits during the suppression years. One of the most impressive achievements of the suppressed Society was its ability to maintain solidarsolidarity in even the most straitened circumstances. circumstances. A great deal of work remains to be done on Jesuit exile communities, but Niccolò Guasti and Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga set a useful example: the Spanish branch of the Society had been utterly broken and sent into exile. However, in their new Italian

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home many ex-Jesuits managed to make a signi��cant, if con��icted, contribution to the peninsula’s intellectual and cultural life. The key point is that the experience of suppression was multifaceted. multifaceted. Many  Jesuits faced ��nancial di���culties and mental anguish, but others carved out successful new careers or continued, relatively untroubled, with their existing intellectual endeavors. In this latter category, we might include the Hungarian  Jesuit astronomers discussed by Paul Shore, or the Polish Polish architect Sebastian Sierakowski studied by Carolyn Guile. The devastation of suppression s uppression should not be underestimated: one need only read Jeffrey Chipps Smith’s chapter on the fate of German Jesuit churches, colleges, libraries, and artistic possessions to gain a sense of this. Nor should we imagine that there was always concord within ex-Jesuit ranks: debates about survival strategies raged. But survival there was and also, as the years rolled by, a growing belief that restoration might be feasible. Tellingly, both processes were as closely related to political happenstance as the order’s suppression had been. Events in the Russian Empire are a case in point. The survival of the Jesuits in Belarus resulted from the first partition of the commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania, which took place just a few months before the papal brief of suppression was issued. The promulgation of the document was prohibited in Russian territories, including the eastern part of Poland-Lithuania. Poland-Lithuania. The survival of the Jesuits in White Russia presented serious canonical problems, yet it was surreptitiously supported by Pope Pius VI (r. 1775–99) who allowed the opening of novitiates in Połock, Parma, and Colorno, and the election of a Jesuit vicar general in Belarus. Unsurprisingly, the same forces at the Bourbon courts which had campaigned for the Jesuit suppression strongly opposed Pius VI’s backing of the Society. They relented, however, however, when Catherine the Great (r. 1762– 1762– 96), who had declared her neutrality in the conflicts resulting from the  America  Ame rican n Revoluti Revol ution, on, threaten thre atened ed to incorp inc orporate orate all Catholi Cat holics cs within with in her territory into the Orthodox Church. There was progress elsewhere. Louis XVI went under the guillotine in 1793 and France was consequently declared a republic. Ferdinand of Parma (1751– 1802), perhaps alarmed by the fate of the French monarch, began a campaign for the restoration of the Society in 1793 and invited three Jesuits from Połock to form a novitiate. Contrariwise, Charles IV of Spain, who began his reign in 1788, remained immune to pressure from Ferdinand and Pius VI, especially after the latter’s authority was stymied by his imprisonment by French troops in 1798: an event followed by the pope’s death a few months later.

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3

His successor Pius VII (r. 1800–23) rekindled hopes, however, and was even more determined to restore the Society. Just one year after his election, he issued the brief Catholicae ��dei  which  which o���cially sanctioned the corporate existence of the Jesuits in Russia, now stretching beyond the college at Połock. Because of the second and third partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, more former Jesuit institutions came under the control of the Russian monarchy, including the famous University of Vilnius, and the Jesuits of Połock expanded their activities to Odessa, the Caucasus, Siberia, and Saratov on the Volga. The successor to Catherine, Paul I (r. 1796–1801), saw in the Jesuits a force to stem “the ��ood of impiety, Illuminism and Jacobinism in [his] empire” and supported the Jesuit superior general Gabriel Gruber in his petitions to the pope aimed at restoring restoring the Society worldwide. Unfortunately Unfortunately for the Jesuits, the tsar was murdered two weeks after Catholicae ��dei  was  was promulgated, but his successor, Alexander I (r. 1801–25) showed, at least at ��rst, similar support for the Jesuit cause. In 1812, he raised the college of Połock to the rank of a university.  Alexander subsequently changed his mind about the Jesuit presence in his realms, expelling the Society from Moscow and St. Petersburg in 1815 and from the entire empire in 1820 but, well ahead of that, momentous advances had been made elsewhere. The papal brief of 1801 had responded positively to the petitions of a���liation with the Russian Society that had been submitted by groups of former Jesuits in Switzerland, Switzerland, Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy, Italy, Britain, and the United States. Novitiates in Georgetown, Hodder (near Stonyhurst), and Orvieto, among others, opened in the ��rst decade of the nineteenth century. Meanwhile, Ferdinand of Naples, driven by the same fears as Ferdinand of Parma, dramatically changed his position on the Jesuits. His earlier policy of expulsion was replaced with an invitation to the Society, now sanctioned by the papal letter  Per alias  (1804), to take possession of their old church in the city in 1804. However, the occupation of the kingdom of Naples by the troops of Joseph Bonaparte in the following year forced forced the renascent group of Jesuits to move to Rome where, under the leadership of José Pignatelli (1737–1811) (1737–1811) they formed a new Italian province. The presence of Napoleonic troops in the Italian peninsula caused other troubles. Pius VII, who had traveled to France for Napoleon’s coronation eight  years earlier, earlier, was captured by French troops in 1812 and sent into exile at Fontainebleau. Fontainebleau. This turned out to be only a minor setback in the cause of Jesuit restoration. Just a few months after his return to Rome and the abdication of Napoleon in the spring of 1814, Pius VII issued the bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum which, following the precedent of the restoration of the Jesuits in

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the Russian Empire and in the Kingdom of the Two Two Sicilies, expanded the restoration toration of the Society of Jesus to the rest of the world. *** This was a moment of long-awaited celebration, but many challenges confronted the restored Society of Jesus. The political, social, and intellectual climate had changed dramatically since the order’s suppression in 1773 and it  would not always be easy for nineteenth-century Jesuits to ��nd their place in this new landscape. There were basic organizational and logistical di���culties, too. Stalled missions had to be restarted (a process that sometimes took decades), a new generation of Jesuits had to be recruited and trained, and traditional ��elds of endeavor (not least education) had to be re-established, sometimes in the face of considerable resistance. resistance. Into the bargain, the antipathy that had led to the suppression of the Jesuits showed few signs of disappearing. As always, political trends and events would play a crucial role in de��ning this latest chapter in Jesuit history and it is to that context that we now turn. The universal restoration of the Jesuits coincided with the resurgence of Europe’s pre-revolutionary political order. This process was initiated in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars by the Congress of Vienna (1814–15) under the leadership of the foreign minister of the Austrian Empire, Klemens von Metternich, who had been born in the year of Jesuit suppression, 1773. 1773. Europe and the Americas had experienced events that had changed the political, economic, and social order of the world forever: the American Revolution of 1776, the French Revolution of 1789, the revolutions in Latin America in the early 1800s, and the ��rst stirrings of the Industrial Revolution. Revolution. The radical legacies of this era and how they were either embraced or denounced, played havoc with the politics of the nineteenth century and the  Jesuits were routinely swept up by ever-shifting ever-shifting tides. Spain provides one of the more dramatic examples. Ferdinand VII had gladly welcomed the Society back to his kingdom and empire in 1815, but by 1820, under pressure from Major Rafael Riego, he was forced to suppress all religious orders. The Jesuits were back by 1823 following Riego’s overthrow and execution, but suppressed once more in 1835, with fourteen members of the order having been killed during the previous year. And so the cycle continued: return from exile in 1848, exile in 1868, and restoration in 1875.  Across the border in France, the situation was only slightly less chaotic. Modest success under Charles X (r. 1824–30) was followed by the decidedly anticlerical July Revolution of 1830. Life under Louis Philippe (r. 1830–48) was

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tolerable, though the era witnessed an explosion of anti-Jesuit polemic, and then came the revolution of 1848. The Second Empire (1852–70) (1852–70) was a period of relative calm and signi��cant Jesuit advance, not least in the educational sphere, but then came the Paris Commune of 1871 during which, once again, several French Jesuits lost their lives. In his essay on the historian Charles Laumier, Laumier, Frédéric Conrod o�fers some intriguing re��ections on the earlier part of this period. The remainder of the century was no less turbulent and similar tales of repeated progress and setback were replicated elsewhere. In some places the Society su�fered decisive blows: it was expelled from Switzerland in 1847 and not granted o���cial permission to return until 1973. The Society also had to contend with the forces of nationalism. Often inspired by Romantic ideas, several ethnic groups in Europe began to call for national unity and autonomy. The independence of Greece from the Ottoman Empire and of Belgium from the Dutch are obvious examples. This, too, too, had a telling impact on Jesuit fortunes. One European power that was constantly preoccupied with emerging nationalism was the leader of the post-Napoleonic order—the order—the Austrian Empire: a mosaic of ethnic groups with di�ferent cultural, linguistic, and religious roots. Among many threats to Viennese political leadership within the German Confederation formed in 1815, was the second largest German-speaking land—Prussia. Otto von Bismarck (1815–98) engineered the process of German uni��cation by excluding multi-ethnic Austria Austria and proclaiming the birth of the Second Reich at Versailles in 1871. In his vision of a united Germany, Bismarck, unlike the emperors of Austria, attempted to eliminate the in��uence of Catholicism as part of his Kulturkampf   and, as one result, the Society of Jesus was suppressed just a year after the German Empire was created. Nationalism also drove the imperial expansion of European industrialized countries, notably Britain, Belgium, France, and Germany, followed by nations in other parts of the world, including the United States and Japan. Industrialization Industrialization caused shifts in the distribution of power, power, not only in Europe but also across the world: the mercantile empires of Portugal, Spain, and the Dutch Republic began to fade during the nineteenth century, whereas countries that embraced industrial capitalism began to control and exploit vast new territories, territories, particularly in Asia and Africa. The establishment of the British Raj in the aftermath of the Indian rebellion of 1857, the expansion of British control over Chinese port-cities in the wake of the Taiping rebellion (1850–1864), and the French occupation of Algeria and Indochina are signi��cant examples of how the balance of power in the world was dramatically dramatically changing. This had signi��cant consequences for Christian missionaries, including the Jesuits, in these parts of the world.

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These disparate but interlocking political trends had a profound impact on the global stage. Latin America provides a key example, especially in the context of Jesuit history. Simón Bolívar (1783–1830), educated in France and inspired by Enlightenment ideas and the revolutions of 1776 1776 and 1789, led successful wars of independence in several Latin American countries. This was merely the beginning of a long process, involving a staggering number of regime changes and shifts between conservative and liberal governance. The  Jesuits were routinely caught up in the turmoil. The Society, Society, for instance, was fully restored in Mexico by 1853 but, in 1856, a liberal-dominated liberal-dominated constitutional congress once more suppressed the Jesuits. They returned under Emperor Maximilian (r. 1864–67), then were forced to adopt a clandestine existence or face expulsion. During the successive periods of rule of Por��rio Díaz (beginning in 1876) Jesuits were able to minister freely, although anticlerical laws remained on the statute book. The 1910 revolution and subsequent 1917 constitution spelled disaster for the Jesuits of Mexico. Mexico. Such chaos reigned across Latin America, as demonstrated by a partial list of nineteenth-century Jesuit expulsions. The Society was forced to leave  Argentina in 1848, 1848, were expelled from from Uruguay in in 1859, from Colombia Colombia in 1850 and 1861, from Ecuador in 1852, from Guatemala in 1845 and 1872, and from Peru in 1855. A number of chapters in the volume explore this whirligig. Perla Chinchilla Pawling takes us to Mexico, which saw no less than nine governments of varying political complexions between 1814 and 1867, Ignacio Telesca explains why the Jesuits were able to de��nitively return to Paraguay only in 1927, and Jean Luc Enyegue looks at the short-lived Jesuit mission on the island of Fernando Po. Additionally, Andrés Prieto reminds us there was a measure of irony in how the Jesuits were treated by the self-styled progressive regimes of nineteenth-century Latin America: after all, certain eighteenth-century Latin  American Jesuits had been architects architects of the proto-nationalist proto-nationalist cause.� *** How, then, was the restored Society of Jesus to respond to this turbulent and greatly altered altered landscape? There was no doubting the urgency of the question.  After all, by mid-century, mid-century, the revolutionary revolutionary impulse had reached the very center of the Catholic Church. In 1848, the citizenry of Rome drove Pius IX (r. 1846–78) out of the city and proclaimed a republic—a harbinger of the

� In this section the editors editors have have drawn, with with gratitude, on a draft essay by by Je�frey Klaiber Klaiber  whose death prevented the publication publication of his ��nished piece in this volume.

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founding of the kingdom of Italy in 1861 under which papal political power was was limited to the walls of the Vatican. The Syllabus of Errors , published just three  years later, later, and the proclamation proclamation of papal infallibility at the First Vatican Council can sensibly be construed as loud and desperate cries against modern modern understandings of hierarchy and authority that had originated, at least in part,  with the Enlightenment Enlightenment and the French French Revolution. Revolution. Long before this, the process set in motion at the Congress of Vienna had taken steps to defend hereditary monarchy against republicanism, tradition against revolution, and established religion against Enlightenment nostrums.  As soon soon as possible, three of the powers that had vanquished Napoleon (Russia, Prussia, and Austria) forged a “holy alliance” with the pope to uphold the new conservative conservative system, reject the revolutionary spirit, and ensure that Christianity  would endure. Religion was to be the foundation of society and and a bu�fer against against the perils of modernity. modernity. In this context, the historical timing of the Jesuit restoration might suggest it was part of a broader plan to restore both the political structures and philosophical assumptions of the pre-revolutionary pre-revolutionary ancien régime. The words of the papal bull of restoration restoration certainly give this impression. “Amidst “Amidst these dangers of the Christian republic […] we should deem ourselves guilty of a great crime towards towards God if […] we neglected the aids with which the special providence of God has put at our disposal.” The bark of Peter was “tossed and assaulted” so there was good sense in turning to the Jesuits, those “rigorous and experienced rowers who volunteer their services.” Throughout the nineteenth century, century, the Society of Jesus was often perceived as a conservative and ultramontane obstacle by a number of new political regimes that, as we have seen, persecuted the order and sometimes threatened its existence. Leading Jesuits played key roles in supporting conservative regimes, asserting papal authority, and championing the spread of speci��c devotions (notably the Sacred Heart) and doctrinal positions (notably papal infallibility). If one were in a position to take a straw poll of nineteenth-century Jesuits, a solid majority would be in what might be termed, with a broad brush stroke, the conservative camp. There is room for nuance, however. Historians often make generalizations about the Society of Jesus. Just as it is erroneous to suggest that every earlymodern Jesuit was a probabilist in the realm of moral theology, or that every  Jesuit missionary missionary was an advocate advocate of accommodation, accommodation, so it is wrong wrong to assume that every nineteenth-century member of the Society was a bred-in-the-bone supporter of throne and altar or a sworn opponent of new theological and philosophical trends. There were, as there always had been, various Jesuit “ways of proceeding.”

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The only secure conclusion is that Jesuits struggled to adapt to the nineteenth century and nowhere was this more apparent that in the basic task of establishing a coherent Jesuit identity. Sometimes there was excellent sense in rejecting new trends and developments but, in a place like the United States, ideas that, theoretically, ought to have been anathema (the separation of church and state and religious freedom) sometimes served the Society of Jesus  very well. Catherine O’Donnell’s O’Donnell’s chapter on John Carroll tells us a great deal about the early stages of this fascinating story. Indeed, the United States would prove to be one of the most dynamic arenas of Jesuit activity during the postrestoration restoration period. Under Superior General Jan Philipp Roothaan, for example, some of the Society’s most important American colleges were established: including Fordham in the Bronx, Holy Cross in Worcester, Boston College, St. Joseph’s in Philadelphia, and St. Louis University. There were also epic missionary adventures, perhaps best encapsulated by the travels of the Belgian  Jesuit Peter Peter de Smet, and and America America would would serve as as a refuge for Jesuits from from other other parts of the world where the Society’s fortunes were troubled: the Italian  Jesuits who arrived arrived from Italy after the Roman Roman turmoil of 1848, recently studied  with great skill by Gerald McKevitt, are a prime example. It was not always always plain sailing, of course. Jesuits su�fered greatly because of anti-Catholic sentiment in the young republic (one need only bring to mind the tribulations of  John Bapst) but, on balance, the Society did well in the political p olitical climate pro vided by America’ America’ss post-independence post-independence leaders. Not, Not, of course, that those leadleaders had always been great admirers of the Jesuits (men like Thomas Je�ferson held the order in contempt).� The other great challenge faced by Jesuits around the world involved striking a balance between faithful continuity with the past and lively engagement  with the present. In his chapter, Thomas Worcester re��ects on this and asks whether the term “restoration” is adequate. Were the old foundational documents still su���cient? How was the Society to re��ect on its past (a theme also developed in Robert Danieluk’s analysis of post-restoration Jesuit historical writing)? Nineteenthcentury Jesuits struggled with these and other dilemmas and this goes some  way  way towards towards explaining the diversity and internal dissensions of the restored Society.

� This anniversary anniversary year has has witnessed many many e�forts to chart the history history of the post-restoration post-restoration Society in the United States. At the time of writing it seems likely that the highlight will be the conference organised at Loyola University, Chicago. See http://blogs.lib.luc.edu/jesuitr http://blogs.lib.luc.edu/jesuitresestoration2014/ (website accessed 7 July 14).

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 As always, of course, what happened on the ground, in the revived schools and mission ��elds, counted for at least as much as abstract cogitations in the study. study. Many of the chapters in this volume look at the revival of the missionary enterprise and, taken together, they encapsulate the diversity of the Jesuits’ nineteenth-century experience: the relationship between the old and the new Society. In Madurai and Canada, as Sabina Pavone, John Meehan, and Jacques Monet reveal, continuity was the lodestone: former acres were re-ploughed. In China, as the chapters by Paul Rule, Jeremy Clarke, César Guillen, and Paul Mariani reveal, new territories and challenges lay in store. This was also true in  Africa, as explained in the contributions by Festo Festo Mkenda and Aquinata  Agonga. *** Given this fecund historical terrain, it is a pity that the post-restoration Society of Jesus has tended to receive notably less scholarly attention than its presuppression forebear. Perhaps the Society’s glory days were over, but its members continued to play a signi��cant role in education, mission, the arts, philosophy, and scienti��c enquiry. They were also caught up in, and helped to de��ne, political developments around the world. They were cast as villains by some and heroes by others. The age-old conundrums remained entrenched. How was the Society of Jesus to be conceptualized? What was its role in the Roman Catholic Church and the wider culture? Above all, how were the Jesuits to adapt to the brave, or not so brave new world? There is no more fascinating period in the history of the Society of Jesus.

���� � The Historical Context 

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 A Restored Restored Society or a New Society of Jesus? Thomas Worcester Worcester,, �.� � .�..

Many Catholic religious orders and congregations have ��ourished for a time and then disappeared, have died out, or were formally suppressed by a bishop or pope. Other orders and congregations have been “reformed” at one time or another in their history, sometimes resulting in a split between reformed and un-reformed divisions. The Franciscans are an obvious example, with Conventuals, Observants, and Capuchins; or the Cistercians, a reformed version of the Benedictines, and later the Cistercians of the Strict Observance (Trappists). Yet the Society of Jesus has never been reformed in this sense of the word, and despite no shortage of internal tensions, it has never split into two or three orders. But the Society founded by Ignatius of Loyola in 1540 was suppressed by Pope Clement XIV in 1773, and was then “restored” by Pope Pius  VII in 1814. The question this essay explores concerns the adequacy or inadequacy of the term “restoration” for a description of the post-1814 Society of  Jesus. This is a huge topic, and my approach is thus necessarily selective. Though I shall give some attention to several parts of the world, my main focus is France, not merely as a possible case study among others, though it is such, but also because of its major role in Jesuit history from the origins of the Jesuits at the University of Paris, to Jesuit battles against Gallicans and Jansenists, to the  Relations published by Jesuit missionaries in Canada, to French Jesuit scientists in China, from hot and cold relationships with the French monarchy, to the nearly relentless opposition from France’s Third Republic, to the acclaimed  work of Jesuit scholars such as Pierre Teilhard de Chardin (1881–1955) and Henri de Lubac (1896–1991). I shall not ignore the fact that the Jesuits were international from the beginning: Ignatius was not a Frenchman, but a foreign student in Paris, as were were all of the ��rst Jesuits. One cannot do full justice to the history of the Jesuits without giving attention to the global reach and multinational, multicultural character of the Society, from its origins to today, even if some countries play a much larger role than others in Jesuit history. Restoration is a term used by political historians to describe the period 1814– 1830 in Europe, particularly France. With Napoleon’s defeat at the hands of the Quadruple Alliance of Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, the Bourbons were restored to the French throne, and the Congress of Vienna met to redraw the map of Europe and largely restored pre-1789 borders. Under Napoleon, Pope Pius VII had been held as a prisoner in France; in spring 1814 he returned to

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Rome and within a few months he issued a decree restoring, or re-establishing the Society of Jesus throughout the world.� And yet, yet, if this suggests restoration restoration of monarchy monarchy and restoration of the Jesuits went hand-in-hand, hand-in-hand, at least chronologically, this fact remains ironic in that it was not the National Assembly or other instances of power in the French Revolution that had suppressed the Jesuits, but rather the pre-Revolutionary papacy, indeed a weak papacy under intense pressure from the Catholic monarchs of Spain, Portugal, and France.� Two younger brothers of the guillotined Louis XVI served as king after Napoleon’s defeat, Louis XVIII, 1814–1824, and Charles X, 1824–1830. But even if the period of their reigns is commonly referred to as one of restoration, or as the Restoration, it was not the case that the Bourbons could restore everything to the way it was before 1789. For example, Louis XVIII agreed to a constitutional charter, hardly something Old Regime “absolute” monarchs would have considered. And in 1830, another revolution toppled the Bourbons in favor of the house of Orléans and a more bourgeois style of monarchy monarchy.� If restoration of monarchy did not mean restoration of, or reaction against, everything pre-Revolutionary, is it likely that restoration of the Society of Jesus meant restoration of everything Jesuit that had existed pre-1773? The obstacles standing in the way of this seem to be many. The world had changed, and  whether Catholics liked it or or not, not, the Church had as as well. well. Indeed, Pope Pius VII, in his long and eventful reign from 1800 to 1823, was no mere traditionalist, hell-bent, as it were, on turning the clock back wherever possible. For example, a few years before his election as pope, the future Pius VII had argued that republican forms of secular government, such as that created by the French Revolution, could be compatible with Christianity. As pope, he proved to be adaptable in his views on Latin American independence from from the Spanish and Portuguese monarchies.� Thus the pope who restored the Society of Jesus was not a staunch reactionary, opposed to any and everything associated with the French Revolution and its ideals, though some later popes may well have abhorred everything even remotely related to the Revolution.

� See Thomas Worcester, orcester, “Pius VII: Moderation in an Age of Revolution Revolution and Reaction,” Reaction,” in The  Papacy since 1500: From Italian Prince to Universal Pastor , eds. James Corkery and Thomas  Worcester  Worcester (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 107–124. � Eamon Du�fy, Du�fy, Saints and Sinners: A History of the Popes  (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 193–194. � For an example of an excellent and concise account of French history, history, see Pierre Goubert, The Course of French History , trans. Maarten Ultee (London and New York: Routledge, 1991), on the early decades after Napoleon, 233–246. � Worcester, “Pius VII,” 119.

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The actions of Pius VII in favor of the Jesuits were not necessarily wellreceived by everyone, and the history of anti-Jesuit polemics and actions reveal a good deal of continuity pre-1773 to post-1814, perhaps especially in Europe.� Restoration, or re-admittance or re-establishment, of the Jesuits  was not always permanent, permanent , and in the two centuries centurie s since 1814 Jesuits have been expelled, at least for a time, from places such as France, Switzerland, Mexico, and Spain. Thus, careful study of the history of opposition to the  Jesuits, from 1540 to today, could coul d reveal some signi��cant signi�� cant continuity continu ity,, though not without discontinuity as well. If opposition to the Jesuits has faded in more recent times in places such as France or Switzerland, why is that? Because the Jesuits have changed, or because their enemies have changed? Or is it perhaps because the Jesuits are no longer perceived as mattering very much, in which case why bother trying to expel them or even curtail their activities? Restoration in parts of the world where the Society had enjoyed a major institutional presence with many school and church buildings, could have meant recovery of such institutional property. In reality, there was not a lot of material recovery. The history of two Jesuit churches in Paris, one built in the seventeenth century and one in the nineteenth century, o�fers an interesting example of a kind of discontinuity and continuity between the pre-1773 and post-1814 Society. The seventeenth-century Jesuit church was dedicated to Saint Louis, that is, the canonized saint and thirteenth-century French king Louis IX, ancestor of the Bourbon monarchs. In choosing this name the French  Jesuits promoted promoted their alignment with the monarchy; monarchy; Louis XIII himself laid the cornerstone in 1627, and Cardinal Richelieu presided at the ��rst Mass in the completed church in 1642 with the king, queen, and their court present.� Designed in a style that echoed both what was then contemporary Italian Baroque, as well as an emerging French classicism, the church was built on the right bank of the Seine, in the Marais section of Paris, Paris, at that time a neighborhood rapidly rising in economic and social status. The church (Figures 1.1 and 1.2) soon drew large crowds attracted by famous Jesuit preachers, such as Louis

� For anti-Jesuits up to 1773, 1773, see  Les Antijésuites: Discours, ��gures et lieux de l‘antijésuitisme à l’époque moderne , eds. Pierre-Antoine Fabre and Catherine Maire (Rennnes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2010); for examples of post-1814 anti-Jesuit polemic, see Geo�fry Cubitt, The Jesuit Myth: Conspiracy Theory and Politics in Nineteenth-Century France  (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993). � Pierre Moisy,  Les Eglises des Jésuites de l’ancienne assistance de France , 2 vols. (Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1958), 1:248–251; see also Saint-Paul—Saint-Louis: Les Jésuites à Paris (Paris: Musée Carnavalet, 1985).

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������ �.� Church of Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Paris. Exterior, Exterior, Dome. June 2012 2012

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������ �.� Church of Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Paris. Interior. Interior. June 2012

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Bourdaloue, and by music commissioned from prominent composers including Marc-Antoine Charpentier.� Closed in the 1760s after the expulsion of the Jesuits, the church was the site for celebration celebration of the cult of Reason during the Revol Revolution. ution. In 1802, Saint-Louis became the parish church of Saint-Paul—Saint Saint-Paul—Saint-Louis, -Louis, thus adding the name of a nearby parish that had been destroyed in the Revolution. The former Jesuit church remains a parish church today, while an adjacent building, previously the Jesuit residence, is a state school, the Lycée Charlemagne.� Quite recently (in 2011–12), the Ministry of Culture and the city of Paris Paris sponsored a cleaning and restoration of the façade of Saint-Paul—Saint-Louis, thus helping to preserve and draw attention to an important piece of pre-1773 Jesuit history in Paris Paris (Figures 1.3 and 1.4). In the mid-nineteenth century, with no prospect of recovering their earlier church, the French Jesuits commissioned commissioned a new church, this time on the rue de Sèvres, at the junction of the sixth and seventh arrondissements (districts), on the left bank of the Seine. Neither in name, architectural style, nor location in Paris was continuity with the church of Saint-Louis an obvious priority. Dedicated to the founder of the Jesuits, Saint-Ignace (Figures 1.5 and 1.6) was built between 1855 and 1858 and was modeled after the thirteenth-century Gothic cathedral of Le Mans. Though connections with French heads of state  were not not as strong as they had been at Saint-Louis Saint-Louis in the seventeenth seventeenth century, century, Saint-Ignace did count among its benefactors Napoleon III, French emperor 1852–1870.� And Saint-Ignace resembles Saint-Louis in that its architectural style (neo-Gothic) was as much in vogue in its time as the architecture of Saint-Louis was up-to-date, perhaps even avant-garde, in its era. Like Saint-Louis, Saint-Ignace was not built to be a parish, and it still is not. Both churches were built to serve a rapidly growing urban population, each church in what was an increasingly fashionable Parisian neighborhood. Saint-Louis  was built not far from the elegant Place Royale Royale (today (today the Place des Vosges), Vosges), commissioned by Henri IV at the beginning of the seventeenth century; in � On Bourdaloue, see Thomas Worcester, orcester, “The Classical Sermon,” Sermon,” in  Preaching, Sermon and Cultural Change in the Long Eighteenth Century , ed. Joris van Eijnatten (Leiden: Brill, 2009), especially 153–167; on Charpentier, see C. Jane Lowe, “Charpentier and the Jesuits at St. Louis,” Seventeenth-Century French Studies  15 (1993), 297–314. � Saint-Paul—Saint-Louis: Les Jésuites à Paris Paris, 11–12. In 1990, the 450th anniversary of the founding of the Society of Jesus, the French Jesuits were permitted to use the church for the priestly ordination of several of their men; I attended this exceptional event. � Pierre Delattre, Les Etablissements Etablissements des Jésuites Jésuites en France France depuis quatre siècles , 5 vols. (Enghien: Institut Supérieur de Théologie, 1949–57), 3:1337–1339. On Jesuits and the rue de Sèvres in the nineteenth century, see also Burnichon, 3:92, 3 :92, 139, 171, 575.

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������ �.� Church of Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Paris. Paris. Façade under restoration. June 2012

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������ �.� Church of Saint-Paul–Saint-Louis, Paris. Paris. Restored. June 2014.

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������ �.� Church of Saint-Ignace, Paris. Exterior, Exterior, Apse. June 2012

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������ �.� Church of Saint-Ignace, Paris, Interior. Interior. June 2012

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1869, Au Bon Marché, an enormous department store that was for a time the largest such store in the world, was erected across the rue de Sèvres from SaintIgnace, and the store remains a major shopping destination today.�� Comparison of these two Jesuit churches in Paris elicits a broader question of what Jesuit continuity or discontinuity might mean between the pre-1773 and post-1814 eras. If the post-1814 Jesuits had an agenda of restoration, what  was to be restored? restored? Recovery Recovery of property was largely largely out of the question, so it did not mean that. But perhaps re-establishment of certain Jesuit works or ministries? Yet what model from the old Society was to be followed? From  what era? era? From From 1540 to to 1773 1773 much had changed in the world, in the Church and in the Society of Jesus, and thus such decisions were complex. Was the goal to re-establish a Society of Jesus that was as similar as possible to the one that existed at the time of the suppression? In other words, was it a matter, as it  were, of picking up where things left o�f in the 1770s? Or would reaching back as far as possible be the goal, to the Society at its foundation in 1540? Was there a golden age to recover, and if so, when was it? Was it within the lifetimes of Ignatius and his ��rst companions, such as Francis Xavier? From a handful of companions in 1540, the Society had grown to about a thousand members by the time Ignatius died in 1556—obviously, quite a di�ferent organization simply by its size, but also one that had by the latter date not only papal approval, but elaborate Constitutions.  Would  Would those sixteenth-century sixteenth-century documents provide the blueprint or the construction (or re-construction) manual, for the post-1814 era? Even if some  Jesuits and others piously believed believed that Ignatius and other early Jesuits who had a hand in composing the Constitutions were divinely inspired or guided, these texts were nevertheless framed by, or limited by, the time and place in  which they were were produced.�� produced.�� Through the legislation adopted adopted by by its occasional occasional general congregations, both before and after the suppression, the Society has at times abrogated abrogated parts of the Constitutions and/or added new rules or norms for its governance and way of proceeding.�� Comparison with the late eighteenth-century Constitution of the United States may be apt, as it may be

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See Hilary Ballon, The Paris of Henri IV: Architecture and Urbanism (Cambridge:  (Cambridge: �� � Press, Press, 1991), 57–113; Michael Miller, Miller, The Bon Marché: Bourgeois Culture and the Department D epartment Store, 1869–1920 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981). On how the Constitutions  re��ect rhetorical traditions, see J. Carlos Coupeau,  From  Inspiration to Invention: Rhetoric in the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus   (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2010). See The Constitutions of the Society of Jesus and their Complementary Norms , ed. John Padberg (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1996).

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amended in various ways, but it is never altogether replaced by a new constitution. In both cases the continuing validity and normative value of the original document is a���rmed even as a way of changing parts of it is made available. Thus new Jesuit Constitutions were not created post-1814, though the sixteenthcentury text did continue to be supplemented and superseded in parts, as had been the case pre-1773. The Jesuit Constitutions  are not the only early documents that have been considered normative for the Society in any era. Paul III’s 1540 apostolic letter  Regimini  Regimini militantis militantis Ecclesiae, approving the  Formula  Formula of the Institute Institute, and Julius  Exposcit debitum debitum, con��rming approval of a somewhat revised Formula III’s 1550  Exposcit of the Institute, may be particularly signi��cant.�� Yet the fact that in just ten years from 1540 to 1550 changes were already seen as necessary raises the question of  what changes changes or adaptati adaptations ons Jesuits Jesuits saw saw as as neces necessary sary post-1814 post-1814 in relatio relation n to to prepre1773. And even if the normative golden age was presumed to be the time of Ignatius, what, exactly, from that time was thought to matter most, and to be  within  within reach reach of re-establi re-establishme shment, nt, reco recover veryy, or rest restora oration tion?? Might Might it be the the life life of  Autobiograp raphy hy? Or his writings in addition Ignatius, as known in his so-called  Autobiog to the Constitutions, such as the Spiritual Exercises, or his thousands of letters? Or something else, such as the lives of other Jesuit saints, Francis Xavier among them? Some twenty-��ve years ago Philip Endean cautioned against what he called Jesuit fundamentalism, that is, a naïve reading of Ignatius and the early  Jesuits  Jesuits that presum presumes es that what what they did did is immediat immediately ely accessi accessible ble to late laterr generations and quite directly imitable by them, all without any concern for changing historical contexts.�� How extensive has such naiveté been in the Society of  Jesus  Jesus post-1814 post-1814?? Sometimes Jesuit history is imagined in terms of superiors general, their eras and their governance of the Society. Such studies may be principally biographical, such as C.J. Lighthart’s life of Jan Roothaan, general from 1829 to 1853, a period in which the post-1814 Society of Jesus grew dramatically, but was also challenged from various quarters.�� Roothaan, rather obviously, is a good focus for a case study of continuity or discontinuity across the divide of the suppression; so too was Pedro Arrupe, general from 1965–1983, a prophet and a hero for many Jesuits and others precisely for the changes he made after  Vatican  Vatican II, but a villain according to some, for those same changes. But was �� �� ��

Ibid., 3–16. Philip Endean, “Who do You Say Ignatius Is? Jesuit Fundamentalism and Beyond,” Beyond,” Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits  19/5 (November 1987): 1–53. C.J. Lighthart, The Return of the Jesuits: The Life of Jan Philip Roothaan , trans. Jan Slijkerman (London: Shand Publications, 1978).

 � �� ���� �� ���� �� �� ���� �� ���� �� � ��� �� � � ���� �� �� �� � ���� �� �� �?

25

 Arrupe, like Ignatius a Basque, perhaps in greater greater continuity with Ignatius in  various ways than were many of the generals generals of the intervening intervening centuries?�� Did Arrupe help the Society of Jesus return to its Ignatian roots and put aside  various accretions accretions of the intervening intervening centuries? centuries? Or did did he create create a new Society Society of Jesus, perhaps new and better, or perhaps new and irresponsibly discontinuous with what had gone before? The New Jesuits , edited by ex-Jesuit George Riemer, was published in 1971; it consists of essays by various American Jesuits (Daniel Berrigan and John Padberg among them) re��ecting on how they thought the Society was changing at that time. It now seems dated, but it can shed light on how, in the years of Fr. Arrupe’s generalate, Jesuits thought about continuity and discontinuity in their own Jesuit lives and in Jesuit history since 1540.�� Or a study may focus more broadly on the issues at stake for the Society of  Jesus during the period of a generalate; generalate; an example is the volume edited by Thomas McCoog entitled The Mercurian Project: Forming Jesuit Culture 1573– 1580.�� Claudio Acquaviva’s relatively long generalate, 1581–1615, is often cited as a period of, among other things, consolidation or standardization, such as  with adoption of the  Ratio Studiorum,  and with Acquaviva’s publication of a directory directory of the Spiritual Exercises.�� This raises a large and complex question: does close examination examination of generalates generalates from that of Ignatius of Loyola to to that of  Adolfo Nicolás reveal more continuity or discontinuity, discontinuity, especially across the 1773–1814 divide? To what extent have superiors general before or after the sups uppression looked back to Ignatius, or to some other predecessor as model? And  who are the most signi��cant generals generals in the Society’s Society’s history history,, and for what reareasons? In the case of Ignatius, further questions to ask include which Ignatius has been taken as model for imitation: The Roman administrator of the 1540s and 1550s? Or an earlier Ignatius, such as the pilgrim of the 1520s, or the giver of the Spiritual Exercises ?��

��

�� �� �� ��

For very positive assessments of Arrupe, see  Pedro Arrupe, Ar rupe, General de la Compañia de  Jesús, Nuevas Aportaciones a su biogra��á, ed. Gianni Bella (Bilbao: Mensajero; Santander: Editorial Sal Terrae, 2007). The New Jesuits , ed. George Riemer Rieme r (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, Company, 1971). The Mercurian Project: Forming Jesuit Culture 1573–1580 , ed. Thomas McCoog (Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute; St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2004). For more on Acquaviva, see William Bangert, A History of the Society of Jesus, revised ed. (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1986), 97–107. For further discussion of Ignatius imagined variously variously,, see J. Carlos Coupeau, “Five  personae of Ignatius of Loyola,” in The Cambridge Companion to the Jesuits , ed. Thomas  Worcester  Worcester (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 32–51.

26

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But a superior general is not necessarily representative or typical of Jesuits of his era. The degree to which individual Jesuits since 1814 have or have not resembled those of the Old Society is a question that can only be answered through a great many cases studies of both famous and relatively obscure  Jesuits. The French biographer Jean Lacouture published in 1991 and 1992 a two-volume work entitled  Jésuites: Une multibiographie, with volume one entitled  Les conquérants  (The Conquerors) and volume two  Les revenants  (The Returning); a condensed one-volume English translation was published in 1995 as  Jesuits: A Multibiography.�� A large number of the Jesuits Lacouture studies are French; his division of “conquerors” “conquerors” and “returning” suggests that the supsup pression was a major divide, and it puts the Old Society in a kind of heroic light and the post-1814 Society in a seemingly lesser light. Also, while the French  word revenant  literally   literally means returning, it sometimes refers to a person come back from the dead, such as a ghost in a séance. In this perspective the decision of Pope Pius VII may be thought of as in some sense resurrecting the dead  Jesuits. Biographies of individual Jesuits abound, and they may help to clarify ways in which the Society has or has not changed over the centuries. The Italian  Jesuit Matteo Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) and his work in China have garnered a great deal of attention in recent years, especially on the occasion of the four hundredth anniversary anniversary of his death.�� But was he simply an exceptional Jesuit still  worthy  worthy of an exceptional exceptional amount of attention? attention? Or was he a type of Jesuit that may be found in other times and places of the Society’s history? Or to put it another way, way, was French Jesuit Pierre Teilhard de Chardin a kind of new Matteo Ricci?�� Other examples may be found of such potential parallels, but a book edited by Paula Findlen on Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680)—German Jesuit, scientist, museum curator, botanist, linguist, and other things besides—may suggest that there are limits to such similarities. The subtitle of this book on Everything. �� Kircher is The Last Man Who Knew Everything.

�� �� ��

��

Jean Lacouture,  Jesuits: A Multibiography, trans. Jeremy Leggatt (Washington, �.�.: Counterpoint, 1995). Of the many recent studies of Matteo Matteo Ricci, see, e.g., R. Po-chia Hsia,  A Jesuit in the  Forbidden City, City, 1552–1610 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010). Ronald Modras, in his book Ignatian Humanism: A Dynamic Spirituality for the 21st Century (Chicago: Loyola Press, 2004), identi��es an optimistic view of human nature and human potential as characteristic of several Jesuits from various centuries and countries. These  Jesuits include Ricci and Teilhard, Teilhard, as well as Arrupe and others.  Athansius Kircher: The Last Man Who Knew Everything , ed. Paul Findlen (New York and London: Routledge, 2004).

 � �� ���� �� ���� �� �� ���� �� ���� �� � ��� �� � � ���� �� �� �� � ���� �� �� �?

27

But to what extent is such an individualized approach an anachronism that re��ects not so much Jesuit history since Ignatius as it does modern and postmodern Western culture with its focus on individual choice and individual self-ful��llment? The Society of Jesus has always claimed to be more than a loosely connected lot of individuals, but a company, a body, with common ideals, commitments, and goals. And there are instances of speci��c associations or organizations within the Society of Jesus, some of them focused on scholarly work. One is the Bollandists, a group of Jesuit scholars founded in the seventeenth century and devoted to scholarly research and publication on the history of the saints. The Bollandists still exist.�� Another example is the massive  Dictionnaire de spiritualité , edited by a group of French Jesuits and published in seventeen volumes between 1932 and 1995.�� Another example is Sources Chrétiennes, Chrétiennes, a collection of scholarly editions of early Christian texts, most of them in Latin, together with French translations, notes and introductions. This project was begun in 1942 by several French Jesuits, Jean Daniélou (1905–1974) and Henri de Lubac among them, and the work continues today under the direction of a team of Jesuits and their colleagues in Lyons. In the decades leading up to Vatican II, Daniélou and de Lubac, each eventually made a cardinal, were key proponents of theological ressourcement . By ressourcement  meant   meant a going back to the written sources of Christianity, from the ��rst century on, and there to ��nd “resources” for renewal of the church in  Ressourcement   did not mean a reactionary restoration of the modern world.  Ressourcement  some imagined golden age in the past, but a careful appropriation of early Christian traditions judged more authentic and more life-giving than various accretions of the intervening centuries. centuries.  A key question for Jesuit history is: has there been a similar kind of ressourcement  in  in the Society of Jesus and regarding regarding its early traditions and texts? Has this taken place in the two centuries since 1814? Or perhaps only since ca. 1965? Or in some other time frame? And to what extent have texts and traditions from the Society 1540 to 1773 been re-appropriated since 1814? The  Monumenta editions of early Jesuit documents have certainly facilitated such appropriation or re-appropriation.�� For the English speaking sp eaking world, the Institute of Jesuit Sources in St. Louis, Missouri has produced and published

�� �� ��

See  Bollandistes, saints et légendes: quatre siècles de recherche , ed. Robert Godding et al. (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 2007).  Dictionnaire de spiritualité: ascétique et mystique, doctrine et histoire , 17 vols., ed. Marcel  Viller et al. (Paris: Beauchesne, 1932–1995). See list of  Monumenta volumes in this book’s index.

28

������ ���������

translations of many Jesuit works, as well as studies of various topics in Jesuit history.��  Jesuit culture has always been a part of print culture, and print culture is a key part of Jesuit ways of proceeding. Indeed the Society of Jesus without the printing press is no more imaginable than the Protestant Reformation without print. For Jesuit publications pre-1773, and also up to the early twentieth century, the multi-volume reference work produced by Carlos Sommervogel (and several other Jesuits) remains essential; Robert Danieluk has provided a thorough study of it.�� Thus the history of publications by Jesuit authors, authors, and/or on  Jesuit topics topics is readily readily accessible and may may make make possible a clari��cation or veri��cation of a history of Jesuit ressourcement . Here are a few examples of post-1814 editions and printings of pre-1773 texts, each originally written in seventeenth-century France. Etienne Binet (1569–1639),  was  was a Jesuit Jesuit,, preach preacher er,, admin administ istra rato torr, and proli proli��c ��c autho authorr of some ��ft ��ftyy books books on a broad range of spiritual and academic topics. An example of a frequently republished work is his treatise, Quel est le meilleur governement le rigoureux ou le doux?  (What  (What is the best government, the rigorous or the gentle?), ��rst published in 1636. Not counting translations, Sommervogel lists three editions in the seventeenth century (1626, 1671, 1696), two during the suppression (1776, 1783), and three post-1814: 1829, 1841, and 1884; Sommervogel also lists three in Italian (1655, 1682, 1843), and four in Latin (1658, 1675, 1731, and 1733). Only the Latin version was not reprinted after 1814.�� And yet there may be more, in various languages, for Binet’s  writi  writings ngs may not alwa always ys be obvious obvious in catalo catalogue guess and biblio bibliogr graph aphie ies; s; he sometimes published under a pseudonym (René François or Renato Francese) and sometimes under no name at all. I have read an 1842 edition published in Avignon (not cited in Sommervogel), now in the library of the Centre Sèvres in Paris.  Why was was this treatise by by Binet re-printed re-printed as late late as nearly two and half half centuries after his death? Binet explains that he intended this work especially for superiors in religious orders, and the work’s title in some editions makes this governo per per i superiori superiori religiosi  religiosi  (Idea clear, e.g., Idea del buon governo  (Idea of good governance for religious superiors).�� In the post-1814 world, did Jesuit and perhaps other superiors in Catholic religious orders ��nd Binet’s advice particularly helpful?

�� �� ��

��

See the Institute’s Institute’s Web page, www www.jesuitsources.com. .jesuitsources.com. Robert Danieluk,  La Bibliothèque de Carlos Sommervogel: le sommet de l’oeuvre l’oeuvre bibliographique de la Compagnie de Jésus  (Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 2006). Sommervogel, 1:488–1505. For a study of three of Binet’s Binet’s most interesting works, see my essay, “Plague as Spiritual Medicine and Medicine as Spiritual Metaphor,” in  Piety and  Plague: From Byzantium to the Baroque, ed. Franco Mormando and Thomas Worcester (Kirksville, ��: Truman State University Press, 2007), 224–236.  (Rome: Moneta, 1682).  Idea del buon governo per i superiori religiosi  religiosi  (Rome:

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29

Other texts by Binet were re-published in the nineteenth century, even in English,�� and some of his writings more recently than that.�� The task remains to study the reception of Binet’s writings since 1814. Dominique Bouhours (1628–1702) was a proli��c French Jesuit author from the second half of the seventeenth century.�� Among his many works were a life of Ignatius of Loyola and a life of Francis Xavier, and these works ��gure among the works of Bouhours re-printed post-1814. For example, in 1821 an edition of his life of Ignatius came out in Avignon, and another was published in Lyons in 1844, while an English translation appeared in Philadelphia in 1840; in 1826 an edition of his life of Francis Xavier was published in Lyons, while an English version was published in 1841 in Philadelphia.�� A thorough study of Bouhours could show whether or not these and other editions published in the nineteenth century and beyond were simply reprinted earlier versions or were revised and adapted as well, and if the latter, in what ways.�� Louis Bourdaloue (1632–1704) was a near contemporary of Bouhours, and became known above all for his preaching at the Jesuit church of Saint-Louis Saint-Louis in Paris. With a few exceptions, Bourdaloue’s sermons were not published until after his death, when they were collected and edited by Jesuit Paul Bretonneau (1660–1741).�� And beyond Bretonneau’s time, Bourdaloue’s works continued to be published; there is an edition of his complete works from 1812, near the end of the suppression period, and there are many post-1814 nineteenthcentury editions.�� �� ��

�� ��

��

�� ��

Stephen Binet,  Lives of Saint Joachim and Saint Anne, Parents of the Mother of God , with notes by Joseph Ignatius Vallejo (New York: York: Edward Dunigan and Brother, 1860). Two of Binet’s works originally published in the 1620s are Consolation et réjouissance pour les malades et personnes a��ligées   (Grenoble: Jérôme Millon, 1995);  Remèdes souverains contre la peste et la mort soudaine  (Grenoble: Jérôme Millon, 1998). Sommervogel, 1:1886–1920. Bouhours, Vie de Saint Ignace, fondateur de la Compagnie de Jésus  (Avignon: Seguin Aîné, 1821); Vie de Saint Ignace, fondateur de la Compagnie de Jésus  (Lyons: Périsse frères, 1844); The Life of St. Ignatius, Founder of the Society of Jesus  (Philadelphia: E. Cummiskey, 1840); Vie de S. François Xavier: apôtre des Indes et du Japon  (Lyons: Périsse frères, 1826); The Life of St. Francis Xavier, of the Society of Jesus, Apostle of India: from the French of Father  Dominic Bouhours (Philadelphia: E. Cummiskey, Cummiskey, 1841). John Dryden (1631–1700), (1631–1700), the English poet, did a translation of the life of Francis Xavier by Bouhours, and it was published in London near the end of the reign of Catholic monarch  James II: The Life of St. Francis Xavier, of the Society of Jesus, apostle of the Indies, and of  Japan  (London: Printed for Jacob Tronson, 1688). Was Dryden’s translation re-printed post-1814, or were other English translations preferred? On Bretonneau and his publications, see Sommervogel 2:139–143. Oeuvres complètes de Bourdaloue, de la Compagnie de Jésus,  16 vols. (Versailles: J.A. Lebel, 1812). For a list of Bourdaloue’s Bourdaloue’s works and editions, see Sommervogel, 2:5–28.

30

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Binet, Bouhours, and Bourdaloue are but three examples, all from early modern France, of proli��c Jesuit authors whose in��uence extended well beyond their own time and place thanks to their publications. There are abundant examples of well-published Jesuits from seventeenth-century France, but also from many other eras and countries. In a European country such as France, where Jesuits and their institutions and activities were prominent before the suppression, sup pression, it makes some sense to speak of restoration when considering the Society of Jesus post-1814. This may also be true for Latin America, where the Old Society played a major role.�� But in some other parts of the world this makes less sense. The ��rst  Jesuits to go to Australia arrived in the mid-nineteenth century; they came from Austria and Ireland. They could not have been restoring anything Jesuit from pre-1773 Australia, but they no doubt drew upon the experience and history of Jesuits in Europe and elsewhere as they established missions and schools among both Australian Aboriginal peoples and European settlers.��  Jesuits only o nly came to various parts p arts of Africa beginning begi nning in the nineteenth century: Zimbabwe and Zambia are good examples.�� Though there were some  Jesuits as early as the 1630s in what has become the � �� , they were few in number and founded no colleges pre-1773.�� By the 1960s there were some 8,000 Jesuits in eleven provinces provinces in the � �� with many high schools, colleges colleges and universities—all of them post-1773 establishments. In this perspective, discontinuity, not continuity, before and after the suppression seems more prominent.��

��

�� ��

��

��

For an overview of Jesuit history in Latin America, see Je�frey Klaiber, Klaiber, The Jesuits in Latin  America, 1549–2000: 450 Years of Inculturation, Defense of Human Rights, and Prophetic Witness  (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 2009). As the subtitle suggests, Klaiber places considerable emphasis on continuity between pre-1773 and post-1814. See the chronology provided on the Web page of the Australian Jesuit province,  province,  www .jesuit.org.au. See Nicholas Creary, Creary, Domesticating a Religious Import: The Jesuits and the Inculturation of the Catholic Church in Zimbabwe, 1879–1980 (New York: Fordham University Press, 2011);  A History of the Jesuits in Zambia: A Mission Becomes a Province, ed. Edward P. Murphy (Nairobi, Kenya: Paulines Publications, 2003). On the Maryland Jesuits, both pre- and post-suppression, see, e.g.,  American Jesuit Spirituality: the Maryland Tradition, 1634–1900, ed. Robert Emmett Curran (Mahwah, N.J.: Paulist Press, 1988). For an excellent case study of tensions between a kind of transfer of European European Jesuit traditions to America, and Jesuit e�forts to opt rather for adaptation to American circumstances, see Gerald McKevitt,  Brokers of Culture: Italian Jesuits in the American West, 1848–1919 (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2007).

 � �� ���� �� ���� �� �� ���� �� ���� �� � ��� �� � � ���� �� �� �� � ���� �� �� �?

31

Light may also be shed on the degree of continuity or discontinuity between the pre-1773 and post-1814 Society of Jesus by greater attention to the ways in  which the Society survived during those forty-one years, years, especially within the Russian Empire, but also in other places, often outside the boundaries of the Catholic kingdoms that had repudiated the Jesuits.�� To what extent did such survival help to make what followed Pius VII’s decree authorizing universal reestablishment less a restoration than perhaps a kind of re-emergence from geographic geographic and political margins of the Catholic world? Also, in a country such as France, something like the Jesuits had in fact also survived, under other names than the Society of Jesus. Pierre-Joseph Pierre-Joseph de Clorivière (1735–1820) (1735–1820) stands out, a suppressed French Jesuit who persevered in promoting Jesuit-inspired congregations and associations, who endured years of imprisonment under Napoleon, and who played the central role, as provincial, in the formal reestablishment of the Society in France in the immediate years post-1814. His exchange of letters with Fr. General Tadeusz Brzozowski (1749–1820) provide insight into how both these men dealt with the delicate task of re-establishing the Society in a country whose monarchy had turned against it and whose subsequent Revolution and then Empire had proved no more favorable.�� Pre-suppression French Jesuits such as Claude La Colombière (1641–1682) had played a signi��cant role in promoting devotion to the Sacred Heart. By the time of the French Revolution the symbolism of the Sacred Heart had been appropriated above all by anti-Revolutionary forces, and in nineteenthcentury France it was associated with e�forts to preserve and/or restore the Bourbon monarchy, e�forts that would prove to be a failure post-1830. Clorivière Cl orivière  was among both both the Revolution Revolution’s ’s ardent ardent opponents and the ardent ardent promoters promoters of the Sacred Heart.�� Does this suggest that the Sacred Heart devotion was a factor in promoting continuity between pre-1773 and post-1814 Jesuits? Or did the reactionary politicization politicization of the Sacred Heart, especially in France, rob the Sacred Heart of its potential to undergird Jesuit chronological continuity and geographic unity? It can hardly be the case that restoration of monarchy played much of a role in Jesuit devotion to to the Sacred Heart Heart in the �� � or in a number of other places in the Jesuit world as it developed post-1814. The pre-suppression Society had often been criticized for its closeness to the papacy; in France, those that promoted what they called Gallican liberties �� �� ��

For a concise summary, summary, see Jonathan Wright, “The Suppression Suppression and Restoration,” Restoration,” in The Cambridge Companion to the Jesuits , 263–277. “La correspondence de P.-J. P.-J. Clorivière avec T. Brzozowski Brzozowski 1814 à 1818,” ed. Chantal Reynier, Reynier, Lac outure, 317–319; Bangert, 452, 460.  �� ��  64 (1995):83–167. On Clorivière, see also Lacouture, See Raymond Jonas, France and the Cult of the Sacred Sacred Heart: An Epic Tale Tale for Modern Modern Times (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000).

32

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never made peace with the Jesuits. If anything, such tensions were even more prominent after 1814 than before, as an age of aggressive nationalism and nation-state building, not only in France but in Italy, Germany, and elsewhere, came into con��ict with Jesuit internationalist ideals and with Jesuit support for a growing role of the pope in the Church. Joseph de Maistre (1753–1821), a layman, diplomat, and proli��c writer from Savoy, was a particularly in��uential spokesman not only for restoration of the Papal States and of papal authority, but as a defender of the Jesuits and of papal infallibility.�� Thus an aspect of  Jesuit continuity or discontinuity across the divide that was the suppression concerns Jesuits and the papacy. If Jesuits were, as de Maistre saw them, supporters of an Ultramontanist Ultramontani st ecclesiology ecclesiol ogy,, was this anything new, or merely the continuation of Jesuit ideas and priorities articulated by the ��rst Jesuits and handed down, as it were, from generation to generation in the Society of Jesus?  Was  Was Vatican I, with its de��nition of papal infallibility infallibility and its a���rmation of immediate, immediate, universal jurisdiction of the pope in the Church, a kind of vindication of a long-standing Jesuit ecclesiology? ecclesiology? Even if the answer is yes, all that has happened in the Church and the Society of Jesus since Vatican Vatican I and II may alter an assessment of continuity or discontinuity between the pre- and post-suppression Society and its relationship to the papacy. Far more can and must be said on this, but this essay can but signal the crucial nature of this topic.  Whether Vatican Vatican II (1962–1965) (1962–1965) was continuous or discontinuous with the Church up to that time has been a very much muc h debated topic, and it has remained so as the ��ftieth anniversary of the Council is celebrated or at least marked in some way. Those that highlight discontinuity focus on a variety of factors including the collegial, collaborative, and conciliatory tone and style of the Council’s Council’s documents, and the friendly stance of the Council in relation to nonCatholics, the Jews among them.�� No longer were Jews labeled Christ-killers and the like. If the Council broke with earlier Catholic hostility toward the  Jews, was there a parallel shift in Jesuit attitudes toward toward the Jews? Recent scholarly work provides a yes to this question.�� ��

��

��

The literature on de Maistre is vast; for a recent study of his signi��cance, see Carolina  Armenteros, The French Idea of History: Joseph de Maistre and His Heirs, 1794–1854  (Ithaca, New York: York: Cornell University Press, 2011). See John W. O’Malley, O’Mal ley, What Happened at Vatican II?   (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), especially 290–313; Gerald O’Collins, “Does Vatican II Represent Continuity or Discontinuity?” Theological Studies  73 (2012): 768–794. See Robert A. Maryks, The Jesuit Order as a Synagogue of Jews: Jesuits of Jewish Ancestry and Purity-of-Blood Laws in the Early Society of Jesus  (Leiden: Brill, 2010);  Friends on the Way: Jesuits Encounter Contemporary Judaism , ed. Thomas Michel (New York: Fordham University Press, 2007).

 � �� ���� �� ���� �� �� ���� �� ���� �� � ��� �� � � ���� �� �� �� � ���� �� �� �?

 

33

Conclusion

In an article entitled “Gesuitomania,” Emanuele Colombo has drawn attention to the extraordinary amount of attention given in recent years to the history of the pre-1773 Society of Jesus.�� Not only Jesuit and other Catholic presses are publishing a huge amount of scholarship on the pre-suppression Society, but so too many secular presses, the top university presses among them. The Old Society has never had it so good! But the post-1814 Jesuits have a long way to go, historiographically speaking. To fully answer the question this essay poses, much more work needs to be done on the last two centuries of Jesuits, including the de-centering of Europe and the rise of other continents in the last half century of Jesuit experience. The libraries and archives with abundant, pertinent resources are surely ready and willing to welcome the next generation of scholars. In the meantime, while awaiting their discoveries, I suggest that a combination of ressourcement  and  and adaptation to new circumstances may have often been in tension with a less creative restorationist agenda. ��

Emanuele Colombo, “Gesuitomania: Studi recenti sulle missioni gesuitiche (1540–1773),” (1540–1773),”  Evangelizzazione e globalizzazione gesuitiche nell’età moderna tra storia e storiogra��a , in  Evangelizzazione ed. Michela Catto et al. (Rome: Società editrice Dante Alighieri, 2010).

������� �

Some Remarks on Jesuit Historiography Historiography 1773–1814  Robert Danieluk, �.�. �. �. The bicentenary of the bull Sollicitudo omnium Ecclesiarum  Ecclesiarum  (7 August 1814) invites invites all who are interested in the history of the Society of Jesus to reconsider the period between the Clementinian suppression and the Jesuits’ universal restoration. restoration. A key task is to re-evaluate the relationship relationship between the so-called “old” and “new” Societies: a division generally accepted by scholars in spite of its limitations.� An obvious ��rst step involves bibliographical and archival examination of sources and a study of the existing historiography historiography.. This article focuses on the historiographical tradition. It does not aim for a complete  worldwide  worldwide overview overview but, rather, rather, o�fers some remarks remarks organized organized around the following questions: “What has been bee n done in the ��eld of 1773–1814 1773–1814 Jesuit history?”; “What is being done?”; and “What “ What ought to be done?”

What Has Been Done?

From the outset, Jesuit historians took up the task of writing the history of their order. Outstanding and well-known examples include the series  Historia Societatis Iesu  Iesu  and, more recently, the publications of the Jesuit Historical Institute.� A list of titles directly concerning the 1773–1814 period is not particularly long even though the vicissitudes of the Society of Jesus were discussed  widely at the time, in spite of the brief  Dominus ac Redemptor  which  which forbade discussion of the suppression.� Several members of the suppressed Society ignored these prohibitive orders and wrote memoirs and began to collect materials related to the events they had witnessed. Among the best known examples are the writings of the Italian Jesuit historian Giulio Cesare Cordara

� See Robert Danieluk, “La “La reprise d’une mémoire mémoire brisée: L’historiographie L’historiographie de la ‘nouvelle’ Compagnie de Jésus,” �� Jésus,” �� ��  150  150 (2006): 269–271. � See also “Ob communem fructum et consolationem: consolationem : La genèse et les enjeux enje ux de l’historiographie de la Compagnie de Jésus,”  �� ��   149 (2006): 29–62 and “ Monumenta “ Monumenta Historica Societatis  Iesu—uno  Iesu—uno sguardo di insieme i nsieme sulla collana,” �� collana,” �� ��  161  161 (2012): 249–89. � Polgár Polgár I, 61–64. 61–64. Surprisingly there there is no special section dedicated to the suppression-restorasuppression-restoration in Sommervogel .

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and the diaries of his Spanish confrere Manuel Luengo relating the expulsion from Spain in 1767 and subsequent events.� Their narratives were added to by the writings of other expelled Spanish and Portuguese Jesuits.� Some of these were published long ago, such as the memoirs of missionaries in the Philippines,� while others, concerning Jesuits in Paraguay, have only been o�fered to the public fairly recently.� In addition, a biography of Lorenzo Ricci  written  written by Tommaso Tommaso Termanini, Termanini, an Italian Italian Jesuit, was was published in 2006.� Early on, various ex-Jesuits engaged in polemics concerning the suppression and the deeds of Clement XIV. In his recent study, Isidoro Liberale Gatti shows how they inaugurated a negative historiography historiography of Clement and helped create a “black legend.”� The Jesuit cause was also championed by some of the periodicals for which members of the suppressed order had worked, e.g.  Journal  Historique et Littéraire Littéraire in  in Liège and the Polish Gazeta Warszawska published Warszawska published in  Warsaw  Warsaw.. On the other hand, the French Jansenist periodical  Nouvelles  Ecclésiastiques wrote  Ecclésiastiques wrote against the Jesuits, as did a number of pamphlets. The historiography of the period 1773–1814 continued after the restoration of the Society. One of the main preoccupations of the nineteenth-century �  Julii Cordarae De Suppressione Societatis Jesu Commentarii , ed. Giuseppe Albertotti (Padua: L. Penada, 1923–1925). English translation: On the Suppression of the Society of Jesus. A Contemporary Account. Translation Account. Translation and notes by John P. Murphy �.�. (Chicago: Loyola Press, 1999). Manuel Luengo,  Memorias de un exilio. Diario de la expulsión de los jesuitas de los dominios del rey de España (1767–1768), (1767–1768) , ed. Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2002). Id.,  El retorno de un jesuita desterrado. Viaje del P. Manuel  Luengo desde Bolonia a Nava del Rey, Rey, ed. Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2004). Id.,  Diario de 1769. La llegada de los jesuitas españoles a  Bolonia,  Bolonia, ed. Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga and Isidoro Pinedo Iparraguirre (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2010); Id., Diario Id.,  Diario de 1773. El triunfo temporal del antijesuitismo, antijesuitismo , ed. Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga and Isidoro Pinedo Iparraguirre (Alicante, Universidad de  Alicante, 2013); forthcoming are are also the ‘Memories’ from 1814–1815. � Josep M. Benítez i Riera, ed., El ed., El destierro de los jesuitas de la “Provincia “Provincia de Araón” bajo bajo el reinado de Carlos III. Crónica inédita del P. Blas Larraz, S.I.  (Rome: Iglesia Nacional Española, 2006). José Caeiro, História Caeiro, História da expulsão da Companhia de Jesus da Província Província de Portugal (sec. (sec.  XVIII).  XVIII) . 3 vols. (Lisbon: Verbo, Verbo, 1991). � Ernest J.J. Burrus, “A Diary of Exiled Philippine Jesuits (1769–1770),” (1769–1770),” ��  �� ��  20  20 (1951): 269–299. � José Manuel Peramás, Peramás,  Diario del destierro  destierro  ([Cordóba:] Universidad Católica de Cordóba, 2004); earlier edited by Guillermo Furlong (Buenos Aires: Librería del Plata, 1952). Carlos A. Page,  Relatos desde el exilio. Memorias de los jesuitas expulsos de la antigua Provincia del  Paraguay  Paraguay (Asunción:  (Asunción: Servilibro, 2011). � Filippo Coralli, Coralli, ed., “La vita del P. Lorenzo Ricci, generale della Compagnia di Gesù. Biogra��a inedita del P. Tommaso Tommaso Termanini Termanini �.� � .�.,” .,” Archivum  Archivum Historiae Historiae Ponti��ciae 44 Ponti��ciae 44 (2006): 35–139. � Isidoro Liberale Gatti, Clemente XIV Ganganelli (1705–1774). Pro��lo di un francescano e di un  papa,  papa, vol. 1 (Padua: Centro Studi Antoniani, 2012), 7, 17–18, 45–46, 45–4 6, 50.

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 Jesuits was their ��delity to the Institute, i.e. to the order’s own charisma and procedures codi��ed in the foundational documents and con��rmed by internal legislation. This issue was crucial since it involved involved the delicate question of continuity or discontinuity in the Society’s history, interrupted in 1773. Thus, it is hardly surprising that history played an important role in confronting such preoccupations and became a privileged tool in defending the concept of the order’s uninterrupted continuity. Indeed, the theme of the suppression and restoration emerged several times after 1814, e.g. in the middle of the nineteenth century when the Society was attacked attacked by liberal writers and ecclesiastical milieus not friendly to the Jesuits. At that time history once again became a defensive weapon. Sometimes this defense was entrusted to such unsuitable hands as those of the French writer Jacques Crétineau-Joly, the author of six volumes on the order’s history who engaged in strong polemics with Vincenzo Gioberti and  Augustin Theiner,�� Theiner,�� whose publications portrayed portrayed the Jesuits in a negative light.�� In response to those who attacked the Society, the French Jesuit and preacher at Notre-Dame, Gustave-Xavier de Ravignan prepared a reply to Theiner’s history of Clement XIV.�� In Italy, Giuseppe Boero reacted to the German Oratorian’s publication, while his fellow brother Carlo Curci wrote against Gioberti.��  Although these and several other attempts to promote Jesuit-authored Jesuit-authored histories of the Society were made after 1814, more systematic and organized �� ��

�� ��

Jacques Crétineau-Joly, Crétineau-Joly,  Histoire politique, littéraire et religieuse de la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris and Lyon: Paul Mellier and Chez Guyot, 1844–1846). Vincenzo Gioberti, Gesuita moderno. moderno. 5 vols. (Losanne: S. Bonamici e Compagni, 1846– 1847); Apologia 1847); Apologia del libro intitolato intitolato “Il Gesuita Gesuita moderno,” moderno,” con alcune alcune considerazioni considerazioni intorno al al  Risorgimento italiano  italiano  (Bruxelles and Livorno: Meline, Cans e Comp., 1848). Augustin Theiner, Geschichte des Ponti��kats Klemens XIV , 2 vols. (Leipzig and Paris: Verlag der Gebrüder Firmin Didot, 1853; French version was published in 1852 in Paris). Jacques Crétineau-Joly, Clément XIV et les jésuites  jésuites   (Paris: Librairie Religieuse de Mellier Frères, 1847); Polémique 1847); Polémique sur le pape pape Clément Clément XIV. XIV. Lettres Lettres au Père Augustin Theiner  (Liège:  (Liège: VerhovenDebeur, 1853);  Le pape Clément XIV. XIV. Seconde et dernière lettre lettre au père Augustin Theiner  (Paris: Librairie Nouvelle, 1853) and Bonaparte, and Bonaparte, le Concordat de 1801 et le Cardinal Cardinal Consalvi, suivi de deux Lettres au père Theiner sur le pape Clément XIV  (Paris: XIV  (Paris: Plon, 1869). Gustave-Xavier Gustave-Xavier de Ravignan, Clément XIII et Clément XIV, XIV, 2  2 vols. (Paris: Julien Lanier et C��, 1854). Giuseppe Boero, Osservazioni sopra l’istoria l’istoria del ponti��cato di Clemente XIV scritta dal p. A. Theiner, prete dell’Oratorio (Modena: dell’Oratorio  (Modena: Carlo Vincenzi, 1853). Carlo Curci, Fat Curci, Fatti ti ed argomenti argomenti in risposta alle molte parole di V. Gioberti intorno ai Gesuiti nei Prolegomeni del Primato (Naples: Fibreno, 1845); Alquante 1845); Alquante parole intorno a Gioberti e Curci  Curci  (Rome:  (Rome: Monaldi, 1846).

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initiatives were only undertaken undertaken at the end of the nineteenth century. century. Previous decades had not been particularly propitious for such work. The Jesuits had to face not only ordinary problems connected to the rebuilding of structures destroyed in 1773, but also internal tensions, con��icts, and many local expulsions.�� Yet, several works in Jesuit historiography were written in the hope of continuing the scholarship that had been interrupted interrupted by the suppression. One reason behind this was probably the fact that decree twenty-one twenty-one of the general congregation of 1829 asked the superior general of the Society to foster both the o���cial history of the order and its bibliography.�� To investigate how faithfully these projects were followed and to list relative publications would certainly be interesting. 1892 is a year of great importance because of the role played by Fr. Luis Martín as superior general in promoting the compiling and reorganizing of  Jesuit historiography historiography.. The twenty-fourth twenty-fourth general congregation congregation took place in Loyola. It not only elected Martín general, but bu t also advised him, with its twenty��rst decree, to promote studies of the order’s history: “The wish of certain provinces that writing the history of our Society should be resumed was expressed to the assembled fathers.” The congregation replied that “this is among the desires of us all and is something to be recommended strongly to Our Father.”�� Martín took this decree very seriously. He ��rst ensured that the Jesuit archives would be preserved and better organized. organized. He then gathered a group of  Jesuits in Rome whose mission was to prepare not merely a simple continuation of the Latin Historia Latin Historia Societatis Societatis, but also to study the histories of particular provinces, assistancies, and other territorial or national units, written in modern languages.�� languages.�� The period between the “two Societies” was not forgotten. The Maltese  Joseph Strickland, a member of the Roman province, seems s eems to have been the ��rst person appointed to research the suppression period. After visiting several archives in Italy between 1895 and 1897, he continued his studies in England, leaving in Rome some of his research and an outline of the history of the �� �� �� ��

Bangert 1986, 432. Padberg 1994, 442. Ibid., 487. About this initiative, see Robert Danieluk, “Le ricerche degli storici gesuiti nell’Archivio Archivio Segreto Vaticano tra Ottocento e Novecento,” in “Suavis laborum memoria”. Chiesa, Papato e Curia Romana tra storia e teologia. Scritti in onore di Marcel Chappin SJ per il suo 70° compleanno/Church, Papacy, Papacy, Roman Curia between History and Theology. Theology. Essays in honour of Marcel Chappin SJ on His 70th Birthday, Birthday, eds. Paul van Geest and Roberto Regoli (Vatican City: Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Vaticano, 2013), 367–396.

