Shirley-The Kings Physician-OConnor Festschrift

The

Archaeology and Art of

Ancient Egypt

The

Archaeology and Art of

Ancient Egypt Essays in Honor of David B. O’Connor ANNALES DU SERVICE DES ANTIQUITÉS DE L’Égypte CAHIER No 36

Volume II

Edited by Zahi A. Hawass and Janet Richards

PUBLICATIONS DU CONSEIL SUPRÊME DES ANTIQUITÉS DE L’ÉGYPTE

Graphic Designer Lourie, Margaret A. Director of Printing Safwat, Amal (CASAE 36) 2007 © Conseil Suprême des Antiquités de l’Égypte, Le Caire, 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Dar el Kutub No. 5576/2007 ISBN-10 977-437-241-7 ISBN-13 987-977-437-241-4 ISSN 5576/2007 Imprimerie du Conseil Suprême des Antiquités

Contents

Volume I Preface Zahi A. Hawass

xiii

Acknowledgments

xv

List of Abbreviations

xvi

David B. O’Connor: A Tribute H. S. Smith

xix

An Archaeological Biography Janet Richards

xxi

Essays Matthew Douglas Adams, Household Silos, Granary Models, and Domestic Economy in Ancient Egypt

1

Contents

William Y. Adams, Anthropology and Nubiology

25

David Anderson, Zoomorphic Figurines from the Predynastic Settlement at el-Mahâsna, Egypt

33

Dieter Arnold, Buried in Two Tombs? Remarks on “Cenotaphs” in the Middle Kingdom

55

John Baines and Liam McNamara, The Twin Stelae of Suty and Hor

63

Kathryn A. Bard and Rodolfo Fattovich, Mersa/Wadi Gawasis: New Evidence of a Pharaonic Harbor

81

Ladislav Bareš, Lesser Burial Chambers in the Large Late Period Shaft Tombs and Their Owners

87

Laurel D. Bestock, Finding the First Dynasty Royal Family

99

Robert S. Bianchi, The Stones of Egypt and Nubia

109

Manfred Bietak, Irene Forstner-Müller, and Tomasz Herbich, Discovery of a New Palatial Complex in Tell el-Dab‘a in the Delta: Geophysical Survey and Preliminary Archaeological Verification

119

Patricia Bochi, The “Image” as Visual Trope and Cognitive Structure in the Ancient Egyptian Harpers’ Songs

127

Janine Bourriau, The Vienna System in Retrospect: How Useful Is It?

137

Edward Brovarski, King NTr-kA-Ra Ii-m-Htp zA PtH?

145

Betsy M. Bryan, A ‘New’ Statue of Amenhotep III and the Meaning of the Khepresh Crown

151

Laurent Chiotti, Harold L. Dibble, Deborah I. Olszewski, Shannon R. McPherron, Utsav Schur­mans, and Jennifer R. Smith, Paleolithic Abydos: Reconstructing Individual Behaviors across the High Desert Landscape

169

vi

Contents

Sue D’Auria, The American Branch of the Egypt Exploration Fund

185

Rosalie David, The International Ancient Egyptian Mummy Tissue Bank: A 21st Century Contribution to Paleo-pathological and Paleo-pharmacological Studies

199

Denise Doxey, A New Kingdom Pair Statue in the University of Pennsylvania Museum

215

Günter Dreyer, Wer war Menes?

221

Katherine Eaton, Memorial Temples in the Sacred Landscape of Nineteenth Dynasty Abydos: An Overview of Processional Routes and Equipment Yahia el-Masry, The Ptolemaic Town (Ptolemais)

231 251

Ahmed El-Sawy, The Necropolis of Ancient Terenouthis (Kom Abou Bellou) 267 Richard A. Fazzini, Some Objects Found before the First Pylon of the Mut Temple

277

Laurel Flentye, The Mastabas of Ankh-haf (G7510) and Akhethetep and Meretites (G7650) in the Eastern Cemetery at Giza: A Reassessment

291

Renee Friedman, New Observations on the Fort at Hierakonpolis, Appendix by Dietrich Raue

309

Melinda Hartwig, A Head of a Ramesside Queen from Abydos

337

Stephen P. Harvey, King Heqatawy: Notes on a Forgotten Eighteenth Dynasty Royal Name

343

Fekri A. Hassan, Droughts, Famine and the Collapse of the Old Kingdom: Re-reading Ipuwer

357

Zahi A. Hawass, The Discovery of the Osiris Shaft at Giza

379

vii

Contents

Colin A. Hope, Egypt and ‘Libya’ to the End of the Old Kingdom: A View from Dakhleh Oasis

399

Salima Ikram, Animals in the Ritual Landscape at Abydos: A Synopsis

417

Richard Jasnow, “Through Demotic Eyes:” On Style and Description in Demotic Narratives

433

Janice Kamrin, Toward a New Database for the Egyptian Museum, Cairo

449

Volume II Naguib Kanawati, The Watchers/Dependents of Min of Akhmim in the Old Kingdom

1

Barry Kemp, The Orientation of Burials at Tell el-Amarna

21

Peter Lacovara, A Rishi Coffin from Giza and the Development of This Type of Mummy Case

33

Anthony Leahy, Tomb Relief Carving at Abydos in the Seventh Century BC

39

Mark Lehner and Freya Sadarangani, Beds for Bowabs in a Pyramid City

59

Ronald J. Leprohon, “Opening” in the Pyramid Texts

83

Christine Lilyquist, Reflections on Mirrors

95

Michelle Marlar, Sex as a Votive Offering at the Osiris Temple Geoffrey T. Martin, The Early Dynastic Necropolis at North Saqqara: The Unpublished Excavations of W. B. Emery and C. M. Firth Heather Lee McCarthy, The Beit el-Wali Temple of Ramesses II: A Cosmological Interpretation

viii

111

121

127

Contents

Robert S. Merrillees, Egyptological Ramblings Down Under

147

A. J. Mills, Where Are We Going?

157

Angela Milward-Jones, A Unique Design on a Faience Bowl from Abydos

161

Ellen F. Morris, On the Ownership of the Saqqara Mastabas and the Allotment of Political and Ideological Power at the Dawn of the State

171

Karol Mysliwiec, The Scheme 2 × 4 in the Decoration of Old Kingdom Tombs

191

Adela Oppenheim, Three Deities in Procession: A Relief Block from the Pyramid Complex of Senwosret II at Lahun in the Metropolitan Museum of Art

207

R. B. Parkinson and Detlef Franke, A Song for Sarenput: Texts from Qubbet el-Hawa Tomb 36

219

Diana Craig Patch, Third Intermediate Period Burials of Young Children at Abydos

237

Mary-Ann Pouls Wegner, A Third Intermediate Period Burial ‘Ad Sanctos’ at Abydos

257

Stephen Quirke, Labour at Lahun

273

Ali Radwan, Concerning the Cult of Amenhotep III after His Death

289

Donald B. Redford, Some Toponyms and Personal Names Relating to the Sea Peoples

299

Carol Redmount, El Hibeh: A Brief Overview

303

Janet Richards, The Archaeology of Excavations and the Role of Context

313

ix

Contents

Gay Robins, The Decorative Program in the Tomb of Tutankhamun (KV 62) 321 Gerry D. Scott, III, Two Ceremonial Palette Fragments in the Collection of the San Antonio Museum of Art

