Sankiewicz, Co Regency
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The ‘co-regency’ of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III in the light of iconography in the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari Marta Sankiewicz
Introduction The principal reason for preparing this paper was the existing confusion as to the question of how often and in what manner Hatshepsut depicted her nephew Thutmose III on the walls of her monuments. It is of course crucial in the interpretation of their mutual relationship. Besides the obvious factor of the quantity of the representations, the quality is also important: in which location, position, orientation and with which attributes Thutmose III is represented, and moreover, where he is present, and where is he absent. The way in which both rulers are represented expresses their official mutual relationship which is most often described as a coregency (Murnane 1977, 43–44). The present study was made to settle this debate, at least in the case of the relief decoration in the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari. As a member of the Polish Mission working at Deir el-Bahari I had the opportunity to study this subject as part of my PhD dissertation. Direct and unlimited access to the temple allowed me to collect the documentation which was necessary from the methodological perspective. A proper approach must mean analysing the material which is as complete as possible, and as completely as possible. First, only the complete evidence (or at least close to completeness), can give statistically important results. Second, not only the number, but all the features that can be considered diagnostic, must be collected and analysed. The crucial matter of the mutual relationship between Hatshepsut and Thutmose III and their depictions on the walls of the temple may be falsely perceived. Contemporary publications concerning Deir el-Bahari deal either with separate parts of the temple (Karkowski 2003) or with separate topics (Ćwiek 2008; Sankiewicz 2008). Even the six volumes of Naville’s monograph (Naville 1895–1908) do not cover the complete decoration of the temple, but give illustrations of random scenes. Moreover Naville’s artists documented only the last phase of the decoration of the temple. In many cases, figures of Thutmose II instead of those of Hatshepsut appear on the plates of this publication (e.g. Naville 1895, pl. II). This false image influenced some recent publications (Davies 2004). The problem of the co-regency indicated in the title of this paper will not be considered in detail here. The quotation marks underline the atypical character of this co-regency. The term ‘co-regency’ was used to describe a specific relation between the two rulers –���������������� ����������������� Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. It seems however, that in this case we are not dealing with a traditional co-regency, although the purpose was somewhat similar (apart from the personal ambitions of Hatshepsut) – the younger partner was learning how to govern. According to the common Egyptological
definition of ‘co-regency’ (Shaw and Nicholson 2003, 72), the older king appoints and chooses his son as a co-ruler and heir. For some time they rule together with the purpose of teaching the younger and of averting any unrest during the transfer of power after the death of the old king. In the case of Thutmose III and Hatshepsut, however, he already was a legal king when she decided to join him. As it was just at the beginning of Thutmose’s rule, there was no need to worry about his heir. Moreover, he was much younger than Hatshepsut, so he was junior and she senior. And finally, it was Hatshepsut’s decision to opt for a joint rule, not his. Hatshepsut and Thutmose III were ruling together but not according to the dictionary definition of co-regency (Callender 2002, 32–33). Thus, the background of our discussion is the first part of the reign of Thutmose III, which covers the time of Hatshepsut’s regency and formal kingship (Bryan 2000, 218–245). The person of Hatshepsut is well known since Jean-François Champollion restored her to life in 1828, when he read her names on the walls of the temple of Deir el-Bahari. He was the first to become aware of her female titles set against kingly cartouches (Keller 2005b). Hatshepsut ruled over the Two Lands from 1479 BC until 1458 BC. During the first seven years she was a regent to the young Thutmose III (Dorman 2005a; 2006, 41–49). For the next fifteen years Hatshepsut was his co-ruler (Keller 2005a; Dorman 2006, 49–58). After her death, Thutmose III ruled alone for another thirty-three years. Hatshepsut descended from the royal family (Roth 2005a). She was a daughter of Thutmose I, the third king of 18th dynasty, and Queen ‘Ahmose. Thutmose I was included in the royal line by his marriage to ‘Ahmose. ‘Ahmose was a sister of Amenhotep I and a daughter of the great ‘Ahmose, the conqueror of Hyksos, and ‘Ahmose-Nefertari (Dodson and Hilton 2004, 122–133). Among the ‘Ahmosid family there were many powerful and important women of whom Hatshepsut was the successor (Tyldesley 2006, 79–93). Hatshepsut married her half-brother, Thutmose II and for about three years she played the role of the King’s Great Wife. After the death of her husband, Hatshepsut became a regent to her stepson, Thutmose III. He was a son of Thutmose II and his secondary wife Isis. During their marriage, Hatshepsut gave birth to only one daughter, Neferure‘. In this early period “Hatshepsut ruled Egypt in all but name” (Murnane 1977, 33); she did not use “titles more exalted than those customarily assigned to a royal consort of the purest royal