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suppression, including some notes for what was supposed to form part of its ��rst three chapters.�� Completely di�ferent was the case of Martín’s second appointment for the same mission: the French Jesuit François-Marie Gaillard. Called to Rome in 1895, he spent the rest of his life conducting research in several European libraries and archives, including those in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Initially, the general only wanted him to collect material for the history of the period 1773–1814. Subsequently, this task was extended to the events preceding the suppression. Early on, Martín also encouraged him to use the fruits of his researches in writing and publishing, but in this arena Gaillard proved less successful than in searching for documents. His huge legacy, at present preserved in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu (����), is composed of dozens of ��les with the summaries of thousands of documents, many of which he also transcribed.�� To obey the general’s orders, the French Jesuit prepared a book, Suppression, survivance et rétablissement de la Compagnie de Jésus, 1772– 1772 –1814, 1814, and an article “La XX Congrégation Générale �.�. de l’an 1820,” but both remained in manuscript form. He published only an account of his trip to Russia and some documents which were used for the preparation of the beati��cation of José Pignatelli, while some of his minor writings were published posthumously.�� Originally, the project of Fr. Martín was very ambitious. He hoped the research conducted conducted in Rome would locate if not all, then at least a substantial part of the material necessary for the new histories. This plan was only partly realized: several archives were searched, in part or entirely, from the Jesuit point of view (some of the results of of this work are preserved in the ��� �� � � ). Some researchers covered covered the whole period of the “old” Society and even parts of the “new” Society’s history. history. Such was the case of Stanisław Stanisław Załęski whose Jesuits whose Jesuits in  Poland  spanned  spanned the years between 1555 and 1905.�� Others provided a history either of the “old” Society or the “new” Society or one period thereof. No history of the suppression as such has been published. The same Załęski, long ��

�� ��

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����,  Hist. Soc. Soc. 299. See also ����,  Russia 1001-V-27  Russia 1001-V-27 which contains a list of documents concerning the Jesuits in Russia, found by Strickland in Naples and sent by him hi m to Martín on August 14, 1895. ����, Fondo ����, Fondo Gaillard  Gaillard . About Gaillard and his achievements, see Robert Danieluk, “A Failed Mission or a ‘Neverending Tertianship’?—François-Marie Gaillard �.�. (1853–1927) and his contribution to the historiography of the Society of Jesus,” Jesus,” ����   �� ��  163  163 (2013): 3–113. Stanisław Załęski,  Jezuici w Polsce, Polsce, 11 vols. (Leopoli: Drukiem i nakładem Drukarni Ludowej, Cracow: Drukiem i nakładem Drukarni W. W. L. Anczyca i Sp., 1900–1906).

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before embarking upon his main work, published a book about the survival of the Society in Russia after 1773.�� Besides this, the “o���cial” Jesuit historiography from that time did not produce any substantial study of the period that  warrants  warrants interest. interest. However However,, the theme was was not not forgott forgotten en and emerged in minor  works by some Jesuit authors, such as Bernhard B ernhard Duhr and Sydney F. Smith. Smith.�� Their example was followed by Louis Delplace and Paul Dudon.�� The beginning of the twentieth century brought one major contribution to the study of the period, namely the work of Ludwig von Pastor on Clement  XIV.��  XIV.�� Given that the German historian had several collaborators, collaborators, including some Jesuits, doubts were expressed about the extent of this collaboration collaboration and the authenticity of Pastor’s authorship, especially because the judgment on Clement was rather negative. Polemics began immediately after the publication of the Italian version of the controversial book.�� Eventually, Pius XI imposed silence on both sides in this discussion. Perhaps the papal order had ��

��

��

��

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Stanisław Załęski, Historya Załęski,  Historya zniesienia zakonu jezuitów i jego zachowanie na Białej Rusi . Rusi . 2  vols. (Leopoli, 1874–1875). 1874–1875). In 1886, this book was translated into French by Alexandre  Vivier, Les  Vivier,  Les Jésuites de la Russie-Blanche, Russie-Blanche , 2 vols. (Paris: Letouzey et Ané) and in 1888 an Italian translation was made from this French version by Antonio Buzzetti ( I ( I Gesuiti della  Russia Bianca. Bianca. Prato: Tipogra��a Giachetti). Bernhard Duhr, Duhr, “Ungedruckte Briefe und Relationen über die Au��ebung der Gesellschaft  Jesu in Deutschland,” Deutschland,”  Historisches Jahrbuch 6 Jahrbuch  6 (1885): 413–437. Id., “Die Etappen bei der  Au��ebung des Jesuitenordens nach den Papieren Papieren in Simancas, Simancas,”” Zeitschrift für Katholische Katholische Theologie  Theologie 22 (1898): 432–454. Id., “Hat Papst Klemens XIV. XIV. durch ein Breve das d as Fortbestehen der Jesuiten in Russland gebilligt?,” Stimmen aus Maria Laach 87/9 Laach  87/9 (1913–1914): 458–469. Id., “Die Kaiserin Maria Theresia und die Au��ebung der Gesellschaft Jesu,” Stimmen der  Zeit  56/3   56/3 (1925): 207–221. Sydney F. Smith, “The Suppression of the Society of Jesus,” The  Month 99  Month 99 (1902): 113–130, 263–279, 346–368, 497–517, 626–650; 100 (1902): 20–34, 126–152, 258–273, 366–376, 517–536, 581–591; 101 (1903): 48–61, 179–197, 179–197, 259–277, 383–403, 498–516, 604–623; 102 (1903): 46–63, 171–184. The study of Smith was recently republished by Joseph  A. Munitiz (Leominster: Gracewing, 2004). Louis Delplace, “La suppression des jésuites (1773–1814),” (1773–1814),”  Études 116  Études 116 (1908): 69–96; 228– 247. Paul Dudon, “De la suppression de la Compagnie de Jésus (1758–1773),”  Revue des Questions Historiques 132 Historiques  132 (1938): 75–107. Id., “La résurrection de la Compagnie de Jésus (1773–1814),”  Revue des Questions Historiques 133 Historiques  133 (1939): 21–59; English translation: “The Resurrection of the Society of Jesus,” Jesus,” Woodstock Letters 81 Letters 81 (1952): 311–360. Ludwig von Pastor,Geschichte Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters, Mittelalters , t. 16: Geschichte der Päpste im Zeitalter der fürstlichen Absolutismus von der Wahl Benedikts XIV. bis zum Tode Pius΄ VI. (1740–1799), (1740–1799), part 2: Klemens 2: Klemens XIV. XIV. (1769–1774) (1769–1774) (Freiburg:  (Freiburg: Herder, 1932). Ludwig von Pastor, Pastor, Storia dei papi dalla ��ne del Medioevo, Medioevo, vol. XVI: Storia dei papi nel periodo dell’assolutismo, dall’elezione di Benedetto XIV sino alla morte di Pio VI (1740–1799) , parte II: Clemente XIV (1769–1774). (1769–1774). Translated by Pio Cenci (Roma: Desclée & C.i Editori Ponti��ci, 1933).

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a negative e�fect because—as noticed by Giacomo Martina—no substantial contribution to the historiography of Clement XIV appeared after Pastor’s.�� In fact, it is only recently that signi��cant new work has been carried out by the aforementioned aforementioned Isidoro Liberale Gatti.�� Something similar could be said about the historiography of the period 1773–1814. In 1938, decree thirty-��ve of the twenty-eighth general congregation recommended to the general, among other suggestions concerning the Jesuit Historical Institute, that “He should be pleased to treat with the Holy See, at a suitable time and in the proper circumstances, about completely publishing those historical documents on the suppression of the Society that have been collected with such great labor.”�� It is important to note that two other recommendations of the same decree actually materialized: the provinces of the Society helped the Institute by sending Jesuits to work there and, by pro viding necessary ��nancial support (��rst recommendation), recommendation), documents about the Jesuit missions started to be published a few years later as  Monumenta  Missionum (second  Missionum (second recommendation). recommendation). Only the recommendation recommendation concerning the suppression was never followed. Why? Some contemporary historians provide at least partial answers. Giacomo Martina highlights the previously mentioned mentioned intervention of the pope as a factor in ending the polemics surrounding surroundin g Pastor’s book.�� Unfortunately Unfortun ately,, Martina does not indicate the sources of this information, which is repeated by Maria Guadalupe Guadalup e Morad in her recent Ph.D. dissertation dissertat ion at the Gregorian University.�� University.�� She quotes a letter by Fr. General Włodzimierz Ledóchowski to the provincials of Italy from 16 August 1935, ordering them to ensure that nothing more would be published in regard to this polemic, for such was the will of the Holy See.�� On the other hand, Filippo Coralli reports having heard his professor Josep Benítez quoting testimonies of the Jesuit historians Miguel Batllori and Edmond Lamalle who, in 1967, a���rmed that an instruction had been given to

�� �� �� �� ��

��

Giacomo Martina, Storia della Chiesa da Lutero ai nostri giorni , giorni , vol. 2: L’ 2: L’età età dell’ dell’assolutismo assolutismo.. Rev. Rev. ed. (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1994), 306. Gatti, Clemente XIV. Padberg 1994, 610. Giacomo Martina, Storia della storiogra��a ecclesiastica nell’Otto e Novecento (Parte Prima) (Rome: Editrice Ponti��cia Università Gregoriana, 2008), 123–124. Maria Guadalupe Morad, Una historia “muy necesaria e importantísima”: La tarea historiográ��ca de Pedro de Leturia �.�. (1891–1955), desde los papeles del Archivo Histórico de la  Ponti��cia Universidad Gregoriana. Gregoriana. Extracto de la disertación de doctorado en Historia y  Bienes Culturales Culturales de la Iglesia (Rome: Iglesia  (Rome: Ponti��cia Universidad Gregoriana, 2012), 69. See a copy of this letter letter in ���� �� ��,, Reg. Rom Rom.. XVI, 307.

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the Jesuits not to publish any document relevant to the suppression in order not to aggravate tensions already existing between the Society and the Vatican in the context of the post-conciliar changes within the order.�� All these indications require deeper research in the archives which might help to answer questions about the unrealized recommendation recommendation of 1938.�� More well-known are the other steps taken by the Society to continue the initiative of Fr. Martín. After the move from Madrid to Rome the  Monumenta  Historica continued  Historica continued under the auspices of the Jesuit Historical Institute—a new institution created by Fr. Ledóchowski in 1930.�� The work of research and publication was undertaken by an enlarged and more international group of  Jesuit historians historians and was was recommended to the entire entire Society by the thirty-��rst thirty-��rst and thirty-fourth general congregations (1966 and 1995).�� To conclude: from all the titles quoted here, and many others which there is not space to mention, there appears to be a historiographical panorama in  which the main events, dates, and names related to the problematic of suppression-restoration can be studied. There are still, however, several questions  which could be asked, based on existing knowledge knowledge and available available archival material. material. This brings us to a second question: What is being done?

What Is Being Done?

Since the second half of the twentieth century a major change in Jesuit historiography has been underway. Before this period, if we do not consider anti Jesuit literature, literature, it was almost exclusively exclusively members of the Society of Jesus who took up the task of writing the history of the order. Besides its polemical tone (which was used to combat the order’s enemies), this internal historiography  was destined for a Jesuit audience, providing providing a valuable contribution to the training of its younger members and instructive readings to all, especially because, according to long tradition, history was one of the favorite reading topics in the dining rooms of the Society’s communities. Thus, although not secret or unavailable to non-Jesuit readers, until the second half of the

�� ��

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Coralli, “La vita del P. Lorenzo Ricci,” 36. However, However, a part of such research must wait until the documents for this period period are are available to the public (both ��� and ���� are open for the period to the end of the ponti��cate of Pius XI, i.e. February 10, 1939).  �� 6/3  ��  6/3 (1930): 577–581.  �� 14/6  ��  14/6 (1967): 962 and ar  21/2  21/2 (1996): 614.

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twentieth century the historiography historiography of the Society of Jesus was practically ad usum Nostrorum tantum (to tantum (to be used exclusively exclusively by “Ours”). This is no longer the case, since scholarship on the Society has been reshaped during the past few decades: we have witnessed a surprising growth of interest in its history among many non-Jesuit scholars scho lars who have attempted to approach  various topics either by looking at Jesuit sources or by studying themes indirectly connected to the history of the order. This new approach of moving beyond the usual limits of Jesuit historiography received the French name of désenclavement  and   and as such it opened up new avenues of research for many historians.�� The originality of this tendency does not derive exclusively from the fact that non-Jesuits study the Society’s history: equally important is the broad use of modi��ed perspectives and new methodologies. The provenance of the authors and their membership (or non-membership) non-membership) of the Society is of secondary importance. Even in this vibrant era of scholarship, however, it is interesting to note that scholarship has tended to focus on the ��rst two centuries of the order,  while relatively relativel y few authors have decided dec ided to study stud y the subsequent subse quent two hunhun dred years. Yet, the Society of Jesus is no longer defensive in its own way of  writing its history, nor do its sources remain inaccessibl inacce ssible. e. The statistics statis tics of the number of scholars visiting the Jesuit Roman Archives re��ect the growing interest in the order’s history but also this focus on the “old” Society. Between 1995 and 2011, 5,840 researchers from ninety-��ve countries were admitted to study its collections. They paid 45,430 visits to the archives and requested 60,573 archival items for consultation. Eighty-four percent of their requests were for documents corresponding to the period of the “old” Society.�� Scholarship on the Society of Jesus as a whole has moved far beyond ad usum Nostrorum tantum (only tantum (only seven percent of the scholars visiting ���� in 1995–2011 were Jesuits). Thus, any distinction between the internal and external historiography of the Society of Jesus makes little sense since the entire historiographical historiographical landscape has changed. It would certainly be interesting to draw up a map of contemporary Jesuit historiography, but the task is not easy for it requires a worldwide perspective. Thus, in what follows only a few indications of what such a map would look like are proposed.

�� ��

Danieluk, “La reprise,” reprise,” 269–308. Robert Danieluk, “ Archivum  Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu: Iesu: un luogo privilegiato per lo studio dell’attività dell’attività evangelizzatrice dei gesuiti,” Archiva gesuiti,” Archiva Ecclesiae Ecclesiae 53–55 (2010–2012): 221–254.

���� ������� �� ������ �������������� ����–����

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Rome remains an important center because of the resources preserved there, especially the archives in the General Curia. Also, the mission entrusted in 1930 to the Jesuit Historical Institute goes forward, albeit in new circumstances shaped by the drastically diminished number of Jesuits and the constantly growing participation of non-Jesuit collaborators. At present, all the editorial series of the Institute are submitted to the supervision of ����.�� Recently, Rome also witnessed a new international initiative destined not only to commemorate the bicentenary of 2014, but also to open up new perspectives in the study of the Society of Jesus: in 2012 and 2013 a group of historians from diverse countries gathered for a round table project “De la Suppression à la Restauration de la Compagnie de Jésus: nouvelles perspectives de recherches” organized by the École Française de Rome with the collaboration of many other institutions, including the Ponti��cal Gregorian University which, in November 2014, will host the third and ��nal meeting of the program. As the title of both conferences indicates, their goal is to identify possible new directions which will allow scholars to move beyond the chronological limits of earlier Jesuit historiography historiography and explore the period after the suppression.�� The participation of historians from France and the involvement of French institutions in these meetings suggest that we should include this country in our map. Indeed, for many years France has produced studies, publications, and academic events such as conferences and seminars (for instance the seminar that  was run by Pierr Pierre-Ant e-Antoine oine Fabre Fabre and Antonella Antonella Romano Romano at the the École École des Haute Hautess Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris). One would be tempted to speak about a “French school” in the contemporary historiography historiography of the Society of Jesus.�� The majority presence of Italian scholars in both Roman meetings, as well as their assiduity in visiting ��� �� � � (over forty forty percent of the visitors in 1995–2011  were Italian) at least equally signi��cant. signi��cant. A special place in contemporary contemporary Jesuit Jesuit historiography of the suppression and restoration period should also be reserved for Spain. Manuel Revuelta González continued the work of his fellow Jesuit historians Antonio Astrain and Lesmes Frías, o�fering not only a summary of the Society’s history in Spain between 1868 and 1912 but also, more recently, an outstanding overview of the order’s restoration.�� José Antonio �� �� �� ��

See the decision of Fr. Fr. General Adolfo Nicolás from 25 February 2010, in �� in  �� 24/3  24/3 (2010): 931–933. Sabina Pavone Pavone reported the works of the 2012 meeting in �� in ����  ��  81/162  81/162 (2012): 755–760. See Revue See Revue de Synthèse Synthèse 2–3 (1999) entirely dedicated to this subject. Manuel Revuelta Gonzáles, La Gonzáles,  La Compañía de Jesús en la España Contemporánea, Contemporánea, 3 vols. (Madrid: Universidad Ponti��cia Comillas, 1984–2008). Id.,  El restablecimiento restablecimiento de la Compañía de Jesús. Celebración del bicentenario (Bilbao: bicentenario (Bilbao: Mensajero, 2013).

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Ferrer Benimeli edited important sources concerning the expulsion of the  Jesuits in the same period and an an overview overview of the suppression.�� suppression.�� Spain was was also home to some of the eighteenth-century authors who wrote about the national expulsion and the general suppression of the order, as well as the editors of their works which remained unpublished for more than two centuries. Besides the already quoted publications of Josep Benítez and Inmaculada Fernández  Arrillaga, it is worth mentioning the achievements of the university in Alicante,  where several other studies related to that problematic have recently been published, namely works by Enrique Giménez López and Antonio Astorgano  Abajo.�� By publishing studies of the Basque Jesuits expelled from Spain and their literary achievements, the latter continued the earlier work of Miguel Batllori and José Ignacio Tellechea Idígoras concerning eighteenth-century Spanish Jesuits.�� Elsewhere, Klaus Schatz has recently published his history of the “new” Society in Germany,�� while the achievements of the Polish Jesuit Centre in Cracow are destined to help scholars interested in the history of the order in the territories of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: the publications edited or directed by Ludwik Grzebień include, besides the monograph series Studia i materiały do dziejów jezuitów polskich, polskich, an encyclopedia with mostly biographical articles, a bibliography, and inventories of relevant ���� documents.�� Mention should also be made of the work of Paul Begheyn in the

��

��

��

�� ��

José Antonio Ferrer Ferrer Benimeli, La Benimeli,  La expulsión y extinción de los jesuitas según la correspondencia diplomática francesa, francesa , 3 vols. (Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza/San Cristóbal: Universidad Católica del Táchira, 1993–1998). Enrique Giménez López, ed., Y en el tercero perecerán. Gloria, caída y exilio de los jesuitas españoles en el s. XVIII. Estudios en homenaje al P. Miquel Batllori i Munné   Munné    (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2002). Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro , Panduro , Biblioteca jesuítico-española, ed. Antonio Astorgano Abajo, 2 vols. (Madrid: Libris, 2007–2009). Antonio Astorgano Abajo, La Abajo, La literatura de los jesuitas vascos expulsos (1767–1815). (1767–1815). Lección de Ingreso como Amigo de Número leída el día 26 de febrero de 2009 (Madrid: 2009  (Madrid: Delegación en Corte de la R.S.B.A.P., 2009). The book provides a bibliography of the earlier publications by Batllori and Tellechea Tellechea related to the same theme. Klaus Schatz, Geschichte der deutschen Jesuiten (1814–1983) (Münster: (1814–1983)  (Münster: Aschendor�f, 2013).  Encyklopedia wiedzy o jezuitach na ziemiach Polski i Litwy 1564–1995   (Cracow: Wyższa Szkoła Filozo��czno-Pedagogiczna Filozo��czno-Pedagogiczna Ignatianum/Wydawnictwo Ignatianum/Wydawnictwo ���, �� �, 1996). Andrzej Paweł Paweł Bieś et al.,  Polonica w Archiwum Rzymskim Towarzystwa owarzystwa Jezusowego Jezusowego, 5 vols. (Cracow:  Wyższa Szkoła Filozo��czno-Pedagogiczna Filozo��czno-Pedagogiczna Ignatianum-WAM Ignatianum-WAM,, 2002–2008). Ludwik Grzebień,  Podstawowa  Podstawowa bibliogra��a do dziejów Towarzystwa owarzystwa Jezusowego Jezusowego w Polsce, Polsce, 2 vols. (Cracow: Wydawnictwo ���/Wyższa Szkoła Filozo��czno-Pedagogiczna “ Ignatianum,” Ignatianum,” 2009).

���� ������� �� ������ �������������� ����–����

45

Netherlands and the Belgian initiative of the  Jesuitica   Jesuitica  online project from Leuven (http://www.jesuitica.be (http://www.jesuitica.be).�� ).�� The importance of the United States is re��ected by the Institute of Jesuit Sources which has provided many valuable publications on Jesuit history since its founding in St Louis in 1961 and is in the process of relocation to Boston. More recently, two international conferences in Boston (1997 and 2002) gathered with the purpose of bringing together scholars working on the Society’s history from diverse perspectives. In this attempt to study what was called “Jesuit corporate culture”�� culture”�� a special focus was placed on the Society’s Society ’s interacinteraction with diverse cultural ��elds—notably science, music, theatre, art, and, architecture.  As demonstrated demonstrated by by the published published proceedings proceedings of both conferences,�� conferences,�� obvious limitations appeared and were immediately noticed by the participants:  with few exceptions, exceptions, only the pre-suppression Society Society was the object of study; many areas of Jesuit activity were not discussed at all and, furthermore, there  were limits in the understanding of the themes approached. Thus, the postulate of studying the “internal history” of the order,�� including its spirituality and the sources of its members’ actions, was formulated easily enough and was accompanied by a desire to explore the Jesuit “way of proceeding,” but in this regard the results of the meetings were, with some exceptions (O’Malley on the sources of the Jesuit modo de proceder   in the Spiritual Exercises  Exercises  of Saint Ignatius, in the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus,  Jesus,   and the relationship between Jesuits and Renaissance culture, especially in teaching), somewhat disappointing.��

��

�� �� �� ��

Paul Begheyn, Gids voor de geschiedenis van de jezuïeten in Nederland 1850-2000/A Guide to the History of the Jesuits in the Netherlands 1850–2000  (Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 2002). Id., Gids voor de geschiedenis van de jezuïeten in Nederland 1540-1850/A Guide to the  History of the Jesuits in the Netherlands 1540–1850   (Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 2006). John W. O’Malley et al., “Preface,” “Preface,” in The Jesuits II. Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540– 1773, 1773, ed. John W. W. O’Malley et al., (Toronto: (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), xvii. John W. O’Malley et al., ed., The Jesuits. Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–1773 (Toronto: 1540–1773  (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Press, 1999) and O’Malley et al., Jesuits al., Jesuits II. Joseph Connors et al., “Re��ections: “Re��ections: What Have Have We Learned? Learned? Where Do We Go from Here?,” Here?,” in O’Malley et al., Jesuits al., Jesuits,, 709. John W. O’Malley, O’Malley, “The Historiography Historiography of the Society of Jesus: Where Does It Stand Today?,” in O’Malley et al., Jesuits al., Jesuits,, 27– 27–28 and O’Malley, O’Malley, “Introduction: The Pastoral, Pastoral, Social, Ecclesiastical, Civic, and Cultural Mission of the th e Society of Jesus,” Jesus,” in O’Malley et al., Jesuits al., Jesuits  II, xxxi–xxxii.  II, xxxi–xxxii.

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������ �������� What Ought to be Done?

In regard to the historiography of the period 1773–1814, the issue of the Society’s restoration has always been linked to the order’s suppression. Thus some of the studies, including those which have already became classics in their genre, look at both topics. The theme of the Jesuits’ survival in Russia as well as the entire historiography of Clement XIV are a case in point. Sometimes they coincide, and it is not easy (perhaps impossible) to distinguish between the historiography of the Society and that of the ponti�f who suppressed it. In regard to the ��rst theme, it already has its own bibliography summarized by Marek Inglot and Sabina Pavone.�� Pavone.�� As for the second, it received rece ived an elaborate summary in the introduction to the ��rst volume of the previously mentioned study by Gatti.�� Has everything been said about the period of our interest? I would be the last to defend such a statement for two reasons. Firstly, the question of the continuity (or discontinuity) of the Society’s history still requires closer attention. Is it even appropriate to speak about “two Societies”? This might suggest that the order re-established in 1814 was not the same or not exactly the same as the one suppresse su ppressedd in 1773. If, on the contrary, there was always only one and always always the same Society of Jesus—approved by Paul Paul III, suppressed by Clement  XIV and gradually re-established by Pius VII—we should not speak about the “old” and the “new” Society (or if we do, it is better to do so using quotation marks). This issue is vital to any nuanced analysis of Jesuit history. history. Secondly, the unrealized recommendation of the 1938 general congregation is a topic of great interest. The abundance of sources from the period 1773–1814 raises questions about which of them deserve to be published in the current historiographical context.�� As one example, the Jesuit Roman Archives preserve considerable material related to that problematic.�� Furthermore, almost ��

�� ��

��

Marek Inglot, La Inglot, La Compagnia di Gesù nell’impero nell’impero Russo Russo (1772–1820) (1772–1820) et la sua parte nella nella restaurazione generale della Compagnia (Rome: Compagnia  (Rome: Editrice Ponti��cia Università Gregoriana, 1997), 24–28; Sabina Pavone, Una strana alleaza (Napoli: alleaza  (Napoli: Bibliopolis, 2010), 123–167. Both summaries and the bibliography provided by the authors o�fer an excellent overview of the question. Gatti, Clemente XIV , 1–209. Recently, Recently, Urbano Valero Valero edited a Spanish translation of some of such documents: Supresión y restauración de la Compañía de Jesús. Documentos   (Santander-Bilbao: Mensajero-Sal Terrae/Madrid, Terrae/Madrid, Universidad Ponti��cia de Comillas, 2014). Besides documents concerning the survival of the order in Russia (���� (�� ��,, Russia  Russia 1–38;  1–38; see its detailed inventory: Bieś, Polo Bieś, Polonica nica,, vol. 5 and the above mentioned Fon mentioned Fondo do Gaillard  Gaillard  also   also one part of the series Histo series  Historia ria Societatis Societatis deserves  deserves here a special attention: ����, Hist. ����,  Hist. Soc. Soc. 182– 300 (quite a detailed inventory of Hist. of Hist. Soc. 182 Soc. 182––238 is provided in the reading room of the  ����  �� ��).).

���� ������� �� ������ �������������� ����–����

47

the entire Fondo entire  Fondo Gesuiti  of   of the Vatican Archives contains material related to the same subject matter,�� matter,�� while the Corsiniana Library preserves rich material concerning the ��rst period of the Society’s restoration, including internal dif��culties and tensions (copies of the most important of these documents are also available in ����). Many other archives are still waiting for the scholars  who will make make full use of them.  We  We should also take heed of some of the observations made in recent years years by authors who have participated in the renewal of interest in the Society’s history. In 1997, during the ��rst of the Boston meetings, Luce Giard made an important point: I had the feeling that the conference, as a whole, was behaving like like somebody who wants to learn a foreign language but has no intention of ever speaking to a native speaker, and, even more, does not really care for the native speakers. We regarded Jesuits as “producers” in the realm of culture, learning, and the arts, or as patrons of producers, as collectors of  works of art and church builders, and and the like. like. We We did not study Jesuits as persons who had taken a major decision at a certain point in their lives and now had with greater or lesser e�fort and success s uccess to live their lives in accordance with the Society’s high standards.�� standards.�� Some more recent studies have con��rmed that criticism: many scholars, unquestionably experts in their ��eld, seem to neglect the “Jesuit” aspect of  what they describe and thus risk losing the correct perspective. There is certainly no need for any “Jesuit censorship,” censorship,” which would be out of step with the times, but the problem remains. Thus, an even more interesting question could be posed pose d here: What do scholars working on Jesuit history and using Jesuit materials expect from members of the Society now that désenclavement  has  has an established place in contemporary historiography? The historians visiting ���� usually appreciate the facilities and the openness of the Jesuit superiors’ policy. Is this all that contemporary  Jesuits can o�fer those who study their their past? In 1999, the same Luce Giard suggested that they could contribute contribu te a great deal to the new historiography by publishing sources, inventories, and the histories of provinces.�� A lot has been �� �� ��

���, Fondo ���, Fondo Gesuiti, Gesuiti, 1–61. Only a general index of these volumes is available under the collocation location ���, �� �, Indici,  Indici, 1077.  1077. Luce Giard et al., al., “Re��ections: “Re��ections: What Have Have We Learned? Where Do We Go from Here?,” Here?,” in The Jesuits, Jesuits, 710. “Questions posées à Louis Châtellier, Châtellier, Luce Giard, Dominique Julia et John O’Malley,” O’Malley,”  Revue de Synthèse 2–3 Synthèse 2–3 (1999): 418.

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done since 1999 and perhaps 2014 provides a good opportunity to ask what else could be achieved. In previous centuries, ce nturies, several anniversaries provided the historiography of the Society of Jesus Jes us with an opportunity to progress. Entire chapters of its history were written or re-written, documents were published, academic events, conferences, and exhibitions were organized. Will this also be the case with the 2014 bicentenary?

���� � The Commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania Poland-Lithuania and the Russian Empire

∵

������� �

Before and After Suppression   Jesuits and Former Jesuits in the Polish-Lithuanian Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, c.1750–1795 

 Richard Butterwick-P Butterwick-Pawlik awlikowski  owski 

In some ways the Jesuits exercised more in��uence in the eighteenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth than anywhere else in Europe. Whereas elsewhere the Society of Jesus provided confessors and spiritual advisors to princes, in the Commonwealth it educated generations of nobles as republicans. The Jesuits ran more schools and colleges than the other orders combined, and Jesuits were more numerous than members of any other single order. The research of numerous scholars has illuminated the multi-faceted activity of the Society of Jesus in the decades before suppression, allowing the revision of older verdicts on their supposedly pernicious cultural, political, and educational role. This research is ongoing, but the present chapter endeavors to synthesize some of it. It ��rst reviews the condition of the Polish-Lithuanian Polish-Lithuanian  Jesuits in the last decades before suppression, and then considers some of the  ways former Jesuits adapted to new roles within what was left of PolandPolandLithuania. The Commonwealth was truncated by partition in 1772, reduced again in 1793, and its remnants were dismembered completely in 1795. Catholic Europe’s religious orders reached their “brim of prosperity” in the middle decades of the eighteenth century.� In East-Central Europe, the cup of monastic prosperity continued to ��ll throughout the 1750s and 1760s. This tendency also applies to the Society of Jesus in the Commonwealth. Following Following the announcement, but before the rati��cation of the First Partition, Partition, the papal nuncio to the Commonwealth, Giuseppe Garampi, carried out a thorough survey of its regular clergy. Among 995 male abbeys, monasteries, priories, friaries, and other houses, he counted 137 that belonged to the Jesuits. Only the Dominicans, with 166, had more. Garampi computed that the total number of male religious clergy was 14,601, of whom 2,362 were Jesuits—slightly more than any other order. order. In comparison, the total number of female religious was  just 3,211, in 156 houses, while latest estimates of the secular clergy are about 8,400. Therefore, Jesuits constituted nine per cent of the Polish-Lithuanian

� The title of part I of Derek Beales, Prosperity  Prosperity and Plunder: European Catholic Monasteries in  (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 2003). the Age of Revolution, 1650–1815  1650–1815  (Cambridge

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clergy as a whole, over ten per cent of the male clergy, clergy, thirteen per cent of the regular clergy of both sexes, sixteen per cent of the male regular clergy, and among the regular clerics (as opposed to true monks, mendicants and regular canons) they constituted sixty-seven per cent. Just under half of the Jesuits  were fully ordained priests—a re��ection both of their extended theological studies and of their need for numerous non-ordained brothers (coadjutors) to carry out various practical tasks. Given that the overall number of regulars of both sexes in Europe peaked during the mid-eighteenth century at about 350,000 (in over 25,000 houses), while the total number of Jesuits in Europe  was less than 20,000 (about 23,000 worldwide) worldwide) before the wave wave of expulsions that began in 1759, it is clear that Poles were disproportionately numerous  within the Society of Jesus as a whole.� On the eve of its suppression the Society of Jesus ran an academy at Wilno (Vilnius), thirty-��ve colleges, thirty-two lower schools and eighty-eight other educational establishments, while 556 Jesuits were engaged in pedagogical  work in the Commonwealth. Commonwealth. This This was several times the educational provision provision o�fered by their nearest rivals, the Piarists, but was still only a quarter of the total number of Jesuits in the Commonwealth. Most of the others, however,  would have have taught for a while while before being assigned other tasks.� tasks.� Between 1700 and 1773 both the total number of Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits and the number of professors teaching in the order’s schools and colleges grew by sixty-nine per cent. The order’s dynamism is also re��ected by the high number of novices. In 1772/73 1772/73 115 of 317 novice male regulars in the Commonwealth Commonwealth  were Jesuits.� Jesuits.� In 1756, 1756, this expansion expansion resulted resulted in the division of the two (Polish (Polish � Jan Poplat Poplatek ek �.�., �. �.,  Komisja Edukacji Narodowej. Narodowej. Udział byłych jezuitów w pracach pracach Komisji  (��� : Cracow, Cracow, 1974), 1974), 31, 415–420, revises the number of personnel to 2341  Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej  (���: and the total number of houses (colleges, residences, and mission stations) to 141. See Ludomir Bieńkowski, “Ankieta zakonna Garampiego z 1773 roku,” in  Zakony męskie w 1772 1772 Kłoczowski and Zbigniew Sułowski (��� : Lublin, 1972), roku, eds. Ludomir Bieńkowski, Jerzy Kłoczowski 115–160, and the tables between 183–294; Jerzy Kłoczowski, “Zakony “Zakony męskie w Polsce w XVI–  XVIII w.,” w.,” in Kościól w Polsce  (Znak: Cracow, 1970), Polsce, ed. Jerzy Kłoczowski, vol. 2, Wiek XVI–XVIII  (Znak: 483, at 559–570. Garampi’s survey remains the best basis for comparisons between orders. For European comparisons, see Beales,  Prosperity  Prosperity and Plunder , 2, 147. For the Jesuits worldwide: Inglot 1997, 5. � Poplatek, Komisja Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 415–420. � Stanisła Stanisław w Bednarski Bednarski �.�. �. �.,, Upadek i odrodzenie szkół jezuickich w Polsce. Polsce. Studium z dziejów kultury i szkolnictwa polskiego (���: Cracow, 1933, repr. 2003), 112–118, tables II–VIII. Stanisław Litak, “Jezuici na tle innych zakonów męskich w Polsce w XVI–XVIII wieku,” in  Jezuici a kultura polska, eds. Ludwik Grzebień �.�. and Stanisław Obirek �.�. (Cracow: ���, 1993), 185– 198, at 192; Jerzy Flaga,  Formacja  Formacja i kształcenie duchowieństw duchowieństwaa zakonnego w Rzeczypospolite Rzeczypospolitejj w  (� ��:: Lublin, 1998), 1998), 146–147.  XVII i XVIII w. w. (���

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and Lithuanian) provinces of the Society into four. The Great Polish, Little Polish, Mazovian, and Lithuanian provinces did not correspond to the internal boundaries of the Commonwealth, Commonwealth, but ��t the distribution of Jesuit houses and personnel. The Lithuanian province included East Prussia and Warmia, while the Mazovian province ran across the southern part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to the border with the Russian Empire. There was one exception to this upward trend. Of the ten diocesan seminaries in the Commonwealth Commonwealth that had been run by the Jesuits, only four remained in their hands on the eve of suppression. Bishops seem to have preferred priests trained to administer the sacraments and to o�fer basic pastoral care, rather than learned defenders of the true faith.� The ��ourishing of the Society in the Commonwealth during the decades before 1773 was marked by the construction, extension or refurbishment of many magni��cent churches and colleges. Many of the architects were themselves Jesuits. The crest of this wave was reached around 1750, but the works carried out after that date, not counting the continuation of work begun earlier, lier, included the commencement of thirteen churches, ten colleges, and three astronomical observatories. The fact that so much of the building work was undertaken in smaller towns in the Commonwealth’s eastern reaches re��ects the Society’s continued expansion into areas with few Latin-rite Catholics.�  An excellent example is the church and college at Iłłukszta (now Ilūkste in Latvia) in the Duchy of Courland, a feudal dependency of the Commonwealth, Commonwealth,  which had a preponderantly preponderantly Lutheran population. The Jesuits had ��rst been brought to Courland as missionaries by the newly converted converted Zyberk (Sieberg) family in the mid-seventeenth century. This family, several of whose sons  joined the Society of Jesus, successively founded a residence, a new church, � Ludwik Piechnik �.�. �. �.,, “Jezuickie “Jezuickie seminaria seminaria diecezjalne w Polsce Polsce (1564–1773),” (1564–1773),” in Jezuicka ars Wolańczyk and Stanisław educandi. Prace o��arowane ks. Ludwikowi Piechnikowi SJ , eds. Maria Wolańczyk Obirek �.�. (���: Cracow, 1995), 75–96. � The new churches churches were were at Iłłukszta Iłłukszta (Ilūkste), (Ilūkste), Kamieniec Podolski Podolski (Kam′an′ets Podil′s′kyi), Kościeniewicze, Łęczyca, Nowogródek (Navahrudak), Owrucz (Ovruch), Stanisławów (now Ivano-Frankivsk), Wałcz, Włodzimierz (Volodymyr Volyns′kyi), Wschowa, Żodziszki (Zhodzishki), Żuromin and Żytomierz (Zhytomyr). Signi��cant rebuilding work was undertaken at Grodno (Hrodna), Jarosław, Lublin, Pińsk (Pinsk), Płock, Przemyśl and Wilno (Vilnius). The new colleges were at Bar, Bobrujsk (Babruisk), Dyneburg (Daugavpils), Kowno (Kaunas), Łomża, Mścisław (Ms′tislav), Piotrków, Piotrków, Owrocz, Winnica (Vinnitsa) and Żodziszki. The observatories were at the academies or colleges of Lwów (L′viv), Poznań and Wilno. Wilno. Jerzy Paszenda �.�., “Geogra��a budowli jezuickich w Polsce,” in idem,  Budowle jezuickie w Polsce  XVI–XVIII  XVI–XVIII w., 3 vols. (���: Cracow, 1999), 1:15–23. Cf. Litak, “Jezuici na tle innych zakonów,” 194–196.

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and a school. The latter was raised in status to a college in 1761, o�fering study up to the level of a one-year (rather than the full, usually two-year) course of philosophy, in new, brick-built premises. Following the destruction of the  wooden church by ��re in 1748, 1748, an impressive new brick church was raised between 1754 and 1769, again thanks to the muni��cence of the Zyberk family. The architect was initially Tomasz Żebrowski �.�. (1714–1758), professor of mathematics and astronomy at Wilno Academy, where he had built the obser vatory  vatory.. Although he had also studied architecture architecture in Prague and Vienna, the ��nal result, following changes made by an unknown master builder, was recognizably an example of the late Vilnan Baroque. Two slender, tapering towers ��anked a slightly withdrawn concave west facade, allowing for the rippling play of light and shade. An apse formed the east end. Although the central dome was low, not rising above the roof, the interior, richly stuccoed in the Rococo style, was high-vaulted with elongated windows. The high altar contained an early work by Franciszek Smuglewicz, depicting The Sending Out of the Apostles. This was appropriate, given the nature of the pastoral work at Iłłukszta. Sermons were preached in both Polish and Latvian, occasionally in German. The residence was was at the heart of a network of eight permanent mission stations. The e�fects can be seen in the rising number of confessions recorded at Iłłukszta: 13,285 in 1740; 27,906 in 1769.� In the ��nal years before the suppression, the Jesuits undertook between 1500 and 1600 missions annually—more than any other order. The inculcation of the basic prayers and precepts of post-Tridentine Catholicism among the population remained a work in progress.� progress.� Even in the oldest heartlands of the Catholic Church in Poland, around Gniezno, Poznań and cracow, parishes usually included several villages. In the central areas of the Polish crown they typically extended over a hundred square kilometers, and covered twice that in those parts of Lithuania and Ruthenia in which the Latin rite was most ��rmly established. Further east, from the right-bank right-bank Ukraine in the south through the Polesian marshes in the middle to the lands beyond the Dvina in the north, � Jerzy Paszenda Paszenda �. �., �. , “Kościół “Kościół jezuitów jezuitów w Iłłukszcie,” Iłłukszcie,” in idem,  Budowle jezuickie, I:25–52; Kristīne Ogle, “Contribution of the Society of Jesus to the Heritage of Architecture of Latvia,” in Jėzuitai Lietuvoje Lietuvoje (1608–2008): (1608–2008): gyvenimas, gyvenimas, veiklas, veiklas, paveldas/Jesuits paveldas/Jesuits in Lithuania (1608–2008): (1608–2008):  Life, Work, Heritage, ed. Neringa Markauskaitė (Lietuvos nacionalinis muziejus: Vilnius, 2012), 105–121, at 115–117; Marek Inglot �.�.,  Kolegium księży jezuitów w Iłłukszcie  (���: Cracow, 2000).  Encyklopedia wiedzy o Jezuitach na ziemiach Polski i Litwy 1564–1995 , eds. Ludwik Grzebień �.�. et al. (���: Cracow, 1996), 227–228. The church was ruined during the First  World  World War War and not rebuilt. � Jerzy Flaga,  Działalność duszpasterska duszpasterska zakonów w drugiej połowie XVIII w. 1767–177 1767–17722  (���: Lublin, 1986), 159–185.

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Latin-rite parishes sprawled over thousands of square kilometers.� In these areas, the principal contest for souls was waged between the Ruthenian rite of the Catholic Church (the Uniates) and Orthodoxy. Jesuits and other orders of the Latin rite aided Uniate Basilian monks in conducting missions among the rural and urban populace, but in these parts Jesuits ministered principally to the Polonophone nobility. That said, it tended to be less erudite and perhaps more compliant mendicant friars who were usually employed as chaplains in noble households, and as assistants in parishes run by the diocesan clergy. Similarly, on the eve of partition the Jesuits were responsible for twenty-��ve parishes, nearly all in the east of the Commonwealth, Commonwealth, but their contribution in this regard was surpassed by several other orders, especially the Lateran Canons Regular.��  Among the regular clergy in the Commonwealth, the Jesuits had a notably high proportion of members born into the nobility ( szlachta). Right up until their suppression they were able to attract novices from aristocratic families. The mid-eighteenth century saw the opening of elite schools with boarding houses. The total number of boarding houses ( konwikty) reached eighteen by 1773; they ranged from the house attached to the prestigious Warsaw collegium nobilium  to the modest facilities o�fered in provincial towns. It was also in these decades that public performances of poetry, rhetoric and drama, given by pupils under the direction of their teachers for the local nobility, particularly ��ourished.�� Much of the Jesuits’ popularity among the szlachta derived from the rigor of the classical education they provided. Under the  Ratio studiorum the progression of classes was clear and straightforward, from grammar through poetry and rhetoric to philosophy, although the exact arrangements varied according to the size of the school. The most talented youths were encouraged to study � ��

��

Stanisław Litak,  Atlas Kościoła łacińskiego w Rzeczypospolitej Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów w XVIII �� �: Lublin, 2006). 2006).  wieku (���: Stanisław Stanisław Załęski Załęski �.�., �. �.,  Historya zniesienia zniesienia zakonu zakonu jezuitów jezuitów i jego jego zachowanie zachowanie na Białej Rusi , 2 vols. (Drukarnia Ludowa: Lwów, 1874–1875), 2:9; Flaga,  Działalność duszpasterska duszpasterska  zakonów, 41–80, 128–138; Idem,  Zakony męskie w Polsce w 1772 1772 roku, 2:2,  Duszpasterstwo  Duszpasterstwo (���: Lublin, 1991), 200–201; Stanisław Litak, Kościól łaciński w Rzeczypospolitej Rzeczypospolitej około 1772 1772 roku (���: Lublin, 1996), 82–104. Załęski,  Historya zniesienia, 2:22, 25. Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie, 439–464. Ludwik Piechnik �.�., “Jezuickie Collegium Nobilium w Warszawie,” in  Z dziejów szkolnictwa szkolnictwa   jezuickiego w Polsce. Polsce. Wybór artykułów, ed. Jerzy Paszenda �.�. (���: Cracow, 1994), 151– 182; Kazimierz Puchowski, “Collegium Nobilium Societatis Iesu w Wilnie. Z dziejów kształcenia elit politycznych w dawnej Rzeczypospolitej,” in  Jezuicka ars educandi , 221–238.

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theology and enter the Society as novices. Less gifted boys from poorer families families might take the ��rst two or three classes and still bene��t considerably. Latin, taught as far as possible according to the system of Manuel Álvares �.�., provided nobles either with the training they needed for legal practice or at least with stock phrases that enabled them to cut a better ��gure in the sociopolitical world. The corporal punishment routinely administered by the teachers was entirely in line with common practice in noble households.�� The Jesuits also adapted their message to the political culture of the szlachta. Initially, in line with their strategy elsewhere in Catholic Europe, they had supported the e�forts of Stephen Báthory (1576–1586) and Sigismund III (1587– 1632) to strengthen monarchical authority. This played into the hands of their opponents. The revolt revolt of part of the nobility against Sigismund III in 1606–1609  was accompanied by anti-Jesuit polemics. Not all of them were penned by Protestant and Orthodox writers. The Dominicans o�fered an alternative version of post-Tridentine Catholicism, which proved especially attractive to nobles in southeastern Poland. It did not take long, however, for the Jesuits to make noble republican ideas their own. The Polish-Lithuanian nobles who largely replaced foreigners in the early seventeenth-century Society of Jesus found it easier to present the Commonwealth’s aurea libertas as a gift of Divine Providence. The corollary was that Poles must remain faithful, obedient, and generous to the true church if that divine favor was was to continue.��  At their best, Jesuits encouraged encouraged the Commonwealth Commonwealth’s ’s noble citizens citizens to put into practice the ubiquitous slogans of patriotic virtue in public life, but many shared the vices of those whom they educated and those from whom they  were recruited. They also participated prominently in an increasingly pervasive public discourse and praxis that by the early eighteenth century had largely excluded “heretics” and “schismatics” from the body politic and substantially constricted the religious freedom permitted to non-Catholics. non- Catholics. Some of the Jesuits’ ��nest scholars were also among the most energetic foes of Protestantism. Protestantism. For example, Jan Poszakowski Poszakowski �.� � .�.. (1685–1757) (1685–1757) published polemical histories of Lutheranism, Calvinism, and Anglicanism, took the ��ght to ��

��

Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie, 98–111, 156–213, 393–399. Ludwik Piechnik �.�., “Działalność Jezuitów polskich na polu szkolnictwa (1565–1773), in  Jezuici a kultura polska, 243–259. Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie, 24–30. See Stanisław Stanisław Obirek �.�. �. �.,, Jezuici w Rzeczypospolitej Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów w latach 1564–1668. Działalność religijna, społeczno-kulturalna i polityc (��� : Cracow, Cracow, 1996), esp. 105–149, 198–199, 230–244, 266–273, 283–289; see also Piotr  zna (���: Stolarski, Friars on the Frontier: Catholic Renewal Renewal and the Dominican Order Order in Southeastern Southeastern  Poland, 1594–1648 1594–1648 (Ashgate: Farnham, 2010).

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“atheism” and combated the astrological prognoses that ��lled the almanacs,  which were extremely extremely popular among among the szlachta .�� From the 1670s leading Jesuits were only too aware that standards in their schools had slipped since the beginning of the seventeenth century. In the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, however, thanks to stimulation from the Wilno  Academy,  Academy, the decline decline was not as pronounced as in the Polish Polish realm, realm, and recovrecovery began earlier. From the 1730s the most promising Jesuits were again sent abroad to study, and by the 1750s modern languages and experimental science  were being taught taught at Jesuit colleges colleges across across the Commonwealth. Commonwealth. Studies Studies in Paris Paris and contacts via the court of King Stanisław Leszczyński Leszczyński in Lorraine played an important role in acquainting Polish-Lithuanian Jesuits both with the achievements and the “enlightened” enemies of their French colleagues. Following the attack on the Jesuits in France in 1762, twenty-six of them went to the Commonwealth.�� Following heated discussions in the early 1750s, an eclectic approach pre vailed in philosophy. philosophy. Various systems, including Cartesianism, Cartesianism, Wol���anism, and Newtonianism were taught, but the arbiter between them, judging what  was healthy and what was harmful, remained divine revelation. revelation. While sometimes criticized from strictly logical viewpoints, this approach permitted signi��cant and ongoing changes to the curriculum.�� In consequence, however, philosophy was purged purged of much of its metaphysical content content and was often presented in a stripped down fashion as little more than experimental physics and logic.�� Stanisław August Poniatowski was elected king of Poland in 1764. As a welltravelled adept of les lumières, he had no taste for confessional controversies. He also despised most regulars, especially mendicant friars, as purveyors of ��

��

�� ��

Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie, 84–85. Bronisław Natoński �.�., Humanizm jezuicki i teologia pozytywno-kontrowersyjna od XVI do XVIII wieku. Nauka i piśmiennictwo , 2nd ed. (���: Cracow, 2003), 201; Wojciech Kriegseisen,  Ewangelicy  Ewangelicy polscy i litewscy w epoce saskiej (1696–1763). Sytuacja prawna, organizacja i stosunki międzywyznaniowe  (Semper:  Warsaw  Warsaw,, 1996), 176–177; 176–177; Rita Urbaitytė, “Lietuvos jėzuitų vaidmuo naujienų naujienų perdavimo, perdavimo,”” in  Jėzuitai Lietuvoje Lietuvoje, 219–231. Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie, 63–81, 249–253, 338–374; 338–374; Ludwik Piechnik �.� � .�.,., “Przemiany  w szkolnictwie szkolnictwie jezuickim w Polsce XVIII wieku,” wieku,” in  Z dziejów szkolnictwa jezuickiego w  Polsce  Polsce, 183–209; Idem, Dzieje Akademii Akademii Wileńskiej , 4 vols. (����: Rome, 1983–1990). Stanisław Janeczek, Oświecenie chrześcijańskie. Z dziejów polskiej kultury ��lozo��cznej  (���: (�� �: Lublin, Lublin, 1994). Roman Darowski �. �., �. , “Zarys ��lozo��i jezuitów w Polsce od XVI do XIX wieku,” wieku,” in Wkład   jezuitów do nauki i kultury w Rzeczyspospolitej Rzeczyspospolitej Obojga Narodów i pod zaborami  zaborami , ed. I. Stasiewicz-Jasiukowa Stasiewicz-Jasiukowa (��� : Cracow, Cracow, 2004), 119–152, at 138–139.

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“superstition” and “fanaticism,” but he believed in a providential God, and maintained an exemplary public piety. He also needed “enlightened” allies among the clergy. Apart from the Jesuits he favored the Theatines, whose elite  Warsaw  Warsaw school he had attended attended in the 1740s, 1740s, the Priests of the Mission (Lazarists), and the Piarists, whose most respected member was the polymath Stanisław Konarski (1700–1773). Stanisław August recruited such luminaries to his cause of political, social, economic, intellectual, and cultural reform.  Among this royal royal party Jesuits were were the most numerous, and included included the distinguished rhetorician, dramatist, and essayist Franciszek Bohomolec �.�. (1724–1784). However, the king did the Jesuits an injustice by stating in his memoirs that they had only begun to reform their schools when prompted to do so by Piarist competition. Their prowess in astronomy (especially Professor Marcin Poczobut �.�. in Wilno) led him to assign them the ultimately uncompleted task of mapping the Commonwealth.�� Commonwealth.�� Stanisław August’s ambitions collided with the suspicions both of the szlachta and of Catherine II of Russia, who had gifted him the throne. The empress was determined to keep the Commonwealth weak and manipulable. She resolved to restore equal political rights to the Commonwealth’s nonCatholic noble citizens and pursued this policy despite the fervent opposition of the great majority of Polish nobles and the Holy See. The resulting convulsions led to the First Partition in 1772.�� The Commonwealth lost about a third of its territory terri tory and population. Thirtyseven Jesuit houses with about 500 Jesuits were in the lands annexed by Russia, Prussia, and Austria.�� These powers demanded that the Commonwealth Commonwealth ratify the amputations. Under threat of further loss of territory territory a delegation, selected from among the members of the parliament, or sejm, was empowered to conduct business on behalf of the full sejm. This was an enabling device familiar from the previous sejm, held in 1767–1768, which Russia had bullied into ��

��

��

Emanuel Rostworowski, Rostworowski, “ Religijność i polityka polityka wyznaniowa Stanisława Augusta,” in  Życie kulturalne i religijność w czasach Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego , ed. Marian Marek Drozdowski (Wydawnictwo Sejmowe: Warsaw, 1991), 11–24. See Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie , 31–32, 48, 54–57, 88–90, 144–154, 232–233, 242–247; Irena Kadulska, “Miejsce Franciszka Bohomolca w osiągnięciach teatru jezuickiego,” in  Jezuici a kultura polska, 113–120. Edmund Rabowicz, “Poczobut Marcin,” Marcin,” Polski Słownik Biogra��czny (���: �� �: Wrocław Wrocław,, 1983), 32:52–62, at 53–54. See Zo��a Zielińska,  Polska  Polska w okowach systemu północnego 1763–1766  1763–1766   (Arcana: Cracow, 2012); Władysław Konopczyński,  Pierwszy rozbiór Polski   (Arcana: Cracow, 2010); Jerzy Lukowski, The Partitions of Poland: 1772, 1793, 1795  (Longman:  (Longman: Harlow, 1999), 52–81. Inglot 1997, 5, 7–8, gives slightly higher ��gures for the number of Jesuits Jesuits who found themselves in Russia than Poplatek, Poplatek, Komisja Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 415.

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conceding equal political rights to non-Catholic religious dissidents. During this second “delegation sejm,” which lasted from April 1773 to April 1775, news arrived in Warsaw that Clement XIV had on 21 July 1773 signed the brief suppressing the Society of Jesus,  Dominus ac Redemptor . By early September 1773 it was also known that on 16 August the suppression had been executed in Rome, and that on 18 August instructions had been sent to all papal nuncios to proceed with the suppression in the territories under their jurisdiction. This meant that the dissolution of the order in Galicia fell to the nuncio in Vienna,  while the question of the suppression in other other former Polish-Lithuanian Polish-Lithuanian lands became a matter of negotiation with Frederick II and Catherine II. It was because of the First Partition, therefore, that the former Jesuits survived as  Jesuits until 1780 1780 in Prussia and 1820 1820 in Russia. The nuncio to the Commonwealth, Giuseppe Garampi, formally delivered the brief to the chancellor of the Polish crown, Andrzej Młodziejowski, who  was also bishop of Poznań. Poznań. He handed the matter matter to the sejm’s delegation,  which discussed it in mid-September mid-September,, before referring referring it to the full sejm. On 28 September, the sejm agreed in principle to accept the suppression, despite several speeches on behalf of the Jesuits, and a desperate o�fer, organized by the rector of the Warsaw Collegium Nobilium, Karol Wyrwicz �.�. (1717–1793), that the Jesuits would give up their property to the Commonwealth and depend only on alms if the king and the sejm would prevent the implementation of the brief.�� By the terms of the brief, the Jesuits became secular clergymen. Most Jesuits  were not directly involved involved in teaching at that point; we shall look at their fate later. It was, however the Jesuit colleges that most concerned the szlachta. Faced with an educational catastrophe catastrophe if no action were taken (perhaps 20,000 pupils were taught in Jesuit schools)�� and unwilling to countenance a vast expansion of episcopal wealth and in��uence if the suppression was treated as a purely ecclesiastical matter, the sejm decided that the order’s property would become an educational fund. Similar solutions were adopted in other Catholic states—the Holy See had little choice but to acquiesce. On 14 October 1773, the sejm  established the Commission for National Education, chaired by the bishop of Wilno, Ignacy Massalski. The commission enjoined the Jesuits to stay at their posts, especially in schools, and the bishops implemented the suppression in the course of November 1773. Jesuits in 104 houses were a�fected.  Wilno University and all the schools and colleges remaining in the truncated

�� ��

Poplatek, Komisja Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 31–41. Bednarski, Upadek i odrodzenie, 117–118.

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Commonwealth, forty-six institutions in all, continued their work under the auspices of the commission.�� There was a sting in the tail—the work of the corrupt clique paid by Russia to procure the rati��cation of the partition treaties. Before the former Jesuit property was handed over to the commission, it was surveyed. The surveyors appointed by the sejm were powerless to prevent the former Jesuits’ neighbors, including several bishops, from appropriating appropriating harvests, livestock, furniture, sil ver,  ver, ��elds, woods, woods, and even peasants. peasants. Indeed, many surveyors surveyors were were among the  worst pillagers. After four months, in March 1774, 1774, the sejm delegation established two Distributive Commissions for the Polish crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, chaired by Bishops Młodziejowski and Massalski respectively, to complete the surveying and sale of the former Jesuit properties. The purchasers of landed estates would have have to pay the Educational Fund four and a half percent of the income. Thirty-two commissioners each enjoyed salaries of 8,000 złotys a year. They failed, however, to pay the ex-Jesuits anything like the modest annual sum of 300,000 złotys designated by the sejm  for their sustenance. The commissioners undervalued many properties, before buying them for themselves, or else selling them to their friends and clients. In these  various ways ways the Educational Fund was pillaged of at least a third of its theoretical value, to a growing tide of criticism, before the king and his allies were ��nally able to expose and halt the malefactions.�� malefactions.�� The sejm of 1776 abolished the Distributive Distributive Commissions and entrusted the Educational Commission with direct responsibility for the Educational Fund. Bishop Massalski, complicit in the abuse, was sidelined. Henceforth, under the energetic leadership of the king’s youngest brother Michał Poniatowski, Poniatowski, bishop of Płock since 1773 and from 1785 archbishop archbishop of Gniezno and primate of Poland, Poland, the commission’s ��nances were administered with honesty and rigor. Former  Jesuits began to receive modest but adequate salaries as teachers in the commission’s commission’s schools, or pensions if they were deemed too in��rm to continue. Nevertheless, much damage had been done. The commission struggled to maintain the educational provision existing in 1773, while many former Jesuit teachers were utterly demoralized. Many left, never to return. Many of those  weakened  weakened by their their tribulations tribulations probably died prematurely prematurely.. Many school buildings lost their roofs and windows, leading to the ruin or theft of libraries and scienti��c instruments. Some of the former Jesuit schools were transferred to �� ��

Poplatek, Komisja Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 31. Volumina Legum, 8 vols. (Jozafat Ohryzko: St. Petersburg, 1859–60), 8:152–157, 537–538; Poplatek, Komisja Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 41–51; Ambroise Jobert, La Commission Commission d’Education d’Education  Nationale en Pologne Pologne (1773–1794) (1773–1794).. Son oeuvre d’instruction d’instruction civique (Les Belles Lettres: Paris, 1941), 164–174.

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other orders (the Piarists, Basilians, Benedictines, and Cistercians) along with the responsibility for maintaining them. The Priests of the Mission took over at Iłłukszta in 1787. A few schools were closed down altogether.�� Massalski, who as bishop of Wilno was also chancellor of the university,  was unable to prevent its decline after the suppression. suppression. The Educational Educational Commission’s visitor, Józef Wybicki, found few signs of life in 1777. However, given that the commission lacked the funds to establish a new university in  Warsa  Warsaw w, it decided to transform transform the existing existing Academies of Cracow Cracow and Wilno into the “Principal Schools” of the crown and Lithuania respectively. They had their curricula and structures reformed, were given responsibilities for training lay teachers and for visiting and supervising the commission’s secondary schools. The Vilnan reform was long compared unfavorably with that conducted in Cracow. The reform in Wilno began more slowly, but after Marcin Poczobut was appointed rector in 1780 it proceeded smoothly. Due to the friendlier relations between ex-Jesuit visitors and teachers, the new procedures  worked  worked with less friction than in the Polish realm, realm, and there is no evidence of lower standards. At Wilno University former Jesuits worked harmoniously with Piarists, secular clergymen, and laymen. Much credit must go to the rector’s e�forts and emollience. As Massalski’s Ma ssalski’s star waned among the clergy and nobility of the th e Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Lithuani a, so Poczobut’s waxed. waxed. It was a pity that he now had little time to observe the heavens from the state-of-the-art observatory.�� The Commission for National Education got to work on new curricula and primers. The latter were the responsibility of the Society for Textbooks (Towarzystwo do Ksiąg Elementarnych) established in 1775.�� 1775.�� Of its twenty-two twenty-two employees over two decades, ten were former Jesuits. As in Wilno, older rivalries were set aside as they worked fruitfully with Piarists and laymen. Two ex Jesuits, Andrzej Gawroński Gawroński (1740–1813) (1740–1813) and Szczepan Hołłowczyc Hołłowczyc (1742–1823) (1742–1823)  went on to become be come bishop of Cracow and archbishop of Warsaw respectively toward toward the end of their lives.��

�� ��

�� ��

One former Jesuit, Bartłomiej Rukiewicz, continued to teach rhetoric and poetry at Iłłukszta until 1792. Poplatek, Komisja Edukacji Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 291–293. Irena Szybiak, Szkolnictwo Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim (Ossolineum: Wrocław, 1973), 44–67, 117–194; Janina Kamińska, Universitas Vilnensis.  Akademia Wileńska i Szkoła Główna Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego 1773–1792 1773–1792  (���: Pułtusk and Aspra-Jr: Warsaw Warsaw,, 2004); Mark O’Connor �.� � .�.,., “Oświecenie katolickie i Marcin Poczobut SJ,” in Jezuici a kultura kultura polska, 41–49. Jobert, Commission d’Education Nationale, 197–202. Poplatek,  Komisja Edukacji Stasiewicz-Jasiukowa, “O współpracy Edukacji Narodowej , 81–84; Irena Stasiewicz-Jasiukowa,  jezuicko-pijarskiej w Towarzystwie Towarzystwie do Ksiąg Elementarnych. Elementarnych. ‘Concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia vel maximae dilabuntur’,” in Jezuicka Ars Historica, 515–537.

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By far the most important member of the Society was the former Jesuit Grzegorz Piramowicz (1735–1801). He was the protégé of Adam Kazimierz Czartoryski and Ignacy Potocki, both educational commissioners, whom he advised and assisted and who presented him to two well-endowed parishes, but nobody questioned his talent, industriousness, patriotism or character. Besides numerous primers, including Wymowa i poezja dla szkół narodowych (Rhetoric and Poetry for the National Schools, 1792), one work stands out:  Powinności nauczyciela  (Duties of the Teacher, 1787) remains a pedagogical classic because of its child-centered humanity and common sense. Unlike many of the commissioners, Piramowicz regarded primary education for the common people as a priority. His last three works, written after the Third Partition, were intended to console and improve the peasantry.�� Twenty-three ex-Jesuits worked for the Educational Commission as school  visitors;  visitors; 119 held positions positions as rectors, rectors, pro-rectors pro-rectors and prefects prefects of the commission’s schools. At least 308 taught and forty-seven preached in those schools.  At least 445, known known by name, work worked ed in various various capacities for for the commission commission during the twenty-one years of its existence. The actual numbers may have been twice as many. Ninety were left in 1790/91. Until the early 1780s, however, they predominated among the teachers of the commission’s own schools.�� In some schools former Jesuits managed to work concordantly with newly trained lay teachers. Unsurprisingly however, however, lifestyles and belief systems did sometimes clash, scandalizing parents. Not all the complaints against lay teachers and new-fangled curricula should be attributed merely to the bitterness of former Jesuits and the unthinking conservatism of the szlachta.�� An instruction from the Educational Commission to the University of Wilno, dated 9 March 1789, reacted to the scandal caused by the absence of some lay teachers from confession for over a year by renewing the requirement of monthly confession, made together with the pupils.�� Many highly educated nobles were concerned by the ambitious new methods of teaching Latin,  which focused on students’ ability to understand classical texts and left many of them unable to communicate orally in the language.�� �� �� ��

�� ��

Poplatek, Komisja Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 71–74. Ibid., 394–401. Such was the interpretation popularized by Władysław Smoleński, “Żywioły zachowawzachowawcze i Komisya Edukacyjna,” in idem,  Pisma Historyczne, 2 vols. (G. Gebethner: Cracow, 1901), 2:95–206. “Pisma oryginalne Komissyi Edukacyi Narodowey Narodowey do Szkoły Główney W.X. Litewskiego z l. 1781–1794,” 1781–1794,” Vilniaus Universiteto Universiteto Biblioteka, Fondas 2, �� � � 30, f. 109. Smoleński, “Żywioły zachowawcze,” zachowawcze,” 159–161; Stanisław Janeczek,  Edukacja  Edukacja oświeceni oświeceniowa owa a  (�� �: Lublin, 2008), 101–106. 101–106. szkoła tradycyjna. Z dziejów kultury intelektualnej i ��lozo��cznej  (���:

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During the Polish Revolution, or Four Years’ Parliament of 1788–1792, amidst unprecedented and wide-ranging public discussions, controversies raged around the Commission for National Education. Alarmed by threats to use the Educational Fund to pay for the much larger army that was being recruited and equipped, Poczobut formed an unlikely alliance with his fellow astronomer at the University of Cracow, the radically “enlightened” layman Jan Śniadecki. Together they lobbied the sejm so e�fectively that the renewed statutes for the commission extended its autonomy and prerogatives. Then in the autumn of 1790, 1790, the ex-Jesuit Stefan Stefan Łuskina published p ublished an o�fer that former Jesuits would teach for nothing, relying on Providence and alms, if the Commonwealth  would ask Pope Pius VI to restore the Society of Jesus. The Educational Fund could then be applied to the army. army. A majority of the local assemblies (sejmiks) of the szlachta duly called on the sejm  to seek the restoration of the order, amidst a welter of complaints against the commission. This criticism came despite the best e�forts of Marcin Poczobut, Poczobut, who coordinated the campaign for restoration in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. However, given the evident diplomatic impossibility of restoring the Society of Jesus, the king, the papal nuncio and their allies were able to de��ect calls made in the sejm during 1791 to make such a request to the pope. The row did however contribute to a polarization of opinion. Members of Ignacy Potocki’s Potocki’s circle spread fears that ex-Jesuits, ex-Jesuits, in constant contact with their former confreres in the Russian empire, could spread Russian in��uence. While the king publicly praised the Society’s Society ’s contribution to knowledge and religion, he privately disparaged the “  fanatisme   fanatisme jesuijesuitique” of those who sought the Society’s restoration. In no way, however, did the episode diminish his respect and a�fection for individual ex-Jesuits.�� ex-Jesuits.�� Many if not most former Jesuits were not engaged in pedagogical work in or after 1773. For the best connected, many opportunities opened up—as they did in Catholic parts of Germany.�� The most prominent ex-Jesuit was the poet and historian Adam Naruszewicz (1733–1796). Having gained the patronage of the Czartoryskis while a professor in Wilno, he subsequently became a favorite of King Stanisław August, who in 1771 entrusted him with his monthly literary periodical,  Zabawy  Zabawy przyjemne przyjemne i pożyteczne pożyteczne (Pastimes Pleasant and Useful), which featured translations of Latin and French poetical and prose works into Polish, accompanied by new compositions. Naruszewicz reacted to the suppression �� ��

Richard Butterwick, The Polish Revolution and the Catholic Church, 1788–1792: A Political  History (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2012), 45, 162, 218–229, 290–294. See Michael Schaich, “Zwischen Beharrung und Wandel. (Ex-)Jesuitische Strategien im Umgang mit der de r Ö�fentlichkeit,” Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Österreichischen Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts, 17 (2002): 193–217.

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 with a heartfelt heartfelt lament. lament. Royal Royal friendship friendship brought brought him fame, especially as the author of the six-volume  Historia  Historia narodu narodu polskiego polskiego  (History of the Polish Nation), but it also meant he was expected to hold time-consuming o���ces of state. He became coadjutor to the bishop of Smolensk in 1774, and thereby titular bishop of Emmaus, but he achieved independence only when he became bishop of Łuck (Lutsk) in 1790. The destruction of the Commonwealth contributed to the terminal melancholy of his last years. Not dissimilar was the career of Jan Albertrandi (1731–1808), an assiduous scholar who had been professor of Hebrew in Warsaw. He assisted Franciszek Bohomolec with the king’s essay periodical  Monitor   in the late 1760s and in 1770–1771 edited  Zabawy Przyjemne i Pożyteczne Pożyteczne. Having spent the years 1771– 1774 in Rome as preceptor to the young aristocrat Feliks Łubieński, on his return he gave his Roman and Greek medals to the king, who made him his archivist and custodian of the royal collections of antiquities and numismatics. Having joined the Society for Textbooks in 1775, Albertrandi spent long periods abroad, searching for and copying documents relating to Poland in foreign archives. He became canon of Gniezno in 1785, and titular bishop of Zenopolis, with responsibility for the Warsaw archdeaconry, in 1795. As an ecclesiastical censor he kept a watch for signs of “Jacobinism” “Jacobinism” in the 1790s, 1790s, and he spent the last eight years of his life as the spiritus movens of the Warsaw Society for the Friends of Science.��  Jowin Bystrzycki (1737–1821) (1737–1821) was another royal royal protégé. Having excelled in astronomy at Wilno, he was recommended by Adam Kazimierz Czartoryski to the king, who appointed him astronomer royal after the suppression, entrusting him with the Royal Castle’s own observatory. In return Bystrzycki received some choice bene��ces, including a canonry of Warsaw. His parish of Stężyca, acquired in 1783, brought him a comfortable annual income of over 5,000 złotys without counting other emoluments.�� Stefan Łuskina (1725–1793), another distinguished astronomer and mathematician, was the last rector of the Warsaw college. Following the suppression he o�fered the king his collection of astronomical and scienti��c instruments and received a lifetime privilege to publish Wiadomości Warszawskie (Warsaw News), of which he had succeeded Bohomolec as editor. Shortly renamed Gazeta Warszawska  (Warsaw Gazette), this twice-weekly newspaper took an ambivalent, but increasingly critical line towards the “age of enlightenment.” On the one hand Łuskina Łuskin a drew attention to new discoveries, favorably reported the work of the Educational Commission, and criticized popular “superstitions.” “supers titions.” �� ��

Poplatek, Komisja Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 75–77. Ibid., 237–238.