343

Stephan Johannes Seidlmayer, People at Beni Hassan: Contributions to a Model of Ancient Egyptian Rural Society

351

Alaa el-Din M. Shaheen, “Water Carrier” or the Like in the Ancient Egyptian Sources and Its Resemblance to Dilmun Glyptic Art

369

JJ Shirley, The Life and Career of Nebamun, the Physician of the King in Thebes

381

David P. Silverman and Jennifer Houser Wegner, A Late Egyptian Story in the Penn Museum

403

Rainer Stadelmann, King Huni: His Monuments and His Place in the History of the Old Kingdom

425

Chip Vincent, International Conservation Methodology, Practice and Ethics and Their Application at the American Research Center in Egypt’s Conservation Project at Abydos

433

Deborah Vischak, Identity in/of Elephantine: The Old Kingdom Tombs at Qubbet el Hawa

443

Josef Wegner, From Elephant-Mountain to Anubis-Mountain? A Theory on the Origins and Development of the Name Abdju

459



The Life and Career of Nebamun, the Physician of the King in Thebes1 JJ Shirley University of Wales Swansea

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efore beginning, I must first acknowledge that it is a great honor to contribute to the Festschrift of such an esteemed Egyptologist. David O’Connor has been a mentor to me for several years, and has consistently encouraged me in my pursuits. To that end, the following paper is most appropriate, as he has been urging me to publish it since I gave a version of it at the 55th Annual ARCE in April, 2004. I only hope the result lives up to his expectations. The private tombs stretching across the west bank of Thebes have long been acknowledged as a principal source for our understanding of the officials who lived and functioned during the New Kingdom. As a result, many of the most spectacular and interesting of them have been published, either in full or in part. The tomb decoration has been studied with respect to the style and methods of painting or carving, while the owners have been categorized in areas of administration on the basis of their titles. Occasionally, and more often in recent studies, the tomb owners have been discussed in light of the broader socio-historical context of the New Kingdom. This is especially true when their inscriptions contain pertinent information, or if a particular scene has historically informative content (e.g., Assmann 1991; Dziobek 1998; Brack and Brack 1980). Overall, however, there is still a tendency to separate the epigraphic text from the image with which it appears when examining these tombs and their owners.2 This occurs despite the general consensus among scholars that for the ancient Egyptians there existed a correlation between epigraphic text and image,3 and that inscriptions regularly correspond to the scenes with which they are juxtaposed (see, e.g., Assmann 1987; Baines 1989; Baines 1990; Eyre 1996: 417f., 431f.; Fischer 1986; Tefnin 1993).4 In addition, archaeology and the archaeological context of tombs also play a significant role in interpreting the inscriptions and images found in them. This idea follows from Polz’s comments that all aspects of a tomb have an archaeological context, including the decoration, which consequently should be viewed as an archaeological object (Polz 1987; cf. Hartwig 2004: 1–4.). In this vein, it is important to remember that although tombs are funerary monuments, many items

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Fig. 1: Plan of Theban Tomb 17. After Porter and Moss 1994: 30.

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illustrated on tomb walls are themselves artifacts, if pictorially manipulated. These objects physically existed, were likely chosen to be represented for specific reasons, and thus are themselves considerable sources of information. By considering scenes within the context of the entire tomb, analyzing the artifacts depicted in them, and incorporating the textual information both from individual scenes and the tomb overall, one can draw new conclusions about the life and career of the tomb owner. The tomb of Nebamun, a mid18th Dynasty elite official who was a royal scribe and physician of the king, presents an excellent example for demonstrating the valuable role archaeology can play in interpreting text and image, and also reveals the kinds of new data that can be gained from examining these tombs first-hand, even if they have been published.5

Nebamun’s tomb, Theban Tomb 17 (henceforth TT17) is a T-shaped tomb located fairly high up the cliff-side at the northern end of Dra Abu el-Naga (approx. 110m, see Kampp 1996: plan VI; Porter and Moss (PM) 1994: 29–31, Map II; Fig. 1). Based on TT17’s architecture and façade (Kampp 1996: 198– 9), as well as its decorative style and content, it can be dated to the mid-18th Dynasty, to the beginning of Amenhotep II’s reign or perhaps slightly earlier (cf. Fig. 2: TT17, north side of the rear (west) wall, transverse-hall, PM(7). (Author’s Dziobek et al. 1992: 60–65; photo) Shedid 1988).6 The decorative program generally follows the pattern of other mid-18th Dynasty Theban tombs, including the offering of braziers by Nebamun and his wife on the front wall of the hall, and the funerary procession to the Western Goddess and mummy rituals on the walls of the passage (cf. Hartwig

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2004: 18–19; Hodel-Hoenes 2000: 12–22; Manniche 1988: 32–42). The two scenes that are the focus for this discussion are placed on either side of the rear (west) wall of the hall (PM(4) and (7) respectively), loci of prominence because they are immediately visible to an external viewer looking into or entering the tomb. As such, they are generally interpreted as containing information that most distinguishes or represents how a particular tomb owner wished to present himself, whether to family or the unknown visitor (Guksch 1994: 13–16; Hartwig 2004: 16–17, 51–3; Engelmann-von Carnap 1999: 411–417). While re-examining Nebamun and TT17 as part of a larger study on New Kingdom bureaucracy,7 I began to reevaluate earlier conclusions about the focal scenes and to consider them in the context of what they might contribute to our knowledge of Nebamun’s life and career. Beginning on the north side of the rear (west) wall of the hall (PM(7); Fig. 2), we can see Nebamun seated and receiving offerings from his brother Sheni with two registers of foreigners behind him, including a dignitary and his wife, while in the bottom register there is a ship and additional foreigners leading hump-backed bulls. The foreigners are identifiable as Syrians by their facial features, the items the bearers carry, the style of the ship, and the type of bull, all of which are distinctly Syrian.8 Typically, however, offering scenes depict the tomb owner offered to by a family member, with sevFig. 3: TT17, north side of the front (east) eral registers of family and guests or additional offerwall, transverse-hall, PM(5), with detail. ing scenes placed adjacent to or below this location, (Author’s photo) as seen on the northeast and south walls of Nebamun’s transverse-hall (PM(5) and (3), see below with Fig. 3 and Fig. 8 respectively). The content on this wall of TT17 is thus unique among tomb representations and has been mentioned by several scholars, some in connection with the function of ancient Egyptian physicians (e.g., Ghalioungui 1973: 71, pl.10; Ghalioungui 1983: 28 no. 85, 43, 97; Nunn 1996: 131), others with the depiction of foreigners or ships in Egyptian tombs (e.g., Davies and Faulkner 1947: 43; Müller 1904: 23ff., pl.