blood” (Murnane 1977, 32). It seems that at first Hatshepsut wanted to avoid any unrest during the rule of the child-king. It is unclear for how many years this state of regency lasted. For unknown reasons the role of the regent, based principally on her authority as the God’s Wife, became insufficient for Hatshepsut. The date of her coronation is disputed. Moreover, it seems, as already stated by Murnane (1977, 32), that the process during which Hatshepsut became king was gradual. It is undisputed that Hatshepsut was crowned between year 2 and year 7 (Tefnin 1973), when the execution of Senenmut’s tomb TT 71 was started. This is the terminus post quem for the date of her coronation: the debris from TT 71 covered the tomb of Senenmut’s parents (Dorman 2005b) in which vessels with sealings bearing Hatshepsut’s kingly titles were deposited (Hayes 1957, 78������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� –������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 80; Dorman 2006, 48����������������������������������������������������������������� –���������������������������������������������������������������� 49). Dorman (2006, 53) states that the exact date of coronation is not important in the case of Hatshepsut. He described this event as the moment “on which her de jure iconography caught up with her de facto authority”. Hatshepsut based her rights to the throne on the fact that she was the eldest living descendant of Thutmose I. Later she claimed to have shared a co-regency with her father but in the light of the evidence this is highly doubtful. She omitted the fact of the reign of her husband and did
The ‘co-regency’ of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III
not try to legitimize her rule on this basis (Dorman 2006, 54–55). She created the myth of the divine birth as a daughter of Amun-Re who, moreover, legitimized her rule through an oracular proceeding (Murnane 1980, 95–96). Before Hatshepsut the only female rulers were regents who wielded power in the name of their young sons (Roth 2005b). They bore queenly titles and were especially honoured after death. Hatshepsut followed the example of the only female pharaoh, Nefrusobk ���������������������� of the 12th dynasty (Callender 2000, 170���������������������������������������������������������������� –��������������������������������������������������������������� 171). Nefrusobk also claimed that she was a co-regent with her father, Amenemhet III. She used the������������������������������������������������������������ titles of Female Horus and Daughter of Re. ���������������� Nefrusobk first depicted herself in this specific manner: her sculptures show her with a mixture of female and male attributes. ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� It seems that Hatshepsut was conscious of her predecessor’s ideas and referred to them in her own model of kingship. Hatshepsut also used kingly titles in the feminine form and stressed her sex in part of her iconography. Hatshepsut expanded her building �������������������������������������������������������� activity in the area extending from Nubia to Sinai. She put particular emphasis on the city of Amun-Re, who played such an important role in the process during which Hatshepsut became a king. Besides temples dedicated to him Hatshepsut emphasized the building project of her ��������������������������� Mansion of Millions of Years. ����� Hatshepsut’s temple at Deir el-Bahari was indisputably her most important monument along with the Karnak temple –��������������������������������������������������������������������� ���������������������������������������������������������������������� and the most splendid one (Arnold 2005; Roth 2005c). Even more than her other buildings, the temple at Deir el-Bahari reflects the unusual situation of Hatshepsut’s reign. The relief decoration (Karkowski 2001a) especially reveals the specific circumstances of her co-rule with Thutmose III. Although the temple at Deir el-Bahari had been dedicated to the cult of Amun-Re as well as to Hatshepsut’s own mortuary cult, this did not result in the exclusion of Thutmose III from the decoration programme. On the contrary, she never hid the significance of Thutmose III during her kingship: “Except for the tomb itself [Hatshepsut’s tomb in the Valley of the Kings], Thutmose III was excluded from none of these religious monuments [Hatshepsut’s temples]” (Dorman 2006, 57). Hatshepsut’s temple is built on three levels and consists of many rooms, grouped in larger units. Djeser-Djeseru is in a surprisingly good state of preservation, which allowed the study of the relief decoration in the inner chambers which are preserved almost untouched from floor to vault. The outer units of this temple are also relatively well preserved. Many years of precise reconstruction and conservation have been undertaken since 1961 by the Polish Mission (Szafrański 2001). The study of the relief decoration of the temple of Deir el-Bahari made it possible to record all the depictions of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. Besides Thutmose III, Hatshepsut commemorated in the relief decoration other members of their family. Hatshepsut ordered that her husband, Thutmose II, her father, Thutmose I, and also royal women such as her mother ‘Ahmose, her sister Neferubiti, her daughter Neferure‘ and her grandmother Seniseneb should be depicted. These representations were made only in specific parts of the temple and are related to the cult of the royal family. On the contrary, Thutmose III appears at her side in almost all the chambers and other units of the temple, according what Dorman (2006, 53) refers to as the “etiquette of co-regency”.