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For the most part, however, Gazeta Warszawska  reported court ceremonies and grand funerals lengthily, but foreign news tardily and without comment, apart from the occasional sardonic aside on the fate of the Jesuits. During the French Revolution the Gazeta, assailed by ideologically radical competitors, hardened its stance. Łuskina, together with his friend Karol Wyrwicz, also had a sideline in the wine trade.�� Gazeta Warszawska faced some competition from the monthly  Pamiętnik  Pamiętnik  Historyczno-Polityczny  Historyczno-Polityczny  (Historical and Political Recorder), published by another ex-Jesuit, Piotr Świtkowski (1744–1793). Having not yet completed his theological studies in 1773, Świtkowski drew a pension from the educational fund, although he had hardly taught at all, and became a canon of Livonia. For For a decade after 1782, 1782, in the pages of  Pamiętnik   and other, more ephemeral peri Pamiętnik  and odicals, he campaigned in the conjoined cause of “enlightenment” and “tolerance” by calling attention attention to scienti��c s cienti��c discoveries, economic and commercial advances, social improvements, and diverse “enlightened” policies all over Europe. He was enamored of Joseph II’s ecclesiastical reforms and took a particular interest in schemes to ameliorate the condition of the Polish peasantry.  Wyrwicz  Wyrwicz took Świtkowski Świtkowski to task for his unquali��ed endorsement of religious tolerance and corrected numerous errors in three volumes titled  Pamiętnikowi  Pamiętnikowi  pro memoria memoria.�� Franciszek Bohomolec remained in charge of the Jesuits’ Warsaw printing house, renamed the “National Printing House,” until his death in 1784. His brother Jan (1724–1795), who in 1772 had published an in��uential, carefully argued rational case against the great majority of alleged cases of apparitions,  vampires,  vampires, witchcraft, witchcraft, prognosis, and such like in  Diabeł w swojej   (The swojej postaci  (The Devil in his own Guise), became tutor to the sons of the magnate Franciszek Bieliński, before acquiring the lucrative and populous parish of Praga— a suburb of Warsaw. He dispensed considerable sums in philanthropy, much of it bene��ting the parish school.�� Most former Jesuits, however, neither achieved this degree of intellectual celebrity, nor enjoyed comparable patronage. If they could not teach, they  were  were forced forced to seek parish work, work, including including that of humble mansionarie mansionariess ��

�� ��

Ibid., 60–61; Irena Łossowska, “Kontrowersje “Kontrowersje wokół wokół Stefana Łuskiny ��—dziennikarza �� —dziennikarza i redaktora,” in Wkład Jezuitów, 663–682; Cf. Jerzy Łojek, “Gazeta Warszawska” ks. Łuskiny 1774–1793 (Książka i Wiedza: Warsaw, 1959). Irena Łossowska, “Piotr Świtkowski,” in  Pisarze polskiego Oświecenia Oświecenia, eds. Teresa Kostkiewiczowa Kostkiewiczowa and Zbigniew Goliński, 3 vols. (��� (� ��:: Warsaw Warsaw,, 1994), 2:305–331. 2:305–331 . Dorota Pietrzkiewicz-Sobczak, “Jan Bohomolec SJ—oświecony ��lantrop,” in Wkład  Jezuitów, 683–712.

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(mansjonarze), assistants ( wikarius  wikariusze ze), or employment as chaplains to wealthier nobles. Most bene��ces bene��c es in the Commonwealth were far from lucrative, and many ex-Jesuits faced the prospect of a destitute old age.�� Testimony to these problems comes from the pitiful requests for pensions from the Educational Commission, addressed to the rector of Wilno University.  Augustyn Badowski, Badowski, born in 1717, who had worked worked as a missionary both in the Commonwealth’s easternmost reaches and in Mazovia before the suppression, pleaded for help in 1791: “deprived of my presbytery on account of advanced age, I am in the direst poverty.”�� Not all of the supplicants were septuagenarians. For example, Mikołaj Myszkowski, who taught in Wilno and later in Grodno, begged Poczobut to be allowed to retire and draw a pension, citing the poverty of his parish and his failing health and strength, for ��ve years years before he  was ��nally able to to step down in 1791 1791 at at the age of ��fty.�� ��fty.��  At the close we return to the pivotal ��gure of Marcin Poczobut. Poczobut. After the Third Partition Partition he adapted the post-Jesuit university to the harsher realities of the Russian empire. He laid the foundations of the university’s golden age,  which lasted lasted into the 1820s, 1820s, before ending his long life once again again as a Jesuit, in the house in Dyneburg—annexed by Russia in 1772. He died just four years before the general restoration restoration of 1814. Poczobut exempli��es exempli��es a balance between b etween religious orthodoxy and scienti��c curiosity characteristic of “enlightened Catholicism.” His intellectual stance was at once eclectic and empirical. He retained an unshakeable attachment to his order while engaging wholeheartedly in the work of the Commission for National Education at the highest level. By word and deed he articulated a fervent Polish-Lithuanian patriotism. Poczobut’s life and work prompts two re��ections. One is that the suppression of the Society of Jesus by no means ended Jesuits’ diverse and distinguished contributions to the life of the Polish-Lithuanian Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.�� Commonwealth.�� The other is that the partitions of the very country in which they had enjoyed most popularity created the conditions for the continuous existence of the Society of  Jesus between suppression and restoration. restoration. That situation is explained by Marek Inglot �.�.’s �. �.’s contribution to to this volume. �� �� ��

��

Poplatek, Komisja Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 389. A. Badowski to M. Poczobut, Poczobut, Mikuć, 2 August 1791, Vilniaus Universiteto Biblioteka, Fondas 2, �� 38, no. 8.  Encyklopedia, 24. Poplatek,  Komisja Edukacji Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej , 290, 382. M. Myszkowski to M. Poczobut, Grodno, 29 December 1786, 24 February 1789, 16 April 1790, 22 July 1791, Vilniaus Universiteto Biblioteka, Fondas 2, �� 44, �f. 189–194. Rabowicz, “Poczobut,” “Poczobut,” 59–61. Irena Stasiewicz-Jasiukowa, Stasiewicz-Jasiukowa, “O kondycji naukowej naukowej jezuitów polskich,” in Wkład jezuitów, 15–30, at 16–20.

������� �

The Society of Jesus in the Russian Empire (1772–1820) (1772–1820) and the Restoration of the Order   Marek Inglot, Inglot, �.�. �. �.

The suppression of the Society of Jesus decreed by Clement XIV through the brief  Dominus ac Redemptor  (21   (21 July 1773) was proclaimed everywhere in the  world, except except in the Russian empire of Catherine the Great (1762–17 (1762–1796).� 96).� Through the intervention of the Russian empress, the Jesuits present in her dominions did not share the fate of their confreres in the rest of the world (about 23,000 in total): within the Russian state, in fact, the ponti��cal decree extinguishing the Jesuit order was never canonically promulgated. Indeed, in December 1772 Catherine II had forbidden the exequatur  for  for all decrees, bulls, briefs, and pastoral letters of the Holy See.� The pope, in decreeing the suppression of the Ignatian order, also established the mode of its canonical actuation: the ponti��cal decree came into force as soon as the local ordinary or his delegate read the document before every single community. No such act took place in the Russian empire. In this  way,  way, the Jesuits remained in place, continuing their religious life and apostolic activity in the manner proper to the Society of Jesus, according to the Constitutions and the rules of the order. In the subsequent period, under her extraordinary protection, the czarina guaranteed the Jesuits in her jurisdiction the opportunity to develop and even expand beyond the Russian empire’s con��nes. This part of the order is commonly known as “The Jesuits of White Russia” and it carried out the historic task of assuring continuity between the pre-1773 and post-1814 Society.� � In the dominions of Frederick II of Prussia the suppression was e�fected in 1776 1776 and 1780. 1780. � Catherine II’s refusal to to permit the promulgation promulgation of a Ponti��cal Ponti��cal decree—in this case the brief abolishing of the Society of Jesus—was not a new thing. The practice of the so-called exequa  did not constitute an exception in the policy of royal courts toward the pope. Catholic tur  did sovereigns adopted adopted it as well, limiting in this way the ponti�f’s liberty of ac tion. In the instruction of the Secretariat of State for the nuncio in Warsaw, Warsaw, G.A. Archetti, named papal papa l legate to the court of St. Petersburg, mention was made of the fact that in Russia as in other places, this d’après “great abuse” was tolerated. See Marie Joseph Rouët de Journel, Nonciatures de Russie d’ les documents authentiques, vol. I,  Nonciature d’Archetti d’Archetti 1783–1784 1783–1784  (Vatican City: Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, 1952), 39–40. � The Jesuits themselves are an eloquent eloquent picture of this continuity. continuity. In fact, in 1814 in the Russian Empire there were at work twenty-eight Jesuits who entered the “old” Society, Society, before © ����������� ����������� ����� ��, ������, ���� | ��� ��.����/�������������_��� ��.����/�������������_���

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These men continued their habitual lives as Jesuits in extraordinary conditions, in an Orthodox state, from 1773 to 1820. In 1801, Pope Pius VII gave a “formal sanction to the existence of the Jesuits in the empire”—the words of the ponti�f himself. This was a fundamental step towards the universal restoration of the Society of Jesus by the same pope through the bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum  (7 August 1814). Ironically, just six years after the canonical reestablishment of the Jesuits throughout the world, they were expelled from the Russian empire. The Society of Jesus in the Russian empire was authentically international: in 1820, of the Society’s 358 members, documents documents show the provenance of 307. Of these, 142 were born in Russia (of Polish, Lithuanian, and Latvian nationalnationality); forty-two in Germany; thirty-three in Lithuania; twenty-four in France; twenty-one in Poland; twenty in Latvia; eleven in Belgium; ��ve in Switzerland; four in Italy; and one each in Bohemia, Dalmatia, England, the Netherlands, and Portugal.� After the expulsion from Russia: 158 Jesuits—priests, scholastics, and lay brothers—remained in Galicia (territories that had passed to the  Austrian empire empire after after the partition of Poland), Poland), giving rise to the the homonymous homonymous province; eighty-eight went to Italy; thirty-eight to France; eighteen to various other countries of Europe (another fourteen already worked outside the Russian borders); seven died during the course of 1820; and thirty-��ve left the order, remaining in Russia or returning to their home countries.

The Jesuits in the Russian Empire (1772–1820)� (1772–1820)� The Jesuits were absorbed into the Russian empire in 1772, following the passage of part of the territories of Poland to the dominion of the czars.� 1773; in 1820 there were seventeen. See Catalogus sociorum et o���ciorum Societatis Jesu in  Imperio Rossiaco ex Anno 1814 in Annum 1815 , Polociae [1814]; Catalogus sociorum et o���ciorum Societatis Jesu in Imperio Rossiaco ex Anno 1819 in Annum 1820 , Polociae [1819]. � “Catalogus primus personarum personarum olim Provinciae Rossiacae Rossiacae […] comparatus a. 1820” (�� �� , Russia 1008, IV). nell’Impero Russo Russo (1772–1820) (1772–1820) e la � In this presentation, I follow my own La Compagnia di Gesù nell’Impero sua parte nella restaurazione generale della Compagnia  (Rome: Ponti��cia Università gregoriana, 1997). I complete it with a bibliography to follow. See also Sabina Pavone, Una strana alleanza. La Compagnia di Gesù in Russia dal 1772 al 1820  (Naples: Bibliopolis, 2008). � In this period, Poland Poland constituted a single state together together with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: the so-called Commonwealth (res publica) of Both Nations, which comprehended a territory of 733,200 square km with roughly 14 million inhabitants (60% of whom were Polish), Polish), including Latin and Greek G reek Catholics, Orthodox, Protestants, and Jews.

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In the summer of that year, three European powers—Austria, Prussia, and Russia—completed the ��rst partition of the Polish-Lithuanian state, possessing themselves of some of its territories. Russia annexed White Russia—the eastern lands of the  Rzeczpospolita—and a part of Livonia, the so-called Polish Livonia (with the city of Dyneburg): in total, 92,000 square kilometers and roughly 1.3 million inhabitants, 900,000 of whom were Catholic (800,000 of Greek rite, rite, and 100,000 Latins). Catherine II, as part of her policy of integrating integrating new subjects, required the oath of loyalty from all. In order to keep the largest possible part of the population, and desiring above all to secure the nobility and the clergy, proclamations were issued that allowed religious liberty. As early as 16 September 1772, a proclamation promised the inhabitants of  White Russia “perfect and unlimited liberty of the public exercise of religious practices.”�  As regards regards the situation of Latin Catholics, Catherine issued a decree ( ukaz) on 14 (25) December 1772 that de��ned the legal status of Roman Catholics in  White Russia and throughout the entire empire.� This was done without consulting the pope. Removing the faithful from the authority of bishops resident in Poland, the czarina announced the erection of a new, separate Latin bishopric for the Russian state, desiring in time to elevate it to the level of an archbishopric and metropolis. On 22 November (3 December) 1773, the empress chose the city of Mohilev in White White Russia as the seat of the new bishopric and elected Stanisław Jan Siestrzeńcewicz Bohusz as the ��rst bishop of the see of Mohilev.� On 12 (23) May 1774, with a special document, the Latin bishopric for

� Maciej Loret,  Kościół katolicki a Katarzyna II. 1772–17 1772–1784 84  (Cracow: Gebethner & Wol�f, 1910), 20–21. � The dates are given according to to the Julian calendar in force in the Russian Empire, and according to the Gregorian calendar. The di�ference between them was ten days from 5 October 1582 to 28 February 1700, eleven days from 1 March 1700 to 28 February 1800, and twelve days from 1 March 1800 to 28 February 1900. � Stanisław Siestrzeńcewicz (1731–1826), elected in April 1773 by Clement XIV XIV as titular bishop of Mallo and destined to be auxiliary bishop of Vilnius, was consecrated on 3 October of the same year. He obtained canonical faculties for the faithful of the diocese of Vilnius, who came under Russian dominion in 1772. Named bishop of White Russia by Catherine II, he obtained such faculties and jurisdiction from other bishops (of Livonia and Smolensk),  whose territories had passed to Russia. Russia. The nuncio in Warsaw Warsaw,, Giuseppe Garampi, conferred on him the faculties necessary for all other Catholics within the whole territory of the empire. On 17 (28) January 1782, the empress constituted at Mohilev, by her own authority, the archiepiscopal see, and elevated Siestrzeńcewicz to the dignity of ��rst metropolitan archbishop. He was pastor of Catholics in the Russian Empire for more than ��fty years. The most complete and objective monograph on Siestrzeńcewicz is that of André Arvaldis Brumanis,

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all White Russia was created, and Catherine II named Stanisław Siestrzeńcewicz Siestrzeńcewi cz ��rst ordinary of the new diocese. The act of the sovereign stood in stark contrast to the laws of the Catholic Church and challenged the rights of the pope.  At the moment of the separation from Poland, the Society possessed eighteen institutions: three colleges (Połock, Witebsk, Orsza); two residences and three mission houses belonging to to the province of Mazovia; and the college college of Dyneburg with nine mission stations belonging to the province of Lithuania. The largest and most important was the college of Połock. The ordinary bishops, who were competent to promulgate the suppression brief—following the line of Ignacy Massalsi, bishop of Vilnius, who ordered the Jesuits of his diocese to remain in their houses without any change (29 September 1773)—commanded the Jesuits in their dioceses to maintain themselves in the status quo ante  until further orders. From these bishops, however, the Jesuits received no further letter, no further order. The Jesuits regarded this explicit order to remain in their houses as the basis of their permanence, at least in the initial period. It legitimized their existence. News of the suppression of the Society in Poland nonetheless provoked insecurity and concern among the Jesuits in White Russia. Though they knew the canonical validity of this act depended upon o���cial promulgation, the majority of Jesuits desired to submit immediately to the brief. Nonetheless the superior of this group, Stanisław Czerniewicz, wanted to avoid the spontaneous and immediate dispersion of his men. A consultation convoked by Czerniewicz decided to remain in statu quo ante , because the brief had not been promulgated, in lieu of the bishops’ instructions. Many, however, especially young men, abandoned the order. Stanisław Czerniewicz was an exceptional ��gure, who distinguished himself among the Jesuits of White Russia. He was born in 1728, at Szlamowo, near Kaunas in Lithuania. He entered the Society of Jesus in 1743, and after thirteen  years of study and and formation, formation, was ordained priest at Vilnius. He spent spent the years 1758–1768 in Rome as the secretary to the superior general’s assistant for Poland, Fr. Karol Korycki.�� Upon returning to Poland he became the archivist for the province of Mazovia for two years. In 1769, Superior General Lorenzo

��

 Aux origines origines de la hiérarchie hiérarchie latin en en Russie. Mgr Stanislas Siestrzencewicz-Bohusz, Siestrzencewicz-Bohusz, premier premier archevêque-métropolitain archevêque-métropolitain de Mohilev (1731–1826) (1731–1826) (Louvain: Bureaux du recueil, 1968. See also Inglot 1997, passim. The biographical notes on all the Jesuits of White Russia named in this essay are found in  �� ��  and   and in the  Encyklopedia wiedzy o jezuitach na ziemiach Polski i Litwy 1564–1995 , ed. L. Grzebień (Cracow: ���, 1996).

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Ricci nominated him rector of the college of Połock. He died in 1785, at Stajki (Witebsk) in White Russia.�� The position of Fr. Czerniewicz and the other Jesuits left in White Russia  was not determined determined by a lack of desire on their part to obey the will of the pope. On the contrary, they would have liked to put it into e�fect immediately. Until Catherine’s explicit interdiction prohibiting a return to the question of the suppression, Fr. Czerniewicz tried diligently to obtain governmental permission to e�fect the suppression desired by Clement XIV. After failed attempts—undertaken in various ways and at several di�ferent times—to obtain such permission and after receiving, subsequently, a promise regarding the future of the order in the empire, Fr. Czerniewicz visited all the houses of the Jesuits in 1774. 1774. Conscious of the ��rm decision of Catherine and of her protection, he undertook undertook e�forts for the consolidation of religious life in the houses under him. During the visit Fr. Czerniewicz was able to secure the continuity of works of apostolate in all the communities, but he did not make any attempt to open the novitiate, to allow studies of philosophy and theology to recommence, to allow scholastics’ vows to be renewed or ��nal vows of Jesuit fathers to be taken, nor did he appoint new rectors. Thus things stood until 1776, the year in which the numerical situation of the order became critical. Fr. Czerniewicz began to accept Jesuits who applied from the mother provinces of Lithuania and Mazovia into the order. He did this following a response from Cardinal Giovan Battista Rezzonico, who—in his capacity of the secretary of the Segreteria dei Memoriali—responded to a supplication from Fr. Czerniewicz addressed to the new pope, Pius VI, on 15 October 1775. The Jesuit asked the ponti�f to indicate his wishes regarding the future of the Jesuits in White Russia. If the response from Rezzonico (1776) cannot be interpreted as a positive approbation, it nevertheless contains no condemnation of the Jesuits of Russia. In fact, the Jesuits saw it as tacit approval.�� approval.�� Three years after the suppression, constrained by the will of the empress (expressed o���cially in various orders) that they persist in their Institute, assured regarding the future of the Society, and enjoying the tacit approval of Pius VI, the Jesuits of White Russia began to organize the life of the province. This work of reorganization was necessary to be able to face the new situation. The ��rst step toward remedying personnel di���culties was the admission to holy orders of those men who had completed their theological studies. The �� ��

 2:1028–1030.  �� ��  2:1028–1030. “Libellum tuum pro munere meo Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Ponti��ci Pio VI ostendi, et perlegi. Precum tua rum exitus ut auguro, et exoptas felix.” “Responsum [authenticum] Em. Card. Rezzonico ad R.P. Czerniewicz” (����, Russia 1001, IV-3).

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��rst ordinations took place in 1776: twenty young Jesuits were ordained as priests. The next step was the opening of a novitiate, and this was done in 1780.  Various  Various di���culties, caused above all by the scarcity of space in the houses, forced the Jesuits to accept only eight young men. The de��nitive step in this  work of reorganizing the province province was the calling of the general general congregation congregation that gathered at Połock from 11–18 October 1782. The participants, all professed fathers from the years 1744–1773, were thirty in number. Six sessions were held. On 17 October, the congregation elected Stanisław Czerniewicz as vicargeneral for life. The electors, who added the clause “for life,” intended that the power of the vicar general should last until after the universal restoration of the Society and the election of a superior general. In the life and the history of the Society of Jesus in the Russian empire, the ��rst congregation of Połock Połock constituted a true turning point. The congregation took a position regarding the continued existence of the order and established the identity of the Society. It decided to maintain the religious life and traditional structure of the order. With the ��rst general congregation of Połock, the period of uncertainty ended for the Jesuits of White Russia and the process of re-establishment re-establishment within the province (under the jurisdiction of the provincial) began, along with that of the central governance of the order, with the vicargeneral at its head. The provincial managed the religious and the works of the province. First the vicar general, then from 1801, the general, resolved cases of a religious nature; conducted relations with the monarch, the imperial government, and with ecclesiastical authorities; decided on the opening of new houses and missions; regulated questions of order outside the Russian empire; and dealt with the renewal of the professions of ex-Jesuits. From then, on, the order presented itself in its customary form. Thus reorganized, in 1783—ten years after the signing of the brief of suppression—the Jesuits of White Russia were con��rmed in their existence by the successor of Clement XIV, Pope Pius VI, but only orally (“vivae vocis oraculo”), for circumstances did not allow the pope to recognize them publically. This crucial act came about during an audience granted to the envoy of Empress Catherine II, Jan Benisławski, in 1783. On 7 March 1801, Pius VII—the successor of the Pope Braschi—formally con��rmed the Jesuits of Russia (with the brief Catholicae ��dei ). ). From that moment, the vicar-general became  praepositus  generalis  generalis  [superior general] of the order already existing in the Russian empire.�� It did not represent the approval of a “new” order. ��

There were ��ve vicars general and superiors general of the Jesuits in White Russia: Stanisław Czerniewicz (1782–1785), Gabriel Lenkiewicz (1785–1798), Franciszek Kareu (1799–1802), Gabriel Gruber (1802–1805), ( 1802–1805), and Tadeusz Brzozowski (1805–1820).

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The years between 1801 and 1815 were a period of blossoming for the Society of Jesus in the Russian empire. The benevolence of Paul I (1796–1801) and  Alexander  Alexander I (1801–1825), (1801–1825), and the brief brief Catholicae ��dei  of  of Pius VII, assured assured them a strong and secure presence. The order developed its scholastic and pastoral activities: new colleges rose up (the most famous was the college of St. Petersburg), as well as missions throughout the czars’ dominion. The most important ��gure among the Jesuits of the Russian empire was Gabriel Gruber: he is the most interesting and conspicuous personality that the Society had during the almost ��fty years of its existence in Russia. Gruber was Slovenian and entered the Society of Jesus in Vienna in 1755. Before 1773, he was a professor of mechanics and hydraulics at Ljubljana, working at the same time on the regulation of the river Sava. After the suppression, he worked as a physicist at the court of Joseph II and in 1784 he came to White Russia. He was sent to Połock—the scienti��c and educational center of the order. He expanded the scienti��c base of the college and developed the exact sciences, winning the esteem of Catherine II and Paul I. He assumed o���ces in the governance governance of the Society of Jesus, and was elected elected general of the order in 1802. He gained a solid—indeed unchallenged—position for the order in the empire, and was able to obtain an o���cial ponti��cal approval. He died from an accident in 1805 in St. Petersburg.�� The Jesuits of White Russia gave principal importance to scholarly activity and teaching—not least because this was Catherine II’s principal reason for the conservation of the order of St. Ignatius in her realms. The central institution in this apostolate was the college of Połock. In the academic year 1772– 1773, the college managed upper middle schools and held courses in philosophy and theology for young Jesuits. The years of splendor began in the 1780s and are tied to Gruber. He was professor of architecture and agronomy, and organized a complex of didactic facilities, among which were a museum, a laboratory, laboratory, a gallery for history and natural sciences, s ciences, a physics gallery, gallery, and a painting gallery. Moreover, the college possessed impressive collections of medals and precious stones, as well as a laboratory for mechanical instruments, some of which were designed and built for the  Hermitage  in St. Petersburg.

��

�� ,  2:1659–1660; Marek Inglot, “Pater Gabriel Gruber (1740–1805): Student der See  �� ��, Tyrnauer Universität, der Generaloberer der Gesellschaft Jesu wurde,” in  Die Tyrnauer Universität der Geschichte , Alžbeta Hološová and István Bitskey, Bitskey, ed. (Cracow: Towarzystwo Towarzystwo Słowaków w Polsce, 2012), 256–277. For a more detailed account of Gruber’s role, see the chapter by Daniel Schla��y in this volume.

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In 1812, with an imperial ukaz of Alexander Alexand er I from 12 (24) January, the college at Połock was elevated to the rank of an academy. Due to the Napoleonic wars, the solemn inauguration of this institution took place only on 25 November (7 December) 1813, together with the promotion of ��ve new doctors of theology. The academy of Połock had three faculties: theology, philosophy of exact sciences, and languages and letters. It had the right to award doctorates in theology, canon law, and civil law. In the ��rst year eighty-four students enrolled,  while the body of teachers was comprised of twenty-��ve twenty-��ve professors. The program of studies, following the will of the government, clearly favored the exact sciences. Before Before their closure in 1820, the schools of Połock contained contained roughly 700 students and thirty-nine professors. In its brief history, the academy promoted over 100 doctors.�� The second important center of education was the college at St. Petersburg.  At the invitation invitation of Czar Paul Paul I, the Jesuits arrived arrived in the city in 1800 and began began pastoral service in the parish church of St. Catherine. They preached and catechized in four languages, for four groups of faithful (Poles, the French, Germans, and Italians), which formed the Catholic community of the Russian capital. From year to year, the Jesuits were noticed more and more in the environs of St. Petersburg, and their in��uence also reached to the Russian Orthodox, including those who belonged to the highest spheres of society. In 1801 the college opened its doors. After three months it had about thirty students. At the beginning of the 1801/1802 school year, there were more than a hundred. In subsequent years their number grew to roughly 200. The cycle of studies lasted six years and included subjects ranging from the principles of Russian and Latin languages to philosophy and theology. The college, frequented at ��rst by Catholics who could not a�ford private schooling, soon acquired such importance that within two years a boarding house was opened for students coming from noble families. In 1806, the boarding house was transformed transformed into a college of nobles ( Collegium Nobilium ). The number of students varied from sixty to seventy youths coming from the highest echelons of Russian society. In the vast program much space was dedicated to modern languages. Great care was also taken over religious education. The young Orthodox participated in the religious functions in their own church and followed lessons in religion imparted by a pope. Beyond these two great educational centers, the Jesuits managed seven other colleges in the Russian empire, including the long-established colleges of Dyneburg, Orsza, and Witebsk. In 1799, at the request of Metropolitan ��

For more detailed discussion of the importance of the college/academy in Połock, see the chapter by Irena Kadulska in this volume.

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Stanisław Siestrzeńcewicz, the residences of Mohylew and Mścisław were ele vated to the rank of colleges. In 1811, the college of Romanów Romanów opened and in 1817 Użwałd opened. In the didactic program, exact sciences were emphasized, and in all colleges teaching modern languages was introduced, particularly French and German. The language of instruction was Latin, but from 1802 it  was Russian. Residences Residences for nobles existed existed in every college: in 1805, these structures housed roughly 220 boarders. All told, in 1796 (the year of Catherine II’s death), 726 students received free instruction; by 1815 that number had grown to roughly 2,000. The Jesuits of White Russia also focused on missions. From 1803 onwards, they created six new important mission centers in the south and east of the Russian empire for Catholics of various nations. Missions opened in Saratov on the Volga river for German settlers (1803); in Odessa on the Black Sea for German and Italian immigrants (1804); at Astrakhan on the Caspian Sea for  Armenians, Poles, Poles, Germans, Germans, the French, and the Dutch (1805); and at Mozdok in the Caucasus for the faithful of various nationalities (1806). 1811 saw the birth of the mission in Irkutsk in Siberia for exiled Polish Catholics; another Siberian mission was established in 1815 in Tomsk. In 1820, there were seventytwo Jesuit priests and lay brothers engaged in missionary work (including the so-called popular missions). They worked worked in di�ferent geographical geographical and social conditions, dealing with people of diverse ethnic extraction extraction and cultural backgrounds. Although their activity was limited by the ban against making conversions from the Orthodox faith, and although activity among Catholics was hampered by several factors (disturbances in the vast territories of the faithful, their di���cult living conditions, the harsh Russian climate), their work was nevertheless signi��cant and e�fective. Although short, the period displayed the most genuine characteristics characteristics of the Society and left deep traces in the population—mainly of German origin—to which this action was directed. In extending themselves through these vast territories, the Jesuits—though Jesuits —though few—showed their great missionary zeal and their extraordinary ability to adapt to other cultures and di�ferent social, economic, and climatic conditions.  With their loyalty loyalty to their own Institute Institute and to the Catholic Catholic Church, the  Jesuits brought brought upon themselves themselves the hostility hostility both of the secular authorities authorities and of the Orthodox Church. Under Czar Alexander I, Enlightenment nostrums and Russian mysticism reared their heads, along with the Russian Bible Society and Freemasonry—all hostile to the Jesuits. Movements developed that were opposed to contacts with the West and to the in��uence of the Catholic Church. The worldwide restoration of the Society of Jesus in 1814 handed the Russian  Jesuits’ opponents opponents a new reason for hostility: hostility: it took away away the Russian governgovernment’s ability to control the order (the seat of the general had to be in Rome,

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after all). All this provoked the ��rst denial of Father General Brzozowski’s request to move to Rome, and then the expulsion of the Jesuits: ��rst from St. Petersburg (1815/1816) and later, in 1820, from the entire Russian empire. The Society of Jesus in the Russian empire survived with its Constitutions and Institute intact. It existed as it had before 1773, performing its traditional activities. The legitimacy of this survival derived mainly from the non-promulgation non-promulgation of Clement XIV’s brief of suppression. It also relied on a series of ponti��cal acts  which at ��rst ��rst tolerated tolerated,, and then ��nally approved approved and o���cially con��rmed con��rmed this survival.

Canonical Approval Approval of the Society of Jesus in the Russian Empire (1801)�� The o���cial approval and con��rmation of the Society of Jesus in the Russian empire was obtained by the Jesuits from Pope Pius VII. In 1800—the year of Pius VII’s election—they already enjoyed papal approval of their existence in Russia, pronounced pronou nced by Pius VI in 1783 vivae vocis oraculo, before Jan Benisławski. The subsequent step was taken ��fteen years later, in 1798. This time it was the nuncio to St. Petersburg, Lorenzo Litta, together with the secretary of the aged ponti�f, the former Jesuit Giuseppe Marotti, who dedicated themselves to obtaining a “ponti��cal declaration” in favor of the Jesuits in the Russian empire.�� On 2 March 1799, Pius opened the way toward an o���cial declaration in favor of the Jesuits in Russia, authorizing the nuncio to undertake the steps necessary to legitimize the existence of the Jesuits in Russia. Paul VI therefore moved from cautious approval to a positive desire for the restoration of the Society. Unfortunately the negotiations for the “ponti��cal declaration” so happily begun, were soon suspended. The nuncio to St. Petersburg fell into disgrace and was forced to abandon Russia (1799). A few months later, on the night of 29 August 1799, the pope died while a prisoner at Valence.��

��

�� ��

See Inglot 1997, 125–164 and Marek Inglot, “I rappresentanti del papa a San Pietroburgo e l’approvazione canonica della Compagnia di Gesù nell’Impero Russo (1801),” in Suavis laborum memoria. Chiesa, Papato, e Curia Romana tra storia e teologia/Church, Papacy,  Roman Curia Curia between between History History and Theology. Theology. Scritti Scritti in onore onore di Marcel Marcel Chappin per il suo suo 70° compleanno/Essays in honour of Marcel Chappin �� on His 70th Birthday, eds. Paul van Geest and Roberto Regoli (Vatican City: Archivio segreto vaticano, 2013), 407–437. The relevant correspondence between Litta and Marotti may be found in the Vatican Secret Archive: Polonia, 344-V. See Inglot 1997, 136–149.

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The question of the re-establishment of the Jesuits in Russia was then taken up by the Jesuits themselves, led by Fr. Gabriel Gruber. This time, the enterprise was crowned with success. In February 1799 Gruber was sent to the St. Petersburg imperial court to handle the question of the relationship of the Society with Archbishop Siestrzeńcewicz who was prone to interfere with the internal a�fairs of the order. An imperial audience was secured, in spite of impediments created by the bishop metropolitan, and Fr. Gruber received assurances from Paul I that the order would be allowed to remain in Russia, as  well as of the inviolability inviolability of the Jesuits’ Institute. The choice of Gruber for this delicate mission was not accidental. He enjoyed considerable prestige in the capital’s social milieu and exercised a decisive in��uence on the emperor, with  whom he managed to establish a direct relationship and even win friendship: so much so that he came to have free free access in the rooms of the sovereign. sovereign. Gruber was therefore able to convince the czar to commit to the o���cial approval of the Society in Russia. Gruber met the emperor in June 1799. He received, once again, assurances of the inviolability of the Institute. The czar also welcomed the proposal of a letter to the pope.�� The sovereign was well aware that such ponti��cal approval was necessary in order to draw to Russia the ex-Jesuits spread throughout Europe. This was not without importance in  view of the monarch’s monarch’s designs for the educational system within his realms,  which he wanted wanted to entrust to the Jesuits. Thus, on 11 (23) August 1800, Paul I  wrote a personal letter letter to the pope in which he asked asked for formal formal recognition recognition of the existence of the Society of Jesus in his empire.�� The new pope, Pius VII,  was favorabl favorablyy disposed towards towards the suppressed suppressed Society of Jesus and toward toward its restoration. Not even a month after his return to Rome, the pope turned to the Spanish king Charles IV asking him to support the project of worldwide worldwide restoration of the order. The negative response of the king forced the pope to limit himself to the canonical approval of the Jesuits in Russia.�� On 7 March 1801, in response to the request of Paul I and the supplications of the Jesuit vicar general, Franciszek Kareu, who, on behalf of the Jesuits, asked that “Your Holiness will deign to grant an apostolic brief, which […] visibly approve their canonical existence in Russia,”�� Pius issued the brief

�� ��

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Gruber to Paul I, June 1799: ���� �� �� , Russia 1027, f. 148�–149� (copy). “Coppia Litterarum Imperatoris Rossiarum Pauli Primi ad Summum Ponti��cem Pium VII pro Con��rmatione Societatis in Alba Russia” (���, Nunz. Pol.  344-V, and �� ��, �� , Russia 1004, Pol. 344-V,  VI-1). The relevant letters are in Inglot 1997, 288–292. Kareu a Pius VII, 31 July 1800. �� �,  Nunz. Pol. 344-V (copy) See also de Journel,  Intérim de  Benvenuti , 92–93.

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Catholicae ��dei,�� which o���cially approved and con��rmed the order of the  Jesuits in Russia. The brief was addressed to “Dear Son Francis Kareu, priest and superior of the Congregation Congregation of the Society of Jesus in the Russian Empire.” Empire.” Out of respect for Clement Cleme nt XIV, XIV, Pius avoided any language that might mig ht have suggested gested recognition of Jesuits existing before then in Russia as such. In the brief, the pope emphasized the work carried out by those who were already Jesuits in the Russian empire and the importance of perpetuating them in their pristine Society for the bene��t of the Catholics of the state of the Russian czars. Giving value therefore to the recommendation and the request of the emperor, the ponti�f granted what had been asked: the opportunity to bring together in one body all the Jesuits already dwelling there, and those who would come. The ponti�f made Fr. Kareu superior of the Society. Observance of the original rule of St. Ignatius con��rmed by Pope Paul III was prescribed. Finally, Pius VII granted the Society of Russia broad powers to build colleges, to educate youth and instruct them in religion and science, as well as to administer the sacraments with the consent of bishops ordinary. With this act, Pius VII formally con��rmed the Jesuits of the Russian empire, as he explained in a letter to the czar dated 9 March.�� In the “Instruction” on how to understand and proceed in the matter, which the secretary of state addressed to Benvenuti, he presented the reasons for the ponti�f’s ponti�f ’s caution. Cardinal Consalvi explained the pope’s pope’s prudence to the representative of the Holy See at St. Petersburg. Bourbon hostility, despite the revolutionary turmoil, persisted and could not be ignored. Nor could the memory of Pope Clement XIV, “who with so much ado and to such applause destroyed the embers of the Jesuits and scattered the body and the members.” Consequently Pius could not make the major concessions that the Emperor might have desired. Thus he restricted “the new congregation” to the Russian empire to preclude the anger of the princes “who cannot so much as hear the name ‘Jesuits’ without consternation.” This apprehension restricted any �� ��

 Institutum Societatis Societatis Iesu, I, 332–335. “L’intérêt “L’intérêt qu’Elle prend à la demande qui Nous a été faite de donner par Notre autorité l’existence canonique à la Société de Jésus dans l’Empire de Votre Majesté est pour Nous un motif bien puissant qui Nous engage à y condescendre. Nous ne doutons pas, qu’une pareille démarche ne conduise directement à l’avantage de la Religion Catholique dans son Empire, à la culture et à l’éducation des sujets qui la professent, de même qu’à l’extirpation de ces maximes dépravées contre la Religion, l’autorité souveraine et la société. Toutes Toutes ces considérations qui sont propres de Notre Ministère Apostolique Nous font concourir aux sages vûes de Votre Votre Majesté Impériale, et Nous avons le plaisur de Lui envoyer le Bref, par lequel nous venons de donner Notre sanction formelle à l’existence des Jésuites dans l’Empire de Votre Majesté.” ����,  Russia 1004, VI-10 (copy).

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mention to the bulls addressed to Paul III. The Holy See would protect the Society, and the Pope personally oversee its re-establishment, con��rmation, and reform. This should delight the Jesuits, and de��ect any assertion that the papacy was ignoring all criticism of the Society. Society. The bull “does it assert that the [accusations] are true and proven, which would discredit or o�fend the Jesuits: it neither grants nor denies their privileges, but rather so disposes of things, as to take the weapons out of the hands of their adversaries, and to prepare a total revival of the Society in all realms and in all nations. This is what His Holiness had in view, and if these Jesuits will not cross his views, it will do more good than you expect, but all will be done with peace and charity, and without directly challenging their powerful opponents, who would upset the coveted design.”�� The act of Pius VII, which constituted the canonical approval of the status of the Jesuits in Russia, and not the approval of a new order, must be connected—and therein lies its importance—to the perspective that already appears in the words of Consalvi: the pope, in fact, wanted to “prepare a total resurgence of the Society in all kingdoms and in all nations. This is what His Holiness had in view […] but all will be done with peace and charity, and without directly challenging those powerful opponents, who would upset the coveted design.” This phrase expresses the policy of Pius VII and his secretary of state in the matter of rebuilding the Society of Jesus. The aim is clear: to restore the Society of Jesus completely and universally. To do that they required caution and slow  work over over time. time. Another Another feature feature of this policy was to implement implement the restorati restoration on through the courts (the formula of papal diplomacy combined the reappearance of the Jesuits with respect for princes, who were so dominant in the process of suppression). The sovereigns wanted to see the Society extinguished, so to the sovereigns had to halt the work of restoration. Already in 1799 this practice was adopted by Pius VI, who was disposed to con��rm the Jesuits in Russia upon the request of the imperial court of the czars. It would also be the formula in 1814, though the concession was already made a priori : there was a need to ask—and in fact, in that age of jurisdictionalism, this was the practice. In addition, this papal concession, even if limited to Russia, was a precedent that served as a model for further approval in other places. The re-establishment of the order in the Russian empire was therefore vital for its future restoration in the rest of the world, given that the subsequent restoration in the Two Sicilies (Naples) and then the universal restoration were the extension of concessions granted in 1801 for the Russian empire. ��

Consalvi to Benvenuti, 9 March 1801. See de Journel, Intérim de Benvenuti  Benvenuti , 83–91.

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 With ponti��cal approval, approval, the vicar general general of the Society of Jesus became the superior general of the order—of the whole order, which existed canonically only in Russia. He resided at Połock (1801–1802 and 1816–1820) and St. Petersburg (1802–1815). By 1815, the Jesuits in the Russian empire numbered 244 (107 priests, eighty-one scholastics, and ��fty-six lay brothers).�� The order  was also present present outside White Russia: Russia: ten Jesuits Jesuits were were active in St. Petersburg Petersburg and two (Luigi Panizzoni and Bernardino Scordialò) in Italy. The brief was sent to the Jesuits in Połock in 1802, but only privately because Czar Alexander I did not deem it necessary to give the measure juridical status since the Jesuits had never been suppressed in Russia.  had a twofold e�fect in the decade following its enactment: a Catholicae ��dei  had  wave  wave of petitions for membership membership to the Society in Russia Russia poured into Połock, Połock, sent by individuals or groups of ex-Jesuits from Europe and the United States, and there was a great burst of missionary enthusiasm among the Jesuits in Russia. The bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum of 7 August 1814 established that the concessions and powers given solely for the Jesuits of the Russian empire and—subsequently for the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies—were extended equally to the entire papal state as well as to all other states and domains. In all this we can discern the crucial role the Society of White Russia played in the universal restoration of the Society.

Toward the Universal Restoration of the Society of Jesus (1814)�� From his election Pius VII had been favorably disposed toward the suppressed Society of Jesus and worked for its restoration throughout the world. In 1800, he had already written to Charles IV (1788–1808) of Spain, “Nothing do we more greatly desire to see than to see given anew to the Church, and to the Principalities a genuinely valid support [the Society of Jesus],” in order to remedy “our terrible situation.” However, the pope was only able to realize this ideal in 1814: the various obstacles and the initial resistance of Charles IV forced him to e�fect the restoration initially in Russia only.�� �� ��

��

Catalogus Personarum et O���ciorum Societatis Jesu in Alba Russia ex Anno 1801 in Annum 1802, Polociae [1801]. This paragraph is based on my earlier essay: “Pio VII e la ricostituzione della Compagnia di Gesù,” in Pio VII Papa Papa Benedettino: Benedettino: nel bicentenario bicentenario della sua elezione. elezione. Atti del del Congresso storico internazionale Cesena—Venezia, 15–19 settembre 2000   (Cesena: Badia di Santa Maria del Monte, 2003), 381–415. I refer the reader to that piece for a detailed and contextualized presentation of the subject, accompanied with relative documentation. Pius VII to Charles IV, IV, 28 July 1800. In Inglot 1997, 288–290.

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The next step towards the universal restoration of the Society of Jesus was taken by Pius VII in 1804, with the canonical restoration of the order in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. The Jesuits returned to Naples at the request of the ruler who had driven them from the kingdom: Ferdinand IV. The decisive push for the successful resolution of the issue of the Society in Naples came from Father José Pignatelli. Father General Gabriel Gruber entrusted the task of guiding the restoration to Pignatelli, appointing him provincial for all Italy in 1803. Pignatelli arrived in Naples in April 1804 and obtained from the court full restoration in union with the canonically existing order in Russia. On 30 July 1804, Pius VII issued the brief  Per alias, �� with which he restored the Society of Jesus in Naples and Sicily.�� On 15 August 1804, in a solemn ceremony in the presence of King Ferdinand and Queen Mary Caroline, the  Jesuits regained regained possession of the church of Gesù Vecchio in Naples. Naples. The Jesuits re-entered Palermo in 1805. The worldwide restoration of the Society came nine years later. The decisive factor in this rebirth of the Society of Jesus was the will of Pius VII himself, intent on rebuilding after the revolutionary torment and set on exploiting the order to that end, insofar as the th e situation allowed. As the years went by, another obstacle introduced itself: the imprisonment and exile of the pope at the hands of Napoleon. After he returned to Rome on 24 May 1814, the question of the universal restoration of the Society of Jesus was soon taken into consideration—with a signi��cant role played by the entourage of Pope Pius VII (Cardinal Bartolomeo Pacca, Lorenzo Litta, and Michele di Pietro Alessandro Mattei).  As soon as news arrived that the pope had been freed from his imprisonment and that there was reasonable hope of his h is return to Rome, Father Father General Brzozowski sent a petition in which he asked for the grace so longed-for: the universal restoration of the Society. Once the pope arrived in Rome, the pro vincial of Italy, Italy, Luigi Panizzoni, Panizzoni, obtained an audience in early June 1814 and delivered Brzozowski’s plea to the pope.�� On 7 August 1814, the octave of the feast of Saint Ignatius, Pius VII signed signed the bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum, which restored the Society of Jesus across the world.��

�� ��

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 Institutum Societatis Societatis Iesu, I, 335–337. “Ex certa scientia ac matura deliberatione Nostris, deque apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, praefatas Nostras apostolicas in forma brevis litteras, pro imperio Russiaco datas, ad regnum utriusque Siciliae extendimus” (ibid.). “Litterae supplices A.R.P. A.R.P. Brzozowski, Brzozowski, et rescriptum Pii VII, 17 junii 1814.” ���� �� �� ,  Italia 1012, I-5.  Institutum Societatis Societatis Iesu, I, 337–341.

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The reason behind Pius VII’s re-establishment of the Society of Jesus is revealed in the ��rst paragraph: his pastoral o���ce required him to use every means and all assistance provided by divine providence to meet the spiritual needs of the faithful throughout the world. He therefore found it his pastoral obligation towards the church to employ these remedies, which God by a singular providence had disposed, and stated that he would be guilty if he had seriously neglected, neglected, in these times when the church “is constantly agitated agitated and assaulted by storms,” to make use of “expert and hardy rowers” that the Society of Jesus could provide. To the Jesuits themselves, the pope spoke a word of exhortation, inviting them to be faithful to St. Ignatius and his rule. The promulgation of the bull took place the same day at the church of the Gesù. The pope wanted it to be enacted in the most solemn form. He himself  went to the church and celebrated celebrated Mass at the altar of St. Ignatius; later, later, in a side chapel, chap el, he had the bull b ull read and gave it to Fr Fr.. Luigi Panizzoni as a representative of Fr. Brzozowski who was residing in St. Petersburg. The contribution of the “Russian” Jesuits to the restoration restoration of the Society in other countries (including some unsuccessful attempts) was of vast scope and embraced di�ferent countries on two continents: the Aegean islands, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium, and the United States of America.�� America. �� Thus, under the leadership of the general in St. Petersburg, there was (even before 1814) the secret organization of two provinces (in Britain and the  American colonies). We can therefore therefore say that the “Jesuits of White Russia” Russia” piloted the revival of the order all over the world. ��

Inglot 1997, 205–248.

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The Połock Academy (1812–1820)  An Example of the Society of Jesus’s Jesus’s Endurance

 Irena Kadulska Kadulska The history of the Jesuits’ Połock (Polotsk) academy, located in the eastern borderlands of Belarus, or White Russia, can be summed up in the following  words: endurance, endurance, growth, growth, dispersal, and rebirth. rebirth. The academy grew out of the Jesuit college in Połock, founded by the Polish king Stefan Batory (Stephen Báthory) in 1580, and played a major role in the order’s history during the suppression era.� A year before the order’s suppression (1773), the First Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was rati��ed. The eastern territories, including Belarus, came under the control of the Russian empire, where Catherine II did not permit the brief of suppression to be promulgated. Thus the Połock college persevered in its educational, pastoral, and cultural missions, with an additional duty to maintain a fragmented Polish identity ide ntity.. In Belarus, Jesuit activity was focused on its educational mission. The moment it opened a novitiate in 1780, the Połock institution became a center of possible plans for the future restoration of the Jesuit order. There was a substantial in��ux of candidates for the priesthood and of former Jesuits from many countries who wished to retain links with this surviving outpost of the Society. Not all could be accepted. Nonetheless, the province in Belarus became multinational. Besides Poles, Lithuanians, Lithuani ans, and Latvians, there were Jesuits from Germany (forty-one), (forty-one ), France (twenty-��ve), Belgium (twelve), Italy (seven), and Switzerland (��ve). In addition, there was one Jesuit from each of the following countries: England, Dalmatia, Bohemia, Holland, Portugal, and Hungary. In 1820, a total of 358  Jesuits were active active in the Russian empire.� In the years years between 1778 1778 and 1829, 1829, 617 members of the order were registered in Połock. � Stephanus Rex Poloniae, Magnus Dux Lituaniae, Russiae, Prussiae, Masoviae, Samogitiae,  Livoniae ect., Diploma Fundationis Collegij Polocensis Societatis Jesu, Jesu, Ms. ATJ Kr. 1466 (Archiwum Prowincji Polski Południowej Towarzystwa Jezusowego, Cracow), 14–15�. � Catalogus Personarum et O��ciorum Soc. Jesu in Alba Russia , Ms. ATJ Kr. 2445 – 1/8; Nomina 1/8;  Nomina  Patrum ac Fratrum Fratrum qui Societatem Jesu ingressi Albam Russiam incoluerunt ab Anno 1773 ad  Annum 1820 et in eadem Societate Jesu vita sunt functi. Rollarii Flandrorum Flandrorum (1914),  (1914), Ms. ATJ Kr. 2816; Inglot, 1997, 7–8;  Miscelanea Historiae Ponti��ciae  Ponti��ciae  vol. 63 (Rome: Editrice Ponti��cia Università Gregoriana).

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Those who came to Połock brought their knowledge, their skills, and their sense of mission. They also brought their valuable collections of books and scienti��c instruments. They immediately started to learn the local language in order to communicate with the faithful and with their pupils. They exchanged the banks of the river Daugave (or the western Dvina) for those of the Tiber, and from 1801 Połock was the residence of the superior general of the Jesuit order. Sometimes, however, the euphoria that accompanied these arrivals was accompanied by a note of nostalgia, which can be seen in correspondence from the period. The institution’s growing prestige was con��rmed when the college was ele vated  vated to to the level of an academy academy.. The The charter charter was granted granted by Tsar Tsar Alexander Alexander I in  January  January 1812, and was published published in in March March of the same year.� year.� The institution institution now had the status of a university to which all Jesuit schools in Russia were subject. However However,, these high academic privileges were suddenly and violently withdrawn by the same Alexander I on March 13, 1820. He issued an order for all  Jesuits to leave leave the Russian empire. empire. All property of of the order was seized by the state. This decision ended 240 years of Jesuit activity in Połock. Those expelled from Belarus were forbidden by the tsar from settling in former Polish territory. Many went to Galicia. Others were scattered all over Europe, many reached  America, and some found their way way to the Middle East and and Africa.� Polish scholarship has neglected the Połock academy for decades, and the few mentions made were in��uenced by the hostility of academic circles in  Vilnius which were were once in competition with the academy academy.. However However,, words of high regard for the Połock college are to be found in the written recollections of pupils, students, and alumni, who came to know the institution institution during their studies and fondly recalled their professors there.� An objective evaluation of the academy relies on documentation and source materials that are today scattered throughout many European archives and libraries.� �  Przywilej Najmiłościwszego Najmiłościwszego Imperatora Imperatora i Samowładcy Wszech Wszech Rossyi na Jezuicką Połocką  Akademią,  Akademią, Ms. ATJ Kr. 1364, 70–73�. �  Nomina Patrum Patrum ac Fratrum Fratrum.. � Jan Barszczewski, Szlachcic Zawalnia, czyli Białoruś w fantastycznych opowiadaniach (Petersburg, (Petersburg, 1844); Otto Ślizień, Z Ślizień, Z pamiętnika Rodziny Śliźniów, Śliźniów, vol. 1. (Ex Libris J.M. Giżycki) Ms. ATJ Kr. 1027 – XV, 141–152; Edward Tomasz Massalski,  Z pamiętników, pamiętników, in  Z ��lareckiego ��lareckiego świata. Zbiór wspomnień z lat 1816–1824, 1816–1824 , ed. Henryk Mościcki (Warsaw (Warsaw 1924), 137–256; Eustachy  Antoniusz Iwanowski Iwanowski (Heleniusz), Wspomnienia lat minionych, minionych, vol. 1 (Cracow, 1876). � A list list of the most important archives and libraries: libraries:  ����  �� �� Archiwum Główne Główne Akt Dawnych, Dawnych, Warsaw  Warsaw   ����  �� �� Archivum Romanum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Rome  ATJKr  ATJKr.. Archiwum Prowincji Prowincji Polski Południowej Południowej Tow Tow.. Jez., Cracow (formerly ����) ��� �)

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The aim of this article is to analyze the endurance, development, and cultural achievements of the Połock academy—the Jesuits’ only remaining higher-education institution institution in Europe after the order’s dissolution. A presentation of the order’s work is accompanied by a consideration of the social reception of their activities. The academy functioned within the city of Połock, Połock, in decline after the partip artitions of Poland, and lay on the steep right bank of the river Dvina.� Under its auspices were higher-education colleges in Vitebsk, Orsza, and Daugavpils, two residential high-schools/colleges in Mogilev and Mścisław, Mścisław, and three missionary houses (Łozowice, Rasna, Faszczów), in addition to nine missionary stations.� Education in Jesuit schools and colleges was popular because it was free, and was not restricted by religious confession or social status. A sense of stability and continuity was achieved thanks to adherence to the rules of the  Ratio studiorum: a studiorum: a code that was supplemented by a program of experimental education. The Jesuits’ buildings changed the architectural layout of the city. A large modern complex of buildings, in bright copper colors, formed a closed letter E, rising high above the banks of the river Dvina. The most important buildings included the church of Saint Stephen, the three-story academy building and the college itself with its library, a boarding school, a seminary, a parochial school, a dormitory for musicians, a museum with a wide range of exhibits and B Czart. Biblioteka Czartoryskich, Cracow  �� Biblioteka Jagiellońska, Cracow  �� Biblioteka Narodowa, Narodowa, Warsaw  Warsaw  ��� �� � Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Warsaw  ���� �� �� Centralnyj Gosudarstviennyj Istoričeskij Archiv, Archiv, Petersburg ��� � Lietuvos Valstybès Valstybès Istorijos Archyvas, Archyvas, Vilnius ���� �� Mokslų Akademijos Biblijoteka, Vilnius ���� �� �� Nacjanalny Nacjanalny Gistaryčny Archiv Biełarusi, Minsk   ���  �� � Vilniaus Universiteto Biblioteka, Biblioteka, Vilnius �  Krótka wiadomość o mieście Połocku  Połocku  [Information in Brief about the City of Połock]  Miesięcznik Połocki  no   no 1 (Połock, 1818), 86–87; “Połock,” in Słownik Geogra��czny Królestwa  Polskiego i innych krajów krajów słowiańskich, słowiańskich, eds. Filip Sulimierski, Bronisław Chlebowski, and  Władysław Walewski, Walewski, vol. 8 (Warsaw (Warsaw,, 1887), 714–720. � The Jesuits of Połock had the following following mission stations: Kaunata, Dagda, Indryca, Indryca, Łaukiesa, Prele, Pusza, Użwałd and Warklany. Between 1770 and 1780, four stations were closed because of the lack of priests. The situation changed after the novitiate was opened in 1780. See the entry in Encyklopedia in Encyklopedia wiedzy o jezuitach jezuitach na ziemiach Polski Polski i Litwy, Litwy, 1564–1995  [Encyclopedia  [Encyclopedia of Information of the Jesuits in the Territories of Poland and Lithuania 1564–1995], ed. Ludwik Grzebień SJ (���: (��� : Cracow, Cracow, 1996).

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an art gallery. There was also a building housing a printing press, a bookstore, and a theater. Facilities o�fering more practical services included a large pharmacy with its own pharmaceutical workshop, workshop, its own drying room for medicinal herbs, and its own botanical garden. Next to it stood a two-story hospital for the poor. In addition, there were commercial buildings: workshops for making cloth and felt, dyeing facilities, a rope and cable factory, a small factory for candle-making with a workshop for producing wax-products, a brewery for producing mead, and two bakeries. There was also a slaughterhouse, a smoke-house, two stables, coach houses, a forge, workshops for welding and  watchmaking,  watchmaking, a saddler’s saddler’s yard, yard, a space for a cobbler, cobbler, a hatmaker hatmaker,, a tailor, tailor, and a carpenter, plus storerooms, an ice-house, spare study rooms in the basements, and two fruit orchards. Outside the walls, there were cultivated ��elds, farms, mills, granaries, a washing complex, and spinning workshops.� The whole complex of buildings was well designed to ful��ll various functions. Local craftsmen were employed there, as were specially instructed peasants who were themselves advertisements for successful vocational training. The order also participated in the life of the town through its involvement  with religious education, church ceremonies, public receptions of guests, and by organizing trips, processions, religious debates, and public performances by students. Numerous guests were invited to take part, and processions in the market square were a form of participation in the public space of the city. Religious fraternities were organized among the people of the town, and the order provided them with collections of prayers. When times were hard, the citizens were recipients of the order’s charity. In addition, help was directed toward poor young people and the handicapped. Talented young people could avail themselves of the so-called second seminar or the musical dormitory, receiving not only education but b ut also board, lodging, text books, clothing, and medical care. Graduates from this group became local village organists and teachers.  A census indicates that in 1817, 1817, after after the Napoleonic Napoleonic wars, wars, the town town’s ’s population was only a little over 5,000. They were a multi-confessional group. The order also directed its activities toward a broad spectrum of the local gentry and aristocracy ari stocracy.. The Połock center o�fered a full range of education, from elementary school through to higher classes at the academy. On average, 350 pupils and students per year enjoyed an education there. Their number steadily increased. In 1817, � Opisy i inwentarze Kolegium Połockiego skreślone w styczniu 1820 roku   [Description and Inventory of the Połock College, Liquidated in January 1820] (Copied from the original by Tomasz Wall, Cracow 1907). Ms. ATJ Kr. 1326.

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there were 524, and at the time of the academy’s closure there were were around 700 pupils. Educational aims and tasks were clear, set out in the works published by the academy’s press and in Uwiadomienia [Notices].�� Uwiadomienia [Notices].�� Posters were published giving the weekly timetable of classes in the academy and its schools. Extensive annual programs, in Polish and in Latin, have also survived. These informational materials reached a wide audience among the inhabitants of Belarus, and helped build up public con��dence in Jesuit teaching. One form of publicizing the results of education in Połock involved giving the names of outstanding pupils along with a list of teachers in the annual editions of  Kalendarz Połocki  [The   [The Połock Calendar]. This goal was also served by exhibitions of pupils’ knowledge, summarized summarized in brochures distributed to the public. They were included in the quarterly Miesięcznik quarterly Miesięcznik Połocki  Połocki  [The  [The Połock Monthly]. Up to 1800, the Połock center operated mainly in the territories of Belarus and through a network of a���liated schools. A growth in personnel and the ��rst public approbation of the Jesuits’ Russian enterprise by Pius VI led to an expansion beyond the borders of the Połock area. Jesuits set up schools in St. Petersburg, Riga, and Romanow, and missions with schools were established in Astrakhan, Irkutsk, Odessa, Mozdok, Tomsk, and Saratov.��  At the the same time, the the Jesuit order moved toward toward founding its own own academic academic institution. These e�forts involved a correspondence between Superior General Tadeusz Brzozowski and the leading Russian minister Aleksy Razumowski. Great support for the initiative was provided by the in��uential envoy of the kingdom of Sardinia, Count Joseph de Maistre, and the senator from Volhynia,  August Iliński. The decision to create the academy came as a response to requests from the public. On the part of Tsar Alexander I, political considerations played a role, as he sought the Polish gentry’s support on the eve of the Napoleonic campaign. The tsar’s Charter to Set Up an Academy  Academy   established the structure of the institution and its educational scope. It also guaranteed freedom from taxes, and the duty-free import of books and educational materials.�� The ceremonial opening of the academy on June 15, 1812 gathered together eminent guests and citizens of the town, along with the local gentry. gentry. A solemn ��

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“Uwiadomienie o konwikcie konwikcie połockim” połockim” [Information about Student Boarding School in Połock], Miesięcznik Połock],  Miesięcznik Połocki  Połocki  2  2 (1818): 208–218; Posters: Teaching Teaching Regulations in the th e Połock  Academy,  Academy, Miesięcznik Połocki  no  no 2. Inglot, La Inglot, La Compagnia di Gesù; Gesù; “The Clergy of the Roman Catholic Religion in Siberia, and in Particular the Churches in the Administrative Cities of Irkutsk and Tomsk,” in  Dzieje dobroczynności krajowej i zagranicznej  zagranicznej , vol. 5 (Vilnius, (V ilnius, 1824), 757–767.  Przywilej Najmiłościwszego Najmiłościwszego Imperatora Imperatora i Samowładcy Samowładcy..

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liturgy was accompanied by popular celebrations: processions, speeches, and the awarding of doctorates to the academy’s ��rst rector, Antoni Lustig, and its ��rst chancellor, chancellor, Giuseppe Angiolini. The town resounded to the music of concerts and the sound of cannon. In the evening there were ��reworks and the slow passage against the night sky of a balloon with an inscription celebrating the tsar. The tsar’s Charter   was supplemented by an  Academic Statute  Statute  written by Superior General Brzozowski, Brzozowski, setting out a range of provisions primarily aimed at protecting young people from Russi��cation. St. Luigi Gonzaga was chosen as the college’s patron. The ��rst academic year began in August 1813, after the conclusion of the Napoleonic campaign. There were three faculties: the faculty of languages, the faculty of liberal studies, and the faculty of theology. The faculty of languages (the philological faculty) o�fered classes in foreign languages and literature, including Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, Syriac, Polish, Russian, French, German, and Italian. Many of these subjects were taught by professors who had a native command of the foreign language in question. The faculty of liberal studies o�fered courses in poetic composition, oratory, oratory, philosophy, logic, metaphysics, theoretical and experimental physics, chemistry, theoretical and applied mathematics, civil and military architecture, law and legal history, and general and natural history. The faculty of theology o�fered courses in dogmatic and moral theology, theology, Bible studies, and the history of the church. In all faculties, courses were supplemented by lessons in drawing, music, dance, fencing, and gymnastics. Students of all faculties also had classes in modern foreign languages, every day throughout every year of their studies. Education was free of charge, although students paid an annual fee of one hundred silver rubles (from 1818, this was 150 rubles) for food and board. Fees  were charged for supplementary courses, which were were conducted by lay teachers. Outstanding students were eligible for grants. There was also a system of support for poor students in the musicians’ dormitory. The college instilled in  young people a respect respect for religious values values and a patriotic attitude.�� attitude.�� The academy published a scholarly and literary journal  Miesięcznik Połocki  that aimed to popularize knowledge about literature, culture, history, and recent scienti��c achievements in the community. community. An integral integral part of the academy was the range of cultural institutions mentioned above: the libraries, the

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Leszek Zasztowt,  Kresy 1832–1864. Szkolnictwo na ziemiach litewskich i ruskich dawnej  Rzeczypospolitej  (Instytut  (Instytut Historii Nauki ��� � ��:: Warsaw Warsaw, 1997), 56.

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printing press with its bookshop, the theater, theater, the museum of nature and physics, and the art gallery.  Above all, books were present in the academy and were always always ava available. ilable. There were several libraries: the main library, the Polish library, the clerical library (a theological library), the library of the chancellery, chancellery, and open shelves of books lined the corridor that formed the students’ library (mainly dictionaries and periodicals). Collections of handbooks were to be found in the professors’ rooms, in classrooms (on average some 900 volumes), and in student dormitories. All holdings of books were carefully cataloged. The catalogs of books are now scattered. These collections grew very rapidly, thanks to sets of books brought by members of the order, and thanks to gifts from Europe and America.�� From the time of Superior General Lorenzo Ricci (elected in 1763), many books were purchased. When the academy was established, these purchases were substantial. For example, in 1819, 1,000 rubles were spent on books. The collections, especially in Polish, were supplemented by editions produced in the academy’s own printing house. Fr. Brzozowski used these collections to write his history of Polish Polish literature and his dictionary of Polish Polish writers. The main library was located in the three-story brick building that accommodated the college. It occupied a room on the second ��oor, above the refectory, and took up a comparable amount of space. A specially prepared route led to the books: stairs with a carved balustrade, a corridor hung with pictures and maps, and at the doors of the library a copy of the Manresa Grotto, with ��gures of the Holy Virgin and Child and the ��gure of St. Ignatius of Loyola. The reading room’s double doors ensured silence; under-��oor heating provided  warmth; six large large windows o�fered su���cient light. Along Along the walls, walls, twenty-one twenty-one large cupboards were symmetrically arranged. They were carved and glazed. There was also a row of smaller cupboards. Long and massively constructed tables provided places for working. The splendor of the main library room and the value of all the Połock Połock collections of books were underlined in the reports of a series of tsarist inspectors.�� inspectors.��  Years  Years later, later, graduates, too, wrote of them, recalling the cultural treasures that �� ��

Ludwik Grzebień, “Organizacja bibliotek jezuickich w Polsce od XVI do XVIII wieku,” wieku,” in  Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne Kościelne (1975),  (1975), 30:231–239 and 31:225–237.  Komitet szkolny. szkolny. Akta, raporty, raporty, korespondencje szkół etc. 8. Gub[ernia] Witebska C. Połock.  Księga z aktami zdawania biblioteki, kancelarii kancelarii i gabinetów Akademii Połockiej z roku 1822 na mocy ukazu z roku 1820, 1820 , Ms. VUB Wilno F 2 �� – 608; Franciszek Radziszewski, Wiadomość historyczno-statystyczna o znakomitszych bibliotekach i archiwach publicznych i prywatnych (Cracow, prywatnych (Cracow, 1875), 62–63.

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had been lost. Today, we know of the collection of books from the catalogs made by ten tsarist inspectors in 1820. They spent about six months preparing the catalogs, and they had to be accompanied by Father Michał Leśniewski, the academy’s librarian, with his secretary, secretary, the head of the printing printi ng house Wincenty Żołądź, the head of the museum, Józef Cytowicz, and Maurycy Połoński, the head of the schools. For Father Leśniewski it was a time of great tribulation. He  was the the last Jesuit to see the the academy’s academy’s collection collection of books in all all its splendor splendor. The catalogs of books are scattered today and have survived in an incomplete state, but they can be supplemented by looking at other reports.�� Also treated as part of the collection was the number of books listed as being transported by ��fty wagons guarded by a company of  jäger  of  jäger  troops  troops from the colleges in Użwałd (Izvalta) and Vitebsk. Books from the academy’s printing house and bookshop were shown separately, but were counted in the total. Thus, in the ��rst general catalog of 1820, 132,810 books were listed. In the second catalog, prepared somewhat more carefully in 1822, when the academy’s property was transferred to the Piarist order, this number was considerably higher. The collection was arranged according to various groupings. The catalogs take the form of tables with the following rubrics: order number, author, title,  year of publication, place of publication, and format.�� The catalogs contain many unique volumes, for example: Elias Hutter,  Biblia Novi Testamenti, Testamenti, syriace, ebraice, graece, latine, germanice, bohemice, italice, hispanice, gallice, anglice, danice, polonice (Nuremberg, (Nuremberg, 1599); Thomas à Kempis, Opera et libri  (Naumburg, 1494); H. Dionysius, Opera Opera   (Strasbourg, 1497); St. Jerome,  Liber epistolarum  epistolarum  (1497); Peter Lombard, Sententiarum  Sententiarum  (1516);  Bibliotheca maxima  Patrorum  Patrorum (1677);  (1677); J. Bollandus, Acta Bollandus,  Acta Sanctorum ex latinis et graecis, aliarumque  gentium monumentis collegit  (1634–1794),   (1634–1794), in 52 volumes; J.B. Passerio, Picturae Passerio,  Picturae  Etruscorum in vasculis in unum unum collectae (Rome, collectae (Rome, 1767); and D.V. Denon, Voyage dans la Basse et la Haute Egypte pendant les campagnes du général Bonaparte (Paris, 1802). Here, only selected examples of folio editions are given: illustrated, multi volume editions, the kind kind of books books that would grace the holdings holdings of of any library. library. They are listed once more in the index of books transferred in 1831 to the Imperial Public Library.�� It is di���cult to discuss the vast Połock collection in ��

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Wypis z księgi Naukowego Naukowego Komitetu Głównego Zarządu Szkół , Ms. ARSI Rome Coll. Gaillard, sch. 34 Russia No 6, f. 381–382�, f. 388, f. 393–393�, f. 427; Komitet  Komitet szkolny; szkolny; Ms. NHAB Mińsk, F 1430–1, 50 171, f. 70–70�, 73–73�.  Komitet szkolny szkolny.. Wyciąg z katalogu książek Połockiej Biblioteki wyznaczonych do przekazania Imperatorskiej  Publicznej Bibliotece, Bibliotece, Ms. NHAB Mińsk, F 3157–1, 83, f. 47–48�, f. 85–86�, f. 94–94�.

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its entirety. It contained editions published by presses in Amsterdam, Antwerp, Berlin, Bologna, Frankfurt, Ferrara, Genoa, Ingolstadt, Cologne, Leipzig, Milan, Mainz, Munich, Nancy, Naples, Nuremberg, Padua, Paris, Prague, Rome, Riga,  Vienna, and Wurttemberg. Wurttemberg. Catalogs contain texts by many major classical authors, for example, the works of Vergil (1504), Terence (1595), and others. The collection of the oldest editions of Polish literature include works by  Jan Kochanowski, Kochanowski, Jakub Wujek, Piotr Skarga, Skarga, and others. They are listed listed alongalongside the works of Polish scholars, for example, the astronomers Jan Hevelius (Selenographia of Selenographia of 1647 and  Machinae coelestis of coelestis of 1673) and Marcin Poczobut. The ��rst editions of the works of Polish historians such as Jan Długosz were part of the collection, along with editions of statutes, heraldry, geographical texts, and sets of very old maps. A European rara avis was avis was Szymon Syreński’s  Zielnik   [Herbarium], a compendium of botanical, medical, mineralogical, zoological, and dietary information. Handbooks included those in the ��elds of geometry, chemistry, physics, botany, and mineralogy, along with guides to economy, farming, military matters, and other subjects. The collections of  works held in several volumes included grammars of ancient and modern languages. The individual collection of books of the Jesuit professor of theology  Aloysius Rusnati were cataloged only according to subject matter, matter, also noting language and format. In his room, there were 106 Bibles in various languages and formats, Eastern Orthodox histories, theological writings, and works by the Church Fathers. In total there were 2,496 books. In a secret catalog of forbidden books, there are editions of works by Martin Luther (1539), John Calvin (1552), Philip Melanchton, and others. These catalogs allow one to draw many conclusions of a scholarly and cultural nature. Books that are listed in numerous places where they were used are the clearest indication of the intellectual activity of the Połock community.  As has been noted above, the collection was broken up in stages. The last distribution took place in 1831.�� The books made their way to libraries in St Petersburg, Moscow, Mogilev, Minsk, and a variety of secondary schools in Belarus. A small part of the holdings was granted to the corps of cadets that took over the academy after the departure of the Piarists in 1830. In 1915, this part of the former collection was moved to Simbirsk. The historical fate of this collection prompts one more re��ection. The books from the Połock academy ��

Ms. NHAB Mińsk Mińsk F 3157–1 83; Ms. NAHB Mińsk F 1430–1, 2582; 2582; Edward Edward Chwalewik, “Leningrad,” in  Zbiory polskie. Archiwa, biblioteki, gabinety, gabinety, galerie, muzea i inne zbiory  pamiątek przeszłości w ojczyźnie i na obczyźnie. W porządku alfabetycznym według miejscowości ułożone, ułożone, vol. 1–2 (Warsaw—Cracow, 1926–1927).