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3; Pritchard 1951; Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 54ff., fig. 10; Wachsmann 1987: 9, 50, 61; Wachsmann 1998: 45–47, 50ff.). Explanations of the scene are quite disparate, falling into the general categories of either evidence for Egyptian doctors in foreign lands (Habrich et al. 1985: 17; Reeves 1992: 30, fig. 20), or the opposite view that it depicts Syrian dignitaries in Egypt (Kitchen 1982: 91; Nunn 1996: 131; Säve-Söderbergh 1957: 25–7). These differing interpretations have essentially been based on how the scene is read, that is, whether the ship is arriving or departing, whether the bulls and wagons are related to transporting items (and perhaps people) onto or off the ship, and whether the figure serving the Syrian is Nebamun or a servant. The original theory posited is that this scene should be understood as a “one of the ever-current representations of the meal of the dead” in which are “strangely mingled” a Syrian dignitary, his wife and servants who “have nothing to do with the meal” (Säve-Söderbergh 1957: 25). Yet the idea that the Syrian’s presence would have no bearing on the remainder of the scene contradicts ancient Egyptian artistic principles generally and the conventions of tomb depictions in particular (e.g., Fitzenreiter 1995). Indeed, I am unaware of any New Kingdom tomb where a scene that is clearly the main component of a wall’s decoration would have elements completely unrelated to each other.9 In examining the wall as an integrated whole the context of Nebamun’s figure and his juxtaposition to the Syrians indicate that the scene is best understood as relating to Nebamun’s official duties. In the scene in question, Nebamun holds the staff and scepter of office, with a scribal case and palette beneath his chair. The seated pose with staff and scepter is also known from other contemporary elite Egyptian officials’ tombs where the officials are all performing duty-related activities.10 Additionally, it is in marked contrast to the numerous other offering scenes distributed throughout TT17 where Nebamun is seated but generally holds either a bolt of cloth or a bolt of cloth and a lotus flower (PM(2)–(4), (13)–(14)). Only once does Nebamun hold both flowers and a scribal palette (PM(5); Fig. 3), thus combining funerary and duty-related items. Yet here Nebamun is twice referred to as “scribe” and he bears military epithets that may be connected to his duties, suggesting that he chose to pictorially reinforce this aspect of his representation by holding a scribal palette. Indeed, although seated in the Syrian scene, Nebamun’s figure resembles that on the adjacent focal wall to the south, where he stands holding the same staff and wearing the same costume while overseeing workers as part of his official responsibilities (PM(4), see below with Fig. 9). The presence of a male figure offering a papyrus to Nebamun does not contradict the new interpretation of this as a duty-related scene, but rather suggests an interesting parallel to the depiction of the king in private tombs. Approximately twenty New Kingdom Theban tombs depict the deceased offering a papyrus bouquet to an enthroned king, and in one-third of these the scene directly adjacent relates to the deceased’s duties as an official.11 In half of these, the adjacent scene depicts foreigners bearing tribute and is clearly part of the presentation before the enthroned king.12 When the elements of Nebamun’s north scene and parallels to it are considered together it becomes clear that the composition of this wall’s decoration implies that this is not a banquet scene at all, but rather a depiction of Nebamun in his official capacity, and that the Syrians relate to one facet of Nebamun’s duties. A close examination of Nebamun’s figure and accoutrements has provided an answer to what the scene represents—Nebamun in his official capacity meeting with a Syrian dignitary. A second issue is where and why this event happened, and what information the scene itself and the tomb inscriptions contain that relate to these questions. The two obvious possibilities for where Nebamun had this encounter are, of course, Syria

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or Egypt. The presence of Egyptian physicians, also referred to as “learned men” or “knower of things” (rx-xt), in foreign countries is known from textual sources dating from the later 18th Dynasty into the Late Period. They were often requested by foreign princes and kings, and sometimes sent to foreign countries by the Egyptian kings (see, e.g., Ghalioungui 1983: 76–86; Zaccagnini 1983: 250–56). For example, the prince at Ugarit requested from Akhenaten several palace attendants, including one who was a physician, because there were none at Ugarit (Moran 1992: EA49). From Akkadian records we learn that the practice of sending Egyptian doctors to Hatti was a regular occurrence during the reign of Ramesses II. Indeed, the physician Paraemhat traveled one more than occasion to Hatti to aid both Hattušilis III at the Hittite court and his vassals (Edel 1948: 15–16; Edel 1976: 67–70; Goetze 1947; Kitchen 1982: 91–2). The Late Period Bentresh stela, although fictitious, also reflects the historical reality of the physician exchanges between Ramesses II and Near Eastern kings. It details the prince of Bakhtan’s request for a “learned man” to aid his sister and the subsequent sending of Djhutyemhab from the “House of Life” (pr-anx) to Naharin (Kitchen 1996 (KRI II): 284–87; Simpson 2003: 361–6). In addition, the Late Period inscription of the chief physician Udjahorresnet, found on his naophorous statue, relates that he was “made” a physician by Cambyses, living with the king at the palace, and was later sent back to Egypt by Darius to “restore the House of Life” (Ghalioungui 1983: 81–4; Lloyd 1982; Verner 1989; Burkard 1994).13 On the northern front wall of TT17 Nebamun is called scribe and physician of the king and bears two epithets that have often been interpreted as indicating military service (PM(5); Fig. 3).14 Neither of these epithets, however, imply that he was involved in actual battles, and during the reign of Amenhotep II they become a means of expressing loyalty to the king (Bryan 2005: 105–6; Franke 1989; Guksch 1994: 56–73). If Nebamun did accompany the king abroad, then it is probable that like other men of this period, he was performing his civil functions in a military setting because his talents, as physician and scribe, were needed (Shirley 2006). Based on textual parallels and TT17 inscriptions it becomes clear that Nebamun could have been at a Syrian court in his role as a physician. However, a close examination of the artifacts and inscription in the scene itself does not corroborate this hypothesis. Rather, a number of features indicate that the event depicted took place in Egypt. As already noted, the Syrians are carrying the same type of non-Egyptian objects found in other depictions of Syrian bearers. In contrast, the jar stands are typically Egyptian, belonging to a style commonly illustrated and known from archaeological contexts since the Middle Kingdom (Killen 1980: 70, fig. 37, pl. 116–117); they are depicted elsewhere in this tomb, as well as in other 18th Dynasty tombs (e.g., TT45, TT100, and TT131). In contemporary depictions of Syrians bearing native objects, jar stands are not included, nor are they among the many furniture items textually mentioned as parts of dowries accompanying foreign princesses (e.g., Moran 1992: EA13, 22, 25). Presumably if Syrian jar stands had been included as tribute or gifts, they would have been depicted amongst the items carried, and not only shown when the context is clearly Egyptian, either in offering scenes or holding items that are being presented to the king, officials, or scribes to record. The focal point of the scene itself, where an Egyptian figure serves the seated Syrian, also implies that the event took place in Egypt, as it seems unlikely that an Egyptian would be serving a Syrian in his own court. While Davies and Säve-Söderbergh (following Wreszinski 1923: 115; Säve-Söderbergh 1957: 25) suggested that it is Nebamun himself who serves the Syrian, this is doubtful given that other male servants in the tomb are depicted in exactly the same way. Additionally, we might expect that if this did represent Nebamun he would be wearing the hairstyle, collar and bracelets he sports elsewhere, including when he offers to his parents. Finally, the Syrian dignitary holds