Decoration of the Deir el-Bahari temple It is possible to distinguish several phases in the decoration programme of the temple of Deir el-Bahari (cf. Wysocki 1992). The first phase of the decoration belongs to the original project of Hatshepsut. She designed Deir el-Bahari as her Mansion of Millions of Years and dedicated this building to the cult of Amun-Re, as well as to other gods such as Hathor, Re-Horakhty and Anubis. She depicted important events (Fig. 1) and myths of her reign on the walls, never hiding the fact that she ruled together with Thutmose III. During his sole rule after Hatshepsut’s death, Thutmose III started a programme of erasing her figures and names from all her monuments (Roth 2005d), including the temple of Deir elBahari (Fig. 2). This damnatio memoriae procedure was not started immediately after Hatshepsut’s death, as was believed for a long time, but some time later, around year 42 of the reign of Thutmose III (Nims 1966; Dorman 2005c, 268).
Figure 1. Punt expedition from the south wall of the Southern Middle Portico (Portico of Punt). (After Naville 1898 III, pl. LXIX).
The ‘co-regency’ of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III
Figure 2. Hatshepsut erased from the northern half of the eastern lunette in the Bark Hall in the Main Sanctuary of Amun (Photograph: M. Jawornicki).
Figure 3. Hatshepsut replaced by the pile of offerings from the western wall in the Southern Chamber of Amun (After Naville 1906 V, pl. CXXXII).
At first Thutmose III started to erase her figures and filled the gaps with piles of offerings (Fig. 3) or standards. This happened mostly in those places where his own figure stood behind her. Thutmose III started to erase Hatshepsut’s figure from the inner parts of the temple outwards. After a while Thutmose III developed a plan to change Hatshepsut’s temple into a mortuary temple for his father, Thutmose II. He ordered the re-carving of the figures of a king in places where Hatshepsut had already been erased. These new figures bear the names of Thutmose II (Fig. 4). On the walls where the figures of Hatshepsut were still untouched Thutmose III ordered that only the cartouches be changed. Other figures of Hatshepsut received the names of Thutmose I and of Thutmose III himself. Figure 4. Hatshepsut replaced by the figure and titles of Thutmose II on the western doorway in the Complex of the Sun Cult (Photograph: M. Jawornicki).
Figure 5. Plan of the Deir el-Bahari temple with the names of all its units (M. Sankiewicz, after drawing of T. Kaczor). 1. Southern Lower Portico, 2. Northern Lower Portico, 3. Hathor Shrine (from east: First and Second Hypostyle Hall, Vestibule, Bark Hall and Sanctuary), 4. Southern Middle Portico, 5. Northern Middle Portico, 6. Lower Anubis Shrine (from east: Hypostyle Hall, Vestibule, Sanctuary), 7. Upper Portico, 8. Upper Courtyard, 9. Complex of the Royal Mortuary Cult (from east: Courtyard, Vestibules, Chapel of Hatshepsut, Chapel of Thutmose I), 10. Southern Chamber of Amun, 11. Main Sanctuary of Amun (from east: Bark Hall, Statue Room), 12. Northern Chamber of Amun, 13. Complex of the Sun Cult (from east: Chapel of the Night Sun, Altar Courtyard), 14. Upper Anubis Shrine.