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��lling, after 1820, the shelves of so many libraries, did not cease to ful��ll their basic function, and became the greatest contribution of the Jesuit order to promulgating Polish culture. The printing house in Połock started up shortly after dissolution in 1787 and functioned up to the liquidation of the academy. It owed its rapid development to its privileges of self-censorship and the need for Polish texts that could be used in educational and missionary work. It was not intended to to be a source of income. Money obtained from sales was ploughed back into the enterprise. The printing house was situated in a separate building to the left of the church. It consisted of seven separate rooms: a press, a typesetting room, a book-binding room, and a foundry, among others. Next door was the bookshop  with its store rooms. Under the supervision of Father Żołądź, the head of the press, four quali��ed members of the order and thirteen apprentice boys  worked  worked there. They were fully maintained by the order. order. It is worth noting that the Jesuits trained young men in many professions and trades: bakers, pharmacists’ assistants, gardeners, tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, coopers, grooms, locksmiths, blacksmiths, drapers, and others.  At the time of the con��scation of the order’s property, property, the press was fully operational.�� The presses were busy, as were the two machines for printing illustrations. illustrations. A ��fth press—the most modern—had not yet been installed, and many years after the expulsion of the order no one was able to make it work. The press had Latin, Polish, Russian, German, Greek, and Hebrew type. It could also print French, Italian, and Latvian texts, musical scores, and mathematical and chemical texts. Special type was produced in the foundry. Type  was carefully documented and organized organized in cases. Its weight was recorded: there were around six and a half tons of type (that is, 382 cases). This made it possible to produce high-quality books irrespective of the degree of di���culty. di���culty. The press’s publishing plans are revealed by the stores of printing paper (1,300 reams), organized by color, color, size, purpose, and place of production.�� production.�� The  wide variety of paper allowed the press press to prepare prepare di�ferent estimates estimates of printing costs. For example, the collection of prayers  Złoty ołtarzyk  [The   [The Golden Little Altar] (1819) was printed on white paper from Lubeka at a price of four rubles; the same book was printed on paper with a bluish b luish tinge at three rubles, and on gray paper at two and a half rubles. The “gray” printing came out in a

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Ms. NHAB Mińsk F 3157–1 83; Ms. VUB Wilno F 2 �� 610; Ms. ARSI Rzym Coll. Gaillard, sch. 34 Russia No 6, f. 381–382�; Ms. Nacjonalnyj Połockij Istoriko-Kulturnyj Muziej— Zapawiednik Połock—Dział Fondów ��� – 4 – 2800, k.4. Ms. NHAB Mińsk F 3187 1 83, k. 126, 137.

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large second edition in 1820. Readers were informed of the press’s books in a printed Katalog printed  Katalog.. No copy of this work has survived, however. The catalogs prepared by those sent to liquidate the academy’s property also gave up-to-date numbers of books in the bookshop and stores. Cheap books came out in large editions. For example, Nauka example, Nauka czytania pisma polskiego polskiego [The Teaching of How to Read Polish] (1818) cost ��fteen kopeks; there were 3,434 copies in store. Here, inexpensive religious texts predominated. These took the form of novenas, devotions, devotions, meditations, litanies, o���ces, the statutes of religious fraternities, prayer books, hymnals, etc. The devotional text  Do Świętego Ignacego  Ignacego  [To Saint Ignatius] was published in Polish and German, and in an edition for women. Handbooks of mathematics, history, geography, philosophy, and catechisms and primers in the press’s stores were recorded in editions of, on average, 1,000 copies. Exceptionally, a German grammar, in two parts, ran to 3,207 copies, and a Latvian primer to an edition of 2,200 copies. A trilingual primer (Polish-French-German) was also available, as was a Russian legal dictionary. A reprint of J. Ch. Gottsched’s German grammar had an edition of 3,207 copies, twice as many as the famous Latin grammar of the Jesuit Manuel Álvares.  Belles lettres lettres were  were represented by new editions of classical texts and a selection of Polish classics. Cicero, C icero, Caesar, Horace, Pliny the Younger, Younger, Suetonius, and Phaedrus were the most frequently printed classical authors. A large edition of Virgil’s  Aeneid   was printed in a cheap version, divided into cantos. Jan Kochanowski’s Wybór przedniejszych rymów [A rymów [A Selection of the Major Poems] (1816) is preceded by a list of printed Polish texts. The works of Piotr Skarga came out in exquisite editions. A complete edition of the works of Ignacy Krasicki was published, along with the Pieśni the  Pieśni nabożne [Devotional nabożne [Devotional Songs] and a translation of the Psalms by Franciszek Karpiński. Further, Tasso’s  La Gerusalemme liberata in liberata in Piotr Kochanowski’s translation was advertised, along  with many other texts. Polish editions were furnished with patriotic prefaces, underlining the value and beauty of the Polish language. This position, on the part of a Catholic college, unsure of its future, in the era of partition, helped to sustain a sense of Polish national identity.  An interesting interesting occurrence occurrence that came immediately immediately after after the departure of of the  Jesuits from Połock Połock was the theft of several thousand books from the bookshop’s stores. Evidently the Jesuits had instilled a mighty love of books within the local population.  After the tsarist authorities’ inspection, the books from the bookshop and the stores were distributed among schools in Belarus. The press, however, was initially transferred to the Piarists, and then divided up between the local

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authorities of Vitebsk and Mogilev.�� Finally, in 1833, it was sent to Kiev. The academy’s press, however, left behind a strong local tradition in typography. In present-day Połock, there is a museum of books and printing, quite unique in its holdings, which bears witness to the achievements of the Jesuit presence in the town.  Above the bookshop bookshop and the press there was was a theatrical space. The theater served both to educate the academy’s pupils and to build close connections with an invited public. The productions in Połock took various forms: ceremonies held in public spaces in the town, performances in the theater, and theatrical performances in the recreational gardens.�� These included public ceremonies that were integrated into the liturgy on holy days (for example, Corpus Christi), that celebrated saints (for example, processions  with the ashes of Andrzej Bobola), declamations, declamations, parades, triumphal arches, emblems, and light shows. These elements were usually included in all public processions.  Alongside these was the para-theater para-theater of secular ceremonial—greeting ceremonial—greeting powerful ��gures and dignitaries. We have already mentioned the ceremony of opening the academy. academy. A public, theatricalized element was also part of student demonstrations of knowledge and debating skill which took place in the ornate public lecture hall of the school. Here public experiments in physics and chemistry were conducted, as were debates on European drama (concerning Corneille, Racine, Crébilion, Molière, Regnard, Destouches, Lessing, Bohomolec, and Bogusławski). Bogusławski). Two theater groups—the academic theater company and the dormitory company—performed here. The stage was furnished with rich scenery that could be changed as necessary, and also “machinery for e�fects.” Most of the scenery was designed by the Jesuit Gabriel Gruber. As an educational institution, the theater regarded the recommendations of the Ratio the Ratio studiorum studiorum as  as fundamental and lasting. The authority of the outstanding Jesuit poet Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski held sway. In Połock, at the start of the seventeenth century, he held two series of lectures. The textbooks of Joseph de Jouvancy, Gabriel Le Jay and Charles Porée were much used in the theater at Połock. The theatrical repertoire was varied and was supervised by the authors of plays. A ��rst group of dramas consisted of works brought to Połock by  Jesuit writers. Among these was Francesco Angiolini, the translator translator of Italian �� ��

Ms. NHAB Mińsk 1430 1 50171, k. 24–29, k. 33 – 77�; 77�; Ms. ARSI Rzym, Coll. Coll. Gaillard, Gaillard, No 6, f. 418–420�, f. 470–472�. 470–472�. Irena Kadulska, Akademia Kadulska,  Akademia Połocka. Ośrodek kultury na Kresach 1812–1820 (Wydawnictwo 1812–1820 (Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego: Gdańsk, 2004), 122–162.

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editions of the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides. In Połock, he also wrote several comic works in Polish, of which he had a perfect command.�� Franciszek Franciszek Borowski also presented his dramas, reworkings of Metastasio’s texts. Borowski  was a doctor of theology, theology, who after the suppression of the order studied in Rome and Paris, and then came to Połock. Karol Żułkiewski brought to Połock the manuscript of his tragedy Święty Alojzy albo Ludwik Gonzaga  Gonzaga  (Saint  Aloysius; or, or, Ludovico Gonzaga), Gonzaga), which deals with the life and vocation of the patron of the Jesuit order. order. (This play had been performed previously in Danzig in 1770.)  A second part of the repertoire repertoire was was created created by young writers born in Belarus, Belarus, educated in Połock, and who later became teachers there: Nikodem Muśnicki,  Józef Morelowski, Morelowski, and Jan Jan Mihanowicz. Mihanowicz. Their texts are neo-classical and follow the distinguished models of Jesuit drama. Muśnicki published a two-volume collection entitled  Zabawki teatralne  teatralne  (Theatrical Toys) in 1803. He included three tragedies setting forth religious, patriotic, and moral themes, and also eight popular comedies. For example, Muzeum example, Muzeum ��zyczne (The ��zyczne (The Physics Museum) shows on stage how experimental subjects were taught in Połock. The carni valesque Pogar  valesque  Pogarda da nauk  n auk  (The   (The Despite of Learning) creates a world of inverted  values (the poet is king) and praises poetry and learning. In addition, the outstanding Hellenist Jan Mihanowicz brought Polish versions of Euripides’s Orestes and Orestes and The Phoenician Women and Women and Sophocles’s Oedipus the King into King into the repertoire.  A third group of dramas contained revivals of the work of respected eighteenth-century European dramatists from various provinces of the order. order. These included Charles Porée, Gabriel Le Jay, Giovanni Granelli, Agostino Pallazi, and Andreas Friz. It is here, among these works, that one can see most clearly the continuity of the dramatic achievements of Jesuit theater. theater. The statute of the academy ��xed Tuesday and Thursday afternoons as times of rest. One form of recreation was a trip to the order’s property outside the town, the Spas farm. Here, in a village setting, poetic texts were recited, and there was singing and music. Recitations were inspired by the life of the college: visits by guests, the return of members of the community, community, holiday dishes, ��

“Angiolini, Angioli ni, Francesco,” in  Dizionario biogra��co degli Italiani   (Rome, 1960), 284–286 ; 284–286 ; Sebastiano Ciampi , , Bibliogra��a critica delle antiche reciproche corrispondenze dell’Italia con la Russia, con la Polonia Polonia,, vol. 1 (Adegi Graphics: Florence, 1834), 8 and 214. In 1783, the  Angiolini brothers arrived in Połock: Francesco, Gaetano, Giuseppe (Luigi did di d not arrive until 1784). Only Gaetano returned to Rome, in 1805, where he worked to renew the order. The remaining three continued to work in Połock, and died there before the expulsion of the Jesuits ( Encyklopedia ( Encyklopedia wiedzy, wiedzy, 11).

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��shing, and the birthdays of professors and friends. Patriotic songs were also sung. Many of these recitations have survived in the form of decorated decorated manuscripts. These theatrical events in Spas, creating a locus amoenus, amoenus, made for a relaxed atmosphere in which students could reveal their talents. It also created a sense of community and of belonging to the academic world. In their recollections of the academy, writers often mention a particular type of theatrical event created by Gabriel Gruber, doctor of medicine, painter, painter, and mechanic of genius. He had come to Połock from Vienna. This involved a moving, larger than life, speaking head of Socrates, called the Wooden Grandfather ( Drewniany ( Drewniany Dziadek ).). It was a re��ection of the new spirit of the age, a time of robots and mechanical devices. The Grandfather possessed knowledge of the future, spoke several languages, and could move. In various places around the college, he “came out from behind the wall” and in interaction with the students and pupils answered questions in various languages. This was a mobile masque, close to performance because of its form, its action, its active interaction with the spectators, spectators, and its use of space. In later work by graduates graduates of the academy, academy, speaking sculpture became a symbol of the college’s college’s fate: after its closure it still maintained its spirit and ability to judge the world.��  When one evaluates evaluates the theater of the Połock Połock academy, academy, it is necessary to understand not just its educational and pastoral function, but also how it established cultural links with the inhabitants of Belarus. It long remained in the memories of graduates, graduates, and kept alive the tradition of Jesuit school drama.  After 1780, the personnel personnel of the college grew, grew, and so did its buildings. buildings. In 1788, 1788, a two-story building was constructed linking the press and the main building. It was used to accommodate a museum. This created an integrated architectural complex: the college, the newly created museum, and the press with its bookshop and the theater. Nikodem Muśnicki, whom we have already mentioned, the poet and author of  Historia Albae Russiae Soc. Iesu, Iesu, described the museum workshops and the role of Gabriel Gruber in furnishing them. He also itemized the costs incurred and the general public’s appreciation of the results of his e�forts. The inspectors’ reports give an account of the museum’s um’s equipment and holdings, as do students’ and guests’ recollections, recollections, articles in the press, and also lists of requisitions.�� Another source is provided by the volumes of lectures, in which experiments, specimens, models, models, and equipment are described. The museum’s high status was a result of the growing �� ��

Jan Barszczewski, “Drewniany Dziadek,”  Rubon   Rubon  no 8, ed. Kazimierz Bujnicki (Vilnius, 1847), 131–175. Ms. ARSI Rzym Coll. Gaillard, sch. 34. No 6 f. 323–478�; Ms. NHAB Mińsk F 1430 1 50171 50171 kk. 30–37�, 70–73, 78–85�, 87–88; Ms. VUB Wilno F 4 – A 652 and F 4 – A 4573.

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importance of mathematics and the natural sciences in the Jesuit system of education. The museum was made up of eight rooms. It consisted of an astronomical observatory and a celebrated, multi-functional astronomical clock (a  pantadeíknyon) tadeíknyon) located in the nearby garden. The ��rst room, a chemistry laboratory, was arranged for conducting any kind of experiment and explaining the underlying scienti��c principles. The neighboring room was for school exhibitions. The third room was devoted to natural history; its collections were an introduction introduction to the history of the earth and its nature. The natural history collection included a mineralogical collection (including fossils, shells, a range of metals, minerals and precious stones), a botanical collection, tables of plants and fruits, specimens from the animal kingdom, and also albums and anatomical texts. There There were, in addition, artistic objects made of natural materials. Among these were four volumes written on palm leaves from Malabar dating from the beginning of the ��fteenth century. There  was also a valuable valuable desk desk made made out of tortoiseshell. tortoiseshell. The museum’s museum’s ��rst ��oor ��oor was was occupied by a physics display divided among three rooms decorated with frescoes. Here were gathered instruments and devices used in physics, astronomical instruments, hydrostatic, mechanical, hydraulic, and pneumatic models, and varieties of electrical apparatus. This part of the museum provides impressive evidence of the high level of the teaching of modern physics, astronomy, optics, acoustics, applied mathematics, mechanical hydrostatics, hydraulics, and aerometry. A separate room was ��lled with a collection of models and architectural plans of great use in practical training (for example, how to construct a building depending on its function, from the ground up; moving models; the operation of heating systems, etc). The corridors of the museum building formed an art gallery, gallery, augmented by portraits of Polish royalty, Jesuit saints, popes, and copies of European paintings, along with other pictures that hung in the o���ces, libraries, and other corcorridors of the academy. In the tsarist inspectors’ inventory, pictures from the main church and adjacent parish churches are also included.�� The exhibition room, also part of the museum, served as a venue for public lectures and demonstrations of student skills and abilities. For example, students presented ways ways of marking the position of the stars, use of the compass, calculating the azimuth, and climatic and astronomical phenomena (of use in navigation). There was much focus on science related to electricity, galvanic ��

Ms. NHAB Mińsk F 1430 1 50171; k. k. 83; Ms. VUB Wilno F 4 – 24565 (A – 652): poz. poz. 917; ibidem: 24605; M. Kałamajska-Saeed, Losy Kałamajska-Saeed, Losy wyposażenia kościoła kościoła Jezuitów w Połocku, Połocku, Ms. ATJ Kr. 4475.

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theory, steam engines, and freezing. Exhibitions were announced in the local press and in printed programs.  As mentioned above, the buildings were initially transferred to the Piarists in 1822, and after their departure and removal, a cadet school was installed there in 1831. A military academy now occupied a college inspired by a European spirit and outlook. The continuity of a Polish educational institution that had operated for 240 years was interrupted. During this period, the Połock college  was a model of how the Jesuit order could function, a model model that gav gavee Catholics Catholics substantial support and a feeling of community. It built links with townsfolk and local landowners. Every Every year it drew to it hundreds of students and graduates. The town derived economic impetus, the prestige of a university, and bene��ted from its charitable activities. The multi-national group of professors gathered there transmitted Latin culture and what can be broadly understood as the culture of the West. West. The tsar’s decree expelling the Jesuits from Russia was read aloud in Połock on Holy Tuesday, March 13, 1820, and it was implemented without delay.�� The people of Połock who once, in 1580, were reluctant to accept Piotr Skarga and other emissaries of Ignatius Loyola in their midst, now, as they bade farewell to the order in 1820, demonstrated demonstrated their deep attachment to the  Jesuits, and universally expressed their regret at at the passing of the town’s town’s glory glory along with the departure of the Jesuits. In the many images of the farewells given to the academy’s professors by the people of Połock, descriptions recur of the people’s tears as their carriages departed under guard. In them, the professors stand with heads uncovered silently blessing those gathered around.�� In his account of the departure, one student, Otto Ślizień, recalled the weeping crowd lifting clods of earth from the ruts under the departing carriages, and scattering the earth between the pages of devotional books. The earth was intended as a reminder of the role played by members of the Society of Jesus in the community’s educational and spiritual life. �� ��

J.N. Galicz, Wygnaniec z Białej Rusi pisany w R[oku] P[ańskim] 1821 w Mont-Morilionie we  Francji , Ms. ATJ Kr. 662. Otto Ślizień, Z Ślizień, Z pamiętnika Rodziny Rodziny Śliźniów. Śliźniów.

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Sebastian Sebastian Sierak Sierakowsk owski, i, �. � . �. and the Language Language of  Architecture  Architecture  A Jesuit Life during the Era of Suppression and Restoration

Carolyn C. Guile *

The Jesuit architect Sebastian Sierakowski (1743–1824) was thirty years old  when the Jesuit order was dissolved in 1773. 1773. He was also a witness to the systematic dismantling, known as partitions, of the Polish-Lithuanian common wealth by the ascendant powers of Prussia, Russia, and Austria in 1772, 1772, 1793, 1793, and 1795. While holding a post as custodian of the crown inventory, inventory, Sierakowski  was repeatedly interrogated interrogated by Russian, Prussian, and Austrian authorities about the contents and whereabouts of the treasury. Sierakowski refused to talk. Legend has it that with his intimate knowledge of the Wawel subterranean passageways leading to the royal vault, Sierakowski and the painter Michał Stachowicz (1768–1825) absconded with the royal insignia, saving it from Austrian hands during the 1795 occupation.� Sierakowski’s patriotism took many forms. He was an intimate of the circle that produced the 3 May 1791 constitution and in 1817 he was the designer of a grand monument honoring his compatriot Tadeusz Kościuszko, leader of the failed 1794 insurrection. He aligned himself with those who blamed the country’s dissolution on the weakness of the commonwealth’ commonwealth’ss elected kingship. His undertakings in architectural design and theoretical writing took shape at a moment in the late-eighteenth-century commonwealth commonwealth when the permanence of statehood was elusive, and when heated debates about the nature and process of reform took took shape; as a Jesuit and, after the dissolution, as a Freemason� he drew upon his foundations in shaping his educational philosophy, serving the commonwealth, and directing those e�forts to restorative ends after the * I wish to to thank the Colgate University University Research Research Council for generous generous funding support support and the Historians of Eighteenth-Century Art and Architecture (�����) Publication Subvention Grant. I would also like to express my gratitude to: the editors, Robert Maryks and Jonathan  Wright; Paweł Paweł Styrna; Anna Gra�f Gra�f and the sta�f at the Jagiellonian Jagiellonian University Library Library,, Cracow; and David Frick. �  Polski Słownik Biogra��czny, vol. 37 (Warsaw and Cracow: Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich Wydawnictwo Wydawnictwo Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1996–1997), 295. � Ibid., 294.

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political catastrophes of the 1790s. It is interesting that his architectural writings aimed to establish his conviction that government resources, through the sponsorship of education, should play an important part in the elevation of the citizenry’s quality of life. As a guiding principle, he held that the nobility, through the application of that education as well as the e���cacious and moral allocation of its resources, bore the responsibility of setting an example to others through the improvement of the built environment. Durable, useful, and tasteful architecture gave rise, he held, to dignity itself; its lessons, therefore, must be understood and disseminated for the bene��t of all. The most tangible and practical way to do this, he believed, was via the introduction introduction of architecture into formal educational curricula: Let the Government lend courageous assistance, let it desire that the study of Architecture becomes part of general education, and it shall soon notice the results stemming from this […]. [T]he country would be resurrected through its buildings […]. For it is a certain thing based on numerous experiences, that a structure built properly according to a plan by a skilled [architect] costs just as much if not less than one built any  which way way by any which which artisans.�  Architectural  Architectural education therefore also made good economic sense; architecture itself was a matter of national survival and—importantly—restoration. This essay introduces Sierakowski’s architectural writings and discusses his ideas about the relationship between national restoration and an architectural practice grounded in the lessons of the past. It takes into account his political activity and situation, the values he embraced and promoted, and his approaches to building in order to situate within architectural history his two volume  Architektura  Architektura obejmująca wszelki gatunek murowania murowania i budowania [Architecture, including every type of masonry and building] which he published at his own expense in 1812. While Sierakowski Sierakowski claimed that his work was the ��rst of its kind to be published in the Polish language, it also belongs to a growing discourse on architecture articulated articulated among his associates during the era of the commonwealth’s last king, Stanisław August Poniatowski (r. 1764– 1795). His work is not an anomalous event in the literature on architecture, but is rather a product of discussions about the relationship between architecture and national survival in the 1770s, and is an important byproduct of reform-era activities under the aegis of the Commission of National Education, whose � Sebastian Sierakowski, Sierakowski, Architektura  Architektura obejmująca obejmująca wszelki wszelki gatunek murow murowania ania i budowania, budowania,  vol. 1 (Cracow, 1812), Przedmowa [Preface].

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many members were ex-Jesuits. ex-Jesuits. “Only under the last reign before the partition of Poland, when attempts to reform government intensi��ed, when the seed cast by the Educational Commission began to grow,” he wrote, did it become evident that “the genius of Poland, as in the case of other disciplines, had a particular predisposition towards Architecture as well.”� It may be that the discipline of architecture lent itself especially well to the post-suppression condition in which Sierakowski found himself. For him, the universality of architectural knowledge appears to have transcended the vicissitudes of politics. While the precise impact of the suppression on his work remains to be determined de��nitively, a consideration of his architectural activity o�fers an example of how one Jesuit was able to adapt his work within a postsuppression climate, and to promote his educational and social values through the language of architecture. architecture. Adaptation to the new conditions through disciplines that were of great interest to Jesuits, but which were not their exclusive domain, constituted a mode of productive survival; as the partitions took place, Sierakowski Sierakowski joined his e�forts with those of other ex-Jesuits, ex-Jesuits, members of religious orders, and public intellectuals intellectuals whose shared goals were reconstructive and increasingly national in nature. Like other early modern Polish-language writers on art and architecture, Sebastian Sierakowski is virtually unknown outside Polish circles.� Sierakowski  was not only a Jesuit and an architect, but also a statesman who served his fatherland in a variety of posts.� He entered the Society of Jesus on 12 August 1759 1759 at the age of sixteen, becoming a novice in the forti��ed town town of Ostróg, in the region of Volhynia (today located in western Ukraine). A Jesuit Collegium Nobilium was established there in 1751 1751 with its own professors and curriculum; architecture was likely taught there.� Time spent in Lwów (L’viv), where he � Ibid. � This is true of early modern Polish Polish and East East European European architecture architecture and architectural architectural theory in general. Hanno-Walter Kruft’s important volume,  A History of Architectural Architectural Theory from  (London: Zwemmer, Zwemmer, 1994) does not mention Polish developments. Vitruvius to the Present  (London: � The most important important and thorough thorough account account of Sierakowski’s Sierakowski’s work work as an architect architect and theorist remains Józef Lepiarczyk’s  Działalność Architektoniczna Sebastiana Sierakowskiego Sierakowskiego,, Projekty klasycystyczne i neogotyckie  (Cracow: Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 1968) and also his “Wczesna działalność Sebastiana Sierakowskiego, projekty barokowe, 1769–1775,”  9 (Cracow: Nakładem Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Jagiellońskiego, 1971): 199–229.  Prace z Historii Sztuki  9 � Jerzy Paszenda, Paszenda, “Nauczanie architektury architektury w szkołach szkołach jezuickich XVIII wieku,” wieku,” in Wkład   jezuitów do nauki i kultury w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów i pod zaborami  zaborami , ed. Irena Stasiewicz-Jasiukowa (Cracow: Wydawnictwo ���, 2004), 386. Following the Union of Lublin in 1569 the town of Ostróg had become the seat of two prominent Polish noble families, the Ostrowski and then the Lubomirski; Cossacks ravaged the town during the

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undertook the study of philosophy in 1761–2 and mathematics in 1764–5, was also seminal; Sierakowski Sierakowski remained in Lwów until the dissolution of the Jesuit order in 1773 1773 and the subsequent closure of the Jesuit academy there. He then relocated relocated to Cracow where, over the course of his long career, he �ourished as an architect, served as a canon at Cracow cathedral, acquired the position of custodian of the crown treasury, served as the rector of the Central School in Cracow, Cracow, and also became a senator in the Free City of Cracow during the time of the Congress Kingdom. Early architectural projects show his interest in the restoration of national buildings and monuments; across his career his reverence for Italianate architectural forms and principles became more pronounced. In 1777, he directed conservation work on the Sigismund chapel at  Waw  Wawel el cathedral, where it has been said that his ideas ideas helped preserve preserve the stylistic tenor of the Renaissance decorations.� In contrast, Sierakowski’s drawing dated from 1788 showing his design for the renovation of the Wawel cathedral façade (Fig. 6.1) is wholly Italianate and Palladian in �avor.� In this sense, he showed a willingness to abandon past forms and earlier styles in order to bring greater formal coherence and a contemporary architectural vocabulary to  Waw  Wawel’s el’s medieval façade. This project was in�uenced directly by Stanisław Stanisław Kostka Potocki and Piotr Aigner’s design of 1786–8 for the façade of the

Chmielnicki Uprising in ����, burning down the ��rst Jesuit church there. Reconstruction began around ����, and the new Baroque complex was completed in ����. On the Jesuits in Ostróg see Jerzy Paszenda, “Architektura kolegium jezuitów w Ostrogu,” in Jerzy Paszenda, Wydawnictwo ���, ��� , ����), ���–���; Andrzej Betlej,  Budowle  Budowle jezuickie jezuickie w Polsc Polscee, vol. � (Cracow: Wydawnictwo “Niech przyjdzie tu Witruwiusz wraz ze swoim następcami. Kilka uwag na temat kościoła  Jezuitów  Jezuitów w Ostrogu, Ostrogu,” Roczniki  Roczniki Humani Humanisty styczne czne ��� . Histori Historia a Sztuki  Sztuki  ��  �� (����): ���–���. � The restoration restoration project is mentioned brie�y in  ���  �� � , 37, 293; see also Józef Lepiarczyk and Bolesław Przybyszewski, “Katedra na Wawelu w wieku XVIII. Zmiany jej wyglądu architektonicznego i urządzenia wnętrz na podstawie badań historyczno-archiwalnych,” in Sztuka Wydawnictwo  Baroku, eds. Marcin Fabiański, Adam Bochnak, and Józef Lepiarczyk (Cracow: Wydawnictwo Klubu Inteligencji Katolickiej, 1991), 21–32. Recent scholarship on the Sigismund Chapel does not treat these restorations in depth. See Stanisław Mossakowski,  King Sigismund Chapel at Cracow Cathedral, 1515–1533  (Cracow:  (Cracow: ���� �� ��,, 2012). � For the collaboration collaboration between between Aigner and Potocki, Potocki, see most recently recently Jolanta Polanowska, Polanowska, Stanisław Kostka Potocki, 1755–1821: twórczość architekta, amatora, przedstawiciela neoklasycyzmu i nurtu picturesque   (Warsaw: Instytut Sztuki ���, 2009), 75–77, 192–195, 212–216 and passim; see also Tadeusz Jaroszewski, Chrystian Piotr Aigner, architect warszawskiego klasycysmu   (Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1970); Stanisław Lorentz and  Andrzej Rottermund,  Klasycyszm  Klasycyszm w   Polsce (Warsaw: Arkady, 1984); and Stanisław Lorentz, “Działalność Stanisława Kostki Potockiego w dziedzinie architektury,”  Rocznik Historii Sztuki  Sztuki 

(1956): 450–497.

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������ �.� Project for the renovation renovation of the façade of Wawel Wawel Cathedral. Cathedral. Elevation Elevation and  plan. Sebastian Sierakowski, Sierakowski, 1788. 1788. Signed: d 18 Aug: 1788 przez X. Seb. A Sierakowskiego Sierakowskiego kan/on/i/ka krak. Projekt Reformy Facyaty Kościoła Kathed. Krakows. 1788. Ink drawing on paper, 47.3 × 30.3 cm �����: �������� ����������, ������������ �������, ������, ������, ������

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Benedictine church of St. Anne in Warsaw, itself inspired by Palladio’s latesixteenth century façades of Il Redentore and San Giorgio Maggiore in Venice. Venice.  When taken taken as a group over the span of his career, career, the nature and and variety of Sierakowski’s extant drawings and projects demonstrate a certain degree of experimentation with what conventionally might be called “baroque,” “rococo” and “neoclassical” forms (for example, the neoclassical design for the colonnaded presbytery executed executed for the St. Augustine church at the cloister complex of the Premonstratensian nuns in Cracow, 1777), as well as with elements of French classicism. But Sierakowski’s oeuvre was governed neither by a consistent or speci��c confessional approach to architecture (such as a “Jesuit” style, the existence of which is a matter of heated scholarly controversy), nor by an absolute adherence to a single stylistic period language. On a formal level Sierakowski’s projects, which survive in numerous drawings housed at the  Jagiellonian University library library in Cracow Cracow,, might be best understood in relation relation to the translation of continental approaches to Latinate architecture and of theoretical convention within a regional context. It should also be remembered that as a resident of cities such as Ostróg and Lwów, Lwów, in the easternmost territories of the commonwealth, Sierakowski would have been exposed to a mixed confessional landscape where the presence of the Roman Catholic, Greek Catholic (Uniate), (Uniate) , Protestant, and Orthodox faiths produced a built environment that was typologically and morphologically varied. In that sense the relative relative conservatism of his classicism stands out and suggests a desire both for formal cohesion and for an alignment with visual expression associated with Latinate architectural practice. In a state that lacked a long-standing native tradition of architectural writing and—as European travelers had often noted—where the type and condition of the built environment was wildly varied, Sierakowski’s ambition to impart to his countrymen a classicizing formal language grounded in an engagement with Vitruvian principles is overtly reconstructive and reformist in tenor. One of Sierakowski’s designs conceived prior to the dissolution of the Jesuit order, a church in Lwów dated 1772, exhibits formal relationships to earlier, signi��cant Jesuit buildings (Fig. 6.2); that project loosely shares a formal vocabulary with the façade of Il Gesù in Rome, or—closer to home and itself related to the Roman prototype—to the church of Saints Peter and Paul in Cracow (consecrated in 1635; Fig. 6.3). Here, Sierakowski balanced formal clarity and the use of minimal ornament to yield a tempered, symmetrical façade articulated with a giant order; the bays of the ��rst-story screen emanate from a pedimented central portal with Doric capitals; scroll forms on the second story, evocative of those that mask the transition between nave and aisles at Il Gesù, are capped  with urns. These act as visually rhetorical rhetorical parentheses to the semi-circular semi-circular

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������ �.� Project Project for a church with a single nave and two two rows of chapels. Elevation. Sebastian Sebastian Sierakowski. Sierakowski. Signed: Leopoli d 26 Jan 1772. Inv: Delin: Archit: Seb. Al: Sierakowski SJ. Ink drawing and watercolor on paper, 46 × 35 cm �����: �������� ����������, ������������ �������, �������, ������, ������

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������ �.� Jesuit church of SS. Peter and Paul, Cracow. Cracow. Giovanni de Rossis, Józef Britius, Giovanni Trevano. 1597–1619, consecrated 1635  �����: ������

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pediment whose line is broken by a cross marking the façade’s highest point. The ground plan reveals a spacious three-bayed nave �anked on each side by contained chapels arranged en ��lade to form a clear path for circumambulation around the nave. Other projects such as his idea for a Greek-cross church  whose façade e�fectively masks the plan, bears two towers towers that evoke evoke those commonly used in Roman-Catholic façade designs elsewhere in the realm such as Wilno (Vilnius) and Cracow (e.g. the basilica of St. Michael Archangel, Cracow, whose façade dates from c.1762). The bell tower (Fig. 6.4) Sierakowski designed for the church of St. Anne in Cracow on St. Anne’s street, not far from the Royal Route that connected the city’s center with the Wawel castle and cathedral complex, responds visually to the tower “nad Kapitularzem” (“over the chapter house”) ho use”) on Wawel Wawel cathedral, dating from 1715 (Fig. 6.5). 6.5) . Sierakowski’s early sacral designs recall forms related to morphologies embraced during the Counter-Reformation—a Latin cross plan with a substantial nave and a clear organization of spatial hierarchies—as translated into the European borderlands; at the same time they respond to the local architectural landscape.�� Sierakowski’s projects also included designs for palaces, villas, gates, wells, tombs, public monuments (such as for Copernicus and Kościuszko), garden pavilions in the Chinese and Turkish Turkish styles, and theaters. His plans for the renovations of Cracow’s Sukiennice, or Cloth Hall, the theaters in Szczepański Square and in the Old Town Square, as well as for the Ratusz, or town hall, begun from about 1815, reveal his desire for a greater visual uni��cation of the city’s major monuments according to sixteenth-century Italianate styles— plans which, had they been realized, would have resulted in a very di�ferent architectural landscape for Cracow than that seen today. Drawings for the proposed renovations of the Sukiennice from the period 1818–1822 (Fig. 6.6) regularize the entire ground-�oor loggia and portals in a manner that, when seen from their long sides, evokes the austere rhythms of Michelangelo’s Michelangelo’s façades on the Capitoline hill in Rome; but within the same group of designs, he also proposed an alternative which would maintain the Gothic character of the structure, both in order to preserve visual concordance with the architecture architecture of the neighboring town hall, and to preserve its original Gothic conception.�� In a ��

��

Consideration of the designs for these towers and other related projects suggests that the in�uence on Sierakowski of the Dresden Baroque as represented in the works by Italian architects Gaetano Chiaveri (1689–1770) and Francesco Placidi (c.1715–1782), both of  whom worked worked in Dresden before arriving in Poland, remains remains to be explored. Biblioteka Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Jagiellońskiego, �� 1014. For an explication of this and related drawings see Lepiarczyk,  Działalność architektoniczna Sebastiana Sierakowskiego, 22–23 and ill. 76–81.

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������ �.� Southeast bell tower, tower, Collegiate Church of St. Anne, Cracow. Cracow. Sebastian Sierakowski. 1775  �����: ������

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������ �.� Clock Tower Tower “Over the Chapter House” (r; dome 1715) and Sigismund Tower Tower (l; dome 1899), Wawel Cathedral. Cracow �����: ������

completely di�ferent vein, he also designed the renovation of the wooden church of St. Adalbert in Dobroń (near Łódź; 1776–79); similarly, his plans and elevations for an octagonal wooden chapel (of unspeci��ed location) recall  vernacular sacral architecture architecture in the borderlands of the commonwealth commonwealth (Fig. 6.7); plans for the parish church in Pleszów (a suburb of Kraków) show a classically-inspired façade surmounted by a belfry whose roo�ine and form evoke regional wooden Latin church design.�� These projects underline Sierakowski’s broad interests in, and sensitivity to, local architectures, historical traditions, and custom, i.e. a regional proclivity for wood construction in a sacral context, even when other more durable materials may have been available.�� These are but a few examples of the kinds of projects one can ��nd in a corpus of hundreds of extant drawings, chosen for the range of approaches they embody and for what they reveal about the nature of Sierakowski’s dispositions. �� ��

Biblioteka Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Jagiellońskiego, �� 999. See Lepiarczyk, Działalność architektonarchitektoniczna Sebastiana Sierakowskiego, 13, 14. See Adam Miłobędzki, Miłobęd zki, “Architecture Architect ure in Wood: Technology, Symbolic Content, Content , Art,”  Artibus et Historiae Historiae 10/19 (1989): 177–206.

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������ �.� Elevation of the short side and transvers transversee elevation of the Cloth Hall (Sukiennice). (Sukiennice). Sebastian Sierakowski. Inscription: La Façade des Pavilions; Par respect pour le Grand Casimir Roi de Pologne pour conserver le gout du Siecle, et eterniser la memoire de ce Prince, qui pendent la disette, d isette, pour soulager le people, a fait eriger, eriger, ce grand batiment; Lubo faciata gotycka, nie iest stosowana do architektury Rzymskie[j] zachowana iednak w swoiey całoś[ci] z przyczyn, że cały środek Sukiennic iest gotycki. Pozostała Pozostała Monumentu takiego, od wiekow przez króla… zbudowanego, Pamiątka zachowana bydź  powinna. Watercolor and ink on paper,  35.8 × 46.5 cm �����: �������� ����������, ������������ �������, ������, ������, ������

The dissolution of the Jesuit order necessitated the reinvention of Jesuit endeavors, resulting in changes in custodianship of Jesuit churches and schools by other orders, reallocation reallocation of resources, and the welcoming welcoming of Jesuit priests and scholars within commonwealth institutions at least prior to the partitions.�� Another important facet of Sierakowski’s career was his deep

��

For a list of the main modi��cations to public schools during the period period 1773–1792 1773–1792 see  Ambroise Jobert,  La Commission d’Education d’Education Nationale en Pologne (1773–1794) (1773–1794)  (Dijon: Impr. de Darantière, 1941), Appendix V.

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������ �.� Octagonal wooden wooden chapel; plan, section, section, elevation. Sebastian Sebastian Sierakowski. Sierakowski. n.d. Watercolor and ink on paper, 22.4 × 52.7 cm �����: �������� ����������, ������������ �������, ������, ������, ������

involvement with the Polish educational agenda that emerged during the 1730s and 1740s, associated with the activities of the Piarist Stanisław Konarski (1700–1773) and the brief reign of King Stanisław Leszczyński (r. 1733–36).�� Like many Jesuits (for example, the writer Grzegorz Piramowicz; the historian, translator, and publicist, Jan Chrzciciel Albertrandi; and the astronomer and physicist Andrzej Gawroński, among others), Sierakowski was active in the National Commission for Education [ Komisja Edukacji Edukacji Narodowej  Narodowej ] founded in 1773 during Poniatowski’s reign, and in connection with Jesuit and Piarist educational programs.�� programs.�� Ex-Jesuits were among the members central to its mission in the years following the dissolution of the order, and one can speak of the survival or translation of the order’s goals and ethos within the commission’s milieu. The Piarists emerged as its leaders, and it is interesting that the design for the Piarist church of the Trans��guration Trans��guration in Cracow, Cracow, the façade of which was designed by Francesco Placidi in 1759–1761, was loosely inspired by designs for Il Gesù; quadrature painting by the Bohemian painter Franz Eckstein dating from the 1730s and reminiscent of the work of Andrea Pozzo adorns the vault of the nave. Monuments such as this with which Sierakowski Sierakowski would have been familiar serve as a reminder of the wide circulation and embrace of Italianate �� ��

See ibid. , , 30–164. Bronisław Natoński SJ, ,“Jezuici a Komisja Edukacji Narodowej,” in  Z Dziejów Szkolnictwa  Jezuickiego w Polsce,  ed. Jerzy Paszenda (Cracow: Wydawnictwo ���, 1994), 210–240. Originally published in Roczniki Humanistyczne Humanistyczne ��  � � ��� �� � 25/2 (1977): (1977): 65–98. The The literatur literaturee on the Commission of National Education is extensive; among others, see Józef Lewicki, Geneza Komisji Edukacji Narodowej, studium historyczne  (Warsaw: Książnica Polska, 1923) and Ambroise Jobert, La Commission d’Education d’Education Nationale Nationale en Pologne (1773–1794) (1773–1794).

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approaches to architecture architecture and representation in the region. (Figs. 6.8 and 6.9). It was within the National Commission for Education’s Edu cation’s milieu and its subsequent transmogri��cations after the partitions that Sierakowski’s architectural  writings took shape. His active membership within the commission’s commission’s Society for Elementary Textbooks ( Towarzystwo Ksiąg Elementarnych) from 1778–1792, 1778–1792, also populated by ex-Jesuits, and his close professional and personal relations  with two important Enlightenment-era Enlightenment-era ��gures within it—Stanisław it—Stanisław Kostka Potocki (1755–1821) and Ignacy Potocki (1750–1809)��—provided fertile ground and fundamental inspiration for the development of the  Architektura  Architektura. Sierakowski worked on the project for over a decade and, completing it under the aegis of the duchy of Warsaw, dedicated it to Napoleon. The  Architektura  Architektura stands as a national work written in a spirit of optimism about the possibility of national rebirth; plate XIII in volume II (Fig. 6.10) depicts a study for a column with capitals ornamented with the Polish white eagle. In his dedication, Sierakowski did not restrain his enthusiasm for, and con��dence in, the emperor’s bene��cence and leadership.�� One of his stated goals was to use his native language deliberately to advance his educative, patriotic mission: The publication I have undertaken of a Work on Building, or Architecture in the national language, is the result of my desire to render a public ser vice and to broaden the Nation’s Nation’s enlightenment enlightenment in this subject, which in the most glorious periods of Polish Polish letters was heretofore untouched.�� untouched.��  At the end of the second volume, he included a glossary of Greek and Latin architectural architectural terms with translations into Polish. He confessed in the introduction that “in spite of the e�forts and labors I undertook to render the entire treatise only in Polish words, I was unable to accomplish that goal.” Because there were no native equivalents for these terms, he added that “such an e�fort could easily turn into a joke.”�� Like preceding authors in other languages, he �� ��

�� ��

This association is mentioned in Jolanta Polanowska, Polanowska, Stanisław Kostka Potocki, 1755–1821: twórczość architekta, amatora, przedstawiciela neoklasycyzmu i nurtu picturesque , 163. “Provoked “Provoked by example, warmed by the need to be useful useful for the Fatherland, Fatherland, and most importantly, importantly, having been supported and encouraged by the gracious permission of YOUR ROYAL MAJESTY, My Beloved Lord, I repay a debt from the modest potential of my Fatherland’s Fatherland’s society, let it also be an homage that, along with myself and this work, I render at the base of YOUR Throne.” Sierakowski, Sierakowski, 1:1. Ibid., Przedmowa [Preface]. Ibid.

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������ �.� Piarist church of the Trans��guration, façade. Cracow. Cracow. Francesco Francesco Placidi. 1759–61 �����: ������

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������ �.� Piarist church of the Trans��guration Trans��guration,, nave. Cracow. Franz Eckstein, 1733 �����: ������

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decided to retain Greek and Latin terminology, but o�fered his glossary for those purists who insisted on Polish equivalents. Promoting an education to Poland’s noble youth that would both impart skills to serve the nation and provide the moral imperative to acquire them, Sierakowski sought formally to introduce architecture as a discreet curricular discipline; traditionally, if it were studied at all, it would be con��ned  within departments of mathematics. Proclaiming Proclaiming that at the academies of Cracow and Wilno “[t]he raising of Polish youths based on the principles of the Commission of Education has broadened enlightenment so successfully, even in the deepest of sciences, that for citizens of every class and of upper and lower standing, [education] started to become universal,”�� he declared that because the practice of architecture “brings bene��ts and beauty to the country,” it should not be neglected.�� The text, as he made clear, could not have emerged without a necessary engagement with the lessons of past writers. Sierakowski’s architectural sources shared a common engagement with  Vitruvius, the author of the only extant extant architectural architectural treatise from from the Western ancient world and to whom most European architectural theoretical writing refered to as a standard from the ��fteenth century forward.�� In dividing his  work into the Vitruvian triad treating “Beauty, “Beauty,” “Comfort,” and “Durability” as separate categories of evaluation, he also cleaved to the theoretical conventions of writers such as Francesco Milizia on whose  Principi di architettura architettura drew.�� civile [Principles of Civil Architecture] he drew.�� Using foreign architectural theoretical tracts from within the Vitruvian canon and adapting their contents to a Polish audience, Sierakowski’s writing also continued the line of inquiry embodied in projects begun and formalized by other public intellectuals and architectural amateurs such as Ignacy and Stanisław Kostka Potocki, who had close contacts with professional architectural practitioner-theorists (such as Piotr Aigner, Aigner, and Ferdynand Ferdynand Nax, the latter �� �� �� ��

Ibid. Ibid. Ingrid D. Rowland, Thomas Noble Howe, and Michael Dewar, Dewar, Vitruvius, Ten Books on  Architecture  Architecture (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999). For a discussion of Sierakowski’ Sierakowski’ss theoretical sources see Leszek Olszowski, “Księgozbiór ks. Sebastiana Sierakowskiego SJ i jego ‘Opus vitae’: architektura obejmuiąca wszelki gatunek morowania i budowania,”  Analecta Cracoviensia Cracoviensia  43 (2011): 329–340. I thank Robert Maryks and Jonathan Wright for bringing this source to my attention. For a brief consideration of Sierakowski’s place within Polish architectural theoretical writings see Zygmunt Mieszkowski,  Podstawowe  Podstawowe Problemy Architektury w Polskich Traktatach Traktatach od  Połowy  Połowy XVI do początku XIX w. w. (Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1970), 21–22.

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of whom had also written a glossary of Polish, Latin, and Greek architectural terms)�� and who were also exploring the connection between national progress, reform, and the knowledge of architecture. Though he did not mention it by name, his own text bears a marked similarity to that of Ignacy Potocki, the Uwagi o architekturze  [Remarks on Architecture], written around 1780 within the context of the work of the Society for Elementary Textbooks, and copied in manuscript for dissemination.�� Sierakowski’s Sierakowski’s indebtedness to Stanisław Kostka Potocki, Potocki, who encouraged him to publish the work, is an important aspect of the  Architek  Architektur tura’ a’ss genesis.�� Potocki, as Sierakowski’s mentor in architectural matters, had been hard at work articulating his position on the central importance of an architectural education to Poland’s youth. Sierakowski explained that he  was part of the group group invited invited to Potoc Potocki’ ki’ss residence residence to collabora collaborate te and share their ideas: “[I]t was in His House and under His leadership that these meetings, to which I had the honor of being invited, commenced.”�� That this activity began before the tumultuous period of the four year Sejm (1788–1792) is suggested by Sierakowski’s Sierakowski’s acknowledgement that, unfortunately, unfortunately, this work was of necessity interrupted by the need to attend to urgent political p olitical matters.�� Polishlanguage writing and the improvement improvement of the Polish language was was itself of great importance to Potocki; the appropriation of the history of art and architecture for the Polish language in his view would enable Poles to take their rightful place among European collectors, amateur architects, and connoisseurs, and allow them to participate in dialogues centered on establishing unequivocal notions of beauty, on arriving at a de��nitive understanding of the progress of cultures and their histories over time, and establishing connections between regionalism �� ��

�� �� ��

Ferdynand Nax, “Tabela “Tabela Terminów Architektonicznych, Architektonicznych,”” Biblioteka Biblioteka Uniwersytetu Uniwersytetu  Warszawskiego  Warszawskiego,, Gabinet Rycin, Zb. Krol., Krol., 186/2, Warsaw Warsaw.. Ignacy Potocki, Uwagi o Architekturze, Archiwum Publiczne Potockich, 278, Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych, Warsaw. Warsaw. See Carolyn C arolyn C. Guile, Guile , Ignacy  Ignacy Potoc Potocki’ ki’s ‘Remar ‘Remarks ks on Archit Architect ectur ure’ e’ The Vitruvian Tradition in Enlightenment   Poland (Pennsylvania State ��, forthcoming in 2015).  Polski Słownik Biogra��czny, Biogra��czny,  vol. 37 (Warsaw and Cracow: Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich and Wydawnictwo Wydawnictwo Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1996–1997), 296. Sierakowski, Sierakowski, vol. 1, Przedmowa [Preface]. “More important matters for the Fatherland during the ��nal session of the Parliament at times tore away our Chairman, and the partitioning of the Fatherland did not allow [him] to again take up the e�fort.” Sierakowski, 1:10. For Potocki’s position on the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth’s Commonwealth’s political crisis see Stanisław Kostka Potocki,  Pensées  Pensées sur la  Réformation Générale du Gouvernement Gouvernement de Pologne, par Mr. Mr. LeComte Stanislas Potocki Chevalier des Ordres de Pologne, Nonce du Palatinat de Lublin, Varsovie 1789 , Biblioteka

Narodowa w Warszawie, Oddział Rekopisów Specjalnych, W.1.3791.

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and the faculties of judgment. The addition of the Polish voices to these sources, they held, legitimized Poland’s status as a civilized nation utilizing the arts and their tenets to national ends, alongside other Christian nations for whom the classical tradition was seminal. The context of language and education reform had been a prerogative of King Stanisław August Poniatowski, and the general consensus in learned circles was that Poles did not read enough and did not publish su���ciently in their native language. Newspapers such s uch as the Warsaw Warsaw Monito  Monitor  r , sponsored by the crown and published between 1765 and 1785, printed letters, satire, and rhetorical exercises directed toward toward the promotion of reading and of education in the commonwealth.  An essay essay ent entitl itled, ed, “Abo “About ut the the Pov Povert ertyy of Writ Writers ers in in Pola Poland, nd,” lament lamented ed the the state state of of the Polish language, discussing the di���culty of both procuring and publishing Polish books on account of the fact that there was so little demand for them. “Who, here in our country, especially of the higher class, reads books written in the mother tongue?” The author’s indictment of Polish taste was unforgiving: Crap written abroad is worth more here than the most useful works written in Poland. Anything that is Polish is not in our taste. As soon as a book in Polish is published, it is ridiculed even though it is not read by anyone and no one knows what it contains. It is a great fortune if anyone even reads the title.�� The editor’s reply is worth quoting at length: I agree with the validity of your sorrow. I lament the bad fortune of our age. We all know about the need for education, we profess our love for it, but that love lives only in mouths […]. We, We, who show o�f our love of studies, we who are smart at home, we will not even ever buy out that handful of books that is printed within our borders. […] Can there be a better proof that studies have have been neglected in Poland more more than in any other European nation? nation? If we spent one hundredth on books of what we spend on hounds, drunkenness, and ungodly pleasures, we would soon have beautiful libraries. […] A Pole should ��rst invest in Polish books, our language’s imperfections should not scare him away from that. […] For the same reason we should encourage our countrymen to write in Polish so that we can enrich and improve our language.�� �� ��

Franciszek Franciszek Bohomolec? (Pseudo Literackie), “O Biedzie Autorów Autorów w Polsce,” Polsce,”  Monitor  Nr.   Nr. 72, 9 IX 1767. Ibid.

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In the post-partition post-partition period, another of Sierakowski’ Sierakowski’ss associates, Prince Adam Kazimierz Czartoryski, Czartoryski, also connected with the  Monitor , underlined the role of the native language as the most important unifying element and guarantor of the continuity of tradition for a broken country in his tract,  Myśli o pismach  polskich  [Thoughts on Polish Writing]. Ultimately, the cultivation of Polish  would be seen see n as requisite for citizens in all areas of social, political, and cultural life, and Sierakowski’s remarks about the necessity of producing a book on architecture in the Polish language should be seen within this context and in relation to this perceived endemic problem. In this way, the  Architektura  Architektura should not be seen as an anomalous feature on the landscape of Polish letters, letters, but as situated amongst the like-minded endeavors endeavors of his contemporaries contemporaries and close associates united under the imperative imperative of national cultural revival. revival. Discussions taking place at the turn of the century in the arena of the Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk [Society of Friends of Learning], established in 1801 and of which Stanisław Kostka Potocki was a founding member, also forged the connections between the arts and national regeneration, for example in Stanisław Kostka Potocki’s project, O sztuce u dawnych, czyli Winkelman  [On the Art of the Ancients, or the Polish Polish Winckelmann].�� Winckelmann].�� Sierakowski Sierakowski  Polski  [On became an honorary member of the society in 1815 and in the same year he assumed his senatorial post.�� It was after this time and in his capacity as senator that he began to draught the projects for the restoration and renovation of the key Cracow monuments described earlier.  What of the “Jesuit” “Jesuit” content content of Sierakowski’ Sierakowski’ss text, text, and the role role that his his backbackground may have played in its formulation? In the absence of explicit language connecting these two ideas, we can point toward his awareness of other  Jesuit undertakings in the realm of architecture. Citing Stanisław Stanisław Solski’s folio printed in 1683 under the title, “Geometry and the Polish Architect,” which also included information on mechanics and hydraulics,�� Sierakowski noted Solski’s admirable and deep grasp of mathematics, and his o�fering of that ��

��

Potocki Potocki presented presented the introduction introduction at a public meeting of the Society in 1803, and published the full text in 1815. See Carolyn C. Guile, “Winckelmann in Poland: An Eighteenth-Century Response to the ‘History of the Art of Antiquity’,” 9/���1, Journal of  Art Historiography Historiography 9, December 2013, 1–24 [http://arthistoriograph [http://arthistoriographyy.��les.wordpress.com/ .��les.wordpress.com/ 2013/12/guile.pdf]. 2013/12/guile.pdf] . See Alicja Kulecka, Małgorzata Osiecka and Dorota Zamojska, ‘…Którzy nauki, cnotę, Ojczyznę kochają’—znani i nieznani członkowie Towarszystwa Królewskiego Warszawskiego  Przyjaciół Nauk  (Warsaw:  (Warsaw: Archiwum Polskiej Akademii Nauk and Archiwum Główne Akt

��

Dawnych, 2000), 269–270. See Stanisław Solski,  Architekt Polski: to jest nauka ulżenia wszelkich ciężarów, eds. Józef Burszta and Czesław Łuczak (Wrocław: Zakład narodowy imienia Ossolińskich, 1959).

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knowledge to his homeland. Although admirable for its discussion of the ��ve orders and its ideas concerning sacral architecture, Bartolomiej Wązowski’s seventeenth-century work, work, composed during the reign of King Jan III Sobieski (r. 1674–96), was published in Latin; few could access it, making it relatively useless to a general public. Furthermore, he continued, the illustrations were for the most part illegible, and one could not easily grasp their meaning.�� Sierakowski both inherited and sought to expand beyond those works, approaching his project in the spirit of Vitruvian thoroughness with regard to  ��rmitas, utilitas, and  venustas. Importantly, the  Architektura  Architektura  promised to impart knowledge whose fruit would include the very buildings necessary for the propagation of parish education housed within it, and deemed this mission the responsibility of government, government, as will be discussed further. further. Its intellectual underpinnings followed from the classical Vitruvian tradition, but what  was new was that the bene��ts b ene��ts could now be universal in application. He singled out Bartolommeo Berrecci’s work at the Sigismund chapel at Wawel cathedral, the palace at Wilanów (formerly the property of Jan III Sobieski and in Sierakowski’s day, the residence of Stanisław Kostka Potocki), designed by Agostino Locci. However, he added, “[t]he buildings erected under the Sigismunds retained traces of their good taste and good will, but these small lights were growing dim for good taste and learning were not widely disseminated.”�� The eighteenth-century Polish architects, Stanisław Zawadzki, Jakub Kubicki, Jan Chrystian Kamsetzer, and Johann Christoph Glaubitz in Wilno  were, for Sierakowski, Sierakowski, especially worthy worthy of praise.�� The  Architektura  Architektura gave Sierakowski a forum to air his complaints about the poor state of rural building in the lands of the former commonwealth; commonwealth; the relationship of those architectural conditions to social and moral life; the precedents, in�uences, and sources from which he drew in composing his work; and the importance of introducing continental, continental, theoretical ideas on architecture in his native language to vastly increase that literature’s e���cacy. Knowledge  would yield improvem improvement: ent:  When I speak of universalization, universalization, I wish that that this be understood understood not not only as referring to Citizens and structures of the highest order. It is admittedly ��

Sierakowski, Sierakowski, 1:11. See Bartłomiej Natan Wąsowski, Wąsowski, Callitectonicorum, Callitectonicorum, seu de pulchro architecturae sacrae sacrae et civilis compendio collectorum liber unicus, in gratiam et usum matheseos auditorum in Collegio Posnaniensi Societatis Jesu  (Poznań, 1678). See also Jerzy Baranowski,

�� ��

Bartłomiej Nataniel Wąsowski, teoretyk i architekt XVIII w. (Wrocław: (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1975). Sierakowski, Sierakowski, vol. 1, Przedmowa [Preface]. Ibid.

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an even more numerous segment of the population that is less in need of  Architecture  Architecture than of masonry, masonry, and that is why it is also included in this scholarly work; churches, churches, the houses of the well-o�f, castles, palaces, monasteries, and, in one word, great buildings buildings are the subject of Architecture. Architecture. But the dwellings of the common folk in towns and villages, although they do not fall under the illustrious heading of Architecture, should be less often excluded from that science, as their uses and needs increase.�� He was emphatic about the imprudence of excluding rural building practices from instruction, noting the economic centrality of agriculture to the state.�� Two points connected to Sierakowski’s contemporary context shed light on the sensibility underpinning his universalist disposition and economically-oriented strategies. The ��rst concerns physiocratic writing, and the second recalls observations on commonwealth customs and building by foreign visitors, an example of which follows. Sierakowski’s physiocratic leanings may have been in�uenced early on by his exposure to the writings of the Frenchman, Étienne Rieule (d.1786), who served the crown in his capacity as director of buildings and manufactures. Rieule had been known in Poland for his treatises on Polish farming and Polish soils; his  Mémoire de l’agricultur l’agriculturee en général et de l’agricultur l’agriculturee de Pologne en  (Berlin, 1764)�� concentrated speci��cally on botanical and agricul particulier  (Berlin, tural ideas and terminology.�� Like Sierakowski, Rieule also had been active on the National Commission of Education; his writings earned him accolades in 1777 from Stanisław August Poniatowski who awarded him a medal reserved for foreign contributors to the commission. Rieule’s works were also published by the Society for Elementary Textbooks; Sierakowski was charged with the responsibility of translating them into Polish. He was forced to abandon this  work in 1782, 1782, however however,, when he was elected president of the Tribunal Tribunal of the Crown.�� The connection of writings such as these to national interests and national de��nition across the activities of the Society for Elementary Textbooks Textbooks �� �� �� ��

��

Ibid. Ibid. Published in 1767 into Polish as O gospodarstwie ziemiańskim w powszechności, a osobliwie o gospodarstwie ziemiańskim w Polszcze. See also Etienne Rieule, Mémoire de l’Agricultur l’Agriculturee en Général et de l’Agricultur l’Agriculturee de Pologne en Particulier. Par Mr. De Rieule, Général-Major au Service du Roi et de la République , n.d., and the Mémoire des Di�ferens Di�ferens Sols de Pologne Pologne, n.d. For physiocratic thinking in Poland see  Ambroise Jobert, Magnats polonais et physiocrate physiocratess français: 1767–177 1767–17744 (Paris: Droz, 1941). See ibid. , , 292–293.

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are reminiscent of the scholarly momentum that characterized the commission’s �ourishing. The  Architektura  Architektura, a post-partition work, continues those national educational themes by establishing necessary links between education, architectural architectural practice, and national culture.  A brief consideration consideration of commentary commentary on commonwealth commonwealth architecture architecture shows shows that Sierakowski’s urgency was justi��ed. During a ��ve-year exile in the PolishLithuanian commonwealth beginning in 1777 the ex-Jesuit Hubert Vautrin  wrote in detail about his encounter with Polish lifestyles and customs.�� His account was later published as  L’Observat  L’Observateur eur en Pologne (1807) and contained his careful observations of Polish mores, fashion, commerce, geological characteristics and climate, about which he was at times un�inchingly critical. In one passage, Vautrin Vautrin proclaimed that the state of architecture architecture in a given place provided evidence of how far a society had progressed in relation to others. He noted the glaring contrast between the wealthy and impoverished that announced itself most immediately in the built environment. Many foreign  visitors to to the area commented on the poor conditions they they encountered, encountered, conditions which Sierakowski himself acknowledged had resulted from the absence of a satisfactory education among among his countrymen in the discipline of architecture.�� architecture.�� Vautrin Vautrin singled out the Polish Polish use of wood as the primary building material for dwellings across social estates; he tied this custom to the acerbic remark that nowhere as in Poland were there so many architects, yet nowhere was there so little building. The magnates, he said, had absorbed the lessons of Vitruvius to some extent, but only in theory: “I doubt that in any country other than Poland are there more architects and fewer edi��ces: all of ��

��

Hubert Vautrin Vautrin (b. 1742) 1742) spent sixteen years in the Society of Jesus; following his novitiate he studied in the Jesuit colleges of his hometown (Meurthe), which �ourished under the protection and patronage of the Polish King and Duke of Lorraine, Stanisław Leszczyński.  After the dissolution of the Jesuit order in 1773 Vautrin Vautrin found employment as a professor in several colleges in Alsace-Lorraine. In 1777, he accepted a post to travel to Poland and educate a young nobleman, but in 1782 returned to Nancy and took up a public career in Metz. He was an active member of the Society of Sciences, Letters and Arts in Nancy and  was known for his curiosity and competence in several subjects, including the origins of peoples and their migrations, as well as Polish soils. Hubert Vautrin, Vautrin, La Pologne du XVIIIe XVIIIe siècle. Vue par un précepteur français,  ed. Maria Cholewo-Flandrin (Paris: Calmann-Lévy, 1966), 9–22. See also M. Michel Marty, Voyager en Pologne Durant la second moitié du  XVIIIe siècle: le domaine français de la littérature littérature des voyages (PhD diss., l’Université de Paris IV-Sorbonne, 2001), 92. In addition to Marty’s analysis and compendium of French French travel writers observing Poland, see also Wacław Zawadzki, ed.,  Polska  Polska Stanisławowska Stanisławowska w oczach cudzoziemców, 2 vols. (Warsaw: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1963) for a collection of primary source eighteenth-century travel accounts translated into Polish.

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the lords who are somewhat studied possess the theory of architecture, but  Vitruvius’s  Vitruvius’s art art is only in the mind. mind.”�� ”�� In light light of such observations, observations, Sierak Sierakowski’ owski’ss statement carries additional weight: It is therefore in the interest of the Government, humanity, the good of property owners, and the entire country’s honor, embellishment, and […] its strength, for the common people to lose its [appearance] of wretchedness to which its current generation has been growing accustomed from birth. They will slowly lose it once living in brick dwellings built in a rural, easy, and non-costly manner, and this ��rst step will predispose them to accept the Education the parish schools are preparing for them: And I dare assert that this should be the great mainspring of the Government’s concern for the people, which should cause its happiness to grow. Let this opus, which I am presenting to the reader, be the ��rst step toward this end.�� Taste was, for Sierakowski, the enemy of good sense and utility. He privileged the classical language of architecture architecture precisely for its robustness in the face of changing fashions and what he called aberrations aberrations in architecture. architecture. Novel forms could only capture the interest with �eeting precision because they strayed from the ideal. Taste, he wrote, changed constantly and fashionable tendencies therefore could not form a reliable canon of durable principles. In an expression of his somewhat orthodox view on formal indulgence, Sierakowski Sierakowski singled out the seventeenth-century Roman achievements of Francesco Borromini, architect of a mode that could not survive because its novel approach to form had inspired poor taste in others: No famous Architect introduced fashion, since such a desire is exhibited only by mediocre minds with little imagination. In Italy, Borromini was su���ciently daring, but not only did he fail to ��nd emulators, but he also managed to turn all pens and opinions to such an extent that his taste became a byword for bad taste.�� ��

�� ��

“Je doute qu’il y ait ait dans aucun pays plus d’architectes d’architectes et moins moins d’édi��ces édi��ces qu’en qu’en Pologne: tous les seigneurs un peu studieux possèdent la théorie de l’architecture, mais l’art de  Vitruve n’est est que dans les têtes.” têtes.” Vautrin, Vautrin, La Pologne, 80. Sierakowski, Sierakowski, vol. 1, Przedmowa [Preface]. “Żáden słáwny słáwny Architekt nie wprowadził wprowadził mody, mody, chętka ta iest udziáłém miernych tylko umysłów i drobnéy imaginacyi. Odwył się we Włoszech Boromini, ale nie tylko naśladówców nie znalázł, lecz natychmiást wszystkie pióra i zdaniá przeciwko sobie obruszył tak, że gust iego wszedł w przysłowie złego gustu.” Ibid.

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 With the above opinion in mind, mind, we might understand understand this attitude in light of of the fact that Latinate architectural styles arrived in the outer borderlands of the former Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth relatively late as compared to other European territories. Furthermore, adopting that visual language in, say, France or England, where the Greco-Roman architectural tradition and a relatively large body of architectural theory had long formed an important part of architecture architecture culture and political identity, identity, meant something di�ferent than it did when that language traveled further a��eld, to a context where very different architectural traditions—for example that of Orthodox Christianity—  were an important important part of the built environment. environment.  We  We can think of Sebastian Sierakowski’s Sierakowski’s ideas as belonging to a time when political boundaries were unstable, when the very identity and constitution of religious institutions responsible for national education was in �ux, and when nationalist discourses on arts and architecture played a signi��cant role in the defense of cultural custom and tradition. Writers and practitioners like Sierakowski and others, such as Ignacy Potocki, Ferdynand Nax, Piotr Aigner, Stanisław Zawadzki, and Stanisław Kostka Potocki, sought a common point of reference for Polish architecture when political autonomy was being eroded or (by 1795) had been taken away. The propagation of ��rm architectural principles in the Architektura  Architektura, Sierakowski’s attitudes toward restoration and conser vation, his position as a Jesuit reformer with close ties to the last reigning monarch, Stanisław August Poniatowski, and the context within which he  worked  worked must be considered together. together. His drawings drawings and writings on architecarchitecture demonstrate demonstrate two important points: that his educational ideas were allied to architectural principles that were ardently Greco-Roman and that he wrote in order to elevate the status of architecture architecture within the territories of the former commonwealth expressly for a Polish readership. Sierakowski, a Jesuit, was in essence a defender of Polish culture. culture. In closing, a description of the frontispiece to the  Architektura  Architektura makes his architectural architectural values and convictions about the restorative nature of his project clear (Fig. 6.11). A view into Wawel castle’s Italianate courtyard designed by Francesco Fiorentino—one of the ��rst expressions of Italian architectural styles north of the Alps—anchors Alps —anchors the page. On the left side of the engra e ngraving ving on the second story, the walls of the castle have been cut away to reveal the Chamber of Deputies (Sala Poselska). The co�fers of the ceiling there, he explains, contain over 100 carved wooden heads (not visible in the engraving). These are thought to have been carved by the German artists Sebastian Tauerbach and Jan Janda in 1534–1535, and may represent subjects of the realm in all of their variety. Below, he explains, we are shown the tomb of Casimir the Great (r. 1333–1370), “made [by the sculptor, Veit Stoss] of red marble in a

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Studies for capitals, plate XIII, Architektura obeymuiąca obeymuiąca wszelki gatunek gatunek murowania i budowania,  Vol. 2. Sebastian Sierakowski. 1810 �����: �������� ����������, ������������ �������, ������, ������, ������

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obeymuiąca wszelki gatunek murowania murowania i Frontispiece. Architektura obeymuiąca budowania, Vol. 2. Sebastian Sierakowski. 1812 �����: �������� ����������, ������������ �������, ������, ������, ������

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completely Gothic style of excellent, durable, and delicate workmanship.” In the foreground we see the tomb of King Jan III Sobieski, erected by Stanisław  August Poniatowsk Poniatowski,i, and carved from “domestic “domestic black marble” ornamented ornamented  with gilded bronze, bronze, the crown’ crown’ss eagle a���xed to to its short end. The three medallions represent “Kings who loved Learning: Casimir the Great founded the Krakovian Academy, Stephen Báthory [established the] Wilno [Academy], and  we know what a Lover of Learning Sigismund I was.” Above these medallions are the coats of arms of the crown (in the center), the grand grand duchy of Lithuania (on the left) and the house of Sforza (with which the Jagiellonian dynasty was  joined through through the marriage marriage of Sigismund I and Bona Sforza Sforza in 1518). He inserts inserts a Cracow legend:  Above the Title on the Table Table is the fairy-tale dragon which, from the den below Wawel [Hill] (on which the castle stands), wrought havoc and fear in the area until a Citizen of the City tossed him a fabricated beast stu�fed  with �ammable �ammable things to devour devour,, which, after igniting igniting in in the intestines intestines of this Monster, blew it to pieces.  A vignette through the Italianate Italianate arcade just behind the dragon, however however,, might have been the most signi��cant iconographical detail of all. For here is shown a phoenix being reborn from its ashes signifying, he wrote, “that the Fatherland has returned and is rising again.”�� ��

Ibid., Przedmowa [Preface].