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Fig. 4: TT17, outer lintel, transverse-hall entrance to the passage, PM(8). (Author’s photo). a bolt of cloth—a purely Egyptian marker of status (e.g., Fischer 1975)—and sits on an Egyptian “round-legged” stool that developed during the 18th Dynasty out of an earlier Middle Kingdom style (Killen 1980: 48–50, pl. 79–84). In the banquet scene on the west wall of the transversehall guests sit on the same stool type, and it is also depicted in several tombs dating to the 18th Dynasty and New Kingdom generally.15 Although different types of chairs are mentioned in the Amarna letters among the furniture items shipped from Egypt to Syria-Palestine and neighboring states in the Near East, stools do not appear (e.g., Moran 1992: EA5, 14, 31, 34, 369). Likewise, while furniture is included in the dowry lists of foreign princesses sent to Egypt, stools are not part of the repertoire (e.g., Moran 1992: EA13, 22, 25). Finally, considering the attention paid to the depiction of the Syrians we might expect that if this interaction took place in Syria some indication of this foreign location would be reflected in the scene. Although not common in the private sphere, depictions of foreign countries are not unknown during the 18th Dynasty and in these cases the locale of the scene is made clear by the surrounding environment. Indeed, in two roughly contemporary tombs (TT42 and TT199) officials are clearly shown in Syria carrying out their official duties, as evidenced by the depiction of forested lands and Syrians within their fortified towns (Davies 1933: pl. XXXVI; Strudwick 2001: fig. 1, pl. 47.1; Strudwick 2006). If Nebamun’s meeting took place in Syria, there was certainly a precedent for such a depiction. The texts found throughout the tomb also provide information that corroborates the suggestion that Nebamun was in Egypt when he met with the Syrians. Scholars generally refer to Nebamun as royal scribe and (chief) physician of the king, interpreting these as the highest positions he attained (e.g., Ghalioungui 1983: 28 no. 85, 43; Jonckheere 1958: no. 43; Nunn 1996: 116-118, App. B no. 100).16 However, in at least three inscriptions he is clearly called the physician of the king in Thebes,17 and once chief physician and royal scribe in Thebes.18 The locations where Nebamun is referred to as a physician in Thebes occur on the southern half of the transverse-hall’s rear wall and the outer lintel of the passage doorway, areas already noted as immediately visible from the tomb’s entrance. On the south wall Nebamun is shown prominently in the context of his official duties (PM(4)), see discussion below with Fig. 9), and the addition of Thebes to Nebamun’s titles thus implies that his duties were centered there, attending to the king when he was in residence in Thebes.19 The lintel carries the common representation of an antithetical offering before both Anubis and Osiris, gods who are inextricably tied to the burial setting in Thebes (Fig. 4). Choosing the title physician of the king in Thebes for placement in such a central area indicates that for Nebamun

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Thebes was a place of importance, and his connection to this specific city was how he wished to be remembered. It is also significant that in the offering scenes related to the festivals in Thebes, found on the southern front wall (PM(2)), a fourth inscription can be newly reconstructed as bearing the title physician of the king in Thebes, further cementing the relationship of this title to a Theban context (Fig. 5a).20 In Nebamun’s Syrian scene the inscriptions are extremely faded, and Fig. 5a: TT17, detail of the inscription above the offerer, south may have been left unfinished, as side of the front (east) wall, transverse-hall, PM(2).2. (Author’s were other elements such as the photo). bouquet, offerings and eyes of the figures. Säve-Söderbergh published what Davies was able to discern of the text (Säve-Söderbergh 1957: pl. XXIII), which I was able to epigraphically confirm and make significant additions to in 2001, based in part on first-hand comparison with other inscriptions in the tomb. From this reexamination it is possible to reconstruct the columns above Nebamun to read “scribe, chief physician of the king in Thebes, Nebamun,” (Fig. 5b)21 abbreviated in a way similar to another inscription in the tomb (PM(2).2; Fig. 5a). Following Fig. 5b: TT17, detail of the inscription above Nebamun, north the argument detailed above, we can side of the rear (west) wall, transverse-hall, PM(7). (Author’s conclude that because Thebes is menphoto). tioned in the title used in this specific scene it indicates that the event depicted more likely took place in Thebes. Another factor in determining where this event took place involves the Syrians and their ship depicted in the bottom register of the scene. Despite the fact that there are only two Theban tombs that portray Syrian ships (ours and TT162), there exists a misconception that this is a “stock scene portraying Syrian ships arriving at an Egyptian port” (Wachsmann 1987: 9). Based on Porter and Moss there are only four or perhaps five tombs that depict foreign ships in addition to the two already mentioned (PM 1994: 465 no.10(a)). Two of these (TT67 and TT143) depict Puntite ships, and three (TT40, TT57, and TT130) involve Nubians and Nubian goods, although it is not always entirely clear whether the ships are of Nubian origin. The extremely low number of foreign ships depicted in Egyptian tombs indicates that these are highly unusual scenes that must have been chosen by the tomb owners for very particular reasons. In addition, in all but one of these tombs

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Fig. 6: TT130, detail of the west wall, passage, PM(8).2. (Author’s photo). the scenes are found on the focal and front walls of the transverse-hall.22 From this evidence it becomes possible to conclude that the reason these scenes were chosen was because they relate to each tomb owner’s official duties and responsibilities.23 For example, TT130 belongs to the overseer of the harbor in the southern city (i.e., Thebes) May,24 who likely served under Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III. A badly damaged scene at the rear of the tomb depicts Nubians arriving by boat before an Egyptian official (PM(8); Scheil 1894; Fig. 6).25 Although the inscriptions above the Egyptian were not included, the figure can likely be identified as May by his costume, stance, and location under a pavilion. As the overseer of the harbor in Thebes May certainly would have had duties that entailed receiving and checking the arrival of persons and their goods in port, and it is reasonable to conclude that this is what is depicted here. A similar scene is found in TT162, whose owner was the mayor of the southern city (i.e., Thebes) and overseer of the granary Qenamun,26 probably during the reigns of Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III (Murnane 1998: 194; Shirley 2005: 258). On the front wall of the transverse-hall (PM(1)) is a scene that depicts the arrival and off-loading of Syrians and their goods at a port in Egypt (Daressy 1895; Davies and Faulkner 1947; Davies 1963: 14–18, pl. XV–XX; Vinson 1994: 40–1, fig. 28; Wachsmann, 1998: 42-45, 47ff.; see below and Fig. 7a).27 Although there is apparently no inscriptional evidence from this scene, as the mayor of Thebes, Qenamun certainly would have been involved in the arrival of foreign ships bringing goods to that city, and it reasonable to conclude a Theban setting for the port. In a similar vein, Khaemhat Mehu (TT57), who was in charge of granaries under Amenhotep III, depicts scenes of grain transport and would thus have been involved with the arrival of grain in port (PM(9); Wreszinski 1923: pl. 199-200; Loret 1889: 113–32).28 Hapuseneb (TT67), the high priest of Amun under Hatshepsut, depicts boats connected to the retrieval of myrrh trees from Punt, an activity whose end result would have been the erection of these trees before temples that Hapuseneb was in charge of constructing (PM(1); Davies 1935: p. 47 n. 3).29 As the viceroy of Kush under Tutankhamun, it is natural to find in Huy’s tomb (TT40) the depiction of goods and people, including Huy himself, traveling to and from Nubia (PM(3), (5); Davies 1926: pl. XVIII, XXXII–III).30 The same might be said for the unknown owner of TT143, where the wall devoted to Puntite travel and tribute seems to suggest a similar type of involvement of the tomb owner with this land (PM(6); Wachsmann

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Fig. 7a: TT162, north side of the front (west) wall, transverse-hall, PM (1).2. After Davies 1963: pl. XV.

Fig. 7b: TT17, detail of the Syrians leading hump-backed bulls to their ship, north side of the rear (west) wall, transverse-hall, PM(7). (Author’s photo). 1998: 32; Davies 1935: 46–9, figs. 1–3).31 Even this brief summary demonstrates that in all of the above examples the representation of ships in tomb scenes must be understood as relating to the tomb owner’s duties. The scene of Syrian goods being off-loaded in Egypt found in the tomb of Qenamun (TT162), already mentioned above, provides an important comparison to the Syrian ships in Nebamun’s tomb. Examining the two tombs together demonstrates that the Syrian ships depicted in each are quite similar, although in Qenamun’s they are more elaborate, as is the scene in general (Fig. 7a, 7b). It is also evident that in Qenamun’s tomb the ships are clearly docked with sails furled and oars at the rear, they are being unloaded using ladders, and Egyptians are checking the goods. This is in marked contrast to Nebamun’s scene, where the Syrians are leading Syrian bulls and wagons towards a single ship, and the unfurled sails and placement of the oar signify that the ship is facing (and sailing or preparing to sail) away from land. Taken together, these elements indicate that Nebamun’s scene must be depicting the departure of the ship from Syria, and not its arrival in Egypt. Although humped-back bulls are included among scenes of tribute and gift-giving in contemporary tombs (e.g. TT42, TT119, TT162, and TT367), their exclusion from the registers immediately above the ship in TT17, as well as the wagons they drag, clearly indicates that rather than being part of the tribute or payment destined for Egypt, the bulls and attached wagons were used to transport the vases and ingots, and perhaps people, to the ship. This leads to the conclusion that the ship can not be departing from Egypt because it is quite unlikely that the Syrians would have brought their own bulls and wagons to Egypt, only to transport them home again.

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From these comparisons we can read Nebamun’s scene as representing the departure of Syrians from their homeland, and their subsequent presence in Egypt. Placing the locale of Nebamun’s interaction with the Syrians in Thebes in particular is suggested both by Nebamun’s own title of physician of the king in Thebes, and by parallels with other officials and their tombs. It is particularly significant that in two of the examples discussed above (May, TT130 and Qenamun, TT162) the port involved was most likely Thebes, based in part on the titles of the officials themselves. Thebes during the mid-18th Dynasty Fig. 8: TT17, south wall, transverse-hall, PM(3). (Author’s photo). was certainly a city of great importance, both religiously and as one of the king’s residences, making it a likely place to find foreign emissaries as well as visitors. In addition, the conception of Thebes as a port of call during the 18th Dynasty is further supported through cuneiform documents, indicating that foreigners also recognized the status of Thebes during this period (Bryan 2000: 77–79; Murnane 1998: 194; Murnane 2000: 103ff.; Panagiotopoulos 2006). Despite these assertions, two important questions remain unanswered. The first question is why these Syrians came to Egypt and why Nebamun was present, or perhaps hosted them at a banquet. It has been argued above that in this scene Nebamun is acting in his capacity as chief physician of the king in Thebes, and thus this could be part of a royal event at which Nebamun’s presence was requested. The scenario might also be separate from a royal event but still connected to Nebamun’s position, depicting a private visit by a Syrian dignitary to the royal physician. However, there is also the possibility that Nebamun was related to these visitors, i.e. was descended from Syrians, and he depicts here a family visit.32 Establishing such familial ties is often quite difficult, especially when there are no obvious signs to suggest a relationship between the tomb owner and the foreigners. In order to determine whether family, and not career, brought the Syrians to Nebamun a thorough re-examination of the additional persons named or depicted in his tomb is required. Nine or perhaps ten individuals besides Nebamun are named in his tomb, although the damaged nature of much of the inscriptions creates problems for accurately discerning the relationships between these people. Many of them are shown on the wall at the southern end of the transverse-hall (PM(3); Fig. 8), which in the style of Rechmire (TT100, PM(9); Davies 1944: pl. IX–X) depicts multiple registers of family members in a banquet setting. According to the original publication, Nebamun’s parents were the judge (sAb) Nebseny and his wife the chantress

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of Amun Amenhotep (or perhaps simply Hotep); his siblings were Sheni, Senebefwer and Nofret; his maternal grandparents were Djhutynefer and Hapynofret; Nebamun’s wife was Taamunnofret (or perhaps Tamutnofret); and their daughter was Iymire (Säve-Söderbergh 1957, 24ff.). In the course of epigraphically re-recording this tomb I concluded that significant revisions must be made to this genealogy, as well as minor changes to the readings of certain names.33 The result of this re-working is that the family members named in the tomb are Nebamun’s father the judge (sAb) Nebseny and mother Hapynofret; his siblings Senebefwer, Nofret, ///-hotep and Sheni; his paternal grandmother I/// and maternal grandfather Djhutnofer; and finally Nebamun’s wife Ta-//// (possibly restorable as Taamun) and their (probable) daughter ///-mire. Additional family may have been included on the south wall, but their names and filiation are no longer extant. As these names are all distinctly Egyptian and there is nothing in their representation to suggest a non-Egyptian identity,34 the additional family members depicted in Nebamun’s tomb do not provide any clear evidence for a familial link to the Syrians.35 Combining the epigraphic and pictorial evidence with the lack of familial ties, the most probable interpretation of the scene is still that Nebamun is acting in his official capacity. The second question that arises concerns whether the Syrian scene depicts a particular event, or commemorates “business as usual” for Nebamun as the royal physician in Thebes.36 While the answer is perhaps not certain, it seems likely that were this a special occasion the Syrian dignitary would be identified, if not by name at least by general locale. This is certainly the case in TT42, where Amenmose receives tribute from the chief of Naharin while in Syria (PM(4); Davies 1933: 30f., pl. XXXVI); in TT85 where Amenmeheb-Mahu’s autobiography detailing his exploits in the wars of Thutmose III is accompanied by a depiction of the submitting chiefs of Upper and Lower Retenu (PM(17); Davies 1934: pl. XXV); and in TT43 where the tomb owner, with two kneeling Puntite chiefs behind him, presents items retrieved from Punt before the king (PM(6); Davies 1935: 46f., fig. 1). In Nebamun’s tomb however there is no indication that any text associated with the Syrian dignitaries was ever intended, and despite the unfinished condition of some elements of the scene this does appear to be the case. This lack of identification could perhaps indicate that visits from Syrian dignitaries were a recurring part of Nebamun’s career as a royal physician in Thebes. The fact that Nebamun chose to depict two particular aspects of the Syrians’ journey, namely the original departure by ship from Syria and his subsequent interaction with them in Thebes at a banquet, suggests that these two episodes were of great personal significance to him. Taken together, they lend support to the theory that the Syrian dignitary came to Thebes at least in part to consult the royal physician, and that the items carried by the Syrians were perhaps intended as gifts for Nebamun in exchange for his professional services (cf. Ghalioungui 1983: 97). Additional information about Nebamun’s career can be gained by studying the adjacent focal scene on the south side of the rear wall of the hall (PM(4); Fig. 9). Here Nebamun stands holding a staff and watching four registers of activities that include grain storage, baking, brewing, grinding, and possibly brick production. The inscription above Nebamun indicates that he is inspecting goods in Upper Egypt in his capacity as scribe and physician of the king in Thebes.37 The fact that the content appears somewhat mundane for such prominent placement suggests that a closer examination is warranted. Nebamun is clearly carrying out duties of some type, and precisely what work he is engaged in and its relationship to his position as physician can be determined from investigating the various artifacts depicted in the registers of the scene in conjunction with the text. Nebamun is accompanied by an unnamed attendant who is noteworthy because he does