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The Jesuit Artistic Diaspora D iaspora in Germany after 1773  Je�frey Chipps Smith With God’s God’s help, the [ Jesuits] will su�fer the same fate of the Templars. Templars. They harm our religion, the pious as much as the scholars.� scholars.�  With these words words the monks of the Benedictine monastery of Polling in southsouthern Bavaria Bavaria voiced their harsh opinion of the Society of Jesus and its university in Dillingen. The Jesuits had garnered both widespread praise and condemnation almost since their o���cial founding by Ignatius of Loyola in 1540. Two Two centuries later and now a world-wide enterprise, the Society of Jesus faced the animus of the rulers of Portugal (1759), France (1764), Spain (1767), and Parma and Naples (1768) who successively banned the Jesuits in their lands and overoverseas missions. Powerful political pressure from the Bourbons and eventually from Empress Maria Theresa of Austria (r. 1740–1780) ultimately prompted Pope Clement XIV (r. 1769–1774) to issue  Dominus ac Redemptor  suppressing   suppressing the Society of Jesus and its 23,000 members on 21 July 1773.� 1773.� The following year  Johann Leonhard Leonhard Öxlein of Nuremberg created created a silver medal celebrating celebrating this � Derek Beales, Prosper Beales,  Prosperity ity and Plunder: Plunder: European European Catholic Monasteries Monasteries in the Age Age of Revolution, 1650–1815  (Cambridge  (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 2003), 167. � For an an eyewitness eyewitness account of the reading reading of the bull to the Jesuits in Dillingen in in July 1773, 1773, see Max Springer, “Die Au��ebung des Dillinger Jesuitenkollegs (1773) in Aufzeichnungen eines Lauinger Augenzeugen,” Jahrbuch Augenzeugen,”  Jahrbuch des Historischen Vereins Vereins Dillingen an der Donau 77 Donau 77 (1975): 113–114; and for a polemical Protestant reaction, see Christoph Gottlieb von Murr,  Acht und  zwanzig Briefe über die Au�hebung des Jesuitenordens Jesuitenordens   (n.p., 1774). Richard van Dülmen, “Antijesuitismus und katholische Au��lärung in Deutschland,”  Historisches Jahrbuch 89 (1969): 52–80; Winfried Müller, “Die Au��ebung des Jesuitenordens in Bayern,”  Zeitschrift für  Bayerische  Bayerische Landesgeschichte 48 Landesgeschichte 48 (1985): 285–352; William V. Bangert,  A History of the Society of Jesus (Institute Jesus (Institute of Jesuit Sources: St. Louis, 1986�), 363–430; Bertrand M. Roehner, “Jesuits and the State: A Comparative Study of Their Expulsions (1590–1990),” (1590–1990),” Religion 27  Religion 27 (1990): 165– 182; Joachim Wild, Andreas Schwarz, and Julius Oswald, eds., Die eds.,  Die Jesuiten Jesuiten in Bayern Bayern 1549–1773 1549–1773,, exh. cat., Staatlichen Archive Bayern, Munich (Anton H. Konrad: Weissenhorn, 1991), 284– 294; Beales,  Prosperity  Prosperity,, 143–169; Rita Haub, “‘Ich habe euch nie gekannt, weicht alle von mir…’: Die päpstliche Au��ebung des Jesuitenordens 1773,” in  Alte Klöster – Neue Herren, Die Säkularisation Säkularisation im deutschen Südwest 1803, 1803, eds. Volker Himmelein et al., 2 vols., exh. cat., Bad Schussenried (Jan Thorbecke: Ost��ldern, 2003), 2.1: 77–88; Christine Vogel, The Suppression Suppression of the Society of Jesus, 1758–1773 (Institut 1758–1773 (Institut für europäische Geschichte, Geschichte, 2010), www 2010),  www.ieg-ego .ieg-ego.eu/ .eu/  vogelc-2010-cn [accessed June 14, 2012]. For the Society’s subsequent history in Germany,

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momentous action. The pro��le portrait of Clement XIV adorns the obverse  while Christ, accompanied by Saints Peter Peter and Paul, exclaims “I never knew  you, depart from me” as he expels three Jesuits on the reverse (Figure 7.1).� The papal decree’s full rami��cations are beyond the scope of the present essay. I wish, however, to consider brie��y the subsequent fate of the Society’s churches, colleges, libraries, and artistic possessions in Germany in the years and decades following the suppression.� The situations in Munich and Cologne  will be addressed addressed in somewhat greater greater depth at the end of the essay. essay. The story story recounted below focuses on one speci��c region yet it is generally representative of the material losses su�fered by the Jesuits across the world. By the broadest gauge, the Jesuits lost everything in 1773. Even with the reestablishment of the Society in 1814, their communities rarely regained the property they had possessed. While many losses can be attributed directly to the actions immediately following the suppression, the Society’s artistic patrimony was further diminished by other events. In 1781–1782 Emperor Joseph II (r. 1780–1790) ordered the secularization of Austria’s monasteries. The armies of the French First Republic crossed into Germany and seized control of

������ �.1  Johann Leonhard Leonhard Öxlein, Commemorative Commemorative Medal for the Suppression of the Society of Jesus , Jesus , silver, silver, 1774. 1774. Staatliche Münzsammlung, Münzsammlung, Munich �����: ���������� ������������

see Hermann Ho�fmann,  Friedrich  Friedrich II von Preußen und die Au�hebung Au�hebung der Gesellschaft Jesu (���� (�� ��:: Rome, ����); ����); Róisín Healy, Healy, The Jesuit Specter in Imperial Germany (Brill: Germany  (Brill: Leiden, ����) and Klaus Schatz, Geschichte der Deutschen Jesuiten, Jesuiten, � vols. (Aschendor�f: Münster, ����). � Wild et al.,  Die Jesuiten in Bayern, Bayern, 289–291, no. 249a; Michael Niemetz,  Antijesuitische  Bildpublizistik in der Frühen Frühen Neuzeit  (Schnell   (Schnell & Steiner: Regensburg, 2008), 180–183. I wish to thank Martin Hirsch for the photograph. � My focus is mainly on on towns in the Upper Upper Rhine, Lower Lower Rhine, and Upper Upper German Jesuit Jesuit provinces plus a few towns then in Austria but now within modern Germany.

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Cologne and much of the land west of the Rhine River from 1794 until 1815. Napoleon’s Napoleon’s agents systematically looted German collections for the museums and libraries of Paris. In 1802–1803 Elector Max IV Joseph (r. 1799–1806, king of Bavaria 1806–1825) secularized Bavaria’s monasteries. This and further secularizations elsewhere in Germany and, in 1848, Switzerland may not have a�fected the Jesuits directly, directly, yet they represented a further devaluing of religious art and institutions. Even after the re-establishment of the Society by Pope Pius VII (r. 1800–1823) in 1814, the much smaller membership rarely regained possession of their former properties. The Jesuits were banished from the German Empire once again from 1872 to 1917.  When one factors in over two centuries of wars, political upheavals, upheavals, and inevitable changes in artistic tastes and devotional practices, it is amazing how much of the Society’s artistic patrimony survives. Churches provide the most  visible reminder of the Society’s former physical presence in towns towns across the Catholic areas of Germany. From the 1580s until the eve of their suppression, the Jesuits erected dozens of new churches or renovated older ones. Typically Typically the Society’s churches were repurposed as parish churches with little or no immediate loss of their art. Some were given new titles, such as the designation of Düsseldorf in 1774 as the Patronatskirche (Patronage Church) and Neuburg an der Donau as the Ho��irche H o��irche (Court (Co urt Church) in 1782 by Carl Theodor, Palatine Elector (r. 1742–1799) and Elector of Bavaria (r. 1777–1799).� St. Michael’s in Munich became the Capella Regia or Court Church on 2 October 1773, a ��lial of the Basilica of St. John Lateran in Rome in 1774, and then the garrison parish church in 1779.� From 1782 until 1808 it was the seat of the Knights of Malta before becoming once again the Court Church. On 4 December 1921, St. Michael’s  was returned to the Society of Jesus, one of the rare instances of the Jesuits regaining their former property. In August 1798 the French authorities, then occupying Trier, con��scated the Dreifaltigkeitskirche (Trinity Church), cleared it out, and renamed it the Dekadentempel (Temple of Decades), which they used as a collection space.� With the expulsion of the French, it became the

� Inge Zacher, Zacher, “Der Kirchenschatz Kirchenschat z des Jesuiten- und Ho��irche St. Andreas in Düsseldorf,” in St. Andreas in Düsseldorf  , ed. Dominikanerkloster Düsseldorf (Grupello: Düsseldorf, 2008), 85–117, here 104; Horst Nising, ‘…in kleiner Weise Prächtig’: Die Jesuitenkollegien der süddeutschen Provinz des Ordens und ihres Städtbauliche Lage im 16.-18. Jahrhundert  (Michael   (Michael Imhof: Petersberg, 2004), 225. � Lothar Altmann, “Chronik von von St. Michael: 1773–1921,” 1773–1921,” in St. in St. Michael in München. Festschrift  zum 400. 400. Jahrestag Jahrestag der Grundsteinlegung Grundsteinlegung und zum Abschlußbaus, Abschlußbaus, eds. Karl Wagner and Albert Keller (Schnell & Steiner: Munich, 1983), 245–263. � Hermann Bunjes et al., al., Die Kirchlichen Denkmäler der Stadt Triet mit Ausnahme des Domes (Düsseldorf, 1938 – reprint Interbook: Trier, 1981), 58.

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priests’ seminary church in 1803 only to be con��scated by the Prussian government in 1819 for use as the Protestant parish church. In 1857 it was returned to the Catholic seminary. There were, unfortunately, signi��cant material losses. Until 1773 Ingolstadt,  with 142 members, had one of the largest Jesuit communities in the German provinces and they dominated the local university. Although some of its adjoining college buildings still exist, the church of Heilig-Kreuz (Holy Cross) does not.� It was used as a granary starting in 1808 until the structure was torn down in 1859. St. Joseph’s in Rottenburg am Neckar needed repairs, but was instead torn down in 1789.� St. Paul’s in Regensburg was destroyed during the French bombardment of 23–24 April 1809; its ruins were razed in 1811.�� St. Salvator in Augsburg became a military barracks in 1808 and was demolished in 1872.�� St. Joseph’s in Burghausen burned on 2–3 August 1863 but was rebuilt by 1874.�� 1874.�� Bombings during du ring World World War War II obliterated all but the t he façade of  Johannes der Taufer ( John the Baptist) in Koblenz; Koblenz; burned the Universitätskir Universitätskirche che (originally the Immaculate Conception) in Freiburg im Breisgau, which was rebuilt in 1955–57; and severely damaged Mariä Himmelfahrt (Assumption of the Virgin Mary) in Cologne and St. Michael’s in Munich, among others.�� In most of the surviving churches, Jesuit symbols, symbols, such as the ��� �� � monogram, and distinct iconography programs continue to signal the building’s history.��  While I suspect some some vestig vestiges es of the Society’s Society’s former former associa association tion with with a church church  were  were removed removed in the the decades decades after after 1773, 1773, there there was not a systemati systematicc campaign campaign of damnatio memoriae (condemnation memoriae (condemnation of memory) in which the past history of the Jesuits was wholly erased.�� Nevertheless, none of their churches retains � � �� �� �� ��

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Nising, Jesuitenkol Nising,  Jesuitenkollegien legien,, 160. Ibid., 246 and 252. Ibid., 238. Ibid., 90–91. Ibid., 99. Nising,  Jesuitenkollegien  Jesuitenkollegien,, 128; Karl Meisl, “St. Michael in München: Apokalypse –  Wiedergeburt  Wiedergeburt – Vollendung,” ollendung,” in Wagner and Keller, Keller, St. Michael in München, München, 280–296;  Wilhelm Schlombs, “Die Kirche St. Mariae Himmelfahrt und die Stationen ihres  Wiederau��aus,  Wiederau��aus,”” in Die in Die Jesuitenkirche Jesuitenkirche St. Mariae Mariae Himmelfahrt in Köln. Dokumentation Dokumentation und  Beiträge zum Abschluß ihrer Wiederherstellung Wiederherstellung 1980  1980  (Schwann: Düsseldorf, 1982), 36–61; and Je�frey Chipps Smith, Sensuous Worship: The Jesuits and the Art of the Early Catholic  Reformation in Germany Germany (Princeton  (Princeton University Press: Princeton, 2002), 123, ��gs. 107–108. Smith, Sensuous Worship. Worship. For the removal removal of Jesuit art and symbols from the St. Louis church of Maison Professe on rue St. Antoine in Paris in the 1760s and thereafter, see Richard Clay, “The Expulsion of the Jesuits and the Treatment of Catholic Representational Objects during the French

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their full pre-1773 appearance. Secular and ecclesiastical authorities often greedily eyed what they assumed to be Jesuit wealth immediately following the suppression. Secondary properties, such as farms, mills, and breweries, were often sold, though the proceeds frequently went to fund pensions for ex-Jesuits.�� ex-Jesuits.�� The most infamous case of selling religious art from Jesuit churches occurred in Belgium, not in Germany. Between 1776 and 1782 the imperial commission established by the Austrian Habsburg government aggressively sold o�f paintings as well as liturgical vessels and textiles.�� The painter Du Mesnil appraised select pictures in the Jesuit communities at 118,008 ��orins. Although there was an initial proposal to establish a gallery in Brussels, this was rejected by the imperial minister, Georges-Adam, Prince of Starhemberg. Already in 1774–177 1774–1775, 5, Maria Theresa and her son, Joseph II, expressed interest in acquiring certain paintings. Joseph de Rosa, director of the Imperial Gallery in Vienna, was dispatched to the Low Countries to make his choices. In March 1776 he selected about thirty paintings plus a small collection of prints from the former Jesuit communities in Alost, Antwerp, Bruges, Brussels, Courtrai, and Namur. Maria Theresa purchased Anthony van Dyck’s  Madonna and Child with Sts. Rosalia,  Peter  Peter,, and Paul  Paul   and the  Mystic Engagement Engagement of the Blessed Blessed Hermann Hermann Joseph Joseph, both painted around 1629–1630, for the chapel of the Brotherhood of the Bachelors that met in Antwerp’s Jesuit church of St. Carolus Borromeo (formerly St. Ignatius). De Rosa picked Peter Paul Paul Rubens’s The Miracles of St. Ignatius and Ignatius and the Mira the  Miracles cles of Francis Francis Xavier , both made for this church’s high altar, together  with their oil sketches, sketches, his Assum his Assumption ption of of the Virgin Virgin from  from its Marian chapel, and, from the meeting room of the Great Latin (or student) Sodality in the college, his Annuncia his Annunciation tion.. These pictures, along with the two van Dycks, are today among the treasures of the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. Additional paintings  were  were by by Jan Brueghel, Brueghel, Gaspard Gaspard de Crayer Crayer,, and Daniel Daniel Seghers Seghers,, among other masters. These important devotional pictures were now valued for the fame of their artists and their style as “glories” of the Flemish school of painting.

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Revolution,” in The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts 1540–1773, 1540–1773 , eds. John  W.. O’Malley et al. (University  W (University of Toronto Toronto Press: Press: Toronto Toronto,, 2006), 691–706. 691–706. On the ��nancial implications of the suppression, see D.G. D.G. Thompson, “French Jesuit  Wealth  W ealth on the Eve Eve of the Eighteenth-century Eighteenth-century Suppression, Suppression,”” in The Church and an d Wealth Wealth,, eds.  W.J.  W .J. Sheils Sheils and Diana Wood (Blackwell: (Blackwell: Oxford, Oxford, 1987), 1987), 307–319. Paul Bonenfant,  La Suppression Suppression de la compagnie compagnie de Jésus dans les Pays-Bas Pays-Bas Autrichiens Autrichiens (1773)  (1773)  (Maurice Lamertin: Brussels, 1925), esp. 132–143 and 232–234; Karl Schütz, “Die Geschichte der ��ämischen Sammlung der Wiener Gemäldegalerie,” in  Flämische Malereiim Kunsthistorischen Museum Wiens, Wiens, eds. Arnout Balis et al. (Schweizer: Zurich, 1989), 8–11, also see 136–137, 140–143, 150–155, 188–191, 230, 268, 276–277, nos. 57, 59, 63, 79, 80.

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The sale of Jesuit paintings pain tings did occur in Germany. Christoph Schwarz’s Mary Schwarz’s Mary  Altarpiece  Altarpiece  (1580–1581) was originally commissioned by Duke Wilhelm V of Bavaria (r. 1579–1587) for the great aula of the college in Munich (Figure 7.2).��  With the transfer of the college to the Bavarian state (see below), the winged altarpiece was moved in 1804 to the Hofgartengalerie in Munich and in 1838 to the newly erected Pinakothek. A second Virgin and Child  (c.  (c. 1584) by Schwarz adorned an altar in St. Salvator, the Jesuit church in Augsburg.�� It likely passed into state possession around 1803 when the church was decommissioned. The fate of other pictures from St. Salvator is unknown. Not all losses, however, resulted from the suppression in 1773. Rubens painted the monumental  Last  Judgment  (1617),  (1617), measuring 6.1 x 4.6 m., for the high altar of the Jesuit church in Neuburg van der Donau as well as the Adorat the  Adoration ion of the Shepherds and Shepherds and Pent  Pentecost  ecost , both made in 1619, for side altars.�� In 1653, the year of the death of the church and altar’s patron, Wolfgang Wilhelm, count Palatine-Neuburg and duke of  Jülich and Berg (r. (r. 1614–1653), the local Jesuits commissioned Paul Bock to paint a new high altar because of concerns about the nudity in Rubens’s picture. Bock’s Assumption Bock’s Assumption of the Virgin long Virgin long covered the Last the  Last Judgment . The Last The Last  Judgment   and the two side altars were transferred to the ducal palace in Düsseldorf in 1691 and 1703 respectively. In 1806 the pictures, along with the rest of the Düsseldorf Galerie, moved to Munich. The removal or loss of large paintings is particularly noticeable. Less obvious to the modern observer is the wholesale disappearance of priestly vestments, textiles, liturgical silver, monstrances, reliquaries, and a host of other items needed for masses and other ritual celebrations. Just a small percentage of such objects survive. Metalwork was especially vulnerable due to its material worth. In the case of St. Michael’s in Munich, 17,456 17,456 ��orins worth of church ��

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Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen Staatsgemä ldesammlungen,, Munich, inv. inv. nos. 88–90; on loan to the Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, inv. nos. 900–902. Kurt Löcher and Carola Gries, Germanisches Nationalmuseum Nationalmuseum Nürnberg: Die Gemälde des 16. Jahrhunderts (Gerd Jahrhunderts (Gerd Hatje: Ost��ldern Ruit, 1997), 465–469; Je�frey Chipps Smith, “Rebuilding Faith through  Art: Christoph Christoph Schwarz’s Schwarz’s Mary  Mary Altarpiece Altarpiece for the Jesuit College in Munich” Muni ch” in The Sensuous in the Counter-Reformation Counter-Reformation Church, Church, eds. Tracy E. Cooper and Marcia B. Hall (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 2013), 230–251. Munich, Bayerische Staatsgemäldegalerie, Staatsgemä ldegalerie, inv. inv. no. 5129; since 1950 on loan to St. Anna im Lehel in Munich. Reinhold Baumstark, ed.,  Rom in Bayern. Kunst und Spiritualität Spiritualität in  Bayern. Kunst Kunst und Spiritualität Spiritualität der ersten Jesuiten Jesuiten,, exh. cat., Bayerisches Nationalmuseum (Hirmer: Munich, 1997), 482–486, nos. 152–153; Smith, “ Rebuilding “ Rebuilding Faith Faith..” Konrad Renger, Peter Renger, Peter Paul Rubens: Altäre für Bayern Bayern (Staatsgemäldesammlunge (Staatsgemäldesammlungen: n: Munich, 1990), 9–66, esp. 64–66; Smith, Sensuous Worship, Worship, 150–154. Bock’s Assumption Bock’s Assumption of the Virgin Virgin  was, in turn, replaced by by Domenico Zanetti’s Zanetti’s painting of of the same subject in 1720–1721. 1720–1721.

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������ �.� Christoph Schwarz, Glori��cation of the Virgin Mary and the Christ Child , Child , center of the Mary Altarpiece , Altarpiece , 1580–1581. Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg Nuremberg �����: ������������ ��������������

silver was melted down in 1796 and another 6,234 ��orins worth in 1799.�� Between 1602 and 1605/07, the painter Michael Miller composed the Treasury  Book of St. Michael’s Michael’s, an exquisite illustrated inventory of the church’s high ��

Altmann, “Chronik ,”,” 246–247.

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altar tabernacle, reliquaries, chests, crosses, and other precious objects.�� Little now exists. Some works may have been melted down for reparations or carried o�f as war booty during the Swedish occupation of Munich in 1632. Often the holy relics were kept but not their reliquaries. The Jesuit community in Cologne  was renowned for its skilled lay brother goldsmiths, goldsmiths, such as Theodor Silling and Antonius Klemens, in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.�� Some of their reliquary chests and busts still adorn Mariä Himmelfahrt but much is lost.�� In the case of the Jesuit churches in Belgium, 452,842 ��orins  were raised by melting down religious metalwork metalwork and removing precious stones in the years immediately following 1773.�� In most towns the Jesuit church and college, with its school, occupied prime real estate. Their libraries were valuable. Typically, the Society’s schools became state or civic possessions soon after the 1773 suppression. The schools  were renamed and many of the now ex-Jesuit teachers were retained, especially in towns were the society was viewed favorably. The vital local economic impact of the university and gymnasium students prompted many communities to make the transition as smooth as possible. The college buildings, often subsequently repurposed, still stand in many towns. towns. Eichstätt provides a representative example of a local response to the suppression order.�� order.�� Prince-Bishop Raymund Anton, count of Strasoldo (r. 1757–1781), received the papal letter on 1 September 1773. On 14 March 1774 he relieved the Jesuits of their vows and their obedience to the pope. They were now placed under his episcopal ��

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Monika Bachtler, “Der verlorene Kirchenschatz Kirchenschat z von St. Michael,” in Wagner and Keller, St. Michael in München, München, 127–135; Peter Steiner, “Der erhaltene Kirchenschatz von St. Michael,” in ibid., 136–162; Lorenz Seelig, “Dieweil wir dann nach dergleichen Heiltumb und edlen Clainod sonder Begirde tragen. Der von Herzog Wilhelm V. begründete Reliquienschatz der Jesuitenkirche St. Michael in München,” in Baumstark, Rom Baumstark,  Rom,, 199–262, esp. 202 on losses. Annette Schommers,  Rheinische Reliquiare: Reliquiare: Goldschmiedearbeiten Goldschmiedearbeiten und Reliquieninszenierungen des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts (� Jahrhunderts (��� ��:: Rheinbach-Merzbach, Rheinbach-Merzbach, 1993), 57–82, 93–96, 207–211, 239–240. Schommer,  Reliquiare  Reliquiare, 352–358 – taxation protocols of gold and silver objects listed on December 22 1786 and 4 January 1787. Bonenfant, Suppression, Suppression , 138 and 143. Nising, Jesuitenkol Nising, Jesuitenkollegien legien,, 109–115; Julius Oswald, “Episcopale et Academicum Gymnasium Societatis Jesu Eustettense. Geschichte der Jesuiten in Eichstätt,” in Die in  Die Schutzengelkirche Schutzengelkirche und das ehemalige Jesuitenkollege Jesuitenkollege in Eichstätt , eds. Sibylle Appuhn-Radtke, Julius Oswald, and Claudia Wiener (Schnell & Steiner: Regensburg, 2011), 54–71, esp. 70–71; Claudia  Wiener “Grund, Templum Honoris. Zur Baugeschichte Baugeschichte von Kirche und Kollege der  Jesuiten zu Eichstätt Eichstätt im 17. und frühen 18. Jahrhundert, Jahrhundert,”” in ibid., 197–217, 197–217, esp. 217. 217.

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 jurisdiction. The Jesuits were were required to to vacate vacate their college for two days. The ex-Jesuits ex-Jesuits then returned as secular priests and lay brothers. They resided again in the college, which retained its name – the Collegium Willibaldinum – and resumed their former activities. In 1772–1773, even before the suppression, Elector Max III Joseph (r. 1745–1777) ordered all Jesuits originating from outside the newly created Bavarian Jesuit province to return to their homelands. Prince-Bishop Raymund Anton sent away all ex-Jesuits who were not from the Eichstätt Hochstift. The expansion of the college complex, the “new Jesuit building” begun in 1772, was completed in 1774. An episcopal seminary was added to the college in 1836. In Bamberg, Fulda, Ingolstadt, Ingol stadt, Münster, Paderborn, Paderborn, Trier, and in Austria, Innsbruck and Vienna, among other towns, former Jesuit college buildings were transferred to local universities.��

 

Libraries

Libraries were at the heart of any Jesuit college. Peter Canisius (1521–1597), often called the second apostle of Germany for his founding of Jesuit communities, remarked, “better a college without a church than a college without its own library.”�� Books were vital to the Society’s educational and spiritual missions. The library at the Jesuit college in Münster, ��rst established in 1588, moved into an attractive two-story high room in the north wing in 1740.�� In 1773 the collection numbered around 10,000 volumes, a substantial size but only about a third of the magnitude of their libraries in Cologne, Ingolstadt, and Mainz. The library was renamed in that year the Bibliotheca Collegii Professorum Gymnasii Paulini and changed, in 1780, to the Bibliotheca Gymnasii et Universitatis. The University Library remained in this room until 1906 when the books were transferred to a new building. Unfortunately, the bombing of Münster on 26 October 1944 and 25 March 1945 destroyed 300,000 volumes or about two-thirds of the university’s collection. Only 977 books from the former ��

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Bertram Resmini, “Historischer Überblick über die Niederlassungen Niederlassun gen der Jesuiten im Erzbistum Trier,” in  Für Gott und die Menschen. Die Gesellschaft Jesu und ihr Wirken im  Erzbistum Trier  Trier , exh. cat., Bischö��iches Dom- und Diözesanmuseum Trier (Gesellschft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte: Mainz, 1991), 205–214, esp. 211–213. Cited by Jörg Kastner, Geistliche Rüstkammer. Wissenschaften im Spiegel der Passauer  Jesuitenbibliothek   Jesuitenbibliothek , exh. cat. (Staatliche Bibliothek: Passau, 1987), 235. Jürgen Coenen, “Die Bibliothek des ehemaligen Jesuitenkollegs in Münster,” Münster,” in Bibliothek in  Bibliothek in vier Jahrhunderten. Jesuitenbibliothek, Bibliotheca Paulina, Universitätsbibliothek in  Münster 1588–1988 1588–1988,, eds. Helga Oesterreich, Hans Mühl, and Bertram Haller (Aschendor�f: Münster, 1988), 11–49 and ��g. 1.

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 Jesuit library library survived. survived. In 1780 1780 the library library of the University University of Innsbruck, Innsbruck, founded only about twenty-��ve years earlier e arlier,, received more than 6,000 6,00 0 volumes from the ex-Jesuit colleges in Innsbruck and Hall in Tirol.�� The university library in Trier, Trier, established establishe d by Elector Franz Ludwig von Pfalz-Neuburg Pfalz-Neu burg (r. 1716– 1732) in 1722 1722 for the faculties of law and medicine, was merged with the Society’s library in the former college following the suppression.�� Prior to this the Jesuit library also served the theology, philosophy and humanities faculty and students. The 1770 catalogue listed 10,075 books. The college colle ge library room was given a stucco ceiling and a new wooden gallery in 1732. Around this date Johann Hugo von Orsbeck, elector-archbishop of Trier (r. 1675–1711), donated two great terrestrial and celestial globes, made in 1688 and 1693 by Vincenzo Coronelli in  Venice,  Venice, which formerly formerly had been in Orsbeck’s Orsbeck’s Kunstkammer Kunstkammer.. The globes were displayed in this space until they and the books were moved in 1957. Freiburg im Breisgau, Breisgau, part of Austria until 1805 when it was ceded to Baden, possessed the only Catholic university in a region where Protestant universities at Basel, Zurich, Tübingen, Heidelberg, and Strasbourg dominated.�� Due to the education reforms of 1767 championed by Maria Theresa, the Society’s in��uence at the University of Freiburg was sharply diminished in 1767–68. The university’s philosophy faculty and library, numbering about 413 books, moved into the newly established Jesuit college in 1620. Their holdings were mixed  with the Jesuits’ library. library. There is little mention of a separate university library library  with its own space until 1745. 1745. From 1708 the Jesuit library was located in the newly built gallery on the north side of the college’s college’s inner court. The university’s new room was added 1756–1758 on the ground ��oor in the south corner of the college. In November 1773, Rector Johann Anton von Riegger successfully petitioned the Freiburg government to transfer the now idle buildings of the  Jesuit college and its library to the university. university. By February February 1775 1775 plans were developed for renovating renovating the former great hall on the ��rst upper ��oor into the new university library, which opened in December 1777. Between 1775 and 1786 the university librarian was Franz Würth, a former Jesuit who had served as the

��

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Sieglinde Sepp, “Spätgotische Kölner Einbände aus der ehemaligen Haller Jesuitenbibliothek in der Universitätsbibliothek Innsbruck  ,”  ,” Codices Manuscripti. Zeitschrift für  Handschriftenkunde,  Handschriftenkunde, 6:1 (1980): 89–111. Gunther Franz, “Geistes und Kulturgeschichte, Kulturgeschichte ,” in Trier in der Neuzeit , eds. Kurt Düwell and Franz Irsigler (Spee: Trier, 1988), 203–374, esp. 216–217 and 283–284. Peter Schmidt , Schmidt , Die Universitä Universitätt Freibur Freiburgg i. Br. Br. und ihre Bibliothek Bibliothek in der zweite zweitenn Hälfte des 18. 18.  Jahrhundert  Jahrhundertss  (Universitätsbibliothek: Freiburg im Breisgau, 1987), 1–89; Magda Fischer, “Geraubt oder gerettet? Die Bibliotheken säkularisierter Klöster in Baden und Württemberg,” Württemberg,” in Himmelein et al., Alte al., Alte Klöster – Neue Herren, Herren, 2.2:  2.2: 1263–1296, esp. 1266–1286.

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college’s librarian in 1767–1769 and 1771–1773.�� His knowledge of the holdings made him the perfect candidate. He received an annual salary of 150 ��orins in addition to his Jesuit pension of 300 ��orins. Because of health problems, Würth Würth  was provided provided with an assistant librarian librarian from from December 1777. 1777. The University of Freiburg library’s growth growth came at the expense of the holdings of three former Jesuit colleges. On 13 November 1773, Freiburg’s Jesuit library was ordered sealed, a catalogue of its books was commissioned,�� and 6,174 volumes passed to the university. A court resolution of 28 January 1775 stipulated that the libraries of the suppressed Jesuit colleges in Rottenburg, Feldkirch, and Konstanz (Constance), should be transferred to Freiburg. Ultimately Konstanz was exempted and its holdings, most of which survive, passed to the local loc al gymnasium. On O n 18 April 1778, Würth Würth was instructed instruc ted to travel travel to Rottenburg to make selections for the university library. A decision was made to leave some books in Rottenburg in the event that a gymnasium might be established in the future. Later in 1778 about 1,000 volumes, including a number of “forbidden books” (Lutheran and other Protestant Protestant tracts) were sent to Freiburg. In July 1791 another 3,800 books, ��lling seven or eight wagons, was shipped.�� Unfortunately, some other books in Rottenburg were stolen or sold to an antiquarian book dealer in Tübingen. In July 1776 Würth catalogued the books in Feldkirch. Two years later six chests of books, of unknown contents and quantity, were transferred to Freiburg. The books formerly in the Jesuit libraries in the German and Austrian provinces generally passed into other libraries. Losses then and in subsequent centuries, as in the bombings of World War II, were inevitable. The situation was  worse in Belgium.�� A government government report dated 18 March 1776 estimated the  Jesuit libraries libraries there contained contained between between 400,000 and 500,000 volumes.�� volumes.�� A second report of 19 January 1779, however, stated that three-quarters of the holdings consisted of old books on theology, law, arts, and sciences, which were not  valued more than the worth of their paper if pulped.�� Some tomes were �� �� �� �� ��

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Schmidt, Freib Schmidt,  Freiburg urg,, 86–89. Schmidt, Freib Schmidt,  Freiburg urg,, 33. In 1789 the remaining books in Rottenburg were catalogued. See Schmidt, Freibur Schmidt, Freiburgg, 36 for the categorical breakdown. Bonenfant, Suppression, Suppression , 141–142. Alan Reed, “The Bibliothèque Bibliothèq ue Royale de Belgique as a National Library,” Library,” Journal of Library  History 10/1  History 10/1 (January 1975): 35–51, here 37. Reed states there were over 800,000 works in the Belgian Jesuit libraries including between 25,000 and 30,000 printed books plus 100s of manuscripts just from the Brussels college. The pulping of unwanted unwanted books occurred also during the secularization secularizat ion of Bavaria’s Bavaria’s monasteries monasteries in 1803.

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already damaged. Occasionally Jesuit fathers cut out derogatory passages about either Rome or the Society of Jesus. In 1778, the government-appointed committee committee charged with the distribution ��rst determined which books should be allocated to the Bibliothèque Royale in Brussels, which had opened to the public in 1772. 1772. Other texts were o�fered at a discount price to the University of Leuven (Louvain), the chapter at Tournai, and the Episcopal Seminary in Ghent. The Imperial Library in Vienna also acquired some volumes. Books deemed dangerous because of their subjects, such as justifying regicide, were discarded. The sale of books netted 110,100 ��orins for the Jesuit fund.

Munich and Cologne

The Jesuit communities in Munich and Cologne ranked ranked among the largest and most important in the German provinces. The fates of their buildings and collections exemplify the impact of the suppression of 1773 and subsequent historical events. At the invitation of Albrecht V, duke of Bavaria (r. 1550–1579), the ��rst Jesuits arrived in Munich in 1559.�� As seen in Johann Smissek’s engraved view of c. 1644–50, the church of St. Michael’s (1583–1597) and the adjoining college formed a huge complex with multiple courtyards and wings (Figure 7.3).�� At its suppression, there were forty-��ve forty-��ve priests and masters plus twenty-seven lay brothers living here. In 1769, there were also 1,043 enrolled students.�� Munich was also designated the seat of the provincial of the new Bavarian Jesuit province that Elector Max III Joseph established on 30 December 1769.�� With the demise of the Society of Jesus, new uses for the church and college buildings were quickly determined: St. Michael’s became the parish church of the garrison from 1779 1779 and the seat of the Maltese Knights from 1782 to 1808. From 1775 until 1803 part of the college housed the Bavarian Electoral Corps of Cadets. The police directorate occupied another section. In 1783–1784 the Bavarian Academy of Science with its collection plus the �� �� ��

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Wagner and Keller, St. Michael in München; München; Nising, Jesuitenkolle Nising, Jesuitenkollegien gien,, 2004, 207–222; Smith, Sensuous Worship, Worship, 57–101. Baumstark, Rom Baumstark,  Rom,, 388–390, nos. 88–89. Georg Schwaiger, Schwaiger, “München – eine geistlichte Stadt,” in Monarchum in  Monarchum Sacrum, Sacrum, eds. Georg Schwaiger and Hans Ramisch, 2 vols. (Deutscher Kunstverlag: Munich, 1994), 1:1–289, here 180–182; Nising, Jesuitenkolle Nising, Jesuitenkollegien gien,, 210. In 1770 1770 the Bavaria Bavarian n Province Province consisted of twelve sites, including nine colleges, colleges, with a total membership of 238 priests, 149 lay brothers, and over 100 novices. Schwaiger, “München,” 181.

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������ �.� Johann Smissek, The Church of St. Michael’s and the Jesuit College in Munich , Munich , engraving, engraving, c. 1644–1650 �����: ������

Ho��ibliothek (court library) moved to another section of the college.�� Between 1783 and 1785 building renovations included a new library, the Ernestine Ernestin e Hall, occupying the two ��oors above the Academy rooms. The library measured 37.5 by 11.4 meters with a height of 8.34 m. Designed by Augustin Egell, the court sculptor, the two-story room included a gallery, book cases lining the walls, and ten windows. The court library included the holdings of the former Jesuit library as well as books and manuscripts transferred to Munich following the secularization of Bavarian Bavarian monasteries in 1803.�� The library was ��

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Franz Georg Kaltwasser, Die Kaltwasser,  Die Bibliothek als Museum. Von Von der Renaissance bis Heute, dargestellt am Beispiel der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek   (Harrassowitz: Wiesbaden, 1999), 85, and, for what follows, 85–86, 110–120. Claus Grimm, “Kunstbewahrung “Kunstbewahrun g und Kulturverlust,” Kulturverlust ,” in Glanz und Ende der alten Klöster , eds. Josef Kirmeier and Manfred Treml, exh. cat., Kloster Benediktbeuren (Süddeutscher  Verlag:  Verlag: Munich, 1991), 1991), 78–85. 78–85.

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expanded in 1804 into the hall formerly used by the Marian Sodality of Students. By 1812 the library occupied some 54 rooms. Six years later the library contained around 420,000 books, 220,000 duplicates, and 22,000 manuscripts.  Although the Court Court Library Library moved to its own own building building in 1843, 1843, this main main library library room existed until 25 April 1944.�� Other occupants of the college building included the State Archive, the Academy of Fine Arts from 1809 to 1885, the o���ce of the court steward, the royal coin and print collections, and from 1826 the Universitätsbibliothek.�� Universitätsbibliothek.�� The Munich Jesuit college possessed a substantial collection of prints.  According to Stephan Brakensiek, Brakensiek, nine nine great albums from from the Jesuit library library are documented in a pre-1835 record of prints.�� None of these volumes is traceable today. On 6 November 1834, Franz Brulliot, the director of the Bavarian Royal Print Collection (Kupferstichkabinett) ordered all independent woodcuts and engravings transferred from the Hof- und Staatsbibliothek to his department. The Jesuit print albums are recorded there on 7 March 1835. The individual prints were most likely removed from the albums and merged with the rest of the collection long before the c. 1895 listing of print volumes. Brakensiek estimated that these nine volumes contained about 12,400 sheets or roughly 1,370 prints per album.�� Based on the register’s inclusion of Raphael Sadeler’s etched  Ex-libris  Ex-libris of  of Elector Maximilian I (r. 1597–1651), which adorn his books between 1623 1 623 and 1651, it is likely the Bavarian prince gave these print albums to the Jesuits.�� Additional prints were inserted into the albums at least as late as the 1660s. The albums’ contents were arranged ��rst by theme and then by the artist or designer’s family name. Volume one contained Old and New Testament scenes and portraits of popes, cardinals, archbishops, bishops, abbots, provosts, and even adversaries such as Jan Hus, John Calvin, and Erasmus. Then came representations of Catholic ceremonies plus views of church buildings, including �� ��

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Kaltwasser, Bibliothek  Kaltwasser, Bibliothek , 86 (with photograph). The University of Ingolstadt, Ingolstadt, founded in 1472, was moved to Landshut in 1800 and then to Munich in 1826. The University Library includes parts of the Jesuit libraries of Ingolstadt and Landshut. Stephan Brakensiek, Vom “Theatrum mundi” zum “Cabinet des Estampes.” Das Sammeln  von Druckgraphik Druckgraphik in Deutschland Deutschland 1565–1821 1565–1821 (Georg  (Georg Olms: Hildesheim, 2003), 186–209, here 186. Also see Michael Sem�f and Kurt Zeitler, eds., Künstlerz eds.,  Künstlerzeichnen eichnen – Sammler Sammler stiften: 250 250  Jahre Staatliche Staatliche Graphische Graphische Sammlung Sammlung München, München, 3 vols. (Hatje Cantz: Ost��ldern, 2008), 1: 109, 128, 132, 160, 166; 3: 78–80, 102; and Gisela Goldberg, “Die Standorte der Staatlichen Graphischen Sammlung im Verlauf ihrer Geschichte in München,” in ibid., 3: 7–35. Brakensiek, Theatrum, Theatrum , 198. Brakensiek, Theatrum, Theatrum , ��g. 30.

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those in Rome and the Jesuit college in Munich. A total of 1,912 prints were mounted on 534 folio-size pages. The contents of the other volumes are recorded as follows: II (portraits of nobles, beginning with emperors and empresses, and others of high standing; 2,061 prints on 580 folios); III (subjects unknown; est. 1,100 prints on 570/578 570/578 folios); IV (portraits of nobles from France,  Venice,  Venice, and Holland; patricians from Augsburg and Nuremberg; plus the likelikenesses of German philosophers, jurists, mathematicians and doctors, engravers and painters, poets and writers; 2,391 prints on 750 folios); V (images of war such as sieges and sea battles, the engravings of Joseph Furtenbach the Elder’s  Architectura  Architectura universalis universalis [Ulm,  [Ulm, 1635], the Dance of Death, Four Ages of the t he World World and the Four Parts of the World; World; 572 prints on 596 folios); folios) ; VI (maps and personip ersoni��cation of the planets; 218 prints on 312 folios); VII (maps and city views beginning with Paris, various German towns, Italy organized from north to south, and ending with Rhodes, Constantinople, Aden, Calicut, Goa and Mexico City; 966 prints on 640 folios); VIII (landscapes, gardens, animals, ��sh, ships, the months, peasant scenes, images of daily life, among other topics; 1,611 prints on 742 folios); and IX (virtues and vices, emblems, planetary and Olympian gods, liberal arts, masks, and Jacques Callot’s La Callot’s  La Misere de la la Guerre Guerre [1633];  [1633]; 1,581 prints on 672 folios). If the albums were initially assembled assemble d at the command of Elector Maximilian I, the comprehensiveness of the collection re��ects the sorts of  visual informati information on he deemed deemed relevant relevant to to the Jesuits Jesuits and their students. students. Besides the library, these nine print albums, and the  Mary Altarpie Altarpiece ce (Figure 7.2), little is known about the fate of the former contents of the Munich college.�� Other paintings p aintings including wall murals, sculptures, prints, textiles, metalwork, and furniture that once adorned its rooms are either lost or untraced.�� Given the size of the Munich complex, the scale of these losses is signi��cant. The situation in Cologne was somewhat better. The Society established its ��rst community in Germany here in 1544. It remained the center of the Society’s e�forts in the Rhineland and Westphalia until 1773. The church of Mariä Himmelfahrt, completed in 1629, retains some of its lavish artistic decorations, although much was destroyed in the bombing of World War II ��

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The Burgher Sodality, founded in the Munich college in 1610, met there until its own separate building, the Bürgersaal, was ��nished in 1719. They retained their own property after 1773. Vorstand der Kongregation, ed.,  400 Jahre Marianische Männerkongregation Männerkongregation am  Bürgersaal  Bürgersaal zu München (Schnell München (Schnell & Steiner: Regensburg, 2010). The Bayerisches Nationalmuseum Nationalmuseu m and the Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen Staatsgem äldesammlungen in Munich possess the remains of a series of paintings from the later seventeenth seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries depicting the Upper German Jesuit colleges and churches. Nising,  Jesuitenkollegien  Jesuitenkollegien,, 348–398.

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������ �.� The Facades Facades of the Church of Mariä Himmelfahrt Himmelfahrt and the former Jesuit College in  Munich �����: ������

(Figure 7.4).�� Since the famous Gymnasium Tricoronatum (School of the Three Kings) was founded by the city of Cologne in 1450 before it was run by the Jesuits and ex-Jesuits from 1557 until 1778, the college and its possessions  were claimed by the city following the Society’s suppression. The detailed inventories inventories ordered in 1774 1774 reveal the Tricoronatum Tricoronatum possessed possess ed the richest collections of art, scienti��c instruments and naturalia, naturalia, and other treasures of any of the German Jesuit communities. The main library, which then included twenty-seven painted author portraits, became the Gymnasial-Bibliothek, and subsequently it was incorporated into the Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln. The account mentioned a separate library used by the priests pries ts and teachers on the upper ��oor of the college and a smaller one housing “forbidden books.” The Jesuits in Cologne might have been inspired by the celebrat ce lebrated ed museum that Athanasius Kircher assembled in the Society’s Collegium Romanum in Rome.�� The Tricoronatum contained a separate room described as “a natural �� ��

 Die Jesuitenkirche Jesuitenkirche St. Mariae Himmelfahrt in Köln Köln;; Smith, Sensuous Worship, Worship, 165–187. Eugenio Lo Sardo, Athanasius Sardo,  Athanasius Kircher. Kircher. Il Museo del Mondo, Mondo, exh. cat., Palazzo di Venezia, Rome (Luca: Rome, 2001).

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room or museum of antiquities and curious things.”�� things.”�� It contained more than 3,000 rare prints and drawings; a “strong” collection of over 1,400 silver and bronze ancient Greek and Roman coins; a mineral collection with all sorts of agates and marbles; several petri��ed items; sea shells and other objects from the ocean; insects; “heathen” items; and many books. There was a separate Museum Mathematicum ��lling three rooms that included numerous scienti��c instruments and its own set of books.�� The 1774 inventory listed over 200 optical lenses including microscopes and telescopes plus four celestial and terrestrial globes by Vincenzo Maria Coronelli. The Tricoronatum’s collection of prints and drawings was the largest of any  Jesuit community in the German provinces. A separate separate catalogue, the Stampe e disegni, che si trovano nel museo del Collegio Tricoronato Tricoronato a Colognia, Colognia, compiled by Jacob Heyder, a professor of mathematics and physics as well as the curator of the library and the Musei Naturalium, was published in 1778.�� Heyder was aided by Johannes Bartholomäus de Peters, the Cologne city painter. It tallied 26,949 prints and 6,113 drawings with particular strengths in German, Netherlandish, and Italian masters. Already in 1773 Heinrich Frings urged the government to keep the collection since its contained works by the best painters from all parts of Europe.�� The city o���cials, o���cials, who had through ��nancial mismanagement incurred signi��cant debts, ordered Heyder’s catalogue with the intention of selling the graphic works. Ultimately, however, Cologne retained possession. The prints and drawings drawings were stored in 208 albums, including ten  volumes with 1,523 drawings drawings by Carlo Maratti Maratti (1625–1713), (1625–1713), which had been acquired in Rome. The catalogue lists the works ��rst in the order of appearance in the speci��c volume and second alphabetically by the name of the artist or designer. French troops occupied Cologne in October 1794 and the following month claimed possession of all lands west of the Rhine river. The army sent agents

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Gunter Quarg, “Die Sammlungen des Kölner Jesuitenkollegiums nach der Au��ebung des Ordens 1773,” 1773,” Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Kölnischen Geschichtsverein Geschichtsverein 62  62 (1991): 154–173. Quarg, “Sammlungen,” “Sammlungen ,” 155, 158–173. Dietmar Spengler, “…apportés de Cologne. Zeichnungen und Graphiken aus der ehemaligen Kölner Jesuitensammlung in Paris wiederentdeckt,” Kölner wiederentdeckt,”  Kölner Museums-Bulletin 1 Museums-Bulletin 1 (1993): 18–28; Dietmar Spengler, “Die graphische Sammlung des ehemaligen Jesuitenkollegs in Köln,” in Lust in  Lust und Verlust. Kölner Sammler zwischen Trikolore und Preussenadler  Preussenadler , eds. Hiltrud Kier and Frank Günter Zehnder, exh. cat., Museen der Stadt Köln (Wienand: Cologne, 1995), 37–45; Dietmar Spengler, Spiritualia et pictura: Die graphische Sammlung des ehemaligen Jesuitenkolleges in Köln: Die Druckgraphik  Druckgraphik  (��:  (��: Cologne, 2003). Quarg, Sammlungen, Sammlungen , 155–156 with quote.

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charged with selecting books and works of art “pour enricher la République.”�� République.”�� By the end of November, twenty-��ve crates of books, manuscripts, prints, drawings, and other art objects were removed from the Tricoronatum and transported on four packed wagons to the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. From there the prints were sent to the library’s Département des Estampes and the Départment des Imprimées while the drawings were transferred to the Musée des Arts (the Louvre). Cologne o���cials petitioned repeatedly and unsuccessfully for the return of these and other items taken from the city. city. The situation changed with Napoleon’s defeat in 1815 and Prussia’s assumption of political control of Cologne and its region. Following the entry of Prussian troops into Paris on 8 July 1815, the issue of restitution assumed renewed importance. Ferdinand Franz Wallraf, in the name of the city, appealed to Prussian authorities in 1815. Eberhard von Groote, a Prussian o���cer representrepresenting Cologne’s interests in Paris, secured Rubens’ Cruci��xion of St. Peter , which had been taken from the Peterskirche, Peterskirche, but just 52 of the 208 volumes of prints and drawings from the Jesuit college. Another twenty albums were returned in the twentieth century. Today these graphic works, numbering 7,470 prints and 523 drawings, are in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum in Cologne.�� Many are marked “Col[ogne].” The losses include 19,211 prints and 5,583 drawings, most of which are still in Paris. These were integrated into the collections of the Bibliothèque Nationale and the Musée du Louvre in the nineteenth century often with the vague provenance of “military conquest in Holland or in Germany under the First Empire” or collected “during the ��rst years of the Revolution.” Many objects from the Tricoronatum’s other collections survive or did until  World  W orld War II.�� The mineral collection, which which formed part of Ferdinand Ferdinand Franz Franz  Wallraf’s  W allraf’s gift to the city, city, was housed in the Naturkunde-Museum in the Stapelhaus until it was destroyed in the bombing. Many of the natural objects, ��

��

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Max Braubach, “Verschleppung und Rückführung Rückführun g rheinischer Kunst- und Literaturdenkmale 1794 bis 1815/16,” Annalen 1815/16,”  Annalen des Historischen Vereins Vereins für den Niederrhein 176 Niederrhein 176 (1974): 93–153; Bénédicte Bénédic te Savoy, Savoy, Kunstraub.  Kunstraub. Napoleons Kon��szierungen Kon��szierungen in Deutschland und die europäischen Folgen, Folgen, trans. Tom Heitho�f (Böhlau: Vienna, 2011), esp. 47–54, 182–191, 316–317. Spengler, “…apportés de Cologne,” 20. Spengler, Spiritualia et pictura, pictura, 369 gives the number of prints and drawings in the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum as 5,907, which is di�ferent than the earlier citation. These are on permanent loan from the Kölner Gymnasial- und Stiftungsfonds. Only about a tenth of the roughly 1,000 original objects exist. Quarg 1991, 161–162; Gunter Quarg, “Naturwissenschaftliche Sammlungen in Köln,” in Kier and Zehnder,  Lust und Verlust , 315–321, esp. 315–316, and 517–526, nos. 18–51.

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however, were never repatriated from Paris in 1815. What remains of the collection of the college’s scienti��c instruments was transferred to the Historisches Museum (now the Stadtmuseum). The Jesuits’ suppression in 1773 abruptly ended one of the greatest stories in the history of Early Modern German art. Communities were dispersed and buildings were rebranded. For over two centuries art had been a central tool in de��ning the Jesuits and their missions. The diaspora of their artistic patrimony challenges e�forts to address the fullness of their holdings and their use on a daily basis in promoting the Society’s educational and spiritual goals. Although many of their churches, including some retaining the core of their original decorations, still stand and the contents of several of their libraries may be consulted in other institutions, much more of the Society’s material history has been lost. The original context, the continuity of purpose, and the total aesthetic experience of the art – that is, its human dimensions – were irreparairreparably ruptured by those who carried out the rapid dismantling of the Society of Jesus.

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Enduring the Deluge  Hungarian Jesuit Astronomers from from Suppression to Restoration Restoration

 Paul Shore� Shore� The ��rst engagement of Hungarian Jesuits with astronomy occurred in the  years following the relief of the siege of Vienna in 1683. This was part p art of the broader involvement of the Society of Jesus in debates over cosmology that had begun decades earlier with the trial of Galileo� and was carried forward by the work of the polymath Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680). Several Se veral Baroqueera Jesuits of the Austrian province of the Society (an administrative unit eventually embracing all of Hungary), none of whom had extensive experience as practicing observational scientists, put forth cosmographies drawing upon Tycho Brahe’s model of the solar system. Martinus Szentiványi (1633– 1703) 1703) presented a model that incorporated modi��cations to the Brahian B rahian model introduced by the Italian Je Jesuit suit Giovanni Battista Riccioli (1598–1671).� In 1702, Gabriel Szerdahelyi (1660–1726) published a  Dissertatio   Dissertatio  that featured three systems (Ptolemaic, Copernican, and Brahian) and portrayed God as prime mover setting the cosmos in motion by striking it like a tennis ball.� Both the Baroque Society’s tendency to anthropomorphize the forces moving the cosmos and the church’s rejection of Copernican cosmology were overriding in��uences on Hungarian Jesuit astronomy until the last third of the eighteenth century.

� The writer acknowledges the Centre for Reformation Reformation and and Renaissance Renaissance Studies, the University of Toronto for its support during the completion of this essay. Lynn Whidden also provided  valuable assistance. � At the trial Melchior Inchofer (1584–1648), (1584–1648), a Jesuit Jesuit of Hungarian origin, o�fered his opinion regarding Galileo’s endorsement of the Copernican theory. Maurice A. Finocchiaro, The Galileo A�fair: A Documentary History  History   (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 264; Sommervogel et al.,  Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus, Jésus, 11 vols. (Bruxelles: O. Schepens; Paris: A. Picard, 1890–1932), 4:561. � Horváthy Péter and Német Gábor, Gábor, “A “A jezsuita kozmográ��a emlékei a zirci könyvtárban,”  Magyar Tudomány  Tudomány  8 (2007): 1034–1044; Joannes Nepomuk Stoeger, Scriptores Provinciae  Austriacae  Austriacae Societatis Jesu Jesu (Viennae:  (Viennae: Typis Congregationis Mechitharisticae, 1855), 351–353. � However, However, decades later the Jesuit Paulus Paulus Bertalan�fy derided Copernicus. Copernicus. Tibor Berend,  History Derailed: Central and Eastern Europe in the Long Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 32.

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The accomplishments of Maximilian Hell (Höll) (1720–1792) were of an entirely di�ferent order from from those of these Baroque Hungarian Jesuits. One of the most important astronomers ever to work in Hungary, Hell established observatories in Cluj, Transylvania and Trnava (now in Slovakia).� His carefully collected data appeared in widely circulated publications.� Hell, like many of his Jesuit contemporaries, straddled two worlds. A committed Jesuit, he never openly rejected any of the cosmological positions positions held to be true by the church. Hell’s inclusion among the Hungarian Jesuit astronomers astronomers of his day is inevitable, but far from straightforward. He lived and worked within the historic lands of the Crown of St. Stephen, although Banská Bystrica, Trnava, and Cluj all lie outside of Hungary today today. Many of his most important accomplishments  were achieved achieved in the service of the Habsburg dynasty, dynasty, which was was regarded regarded as a foreign oppressor by many Hungarians. While he may have spoken very little Hungarian and had no Hungarian ancestry, Hell trained some of the leading lights of late eighteenth-century Hungarian Hungarian science and shared his colleagues’ interest in the earliest history of the Magyars.� Like his Bohemian contemporary Joseph Stepling, Hell maintained contacts  with the wider world of astronomers who had long since discarded the older theories.� Hell disliked Protestant institutions but did not spurn the products of such schools. What might seem to moderns (acclimated to academic freedom) like hypocrisy or at least cowardice was actually in Hell’s case something more complex: the fourth vow of obedience, taken by all pre-suppression  Jesuits occupying occupying important important academic academic positions positions located located Jesuits Jesuits (at least in theory) in a role within a hierarchically organized Society that had been especially  well equipped to engage the polemical culture of the late sixteenth sixteenth century. century. � Augstín Udías Vallina, Vallina, Searching the Heavens and the Earth: The History of Jesuit Observatories Observatories (Dordrecht: Kluwer, Kluwer, 2003), 31. 3 1. However, However, Hell later wrote that he had been unable to complete the construction and equipping of the Cluj facility. �  Ephemerides  Ephemerides astronomicae astronomicae ad meridianum meridianum Vindobonensem Vindobonensem anni 1765   (Viennae: Typis et Sumptibus J.T. de Trattern, Trattern, 1764). Sequels to this volume were produced produ ced between 1791 and 1803. � Hell produced a historical map of Hungary from the years years 886 to 907. Walter Walter Go�fart,  Historical Atlases: The First Three Hundred Years, Years, 1570–1870 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 487. � Late in the day day, Jesuit astronomy astronomy had received received a boost when when the 1759 edition of the Index the Index  Prohibitorum cancelled  Prohibitorum cancelled the decree against the Copernican hypothesis. Juan Casanovas, Casanovas, “The Teaching of Astronomy in Jesuit Colleges in the 18th Century,” Century,” �����   �����  16,  16, 57 (2006): 57–65; at 62. However, the Ptolemaic model would continue to appear in Jesuit-produced textbooks until shortly before be fore the suppression. E.g., Andreas Jaszlinszky Jaszlinszky, Institutiones physicae physicae generalis generalis et particularis  particularis  (Tyrnaviae: Typis Academicis Societatis Jesu, 1756), ��gure 4; Sommervogel 4:759. Thanks to Justine Hyland for her assistance in accessing this image.

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The achievements of individual Jesuits were intended to be subordinated to the advancement of the Church over its rivals. Almost two centuries later, the organization of the Society had changed little, but the European scienti��c community was no longer preoccupied with inter-confessional debates, and had long since abandoned Ptolemaic cosmology. Yet Jesuits such as Hell who remained convinced of the church’s teachings (something that Hell’s correspondence con��rms) and who wanted to pursue astronomy had three choices. They could proceed, if their discoveries warranted warranted it, to challenge the church’s position, or they could work to reconcile di�ferences between the older and newer models, as Kircher had done when he incorporated the moons of Jupiter into his earthcentered model.� The third option was to recognize the elegance and power of the newer cosmographies while making no public demand that the Church alter its position when that position could not be reconciled with new knowledge. In the pre-suppression Society the ��rst option was almost never considered by Jesuits, and the second had ceased to be viable by the close of the seventeenth century. The third option, which often involved correspondence  with practitioners of Newtonian Newtonian physics and also re��ected the baroque Jesuit search for equivalencies,�� was the only truly viable way forward for Jesuit astronomers in the decades before 1773.  A curious sidelight to Hell’s post-suppression post-suppression career as an astronomer astronomer was his interest in the alleged healing powers of magnets. Hell claimed a number of successes in his attempts to treat patients in this way, and was an acquaintance of Franz Anton Mesmer, who would take take this work in controversial and eventually discredited directions.�� A far more damaging blow to Hell’s reputation occurred decades after his death, when one of his successors to the directorship of the Vienna observatory, observatory, Carl Ludwig von Littrow, Littrow, accused the Jesuit Je suit of having made ex post facto  facto  erasures and corrections in the journal Hell kept while observing the transit of Venus in Vardö, Lapland in 1769. These charges signi��cantly damaged Hell’s reputation until the American astronomer Simon Newcomb established that von Littrow had misinterpreted the variations in the darkness of the ink used by Hell, since von Littrow himself was colorblind.�� � �� ��

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Athanasius Kircher, Kircher, Iter exstaticum exstaticum cœleste (Würzburg: cœleste (Würzburg: Endter, 1660). This felicitous phrase was coined by Peter Davidson inThe in The Universal Baroque (Manchester: Baroque (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), 11. James D. Livingston,  Driving Force: Force: The Natural Natural History of Magnets  Magnets  (Cambridge, ��: Harvard University Press, 1996), 203. Hell eventually debunked some of the claims made by Mesmer. George Sarton, “Second Preface to Volume XXXV: Vindication of Father Father Hell,” Hell,”  Isis   Isis  35/2 (1944): 97–105; at 103–104.

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 Joannes Nepomucene Sajnovics (1733–1785) (1733–1785) occupies an equally unusual place in the history of Hungarian Jesuit astronomy, since, while a practicing astronomer, he is best known for his work in linguistics. Born to a noble family, Sajnovics was Hell’s assistant when the two set out to what is now northern Norway in 1768 on their expedition to observe the transit of Venus. Sajnovics  was trained in theology and had also studied mathematics and astronomy astronomy, already serving as assistant (socius ( socius)) to the distinguished Jesuit astronomer Franciscus Xavier Weiss (1717–1785).�� While in Vardö, Sajnovics noted similarities between the Hungarian and Sámi (Lapp) languages, and after his return to Hungary published  Demonstratio idioma Ungarorum Ungarorum et Lapponum idem esse (Tyrnaviae: Typis Collegii Academici Societatis Jesu, 1770). Sajnovics was not the ��rst to recognize this relationship, and his theory was proven true, but he  was subject to attacks during his lifetime from Hungarians who resented the implied biological connection with this remote, primitive, and supposedly unwarlike unwarlike northern people. This controversy controversy probably helped stall the advancement of his career after the suppression.�� The interdisciplinary ties that had typi��ed the late Baroque Society were continued by Sajnovics and his colleagues after 1773: he corresponded with the greatest Hungarian historian of his day, the ex-Jesuit Georgius Pray (1723–1801), about Hungarian orthography.�� Sajnovics’s most signi��cant literary contribution to astronomy was a diary that he maintained on his arctic travels, apparently with an eye to later publication.�� In it, he noted the aurora borealis and borealis and procedures taken to collect astronomical data. Sajnovics continued the Society’s tradition of writing accounts of distant lands aimed to win the interest and support of a lay public.  Yet  Yet by the time Sajnovics’s Sajnovics’s diary appeared, it was was too too late late to rally much support for the ventures of a Society that would very shortly be suppressed.  A number of former Jesuits became bishops during the years after 1773.�� 1773.�� They included Josephus Márton�� (Márton�fy) (1746–1815), who was created �� �� ��

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Hám Sándor, Sajnovics János élete és Demonstratioja  Demonstratioja   (Esztergom: Buzárovits Gusztáv, 1889), 6. Hadobás Sándor, Sándor,  Hell Miska és Sajnovics János bibliográ��ája bibliográ��ája   (Rudabánya: Érc-és  Ásványbányázazti  Ásványbányázazti Múzeum Alapítvány Alapítvány,, 2008). Cited in Stephanus Katona,  Historia Critica Primorum Hungariae Ducum  Ducum  (Pestinii: Sumtibus Ioannis Michaelis Wiegand, 1778), 1778), 20. Katona, himself a former Jesuit, served in the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Buda with Sajnovics and other former  Jesuits. Calendarium Regiæ Universitatis Budensis ad annum Jesu Christi M.D.CC.LXXIX. (Budae: Typis Regiæ Universitatis, [1779]), [1779]), 10. Trulls Lynne Hansen and Per Pippen Aspaas, Maximilian Aspaas, Maximilian Hell’s Geomagnetic Observations Observations in Norway, 1769 (= 1769 (=Tromsø Tromsø Geophysical Observatory Reports No. 2) 2 ) (2005), 12. Wilhelm Kratz, “Exjesuiten als Bischöfe (1773–1822), (1773–1822),”” ����  6  6 (1937): 185–215.

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bishop of Transylvania in 1799.�� Márton��’s predecessor, Count Ignatius Batthyány, had built an observatory adjacent to his residence in Alba Iulia. Batthyány, Márton��’s brother (some authorities identify him as a nephew)  Antonius (1750–17 (1750–1799),�� 99),�� also a former Jesuit and a student of Hell, not only served as director of the observatory, but published an illustrated description of the telescope,  Initia Astronomica Astronomica speculae Batthyaninae Batthyaninae Albensis in Transilvania (Albae Transilvania (Albae Carolinae: Typis Episcopalis, 1798), said to be the ��rst work of its kind produced in Europe.�� Bishop Márton�� himself conducted astronomical observations and played played the role of enlightened Mæcenas through the remaining years years of the suppression.�� Eight years younger than Sajnovics, Joannes Madarassy (1741–1814) spent most of his career as an astronomer after the suppression. Arriving in Vienna in 1774, he worked under Hell for two years and then returned to Eger where he  was eventually made provost.�� provost.�� Before Joseph II forbade the further development of a university in Eger in 1784, Maradassy strove to lay the groundwork for an advanced astronomical observatory connected with the planned academy and equipped with a large telescope. The observatory was also ��tted with a periscope, which enabled an image of the town to be projected onto a white table.�� Although the planned university never opened its doors, the former  Jesuit did conduct observations of the eclipse of stars by the Moon and of the moons of Jupiter. Madarassy does not seem to have groomed any successor for his role, and after about 1785 we we hear no more of his scienti��c undertakings.�� �� �� ��

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Stoeger, Scriptores, Scriptores, 220. Jόzsef Szinnyei, Magyar Szinnyei, Magyar írók élete és munkái , 14 vols. (Budapest: Hornyánszky, 1891–1914), 8:749. Biró Vencel, Gróf Batthyány Ignác 1741–1798: emlékeszés születésének kétszázéves évfoldulóján  évfoldulóján  (Kolozsvár: Minerva, 1941), 11. Antonius Márton�� had been a professor of Canon Law at the seminarium in seminarium in Alba Iulia from 1782 to 1788. Elvira Botez and Tiberiu Oproiu, “About Some Astronomical Instruments from Batthyanian Observatory in Alba Iulia,” Highlights Iulia,” Highlights of Astronomy 12 Astronomy 12 (2002): 361–364; at 362. Vass József, “Márton�� József,” Vársárnapi Újság 5 /8 /8 (21 February 1858); 85–86. [Magyar Tudományos Tudományos Akadémia], Hazai Akadémia],  Hazai és külföldi folyóiratok: Magyar tudományos repertóriuma (Budapest: ertóriuma (Budapest: Athanaeum, 1874), 1874), 243. Gudrun Wolfschmidt; “Cultural Heritage and Architecture of Baroque Baroque Observatories,” paper delivered at the 2009 annual meeting of the European Society for Astronomy and Culture, 1–9; at 6, accessed 1 March 2012, http://www.math.uni-hamburg.de/spag/ign/ 2012, http://www.math.uni-hamburg.de/spag/ign/ stw/seac09-obs-barock_wolfschmidt.pdf. Kelényi B. Ottó, “Az egri püspöki Líceum és a gyulafehérvári csillagvizsgáló,” csillagvizsgáló,” accessed 2 March 2012 (http://www (http://www.ekonyvk .ekonyvkereso.net/��le/05300/05391/pdf/Kel ereso.net/��le/05300/05391/pdf/Kelenyi_Eger_Gyu enyi_Eger_Gyulafeh_  lafeh_  Csill.pdf). Csill.pdf).

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In 1799, Carolus Esterházy, the bishop of Eger who had planned the development of the university, university, died, and Madarassy subsequently held a series of posts in the Eger diocese, eventually becoming provost of Eger Castle a year before his death. Franciscus Xavier Bruna (1745–1817) is claimed by both Hungarians and Croatians, a not uncommon fate fate of Jesuits working east of the River Leitha. After service as the socius of socius of two Jesuit astronomers, astronomers, Bruna gained a post-suppression position as professor of mathematics at the University of Buda.�� During this period the ex-Jesuit made observations of the newly discovered planet Uranus,  which had also attracted attracted the interest of Maximilian Hell and Rogerius Boskovich.�� In the late eighteenth century, meteorological and astronomical observations were often undertaken by the same researcher, and from 1785 Bruna also made meteorological meteorological observations for the Mannheim Meteorological Society.�� Society.�� Bruna ended his career as the Rector of the University of Buda and was one of the very few former Jesuits who lived to see the restoration of the Society by the pope, although not its re-establishment within the Austrian Empire.�� Throughout the eighteenth century Hungarian Jesuits “sought the Indies,” i.e. they asked for assignments that would take them outside of Europe. With the collapse of the Society’s missions in the Portuguese and Spanish colonial empires in 1759 and 1767 respectively, many of these missionaries came to grief. Born in Croatia, Ignatius Szentmartóny (1718-1793?) was already an astronomer of note when he was sent in 1749 to Brazil with the title of Royal Astronomer to João V of Portugal with the task of determining the boundary between Portuguese and Spanish territory.�� His timing was unfortunate, as both colonial powers were preparing to destroy the Society’s reductions that lay near this boundary line. Expelled and imprisoned in 1760, he was released through the intercession of Maria Theresia nine (or according to some sources

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Stoeger, Scriptores, Scriptores , 38. Ž. Dadić, “Croatian Astronomers in Hungary by the End of the 18th and the Beginning of the 19th Century,” Hvar Century,” Hvar Observatory Observatory Bulletin Bulletin Supplement  6/1  6/1 (1982): 115–122; at 116–117. Hell honored Herschel, the discoverer of Uranus, with two now-discarded constellations, “Tubus Herscheli Major” and “Tubus Herscheli Minor.” Minor.” Michael E. Bakisch, The Cambridge Guide to the Constellations (Cambridge: Constellations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 48. Szinnyei József et al.,  Magyarország  Magyarország természtudományi természtudományi és mathematikai könyvészete könyvészete 1472–1875  (Budapest:  (Budapest: Athenaeum, 1878), 92. Francis I issued a decree to this e�fect in 1821. 1821. Alan Reinerman, “The Return of the Jesuits to the Austrian Empire and the Decline of Josephinism, 1820–1822,” 1820–1822,” The Catholic Historical  Review 52/3 (1966): 372–390; at 387. Stoeger, Scriptores, Scriptores , 353.

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seventeen) years later�� and in 1777, returned to Croatia. Along with many other ex-Jesuits Szentmártonyi kept a rather low pro��le, but in 1783, he produced an anonymous text on Croatian grammar.�� Like Bruna, Szentmártonyi is claimed by both Hungarians and Croatians. This former Jesuit exempli��ed the extreme diversity of experience that the Society might provide to its members, as well as the possibility that one of its more promising practicing scientists might never publish his ��ndings—even after the suppression. This obscurity is echoed by the experience of Ferdinandus Hartman, �.�., mentioned in one of Hell’s letters as an “astronomer,” “astronomer,” and who appears as a Professor a Professor  physices experimentalis experimentalis in  in the Society’s collegium in collegium in Cluj during 1772–1773, but disappears from sight thereafter, a fate shared by many of his confreres.�� Considered together, the post-suppression careers of these men form neither a school of thought nor a coordinated program of investigation. Nor did the modest infrastructure that these Jesuits left behind play a great part in the subsequent development of astronomy in Hungary.�� Rather these former  Jesuits were astronomers astronomers being acted upon by forces that not only destroyed the old Society Societ y but also accelerated changes already underway in formal schools and in government involvement in scienti��c inquiry throughout Europe. In the Habsburg lands in particular, natural sciences were passing through a period  when their practitio practitioners ners were were ceasing to be be drawn drawn from the the ranks of of the clergy and when the universities in which they worked were becoming largely free of the control of the church. This decoupling of religion and science had special importance in a kingdom long said by the Jesuits to be ruled by the Virgin Mary and where cultural institutions other than religiously-a���liated ones were still developing. Simultaneously the relationship of astronomy to theology was changing for good: Jesuits might well continue to hold their own private private beliefs ��

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Iran Abreu Mendes, “A Astronomia de Ignácio Szentmártonyi na Demarcaçao das Fronteiras da Amaziônia no Século XVIII,”  Anais  Anais do XI Seminári Seminárioo Na Nacion cional al de Histór História ia da Matemá Matemátic ticaa 1–12, accessed 12 February February 2013 (http://www.each.usp.br/ixs (http://www.each.usp.br/ixsnhm/Anaisixsnhm/Comu nhm/Anaisixsnhm/Comunicacoes/ nicacoes/ 1_Mendes_I_A_Astronomia_de_Ign%C3%A1cio_Szentm%C3%A1rtonyi.pdf ).). Antun Šojat, “Prva objavljena gramatika kajkavskoga kajkavskoga književnog jezika,” Raspra jezika,”  Rasprave ve Instituta za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje  10–11 (1984–1985): 201–221; at 202. Per Pippin Aspaas, “Maximilianus Hell (1720–1792) (1720–1792) and the Eighteenth-Century Transits of Venus: A Study of Jesuit Science in Nordic and Central European Contexts” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Tromsø, 2012), 167. Bernoulli’s visits to the Trnava Trnava observatory in 177 17744 and 1775 are virtually the only documented visits of a notable astronomer to a Hungarian astronomical research site during the suppression. Zdenek Horský, “Astronomická “Astronomická pozorování pozorování na univerzitní observatoři v Trnavě,” in Trnavská univerzita na slovenských dejinách, dejinách , ed. Viliam Čičaj (Bratislava: ����, 1987), 170–179; at 171–172.