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not carry the expected scribal equipment (board and square case), but rather a small pink bag or sack with a white, roundtopped, oval-shaped case held onto his back by a broad strap. This case is quite different from that worn by scribes and their assistants depicted in other contemporary tombs, as well as in the granary portion of this very scene.38 Both of these items do however bear resemblance to medical boxes and bags known from other sources, including a bag worn by a servant statuette found in Fig. 9: TT17, south side of the rear (west) wall, transverse-hall, PM(4). an Old Kingdom tomb (CG (Author’s photo). 241; Hawass et al. 2001: 57), a Middle Kingdom carrying case now in Berlin (Ägyptisches Museum no. 1176; Reeves 1992: 61, fig. 61), a portable wooden box found in Tutankhamun’s tomb that contained medical implements and bandages (no. 12n+79+574; Carter 1923: pl. XVIII–XIX; Edwards 1972: no.17; Killen 1994: 77, fig. 77, pl. 62; Murray and Nutall 1963: 5; Reeves 1990: 188–93), and the relief on the inside of the outer wall of the temple at Kom Ombo that depicts medical paraphernalia (Nunn 1996: 163–5, fig. 8.2). Although the jars and sacks carried by the men and women depicted in the lower two registers are not perhaps unusual, it is interesting to note that the jar carried by the foremost woman in the third register is of the same type as that held by the servant offering to the Syrian dignitary. In addition, this jar and the sacks carried by several people in the scene, including the attendant, resemble those depicted in a scene from the Ramesside tomb of Ipwy at Deir el-Medina (TT217; Davies 1927: pl. XXXVII–III; Fig. 10). Nunn (1996: 56–7 with fig. 3.6, 201) suggested that the entire scene displays a satire on workplace injuries, and Westendorf (1999: 472) views this as the only tomb depiction of a physician at work. The portion to be compared with Nebamun’s tomb scene occurs in the lower left corner where a man with boxes, a sack and a jar placed nearby holds a long stick against a craftsman’s eye. Although some scholars have interpreted this as depicting a man re-applying kohl paint to a craftsman’s eye (e.g., O’Connor, pers. comm.), it seems more likely that it depicts a craftsman who has suffered an eye injury of some sort and is being treated for it by a physician. The physician uses a stick to apply a remedy that probably was made by mixing a powder contained in the sack with a liquid in the jar, all of which were brought in the box placed above him (cf. Nunn 1996: 201). Indeed, the treatment of eye injuries is discussed in a section of the Ebers papyrus (336–431), where many of the prescriptions and remedies involve applying to the eye a mixture of eye-paint, ground food, minerals and liquids (Nunn 1996: 197-202; Westendorf 1999: 146-56, 609-624).

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Fig. 10: TT217, detail of the north wall, transverse-hall, PM(6).3. After Davies 1927: pl. xxxviii. Medical texts such as the Ebers and Edwin Smith papyri39 also provide details concerning the preparation of medicines, which utilized a number of the same types of activities depicted in Nebamun’s scene, namely, grinding, brewing, cooking, and sieving or “pressing through.” Indeed, many medicines were also given in liquid form, especially using beer and wine to mask their taste, or make them soluble (Nunn 1996: 136-162, esp.138-43; Westendorf 1999:482-88). There is also the probability that most physicians made their own medicines, and the physician Iwty during the reign of Ramesses I seems to have had his own workshop or pharmacy for this purpose (Ghalioungui 1983: 26 no. 73, 43; Nunn 1996: 132, App. B no. 84; Reeves 1992: 60; Westendorf 1999:479ff., 489-90, 515-20). Perhaps then Nebamun’s scene depicts just such a physician’s workshop, with the granaries connected to it depicted in the upper registers, and the staff, activities, and presentation of results for inspection in the lower registers. The fact that Nebamun chose to refer to himself in this scene as the physician of the king in Thebes also suggests that this workshop existed somewhere in Thebes or the nearby vicinity. This single case-study demonstrates how important it is to view tombs as archaeological objects. By integrating image, text, archaeology and artifact in the examination of these two highlighted scenes we have been able to gain a better understanding of what Nebamun’s career as a royal physician in Thebes entailed. Although at first glance the scenes Nebamun chose as focal points of his tomb were somewhat mysterious in nature, the preceding re-examination

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demonstrates that they each represent important aspects of his career. The north side evokes the visits of Syrian dignitaries and their entourage who traveled to Egypt and Thebes and Nebamun’s interaction with them in his role as chief physician in Thebes. And on the south side Nebamun depicts the more mundane, but equally significant, making of medicines and inspection of his physician’s workshop, again as the physician of the king in Thebes. As the only New Kingdom tomb of a physician whose scenes actually depict aspects of his career, Nebamun’s TT17 becomes an important source of information about the role and duties of New Kingdom physicians.40 A more holistic approach to analyzing tombs, therefore, presents us with new possibilities for interpreting data already considered familiar. At the same time, such an approach offers exciting new insights into the lives and careers of those ancient Egyptians who played important roles in their community.