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regarding the role of an active God in history, but such views could no longer frame the presentation of their astronomical ��ndings to a wider community. community. The years before Dominus before  Dominus ac Redemptor  saw   saw two other developments that a�fected all the Society’s Society ’s scienti��c endeavors in Hungary. Hungary. The ��rst was the loosening of Jesuit dominance over higher education throughout the Habsburg realms. Individual Jesuits such as Hell and Rogerius Boskovich commanded immense respect and occupied prestigious positions both before and after 1773, but the Society’s system of schooling that identi��ed and advanced talented young men was increasingly regarded as outdated after 1760. In Hungary during the decades before the suppression, the Piarists, who were rivals of the  Jesuits in education, also began began to produce astronomers astronomers of note. Vienna’s longlongstanding support for Jesuit education began to shift towards the creation of professional schools beyond the control of religious orders. As Per Pippin  Aspaas notes, notes, “The dominant dominant ideology [utilitarian and avoiding avoiding Baroque theatrum] rum] during Joseph II’s reign had little respect for the heritage of Jesuit science.”�� ence.”�� At the University of Vienna, Jesuits ceased to be directors of studies in 1758, only three years after the decision was taken to establish a great central observatory observatory of which Hell was soon appointed head.�� Simultaneous with and influenced by these changes were subtle but telling trends within the Society itself. The pacification of Hungary and Transylvania, and the disappearance of effective Protestant resistance to Catholicization altered the spectrum of tasks undertaken by Jesuits. Eighteenth-century Jesuits working in the Austrian province east of the Leitha still sought to bring non-Catholics into the church’s fold, but such campaigns had approached a stalemate.�� Missionary fervor was steadily supplanted by the more bureaucratic task of maintaining a network of schools and residentiae: residentiae: this commitment aided Jesuit science by providing p roviding  venues  venu es for ende e ndeavors avors such suc h as Hell’s Hel l’s Cluj C luj observa obs ervatory tory and for the t he infl i nfluen uential tial press in Trnava that produced Andreas Jaszlinszky’s Jaszlinszky’s Ins  Instit tituti utione oness.�� But the commitment of Jesuit resources to secondary schools, to a quasi-university in Košice, as well as to the ongoing projects of the Uniate churches in �� �� �� ��

Aspaas, “Maximilianus Hell,” Hell,” 177. “Hell (or Höll), Maximilian,” Maximilian,” in Complete Dictionary of Scienti��c Biography, Biography, 2008,  2008, accessed 23 January 2012, http://encyclopedia.com/doc/1G http://encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-2830901921.html. 2-2830901921.html. Cf. Paul Shore, Narrat Shore,  Narratives ives of Adversity: Adversity: Jesuits on the Peripheries Peripheries of the Eastern Habsburg  Realms (Budapest:  Realms (Budapest: ��� Press, 2012), 310–314. The Trnava Trnava press produced over 3,000 titles, a number on scienti��c subjects. subjects. T. Spačil, “Universitas Tyrnaviensis in Slovakia et Catholici Ritus Orientalis,” Orientalia Christiana  Periodica 3  Periodica 3 (1937), 275–278; at 275.

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Transylvania and Transcarpathia left little space for the creation of obser vatories  vator ies or scient sci entifi ificc librari lib raries es on par with those thos e in Western este rn Europe. Europ e. As the technology associated with astronomy astronomy advanced, the importance of access to resources sufficient to support this technology also increased. The brightest lights in Jesuit science were inevitably drawn towards places  where  whe re such s uch resource reso urcess were we re availab avai lable: le: Boskovich Bos kovich to Rome, Rom e, Hell Hel l to Vien V ienna— na— and where audiences waited to learn of the latest discoveries. Underlying the practical issue of material support for natural science was the deeper question of how advances in the sciences might be reconciled with with the idea of a God who intervened in history. This tension was not con��ned to astronomy astronomy, or to Jesuit science, but it was one of the central questions of eighteenth-century natural philosophy. philosophy. French Jesuits endeavored endeavored to engage (if not embrace) the newer mechanistic theories in such publications as the  Journal de Trévoux.�� Trévoux.�� But the Austrian Habsburg lands remained less directly a�fected by these currents, and Jesuits there did not feel compelled to debate or to incorporate challenges in their traditional worldview. The “newer philosophy” developed by Jesuit scientists by the mid-eighteenth century was a genuine achievement,�� but it seemed to exist in a world set apart from the remote communities and schoolrooms where many Jesuits of Hungary were working in 1773. In contrast to the handful of practitioners of the exact sciences, the majority of Jesuits of the eastern Austrian province at least outwardly preserved a piety that paid little attention to scienti��c advances and that looked backwards for its models and metaphors. Thus on the eve of the suppression, Jesuit astronomy astronomy in the historic lands of the Crown of St. Stephen occupied a doubtful position both in the institutional culture of the Society and in Hungarian national life. The association of Jesuits  worldwide  worldwide with astronomy astronomy remained visible until and even beyond 1773: 1773: in China Jesuit observatories continued to operate after the Society’s suppression�� and in Hungary Jesuits such as Franciscus Borgia Kéri (1702–1769) had been active as astronomers and instrument builders only a few years before.�� But astronomy astronomy was not part of the curriculum of the Ratio the Ratio Studiorum (which Studiorum (which in ��

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The Journal The Journal de Trévoux Trévoux,, which ceased publication in 1767, published astronomical obser vations from China, South America, and the Cape of Good Hope. Dante Lénardon, Index Lénardon, Index du Journal de Trévoux (Genève: Trévoux  (Genève: Editions Slatkine, 1986), 156. Robert Evans, Austr Evans, Austria, ia, Hungary, Hungary, and the Habsburgs: Habsburgs: Essays on Central Central Europe, c. 1683–1867 1683–1867 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 33. Jean Joseph Marie Amiot (1718–1793) (1718–1793) directed the Jesuit observatory in Bejing for more than a decade after the suppression. Vallina, Searching, Searching, 52. Stoeger, Scriptores, Scriptores , 180–181. Kéri, somewhat anachronistically, combined the Baroque  Jesuit roles of historian and scientist.

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fact includes no mention of science).�� Nor was the growing interest of the  Viennese court in astronomy astronomy easily reconciled with the Society’s con��icted position regarding regarding the study of the natural sciences. The suppression spelled the end of a distinctly Jesuit approach to science, but not of the activities of former Jesuits engaged in science, although Hungary  was not the most promising location for their work. The kingdom during the last years of the dual reign of Maria Theresia and Joseph II, and during the ��rst  years of Joseph’s Joseph’s sole rule, was no longer a frontier province, but neither was the region moving towards becoming a center of scienti��c activity on the Enlightenment model. In comparison with the monarchies of Western Europe, Europe, Hungary’s cities were small (if growing rapidly), its scienti��c institutions in their infancy,�� and its scholarly traditions still recovering from the disruptions of Ottoman Ottoman occupation, Habsburg liberation, and civil war. war. The suppression of the Society and the seizing of its assets provided Vienna with the funds to reshape higher education, a project that had already begun with the reorganireorganization of the Jesuit university in Trnava. The relocation of this university to Buda and the establishment of an observatory there in 1777 under the leadership of Weiss continued the link between Jesuits and state-supported astronomical research.�� Weiss was succeeded by his protégé Franciscus Taucher (1738–1820), who had remained in Trnava as the curator of the observatory after his mentor had left for Buda.�� Taucher, who had taught controversiae in controversiae  in ��

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The Society’s Constitutions did Constitutions did make reference to the teaching of mathematics “in so far as [these topics] are in accord with the end proposed by us.” Cited in Dennis C. Smolarski, �.�., “The Jesuit Ratio Jesuit Ratio Studiorum, Studiorum, Christopher Clavius, and the Study of the Mathematical Sciences in Universities,” Universities,” Science in Context  15,  15, 3 (2002): 447–457; at 453. The only signi��cant curricular reformer in the Austrian Province, Franciciscus Molindes,  Instructio pri vata seu Typus cursus annui …(Tyrnaviae: …(Tyrnaviae: Typis Academicis, 1735), did almost nothing to advance the teaching of natural sciences. Thanks to the National Library of Slovenia for providing an image of this volume. The ancestor of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, a “Learned Society” founded by Count István Széchenyi, was not established until 1825. R.J.W. Evans, “Széchenyi and  Austria,”  Austria,” in History in  History and Biography: Essays in Honour of Derek Beales, eds. T.C.W. Blanning and David Cannadine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) 113–131; at 123. Weiss had been pra been praefect efectus us of  of the observatory in Trnava since 1762. Stoeger, Scriptores, Scriptores, 393. The ex-Jesuit also produced the ��rst work on Newtonian physics by a Hungarian, Astronomia  Astronomiaee  physicae  physicae juxta juxta Newtoni Newtoni Principi  Principi a…(Tyrnaviae: a…(Tyrnaviae: Typis Academicis Societatis Jesu, 1759). Stoeger, Scriptores, Scriptores , 361; Franciscus Xavier Linzbauer, Codex Sanitario-Medicinalis  Hungariae, tomus II  (Budae:   (Budae: Typis Caesero-Regiae Scientaorum Universitatis, 1852), 715. The Trnava observatory, which possessed only a modest fund of 2,290 ��orins at the time of the suppression, remained open until 1785. Bartha Lajos, “A nagyszombati egyetem csillagvizsgálόjának kezdetei,”  �����   16/7 (2006): 8–38; at 35; John Schreiber, “Jesuit  Astronomy,”  Astronomy,” Popular  Popular Astronomy Astronomy 12  12 (1904): 90–20; at 17.

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Trnava, seems to have moved seamlessly into a position at the Buda University once the Trnava observatory was shuttered.�� The original manuscripts of Taucher’s observations were lost, probably during the revolution of 1848, but his lectures as an adjunctus  adjunctus  at the Pest University (recently relocated from Buda) from the years 1788 to 1806, the year of his hi s retirement, survive.�� su rvive.�� Taucher, Taucher,  whose piety seems to have have been as authentic as Hell’s,�� spent his last years years as the praefectus the praefectus of  of the seminarium generale, generale, a far cry from the schools the Society had created in its heyday.  Any survey of Hungarian Jesuit astronomers astronomers during this period must at least mention one of greatest Hungarian scientists of the era, who was also an implacable adversary of the Society: Franz Xaver Zach (1754–1832). (1754–1832). Despite (or perhaps as a cause of) of ) this dislike, Zach seems to have received his early training in mathematics at a Jesuit school.�� The story of Jesuit astronomy in the eastern Habsburg lands from the landmarks of suppression to restoration provokes questions about a discernible  Jesuit “way “way of proceeding” in the sciences and and about the relation relation of Hungarian  Jesuit astronomy astronomy to the Society’s other endeavors, endeavors, particularly history. history. Were men such as Sajnovics and Hell talented scientists who just happened to be  Jesuits, or did they share approaches approaches to empirical empirical data and and to questions questions of cosmology that link them to broader currents of Jesuit thought? A clue can be found in another area of Jesuit research. Hungarian Jesuit historiography in the eighteenth century shows a marked movement away from interpretations of events that rely on Divine intervention, and a diminishing use of the framing of narratives around ecclesial landmarks such as the life spans of primates. Instead these Jesuits began to compose a more confessionally neutral account of recent local history that preserved the attention to detail and skill in Latin prose fostered in the curriculum of the Ra the  Ratitioo. After about 1720, successive generations of ��

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Calendarium Regiæ Universitatis Budensis ad annum Jesu Christi M. D.CC. LXXIX. (Budæ: Typis Regiae Universitatis, anno ut supra), 28. Taucher fared far better than many ex Jesuits, receiving a stipend of 600 ��orins for his appointment as mechanicus as mechanicus of the obser vatory.  vatory. Pauler Tivadar, A Tivadar,  A Budapesti Magyar kir. kir. tudomány-egyetem története. Első Kötet (Budapest: Nyomatott a Magyar Királyi Egyetemi Könyvnyomdában, Könyvnyomdában, 1880), 109. Taucher Taucher Ferenc, accessed 7 January 2013 (http://leveltar.elte.hu/tanarok.php?fak=PhIG&t ev=1802/03&tnev=Taucher%20Ferenc).. See also Petrovay Kristóf, “A Csillagászati Tanszék ev=1802/03&tnev=Taucher%20Ferenc) története,” �����  története,” �����  16,  16, 69(2006): 69–98; at 76. Taucher Taucher even wrote a “sentimental” account of festivities associated with the Society’s Founder. Founder. Aspaas, “Maximilianus Hell (1720–1792) (1720–1792) and the Eighteenth-Century Eighteenth- Century Transits of  Venus,  Venus,”” 172, footnote footnote 385.  Briefe Franz Xaver von Zachs in sein Vaterland , eds. Peter Brosche and Magda Vargha (Budapest: Deparment of Astronomy, Astronomy, L. Eötvös University, University, 1984), 13.

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 Jesuit and ex-Jesuit ex-Jesuit historians accommodated accommodated non-metaphysical non-metaphysical notions of causality, while sustaining their identi��cation with the Society, although, signi��cantly, no post-restoration school of Hungarian Jesuit historiography emerged.�� Astronomy was less dependent than history on the libraries and schools lost by the Society in 1773: even in the early nineteenth century working as an isolated astronomer remained a viable option. But the relationship between the pursuit of knowledge knowledge “ad maiorem Dei gloriam” and the reality of a Society and church now in a defensive posture was far more freighted with di���culties than it had been sixty years earlier. earlier. The restored Society faced a post-Napoleonic Europe in which the position of all Catholic orders was diminished and impoverished. In the Austrian Empire, the desacralized successor to the Holy Roman Empire, the role of the Catholic teaching orders in intellectual life had been drastically reduced by the edicts of Joseph II.�� The prolonged crisis of the subsequent Napoleonic Wars retarded scienti��c inquiry and reduced university enrollments. The Society that returned after 1821 to Hungary had neither the desire nor the capacity to engage in many of the scienti��c debates of the day. Loyal to a papacy suspicious of most manifestations of liberal and scienti��c thought, and lacking its former world-spanning network of communities from which to collect data, the Society had to scale back astronomical research, although individual  Jesuits still pursued this ��eld of inquiry. inquiry. By the middle of the nineteenth century Jesuit contributions were once more enriching Hungarian astronomy, but two elements that had characterized Jesuit science of the previous century were missing. The ��rst was the search for equivalencies and the desire to accommodate and even reconcile disparate disparate data. The presentation of multiple cosmologies vanished from Jesuit textbooks. Jesuits—or anyone else who wished to engage with the broader community of astronomers—had to do so on its own terms, which left no room for theories emphasizing an interventionist God or even an Enlightenment theist architect.�� architect.�� The second missing element was Jesuit polymaths who dabbled in astronomy, and who had already become an anachronism when Hell and Sajnovics �� �� ��

Köpeczi Béla, Függetlensé Béla, Függetlenségg és haladás: haladás: politiakai gondalkodás a régi magyar magyar függetlensége függetlensége harcok századaiban (Budapest: századaiban (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadό, 1977), 95. Derek Beales,  Enlightenment and Reform in 18th-century Europe  Europe  (London: I.B. Tauris, 2005), 245–249. Edwards Amasa Park could still write in 1885 of the “great Architect” who had designed the heavens, but Park was a theologian, not an astronomer. Thomas E. Jenkins, The Character of God: Recovering the Lost Literary Power of American Protestantism  ( Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 22.

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 were commencing their observations. observations. Not only had the explosion of knowledge made the mastery of multiple disciplines almost impossible, but the evolution of disciplinary tools and methodologies further encouraged a specialization incompatible with the pattern of rotating work assignments found in the Austrian province. For Jesuits, the uncoupling of astronomy from both theology and salvation history was a much deeper change than the mere multiplication of academic specializations. Products of a rigorous theological formation, and, in a post-Waterloo Europe, defenders of a church in reaction,  Jesuits su�fered from the loss of cosmology cosmology and history history as buttresses buttresses to their theological arguments. Biedermeier Hungary found Jesuit scientists con��ned to  working  working in secondary secondary schools, inhabiting inhabiting a political political environm environment ent in which the church was increasingly seen by liberal politicians as an obstacle to progress. There could be no return to the adventure and innovation of the Society’s seventeenth-century undertakings, including creative cosmological theorizing. The asymmetrical “before and after” picture of Hungarian Jesuit astronomy  just sket sketched ched is is the consequence consequence of many many factor factors, s, most most of of which origin originated ated outoutside of the Society. One factor, however, had deep roots within the intellectual climate Baroque Jesuits had helped create. This is the decline of the emblem and of the employment of a particular species of visualization that emblematics fostered.�� The construction of cosmographies requires the visualization of relationships that can never be seen with the eyes. The trained reader reader of an emblem possessed the ability to visualize a relationship for which the emblem was a metaphor. metaphor. Many emblems convey a moral message, but others contain elements of physics, or even accurate representations of the earth in space.�� When astronomy moves beyond the exact recording of data and the application of mathematical formulae to communicate with a wider audience, relationships among concrete objects and vectors must be visualized and then made visible to others. Emblematics contributed to the development of schematic models in many ��elds throughout seventeenth-century Europe. For Jesuits, the connection between the moral universe posited by emblems and the cosmos revealed through observation and calculation was real and important, giving meaning not merely to scienti��c inquiry but to an entire “way of proceeding.” proceeding.” Didactic emblematics declined sharply in the eighteenth century, but lingered, along with other expressions of the Baroque, in the eastern reaches of �� ��

Richard Dimler, “Jesuit Emblem Theory,” Theory,” in  Europea  Europeann Iconogra Iconography phy East and West: InterInternational Conference: Selected Papers, Papers , ed. George E. Szönyi (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 209–222. An emblem from 1640 connects the burial burial of St. Francis Xavier in China with with the sun ��lling the entire earth with light.  Imago Primi Saeculi Societatis Jesu  Jesu  (Antwerp: ex o�f. Plantiniana Balthasaris Moreti, 1640), 721.

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the Austrian province.�� The ��nal ��owering of pre-suppression Hungarian  Jesuit astronomy astronomy took place as this connection broke broke down completely. completely. Hungarian Jesuits made their most enduring contributions to the science at the point when their approach to the ��eld could no longer be readily identi��ed as distinctly Jesuit. This separation of the identities of Jesuit and scientist (the latter a coinage unknown to the pre-suppression Society) continued after the Society’s restoration, complicated by the alliance of “throne and altar” to  which Jesuits were were institutionally committ committed. ed. The trajectory of Jesuit astronomy in these lands thus di�fers in fundamental  ways from the narratives narratives of the Society’s literary, literary, pedagogical or missionary achievements. The characteristic Jesuit experiences of solitude and de facto autonomy were perpetuated in the act of collecting astronomical data, but as the gap between the system of beliefs that had de��ned the early Society and the theistic or completely mechanistic worldview of post-Newtonian astronomy widened, Baroque techniques techniques of visualization were were of little use in investigating or communicating the secrets of the skies. Indeed, although the undertaking of the Spiritual Exercises of Exercises of Ignatius has remained the touchstone touchstone of Jesuit experience, the reader will search in vain among the writings of Hungarian Jesuits of the restored Society for a hint of their in��uence on the recording or interpretation of data. In the hearts of Hungarian Jesuits, faith and astronomy were never estranged,�� but the audible conversation between them had fallen silent forever. ��

��

One of the last original emblematic creations of a Jesuit along this frontier was Ratio was Ratio status animae immortalis symbolice, ascetice et polemice expressa, quatuor in principatu Transylvaniae receptarum religionum aeternae saluti accomodata ab in��nita societatis  Jesu, Coronensi Coronensi missione. missione. Eötvös Loránd Tudomónyegyetem Tudomónyegyetem Könyvtár Ms A 155, composed by Franciscus Partinger between 1710 and 1715. Astronomy and theology could still come together in the minds of former Jesuits. Georgius Szerdahelyi (1740–1804) published Elegia published Elegia epidictica epidictica per quam demonstrator: demonstrator: primum homihominem Adamum fuisse primum et maximum astronomum seu, musam Uraniam esse ominium musarum primogenitam Urani …(Viennae: …(Viennae: Typis Joan. Thom. nob. de Trattnern, 1789).

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“Est et Non Est”   Jesuit Corporate Survival in England after after the Suppression

Thomas M. McCoog, �.�.

 We  We ��atter ��attered ed ourselv ourselves es that the dissoluti dissolution on of the Society Society was at a great great distance, tho’ th o’ we likewise often apprehended it to be near. Like a�fectionate children we could not abandon all hopes of our dearest Mother’s Recovery even when she was despaired of by every one else. We fondly imagined the destruction of what we loved so much to be impossible. I am sure I did tho’ I often told your Lordship how much others feared it. Every thing that was done at this Court plainly tended to convince us that destruction was not far o�f, but like St. Thomas we could not believe untill we saw & felt it.� This unsigned, undated fragment preserved among the miscellanea of John Thorpe, an English ex-Jesuit and a copious correspondent, was probably written by Thorpe himself, perhaps as a ��rst draft of a letter, soon after the actual suppression, to Henry, Lord Arundell of Wardour for whom he negotiated various transactions regarding works of art in Rome. But English Jesuits were not as blind as Thorpe suggests. Indeed, because of their colleges in France and Spain, they experienced the approaching universal suppression and devised means to prevent its complete implementation.

Gathering Clouds

In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, English Jesuits established a novitiate at Watten, a tertianship at Ghent, and a college at St. Omer, all in  what was then the Spanish Netherlands Netherlands,, and a philosophate philosophate/theol /theologat ogatee in the prince-bishopric of Liège. St. Omer and Watten passed to the French crown in 1678. In April 1762, the parlement   of Paris ordered ordered the closure of all Jesu Jesuit it schools  parlement  of  within France; France; in August August the Society Society was banned.� banned.� The Jesuit community community and � Archivum Archivum Britannicum Britannicum Societatis Societatis Iesu [=��� �],  Miscellaneous Papers Papers of John Thorpe, MY/4, chronological order, order, no foliation. � On the implementation of the decrees in the regions regions under the jurisdiction of the parlement  of Paris, see Charles R. Bailey, Bailey, “The French Clergy and the Removal of Jesuits from Secondary Schools, 1761–1762,” Church History 48 (1979): 305–319.

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their students migrated from St. Omer to Bruges in early August in anticipation of their expected expulsion.� Because the parlement   of Douai, in whose jurisdic parlement  of tion Watten was located, held out as long as it could against the Parisian  parlement , the Jesuits did not abandon Watten for Ghent until 1765. English Jesuits administered two colleges/seminaries at Valladolid and Seville (a third college at Madrid existed more as a journal entry than an educational institution). On the eve of the Society’s expulsion from Spain in 1767, 1767, few students studied at Valladolid, and none at Madrid and Seville. As events unfolded in Spain, the English vicars apostolic approached the Spanish ambassador in London to argue that these three colleges in fact belonged to the English church and not to the Society of Jesus.� Consequently, Consequently, King Charles III ordered their consolidation into one college at Valladolid. A secular priest, Philip Mark Perry, was nominated rector as new students arrived.�  John Thorpe retained vestigial hope despite the almost daily con��rmation of the Society’s apparent inevitable fate as he, and perhaps others, addressed its survival in England after the ��nal blow. Thorpe opined that the English province might survive as a congregation “in which perhaps as much of the genuine original spirit of the Society might with God’s grace be preserved as amongst any other assembly whatever, that should be collected out of the  whole wreck.” wreck.” He foresaw foresaw problems, problems, but not from the civil governments governments of  Records of the English Province of the Society of � On the general subject see Henry Foley, Foley, �.�., �.� .,  Records  Jesus, 7 vols. in 8 parts (Manresa/Burns and Oates: Roehampton/London, 1877–1884), 5:169– 173; 7/1: xl–xlii, liv–lv; Hubert Chadwick, �.�., St. Omers to Stonyhurst   (Burns and Oates: London, 1962), 281–333; Geo�frey Holt, �.�., “Bishop Challoner and the Jesuits,” in  Bishop Challoner and His Church: A Catholic Bishop in Georgian England , ed. Eamon Du�fy (Darton, Longman & Todd: Todd: London, 1981), 137–151; Maurice Whitehead, Whi tehead, “‘Con grandi di���coltà’: le s��de educative della Compagnia di Gesù nella restaurata provincia inglese (1803–1842),” in  Morte e resurrezione di un ordine religioso. Le strategie culturali ed educative della Compagnia di Gesù durante la soppressione (1759–1814), ed. P. Bianchini (Vita e Pensiero: Milan, 2006), 89–108; Paul Shore and Maurice Whitehead, “Crisis and Survival on the Peripheries: Jesuit Culture, Continuity and Change at Opposite Ends of Continental Europe, 1762–1814,”  History of Universities 24 (2009): 173–205. � Until the restoration of the Catholic hierarchy hierarchy in 1850, 1850, vicars apostolic apostolic governed governed the Roman Catholic Church in England under the Sacred Congregation de Propaganda Fide. From the reign of King James Jam es II (1685–1688) until 1840, there were four vicars. In 1 840 the four districts became eight. � Michael Williams, St. Alban’s College Valladolid: Four Centuries of English Catholic Presence (C. Hurst and Company/St. Martin’s Press: London/New York, York, 1986), 71–73; Michael Williams, “St Alban’s College, Valladolid and the Events of 1767,”  Recusant History 20 (1990): 223–238; Michael Williams, “Philip Perry, Rector of the English College, Valladolid (1768–1774),”  Recusant History History 17 (1984): 48–66.

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England, Flanders, and Liège: “We shall remain upon the same terms with the ��rst as we have always been, & in regard of the other two, we shall always be too insigni��cant a number in each to create any alarm in their politics, & too advantageous to the interests of the towns to draw upon us any publick ill treatment.” Nor did he anticipate any di���culty from the continental bishops, speci��cally the prince-bishop of Liège. He did however worry that the vicars apostolic could, if they set their mind to it, destroy the remnant. But, interestingly, Thorpe feared unnamed members of the province would be the greatest obstacles. Admittedly he may have been out of touch because of his long absence from the province (he had arrived in Rome in November 1756), but he  worried that many would abandon the Society’s spirituality and Institute and  without qualm or hesitation become secular priests.� In vain Thorpe awaited awaited some instruction from the English provincial Thomas More.� Thorpe’s correspondent John Jenison, then active on the English mission, eased his apprehensions. Apparently by the spring of 1773, 1773, at least one project had been discussed. Membership in some as yet unde��ned post-suppression congregation would, of course, be optional, but Jenison believed the over whelming majority of English Jesuits would opt for it. Thorpe confessed that he would infer that anyone who failed to join had never in fact had a true vocation. Before the ��nal bell tolled, Thorpe suggested that any English Jesuit who had lost or perhaps perhap s never had the “genuine characteristick Spirit Sp irit of the t he Society,” Society,” be identi��ed and charitably but swiftly removed from positions of authority.�

Universal Suppression

The blow fell. Pier Francesco Foggini, an anti-Jesuit ecclesiastical historian nominated by his patron Cardinal Andrea Corsini, was appointed procurator of the English College, Rome, and Giovanni Giovanucci, vice-rector. But Cardinal Corsini, cardinal protector of England and a member of the congregation of cardinals entrusted with the enforcement of the brief  Dominus ac Redemptor , retained full powers.� The English college situated at Bruges 1754–1792, �f. � Thorpe to Jenision, 20 January 1773, �� �� ,  John Thorpe, Miscellaneous Letters, 1754–1792 147r–v . � Thorpe to Jenison, 13 February 1773, 1773, �� �� , John Thorpe, Thorpe, Miscellaneous Miscellaneous Letters, Letters, 1754–1 1754–1792 792, f. 152�. � Thorpe to Jenison, [17 March 1773], �� �� , John Thorpe, Thorpe, Miscellaneous Letters, 1754–1792 1754–1792, f. 159�. � See Michael E. Williams, The Venerable English College, Rome. A History , 2nd ed. (Gracewing: Leominster, 2008), 81–86; Vaughan Lloyd, “Decline and Fall. I. The Last Years of Jesuit Rule, 1770–1773,” The Venerabile  15 (1950–1952): 248–258; Vaughan Lloyd, “Decline and Fall. II. The Bad Boy’s Diary, 1773–1779,” The Venerabile 16 (1952–1954): 2–16.

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merged with the former theologate/philosophate at Liège�� to become the patronage of Prince-Bishop, Prince-Bishop, François-Charles de  Académie anglaise anglaise under the patronage  Velbruck.  Velbruck. John Howard Howard ( vere Holme), the last Jesuit rector of the theologate, became the ��rst president of the academy. On 9 September, the bishop enforced the brief of suppression with remarkable leniency: having having eschewed their former dress and customs in favor of those of diocesan clergy, the ex Jesuits remained within the principality as educators. educators. The academy academy was o���cially established in December 1773. On 15 September 1778, Pope Pius VI con��rmed the new institution in Catholici praesules : the academy enjoyed the rights and privileges of a ponti��cal college; its president would be elected by the senior members of sta�f and he, in turn, would nominate o���cials; o���cials; all nominations and elections were subject to the approval of the prince-bishop.�� The brief also dictated that the president’s election should be approved by the vicars apostolic and by the British Catholic nobility. Thomas Glover, �.�., in his unpublished history of the province’s re-establishment, commented that this clause “never gave any trouble either because it was little known or not remarked.”��

The Suppression within England

On the eve of the suppression, the English province consisted of approximately approximately 280 Jesuits.�� The 140 Jesuits in England and Wales were organized into geographical districts constituted as colleges or residences according to the rules of the Society: the College of St. Ignatius (the London district), the College of ��

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On the implementation of  Dominus ac Redemptor   in Bruges, see Chadwick, Omers to Stonyhurst , 334–359. For attempts by Bishop Jean-Robert Caimo to keep the college open in Bruges, see Holt, “Bishop Challoner,” Challoner,” 149–150. See Geo�frey Geo�frey Holt, �. �., William Strickland and the Suppressed Jesuits (British Province of the Society of Jesus: London, 1988), 11; and Maurice Whitehead, “‘A Proli��c Nursery of Piety and Learning’: Educational Development and Corporate Identity at the  Académie 1773–1803,”” in Promising Hope: Essays on the Suppression  Anglaise, Liège, and at Stonyhurst, 1773–1803, and Restoration of the English Province of the Society of Jesus , ed. Thomas M. McCoog, McCoog, �. �. (����: Rome, 2003), 127–149, at 138. Copies of the brief can be found at Stonyhurst College, Stonyhurst Archives, Pamphlets 3/20, and ����, Angl. 1001, I-1. ����,  A Collection of Notes, Memoires, and Documents Respecting the Re-establishment of the English Province of the Society of Jesus , 10. See Geo�frey Holt, �. �., �. , “The State of the English Province on the Eve of the Suppression of the Society of Jesus,” in McCoog, Promising Hope, 27–35. The last extant catalogue can be found in the same volume, 333–360.

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St. Thomas of Canterbury Canterbury (the Hampshire district), the College of St. Aloysius (the Lancashire district), the College of St. Francis Xavier (the southern Wales district), the College of the Holy Apostles (the Su�folk district), the College of the Immaculate Conception (the Derby district), the College of St. Chad (the Sta�ford district), the College of St. Hugh (the Lincoln district), the Residence of St. Michael (the York district), the Residence of St. Mary (the Oxford district), the Residence of St. Winifrid (the north Wales district), the Residence of St. Stanislaus Kostka (the Devon district), the Residence of St. George (the Worcester district), and the Residence of St. John the Evangelist (the Northumberland district). Distinct Jesuit communities within England were few if any: the majority, if not all, Jesuits lived alone or with a few others in the houses of their patrons, or in houses owned or rented by Jesuits or their trustees. trustees. The provincial and his sta�f resided in London.  As news of the publication of  Dominus ac Redemptor   reached England, one Redemptor  reached  Jesuit observed: observed: The Society of Jesus is now no more! The Bull [sic], which carried with it destruction has been pronounced! Permit me on this tragical revolution,  which will be the astonishment of posterity, posterity, to write to you as a fellowfellowsu�ferer and as a friend. Not a word, not a sign, not a breath of murmur or complaint. Respect incapable to alter or to be diminished in regard of the See Apostolic and the reigning Ponti�f. Perfect submission to the rigorous,  yet always always adorable decrees decrees of Providence, Providence, and to the authority which it employs in the execution of its designs, the depth of which it becomes not us to fathom. Let us not pour forth our grief, our sighs, our tears, unless before the Lord and in his Sanctuary. Let us express our just a���iction before men no otherwise than by our silence, meekness, modesty and obedience. Never let us forget the instructions, nor the example of piety we enjoyed when Jesuits and for which we are indebted to the Society. Let us show by our conduct and behaviour that it deserved a better destiny; destiny; let the discourse, the lives and actions of her children become an apology for their Mother. This way of justifying the Society will be found the most persuasive; it is the only one now proper, the only one now lawful and permitted. Our desire has been to serve Religion by our zeal and by our talents. Now let us endeavour to do the same by our Faith and by our su�ferings.�� su� ferings.�� ��

“An extract from an undated letter of Father Father de Neuville to another Jesuit,” Jesuit,” �� �� , Varia 1706–1815 , f. 116�. The author may have been one of the Scarisbricks who employed the name of Neville as aliases.

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Thorpe meanwhile awaited news on the brief’s implementation in England. Because the acts of praemunire  praemunire (1353, 1365, and 1393) drafted to prevent Roman involvement in English ecclesiastical a�fairs forbade recognition of papal authority, the brief’s publication and execution could be deemed high treason.�� On August 18, 1773, Cardinal Corsini as president of the special congregation for the implementation of the suppression, informed all bishops of  and instructed them to con��scate all Jesuit possessions  Dominus ac Redemptor  and and property and to hold on to them until they had received further directions from Rome.��  John Stonor, Stonor, a brother of Christopher Stonor, Stonor, Roman agent of the secular clergy, carried the brief to England. The vicars apostolic (Richard Challoner for London; Francis Petre for the northern district; John Hornyold, the middle district; and Charles Walmesley, O.S.B., the western district) informed the Jesuits of the order’s demise and, as instructed by Rome, demanded their submission. submission. Regarding the province’s ��nancial assets, the vicars agreed that the ex-Jesuits “continued to be masters of the property which had hitherto belonged to the English province of the Society of Jesus with the liberty of ultimately ultimately disposing of it to such heirs as we [ex-Jesuits] [ex-Jesuits] might chuse [sic] to appoint for the bene��t of the Mission”�� despite the congregation’ congregation’ss injunction that such goods should be con��scated. All Jesuits complied and placed themselves under their appropriate vicar apostolic.�� Regarding their future, Christopher Stonor presented the Propaganda Fide with a memorial that may have represented the views of the vicars apostolic. It recommended the continuation of the educational  work of the colleges colleges at Bruges Bruges and Liège for the success of the mission, mission, and for the formation of the ex-Jesuits into a congregation, with or without secular  vows, that would supervise the assets of the former province.�� Possible di���culties, Thorpe argued, should not deter the ex-Jesuits from making this �� ��

�� �� ��

Miscellaneous Letters, 1754–1792 1754–1792, �f. Thorpe to Jenison, 3 September 1773, �� �� , John Thorpe, Miscellaneous 172�–173�. See Sydney Sydney F. Smith, �. �., The Suppression of the Society of Jesus, ed. Joseph A. Munitiz, Munitiz, �.�. �. �. (Gracewing: Leominster, 2004), 260–261. The text c an be found in Gustave François Xavier La Croix de Ravignan, Ravignan, �.�., �.� ., Clément XIII et Clément XIV , 2 vols. (Julien, Lanier et Cie: Paris, 1854), 1:560–561.  Restoration, Paccanarists, Paccanarists, Stonyhurst, &c. , f. 8� (published in McCoog,  Promising ����,  Restoration,  Hope, 385). Holt, “State of the English Province,” Province,” in McCoog, Promising Hope, 32–33. See Edwin H. Burton, The Life and Times of Bishop Challoner (1691–1781) (1691–1781), 2 vols. (Longman, Green, and Co.: London, 1909), 2:169–170. Thorpe commented on Stonor’s proposal on Thorpe’s Newsletters from Rome, MZ/3C, chronological order, 12 October 1773 (����,  John Thorpe’s unfoliated).

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attempt: attempt: “if the Jesuits maintain a perfect unity of harmony harmony with no other pretensions than that of doing good, & if charity or honour be found in the present heads of the English clergy, time will heal many a sore, & produce & perpetuate many solid advantages to religion.”�� Thorpe wondered if the cardinals of the congregation, on whom all regarding the suppression depended,  would agree to this proposal, especially because they would not approve anyanything without Spain’s consent.��  With or or without without Spain’s Spain’s knowledge knowledge and the congregatio congregation’ n’ss approval, approval, the vicars apostolic permitted permitted the ex-Jesuits to retai retain n a type of union.�� Bishop Charles  Walmesley  Walmesley,, O.S.B., appointed appointed Thomas More, the last provincial, provincial, vicar over the former Jesuits within his district. Bishop Challoner had earlier named More his  vicar for the London London district. Walmesley Walmesley granted granted More More the same powers you enjoyed before, of granting faculties to any of the late Society whom you may send into my District, and of removing any of them from one place to another as prudence may require; desiring you  will not fail to acquaint me of all such changes. You’ll please also to appoint Rectors in di�ferent parts as there were before.�� He deferred decisions decisio ns regarding ex-Jesuits to More, and remained open to “suggestions for what may contribute to the government of your people and the improvement of the M[ission]n.”�� In a belated reply to three letters from an unnamed ex-Jesuit, Bishop John Joseph Hornyold, vicar apostolic of the Midland district, admitted that “Mr More is still deemed to be the superior of

�� �� ��

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12 October October 1773, 1773, ���� �� ��,,  John Thorpe’s Newsletters Newsletters from Rome , MZ/3C, chronological order, unfoliated. Thorpe’s Newsletters Newsletters from Rome Rome, MZ/3C, chronological order, 6 November November 1773, 1773, ���� �� ��,, John Thorpe’s order, unfoliated. Ronald A. Binzley discusses “ex-Jesuit “ex-Jesuit politics,” politics,” a conscious policy preoccupied with the conservation and restoration of the Society, in “Ganganelli’s Disa�fected Children: The Ex-Jesuits and the Shaping of Early American Catholicism, 1773–1790,” �.�. Catholic  Historian 26 (2008): 47–77. In his doctoral thesis “Ganganelli’s Disa�fected Children: The Suppressed English Jesuit Province and the Shaping of American Catholicism, 1762–1817” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2011), Binzley argues that the fundamental purpose of their politics was “to preserve the English Province’s corporate existence in order to facilitate an eventual Jesuit restoration” (91). I agree with him that the English ex-Jesuits worked worked and hoped for the Society’s eventual restoration, but I think their strategy was more ad hoc than he suggests. Cardinals 1753–1853 1753–1853, f. 36�. Walmesley to More, 31 October 1773, ���� �� �� , Letters of Bishops and Cardinals Walmesley to More, 31 October 1773, ���� �� �� , Letters of Bishops and Cardinals Cardinals 1753–1853 1753–1853, f. 36�.

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those who once did belong to it [the English province], as he is a Gentleman in every way worthy & quali��ed for that O���ce, & one also whose Authority over  you, the Bishop never did, nor doth in any Manner desire to diminish.” diminish.” Thus the bishop referred the petition to More with the promise that he would grant  whatever  whatever More recommended.�� No wonder that someone had scribbled the note “Est et non est: wonderful existence of the Society after its extinction” on a letter in 1777.�� For the moment at least, Rome acquiesced to the arrangements made between the vicars apostolic and More.�� Concern about the ��nancial assets of the former Jesuit province prompted the convocation of an assembly of former Jesuits at the Turk’s Head Tavern, Gerrard Street, Soho, London, from 29 April to 7 May 1776. Thomas More had proposed a meeting to discuss the current situation in a circular letter.��  Whether he acted on on his own or in cooperation cooperation with with the vicars vicars apostolic is not known. News of the Society’s continuation continuation in Russia and the expectations expectations generated by the election of Pope Pius VI on 15 February 1775 fanned hope for the eventual, and possibly imminent, restoration of the Society and the province. Until then, the ex-province’s resources must be preserved. Representatives from the districts and Liège gathered at the tavern. They elected Thomas More chairman of the assembly; Thomas Nixon and Joseph Reeve, secretaries. More and Thomas Talbot ( vere Mansell) were elected administrators. The assembly decided that each district would manage its own portfolio, with wealthier districts aiding the poorer ones. In the event that any district fell to two members, it would be abolished and its funds transferred by bill or legal conveyance to the administrators. Since the ex-Jesuits were no longer bound by a vow of poverty, they could dispose of personal and private property as they chose. The fathers “resolved with the greatest Unanimity that the same Bonds of Friendship and Charity be kept entire, that the same Communion of Prayers and merits be still maintained amongst us with the same Union of Spirit which formerly subsisted.”�� Until the desired restoration, friendship, charity, prayer, and administrators would unite the ex-Jesuits. �� �� ��

�� ��

James Wyk Wykee to [?], Longbirch, 20 October 1777, �� �� ,  Letters of Bishops and Cardinals 1753–1853, f. 38�. Cardinals 1753–1853 1753–1853, f. 38�. ����,  Letters of Bishops and Cardinals Thorpe to Henry, Henry, Lord Arundell, 19 March 1774, 1774, Chippenham, Wiltshire and Swindon  Archives, Correspondence from Father John Thorpe to Lord Arundell, 2667/20/22 , chronological order, unfoliated. ����,  Restoration,  Restoration, Paccanarists, Paccanarists, Stonyhurst, S tonyhurst, &c. , f. 9� (published in McCoog,  Promising  Hope, 387). A copy of the minutes minutes can be found in ���� �� ��,, Letters, etc. 1773–1804 1773–1804, �f. 42�–47�, at 45� (published in McCoog,  Promising Hope, 369–374, at 373). Ex-English Jesuits, speci��cally

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In 1778, Parliament passed the ��rst Catholic Relief Act (18 George III c. 60).�� Catholics willing to take an oath in which they not only declared their loyalty to the current monarch but also repudiated Stuart pretensions and the temporal power of the pope, would be allowed to practice their faith; open schools; possess, own and inherit property (as private individuals if not as corporations); and have public churches. Despite some misgivings that Catholics C atholics could swear that the pope had no temporal authority, the vicars apostolic took the oath as did most of the clergy and gentry.  A second assembly met met at the Queen’s Queen’s Head Head Tave Tavern, rn, Holborn, Holborn, London, from 8 to 21 July 1784.�� The assembled fathers elected Charles Lucas ( vere  Burke) presider, and Reeve and Joseph Tyrer, secretaries. The ��rst session concerned the current state of a�fairs and whether the instructions formulated at the pre vious assembly assembly had actually actually been implemented. implemented. After After long debates debates the second second session decided that one administrator, paid £150 per annum, would be su���cient. More declined the position; his associate Talbot did not attend the assembly. William Strickland, who had succeeded Howard as president of Liège after the latter’s death in 1783, volunteered and was elected by one vote.  Attention  Attention then then turned turned to the estates. estates. The fathers fathers unanimously unanimously decreed decreed “That it is and always was the opinion of every district since the dissolution of the Society, Society, that the property of the di�ferent districts districts as well as of O���ce, is of such a nature, that it cannot be alienated from the use originally intended, and such has all along been their invariable practice.”�� Fiscal matters dominated the agenda as the assembly decided on proper procedure and ��nancial responsibility for the arrival and departure of ex-Jesuits from speci��c districts, care for the elderly and in��rm, and the nature of the assistance that wealthier districts could provide to poorer ones. On 15 July the fathers ��nally addressed the often postponed question of Liège. The fathers unanimously agreed the academy  was essential to the mission. Thus the mission would support it: bursaries for

�� ��

��

 John Thorpe and Charles Plowden, actively participated in what has been called the “Ex-Jesuit International,” by which ex-Jesuits retained a type of union through the exchange of pertinent information in an adaptation of the traditional annual letters. For more information see Binzley’s Binzley ’s thesis “Ganganelli’s Disa�fected Children,” Children,” ���, note ��. The Québec Act Act of 1774 1774 provided a precedent by granting freedom of religion to French Roman Catholics and proposing a modi��ed and acceptable new oath of allegiance. The minutes minutes can be found in ���� �� ��,,  Letters etc. 1773–1804 1773–1804, �f. 67�–70� (published in McCoog,  Promising Hope, 375–381). Reeve’s historical narrative in ����,  Restoration,  Restoration,  Paccanarists,  Paccanarists, Stonyhurst, &c. , �f. 13�–18� (published in McCoog,  Promising Hope, 390–395).  Restoration, Paccanarists, Paccanarists, Stonyhurst, &c. , f. 15� (published in McCoog,  Promising ����,  Restoration,  Hope, 392).

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the formation of young ecclesiastics would be sought, and district moneys  would be given to Liège because it would bene��t the mission. The assembly reconnected the mission and the academy,�� and allowed Strickland to remain as Liège’s president to bring its governance in line with the norms laid down. Talbot served as Strickland’s vicar in London, but he was obliged “to admit such advice and direction as Mr Strickland Stricklan d shall judge expedient for the mutual advantage of the Mission and the Academy.”�� After the suppression, ex-Jesuits in Liège and in England apparently cooperated but remained distinct: the former existed as an ecclesiastical entity recognized by the prince-bishop and the pope; the latter had a more nebulous existence dependent on the vicars apostolic. Henceforth, the two were joined with the academy in some unde��ned  way dependent on the mission. Geographically, Geographically, at least, the former province  was being re-constituted. re-constituted. On 15 July 1786, Leonardo, Cardinal Antonelli, prefect of the Propaganda Fide, complained that former members of the “now extinct Society of Jesus”  were “of the opinion that they have have the right right dispose of goods belonging to the said Society.” The congregation warned that this opinion contradicted sacred canons and constitutions: they could not dispose of any goods, chapels or estates “even if they intend to devote the money received to pious uses.” Current holders could enjoy the fruits of these assets during their lives but at their death, everything should pass to the vicars apostolic.�� On 16 January 1787, William Strickland explained to the vicars apostolic: “we thought the Property of the Parent should devolve nowhere with so great propriety as to the Children of that Parent,” but at no time did they believe they had “unlimited power in the Disposal of it.” The ex-Jesuits restricted their expenditures to their own personal care and maintenance, and to the good of the mission. As ex-Jesuits died, Strickland contended that they had the right “to convey it [estates and moneys] to such Trustees, Individuals or Bodies, as we shall with Impartiality judge best quali��ed to ful��ll the obligation of applying it to its original uses.”�� Episcopal dissatisfaction with possible conveyance of assets to

�� ��

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1773–1804, f. 69�; ����,  Restoration,  Restoration, The minutes minutes can be found in ���� �� ��,,  Letters etc. 1773–1804  Paccanarists,  Paccanarists, Stonyhurst, Stonyhurst, &c., f. 17� (published in McCoog, Promising Hope, 379, 394).  Restoration, Paccanarists, Paccanarists, Stonyhurst, &c. , f. 17� (published in McCoog,  Promising ����,  Restoration,  Hope, 395). See also ����,  Letters etc. 1773–1804 1773–1804, f. 70� (published in McCoog,  Promising  Hope, 381). This letter, letter, addressed presumably to the vicars apostolic, was included in a letter from Thomas Talbot, bishop of the Midland District, to Strickland, Longbirch 22 January 1787, 1773–1804, �f. 114�–115� (published in McCoog,  Promising Hope, 382–383).  �� �� , Letters, etc. 1773–1804 ����,  Letters, etc. 1773–1804 1773–1804, �f. 114r–v  (published in McCoog,  Promising Hope, 382).

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trustees and not to the vicars apostolic as dictated in the cardinal’s elucidation prompted Strickland to rattle his saber. Expressing considerable surprise that the authority and in��uence of a foreign tribunal had been sought and recognized contrary to the oath of allegiance pronounced pronoun ced by many Catholics, includinc luding the vicars apostolic, after the Relief Act of 1778, Strickland sought legal advice. The lawyer replied that any person applying to a Roman congregation or implementing a decision made by such a congregation “would have been liable to the severest Censure of our Laws, and would have incurred the penalties of a Praemunire.” Without further comment Strickland ended the letter  with an implied “verbum sapienti sat est.”�� est.”�� No battle was waged over the ex Jesuit assets.

 

Restoration��

Stanisław Czerniewicz, vicar general, reluctantly denied John Howard’s 1783 petition for the a���liation of the ex-Jesuits ex-Jesuits in Liège with the Jesuits in Russia in jurisdic tion was restricted to Russia. But in foro interno,   foro externo because his jurisdiction all ex-Jesuits throughout the world striving to adhere to Ignatian ideals and spirituality were were “true companions of Jesus, sons of our Holy Father Ignatius.”�� Ignatius.”�� Eighteen years later, William Strickland repeated the request to Franciszek Kareu, superior general, because he had heard of papal con��rmation of the Society’s existence. existence. Kareu delayed disclosing the full contents of the edict lest

�� ��

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Strickland to Talbot, n.p., n.d., �� �� , Letters, etc. etc. 1773–1804, �f. 115r–v  (published in McCoog,  Promising Hope, 384). In this article I shall not discuss another form by which the Society of Jesus survived in England: the Paccanarists. Further study of them the m in England is especially needed after the thorough investigations of Eva Fontana Castelli’s La “Compagnia di Gesù sotto altro nome”:  Niccolò Paccanari Paccanari e la Compagnia della fede di Gesù (1797–1814) (1797–1814) (����: Rome, 2007). Until then, we must rely on Hubert Chadwick, �.�., “Paccanarists in England,” in McCoog,  Promising Hope, 151–175. Czerniewicz to John Howard, Połock October 14, 1783, ���� �� �� , Epistolae Generalium (1750– (1750– 1853), �f. 5�–6� (published in Marek Inglot, �.�.,  La Compagnia di Gesù nell’ Impero Russo (1772–1820) e la sua parte nella Restaurazione Generale della Compagnia  [Editrice Ponti��cia Università Gregoriana: Rome, 1997], 316–317). An English translation of this important monograph shall be published by Saint Joseph’s University Press in late 2014. An undated copy of Howard’s request can be found in ����,  Fondo Gaillard, Transcriptions Transcriptions, Filza 11, unfoliated. On Gaillard and his collection see Robert Danieluk, �.�., “A Failed Mission or an ‘Ever Ongoing Tertianship’?—François-Marie Gaillard, �.�., and his Contribution to the Historiography of the Society of Jesus,” ����  82  82 (2013): 3–113.

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his letter “fall into the wrong hands,” but he assured the Englishman that Pope Pius VII “allows us, united in one body under a General and under the immediate protection of the Apostolic See, notwithstanding any decrees to the contrary, in particular those of Pope Clement XIV, to press on in seeking the end proposed to us, however within and not beyond the boundaries of Russia.” Thus he could not grant Strickland’s petition. But, he informed Strickland, Pius had recently granted a request for Jesuits from Charles Emmanuel IV, king of Sardinia. Perhaps the pope would listen kindly to a comparable request from England. So he counseled the English to “seek favour from the Vicar of Christ, through your diocesan bishop or other men of importance.”�� In 1802, Cardinal Cesare Brancadoro presented Pius with petitions from ten ex-Jesuits, and from twenty-two English nobles and gentlemen.�� Father General Gabriel Gruber noti��ed Strickland on October 12, 1802 that Cardinal Ercole Consalvi, papal secretary of state, had approved the a���liation. Henceforth it would be permissible for ex-Jesuits in Catholic countries to aggregate themselves to the Jesuits in Russia.�� The general, however, advised caution and discretion because Spain had already protested to the pope regarding his correspondence with them. Permission, he clari��ed, to accept companions outside the Russian Empire had been conveyed ��rst by Cardinal Consalvi and then by ex-Jesuit  Vicenzo Giorgi with “privilege of access to his Holiness.”�� Holiness.”�� Pope Pius VII had conceded everything requested except the now customary prohibition against the Society’s traditional attire. Although the amalgamation was “licitly and  validly e�fected, e�fected,” Gruber believed believed it would disturb the vicars apostolic, but he promised that Rome would instruct them to remain quiet.�� He named ��

��

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Kareu’s reply of 10 September 1801 was included in a letter by Strickland to, in all probability, Marmaduke Stone shortly thereafter (����,  Miscellaneous 1771–1820 1771–1820, �f. 71r–v  [published in McCoog, Promising Hope, 421–423]). The two petitions along with the cardinal’s contribution can be found in �� �� , Angl. 1001, II-11 and Angl. 1001, I-3. Unfortunately the copies of the two supplications do not contain any names. An undated copy of Strickland’s letter to Brancadoro can be found in ����,  Letters of Bishops and Cardinals Cardinals 1753–1853 1753–1853, �f. 229r–v . Gruber to Strickland, 12 October 1802, ���� �� �� , Epistolae Generalium Generalium (1750–1853) (1750–1853), �f. 15r–v . See also his letter of 28 October 1802 ����,  Epistolae Generalium Generalium (1750–1853) (1750–1853), �f. 16r–v . Consalvi conveyed his approval in a letter to the interim nuncio in St. Petersburg Monsignor  Nonciature de Russia Russia d’après après les les documents authentiques. authentiques. IV. IV. Benvenuti, Rome 17 July 1802 ( Nonciature  Intérim de Benvenuti 1799–1803, 1799–1803, ed. Marie Joseph Rouët de Journel [Biblioteca Apostolica  Vaticana: Vatican City, City, 1957], 275–277; 275–277; the relevant section can be found in Inglot, Compagnia di Gesù, 220). Gruber to Stone, St. Petersburg 1 March 1803, �� �� ,  Epistolae Generalium (1750–1853), �f. 19�–21� (published in McCoog, Promising Hope, 437–441, at 439). Ibid.

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Strickland provincial procurator, and Stone provincial of England, Ireland, Scotland, “and of those places linked with England.” Gruber predicted that the “devil and the world” would throw many obstacles in the provincial’s path. For this reason he named a provincial immediately. Together, he exhorted Stone, “Let us spurn these and turn all our attention to repairing the damage which the false philosophy and the loss of faith have brought about.”�� And obstacles there were. The new provincial advised the vicars apostolic of the province’s province’s re-foundation and of papal reluctance to make a public announcement because of continued Spanish opposition.�� But someone sought proof�� and Consalvi backtracked. He informed the new nuncio Tommaso Arezzo, archbishop of Seleucia, on July 30, 1803, that Pope Pius VII had granted candidates from outside Russia the right to aggregate themselves to the Society only in  foro interno and not in any public, canonical way.�� On 3 December Cardinal Stefano Borja, prefect of the congregation, instructed the vicars apostolic “not to recognize those who wished to be Jesuits in England, nor to admit their privileges, supposing they claim any, unless the vicars apostolic are ��rst certi��ed of the legitimate existence [of the Society] and this by the Holy See through the Congregation de Propaganda Fide.”�� To the disappointment of the English  Jesuits, Pius VII’s Per alias, which reinstituted the Society in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies in 1804, said nothing about England.�� Persistent requests for authentication went unheeded. Gabriel Gruber died on 7 April 1805; Tadeusz Brzozowski succeeded him as superior general. The latter continued to petition Rome for a rescript for the English. Until one was �� �� ��

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Ibid., 437–441, at 440. Stone’s Stone’s copies of the letters can be found in �� �� ,  Prov.  Prov. Angl. Letters from Marmaduke Stone, etc., �f. 31�–34�. The initial query apparently came from the pro-Jesuit Archbishop John Troy Troy of Dublin. See John Hungerford Pollen, �.�., “An Unobserved Centenary,” The Month  115 (1910): 449–461, at 460. Consalvi to Arezzo, Rome 30 July 1803,  Nonciature de Russia d’après d’après les documents authentiques. Nonciature d’Arezzo 1802–1806 , ed. Marie Joseph Rouët de Journel, 2 vols. (Imprimerie Polyglotte Vaticane: Rome: 1922, 1927), 1:206–209. See Inglot, Compagnia di Gesù, 225. The letter can be found in Bernard Ward, Ward, The Eve of Catholic Emancipation , 3 vols. (Longmans, Green and Co.: London, 1912), 3:286–287. I use the translation found in Pollen, “Unobserved Centenary,” 460.  Per alias , Rome 30 July 1804, in McCoog,  Promising Hope , 319–322, here 321. An earlier attempt had failed. In the summer of 1801, Pius revoked permission for the re-foundation of the Society in Naples and the opening of a novitiate because of pressure from Spain. See Pollen, “Unobserved Centenary,” 458.

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forthcoming, the general reminded reminded Strickland of Vincenzo Giorgi’s Giorgi’s account of Pius’s reply to the petitions in support of the Society’s reestablishment. reestablishment. Giorgi claimed that Pius replied “Agant sane, procedant sane in Anglia (Jesuitae), sed in habitu Saeculari, quemadmodum prius, et hoc praesenti su���cit” [Let the  Jesuits act, act, let them by by all means proceed, proceed, but in the attire attire of secular clergy clergy just as before and that is su���cient for the moment].�� The current turmoil displeased the general but he exhorted the English not to be discouraged.�� The anti-Jesuit King Charles IV of Spain abdicated in March 1808; his son Ferdinand VII abdicated in May. Napoleon’s brother Joseph became king in  June. Pius VII was taken taken prisoner by Napoleon in July 1809. In the summer of 1813, the pope delegated English a�fairs to the nuncio in Vienna, Antonio Gabriele Severoli. In response to a direct question regarding the English Jesuits, the nuncio ��nally issued a rescript on 24 December 1813: the Jesuits in England “belong to the Society in such a manner that servatis servandis [with all due observances], they should be admitted to ordination titulo paupertatis  [with the title of poverty], the others truly enjoy the same privileges as are enjoyed by their members in Russia.”�� The Irish Jesuit Charles Aylmer was among the Jesuits and dignitaries, including Bishop John Milner, vicar apostolic of the Midlands, and Bishop Daniel Murry, Murry, coadjutor bishop of Dublin, in the Sodality Chapel of the Nobles at the Gesù when Pope Pius VII announced the restoration of the Society on 7  August 1814. “I cannot pretend pretend to to comment comment [on] [on] it as I heard it but imperfectly, imperfectly,”  Aylmer  Aylmer wrote to Charles Plowden, Plowden, but “I know that it extends extends the Society already established in Russia Naples and Sicily, to the whole world. It says nothing of Privileges in our favor.” Little did Aylmer ever expect to be present at such a ceremony. Tearfully he observed: “Never was any order established in this manner; never such marked attention paid by any Pope; never so great a triumph. O truly how sweet is victory after a long fought battle!!!!”�� In the bull Sollicitudo omnium Ecclesiarum, Pius commended to the nobility of princes and temporal lords, and also our venerable brother archbishops and bishops, and others in any seat of honour, this oft mentioned Society of Jesus, and each of its members, and we plead with them �� �� �� ��

This is the statement attributed to Giorgi in Brzozowski Brzozowski to to Stone, St. Petersburg 25 November November 1809, 1809, ���� �� ��,, Epistolae Generalium Generalium (1750–1853) (1750–1853), f. 116�. Brzozowski Brzozowski to Strickland, St. Petersburg Petersburg 13 October 1809 �� �� , Epistolae Generalium Generalium (1750– 1853), �f. 112�–113�. The original petition and the rescript can be found in Inglot, Compagnia di Gesù, 228. The rescript can also be found in i n Ward, Ward, Eve of Catholic Emancipation, 3:289. Charles Aylmer to Charles Plowden, Rome 8 August 1814, ���� �� ��  M.S.S. Varia Varia, A.II.21/49.

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and exhort them not only to accept them, not allowing them to be disturbed by anyone, but to receive them kindly and, as is becoming, with charity.��  And if the powers secular and ecclesiastical did not? Only Milner o�fered the English Jesuits any form of recognition. recognition. On 2 December 1815, Cardinal Lorenzo Litta, prefect of the Propaganda Fide, replied to Bishop Poynter’s query: although Rome desired the Society’s restoration in England, it had not in fact been restored because the civil powers had not agreed to it. According to the prefect, the bull restored the Society only where “civil powers agreed to receive and recall it” [in quibus civiles potestates illam recipere ac revocare consenserint].�� Cardinal Consalvi was especially worried that the government’s hostility towards the Society and its restoration would impede current negotiations for Catholic emancipation.�� Writing to Richard Thompson, a secular priest then working in Weldbank, Lancashire, on 8 July 1818, Bishop William Gibson stated clearly “in order to remove all doubts, if any doubt can exist, and to make all clear, that the Order of the Society of Jesus is not restored.” Consequently, he informed the “Gentlemen of Stonyhurst” they were to consider themselves “in no other light than as Secular Clergymen.”�� On 18 April 1820, Cardinal Consalvi Con salvi in reply to another direct question q uestion from Bishop Poynter, Poynter, declared “that the Society of Jesus is to be considered as not yet restored in England as the civil power refuses to receive & recall it, although it be so far restored generally, that if the British government wish to admit it, a particular apostolical grant is not necessary for its reception in England.”�� The tug of war continued. The Franciscan bishop Peter Collingridge, vicar apostolic of the western district, and his coadjutor Peter Baines, O.S.B., argued for complete recognition of the Society’s restoration. On the back of Baines’s petition, Pope Leo XII wrote: Having considered the present state of a�fairs, We grant the request of the petitioner and of the Bishop of Thespia, whose coadjutor he is,—And We We �� ��

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The text of Sollicitudo omnium Ecclesiarum , with an English translation, can be found in McCoog, Promising Hope, 323–330, at 329–330. An appropriate extract from this letter is published in Ward, Ward,  Eve of Catholic Emancipation, 3:289–290. I use the English translation cited in John Hungerford Pollen, �.�., “The Restoration of the English Jesuits, 1803–1817,” The Month 115 (1910), 585–597 at 591. Pollen, “Restoration of the English Jesuits,” Jesuits,” 592–593. Cardinals 1753–1853 1753–1853, Gibson to Thompson, Durham 8 July 1818, �� �� , Letters of Bishops and Cardinals �f. 260r–v . ����,  Letters of Bishops and Cardinals Cardinals 1753–1853 1753–1853, f. 266�.

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declare the constitution of Our predecessor of holy memory, Pope Pius  VII, beginning Sollicitudo omnium Ecclesiarum, to have force in England as regards all spiritual and canonical e�fects,—Wherefore it is allowable for Our Venerable Brothers, the Vicars Apostolic in England, both to promote to sacred orders the alumni of the Society of Jesus (from whatever place they come) under the title of religious poverty,—And also to allow the said Society to enjoy all the privileges spiritual and canonical (according to the form of the breve of Benedict XIV.,�� also Our predecessor),  which the other Religious Orders enjoy in England,—Notwithstandi England,—Notwithstanding ng anything to the contrary, even if special and worthy of special mention.  We  We also commission the petitioner to make known this Our mind as he shall think expedient in the Lord, to Our said Venerable Brothers the  Vicars Apostolic. Apostolic. Given at Rome Rome at at the Vatican, on the ��rst day day of the year 1829.�� Finally, twenty six years after the re-establishment of the province and ��fteen after the Society’s universal recognition, a papal rescript legitimated Jesuits in England. The British government was another matter. The 28th clause of “An  Act for the Relief of His Majesty’s Roman Catholic Subjects,” Subjects,” enacted on 13 April 1829, made “provision for the gradual Suppression and ��nal Prohibition” of “Jesuits and members of other religious orders” within the United Kingdom.  Among other restrictions, restrictions, any Jesuit entering entering the kingdom could be found guilty of a misdemeanor and banished.�� These limitations, violated more often than observed, were more an inconvenience than a burden. The English province numbered 109 members in 1829: ��fty-four priests, forty-seven scholastics, and eight brothers.�� The Society of Jesus had survived much harsher legislation in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It would do so again. �� ��

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 Regulae observandae in Anglicanis missionibus  (sometimes known as  Apostolicum ministerium). The bull can be found in Ward, Ward,  Eve of Catholic Emancipation, 3:310. I use the translation cited in John Hungerford Pollen, �.�., “The Recognition of the Jesuits in England,” The  Month 116 (1910): 23–36 at 35. The act can be found on-line at http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/The_Emancipation_Bill (22 January 2013). See also Ward, Ward, Eve of Catholic Emancipation, 3:258–259. “The English Province, 1794–1914: Brief Chronological Notes,” Notes,”  Letters and Notices 32 (1913–14): 294–309, at 301.

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The Exiled Spanish Jesuits and the Restoration of the Society Society of Jesus  Inmaculada Fernández Fernández Arrillaga Arrillaga and Niccolò Niccolò Guasti  The Exile of the Spanish Jesuits

This essay o�fers an analysis of the role played by the exiled Spanish Jesuits in the process which led to the restoration of the Society of Jesus in 1814. The long Italian exile imposed on the Spanish Jesuits can be divided into three phases. The ��rst began with the expulsion, ordered by Charles III (1716–1788) in April 1767, and the subsequent arrival of Jesuit contingents in the Papal States, and ended in the summer of 1773 with the promulgation of the papal brief  Dominus ac Redemptor . The second phase lasted for twenty years (1773–1793). The third and ��nal period began with the re-founding of the  Jesuit residences in the th e duchy of Parma (1793) and ended with the worldwide restoration of the order in 1814 and the return of the few still-living Spanish  Jesuits to the Iberian peninsula and Spanish overseas territories during the following years. This essay focuses primarily on the latter period, though references to the two earlier stages are necessary to better understand the role of the Iberian and South American Jesuits who took an active part in the process of reconstituting the order. During the ��rst phase of the exile (April 1767–A 1767–August ugust 1773), the superiors of the eleven provinces of the Spanish assistancy in exile—four of which were Iberian (Andalusia, Aragon, Castile, and Toledo) and seven of which were located overseas (Chile, New Spain, Paraguay, Peru, Quito, Santa Fe, and the Philippines)—tried Philippi nes)—tried to develop a “survival strategy” strategy ”.� While on Corsica (between the summer of 1767 and the autumn of 1768), the provincials had committed themselves to reconstituting the administrative structure of their communities by trying to re-found each province’s p rovince’s headquarters. Not infrequently, members of di�ferent colleges and houses had to associate together. This was due to the growing number of secularizations (incentivized by monetary rewards from Madrid’s government), the small number of novices, and the deaths of

jesuitas castellanos (1767–1815) (1767–1815)  (Salamanca: � Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga, El destierro de los jesuitas  Junta de Castilla y León, 2004), 25–135.

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many of the eldest or weakest members during the deportation. There were many vacancies vacancies on the sta�fs of each community so it had become impossible to replicate pre-expulsion organizational structures. The main instrument  which allowed allowed the Iberian community to to carry out its plans for reconstitution reconstitution  was ��nancial: the superiors skillfully resisted resisted the repeated repeated attempt attemptss of both the Consejo Extraordinario  (the commission of the Castile council in charge of  Jesuit a�fairs) and of Bourbon o���cers (who were in charge of controlling controlling the exiles, ��rst in Corsica and later in Emilia-Romagna) to impose the individual drawing of annuities. Instead, the superiors pursued the common management of lifelong pensions for all Jesuits.� The Spanish Jesuits deployed other strategies, of an ideological and cultural nature, to preserve the original identity of their community. These included adherence to cults and devotional practices that th at were typical of the Society, Society, the di�fusion of prophecies predicting an immediate return to Spain,� the circulation of edifying letters that memorialized deceased Jesuits, and the writing of diaries, memories and stories—both personal and collective—concerning the exile.� There was also an attempt to maintain secret epistolary contacts with relatives (initially prohibited by the  Pragmatic  Pragmatic Sanction that decreed the expulsion) and to ordain members of the next generation and of the few novices n ovices who had secretly accompanied their masters to Italy or had joined them later. It is  worth  worth noting that, in this period, period, the contribution contribution of the secretariat of state of the Holy See and the general curia of the order (including Superior General Lorenzo Ricci) was minimal. In fact, after endorsing the decision of Clement  XIII to deny the Spanish fathers hospitality in the Papal States (May 1767), Ricci and the Italian Jesuits limited their help to logistic matters, such as the negotiations to rent—at exorbitant rates—the buildings that should have Igles ia en España , � Teófanes Egido, “La expulsión de los jesuitas jesuita s de España,” in Historia de la Iglesia ed. by Ricardo García Villoslada (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1979), 4:745–792; 4:745–792;  Expulsión y exilio de los jesuitas españoles , ed. by Enrique Giménez López (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 1997); Y en el tercero perecerán. Gloria, caída y exilio de los jesuitas españoles en el siglo XVIII , ed. by Enrique Giménez López (Alicante: Universidad de  Alicante, 2002); Niccolò Guasti,  Lotta politica e riforme all’inizio del regno di Carlo III. Campomanes e l’espulsione dei gesuiti dalla monarchia spagnola (1759–1768)   (Florence: exti nción de los jesuitas (1759–1773)  Alinea, 2006); José Jo sé Antonio Ferrer Benimeli, Benime li, Expulsión y extinción (Bilbao: Mensajero Editorial, 2013). See also http://www.cervantesvirtu http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/portales/ al.com/portales/ expulsion_jesuitas/. � Inmaculada Fernández Fernández Arrillaga, “Profecías, coplas, coplas, creencias y devociones de los jesuitas expulsos durante su exilio en Italia,” in Y en el tercero , 513–530. � Inmaculada Fernández Fernández Arrillaga, “Manuscritos “Manuscritos sobre sobre la expulsión expulsión y el exilio de los jesuitas (1767–1815),” (1767–1815),” in ibid., 495–511.