Notes: 1 This article began as a conference paper delivered at the 55th Annual Meeting of ARCE, April 2004. I would like to thank David O’Connor (little did he know!) for encouraging me to revise it for publication. In addition, I am grateful to Raphael Cunniff, Deanna Kiser, and Andrew Bednarski for their editing and reference assistance, and to Kasia Szpakowska, Thomas Schneider, and David Gill for reading earlier versions and providing their thoughtful comments and suggestions. Any remaining mistakes are solely the responsibility of the author. 2 It is most noticeable in recent publications of the Archäologische Veröffentlichungen and Theben series. There are of course exceptions to this, but in the 40-odd recent publications and articles that I have examined, only a handful discuss the correlation between the scenes and their corresponding inscriptions, e.g., Bryan 1990; Joachim-Seyfried 1995; Polz 1997; Strudwick 1996. 3 Here I refer not to narrative art as it is understood in the classical, i.e., Greek, tradition (Gombrich 1989: 99–125), but to the ancient Egyptian use of text placed alongside the images depicted as a means of further identifying, explaining, or complementing the image. 4 Although it is true that in the case of royal monumental art there can be a disjunction, and that often the text and image convey different versions of the same subject; see, e.g. Bryan 1996; Tefnin 1981. 5 The tomb was copied and prepared for publication by Davies, but published posthumously by Säve-Söderbergh, see Säve-Söderbergh 1957: 22–32, pl. XXI–XXIX. Nebamun’s family is discussed in Whale 1989: 164–7 (case 66). 6 The decoration of the tomb was not quite completed, and names with the theophoric element of Amun as well as priest-figures suffered from Amarna-period defacement; there is also some post-Amarna restoration. While Shedid (1988) places TT17 in the Thutmose III-Amenhotep II range, Dziobek et al. (1992) believe it to belong more firmly in Amenhotep II’s reign. 7 This larger study was for my Ph.D. dissertation, “The Culture of Officialdom: An examination of the acquisition of offices during the mid-18th Dynasty,” the degree for which was conferred in 2005 (Shirley 2005); a revised version will be published by Brill. 8 The men bearing gifts may belong to the so-called “hybrid style” seen in several mid-18th Dynasty tombs combining Aegean costume with Syrian facial features; see, e.g., Davies 1933: pl. IV–V, VII; Wachsmann 1987: 6–9, 43–8, pl. III. However, figures depicted in exactly the same way are also found among the foreigners depicted in TT42 of Amenmose, where they are shown both in Lebanon before Amenmose, and in Egypt as part of a tribute scene. Perhaps then these are not hybrid figures,

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9 10 11

12 13 14 15

16

17

18 19

but darker-skinned and more simply dressed due to their lower social position; see Davies, 1933: pl. XXXIV–VI; cf. Panagiotopoulos 2006: 390-1. The costumes of the seated chief and his wife, as well as the other women and children in the scene are typically Syrian and also have close parallels to Syrians depicted in contemporary tombs; see, e.g. Pritchard 1951; Redford 1992:196, fig. 7; Davies 1933: pl. IV–V, VII, XXXIV–VI; Davies 1944: pl. XXII–III; Dziobek 1994: pl. 20–22, 24b; Davies 1934: pl. XXV. The vessels and ingots, despite the lack of detail, are comparable in shape and style to others born by Syrians in contemporary tombs, as are the hump-backed bulls; see, e.g., Bass 1967: 62–7; Davies, 1933: pl. XXXIV–XXXVI; Wreszinski 1923: pl. 340. The ships are described as “Syrian ships” that conform to the “menesh type,” a word that first appears during the reign of Amenhotep III; see Müller 1904: 23ff.; Säve-Söderbergh 1946: 54ff.; Vinson 1994: 40–1; Wachsmann 1998: 45–47, 50ff. See also the excellent comparisons afforded by a scene in TT162 of Qenamun, discussed below with references, which depicts Syrians ships being off-loaded in Egypt. On the planning and execution of tomb decoration there are several useful contributions in Davies 2001; see also Hartwig 2004: esp. 1–4, 15-19, 28–35, 51–2 for excellent discussion and references. E.g., TT29 PM(4), TT88 PM(1), TT93 PM(12), TT96 PM(13), TT100 PM(13) and (14), TT131 PM(6). Based on the list found in Porter and Moss (PM) 1994: 463 no.1 (e) and checked against descriptions of the tomb scenes; they all date to the 18th Dynasty. The tombs with duty-scenes adjacent to the deceased offering a bouquet to the king are TT56 PM(9), TT74 PM(6), TT85 PM(9), TT86 PM(8), TT88 PM(4), TT90 PM(9), TT91 PM(3) and (5), and possibly TT162 PM(4). The veracity of the PM descriptions has been checked by the author either in person or through publications of the scenes. TT86 PM(8), TT90 PM(9), TT91 PM(3) and (5). With the exception of TT162, which depicts a ploughing scene, the remaining tombs have adjacent scenes that relate to military duties. On the “house of life” and its function see, Gardiner 1938; Ghalioungui 1983: 91–2; Nunn 1996: 129–31; Weber 1980: 954–7; Westendorf 1999: 476–78. Sms nswt r nmtt.f Hr xAst rsy mHtt tmtS r nb tAwy m grH mi ra. Note especially Killen 1980: pl. 84, which mirrors the type found in TT17. Other contemporary tombs in which this stool is depicted include TT93 of Qenamun (Davies 1930: pl. XXXV) and TT100 of Rechmire (Davies 1935: pl. LIV); See Killen 1980: 48 for additional examples. On the construction of these types of stools see, e.g. Gale 2000: 355ff., esp. 358, 361 f. Nebamun is called scribe (sS) and royal physician or physician of the king (swnw (n) nswt) in nearly every inscription. Royal scribe (sS nswt) is found in only one inscription in the transverse-hall (PM(3)), though it may have originally occurred more frequently as there is often a break after the scribe title. The title of physician (swnw) occurs at least three times (PM(2), (8), and a ceiling text in the passage, and physician of the king/royal physician at least six times (PM(5), (8), (12) and three ceiling texts), though here too the breaks may indicate that this title was more common. Nebamun is called chief physician (of the king) wr swnw (n nswt) in two ceiling inscriptions in the transverse-hall. For the original, see Säve-Söderbergh 1957: pls. XXII, XXIV, XXVI–XXIX. The title occurs twice at PM(4), where Nebamun is identified as [sS wr](sw)nw n nswt m WAst and as sS swnw n nswt m [WAst]; and at PM(6) on the outer lintel’s south side Nebamun is identified as sS swnw m WAst. For the original, see Säve-Söderbergh 1957: 24–5, 27, pl. XXII. On a ceiling inscription on the southeast side of the transverse-hall, above PM(2), Nebamun is identified as wr swnw sS n nswt m WAst. For the original, see Säve-Söderbergh 1957: 29, pl. XXVII, 2. An excellent comparison is afforded by the titles of the chief steward Qenamun (TT93) under Amenhotep II, who was also called chief steward of the king in Perunefer (see Davies 1930), and more generally by other such specific definitions of titles, e.g. viziers and overseers of the seal who were divided between north and south, and upper-level priests who were connected to particular temples.