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accommodated the Spanish Jesuits.� This stemmed from a fear that the new  Jesuits’ arriva arrivall might provok provokee the ��nancial ��nancial collapse collapse of the Italian assistancy assistancy.. As a result, by the end of 1768 all the provinces of the exiled Spanish assistancy  were  were distribute distributed d throughout throughout ponti��ca ponti��call territo territory ry,, mainly mainly in the three legations. legations.�� Despite the many organizational di���culties faced by the Spanish superiors, the compactness of the Spanish assistancy in exile stymied attempts by Madrid’s government and Bourbon diplomats to undermine its internal solidarity. In June 1769, Madrid ordered that the names of the individual provinces should be changed. The goal was to erase the Jesuits’ bonds with their native territories, but this unwelcome measure did not have a signi��cant impact on the solidarity of the exiled Spanish community. Far more traumatic was the canonical suppression of the order, communicated to the superiors of the individual provinces by the bishops of the cities belonging to the papal legations.� Even more damaging, however, were the resolutions made by the Madrid government and by the congregation of cardinals  which  which had been been appointed appointed on 13 August August 1773 1773 to deal with with Jesuit living living arrange arrange-ments. In particular particu lar,, in summer 1773 the Consejo Extraordinario issued an order— con��rmed at the beginning of 1774 by José Moñino (1728–1808), the Spanish ambassador in Rome�—which forbade more than three Jesuits from sharing the same residence and insisted that members of the same rank should mix together: that is to say, the professed could no longer reside with the coadjutors or their

� Manuel Luengo, Memorias de un exilio. Diario de la expulsión de los jesuitas de los dominios del  Rey de España (1767–1768) (1767–1768), ed. by Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga (Alicante: Universidad de  Alicante, 2002); Manuel Luengo, Diario de 1769. 1769. La llegada de los jesuitas jesuitas españoles a Bolonia, ed. by Isidoro Pinedo Iparraguirre and Inmaculada Inma culada Fernández Arrillaga (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2010); Josep M. Benítez i Riera,  El destierro de los jesuitas de la “Provincia de  Aragón”  Aragón” bajo el reinado de Carlos III. Crónica inédita del P. Blas Larraz, si   (Rome: Iglesia Nacional Española—Ponti��cia Università Gregoriana, 2006). � For a list of of Emilia-Romagna’s cities assigned to single provinces, provinces, see Miquel Miquel Batllori, La cultura hispano-italiana de los jesuitas expulsos españoles-hispanoamericanos-��lipinos, españoles-hispanoamericanos-��lipinos, 1767–1814 (Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1966), 63–67, 72, 76–81, 316, 351–352, 449–4 50; Fernández Arrillaga,  El destierro, 28–39. On the other hand, the secularized Jesuits concentrated themselves in Rome, while a community of expelled fathers, belonging to several provinces, settled in the city of Genoa and expanded in the following years. � Manuel Luengo, Diario de 1773. El triunfo del antijesuitismo antijesuitismo, ed. by Isidoro Pinedo Iparraguirre and Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2013). � Fernández Arrillaga,  El destierro destierro, 39–44; Enrique Giménez López,  Misión en Roma. FlorFloridablanca y la extinción de los jesuitas   (Marcia: Universidad de Murcia, 2008); Conde de  Floridablanca  Floridablanca.. Cartas Cartas desde Roma para la extinción extinción de los los jesuitas jesuitas.. Corres Correspondencia, pondencia, julio 1772— 1772— septiembre 1774 , ed. by Enrique Giménez López (Alicante: Universidad de Alicante, 2009).

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former pupils. This measure was clearly aimed at undermining the spirit of community and the memory of the former hierarchy. It also sought to prevent the hidden survival of small congregations of ex-Jesuits in which the communitarian life of the dissolved order could be replicated. Nevertheless, this prohibition was systematically avoided by the ex-Jesuits and it proved di���cult for the Spanish government to implement the ban. The natural aging of the exiles and the progressive devaluation of the purchasing power of their life annuities made it necessary for between ��ve and ten Jesuits to congregate in the same house, where the youngest (generally ex-coadjutors and novices) took care of the more elderly. One of the most extraordinary aspects of the Spanish community’s community ’s long exile  was its its capacity capacity to keep keep alive alive two two senses of identity: a “common “common”” one—derived one—derived from being members of a “national” assistancy—and a more speci��c one, related to the Jesuits’ connections with the regional territories in which they had served. Unexpectedly, the experience of exile often strengthened this dual identity of the expelled. The rediscovery of the cultural peculiarities of their homelands (each Jesuit’s place of origin inside the Spanish monarchy) went alongside the maturation of a proto-nationalism bearing a Romantic imprint. In this second period of exile, the exiles took several measures to keep the memory of their order alive. First, during the months before and after the brief of suppression, some of the most prominent personalities of each province— such as Francisco Javier Clavigero (1731–1787) from the Mexican province, and Domingo Muriel (1718–1795) from Paraguay—circulated handwrittenletters inviting their brothers to sustain a sense of belonging both to their own province and to the whole order.� In addition, accounts of each province’s exile were  writte  written—of n—ofte ten n at the behest behest of superio superiors— rs—wit with h the the expli explicit cit intent intention ion of provid provid-ing future generations with documentary material that could be used to produce an o���cial history of the community. Bibliographical catalogs and edifying collective biographies of the most eminent fathers of the provinces were also drawn up, up, and some of them were printed between the 1790s and the ��rst two decades of the following century.�� Through long-distance correspondence, ties with the �

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Charles E. Ronan,  Francisco  Francisco Javier Clavigero, Clavigero, �.�. �. �. (1731–1787), (1731–1787), ��gure of the Mexican  Enlightenment: his life and works (Rome: Institutum historicum S.I.—Loyola University Press, 1977), 95; Fabrizio Melai, “I gesuiti del Paraguay espulsi in Italia. Mitologia politica e sociologia dell’esilio” (Ph.D. diss., Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa—Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 2012), 101–127. See, for example, Onofre Prat de Saba, Vicennalia sacra peruviana sive de viris peruvianis religione illustribus hisce viginti annis gloriosa morte functis   (Ferrara: Ex typographia F. Pomatelli, 1788); Josef Manuel Peramàs, De vita vita et et mor moribu ibuss tre tredec decim im viroru virorum m Par Paragu aguay aycor corum um (Faventinae: Ex typographia Archii, 1793); Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro,  Biblioteca jesuítico española (1759–1799), ed. by Antonio Astorgano Abajo (Madrid: Imprenta Taravilla, 2007).

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Iberian and Creole aristocratic families close to the Society grew stronger and, ��nally, ��nally, several expelled fathers actively committed themselves to anti-Bourbon, anti-Enlightenment and philo-Jesuit polemic literature (questioning, for instance, the validity of the suppression brief), thus continuing propagandist activity that had already emerged during the years prior to the expulsion.�� This attachment to their origins and traditions did not prevent many of the expelled from experiencing the canonical suppression as a true liberation, not only because they hoped to be allowed to live with more tranquility and fewer controls, but also because the dissolution of the order opened up new opportunities to integrate into Italian society and the republic of letters. This was especially true of the younger generation. It is not by chance that during this second phase of the Italian exile a group of expelled Jesuits distinguished itself by pursuing a dialogue with the European Enlightenment and Italian reformist circles.�� The same dynamics were visible in other assistancies, notably the French and the Austrian.�� It was during these twenty years (1773–1793) that many of the Spanish ex-Jesuits could integrate within local social contexts, especially by serving in the numerous dioceses of the Papal States and by inserting themselves into the ��uid market of private and public education (secular as well as religious). Thus, many many of the Spanish ex-Jesuits incorporated incorporated themselves themselves into the main sites of Italian literary “sociability”—beginning “sociability”—beginning with universities, academies, and libraries—and found employment as tutors and preceptors to the aristocratic families of central and northern Italy.�� In the

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Miguel Luis López-Guadalupe Muñoz, “Jesuitas españoles expulsos: sátiras y escritos de autodefensa,” autodefensa,” in  Los Jesuitas. Religión, política y educación (siglos XVI–XVIII), ed. by José Martínez Millán, Henar Pizarro Llorente and Esther Jiménez Pablo (Madrid: Universidad Ponti��cia Comillas, 2012), 3:1767–86. Franco Venturi, Venturi, Settecento Riformatore  (Turin: Einaudi, 1984), 4:1, 239–328. Politica e religione in Austria e nell’Europa nell’Europa cenAntonio Trampus, I gesuiti e l’Illuminismo. Politica trale (1773–1798) (Olschki: Florence, 2000);  Morte e resurrezione resurrezione di un ordine religioso. Le strategie culturali ed educative della Compagnia di Gesù durante la soppressione (1759– ( Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 2006). 1814), ed. by Paolo Bianchini (Milan: hispano-italiana; Miquel Batllori, “La Compañía de Jesús en la Miquel Batllori, La cultura hispano-italiana época de la extinción,”  ����  37  37 (1968): 201–31; Pierangelo Bellettini, “Tipogra�� romagnoli ed ex gesuiti spagnoli negli ultimi decenni del Settecento,” in  Il libro in Romagna.  Produzione, commercio e consumo dalla ��ne del secolo XV all’età all’età contemporanea contemporanea, ed. by Lorenzo Baldacchini and Anna Manfron (Florence: Olschki, 1992), 2:557–657; La presenza presenza in Italia dei gesuiti iberici espulsi. Aspetti religiosi, politici, culturali , ed. by Ugo Baldini and Gian Paolo Brizzi (Bologna: Clueb, 2010); Niccolò Guasti, “I gesuiti spagnoli espulsi e le élites italiane di ��ne Settecento,”  Annali di storia dell’educazione dell’educazione e delle istituzioni scolastiche 20 (2013): 147–178.

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same period, there was a boom in publications by the expelled—which was encouraged by Madrid for opportunistic reasons—and some of the authors took part in Italian (and European) literary debates. This increase in publications should be regarded as a mirror and a direct proof of the above-mentioned above-mentioned process of social and cultural integration.�� integration.�� Things changed around 1791–1792, 1791–1792, due to the republican shift of the French Revolution Revolution and the subsequent pan-European wars. The polarization caused by ideological con��ict had a direct impact on the political and cultural leanings of the expelled. In particular, groups that had previously pursued dialogue with the Enlightenment and Italian reformist circles underwent a sudden conservative shift. Not only the great intellectuals of the ex-Spanish assistancy—such as Juan Andrés (1740–1817), Juan Francisco Masdeu (1744– 1817), Francisco Xavier Llampillas (1731–1810), Vicente Requeno (1743–1811), Lorenzo Hervás y Panduro (1735–1809), Juan de Osuna (1745–1818)—but also the ex-Jesuit “abbots,” who had been sensitive to the ideas, trends and expres sive forms of the Enlightenment in previous years, rapidly realigned themselves. In pamphlets and journalistic articles they defended the church and the absolute monarchies against the new “barbarians” and unbelievers on the other side of the Alps. The same process characterized many Italian intellectuals and reformers of the period (such as the playwright Vittorio  Al��eri, 1749–1803) 1749–1803),, which demonstrates this was not a symptom of alleged  Jesuit opportunism, opportu nism, but rather rat her a common reaction among the t he ruling rul ing classes c lasses  who did not no t seek to overturn the ancien régime, even if they strove to reform it from the inside.

The Spanish Jesuits in Parma

During the third period of its Italian exile (1793–1814), (1793–1814), a section of the ex-Spanish assistancy made an active contribution to the restoration of the order, in close collaboration with the refrattari  Jesuits  Jesuits of the Russian Empire. This was the path taken by José Pignatelli (1737–1811)�� and about a hundred “Spanish”

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Niccolò Guasti, L’esilio esilio italiano italiano dei gesuiti gesuiti spagnoli. Identità, controllo sociale e pratiche culturali (1767–1798) (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 2006). For information on Pignatelli see Agustín Monzón, Vita del Servo di Dio P. Giuseppe M.  Pignatelli   (Rome: Tipogra��a Salviucci, 1833); Jaime Nonell,  El V.P. .P. José Pignatelli y la Compañía de Jesús en su extinción y restablecimiento,  3 vols. (Manresa: Imprenta de San  José, 1893–1894); Camillo Beccari,  Il beato Giuseppe Pignatelli della Compagnia di Gesù

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ex-Jesuits who, between the beginning of the 1780s and the ��rst decade of the nineteenth century, con��rmed their vows and achieved the de facto restoration of the Society, ��rst in the duchy of Parma and Piacenza (1793–1806) and later in the kingdoms of Naples (1804–1806) and Sicily (1805–1814).�� The readmission of the Jesuits to the duchy of Parma has been regarded as the first stage of the long process that led to the canonical restoration restoration of the Society of Jesus. The initiative was taken by Ferdinand (1751–1802), duke of Parma, who in 1787 had already asked (in vain) his uncle Charles III for permission to readmit the Jesuits to the educational institutions of the duchy. After the fall of Floridablanca in September 1792, Ferdinand  wasted  waste d no time tim e entrust entr usting ing the th e ex-Jesuit ex-Jes uit Enea E nea de Porzia Porz ia (1739–1795) (1739 –1795) with wi th the direction of the school for young noblemen, the Convitto dei Nobili di Santa Caterina, which had been managed by the Jesuits up to 1768. The following December the duke authorized the adoption of the  Ratio  Rati o studio stu dio-rum . In July 1793 Ferdinand sent letters to Catherine II (1729–1796) and  Vicar  Vica r General Gene ral Gabriel Gabr iel Lenkiew Len kiewicz icz (1722–1798) (1722– 1798) requesti requ esting ng them to send a few fathers to Parma to found a vice-province dependent on the Russian Society.�� Both the czarina and the general complied, and at the end of December 1793 three Jesuits—Antonio Masserati (1731–1796), appointed  vice-p  vic e-provin rovincia cial;l; Luigi Lui gi Panizzoni Panizz oni (1729–1820 (1729– 1820); ); and Bernardi Bern ardino no Scardial Scar dialò ò

 

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(1737–1811)  (Rome: Università Gregoriana, 1933); José María March,  El restaurador restaurador de la Compañía de Jesús, beato José Pignatelli y su tiempo,  2 vols. (Barcelona: Imprenta Revista restauratore della Ibérica—Editorial Librería Religiosa, 1935–1944); Celestino Testore,  Il restauratore Compagnia di Gesù in Italia: S. Giuseppe Pignatelli S.I., 1737–1781   (Rome: Curia Generalizia della Compagnia di Gesù, 1954); José Antonio Ferrer Benimeli, José Pignatelli (1737–1811). La cara humana de un santo  (Bilbao: Ed. Mensajero, 2011). See also  Romana beati��cationis et canonizationis Ven. Ven. Servi Dei Josephi Mariae Pignatelli, sacerdotis professi e Societate Jesu. Summarium additionale   (Rome: Congregatio Sacrorum Ritum, 1907);  Romana seu Neapolitana beati��cationis et canonizationis Ven. Servi Dei Josephi Mariae  Pignatelli, sacerdotis professi Societatis Jesu. Novum Summarium Additionale  (n. pl. [Rome]: n. prin. [Congregatio Sacrorum Ritum], n. y. [1933?]). Marek Inglot,  La Compagnia di Gesù nell’Impero russo  (Rome: Università Gregoriana, 1997); Marek Inglot, “Rapporti fra esiliati e la Compagnia in Russia: alcune indicazioni per la ricerca,” in  La presenza in Italia, 495–508; Sabina Pavone, Una strana alleanza. La Compagnia di Gesù in Russia dal 1772 al 1820  (Naples: Bibliopolis, 2008). restaurador , 2:94–128, 163–173, 179–186; Inglot,  La Compagnia, 166–179; Pavone, March,  El restaurador  Una strana alleanza , 187–203; Giuseppe Olmi, “Sulla presenza e rimarchevole attività dei gesuiti spagnoli espulsi nel ducato di Parma e Piacenza,” in  La presenza in Italia, 509–539.

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(1737–1802)—left (1737–1802)—left Połock and arrived in Parma on 8 February of the following year yea r.  Although Ferdinand had repeatedly urged Pius VI (1717–1799) to approve his measures, the pope preferred not to sanction them o���cially, fearing—  with good reason—a violent viole nt diplomatic reaction reac tion from Charles IV (1748–1819) (1748–1819) and the Spanish government. Therefore, he chose to “dissimulate” the Jesuits’ existence in the duchy and asked the Bourbon sovereign prince not to give too much solemnity to their return.�� The strategist behind this maneuver  was the Venetian Carlo Borgo (1731–1794), author of the famous polemical polemica l treatise  Memoria Cattolica  (1780), which asserted that the suppression brief had no validity. Not only had he advised the duke on how to proceed, but he had also planned his own strategy in consort with Superior General Lenkiewicz: he explicitly proposed restoring restoring the order by creating a series of “colonies” of the Russian congregation in other European states.�� Not surprisingly, it was this Italian ex-Jesuit who, since 1792, had been asking José Pignatelli to contact all those within the Spanish assistancy who were willing to move to the duchy as educators. His plan to recruit ex-Jesuits was rati��ed by the vicar general, who authorized Masserati to include Spanish ex-Jesuits ex-Jesuits in the Parma Parma vice-province.  As a result, resu lt, the first fir st Italian Ital ian “colony” “colo ny” of the Russian Russ ian congrega con gregation tion held strong appeal both for ex-Jesuits and for those who wished to become  Jesuits  Jes uits:: about abou t forty fort y ex-Jesuit ex-Jes uitss decided dec ided to re-aff re- affilia iliate te with the new vicevic eprovince before 1802. Pignatelli, who had previously carried out some pastoral missions in the Parmesan countryside and personally knew the duke, accepted the overall strategy as well as Borgo’s Borgo’s specific proposal.�� In the following years, he used his own charisma and his wide network of acquaintances and friends to encourage several Spanish ex-Jesuits to move to the duchy. After renewing his vows in Bologna (6 July 1797), he moved to Parma. Napoleon’s Italian campaign of 1796 and the revolutionary wave that swept across Italy between 1796 and 1799 (the so-called “revolutionary triennium”) further motivated the immigration of Spanish ex-Jesuits to the duchy of Parma. Even those fathers who were not entirely convinced that they would bene��t

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restaurador , 2:109–110; Inglot,  La Compagnia, 172–173, 311; Pavone, Una strana March,  El restaurador  alleanza , 202. Pavone, Una strana alleanza , 195–198. Inglot, La Compagnia, 176.

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from rejoining the “refractory” “refractory” Society in those convulsive years—such as Juan  Andrés—found a safe harbor in the small state in the center of Italy.�� Italy.�� Since 1793, Ferdinand had also been ��nancing the college or boarding school of San Pietro in Piacenza, the college of San Donnino, the residence of San Rocco in Parma, and the old House of Third Probation in Busseto. Finally, in the November-December 1799 period, a novitiate was opened in Colorno, and the leaders of the Society in Belarus decided to entrust its direction to Pignatelli, appointing him “novice master.” This decision, imbued with strong symbolic  value, was was probably helped helped by the death death of Pius VI (29 August 1799)— 1799)—because because he had explicitly forbidden the creation of a Jesuit novitiate. It also re��ected the desire to limit the in��uence of Niccolò Paccanari (1774–1811), who had moved to Parma that same year to negotiate the possible fusion of the two “Jesuit” communities. In fact, the novitiate was an anomalous seminary because the novices, as well as dressing like members of the secular clergy, could not profess full vows at the end of their two-year training, but only the simple vows of devotion.�� devotion.�� However, However, that same November, ��ve novices (with Luigi Mozzi de’ Capitani, Cap itani, 1746–1813) arrived from the recently suppressed seminary in Bergamo.  Among them th em were distinguished distin guished ��gures such as a s Angelo Mai Ma i (1782–1854) and Giovanni Grassi (1775–1849), who received their ��rst educational training from Pignatelli and the Iberian Jesuits who had followed him to Colorno, and  who would stand out as some of the most signi��cant signi�� cant personalities personal ities of the new Society in the early nineteenth century. century. In the 1801–1803 period, four of them were sent to Belarus to complete their education and profess the solemn vows.�� There is no doubt about the relevance of the contribution made by the ex-Spanish assistancy to the activities of the Jesuit establishments in the duchy of Parma and Piacenza between 1793 and 1801. The presence of Spanish ex-Jesuits was important more from a qualitative than from a quantitative point of o f view (they represented represented only a quarter quarter of the teaching teaching sta�f of the colleges and Colorno’s novitiate).�� Some of the finest intellectuals tual s within wit hin the th e ex-Spanish ex-Sp anish assistan assi stancy cy came to Parma Parma (particul (particularly arly from the

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Juan Andrés,  Epistolario, ed. by Livia Brunori (Valencia: Biblioteca Valenciana, 2006),  vol. 2. March, El restaurador  restaurador , 2:163–166, 167–173. Ibid., 165, 250–252. Considering sporadic visits as well as more than decade-long sojourns, it has been calculated that about thirty t hirty Spanish ex-Jesuits stayed in the duchy d uchy during the 1793–1806 period: see Olmi, “Sulla presenza,” 522–533.

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 Aragonese province), and ��gures such as the brothers José Antonio (1739– 1810) and Baltasar Masdeu (1741–1820) made an essential contribution to reestablishing the Italian Thomistic-Scholastic tradition in the philosophicaltheological ��eld. Others, such as Josef Serrano (1765–1822), Antonio Ludeña (1740–1820) (1740–1820) and Juan Andrés, contributed to raising the standards s tandards of scienti��c, humanistic, and literary studies in the Convitto dei Nobili . The Spanish role was also detectable in the far more di���cult process of adapting the “original” rule to a changed political, social, and religious context.  As well well as as carrying carrying out out the “pedagogic mission” mission” that had o���cially o���cially justi��ed their re-admission to the Bourbon duchy, the Spanish Jesuits made an active and conscious contribution to the project of re-founding the order.�� Theirs was a di���cult challenge, because they had to deal not only with the stubborn opposition of the Spanish government and Napoleon’s anti-Catholic policy (especially after Ferdinand’s death in October 1802 and the French military occupation of the duchy, according to the Treaty of Lunéville), but also with the competition from Paccanari’s Company of the Faith of Jesus. Pignatelli, together with the Spanish fathers who had followed him to Parma and then Naples, tried to reconstitute the Jesuit rule around three elements: ��rst, the absolute centrality given to the Spiritual Exercises  and to Spanish theologians—such as Luis de Molina (1535–1600)—in the training of the new Jesuits; second, an active commitment to pastoral activities, mass catechesis, and charitable work at Colorno’s hospital and the ducal prisons; and third, the promotion of typical Jesuit devotions (for instance, to the Sacred Heart of Jesus) and of congregations of the duchy’s ruling class.�� These three elements were replicated during the Neapolitan stay, which demonstrates that it was a welldeveloped and e���cient strategy. The success of the Jesuits’ educational and training activities in Parma was one of the factors that led the new pope Pius VII (1742–1823), elected in March 1800, to o���cially recognize the Society in Russia by means of the brief Catholicae Fidei   (7 March 1801). The brief con��rmed the Jesuit rule only for Russia. On the one hand, such a measure reinvigorated the process of reconstituting the order, but on the other, it provoked a new diplomatic crisis with Spain. Three years earlier Charles Charl es IV and Manuel Godoy (1777–1847) had agreed to readmit the Jesuits to Spain in order to tackle the French invasion of Italy, and 654 Jesuits had decided to return to their motherland at that time. But Pius  VII’s brief provoked provoked an adverse reaction from the Spanish government which �� ��

Archivo Histórico de Loyola (�� �), Manuel Luengo, Diario de la expulsión de los jesuitas […], XXXV, fols. 282–285. March, El restaurador  restaurador , 2:158, 165, 191–196; 201, 205–206, 215, 222–226, 232.

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issued a new decree of expulsion on 15 March 1801: 312 fathers who had returned  were deported again to Italy, Italy, whereas the remainder, remainder, too old or sick to travel, travel,  were secluded in convents.�� convents.�� Subsequently, Subsequently, what remained of the original Spanish community was divided into three main groups: the ��rst in Spain, scattered in convents; the second residing in Rome, mainly in the former Roman College; and a third in Emilia-Romagna (in the cities of the former legations and in Parma). In June 1806, the foreign Jesuits (that is to say, those not native to the duchy) were also expelled by the French government.

Pignatelli and the Russian Jesuits

On 7 May 1803, Superior General Gabriel Gruber (1740–1805) had appointed Pignatelli as “provincial of Italy” in place of the aged Father Panizzoni. After some months of hesitation, in August 1803 the Aragonese Jesuit accepted the appointment. The ��rst task he faced related to the request of the bishop of  Viterbo to send some Jesuits to the new seminary he had opened. Pignatelli Pignatelli accepted and sent eight priests—including the Aragonese José Doz (1738–1813) as superior, Gaspar Osorno and Pedro Roca (1744–1826)—and three coadjutors to the city. Unfortunately, the new Jesuit community could not take root, not only because of the bishop’s refusal to fund it, but also because of internal con��icts between Spanish and Italian members concerning teaching methods.�� This tension between the Italian and the Spanish elements inside the Russian “colony” in Italy sharpened during the following years. Tensions were also heightened by the egocentric and poor diplomatic behavior of the general procurator, Gaetano Angiolini (1748–1816), who in May 1803 had been sent to Rome by Gruber in order to ask the pope to restore the Society in Italy and to seek his support for the missionary strategy that the Russian Jesuits were developing in Europe, the United States, and China.�� This con��ict between the procurator and the provincial dragged on until the restoration of the Society in 1814 and was only de��nitively settled with the twentieth general congregation in 1820. At this time, the expulsion of Angiolini’s two close collaborators—Luigi collaborators—Luig i Pancaldi Pancaldi and Luigi Maria Rezzi (1785– (1785– 1857)—was ordered in the hope of eliminating any internal dissension within ��

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Jesús Pradells Nadal, “La cuestión de los jesuitas en la época de Godoy: regreso y segunda expulsión de los jesuitas españoles (1796–1803),” in Y en el tercero , 531–560; Fernández  Arrillaga, El destierro, 47–48, 88–89. March, El restaurador  restaurador , 2:257–258; Fernández Arrillaga, El destierro, 187. March, El restaurador  restaurador , 2:276–314, 335–362; Inglot, La Compagnia, 179–191.

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the new Society.�� There is documentation available, and more attention should be devoted to analyzing the con��ict between the Jesuit group led by  Angiolini and the Spanish ex-Jesuits ex-Jesuits (both Pignatelli’s Pignatelli’s supporters and critics, such as Manuel Luengo).�� It is important to highlight two issues. Firstly, it seems evident that when the process of reconstitution of the Society began in Italy, there arose a generational con��ict, which overlapped with the “national” antagonism between the young Russian-trained Italian Jesuits and the “old” Spanish ex-Jesuits: both groups regarded themselves as heirs to the authentic  Jesuit spirit.�� spirit.�� In In this perspective, the con��ict con��ict between between Angiolini and Pignatelli Pignatelli takes on new signi��cance: it was due to a di�ferent conception of the order’s nature. Angiolini worked on the assumption that the new Society was not the same as the order suppressed in 1773, but a congregation that should have been led by a general and some superiors (that is to say, without the creation of a real order based on provinces). Therefore Angiolini’s strategy only aimed at the restoration of the Constitutions of the former order.�� On the other hand, the old Jesuits like Pignatelli preferred not only the resurgence of the former administrative structure, but also the restoration of the privileges that had been granted by the popes throughout the two-hundred year history of the order. From this point of view, Angiolini’s underlying thesis was not too distant from what Paccanari expressed in the same period, believing that the only true legacy of the former order that was worth saving was the Constitutions.�� Secondly, the group of Spanish ex-Jesuits—in particular, the Castilians residing in Rome, such as Manuel Luengo (1735–1816)—had at ��rst refused to enter the new order and o�fered a di�ferent interpretation of the con��ict between  Angiolini and Pignatell Pignatelli.i. They criticized criticized the Italian Italian Jesuit, who they they regarde regarded d as an inexperienced, vain, and imprudent man. Their judgment derived from the fear that his unwise behavior (for instance, he had gone to Rome dressed like a  Jesuit and had staye stayed d at the Gesù) might provoke an adverse reaction from the

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March,  El restaurador  restaurador , 2:344–362; Giacomo Martina, Storia della Compagnia di Gesù in  Italia (1814–1983) (1814–1983) (Brescia: Morcelliana, 2003), 20–21. ���, �� �, Luengo, Luengo, Diario, XXXIX, fols. 114 and sq. Our research is now focusing on documents  which belong to some Roman archives like the Biblioteca dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei e Corsiniana, the Archivio di Stato, the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale and, obviously ously, the ���� �� �� ( Ital., Russ., Hist. Hist. Soc. and the Archivio Archivio della Postulazione Postulazione Generale Generale ). Pietro Pirri, “Angelo Mai nella nella Compagnia di Gesù. Gesù. Suo Suo diario diario inedito inedito del collegio collegio di Orvieto,” ����  23  23 (1954): 234–282, especially 241–244; Pavone, Una strana alleanza , 201fn420. restaurador , 2:356; Inglot,  La Compagnia, 199. March, El restaurador  Eva Fontana Castelli, “La Compagnia di Gesù sotto altro nome”: Niccolò Paccanari e la 117–128. Compagnia della Fede di Gesù (1797–1814)  (Rome: ��� �, 2007), 117–128.

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Spanish government and the suspension of the lifelong pensions upon which the existence of the expelled Jesuits depended. However, Luengo (1735–1816)  went as far as to to openly openly criticizing criticizing the behavior behavior of Pignatelli Pignatelli and the Aragonese Aragonese and American Jesuits who supported his strategy. In fact, in his diary of the years 1804–1806, the Castilian Jesuit censured Pignatelli’s quarrelsome behavior be havior and his favoritism towards the Aragonese ex Jesuits, which had sharpened the antagonism between between Angiolini and the Italian Jesuits (old and new). Undoubtedly, behind his criticism there was evident disapproval of the entire strategy of restoring the order if it were only to be conceived as a direct a���liate of the Russian congregation. In fact, Luengo maintained that the cooperation o�fered by numerous members of the ex-Aragonese province and by some American provinces (Mexican and Paraguayan) resulted from the common liberal and progressive leanings that they shared with the “young” Italian Jesuits Jesui ts trained in Belarus.�� In other words, Luengo not only proposed an alternative interpretatio interpretation n of the process of restoration of the order, but based it upon ideological elements that completely reverse our interpretative perspective. The restoration of the Society in the kingdom of Naples and in Sicily occurred in the shadow of this dual con��ict between the two souls of the new order, but also within the ancient Spanish assistancy. Before his June 1804 arrival in Naples, Pignatelli had made at least three exploratory trips to the city. However, the delicate diplomatic negotiations were conducted by  Angiolini, who had already travelled to to Naples in March and had found a useful ally in Maria Carolina of Austria (1752–1814). The negotiations almost came to a standstill due to the cautious attitude of the pope, who, in order to take precautions against any possible Spanish retaliation, had asked Ferdinand IV (1751–1825) to write a letter in his own hand in which he explicitly requested the return of the Jesuits to his kingdom. As a matter of fact, the Bourbon king and the British prime minister John Acton (1737–1811), unlike the duke of Parma, had not sought the restoration of the order, but had only  wanted secular priests p riests to be employed in the higher educational educ ational institutions in stitutions of the kingdom. kingdom. Eventually, stances softened and the Jesuits, even though always dependent on the Russian congregation, congregatio n, were readmitted to to the kingdom. After entrusting the directorship of Colorno’s novitiate to the Mexican Jesuit Ignatius Pérez, Pignatelli went to Rome to confer directly with Pius VII. He made the most of his trip by passing through Bologna and Ferrara, where he recruited some ��

Fernández Arrillaga, El destierro, 184, 188–190. See also ���, Manuel Luengo, Colección de  papeles varios, 13, fols. 43–46.

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 Jesuits who were willing to follow him to the south of Italy. Italy. On 8 June 1804 Pignatelli ��nally arrived in Naples.�� After having partially solved the thorny problem of the restitution of the buildings and goods con��scated from the  Jesuits after 1767, Pignatelli Pignatelli was able to reopen four establishments: establishments: the Collegio Massimo of the Gesù Vecchio, the Noblemen’s College and the Casa Professa  with the novitiate novitiate of the Gesù Nuovo Nuovo (the so-called Conocchia) Conocchia) in Naples, Naples, and a residence in Sora; in the following year, the college of Bari was reopened. On 15 August 1804, the Jesuits’ return was symbolically celebrated in the presence of the king with a solemn ceremony in the Gesù Vecchio.�� Pius VII o���cially rati��ed the restoration of the Society in the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily by his brief  Per alias (30 July 1804) addressed to Superior General Gruber: he extended to the two Italian territories the dispensation granted by Catholicae Fidei. In retaliation, the Spanish government decreed the suspension of life annuities to all the Spanish ex-Jesuits who had joined the Neapolitan province.�� In the following years, the Neapolitan and Sicilian provinces, despite their formal dependence on the Russian administration, often acted independently, especially after the resumption resumption of the con��ict between Napoleon Napoleon and the antiFrench coalition, which hampered epistolary correspondence with Russia. As had previously happened in Parma, Pignatelli could immediately count on some of the best intellectuals of the ex-Spanish assistancy, assistancy, beginning with the  Aragonese—among  Aragonese—among whom Francisco Francisco Gustà (17 (1744–1816), Vicente Requeno, Requeno, José Doz, and Juan Andrés stood out. He o�fered them the most prestigious academic positions as well as important directorships. His choice was surely moti vated by the need to count on trusted people in that crucial period but, according to Luengo, this only exacerbated the antagonism with Angiolini and some of the Italian Jesuits.��

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���, �� �, Luengo, Luengo, Diario, XXXVIII, fols. 262–267. Michele Volpe, Volpe,  I gesuiti nel napoletano. Note ed appunti di storia contemporanea contemporanea da documenti inediti e con larghe illustrazioni (1814–1914)  (Naples: Tipogra��a di M. d’Auria, 1914),  vol. 1; March,  El restaurador  restaurador , 2:275–362; Inglot,  La Compagnia, 191–200; Filippo Iappelli, “Francesco de Gregorio e Giuseppe Pignatelli. Due uomini fra ‘vecchia’ e ‘nuova’ Comproprietà monaspagnia,” Societas 31, no. 4–5 (1987): 107–118; Francesco Carlo Dandolo, La proprietà tica in Puglia nella prima metà dell’Ottocento   (Naples: Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Filoso��ci, 1994), 24–27; Emma Abate, “La Compagnia di Gesù a Napoli durante la prima restaurazione borbonica (30 luglio 1804–2 luglio 1806),” Clio. Rivista trimestrale di studi  32, no.1 (1996): 19–50. storici  32, Fernández Arrillaga, El destierro, 90, 186–191, 193. ���, �� �, Luengo, Luengo, Diario, XXXIX, fols. 114–116.

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Pignatelli entrusted Juan Andrés with the directorship not only of the Noblemen’s College, but also of the library of the Gesù Vecchio. Since the expulsion had caused the dispersion of the former Jesuit colleges’ book holdings, the new library of the college resulted from the merging of the personal libraries that Andrés, Pignatelli, and the Castilian Roque Menchaca (1743–1810) had carried with them to Naples.�� A few months after its foundation, the Jesuit community in Naples began to hold a powerful attraction for the Spanish ex Jesuits, and in order to make make their a���liation to to the Neapolitan Neapolitan province province easier, easier, they decided that an eight-day practice of the Spiritual Exercises  was su���cient.�� At the end of 1804 there were only eight ex-Jesuits belonging to the former Spanish assistancy (a Filipino, two Paraguayans, two Mexicans and three Aragonese), but during the following year thirteen Aragonese, ten Castilians, ��ve Toledans, one Andalusian, and seven Jesuits from the South  American provinces arrived. arrived. This data allows us to state that the Spanish ex Jesuits were were the pillars pillars of the new Neapolitan Neapolitan province which, during during 1806, 1806, had up to 124 members, including ��fty-seven foreigners (mainly Spanish) and fortytwo novices.�� From a practical point of view, Pignatelli drew on his experiences in Parma and promoted several congregations (including Marian ones), catechetical and missionary activities, and Jesuit devotions. In this regard, it was particularly signi��cant that on 11 May 1806, Pius VII beati��ed Francesco de Geronimo (1642–1716), a Jesuit native of Apulia who had died in Naples in 1716. The pope’s pope’s intention was to support the restoration of the Neapolitan community by o�fering its members an icon around whom they could aggregate and rebuild their own identity. Pignatelli was able to take advantage of this to consolidate his heterogeneous community, especially during the Roman exile. As for the cultural aspect, the philosophical and theological education given to scholastics and novices in Naples was essentially Spanish-oriented, whereas Pignatelli tried to organize the cursus studiorum of the Jesuits and of the boarders at the Noblemen’s College around a restored  Ratio studiorum. It was no coincidence that, in 1805, the provincial commissioned the reprinting of the text of the  Ratio  together with the  Regulae Societatis Jesu. His choice was signi��cant,

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Fernández Arrillaga,  El destierro, 190; Vincenzo Trombetta, “La libreria del collegio dei nobili e la biblioteca dei gesuiti a Napoli tra Sette e Ottocento,” in  Educare la nobiltà.  Atti del convegno nazionale di studi, Perugia, Perugia, Palazzo Palazzo Sorbello, Sorbello, 18–19 giugno 2004 , ed. by Gianfranco Tortorelli Tortorelli (Bologna: Pendragon, 2005), 123–63, especially 158–159. restaurador , 2:294–295. March, El restaurador  Iappelli, “Francesco de Gregorio,” Gregorio,” 112. See also Volpe,  I gesuiti nel napoletano, 295–296; Inglot, La Compagnia, 195; Fernández Arrillaga, El destierro, 186–187.

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because it indicated a desire to recover the two cornerstones of the former Society (in addition to the Spiritual Exercises ).�� On the other hand, there were some omissions in this edition of the  Regulae and a focus on the subject of management and directorship of the colleges, houses, and novitiates con��rmed an awareness awareness that the reconstitution reconstitution of Jesuit identity depended on the Society’s educational activities under changed conditions.  A few months after their arrival in Naples, the Jesuits prepared for their return to Sicily. This mission was also led by Angiolini, who arrived in Palermo on 30 April 1805 at the head of about thirty Italian and Spanish Jesuits.�� In Palermo, the fathers retook possession of the Casa Professa (where they also opened a novitiate and a boarding school) and of the Collegio Massimo, Massimo, and in the following year they reopened the college in Alcamo.�� After a few months many of the Jesuits who had remained on the island joined this nucleus and  welcomed thirty-four thirty-four novices. Since the Sicilian community was part of the Neapolitan province until the middle of 1806, Pignatelli—whose Pignatelli—whose position had been con��rmed in September 1805 by the new general Tadeusz Brzozowski (1749–1820)—was formally appointed as provincial of the fathers who had moved to the island.�� However, being far away from his superior soon sharpened the con��ict between Angiolini and the Aragonese nobleman. A rift developed not only between the Sicilian and Neapolitan superiors, but also inside the Sicilian community, and it was widened by subsequent events. After the  Jesuits’ expulsion from the kingdom of Naples, ordered by Joseph Bonaparte (1768–1844), the group of Sicilian fathers became practically independent from the leaders of the t he province, who had been exiled to Rome, and from the Russian administration (that was far away and di���cult to reach by letter). Neither the o���cial separation of the Sicilian community, which became an autonomous  vice-province in July 1807, nor the appointment of a Spanish vice-provincial, vice-provincial, Manuel Zúñiga (1743–1820) in September 1809, led to a reconciliation. On 15 February 1806 Joseph Bonaparte, leading the French army, arrived in Naples. Even Even though Pignatelli and the superiors of the new Jesuit institutions

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restaurador , 2:317–318. March, El restaurador  Ibid., 308–310, 348–359; Inglot, La Compagnia, 196–197. Gesù (Palermo: Stab. Tip. G. Bondì e C., Alessio Narbone, Annali Siculi della Compagnia di Gesù 1908), vol. 1 (1805–1814). For information on the activities carried out by F. Gustá in Sicily, see Miquel Batllori,  Francisco  Francisco Gustá. Apologista y crítico (Barcelona (Barcelona 1744—Pal 1744—Palermo ermo 1816) (Balmesiana: Barcelona, 1942). In the o���cial correspondence, Pignatelli’s title underwent a change: Gruber addressed Pignatelli as “provincial of Italy,” while Brzozowski called him “provincial of the Two Sicilies”: see March, El restaurador  restaurador , 2:347–348.

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of the kingdom consented to all the invaders’ demands (including those of a ��nancial nature), their expulsion was just a matter of time. In June 1806, Pignatelli signed, in the name of his community, an oath of allegiance to the new sovereign and the new political regime, but all was in vain. On 3 July 1806 the French ordered the immediate dissolution of the Society of Jesus and the expulsion of all foreign Jesuits from the kingdom. At the same time the library of the college of the Gesù Vecchio, which Pignatelli and Andrés had established with many sacri��ces, was requisitioned. The only concession Pignatelli could obtain from the new government was a few days’ deferment of the expulsion measure: on 8 July Pignatelli headed for Rome.�� The only Spanish Jesuit  who remained in Naples (until 1816) was Andrés, Andrés, to whom Bonaparte o�fered the directorship of the royal library; the Valencian scholar accepted the request in order to preserve the Jesuit books and manuscript collection in the library,  which he augmented augmented over the the next ten ten years.�� years.��

The Restoration Restoration of the Society of Jesus

 We  We know far less about the ��nal years of the third phase of the Italian exile imposed upon the Spanish Jesuits. However, pending more exhaustive studies, a few facts can been ascertained. First of all, Pignatelli, who held his position as provincial of the Two Two Sicilies until his death, initially seemed to replicate replicate the strategy adopted by the superiors of the Spanish provinces in 1768: dispersing his community throughout the small villages in the Roman countryside, beginning with Velletri. On the other hand, he must have felt as disappointed by Pius  VII’s reception as he had been, forty years earlier, earlier, by Clement XIII’s reluctant  welcome. While the residents of the Roman College received received their brethren brethren hesitantly (fearing that living together in the same place might worsen their situation), the pope, rather than o�fering help, seemed anxious to convince the provincial that the “Neapolitan” Jesuits should wear secular clothes to avoid o�fending Napoleon’s and the Spanish ambassador’s sensibilities.�� The situation was complicated by the fact that the Spanish Jesuits who had rejoined the Society had lost their lifelong pensions. However, after initial dismay the Spanish group who had entered the Neapolitan province was able to reorganize itself, not least because of the ��nancial contributions of a substantial

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Ibid., 374–385. 374–385. Ibid., 313 e 379–380; Trombetta, “La libreria,” libreria,” 159–163. Andrés, Epistolario,  Epistolario, vol. 3. March, El restaurador  restaurador , 2:387–496.

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sector of the Papal State’s secular clergy and of many aristocratic families, both Spanish (such as the Villahermosas) Villahermosas) and local. The latter was a feature that characterized the entire third phase of the exile of the expelled Spanish Jesuits. Although some novices were hosted in the Roman College, the community headed by Pignatelli, which was still formally dependent on the Russian Society, moved to a residence of its own in 1807 at the ancient convent of the Basilians; later, a House of Third Probation was opened in the vicinity. However, most members of the Neapolitan province— particularly those Spanish Jesuits (including the distinguished Requeno and Menchaca) who were still able to teach—were assigned to the main Latian cities (Orvieto, Tivoli, Amelia, Sezze, Anagni, Marino, Palestrina, Civita Castellana, Orte, and Giove) where they swelled the ranks of the teaching sta�f of diocesan seminaries, colleges, and public elementary schools, while still devoting themselves to catechesis, pastoral missions, and the care of souls.�� The desire of some bishops who were close to the Society to avail themselves themselves of the undeniable educational and spiritual expertise of the Spanish fathers, was decisive in fostering integration into the social fabric of the Papal States.��  When Pignatelli died (15 November November 1811), Luigi Panizzoni Panizzoni took his place.�� But neither Pignatelli’s death nor the new exile imposed on Pius VII by Napoleon (6 July 1809) modi��ed the situation of the expelled Spanish Jesuits. Only when the pope returned to Rome (24 May 1814) was the issue of the restoration of the Society of Jesus tackled, this time de��nitively.�� After a new petition was submitted by Superior General Brzozowski in June and approved by many cardinals of the Curia, Pius VII signed the bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum (7 August 1814), by which he canonically restored the Society of Jesus: essentially, he extended to the whole world the prerogatives until then exclusively accorded to the Jesuits in Russia Russ ia and in the Kingdom of the t he Two Two Sicilies.�� Nevertheless, the exiled Spanish Jesuits, longing to return to their motherland, had to wait almost a full year. Francisco Gutiérrez de la Huerta,  ��scal  to   to the Castilian Council, wrote his Dictamen in favor of the readmission��—in readmission��—in which he upturned the arguments his predecessor Pedro Rodríguez de Campomanes �� �� �� �� �� ��

restaurador , 2:400–404, 419–420; Fernández Arrillaga, El destierro, 194–195. March, El restaurador  See Manuel Luengo,  Diario de 1808. El año de la conspiración, ed. by Enrique Giménez López and Inmaculada Fernández Arrillaga (Universidad de Alica nte, Alicante: 2010). ���, �� �, Luengo, Luengo, Diario, XLV, fols. 1104–1107. Pierre Antoine Fabre and Patrick Goujon, Suppression et restauration de la Compagnie de  Jésus (1773–1814) (1773–1814) (Brussels: Lessius, 2014). Inglot, La Compagnia, 249–251. restablecimiento de los jesuitas Francisco Gutiérrez de la Huerta,  Dictamen sobre el restablecimiento (Madrid: Imp. de A. Espinosa y Compañía, 1845).

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(1723–1803) had presented in 1766 —and on 15 July 1815 Ferdinand VII (1784– 1833), by his real orden, readmitted the Society to the dominions of the Spanish monarchy.��

 

Conclusion

During the third phase of their exile, the expelled Spanish Jesuits made a signi��cant contribution to the restoration of the Society. Led by José Pignatelli, about one hundred fathers, after renewing their vows, reconstructed the Italian province, ��rstly in Parma, then in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and ��nally in Rome. Though the province was formally dependent on the refrattari  Jesuits  Jesuits of the Russian Empire, Pignatelli and the superiors of the new Jesuit community often made independent decisions, especially after the resumption of the  war between between Napoleon Napoleon and the anti-French anti-French coalition, which hampered hampered epistolary correspondence with Russia. One of the distinguishing features of this period was the level of internal dispute, particularly between the Italian group and the Spanish Jesuits, but also between the more elderly fathers and the  younger  younger generation, trained trained in Belarus. Moreover, Moreover, not all of the older Spanish  Jesuits agreed with Pignatelli’s Pignatelli’s strategy: strategy: some Castilian fathers, like Manuel Luengo, regarded Pignatelli (at least until 1806) as dominated by the agenda of the “Russian” Jesuits and too inclined to support the Aragonese fathers. Such tensions remind us that the process of restoration, a goal that was far from inevitable, took place in an unusually complex and con��icted political context. The exploration of other exiled Jesuit communities, and deeper analysis of the Spanish experience in Italy, will only add to our understanding of this fascinating subject. ��

���, �� �, Luengo, Luengo,  Diario, ��; Fernández Arrillaga,  El destierro, 53–54; I. Fernández Arrillaga, “La restauración de la Compañía de Jesús en primera persona: el P. Manuel Luengo,”  Manresa 86 (2014), 73–82; Manuel Revuelta González, El restablecimiento restablecimiento de la Compañía Compañía de Jesús. Celebración del bicentenario   (Bilbao: Mensajero Editorial, 2013), 225–359. The “old” Spanish Jesuits who decided to rejoin the new order numbered 182: 127 died in Spain, six in Mexico and 49 in Italy. See ibid., 243–245.

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The Society of Jesus under Another Name The Paccanarists Paccanarists in the Restored Society of Jesus

 Eva Fontana Fontana Castelli  Castelli 

 Among the attempts to preserve preserve and revive the the Ignatian spirit in the aftermath aftermath of the suppression, a signi��cant part was played by the Society of the Faith of  Jesus (or Fathers of the Faith), Faith), particularly after its union with the Society of the Sacred Heart. However, the Society’s role in the restoration of the Society of Jesus has largely remained underappreciated in historiographical studies. This oversight is in part due to the widespread contempt in which his contemporaries held the founder of the Society, Niccolò Paccanari, primarily on account of the gravity of the charges brought against him by the Holy O���ce in 1807.� Equally signi��cant, however, was the attitude of those in Jesuit and philo-Jesuit quarters who regarded the Paccanarist institute as a dangerous competitor to the “real” Society, which continued to survive in the Russian empire. This assessment, predominant in nineteenth-century Jesuit historiography, overshadowed the role of Paccanarism, often dismissed as a marginal and dangerous “deviancy.”� The prejudice against the Society was also a direct consequence of the dire situation in which the Jesuits had found themselves in the aftermath of the papal brief  Domininus ac Redemptor . For a long time the word “Paccanarist” had a highly derogatory connotation and alluded to the exceptionally strong bond that existed between the members of the Society of the Faith and their charismatic and controversial founder. Additionally, it is possible to detect in this area of historiographical studies an underlying trend to cast in a more positive light the French Institute and the work of its members as opposed to those of Paccanari Paccanari and his brethren, and to accentuate the di�ferences and the contrasts between the two institutes. � The congregation congregation of the Holy O���ce, gathering in the Quirinal Palace in Rome on June 30, 1808, found Niccolò Paccanari guilty of “pretense of holiness” ( a�fectata sanctitate ) with regard to spreading prophecies and visions and of committing sexual acts with penitents of both sexes (sollicitatio ad turpia ). In addition to being sentenced to ten years in prison and barred from holding religious o���ces in perpetuity, perpetuity, Paccanari was also forbidden to engage in any kind of relationship with both male and female members of the institutes he had founded. � Ludwig von Pastor, Pastor, Storia dei Papi , XIV, XIV, II (Desclée: Roma, 1955), 259; Banghert 1986, 43.

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This intellectual undertaking appeared to be justi��ed by the considerable number of former members of the Society of the Sacred Heart who later joined and held leading positions in the Society of Jesus. Above all, these assessments aimed to portray the priests of the Sacred Heart as regarding their institute as a “provisional” experience, all the while aspiring to rejoin the Society, which still survived within the Russian empire. In contrast, Paccanari saw his institute as a “re-formation,” a “re-constitution” as it were, of the dissolved order. Recently however, a more positive overall assessment of these events has emerged, even on the part of Jesuit historians. This has led to the recognition that “the importance of all these congregations lies in their contribution to keeping the spirit of the order of St. Ignatius alive amidst the devastation  wreaked  wreaked by the French Revolution. Revolution.”� ”� Once we relinquish the Paccanarist “bias,” by setting aside the violent controversies surrounding the ��gure of the founder, it is possible to regard membership in the Society of the Faith of Jesus as an important educational experience for those of its members who would later become the “recruits” of the reborn Ignatian order. Such an a posteriori  outlook,  outlook, by virtue of removing the “perspective distortion” distortion” of the con��ict with the “real” Society and its members, allows us to see these events in a di�ferent light and to focus on their most interesting aspects which, paradoxically, are the most relevant to an exhaustive history of the restored Society.  While the continuity between the “old” and the “new” Society of Jesus was “guaranteed” “guaranteed” by the presence of those Jesuits who had entered the order prior to its suppression, they were also joined by many former Paccanarists. The latter were, for the most part, clerics who had di�ferent experiences within the revolutionary and Napoleonic contexts and who made a particularly signi��cant contribution from an intellectual, spiritual, devotional, and pastoral point of view, helping to to reformulate reformulate the identity of the Society of Jesus in the age of the Restoration. Restoration. Among those who “transited” through the Society of the Faith and later became Jesuits are ��gures of historical signi��cance such as JeanBaptiste Gury, Anton Kohlmann, Luis Rozaven, and Joseph Varin. The make-up of the “new” “new ” Society of Jesus was heterogeneous heterogeneous thanks to the presence of these young clerics who adhered to it in successive stages and who, after 1814, took part in the di���cult process of its “restoration. “restoration.”” Unlike the Jesuits  who had stayed stayed behind in the Russian empire and who had acted in a context of “conservative isolationism,” the members of the Society of Faith had “militated” in revolutionary Europe, showing a particular pastoral zeal in the di�ferent circumstances in which they had operated and exhibiting an a���nity for � Inglot 1997, 33.

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 what would now be called umweltseelsorge .� The former, isolated in an autocratic state, had remained distant from European a�fairs, but the Paccanarsists developed a pastoral practice appropriate to the revolutionary context, adopting methods and forms typical of late-eighteenth-century religous sensibility. They brought to the “new” Society of Jesus existential and cultural sensibilities nurtured in institutions which had been informed by the Ignatian Constitutions and spirituality, but where no former Jesuits had actually been present. The starting point of this study is an analysis of the characteristics of the Society of the Sacred Heart and of the Society of the Faith, of their indisputable di�ferences, and of the common elements that distinguished them from the Society of Jesus, in order to best ascertain, through a prosopographical approach, the actual contribution of their members. The genesis of the two institutes was indeed di�ferent, and even more signi��cant was the social background of their respective a���liates. a���liates. The Society of the Sacred Heart was founded in Leuven in 1794 by two clerics from the prestigious seminary of St. Sulpice, François Leonor de Tournely and Charles de Broglie.� They were soon joined by other émigré  priests  priests who can be best described as the product of the French counter-revolut counter-revolutionary ionary milieu. The subsequent events in which they were involved link this group of men to Diesbach’s Amitiés Chrétiennes movement and its di�fusion.� Whereas the Sulpicians were aristocratic and erudite, the Society of Faith had earthier roots. It was founded in Rome in the period immediately preceding the proclamation of the “Jacobin” Roman Republic by a group of laymen and clerics. At their head was elected a layman who had fought fou ght in the papal army ar my,, Niccolò Paccanari. To the younger members of both foundations, most of them born after 1773, the Society of Jesus and the ideal of Ignatian spirituality represented a model to be followed. Lack of “��rst-hand” knowledge knowledge of the sons of St. Ignatius, howhowever, caused them to approach its Constitutions, its Institute and the Spiritual  Exercises  without the mediation of the Jesuits. Having assimilated the � Theresa Clements, “Re��ection on apostolic spirituality. spirituality. A study of the Father of the Faith in France (1801–1814),” Milltown Studies 15 (1985): 57–64. � The seminary of St. Sulpice was was founded in Paris Paris in 1641 by Jean Jacques Jacques Olier. Olier. It was successuccessively structured as a society of apostolic life whose superior was also superior of the seminary and was elected for life. The Th e Sulpicians were dissolved after the revolution and many of them took refuge in Baltimore. Their superior, Father Jacques-André Emery remained in France and in 1801, reconstituted the Paris seminary and the society. society. � Carlo Bona,  Le Amicizie. Società segrete e rinascita religiosa (1770–1830) (1770–1830)  (Deputazione Subalpina di Storia Patria: Torino, 1962).

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criticisms directed at the Jesuits from various sources, these young men sought a direct return to the original source of Ignatius’s Ignatius’s vision.  Another aspect common to the a���liates of both institutes was their familiarity with members of monastic orders, in particular Trappists, Capuchins, and Carmelites. The coexistence of members of di�ferent orders or even, at times, the simultaneous a���liation to several religious orders, was a secondary e�fect of the revolutionary revolutionary crisis which only intensi��ed when a large number of clerics found themselves displaced by the Napoleonic wars. In the founding group of the Society of the Sacred Heart, the contemplative and penitential element was particularly pronounced, some would even say all-encompassing. This was in accord with the approach theorized in the seminary of St. Sulpice  which “strongly advocates advocates the ��ight from the mundane, and the formation of an almost disembodied personality.”� The Roman foundation, on the other hand, had its origin in the Oratory of the Caravita, previously the seat of the urban mission of the Jesuits, in the peculiar political and religious climate of the capital of Christianity where apocalyptic tensions tensions coexisted with prophecies of a possible p ossible resurgence of the Ignatian order. The foundation enjoyed the strong support of the Cardinal  Vicar Giulio Della Somaglia, Somaglia, a future future Black Cardinal; even in in later later years years notable notable “Black Cardinals” can be found among the Paccanarists’ supporters. supporters. At the risk of simpli��cation, we can say that the Society of the Faith, in contrast to the more elitist Society of the Sacred Heart, was the “popular” answer to the vacuum created by the absence of the Jesuit order. It was part of the project of Catholic “reconquest” promoted by the Roman Curia, and it took the form of an enthusiastic group,� tightly-knit around the charismatic ��gure of its founder founde r. The unmistakable di�ferences between the two groups became more evident at the time of their merging in Vienna in 1799. The The two institutes nonetheless shared common traits that resulted, as previously mentioned, from their being born in that precise historical moment when the suppressed Ignatian order had become a model for some to follow. In many ways, the historical experience of the Society of the Faith of Jesus in its entirety can be de��ned as an eighteenth-century “edition” of the “old” Society. Niccolò Paccanari reached the Austrian capital in 1799, after many vicissitudes and preceded by his reputation. He carried “commendatory” letters from reputable religious ��gures and, signi��cantly, had received several “privileges” � Maurilio Guasco, Guasco, “I rapporti rapporti del sacerdote con il mondo in epoca moderna moderna ,” in Preti cittadini cittadini del mondo, ed. Francesco  Francesco Zenna (Paoline: Milano, 2004), 37. � Ronald Knox, Enthusiasm. A Chapter Chapter in the Story of Religion, with special reference reference to the XVII and XVIII Centuries  (Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1959).

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from Pope Pius VI. The latter had personally invited him to merge his group  with the Society of the Sacred Heart that had found refuge in Hagenbrunn. Negotiations regarding the fusion were complex because they led to the de   facto dissolution of the French order in spite of its numerical superiority and the quality of its members’ training (since the initial ranks of the Sulpicians had been strengthened by many members of the French émigré  clergy).  clergy). One of the main points of contention was the vow of consecration to the Sacred Heart of Jesus that was the essence of the French institute, its mission rooted in the propagation propagation of a devotion of which the Jesuits had been the main proponents.� Their position contrasted with the Paccanarists, for whom this controversial devotion, easily identi��able with the suppressed Society, was a potential hindrance to the propagation of the Institute. Another di�ference  was the manner of life of the priests of the Sacred Heart, deemed “too “too monastic and austere” by Paccanari who imposed profound changes, not all of them  welcomed by their their recipients. On one point, however, the two groups were in full agreement: the particular wording of the vow of obedience to the pope. The French priests were the strongest supporters of this modi��cation of the Ignatian Institute through a reformulation reformulation that stressed aspects of the “ultramontane” “ultramontane” position. Varin Varin himself considered this change a necessary “re��nement.” “re��nement.” In addition, the new formulation vastly broadened the meaning of the vow circa missiones, as it was now meant to apply to any pronouncements by the ponti�f, even those not publicly expressed, on any subject. To further strengthen the vow, it was also decided to extend it to all members of the institute, contrary to the custom of the old Society. The formulation itself turned out to be particularly unpopular with the members of the dissolved Ignatian order, who interpreted it as an unacceptable alteration of their Institute. Another trait shared by both institutes, which set them apart from the “old” Jesuits, was the presence of a parallel female “branch,” considered by both Tournely and Paccanari as a necessary complement to their institutes.�� This provision was also common to other eighteenthcentury foundations, such as the “Passionists” and the “Redemptorists.” This alteration was bitterly criticized by the Jesuits. Their opposition would not pre vent many many members of of the Society of the Faith, Faith, once once they became Jesuits, Jesuits, from from �

��

Raymond Jonas, France  France and the cult of Sacred Heart  Heart  (Univesity  (Univesity of California Press: Berkley  , 2000); Daniele Menozzi, Sacro Cuore. Un culto tra devozione interiore e restaurazione cristiana della società  (Viella: Rome, 2001), 77. See my “Dalle Dilette di Gesù Gesù di Niccolò Niccolò Paccanari Paccanari alle Sorelle della Sacra Famiglia,”  ����  81(2012): 159–191.

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developing very close ties with female congregations, especially in France, and even contributing to the foundation of such groups.  Another feature of the Fathers Fathers of the Faith Faith which clearly distinguished them from the old Jesuits and which they regarded as the heart of their institute, was the emphasis on a communitarian lifestyle and the separation of active and contemplative life.�� life.� � Particularl Particularlyy helpful to understanding understa nding who the Paccanarists  were and how they were perceived by the Jesuits is the following following passage by  Antony  Antony Simpson: “I acknowledge they are Jesuits, but they are also something more; and that more I don’t like.”�� Following the fusion with the French society, the Society of the Faith experienced a considerable expansion in European countries, thanks in part to the  vast network network of connecti connections ons of the the ex-alumn ex-alumnii of St. St. Sulpice. Sulpice. Houses were were opened in Augusta, Dilligen and Paderborn on imperial soil, in London, Amsterdam, Sion, and in France. Integral to the institute’s expansion was the unconditional support it received from the emperor’s sister, Archduchess Maria Anna who, from this time on, became a generous patron and benefactor of the order. Her generosity made possible the opening in Rome of the mother house of the institute in St. Sylvester on Quirinal Hill in 1801, and of a boarding-school for young nobles in the Salviati Palace, near St. Peter’s. The novitiate of St. Sylvester was placed under the direction of Jean-Baptiste Gury, while Giuseppe Sineo della Torre was appointed head of the Collegio Mariano boarding-school. The “Roman” period was central to the history of the Society. After engaging primarily in spiritual assistance in military hospitals, it began to carry out numerous popular missions and to hold spiritual exercises and retreats in the church of St. Sylvester. Sylvester. The Paccanarists’ popular pop ular missions, though th ough modeled after the Jesuits’ Jesu its’, incorporated elements borrowed from eighteenth-century religious orders and featured blunt and direct language of popular extraction: the Paccanarists spoke the language of their audience. The Marian devotion also played a central role. This was the period of maximum growth and success of the institute: its functions and spiritual exercises were very popular and even the small nucleus of  what  what was to to have have been the the female female branch, branch, the the Dilett  Dilettee di Gesù Gesù (Beloved of Jesus), took part in the activities of the Fathers of the Faith on many occasions.  Among the documents from this period, the Catologi  are   are invaluable to an understanding of the life of the institute as they allow us to assess the numerical strength of the Society of the Faith and the role played by its members.�� �� �� ��

����,  Paccan.,  Paccan.,3, C, Libro delle Regole Regole e preci preci dell’Istituto de’ de’ paccanaristi. paccanaristi. Hubert Chadwick, “Paccanarists “Paccanarists in England,” England,” ����  20  20 (1951): 157. ����,  Paccan.,  Paccan., 8, Catalogus B . The data in these Catalogues were cross-referenced with those of Mendizábal 1972.

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 Almost all the members of the Society of Faith passed through the the house of St. Sylvester and were then dispatched to the various European countries into  which the Society was was expanding. expanding. In In particular particular, a catalog, apparently compiled soon after the union with the Society of the Sacred Heart, provides the names of the twenty members of the latter, listing the characteristics of each indi vidual: the “data of the soul.”�� Interestingly Interestingly,, the document identi��es in some of them a certain “rigidity” in moral matters, highlighting a di�ference that emerged occasionally between the Roman group of the Paccanarists, Paccanarists, closer to anti-rigoristic anti-rigoristic positions, and their counterpart from across the Alps. The issue, however, calls for further study, including its connection to the di�fusion of the moral theology of Alfonso de’ Liguori.�� The documents reveal that in the period between 1802 and 1803 the Fathers of the Faith, including scholastics and priests, amounted to about 130 individuals, with the addition of thirty temporal coadjutors; coadjutors; in later years their number grew to about 300. Further research could show the number of those who later became Jesuits to be higher still. s till. No information information has reached us on the role of the houses on foreign soil, except for a catalog catalog of the House of London of 1803, by which it appears that there were thirty people in the Kensington house. In the catalog of the Collegio Mariano we ��nd the names of the teachers of speci��c subjects. Many of them moved to France where, under the leadership of Provincial Provincial Joseph Varin, they founded many boarding schools. The boarding school’s curriculum speci��ed that the method of study would be di�ferent from the old Society. Here too, the Society of Faith seemed keen on amending the  Jesuit boarding schools’ traditional traditional approach with themes from eighteenthcentury culture. The Catalogi  are  are particularly relevant to this study as they help quantify and identify the clerics who subsequently moved on to the Society of  Jesus. The circumstances of their joining the Society of Jesus varied with the events that led to the bull Sollicitudo omnium ecclesiarum and with the speci��c  ways the the order was reintroduced reintroduced in individual individual states. states.  As far far as as it has been possible possible to to ascerta ascertain, in, almost almost ��fty ��fty members members of of the Fathe Fathers rs of the Faith became “Jesuits”. “Jesuits”. Fourteen of them, and this is a de��nite ��gure, came from the Society of the Sacred Heart, allowing us to conclude that almost all of them joined the Society of Jesus after passing through the Paccannarist Paccannarist institute. Their names are: Jean-Baptist Caillat,�� Pierre Cuenet,�� Augustin Coulon,�� �� �� �� �� ��

����,  Paccan.,  Paccan.,8, Catalogus C. Jean Guerber, Guerber, Le ralliement ralliement du clergé clergé français français a la morale morale liguorienne. L’abbé abbé Gousset et ses  précureurs  précureurs (1785–1832) (1785–1832) (Università Gregoriana Editrice: Roma, 1973). Jean-Baptist Caillat *7. 5.1765 Trevoux, Trevoux, �. �. 1.7.1815 Lugd , †12.181853 Aix-en-Provence. Pierre Cuenet *8.31.1767 Doubs, �. �. 10.19.1814 Gall, †4.18.1834 Paris. Augustin Coulon *10.18.1765 Le Quesnay, Quesnay, �. �. 7.30.1814 Gall, †10.31.1831 Aix-en-Provence.

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Charles Gloriot,�� Fidèle Grivel,�� Jean-Baptiste Gury,�� Nicolas Jenessaux,��  Anton  Anton Kohlman Kohlmann,�� n,�� Joseph Joseph Kohlma Kohlmann,�� nn,�� Pierre Pierre Le Blanc,�� Blanc,�� Pierre Pierre Roger Roger,�� ,�� Giuseppe Sineo della Torre,�� Joseph Varin,�� and Jean-Luis Rozaven.�� ��

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Charles Gloriot *9.13.1768 Pontarlier Pontarlier,, �. �. 9.11.1814 Paris, †2.18.1844 Avignon. Avignon. A famous preacher and controversialist, controversialist, he became rector of the seminary in Soisson after 1814. ����  1743. 1743. His skills and missionary zeal are praised in the catalog of the Society of the Faith. Fidèle de Grivel *12.17.1769 Doubs, � . �. 8.16.1803 Połock, †6.26.1842 Washington. A Sulpician, he joined the Society of Jesus in Russia after the Paccanarist interlude. Following the expulsion of 1825, he moved ��rst to France and then to England and Ireland. As professor of theology he was sent to the United States where he taught novices in Georgetown.  ����  1821.  1821. Jean-Baptiste Gury *9.20.1773 Besançon, � . �. 10.22.1814 Avignon, †4.18.1866 Mercoeur. Mercoeur. One of the most prominent authors of moral theology texts: his works espoused positions close to the moral theology of Alfonso de’ Liguori and were adopted in many European seminars. He was one of the of the restored Society’s most important moralists.  ����  1850–1851.  1850–1851. Nicolas Jenessaux *4.9.1769 Reims, �. �. 7.19.1814 Gall, †10.9.1842 Paris. Anton Kohlmann Kohlmann *6.28.1771 Kayserberg, Kayserberg, � . �. 6.28.1805 Daugavpils, Daugavpils, †4.10.1836 Rome. ����   ����  2211.  2211. Joseph Kohlmann *3.17.1762 Kayserberg, �. �. 2.22. 1804 Stara Wieś, †6.23.1838 Georgetown. Georgetown. Pierre Le Blanc *10.16.1774 *10.16.1774 Caen, �. �. 7.31.1814 Belg, †1.12.1851 Drongen. After returning to France with father Varin, Varin, he became Superior of the boarding-school of the Péres  Péres de la Foi  in Amiens and was then transferred to Montdidier. After several vicissitudes, he became one the “restorers” of the Belgian province of the Society of Jesus and was rector of various  Jesuit boarding schools in Sion, Fribourg, Fribourg, and Chambery. Chambery. ����  2312.  2312. Pierre Roger *8.24.1763 Coutances, �. �. 6,19.1814 Paris, †1.15.1839 Lyon. Together with the poet André Chenier, he was educated in the boarding school of Navarre Navarre under the super vision of Father Emery. After returning to France with Varin, Varin, he initially worked at the Salpetriere hospital in Paris and was among the founders of the boarding school of the Péres  Péres de la Foi  Foi  at  at Belley. After joining the Society of Jesu, he contributed with Varin to the creation of several female congregations of Ignatian inspiration, such as the Society of the Sacred Heart of Mary Magdalene Sophia Barat that descended from the Paccanarists’ Paccanarists’ female branch, the Beloved of Jesus. He is considered one of the most prominent ��gures of the post-revolutionary religious revival. ����  3400–3401.  3400–3401. Giuseppe Sineo della Torre *10.21.1761 Turin, �. �. 8. 31.1810 Sion, †10.5.1842. A disciple of Diesbach, he joined the Society of the Sacred Heart in Vienna. After entering the Society of Jesus he was appointed superior of the Helvetic mission and superior of the boarding school in Brig. In 1818, he became provincial of Italy, succeeding Luigi Fortis. Fortis. ����  3581.  3581. Joseph Varin Varin de Solemont *2.7.1769 Besançon, �. �. 7.19.1814, †19.IV.1850 †19.IV.1850 Paris. A Sulpician, he left France and served in the army of the Prince of Condé. He entered the Society of the Sacred Heart and became its superior after Tournely’s death. After the union with the Society of the Faith of Jesus, he was made “missionary” for France. Following the split  with Paccanari Paccanari he became superior of the  Péres  Péres de la Foi  in   in France. Upon entering the Society of Jesus he became superior of several houses and was very active in the promotion of new congregations. ����  3896.  3896. Jean-Luis de Leissègues de Rozaven Rozaven *3.9.1772 Locronan, �. �. 4.28.IV.1804 4.28.IV.1804 Połock, †4.2.1851 Roma.