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Shirley 20 Unfortunately none of the titles in the brazier scene (PM(2).1), which was likely set in Thebes, are preserved, though in the adjacent offering scene where Nebamun is offered a bouquet of Amun (PM(2).2) it is probable that the title should be reconstructed as sS swnw nswt (m) WAs(t). For the original see SäveSöderbergh 1957: 23, pl. XXVIII, 3–4. 21 sS wr swnw n nswt m WAst. 22 The exception is TT130, in which the scene is found in the passage, PM(8). 23 So too, Davies and Faulkner with regard to the scene in TT162, see Davies and Faulkner 1947: 45–6. 24 imy-r mryt m niwt rsyt. 25 Although now poorly preserved but for the ships, which are laden with Nubian produce, when originally copied the Nubians could be identified by their hairstyles, which are comparable to those seen in TT78 of Horemheb (PM(8); see Brack and Brack 1980 and TT57 (PM(9); see Wreszinski 1923: pl. 199–200). 26 The titles, which are also found on a funerary cone (Davies and Macadam 1957: no.12), read: HAty-a m niwt rsyt imy-r Snwty //[n Imn ?]//. 27 Unfortunately the tomb has been covered since the mid 1940’s, and is still covered by the hillside and completely inaccessible, so we have to rely on the early photos and copies of the scene. 28 The ships carry a mix of Egyptians and Nubians, the latter with the same hairstyle as found in TT130 and TT78 (see above n. 25). For a discussion of this official and the duties of the overseer of the double granary, with references, see Murnane 1998: 183–85. 29 For a recent overview of Hapuseneb’s career, with references, see Bryan 2006: 107ff. 30 The transport ships with cattle coming from Nubia in TT40 closely resemble the ones found in TT130 of May, although in Huy’s tomb they appear to be leaving Nubia manned by Egyptians. 31 On the possibility that this tomb belonged to Thutmose III’s treasurer Min see Shirley 2005: 157–60. 32 I must thank Thomas Schneider for very interesting and productive discussions about this possibility. 33 The full discussion, which is rather involved, is the topic of an article in progress and will be published elsewhere. 34 Although not all of the names are included in Ranke, those that are have several New Kingdom parallels; Ranke 9 no. 9, 29 no. 14, 183 no. 10, 186 nos. 13–14, 201 no. 10, 357 no. 8, 408 no. 6. Likewise, none of the names appear in Schneider 1992. 35 Although, as Thomas Schneider suggested (pers. comm.), it might be argued that the naming and depicting of only the paternal grandmother and maternal grandfather is significant for Nebamun’s ethnicity, it could as likely be due to preservation as choice and hence can not be used as conclusive evidence. 36 Here again I must thank Thomas Schneider for discussions about this issue. 37 wDA mAA bw nfr imy tA-Smaw in sS swnw n nswt m WAst //////// Nb-(Imn) mAa-xrw nb imAx xr nTr Aa. 38 It is also possible that the carrying case was meant for papyrus rolls, and made of basketwork and leather similar to those depicted on Middle Kingdom coffins, and in numerous tomb scenes from the Old through New Kingdoms. If this is the case, then possibly rolls of medical papyri were carried inside it. See, e.g., Parkinson and Quirke 1995: 32–3, fig.18, 36, fig. 20. 39 On the papyri see, e.g., Nunn 1996: 24–34; Westendorf 1999: 16–35; 547–748. 40 Despite a number of officials carrying this title during the New Kingdom (Ghalioungui 1983: 26–29, nos. 73–112, App. II; Nunn 1996: App. B), I am aware of only two others who have tombs: Pentu at Amarna (Davies 1908: 1-6, pl. I-XII) and Nay the owner of TT271 at Qurnet Murai (Habachi and Ghalioungui 1969–70: 15–23; Ghalioungui 1983: 28 no. 84; Porter and Moss (PM) 1994: 350); additionally, Tjutju may have had a tomb at Saqqara as his stele was found re-used in the Serapeum at Memphis (Berlandini-Grenier 1976: 315; Ghalioungui 1983: 29 no. 99, 58). All three bear military epithets and are also called royal scribe.

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The Life and Career of Nebamun, the Physician of the King in Thebes References Cited: Assmann, J. 1987 Hierotaxis: Textkonstitution und Bildkomposition in der altägyptischen Kunst und Literatur. In J. Osing and G. Dreyer (eds.), Form und Mass. Beiträge zur Literatur, Sprache und Kunst des alten Ägypten. Festschrift für Gerhard Fecht zum 65. Geburtstag am 6. Februar, pp. 18–42. Ägypten und Altes Testament 12, Wiesbaden. 1991 Das Grab des Amenemope (TT 41). Theben III. Mainz am Rhein. Baines, J. 1989 Communication and display: the integration of early Egyptian art and writing. Antiquity 63: 471– 82. 1990 Restricted knowledge, hierarchy, and decorum: modern perceptions and ancient institutions. JARCE 27: 1–23. Bass, G. F. 1967 The Ingots. In G. F. Bass (ed.), Cape Gelidonya: A Bronze Age Shipwreck, pp. 52–83. Philadelphia. Berlandini-Grenier, J. 1976 Varia Memphitica I (I). BIFAO 76: 301–316. Brack, A. and A. Brack 1980 Das Grab des Haremheb, Theben Nr. 78. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 35, Mainz am Rhein. Bryan, B. 1990 The Tomb Owner and His Family (IV Excurse). In E. Dziobek and M. Abdel Raziq (eds.), Das Grab des Sobek-hotep Theben Nr. 63, pp. 81–88. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 71. Mainz am Rhein. 1996 The Disjunction of Text and Image in Egyptian Art. In P. der Manuelian (ed.), Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson, pp. 161–168. Boston. 2000 The Egyptian perspective on Mittani. In R. Cohen and R. Westbrook (eds.), Amarna Diplomacy: The Beginnings of International Relations, pp. 71–84. Baltimore. 2005 Administration in the Reign of Thutmose IIIin: D. O’Connor and E. Cline (eds.), Thutmose III: A New Biography, pp. 69–122. Ann Arbor. Burkard, G. 1994 Medizin und Politik: Altägyptische Heilkunst am persischen Königshof. SAK 21: 35–57. Carter, H. 1923 The Tomb of Tut.ankh.Amen. Vol. I. London. Daressy, G. 1895 Une flotille phénicienne d’après une peinture égyptienne. Revue Archéologique sér. 3 (t. 27): 286–92. Davies, N. 1963 Scenes from some Theban Tombs (Nos. 38, 66, 162, with excerpts from 81). Private Tombs at Thebes 4. Oxford. Davies, N. and A. H. Gardiner 1926 The tomb of Huy, viceroy of Nubia in the reign of Tut‘ankhamūn (no. 40). Theban Tomb Series 4. London. Davies, N. de Garis 1908 The Rock Tombs of El Amarna IV. Archaeological Survey of Egypt 18. London. 1927 Two Ramesside tombs at Thebes. Robb de Peyster Tytus Memorial Series 5. New York.  1930 The tomb of Ken-Amūn at Thebes. Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 5. New York. 1933 The Tombs of Menkheperrasonb, Amenmose, and Another (Nos. 86, 112, 42, 226), Theban Tomb Series 5. London.

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