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The Society of the Faith of Jesus became a point of aggregation for several  priests who had scattered across Europe Europe and who subsequently passed émigré  priests into the ranks of the restored Society of Jesus. Father Pierre Epinette,�� a Frenchman sometimes erroneously listed among the Priests of the Sacred Heart and one of the many clerics to repair to the Papal States, entered the Society of the Faith Faith of Jesus in 1798, 1798, at the same time as Antoine Depinoy�� and  Victor Mayer Mayer.�� .�� Other emigrés were Charles Lionville�� Lionville�� and Antoine Petijean��  who ��ed to Austria; while Marc Antoine Fournier Fournier,�� ,�� Lodovico Bouvet,�� and  Jean Fessard�� retreated to London, another important destination of French emigration, and entered the Paccanarist novitiate in Kensington. Other future German-speaking Jesuits who entered the houses opened by the Society of the Faith in Paderborn and Dillingen were Jaques Condrau,��  Johann Drach,�� Georg Staudinger,�� Staudinger,�� and Balthasar Rudoph.�� Franz Muth��  joined the Society Society in Vienna. Adam Britt,�� a former former Jesuit who who entered entered a house house in Dillingen, rejoined the Society of Jesus after the Paccanarist interlude. The participation of ex-Jesuits in the Paccanarist foundation was virtually nonexistent. The original core of the Society of Faith had been a Roman foundation and most of its members, at least initially, either came from the Papal States or spoke Italian. The number of those who moved on to the �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� ��

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Pierre Epinette *9.24.1760 S. Remy, Remy, �. �. 6.2.1805 Połock, †1.8.1832 Bohemia. Antoine Depinoy *12.11.1763 Le Cateau, �. �. 2.12.1814, †2.7.1832 Reggio Emilia. Victor Mayer *9.10.1773, �. �. 7.31.1810 Sion, †10,25.1840 Brig. Charles Lionville *5.7.1779 Nancy, Nancy, �. �. 6.24.1805 Polock  , †11.30.1857 Bourges. Antoine Petijean *10.16.1780 Namour, Namour, �. �. 9.10.1815, �. �. 9.10.1815 Germs,†7.6.1846 Brig. Marc Antoine Fournier *9.2.1760 Maine, �. �. 7.23.1805 7.23.1805 Polosk,†4.12.1821 Poland. Ludovico Buvet *1.24.1765 Sablé , �.�. 10.4.1804 in Imp.Russ., †4.15.1815 Petersburg. Jean Fessard Fessard *1.29.1749 *1.29.1749 Rouen, �. �. 6.24.1805 Gal , †1.21.1832 Jouzy. Jaques Condrau *9.27.1779 *9.27.1779 Coira, �. �. 6.24.1805 Gal, †4.20.1837  † 4.20.1837 Tarnopol. Tarnopol. Johann Baptist Drach *6.7.1780 Kirchdorf, �. �. 7.31.1810 Sion, †11.9.1846 Schwyz. He joined the Society of faith with Godinot. In 1805, he went with Sineo to the boarding school in Sion where he taught and was prefect of studies. After admission into the Society of Jesus he became rector at Sion and Freiburg, vice-provincial for the Swiss province and later ��rst provincial of the Upper Germany province. province. ����  1144.  1144. Georg Staudinger *4.23.1783 Griesbeckerzell, �. �. 7.31.1810 Sion , †3.15.1848 Graz. After joining the Society of the Faith, he went to Rome to train. In 1805, he moved to Sion with Sineo and several others. He later became responsible for the spiritual formation of most of the members of the Upper Germany province. province. ����  3631.  3631. Balthasar Rudolph *7.9.1782 Solothurn, �. �. 7.31.1810 Sion, †5.9.1860 Feldkirch. Feldkirch. Franz Muth *12.6.1782 Hainburg, �.�. �. �. 2.21.1815 Angl, †5.5.1841 Preston. Adam Britt, *10.10.1743 *10.10.1743 Fulda, �.�. �. �. (I) †9.14.1764 Rheni S. (II) 3.21.1806 Polock, †7.12.1822 Conewago. Conewago. Mendizábal gives a di�ferent date and place for his admission in the Society of  Jesus.

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restored Society was modest, amounting to only seven men: Girolamo Bonacchi,�� Matteo Molinari,�� Pietro Rigletti,�� Giovanni Sbriscia,�� Sera��no Mannucci,�� Vincenzo Mignani,�� and Alessandro Testa.��  While these ��ndings underscore the deep di�ferences that existed between the two institutes and the reasons that led the individual members to join them, these clerics still shared a common experience, albeit a short-li s hort-lived ved one. If the early years of the nineteenth century saw the maximum expansion and success of the Society of the Faith, they also contain the seeds of its decline, as its very existence gradually became incompatible with the process of legitimizing and re-establishing the Society of Jesus, notably after the brief Catholice   ��dei . What further exacerbated the situation was the founder’s unwillingness to merge his institute with the resurgent Society. It appears that Paccanari had imposed as a necessary condition for this to happen that his brethren be admitted as a religious “body.” This option was ��atly rejected since admission into the Society was only possible “on an individual basis” and Pope Pius VII had made a clear pronouncement on the matter.�� Ultimately, though, the decline of the Society of the Faith became irreversible with the beginning of the canonical trial of Paccanari by the Holy O���ce,  which resulted in his conviction conviction in 1808. The gradual hemorrhaging of the Fathers of the Faith that occurred over the years, with individual defections followed followed in some cases by the departure of entire groups of clerics, makes makes clear that for many of them the decision to join the institute had been prompted by the dissolution of the Ignatian order. order. Only a minority group, group, consisting mostly of priests living in the Roman home of St. Sylvester, Sylvester, remained Paccanarist. Paccanarist. In 1803, Rozaven, appointed provincial of England by Paccanari,�� established contacts with Superior General Gabriel Gruber to negotiate admission into the Society for himself and his brethren “as a body or individually.”�� This request was referred to the Jesuit Strickland who examined the fathers before �� �� �� �� �� �� �� �� ��

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Gerolamo Bonacchi *11.17.1776 Roma, �. �. 11.13.1814 11.13.1814 Roma, †3.19.1827 Terni. Matteo Molinari *9.20.1778 Genova, �. �. 10.4.1804 Polock, †2.29.1861 Stara Wieś. Pietro Rigoletti *10.19.1761 S. Giorgio Canavese, �. �. 11.12.1814 Turin, †5.5.1841 Chieri. Giovanni Sbriscia *2.17.1746, *2.17.1746, �.�. �. �. 6.21.1815 Ital, †1.9.1824 Roma. Sera��no Mannucci *8.25.1765 Roma, �. �. 10.24.1814 Roma, †2.28.1834 Roma. Vicenzo Mignani *1.17.1763 Ravenna, �. �. 11.21.1804 Napoli, †4.11.1841 Napoli. Alessandro Testa *4.8.1760 Asti, �.�. �. �. 8.28.1814, †11.3.1834 Roma. Fontana Castelli, La Compagnia, 196–210. He was a prominent member of the Society in Russia. ����  3385.  3385. Regarding Rozaven Rozaven and his activities in the Russian Empire see Sabina Pavone, Una strana alleanza. La Compagnia di Gesù in Russia (Bibliopolis: Naples, 2010). Chadwick, Paccanarists  Paccanarists, 166–169; Inglot 1997, 214–229.

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their departure for the Russian empire where, following a second examination examination in 1804, they were admitted into the Polostk novitiate.�� Not all of them went to White Russia for admission, however: Father Bournier  joined in  foro interno, along with the Jesuits of the province of England, remaining at the Jesuit college of Ston Stonyhurst yhurst until his death. After 1801, the core of the Society that remained isolated in the Russian empire functioned as a beacon for dispersed Jesuits and new recruits, and became the engine of a reverse process that led many Jesuits to leave leave the borders of the state which had protected them. Among them were Anton Kohlmann, Epinette, and Grivel: they were dispatched to the United States where they, Kohlmann in particular, played an important role in the development of the Society of Jesus. After holding many many prestigious positions, Kohlmann was recalled to Rome where he taught theology at the Gregorian Gregorian University until his death in 1835.�� The story of the Society of the Faith in France presents very di�ferent characteristics. Under the leadership of Father Varin, the  Péres  Péres de la Foi   had an important role in French religious life during the Napoleonic age, founding seven boarding schools and several residences, carrying out missions in the countryside, providing assistance to the poor in hospitals and working to reduce the numbers of “schismatics,” i.e. “constitutional “constitutional priests.” priests.” The boarding schools followed the Collegio Mariano’s curriculum of studies while the missions were modeled after the missionary paradigm established in the course of the Paccanarist experience; many of them had attended the missions in the Papal States States with the speci��c s peci��c aim of learning this “new method.” method.” In 1804, the  Péres   formally separated from Paccanari and elected  Péres de la Foi  formally  Varin  Varin as as their superior:�� unlike unlike the group group in London, the Péres  contin Péres de la Foi  Foi  continued to operate in French territory, organized as a congregation in its own right and assumed an ever more de��ned identity. They never lost touch with their Sulpician “roots,” continuing to be guided by father Emery, a prominent ��gure in French religious life. The uninterrupted bond with their old mentor underscores the independence of the  Péres  Péres de la Foi   from the Society of Jesus.�� Burnichon,�� in his reconstruction of the history of the Society of Jesus in ��

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The group led by Rozaven Rozaven consisted of approximately approximately twenty individuals, but those who are de��nitely known to have entered the Society of Jesus in Russia were: Bouvet, Condrau, Fessard, Fourinier, Grivel, Lionville, Molinari, Anton Kolmann, Joseph Kohlmann, Epinette. Hist. Soc. 1020, IV (1773–1820), Catalogus personarum olim Provinciae Russicae. Johanna Schmid, “German Jesuits in Maryland (1740–1833), (1740–1833),”” ����  81  81 (2012): 125–158. Mario Colpo, “Una lettera del p. Varin a Paccanari Paccanari ,”  ,” ����  57  57 (1988): 315–329. André Rayez, “Clorivère et les Péres de la foi ,”  ,” ����  21(1952):  21(1952): 300. [Bournichon 1914].

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France, devotes much space to the tireless work of these clerics: their work continued even during the restoration, when they were active in the creation of numerous congregations, especially female ones. The boarding schools, established by the Péres  under adverse conditions and constant police  Péres de la Foi  Foi  under control, became the backbone of French Jesuit boarding schools such as the College of Belley, of Amiens, and of Montruge. Many Many former Péres  also  Péres de la Foi  Foi  also entered the Society of Missions where they carried on their ministry.�� ministry.�� Of the  Péres  Péres de la Foi, the group led by Father Varin that had overseen the expansion of the institute in French territory, Luis Barat,�� Charles Bruson,��  Julien Druhilet,�� Robert Debrosse,�� Luis Leleu,�� Jean Nicolas Loriquet,�� Pierre Ronsin,�� Antoine Thomas,�� and Varin himself, became Jesuits. The inclusion of the Péres  in the restored Society after 1814 was not entirely  Péres de la Foi  Foi  in  without friction: these clerics, in spite of being admitted admitted individually, individually, were members of a religious body in its own right. It had acquired its identity under the in��uence of the circumstances in which it had functioned and was infused by a strong communitarian bond of Paccanarist Paccanarist imprint. Their presence was regarded by the “real” Jesuits with suspicion and, several  years after their arrival, arrival, the provincial provincial Simpson, who who had succeeded Cloriviere, Cloriviere,  wrote  wrote that the problem problem with with them was that they were in fact still Péres  Péres de la Foi. Foi. Father General Brzozowski suggested “correcting” the shortcomings of Varin ��

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Paolo Bianchini, “Un mondo plurale. I gesuiti e la società francese tra la ��ne del Settecento e i primi anni dell’Ottocento,” in  Morte e resurrezione resurrezione di un Ordine religioso. religioso. Le strategie culturali ed eucative della Compagnia di Gesù durante la Soppressione (1773–1814), ed. Paolo Bianchini (Vita e Pensiero: Milano, 2006) 53–81. Luis Barat *3.30.1768 Joigny, Joigny, �. �. 10.20.1814 Bordeaux, †6.21.1845 Paris. He taught in the boarding-schools of Lyon and Belley and, after joining the Society of Jesus, was active as a teacher, preacher and spiritual director. He authored several theological and devotional  works. �� ��  339.  339. Charles Bruson *7.2.1764 Condè sur Noireau, �. �. 7.31.1814 Belg, †1.31.1838 Gand. Julien Druilhet *7.8.1768 Orléans, �. �. 9.26.1814 Paris, †10.30.1845 Touluse. As a Jesuit he  was “Provincial “Provincial of France” from 1830. 1830.  ����  1148.  1148. Robert Debrosse *3.26.1768 Chatel-et-Chehery, �. �. 8.29.1814, †2.18.1848. As a Jesuit he had held numerous positions in boarding-schools and seminaries. He was a proli��c author of spiritual texts. ����  1066.  1066. Luis Leleu *12.17.1773 Chepy, Chepy, �. �. 1.29.1818, †7.1.1849 Vannes. Vannes. Nicolas Loriquet *10.5.1767 Épernay, Épernay, �. �. 8.15.1814 Gall , †4-9.1845 Paris. A Sulpician, he  joined the Péres  after 1801. Very active in French seminaries during the Restoration,  Péres de la Foi  after he was summoned to Rome from 1830 to 1832 for the revision of the th e Ratio Studiorum Studiorum. ����  2320. Pierre Ronsin *1.18.1771 Soisson, �. �. 6.23.1814 Lugd, †114.1846  † 114.1846 Touluse. Antoine Thomas *9.24.1753 Setteville, �. �. 8.5.1814, †3.23.1833 Laval. Laval.

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and his brethren through the practice of the novitiate and through Spiritual  Exercises designed to instill in them proper observance of the Institute.�� The admission of an extraneous “body” had always been opposed by the Jesuits, precisely in order to preserve the identity and the “purity” of the Society of  Jesus, which was ideally expected to make a “comeback,” “comeback,” just like the monarchies of Europe, and to seamlessly continue where the old Society had left o�f.  After the re-establishment of the Society of Jesus in the Kingdom of Naples  with the brief  Per Alias in 1804, several Paccanarists traveled to Naples to seek admission. In some cases they ended up leaving soon afterwards, unable to adjust to the new setting, unlike Father Vincenzo Mignani who joined the Society in November of the same year. After Paccanari was sentenced, a group of priests remained in St. Sylvester on Quirinal Hill to carry out their apostolic  work in the hospital of the Holy Spirit in Saxia and in prisons around the city. city. In 1814, Pope Pius VII allowed the remaining Fathers of the Faith to join the Society of Jesus, on condition of approval approval by the Father General, after only one  year of novitiate.�� novitiate.�� The last Paccanarists Paccanarists in Rome to become Jesuits were Sera��no Mannucci, Giovanni Sbriscia, Antoine Depinoy, Alessandro Testa, Girolamo Bonacchi. They entered the novitiate at St. Andrew on Quirinal Hill bringing with them, it is believed, the papers related to their past, which are still preserved in the  ���� and which provided much of the information for this study.  Another aspect concerns the story of the Paccanarists Paccanarists in the boarding school of Sion. In 1805, the Council of Valais deliberated whether to entrust the boarding school, which had once belonged to the Jesuits, to the Fathers of the Faith. Father Sineo Della Torre was appointed superior and was later joined by Drach, Godinot, Mayer, Rudolph, and Staudinger. In 1806, this group also separated from Paccanari with the approval of Pope Pius VII. They initially asked to be admitted into the Society in Russia: Superior General Brzozowski was loath to admit the entire community and believed that even the admission of indi viduals would be detrimental to that outpost of the Society. Society. An interesting interesting solution was arrived upon in 1810, whereby the community was granted aggregation in  foro interno and these men became the nucleus which gave rise to the Swiss province and later the German province. One needs only to scroll through the acts of the twenty-��rst General Congregation of 1829,�� which resulted in the election of Jan Roothaan, to recognize the contribution given to the restoration of the Society of Jesus by �� �� ��

Burnichon 1914, 172. Fontana Castelli, La Compagnia, 261. Petrus Grootens, “De Congregatione generali XXI,” XXI,” ����  33  33 (1964): 257–268.

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clerics whose background included experiences in institutes of Ignatian inspiration. In those acts, we ��nd many of the names of former Fathers Fathers of the Faith mentioned in this study, most of them in important roles: Rozaven as assistant general for France, Godinot Godinot as provincial of France, and Drach as provincial of Upper Germany. Among the electors were Richardot, Sineo, Druhilet, and Petijean. Sera��no Mannucci, one of the most representative Paccanarists, Paccanarists, who remained in St. Sylvester until 1814, had become procurator general of the order, a role he held until his death in 1834. However, a persistent and prejudicial attitude towards the ex-Paccanarists still informed proceedings: although Rozaven had received the highest number of votes, his having having been a “disciple” “disciple” of Paccanari Paccanari turned out to be an insurmountable obstacle to his election. Still, the fact that Roothaan was elected only on the fourth ballot suggests that Rozaven enjoyed the support of many supporters, possibly his former confreres. Ultimately, the decisive factor in the election turned out to be the veto deployed against Rozaven, in the person of Cardinal Bartolomeo Pacca, by Pope Pius VII, who considered past membership in the Paccanarist Institute an indelible blemish for the future general of the Society of Jesus. In spite of not being elected, Rozaven went on to play an important role in the Society where he became a close associate of Roothaan. He was also an ardent polemicist, turning his criticisms on the doctrines of Félicité de Lamennais (1782–1854) and Antonio Rosmini (1797–1855). The “reactionary” nature of the Society of Jesus in the restoration has often been ascribed to its having survived in the con��nes of an autocratic state and to its being composed almost exclusively of “old” priests with ties to the ancient regime. All these factors seemingly doomed the “new” Society to an inability to comprehend the new European reality born of the revolution, revolution, exposing its inability to read the signs of the times. One should also consider that these attitudes were ampli��ed by the presence within the Society of individuals who, like Rozaven, had a militantly counterrevolutionary background; who had, that is, taken an active role in the events that had in��amed Europe. In particular, the presence of former members of the Society of the Sacred Heart is sure to have conditioned, conditioned, if not worsened, the Society’s own conservative leanings in this particular moment in history. There are, however, other aspects that call for further study, namely those relative relative to the in��uence of the “new” Jesuits, for example those who came from the  Péres  Péres de la foi,  on pastoral practices, educational activities in schools, and spiritual training in the novitiates. Many of them held important positions in  Jesuit colleges and universities and were proli��c authors of works of spiritual

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and moral inspiration, such as Father Gury or Father Roger. A thorough analysis of the careers, the work, and the intellectual intellectual output of these men could lead to a more accurate assessment of this period of the history of the Society of  Jesus. In the ��nal analysis, if “the restored Society managed to be more than a mere anachronistic attempt to revive the past,”�� it was also thanks to the contribution of these men who, in complex and sometimes unorthodox ways, ways, took an active role in the preservation of the Ignatian spirit.

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Martina 2003, 20.

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 Jesuit at Heart  Luigi Mozzi de’ de’ Capitani (1746–1813) (1746–1813) between between Suppression Suppression and Restoration  Emanuele Colombo

 When the Brief  Dominus ac Redemptor  Redemptor   sanctioned the suppression of the Society of Jesus on 21 July 1773, Luigi Mozzi de’ Capitani was a teacher at the Collegio dei Nobili, the jewel in the crown of the Jesuit educational system in Milan. Mozzi was born in Bergamo in 1746, the son of Count Giambattista Mozzi de’ Capitani and Concordia Zanchi.� He studied at the seminary in Bergamo; at the Jesuit college in Monza; and, against his father’s will, he entered the Society of Jesus in the novitiate of Chieri, near Turin, in 1763. Later, Later, he studied rhetoric and philosophy in Milan (1766–1769) with excellent results.� Some of Mozzi’s decisions while in the novitiate were particularly in��uential on his future life. On 15 October 1765, at the end of the biennio, he took a special private vow of loyalty to the Society of Jesus, at a time when Jesuits were being expelled from various European states. In the same period, he exhibited a particularly fervent devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus and to his “personal protector” Saint Luigi Gonzaga. Additionally, he took the “blood  vow,  vow,” which bound one to to defend the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of Mary to the point of shedding one’s blood. Finally, during the same years, he asked his superiors to send him to an overseas mission, with a preference for China.�  After the suppression, ex-Jesuits ex-Jesuits wondered wondered how to keep the spirit of the Society alive: what did it mean to be a Jesuit even though the Society no longer � Giacinto Bassi, Vita del Padre Luigi Mozzi della Compagnia di Gesù  (Miglio: Novara, 1823); Giuseppe Baraldi, “Notizia biogra��ca sul Padre Luigi Mozzi,” in  Memorie di religione, di morale e di letteratura   (Soliani: Modena, 1825), 7:111–154; Francesco Altini, Vita del P. Luigi  Mozzi  (S.  (S. Alessandro: Bergamo, B ergamo, 1884); Sommervogel 5:1371–1379; Mario Zanfredini, “Mozzi de’ Capitani Luigi,”  ����   3:2760; Paola Vismara, “Mozzi de’ Capitani Luigi,” in  Dizionario  ( ��� ) 77 (Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana: Rome, 2012), 372–374. 372–374.  Biogra��co degli Italiani  Italiani  ( � ����,  Mediol . 18. � Bassi, Vita, 11–19. Mozzi’s request was not accepted as often happened to talented young  Jesuits, who were destined for teaching activity activi ty,, and because of the delicate situation of the  Jesuit missions of the Society at a t that time. See Altini, Vita, 37–38.

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existed and how could one be, as a common expression of the time put it, “a  Jesuit at heart”? For forty years, years, together together with other Jesuits, Mozzi helped to ferry the Society of Jesus from the ��rst part of its life (the so-called Old Society) to the second. His books, his travels, his apostolate, and his missionary activity  were intertwined intertwined with complex European political events.� events.� His extraordinary extraordinary network of connections, witnessed by hundreds of letters scattered throughout Europe, shows the cohesiveness of ex-Jesuits during these di���cult years. Retracing some stages of Mozzi’s life provides an opportunity to study a crucial period in the history of the Society of Jesus through the eyes of a prominent  witness, highly renowned during the nineteenth century, century, but whose memory, memory, in subsequent years, almost completely faded away.

After the Suppression: Hopes and Prophecies (1773–177 (1773–1777) 7)

In 1773 Mozzi left Milan and returned to Bergamo, his hometown, where he re��ned his studies in theology. Here he was secretly ordained as a priest (1776) and appointed pro-synodal examiner and canon of the cathedral. Later, in 1792, he was appointed archpriest of the cathedral. Mozzi’s unpublished correspondence (1773–1797) with the ex-Jesuit Nicola  Visconti Venosta is crucial cru cial for the reconstruction reconstru ction of Mozzi’s life immediately immedia tely after the suppression.� These letters reveal an active network of ex-Jesuits  who exchanged books and information and tried to keep the spirit of the Society alive. Mozzi received letters from ex-Jesuits across Europe, copied and distributed them th em to other ex-Jesuits, and asked his friend fri end Visconti Venosta Venosta to do the same.� When the latter was in Rome, he put Mozzi in touch with � Franco Venturi, Settecento riformatore (Einaudi: Turin, 1969–1990). � After the suppression Nicola Visconti Venosta, a teacher at the Collegio dei Nobili, went went back to Grosio, his hometown; in 1775 he went to Rome, where h e was in touch with other prominent former Jesuits; ��nally, in 1779 he went back to Grosio and married. See Nicola Visconti  Venosta  Venosta and Ugo Cavallari, Cavallari, Memorie spettanti spettanti alle famiglie dei Venosta Venosta di Valtellina e ai signori di Mazia di Val Venosta (Bettini: Sondrio, 1958). More than 200 unpublished letters written by Mozzi to Venosta Venosta are preserved at t he Archivio Visconti Venosta, Grosio (Sondrio), b. 21. The letters are not numbered but I provide the dates of the letters. A partial catalog of the letters has been published in Daniele Galanga, “La persistenza dello spirito gesuitico negli anni della soppressione. Lettere di Luigi Mozzi a Nicola Visconti Venosta” (M.A. Diss., Università degli Studi di Milano, 2005–2006). � Mozzi used to circulate circulate Venosta’s Venosta’s letters to other ex-Jesuits ex-Jesuits in Bergamo. See See Mozzi to Venosta, Venosta, 24 March 1774.

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prominent ex-Jesuits such as Francesco Antonio Zaccaria and Mathurin Germain Le L e Forestier.� Forestier.� Immediately after the suppression ex-Jesuits had high hopes for an imminent restoration of the Society, and many of them started to place bets on the possible date of the event.� Such hope was supported by prophecies and apocalyptic visions. During the 1770s, symbolic and eschatological interpretations of the suppression circulated throughout Catholic Italian circles. The same prophecies were promoted and interpreted in contrasting ways by ex-Jesuits and their supporters on the one hand, and by members of pro-Jansenist and anti-curial groups on the other.� For instance, prophecies of Clement XIV’s imminent death were interpreted on one side as divine punishment for the suppression of the Society of Jesus, and on the other as the machinations of a  Jesuit cabal.�� cabal.�� In his correspondence, Mozzi showed interest interest in these prophecies: most of them were from earlier eras and acquired a new meaning after the suppression. During the seventeenth century, for instance, the Spanish Dominican de Posadas�� had predicted a short period in which Jesuits would live “without their habit.” Similarly, Similarly, a Portuguese woman foretold the expulsion of the Society from Portugal Portugal and its suppression well in advance of the actual event: she added that the resurrection of the Society would happen soon and would be “as great as the su�ferings su� ferings that its members su�fered.”�� Additionally, Additionally, Mozzi reported various popular interpretations of natural and atmospheric phenomena: the

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Francesco Antonio Zaccaria (1714–1795) (1714–1795) was a famous theologian, church historian, and polemist. In the late 1760s he engaged a debate against Giustino Febronio’s anti-Roman episcopalism. See Mario Zanfredini, “Zaccaria Francesco Antonio,”  ����   4:4063–4064. Mathurin Germain Le Forestier (1697–1780) (1697–1780) was Provincial and Assistant of France. After the Jesuit ban in France, he went to Rome. See Sommervogel 3:887–888. From Mozzi’s letters to Venosta we learn that the phenomenon was spread among ex-Jesuits. Marina Ca���ero,  La nuova era. Miti e profezie dell’Italia in rivoluzione (Marietti: Genova, 1991); 1991); ����, ��� �,  Hist. Soc. 182, “De Suppressione et Restitutione Societietatis Iesu. Vaticinia et Litterae.” Mario Rosa, “Clemente “Clemen te XIV,” XIV,” ���  8  8 (1966), 393–408. On the ��ourishing of prophecies connected with the suppression of the Society and their di�ferent d i�ferent interpretations see Ca���ero,  La nuova era era. Francisco Martín Fernández de Posadas (1644–1713) was beati��ed by Pius VII in 1818. Mozzi to Venosta, 5 September 1774. 1774. The woman woman alluded alluded to to “a naked arm with the mounmountains in the middle,” an expression that at ��rst seemed to be meaningless. After the suppression the image was clear: the arm with the mountains was part of Clement XIV’s coat of arms.

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extraordinary drought of 1774, for example, was attributed to a divine punishment for the suppression of the Society.�� Society.�� The most famous prophecy concerning the destiny of the Society of Jesus came from the “prophetesses of  Valentano  Valentano..”�� The case is well known. In July 1774, 1774, Clement XIV ordered ordered the arrest of two women in Valentano, a little town in Lazio: the Dominican nuns Maria Teresa del Cuore di Gesù and the peasant Bernardina Renzi were both accused of false sanctity and quietism. For a long time, the two women had been receiving sacred visions and ecstatic manifestations shaped by those of the great mystics of the past. p ast. Some of their visions foretold foretold the imminent death of Clement XIV, the divine punishment of the rulers who contributed to the expulsions of Jesuits, and the upcoming restoration of the Society. While Maria Teresa confessed to the falsity of her visions and declared that she had been in��uenced by her superior and her ex-Jesuit confessor, Bernardina Renzi never recanted and was imprisoned in Castel Sant’Angelo, where the superiors of the Society of Jesus were also detained. Many ex-Jesuits started to believe in Bernardina’s prophecies, and considered her incarceration a further injustice against the supporters of the Society. Mozzi, who was normally skeptical towards towards events or activities that might be the result of superstition, at ��rst had a positive attitude toward Bernardina’s prophecies.�� Clement XIV was also at the center of alleged prophecies and miracles.  According to Mozzi, in the the last last years years of of Clement’s Clement’s life and immediat immediately ely after his death, the opponents of the Society concocted miracles attributed to the pope. His sanctity—advertised in several apologetic lives of Ganganelli—was, Ganganelli—was, according to Mozzi, only stressed in order to attack the Society. In response, Mozzi spread satirical poems about Clement XIV, sarcastically calling him “the thaumaturge,” and mocking “the multitude of friars, monks, and nuns who furiously adore Ganganelli.”�� The pope’s death in 1774 was celebrated by Mozzi as “a gift of the Divine Providence.”�� During the conclave of 1774–1775 ex-Jesuits exchanged information, gossip, and forecasts. The election of Pius VI on 5 February 1775 fueled their expectations of a prompt restoration of the Society. Rumors circulated about the release of the Jesuit superiors but were immediately immediately abandoned. The death in

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prison of the general of the Society Lorenzo Ricci (November 24, 1775) showed once again that the restoration was not as imminent as previously believed. During 1777, hope for a resurrection of the Society was re-awakened by a series of prophecies that indicated that the year was propitious: among them, the dream of a Camaldolensian monk and a prophecy by Gioachino da Fiore re-interpreted by the Bollandists.�� Once again, these expectations were dashed. Mozzi’s attitude towards this wave of prophecies was ambivalent. On the one hand, he strove to be prudent and was disinclined to accept them uncritically. On the other hand, he was well aware that prophecies prophec ies helped to fuel hope hop e for the restoration of the Society: it was necessary to circulate them, and when they proved groundless he asked Visconti Venosta to look for new ones.�� In short, in the years immediately following the suppression, Mozzi and the large ex-Jesuit network around him believed in an imminent restoration; therefore, they worked hard to stimulate discussion about the Society of Jesus and believed the circulation of prophecies to be instrumental in sustaining its memory. memory. However, However, in the late 1770s it became becam e clear that the t he restoration was not going to happen any time soon, and Mozzi began a new campaign to defend, albeit indirectly, the Society of Jesus.

Defending the Church in Order to Defend the Society: Mozzi and  Jansenism (1777–17 (1777–1792) 92)

During the late eighteenth century, Bergamo was one of the epicenters of heated theological debate between Jansenists and ex-Jesuits. The city was controlled by Venice, Venice, but was also under the in��uence of the diocese of Milan with its strong pastoral traditions. Jansenists had their headquarters at the Benedictine monastery of San Paolo d’Argon, while ex-Jesuits had a signi��cant impact on the pastoral activity of many parishes in the city. The debates that took place in Bergamo circulated around Europe and ��lled the pages of the  Nouvelles  Nouvelles Ecclésiastiques.��

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Mozzi to Venosta, Venosta, 13 13 January 1777; 10 April 1777. See also Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Valentano da Roma, Fondo Gesuitico (���� �), 1353–18,  Relazione autentica venuta da Valentano  più sacerdoti del continuato prodigio prodigio del ss. Cuore Cuore di Gesù nella festa festa di questo anno 1777 1777. “You have not been writing writing to me about prophecies for a long long time. It is important to to circulate them; I expect at least a dozen in i n your next letter.” letter.” Mozzi to Venosta, 18 May 1778. Paola Vismara, “‘Riformare il mondo nella vera vita evangelica.’ evangelica.’ M. Antonia Grumelli (1741–1807) mistica e fondatrice del Collegio Apostolico,”  Nuova Rivista Storica 91 (2007): 751–775, 751–775, especially 751–753. 751–753.

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 When it became bec ame clear that th at the restoration of o f the Society was going to be a slow process, Mozzi realized that the only way to defend the Society was to support what he regarded as the “sound doctrine” of the church, by writing against Jansenism, which he saw as the most dangerous enemy of both church and society. This change of attitude can be seen in the writings of other in��uential ex-Jesuits, such as Francesco Antonio Zaccaria and Giovan Vincenzo Bolgeni.�� Mozzi’s ��rst book was a response to an anonymous work written by the pro Jansenist Benedictine Giovanni Giovanni Gerolamo Gerolamo Calepio Calepio (1732–1800) (1732–1800) and entitled On the Return of the Jews and How it Will Happen .�� The return of the Jews to the Catholic Church was a popular topic in Italy during the 1770s: as had happened many times in the history of Christianity, in critical times the interpretation of Scripture was used to interpret contemporary events. In his work, Calepio condemned the church of Rome, comparing it to Babylon, and foretold its imminent destruction and the substitution of the Jews for the “Gentile Christians.” Mozzi drafted an answer, and discussed it extensively in his correspondence  with Le Forestier Forestier,, Bolgeni, and Zaccaria.�� After many delays, delays, the book was published in Lucca in 1777.�� In his book, Mozzi critiqued Calepio’s millenarianism and his views about the return of the Jews. He also strongly opposed Calepio’s views on the church, since he denied “the infallibility, the indefectibility, and all the other essential features of the Church, with an astonishing malice.”�� Calepio’s answer, and

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In the same period period Zaccaria thought that it was not possible to restore the Society Society and it  was time to spread “the sound doctrine.” See Alberto Vecchi, Correnti religiose nel SeiSettecento veneto  (Istituto per la Collaborazione Culturale: Venice-Rome, 1962), 609. See also the letters written by Zaccaria to Mozzi (1779–1781), and the letters written by Bolgeni to Mozzi (1786–1799), Archivio Gesuiti Italia Settentrionale—Gallarate (����), Persone, “Mozzi-Paccanari.” Giovan Vincenzo Bolgeni (1733–1811) was a theologian and controversialist; he wrote against Jansenism and in support of the papacy. Pius VI appointed him librarian of the Collegio Romano and Theologian of the Penitentiary. See Mario Zanfredini, “Bolgeni Giovanni Vincenzo,” Vincenzo,” ����  1:476.  1:476. Giovanni Gerolamo Calepio, Del ritorno degli Ebrei e di ciò che vi ha da porgere occasione (Rizzardi: Brescia, 1772). See Pietro Stella, “Calepio, Giovanni Gerolamo,”  ���   16 (1973), 670–672. ���� �� �� , Persone, “Mozzi-Paccanari.” “Mozzi-Paccanari.” Luigi Mozzi,  Lettere  Lettere ad un amico sopra certa dissertazione publicata a Brescia sul ritorno degli ebrei alla Chiesa  (Bonsignore: Lucca, 1777). The ms. is preserved in ����, Opp. �� . 156. It was di���cult for Mozzi to ��nd a publisher; he wrote to Venosta: “Where should I have published it? In Heaven?” (Mozzi to Venosta, 27 February 1777). Mozzi to Venosta, 25 April 1766.

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further debates fueled fuel ed by Mozzi’s book,�� ushered in a new stage in Mozzi’s life. He started to publish works against Jansenism that spread beyond Bergamo and contributed to a broader European debate. In The False Disciple of S. Thomas and S. Augustine   (1779), Mozzi demonstrated that Jansenists were “innovators,” not faithful to the church Fathers;�� in The True True Idea of Jansenism (1782) he denounced the spreading of the “Jansenist sect” that was “dissolving the Church and subverting the order of the State”;�� he also wrote the  History of the New Church Church of Utrecht  (1785),��  (1785),�� which he described as “the new church church of Satan,” and authored an accurate  Historical and Chronological Chronological Compendium of all the documents issued by the Church against Jansenism.�� Mozzi’s books provoked passionate debates among prominent exponents of Italian Jansenism, such as the Benedictines Calepio and Giuseppe Maria Pujati, and the Capuchin Viatore da Coccaglio: these works circulated far beyond Italy, and some of them were translated into French and Spanish.�� Mozzi was supported by several ex-Jesuits who reviewed and spread his books in ecclesiastical circles: their letters letters show that the defense of the “sound doctrine of the church” was explicitly considered as an indirect way of defending the Society of Jesus.�� ��

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Calepio wrote another book to refute Mozzi’s work; another famous Benedictine, Giuseppe Maria Pujati, wrote three books to support Calepio’s thesis. See Vecchi, Correnti religiose, 455–456. Luigi Mozzi,  Il falso discepolo di sant’Agostino Agostino e di san Tommaso convinto d’errore d’errore (Zatta:  Venice,  Venice, 1779). 1779). The Benedictine Jansenist Pujati wrote against this book and strongly attacked the Society of Jesus in his Di���coltà proposte proposte al signor canonico Luigi Mozzi Mozzi sopra sopra le sue ri�lessioni critico-dogmatiche . Lettera terza (n.e. 1780). Mozzi used the same argumutuo e sull’impiego ment against Jansenists and rigorists in a letter on usury:  Lettera sul mutuo del denaro del de l P. P. Luigi Mozzi Mozz i d. C. d. G.,  Archivio della Ponti��cia Università Gregoriana, 705, 385–405. Luigi Mozzi, Vera idea del giansenismo  (Locatelli: Bergamo, 1781), II, 278 �f. The book was dedicated to Cardinal Luigi Valenti Gonzaga. Luigi Mozzi, Storia compendiosa dello scisma della nuova Chiesa d’Utrecht   (Pomatelli: Ferrara, 1785). The Milanese canon Luigi Bossi and the archbishop of Siena Tiberio Borghese wrote against this book. Pius VI congratulated Mozzi with a brie f. Luigi Mozzi, Compendio storico-cronologico de’ più importanti giudizi portati dalla Santa Sede Apostolica-Romana sopra il Baianismo, Giansenismo, e Quesnellismo   (Tomassini: Foligno, Foligno, 1792). Pius VI congratulated Mozzi with a brief. The key role of Mozzi in the Italian anti-Jansenist movement is described in Pietro Stella,  Il Giansenismo in Italia, II:  Il movimento giansenista e la produzione libraria   (Storia e Letteratura: Rome, 2006), 219; III: Crisi ��nale e transizioni   (Storia e Letteratura: Rome, 2006), 323, 329. See the letters by Zaccaria and Bolgeni to Mozzi, �� �� , Persone, “Mozzi-Paccanari.” “Mozzi-Paccanari.”  A similar simila r idea was shared share d by Carlo Borgo, ex-Jesuit ex-Jesui t from Vicenza, Vicenz a, who thought thoug ht that “the “t he

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During the 1780s ex-Jesuits considered books a precious tool to preserve and to spread their identity: in particular Jesuits expelled from Spain, who at that time lived in the Papal States and were involved in publishing activities, translating and distributing harshly anti-Jansenist literature. Mozzi had strong connections with them,�� and was also in touch with the Christian Friendship ( Amicizia Cristiana lay people and priests, founded Cristiana), a secret group of selected lay in Turin by the ex-Jesuit Nikolaus von Diessbach and committed both to a serious spiritual life and to the circulation of Catholic books.�� The ex-Jesuits’ commitment to the spreading of “sound doctrine” found support in the policy of the Holy See. In the mid-1780s, Pius VI, who at ��rst had been cautious in his dealings with Italian Jansenism, began a program of anti-Jansenist and pro-papal propaganda that involved many ex-Jesuits.�� The Roman Curia carefully examined the decrees of the Synod of Pistoia (1786) (1786) using, among others, Mozzi’s books.�� In 1794, Pius VI, with the Bull  Auctor  Auctorem em Fidei , condemned eighty-��ve eighty-��ve theses of the synod, taking a ��rm position against Jansenism. From the point of view of ex-Jesuits, ex-Jesuits, this was a great step towards towards the recovery of “sound doctrine,” but it did not lead to the restoration of the Society.

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defense of the Society is connected with the defense of the Church, yet it is the same.” This recurring motif in Jesuit literature was attributed to Clement XIII’s brief of � June presentarsi a Sua ���� to the king of France. See Carlo Borgo,  Memoria cattolica da presentarsi Santità. Opera Postuma  (Cosmopoli, ����), ���. See Mario Tosti, “La fucina dell’antigiansenismo italiano. I gesuiti iberici espulsi e la tipogra��a di Ottavio Sgariglia di Assisi,” in  La presenza in Italia dei gesuiti iberici espulsi,  eds. Ugo Baldini and Gian Paolo Brizzi (�����: Bologna, 2010), 355–365; Antonella Barzazi, “I gesuiti iberici in Italia Ita lia tra libri e biblioteche,” in La presenza presenza in Italia, 337–354. The Amicizia Cristiana—later called Amicizia Cattolica was founded by the ex-Jesuit Nikolaus Joseph Albert von Diessbach (1732–1798) in Turin in 1779–1780. 1779–1780. Later, Later, a Milanese group was formed. See Pietro Stella, “Diessbach Nikolaus Joseph Albert,”  ���   39 (1991), 791–794. 791–794. Mozzi was in contact with the Milanese group led by Count Francesco Pertusati, and with the group in Turin. See Candido Bona,  Le “Amicizie,” “Amicizie,” società segrete e rinascita religiosa (1770–1830)  (Deputazione subalpina di storia patria: Turin, 1962); Roberto de cattolica nell’epoca nell’epoca Mattei,  La Biblioteca delle Amicizie. Repertorio critico della cultura cattolica della Rivoluzione, 1770–1830  (Bibliopolis: Naples, 2005). For Mozzi’s connection with the  Amicizia in Turin, see the unpublished documents at Biblioteca Reale di Torino, Miscellanee, Varia 383. Giuseppe Pignatelli,  Aspetti della propaganda cattolica a Roma da Pio VI a Leone XII  esilio (Istituto per la Storia del Risorgimento Italiano: Rome, 1974); Niccolò Guasti,  L’esilio italiano dei gesuiti spagnoli. Identità, controllo sociale e pratiche culturali, 1767–1798 1767–1798  (Storia e Letteratura: Rome, 2006), 358–359. The works of many many Spanish and Italian Jesuits were consulted during the examination of the decrees of the Synod of Pistoia. Among the Italians there were Luigi Mozzi, Giovan  Vincenzo Bolgeni, and Francesco Antonio Zaccaria. See Stella, Il giansenismo, III, 451.

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“Our Way of Proceeding” Without the Society: Devotions, Confraternities, and Education (1793–1797)

It soon became clear that the battle against Jansenism was not enough to keep the spirit of the Society of Jesus alive: it was necessary to promote this spirit in a more direct and active way. In the early 1790s, Mozzi turned to pastoral activity, combining the traditions of the Society of Jesus with the needs and the circumstances of his time.�� In 1793, he created created in Bergamo the Society of St. Luigi Gonzaga, a group of young celibate men and priests dedicated to charitable work, piety, and the apostolate;�� and soon another similar simil ar institution was born: the Society of the Sacred Heart. These societies were external seminaries for the religious education of young men, regardless of whether or not they would become priests. Mozzi also launched popular missions in the diocese of Bergamo and supported the creation of confraternities, following the model of the Jesuit Marian congregations: he founded more than forty congregations, named after St. Luigi Gonzaga, the Immaculate Conception, and the Sacred Heart of Jesus.�� These typical Jesuit devotions— devotions— and in particular that of the Sacred Heart—acquired great importance during the suppression: opposed by Jansenists, they became the fortresses of a  Jesuit religious reli gious sensibility.�� Another problem Mozzi sought to confront was education. In 1796, he established an extremely innovative institution, perhaps the ��rst of its kind in Europe, known as the Night School of Charity,  which o�fered o� fered free basic ba sic education edu cation to young workers during durin g the evening and enjoyed extraordinary success.��

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Gaetano Bonicelli,  Rivoluzione e restaurazione restaurazione a Bergamo. Bergamo. Aspetti sociali e religiosi della  vita bergamasca bergamasca alle soglie dell’età dell’età contemporanea, contemporanea, 1775–1825, 1775–1825, con documenti inediti  (Fondazione amministrazione provinciale: Bergamo, 1961). Alessandro Baitelli, “Luigi Mozzi, membro del Collegio Apostolico,” Apostolico,” in  Il Collegio Apostolico. Una esperienza singolare nella diocesi di Bergamo , ed. Go�fredo Zanchi (Glossa: Milan, 2009), 75–108; Bassi, Vita. Following Following the model of the Jesuit congregations, they were all connected in a network. Apostolico. See Baitelli, Il Collegio Apostolico Daniele Menozzi, Sacro cuore. Un culto tra devozione interiore e restaurazione cristiana della società (Viella: Rome, 2002); Mozzi translated translated in Italian a book by Jean-Félix-Henri Jean-Félix-Henri de Fumel on the Sacred Heart of Jesus, with some additional notes; he also wrote wrote a long treatise on the Sacred Heart of Jesus and Mary that remained unpublished (Luigi Mozzi,  Meditazioni  Meditazioni sui santissimi santissimi cuori di Gesù Gesù e di Maria Maria, ms., ����, Persone, “Mozzi-Paccanari.”)  Dell’origine,  Dell’origine, della costituzione e dello spirito della Scuola serale di Carità per i giovani artisti artisti della Città Alta in Bergamo  (Wilmant: Milan-Lodi, 1848). Suppressed by the French, the School of Charity reopened in Bergamo in 1814.

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These activities, which clearly had a Jesuit imprint, were supported by members of the Collegio Apostolico, an institution founded a few years before by the Clarissan mystic Maria Antonia Grumelli (1741–1807).�� The Collegio was a secret group of diocesan priests who took a special vow of obedience to the pope and to the local bishop and committed themselves to intense pastoral activity—such as spiritual exercises, popular missions, and the religious instruction of young people.�� The Collegio, according to the vision of Maria Antonia Grumelli, was intended to fill the gap left by the suppression of the Society. For instance, Grumelli stressed that the goal of the institution institut ion was “the Glory of God and the salvation of s ouls and of the th e entire Church, and the conversion of th e unbelievers, the Turks, Turks, and the heretics.”�� Such language, including the strange reference to the Turks, clearly derives from early Jesuit documents. Additionally, one of the main goals of the Collegio was the propagation of devotion to the Sacred Heart. During these years, Mozzi did not abandon writing, but he now “thought it  was no longer the the time to ��ght against against theological errors. errors.”�� ”�� He published several short biographies of little known ��gures in order to provide examples of Christian virtues in normal lives.�� These books became a further instrument for the apostolate, in accordance with the Jesuit “way of proceeding.”

Our Indies (1797–1810)

In 1797 the French entered Bergamo and Mozzi’s successful activities did not go unnoticed: he was arrested, then obliged to abandon the city. For two  years he stayed in the Parma area, where he dedicated himself to teaching and to the apostolate. He returned to Bergamo (1799) with the Austro-Russian Austro-Rus sian

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Vismara, “‘Riformare il mondo.’” mondo.’” Maria Antonia Grumelli had apocalyptic visions connected with the suppression of the Society of Jesus; Mozzi was often suspicious of her  visions and prophecies. The Collegio Collegio Apostolico was founded in 1773 1773 by M. Antonia Grumelli. It was secret and there was no community life. Mozzi joined the Collegio in 1795, and contributed in writing its rules. See “Il Collegio Collegio Apostolico,” Apostolico,” �� �� � , 1226–15, “Lettere sul Collegio Apostolico Apostolico di Luigi Mozzi.” Mozzi.” Quoted in Vismara, “‘Riformare il mondo,’” mondo,’” 768. Altini, Vita, 181. Angelo Roncalli, “Il P. Luigi Mozzi biografo. Studio critico illustrativo,” illustrativo,” Vita Diocesana 6 (1914): 75–80.

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army, but at the end of the year he again had to leave the city. Meanwhile, Pius VII o���cially recognized the Society of Jesus in Russia, and a Jesuit novitiate was opened in Colorno (Parma), under the direction of José Pignatelli.�� Mozzi took the simple vows in Colorno in 1801, and in 1803 he made his solemn profession of the four vows in Fano.�� In 1804, he was called to Rome by Pius VII, who held him in high esteem, as prefect of the Caravita Oratory, Oratory, an ancient and renowned Jesuit institution in Rome.�� He only remained there for a few months: as soon as Pius VII extended the same rights of the Society of Jesus in White Russia to the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (1804), Mozzi  joined Pignatelli at the Jesuit house in Naples. In 1806 the French army entered Naples and the Jesuits were banned from the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies: together with Pignatelli, Mozzi moved to Rome, where he remained until 1810. These years of travels and flight constituted a new missionary period in Mozzi’s life. He became one of the most prominent Italian missionaries and tirelessly visited several dioceses, where bishops and cardinals vied for his services.�� The number of places he visited was impressive: he was first in Piacenza, Emilia, and the Parma area (1797–1799); then in the  Veneto regio reg ion, n, in the Repub Rep ublic lic of Ragus Rag usaa (today (to day’s ’s Dubrov Du brovni nik), k), and an d the th e Marche region (1801–1803); later he was appointed by Pignatelli as “urban preacher” in Naples and visited several nearby cities (1804–1806); finally he went to Rome (1806–1810), where Pignatelli asked him to teach the  Jesui  Jes uitt miss mi ssio ionar naryy meth me thod od to novic nov ices es and a nd vis v isit it citi c ities es and a nd towns to wns in the t he area a rea.. The number of documents related to this work—letters, reports, and

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After the expulsion of Jesuits from Spain, José Pignatelli (1737–1811) went to Corsica, Genoa, and Bologna. He wanted to go to White Russia, but his trip t rip was delayed. In 1799, he became the master of the novices of the novitiate of Colorno (Parma), in 1804 provincial of the province of the Kingdom of the Two Two Sicilies, and in 1806 provincial of Italy. Italy. He died in Rome, at that time under French occupation, in 1811. Giuseppe March, Il resaturatore resaturatore della Compagnia di Gesù: b. Giuseppe Pignatelli della Compagnia di Gesù e il suo tempo  (���: Turin, 1938). See ��� �,  Ital . 1002, I, doc. 13, “De P. Mozzi ad professionem admittendo,” ����,  Russ. 1030, �f. 239–240. The Caravita Oratory was founded in 1631 and was the center of Jesuit-sponsored Jesuit-sponsored lay congregations. See Armando Guidetti,  Le missioni popolari. I grandi gesuiti italiani  (Rusconi:  (Rusconi: Milan, 1988), 86–90. Altini, Vita, 259–265; Guidetti, Le missioni missioni popolari  popolari , 204–205; Pietro Galletti, Brevi memorie memorie intorno alla Compagnia di Gesù in Italia dall’anno 1773 all’anno 1814  (Deposito libri: Rome, 1938). Enthusiastic letters to Mozzi written by the bishops of Anagni, Terracina, Orvieto,  Amelia, and Sora Sora are preserved preserved in ���� �� �� , Ital . 1004; �� ��, �� , Persone, “Mozzi-Paccanari. “Mozzi-Paccanari.””

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correspondence with bishops and priests of the places he visited—is huge, still unexplored, and warrants more detailed study. It is worthwhile here to consider some of Mozzi’s documents regarding missions—the “Rules for the Missions” and the “Plan for the Missions,”�� which are preserved in the Jesuit Roman archives. In those documents, Mozzi discusses the details of the Jesuit style of popular missions: duration, methods of preaching, processions, religious education, music, theatrical representations, and missionary rules of conduct. Mozzi’s explicit models are the great missionaries of the Society: Paolo Segneri (1624–1694), Giovanni Pietro Pinamonti (1632–1703), and Girolamo Trento (1713–1784), but also  Jesuit  Jes uitss of the first fir st generat gen eration ion such su ch as Francis Fran cis Xavier.�� Xavi er.�� Mozzi Mozz i wanted wante d to emulate their methods, even in a profoundly different time and situation. Being faithful to the tradition of the Society was a crucial and simple way to keep the Society alive and preserve its identity, as is evident from Pignatelli’s comments on Mozzi’s plan.  We  We will discuss in person your your “Method “Method of Missions, Missions,” because this is not a topic to be discussed discuss ed through letters. I want just to tell you that I don’t like any other method as much as yours, because it is the most similar to the one of the Disciples and of our Founders and Fathers, who went to missions two by two and sometimes alone with a priest or a friar they found on their ways or sent by God; our Fabre, Laynez, and Bobadilla went to missions in this way.�� In 1806 Mozzi visited several towns in the diocese of Albano, at the behest of the local bishop, Cardinal Luigi Valenti Gonzaga.�� Later, in an enthusiastic letter, ter, Valenti Valenti Gonzaga Gonza ga wrote to Mozzi that while reading his reports, it seemed to him that he was reading “the edifying accounts from the missions in China and in Japan” and he acknowledged Mozzi’s “special zeal, worthy of a true son of St. Ignatius.”�� It might be said that Mozzi’s youthful dream of going to China and his fervent wish to revive the Jesuit missionary method were both ful��lled in this unexpected way.

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����, Opp. ��.  157, “Regole per le Missioni”; ����,  Ital . 1004, X, doc. 3–4, “Piano per le Missioni” and “Al padre provinciale, sopra alcuni punti relativi alla missione.” For biographies of these Jesuit missionaries see ���� , ad voces. Pignatelli to Mozzi, Rome, 29 October 1806. �� �� , Archivio della Postulazione Generale, “San Giuseppe Pignatelli,” 829, E, doc. 34. Luigi Valenti Gonzaga (1725–1808) was created cardinal in pectore in April 1776 by Pius VI. Card. Luigi Valenti Gonzaga to Mozzi, Rome, 7 February 1807. ���� �� �� , Ital . 1004, XI, doc. 3.

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The Society is Back, the Society is One. Mozzi, Pignatelli, and Paccanari

From the beginning of the nineteenth century there was renewed hope for the possible restoration of the Society. The novitiate in Colorno opened the possibility of introducing young men to the Society of Jesus, and Mozzi recruited ��ve young novices from Bergamo, who constituted the core group of the novitiate. In 1804, Mozzi followed Pignatelli to Naples when a new house of the Society was opened in the city: in 1806, they both went to Rome, and Mozzi supported Pignatelli in his role of provincial of all the Jesuits in Italy.�� While the political situation was unstable, encouraging signs for the Society came from the pope: now the priority for ex-Jesuits was to support the Society openly and to remove all possible obstacles to its restoration. Mozzi, the right arm of Pignatelli,�� Pignatelli,�� was a key ��gure in this delicate phase of the history of the Society: he enjoyed the esteem of Pius VII�� and of many cardinals; through them he obtained many privileges for the Society.�� He was also in touch with Duke Ferdinand of Bourbon-Parma,�� who supported the Society of Jesus, and corresponded with the duke’s sister, the Ursuline Luigia Maria Antonia.�� The Society was slowly growing, and it was crucial to respond to polemical attacks: in 1807, for instance, Mozzi wrote a note that responded to allegations that the Society was working to restore its missions overseas  without subjecting subjecting itself to the Propaganda Propaganda Fide.�� One of the main problems for the Society at the beginning of the nineteenth century was the Paccanari a�fair.�� In 1797 Niccolò Paccanari, along  with some priests and lay people from the Caravita Oratory, founded the �� ��

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With the exception of Sicily, Sicily, which at that time was an autonomous province. On Mozzi’s relationship with Pignatelli see Alessandro Baitelli, “Per una biogra��a di padre Luigi Mozzi (1746–1813). Il suo contributo alla restaurazione della Compagnia di Gesù” (MA Diss., Università Cattolica del S. Cuore, 2006–2007.) The pope received him in Pesaro in 1800 and later appointed him prefect of the Caravita Oratory. Oratory. See the letters by Giuseppe Bartolomeo Menochio (Ponti��cal Sacristan and confessor of of Pius VII) to Mozzi: Mozzi: ���� �� ��,,  Ital . 1003, I, doc. 12–18. Mozzi obtained privileges for Jesuit confraternities and for a possible re-opening of the  Jesuit mission in China. � �� �, Ital . 1003, I, doc. 6; 6; ���� �� ��,, Ital . 1004, III, doc. 38. Mozzi had a rich correspondence with Ferdinand of Bourbon’ Bourbon’ss representative in Vienna, Giuseppe Ferrari della Torre, ����,  Ital . 1002, III. ����,  Ital . 1002, VI, doc. 3–5. ����,  Ital . 1004, I, doc. 14. Eva Fontana-Castelli, “La Compagnia di Gesù sotto altro nome”: Niccolò Paccanari e la Compagnia della Fede di Gesù ( 1797–1814) 1797–1814) (����: Rome, 2007).

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“Company of the Faith of Jesus,” whose rules were similar to those of the Society. Society. The foundation was at ��rst supported by prominent pro-Jesuit p ro-Jesuit ecclesiastics, who saw it as a possible answer to the suppression of the Society.�� However, from the beginning there was ambiguity in the relationship between the Company of the Faith and the Society of Jesus. Paccanari was clearly inspired by St. Ignatius’s spirituality, but he had never been part of the Society of Jesus and his apostolic style was completely di�ferent. He emphasized the role of his visions and ecstatic experiences, introduced a female branch of the order, weakened the importance of education, and emphasized the link between the Company and the pope well beyond the  Jesuit model. In short, Paccanari considered consid ered himself himsel f the founder of a new religious order aimed to reform reform the Society of Jesus, as he wrote in one of his memorials.�� At the same time, he was using a name similar to that of the Society of Jesus, dressed like a Jesuit, and imitated many typical Jesuit activities, such as popular missions.  At the beginning of the nineteenth century, century, the clashes between ex-Jesuits ex-Jesuits and the so-called Paccanarists became acute, and Mozzi became one of the leading critics of the Company of Faith. In 1799, in a letter to Paccanari, he described the Company as a “schismatic branch” of the Society of Jesus: “How could we acknowledge in the order you founded the restoration of the Society of Jesus, since you don’t depend on—and don’t have any relationship with— the Society of Jesus legitimately legitimately active in Russia?”�� Mozzi underlined the di�ferences in Paccanari’s missionary method, in the education of the novices, and in the relationship relationship with women. Mozzi also condemned Paccanari’s tendency to update the style and the spirit of the Society, as if Paccanari wanted to improve the Society of Jesus by being more faithful to Ignatius than the Jesuits themselves. In the Company of Faith, according to Mozzi, there was “a di�ferent spirit from the one of the Society of Jesus, and more similar to that of other regular clerics.”�� Paccanari was also opposed by former members of the Company of Faith,  who accused him of false sanctity and of soliciting women to carnal sins.

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Paccanari was supported by Cardinal Giulio Della Somaglia and through him he received a private audience in 1798 with Pius VI, who granted the Company privileges for seven  years. The Archduchess Marianna Maria nna of Augsburg (sister of the Emperor Francis II) joined joine d the female branch of the Company, the Dilette di Gesù. “Now I know that my my order will be the reform reform of the Society of Jesus, and will be named  Pacca can. n. 1004, I, doc. 1, p. 10). ‘Company of Faith’” (“Pro memoria del R.P. Niccolò Paccanari,” ����, Pac Quoted in Bassi, Vita, 167. ����,  Paccan  Paccan. 1004, X, doc. 4. Fontana-Castelli, La Compagnia di Gesù, 66.

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In 1801 the Holy O���ce launched an action against Paccanari, and Luigi Mozzi  was heard heard twice as as a witness and wrote wrote a detailed detailed report. report. In this document and in other letters,�� besides the issue of immoral conduct, Mozzi underlined Paccanari’s aversion to the Society of Jesus: “His Company was meant to be nothing else than a reform of the ancient Society; he saw its members as the Gentiles, who should substitute the poor and undermined Jewish people.”�� In a time when “the only true Society” was trying to be o���cially restored, any reform was extremely dangerous. In 1808 Paccanari was condemned to ten years in prison:�� from Mozzi’s perspective, another obstacle to the restoration of the Society had been removed.

Fluctuating Memories

In 1810 Mozzi went back to Milan where he tried to organize a group of the Society’s novices. Among them was the future cardinal Angelo Mai, who had sincere and great a�fection for Mozzi.�� Since the French considered him dangerous, Mozzi was forbidden to preach publicly, and served only as a confessor in popular missions. He became sick and spent the last months of his life in Oreno, hosted by Count Gallarati Scotti, where he died on 24 June 1813.�� One  year later later,, Pius VII restored restored the Society of Jesus throughout the the world. During the ��rst half of the nineteenth century, the desire of the Society of  Jesus to preserve preserve the memory of the “old Jesuits” who had allowed allowed the Society to survive during the suppression is well documented in the archives: among them, Pignatelli and Mozzi stand out.�� Later, while the memory of Pignatelli remained remained alive because of his beati��cation by Pius XI and his canonization by

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“Relazione del P. Mozzi,” Mozzi,” �� �� , Paccan.  Paccan. 1004, XI, doc. 4; “Lettera a un amico,” ����, Paccan.  Paccan. 1004, XI, doc. 5 (see also Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Gesuiti , 58, �f. 92-105�); Mozzi to Giuseppe Ferrari della Torre, ����,  Ital. 1002, III. “Relazione del P. Mozzi,” Mozzi,” 3–4; “Lettera a un amico,” amico,” 14. Paccanari was released one year later by the French, and disappeared under mysterious circumstances. Fontana Castelli, La Compagnia di Gesù, Gesù, 255–265. Angelo Mai,  Epistolario, ed. Gianni Gervasoni, I (Olschki: Florence, 1954), ad indicem; Pietro Pirri, “Angelo Mai nella Compagnia di Gesù. Suo diario inedito del Collegio di Orvieto,” ���� 23 (1954), 234–282. A report on Mozzi’s death and funeral is preserved at the archive of the Maryland Province of the th e Society of Jesus, Georgetown University, University, box 1, folder 5. For Mozzi, see the three nineteenth-century ms. biographies preserved in ����, Vitae 95, �f. 270–285.

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Pius XII,�� the memory of Mozzi slowly disappeared. It was a non-Jesuit, the  young priest Angelo Angelo Roncalli—at Roncalli—at that that time secretary of the bishop of Bergamo Radini Tedeschi—who celebrated Mozzi as the “apostle of Italy” on the occasion of the ��rst centenary centenary of his death.�� However, Jesuits were not completely silent: digging into the Jesuit archives, it is possible to ��nd traces of a ��uctuating interest in Mozzi, though it never developed in a systematic way. The memory of Mozzi was revived in 1933–1935,  when an acrimonious debate between between Conventual Conventual Franciscans and Jesuits arose. After the publication publication of the Italian translation of the volume on Clement  XIV of von Pastor’s Pastor’s  History of the Popes, Conventual Franciscans claimed that the negative assessment of Pope Ganganelli—who was a Conventual Franciscan himself—did not come from von Pastor, but from his Jesuit collaborators.�� Jesuits denied this analysis, and for almost two years both sides published several polemical articles, and the Jesuit general wrote a letter to the secretary of state Eugenio Pacelli, complaining about the Franciscans.�� The suppression of the Society was still an open wound. A document in which  Jesuits planned planned their propagandist propagandist strategy strategy suggested suggested publishing the the history history of the “holy Jesuits” of the time of the suppression—and among them Luigi Mozzi—in order to show that at that time “the enemies of the Society were the same enemies of the Church.”�� Twenty years later, the prominent Jesuit historian Pietro Tacchi Venturi (1867–1956) acknowledged the relevance of Mozzi for his history of the Society. In a letter from 1955, he “greatly deplored that, together with the Saint Pignatelli, our superiors did not think about supporting

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See Camillo Beccari,  Il beato Giuseppe Pignatelli della Compagnia di Gesù: (1737–1811) (1737–1811) resaturatore; Celestino Testore, (Macioce e Pisani: Isola del Liri, 1933); March,  Il resaturatore Testore,  Il restauratore della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia: s. Giuseppe Pignatelli S.I. , 1737–1781  (Curia Generalizia della C.d.G.: Rome, 1954). Angelo Roncalli, “Il P. Luigi Mozzi d. C.d.G. Arciprete della Cattedrale di Bergamo. Nel primo centenario della sua morte,” morte,” La vita diocesana, 5 (1913), 243–250; Angelo Roncalli, “Il P. Luigi Mozzi nel primo centenario della d ella sua morte,” L’eco eco di Bergamo, 23–24 Luglio 1913; Roncalli, “Il P. Luigi Mozzi biografo.” Ludwig von Pastor, Storia dei papi dalla ��ne del Medioevo, vol. XVI: Storia dei papi nel periodo dell’assolutismo, dall’elezione di Benedetto XIV sino alla morte di Pio VI (1740–1799) , parte II: Clemente XIV (1769–1774) . Translated by Pio Cenci (Desclée & Compagni Editori Ponti��ci: Rome, 1933). ����,  Hist. Soc . 1084, doc. 18. The letter was not sent. A reference to this debate, with an extensive bibliography, bibliography, can be found in Robert Danieluk’s article in this th is volume. ����,  Hist. Soc. 1084, doc. 2. Giuseppe March, “Per la difesa e la propaganda della Compagnia;” doc. 3, “Sententia pp. Rosa et Leturia de hac propositione.” propositione.”

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the canonization of our brother Luigi Mozzi, who no less than Saint José [Pignatelli] deserves the honor of the altars.”�� The more access we have to archival documents and letters, the more Luigi Mozzi de’ Capitani emerges emerges as a key ��gure in the survival of the Society of Jesus during the years following the suppression. For forty years Mozzi signed his letters as an “ex-Jesuit” and he was always faithful to the education he received and to the private vows he took during his novitiate. He promised promis ed to defend the Society, and he did so both against Jansenism and against Paccanari. He vowed to be faithful to the Immaculate Conception of Mary and promoted this and other Jesuit devotions throughout his life; he asked to be sent to mission ��elds, and became one of the most dedicated Italian missionaries; he was a promising intellectual and a teacher, never stopped using books to keep the spirit of the Society alive, and started the innovative project of the Night School of Charity. In order to allow the silent survival of the spirit of Society of Jesus, Mozzi followed di�ferent priorities at di�ferent times, but always highlighted key aspects of his Jesuit identity. The Society did not o���cially exist, but nothing could prevent him from being a “Jesuit at heart.” ��

Tacchi Venturi to Dalle Nogare, Rome, 22 February 1955. ���� �� ��,, Persone, “Mozzi-Paccanari.”

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The Romantic Historian under Charles X   Evaluating Jesuit Jesuit Restoration Restoration in Charles Laumier’s Résumé de l’Histoire des Jésuites

 Frédéric  Frédéric Conrod 

 With the fall of the Napoleonic empire and the restoration restoration of the Bourbon dynasty, France entered its most Romantic era, following in the footsteps of England and the German-speaking German- speaking lands. However, as a former Catholic nation na tion in the process of resuscitating a religion assaulted by the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the revolution, and the separation of church and state, France had to reconcile new Romantic inspirations with a rather complex religious history. Fortunately, Romanticism was an artistic mode that embraced the mystical and the mysterious: as a consequence, the period’s historiography could sustain a number of contradictions in its emplotment. In this context, French historian Charles Lazare Laumier (1781–1866) published his  Résumé de l’Histoire des Jésuites  [ A Summary of Jesuit History ] (1826) in which he implicitly proposed a critical examination examination of the rise and fall of the Society of Jesus from the point of view of a double restoration: restoration: that of the Bourbon monarchy monarchy alongside that of the Society of Jesus. His fascination with the Jesuits was of a complex, and often perplexing nature. In this chapter, I take a close look at the structure of this rather extensive  Résumé , and question the historicity and objectivity of the text, as well as the ideological implications of Laumier’s work. I pay particular attention to Laumier’s insistence on synchronizing the extinction and restoration of the  Jesuits as a natural phenomenon. His approach, mostly based on expertise in institutional history, ultimately projected a natural restoration of the Society of Jesus. This analysis attempts to determine whether Laumier’s work in the era of the Society’s restoration helped the Jesuit cause, or contributed to the formation of a Jesuit legend. 1826, when the  Résumé  was  was published, was a relatively quiet year in France, but the calm would not last for long. The revolution of 1830 ended the Bourbon attempt to restore absolutism, and gave way to a regime that tried to be more inclusive of the experience of the revolutions. The Bourbon monarchy had been restored in 1815 with the reign of Louis XVIII (1815–1824), followed by that of Charles X (1824–1830), Louis’ younger brother, who pursued a conservative agenda. Both Louis XVIII and Charles X were brothers of Louis XVI, the king  who was guillotined in 1793 1793 as the citizen Louis Capet, and both were rather

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elderly when they took the throne. Consequently, Cons equently, it was was more di���cult di���cul t for these monarchs to project an image of youth onto a regime that was already being called ancient, especially because they were supported supported by the Society of Jesus, a Catholic order culturally associated with the ancien régime. Moreover, Charles X’s monarchy would never match the strength, virility, and modernity of Napoleon’s. Scott Eastman writes that Historians have pointed to the fact that the French were looking for a great military victory abroad at the time, in order to reconnect with the Napoleonic age as well as to compete with Britain. They were also concerned to open up new markets to nascent industry. Perhaps most importantly, Charles X, the restored monarch of France, France , was looking to suppress internal dissent and reestablish absolute monarchy.� In the midst of this super��cially calm period, when there was a need to provide the people with a clear understanding of their recent history, history, the discipline of historiography encountered a key moment of re-development and renewal: one urgent task was an evaluation of the restoration of the monarchy. The alternation of political regimes obliged historians to explain the past ��fty years of national instability instability and to trace them back to their roots in the Renaissance.  As a result, historians like Laumier opted to explain events within the frame work of a three-century cycle, directly connecting the Renaissance and the Restoration. Historians, from Laumier’s point of view, were charged with recalling times of glory in the history the French monarchy, but they had to do so in an indirect fashion in order to give the appearance of objective and scienti��c evaluation. Moreover, in the ��rst half of the nineteenth century, the perception of the Renaissance as an apogee in French culture was enhanced by Romantic inspirations across the arts. Artists and historians of the restoration restoration sought synchronization with the sixteenth century cen tury.. The Renaissance became an idealized id ealized time period and many traveled to Italy in order to ��nd Romantic inspiration in the  well-preserved  well-preserved buildings of Florence or Venice: for example, the poets Alfred de Musset (1810–1857) and George Sand (1804–1876) while working on the play  Lorenzaccio  Lorenzaccio. Perhaps this was due to the common insistence on individual potentials, among which imagination was praised above all others and recognized as the essence of the human spirit, beyond life and death and revered in � Scott Eastman, Constructing the Nation Within a Catholic Tradition: Modernity and National  Identities Across the Spanish Monarchy, Monarchy, 1793–1823 1793–1823   (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Irvine, 2006), 11.

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an almost religious way.� Renaissance Humanists and Restoration Romantics might indeed have shared a belief in casuistry, a theological approach that can be applied to artistic creativity, which explains their interest in Jesuit history: that is, a history within a history that contained all the parameters of a Romantic interpretatio interpretation n of time and space. Laumier was a typical historian of 1826 France: he would have preferred to be more liberal, but was somewhat constrained by political circumstances and made conservative statements to avoid censorship. His historical work was coded and lyrical, and, consequently, turned out to be more of a literary than a scienti��c discourse. Author Author of the scandalous story about the life of Ignace, the  L’enfant du jésuite [The illegitimate son of a promiscuous priest, in the novel  L’ Son of a Jesuit ] (1822), Laumier had studied Jesuit history and was attracted by  what he considered to be its major contradictions. He seemed to admire the order at the same time as feeling threatened by its restoration. He was therefore eager to use historical evaluation to predict the future of the Society. But the  Résumé  also   also claimed to work simultaneously as both a warning and as a resource for those who were yet to formulate a clear opinion on the Jesuit controversies of the 1820s and 1830s. Laumier was not favorable to close links between the Society of Jesus and the monarchy, but clearly acknowledged the order’s contribution contribution to the development of critical thinking.  L’enfant , “it is my duty, as a good citizen,  As he claimed in the introduction introduction of L’ to stand against their current pretensions” (iv). As Vincent W. Beach explains, Laumier’s hesitation was common to all liberals under Charles X: “From the liberal viewpoint, it was the ultras who were the real revolutionaries. They had sought to limit kingly authority in 1789 and before, and now, during the Restoration, were trying to undermine the Gallican religious tradition and place the Jesuits in control of the state.”� Although he acknowledged the Jesuit contribution to the development of education in the previous century, especially in the training of Voltaire,� he also sought to demonstrate that the Society of Jesus had become an obsolete institution by 1826. His ambition was to o�fer a balanced and objective account of Jesuit history.

� As is suggested in the following following internet internet article: “Individualism in the Italian Renaissance and the Romantic Era.” StudyMode.com. StudyMode.com, 10 2011. Web. 10 2011.