The ‘co-regency’ of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III
Distribution of figures of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III in Deir el-Bahari The topic of this paper concerns the first phase of the decoration programme and proposes the reconstruction of the original distribution of the kings’ figures according to Hatshepsut’s ideas. The two-dimensional decoration will be analysed in terms of quantity: how often are Hatshepsut and Thutmose III depicted? The analysis in terms of quality will show how they are represented: in which�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� location, ��������������������������������������������������������������������������� position������������������������������������������������������������������� , orientation, and in what manner. Moreover it will be possible to state in which rooms Thutmose III is depicted and in which he is absent. The discussion of the depiction of the co-rulers will start from the far end of the temple – from the Lower Terrace (fig. 5). In the Southern Lower Portico, i.e. the so-called Portico of Obelisks (Naville 1908, pls. CLII–CLIX; Karkowski 2001a, 105������������������������������������������������������������ –����������������������������������������������������������� 106), Hatshepsut is depicted five times, once as a sphinx. Thutmose III appears only once. In the Northern part of the Lower Portico (Naville 1908, pls. CLX–CLXIII; Karkowski 2001a, 107������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� –������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 109) – the so-called Fishing and Fowling Portico or Mythological Portico – there are nine representations of Hatshepsut, one in the form of a sphinx, while Thutmose III occurs twice. On the Middle Terrace in the Hathor Shrine (Naville 1901, pls. LXXXVII–CVI; Karkowski 2001a, 110–113) there are numerous representations of Thutmose III and Hatshepsut. In total Hatshepsut is represented forty-seven times in all of the outer and inner rooms of the Hathor Shrine, while Thutmose III is represented eleven times. He is even depicted in the sanctuary of this chapel. On the walls of the Southern Middle Portico (Naville 1898, pls. LXIX–LXXXVI; Karkowski 2001a, 113–115) – the so-called Portico of Punt – Thutmose III is depicted only once, while his co-ruler is represented four times. The pillars of this portico – twenty-two in total, arranged in two rows – are decorated on four sides by king’s figures. On every fourth pillar in both rows Thutmose III is depicted, which makes a total of sixteen representations. Consequently, Hatshepsut, who appears on the remaining pillars is represented seventy-two times. In the Northern Middle Portico (Naville 1896, pls. XLVI–LV; 1898, pls. LVI–LXVII; Karkowski 2001a, 115–118), i.e. the Portico of the Birth, where the most important scenes of Hatshepsut’s conceiving, birth and coronation are depicted, Thutmose III is absent. Hatshepsut is depicted eleven times as an adult king (other representations in this portico show her as a nude child accompanied by her ka). The decoration of the pillars is similar to the neighbouring Southern Middle Portico. Every fourth pillar bears four figures of Thutmose III, while on the other eighteen pillars Hatshepsut appears seventy-two times. The rooms of the Lower Anubis Shrine (Naville 1896, pls. XXXIII–XLV; Karkowski 2001a, 118–120) bear two depictions of Thutmose III. In the Hypostyle Hall of this chapel Hatshepsut’s nephew is depicted on the northern wall and again in the sanctuary on the eastern wall. In both cases he is turned leftwards. Figures of Hatshepsut are represented thirty-four times in all of the rooms. In the Upper Portico (Karkowski 2001a, 121–124) which forms a facade of the Upper Terrace, Hatshepsut is represented seven times in the southern wing. Thutmose III appears once. In the opposite northern part he is depicted once, while Hatshepsut is represented three times. The decoration of the Upper Courtyard (Naville 1906, pls. CXX–CXXVI, CXXXIV– CXXXVII; 1908, pl. CLXIV; Karkowski 2001a, 126–140) covers the walls of the courtyard
and deep niches in the western wall. In these eight niches Hatshepsut’s figures appear seventeen times. Thutmose III is represented four times. In this case, the criterion for the location of Hatshepsut’s figures on the lateral walls of the niches was the proximity of the sanctuary. The remaining decoration of the western wall includes another eight figures of Hatshepsut, while Thutmose III is depicted four times. On the southern wall of the Upper Courtyard Hatshepsut is depicted sixteen times, while Thutmose III appears only six times. The eastern and northern walls bear scenes representing the two most important – and depicted for the first time – Theban feasts: the Festival of Opet and the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. In these two cycles Hatshepsut and Thutmose III are represented side by side and number of their representation are almost equal. Thus on the eastern wall there are ten figures of Hatshepsut and ten of Thutmose III, and on the northern wall she is depicted eleven times, he ten times. In total Hatshepsut is depicted sixty-two times and Thutmose III is depicted thirty-four times on the walls of the courtyard and its niches. The Complex of the Royal Mortuary Cult (Naville 1901, pls. CVII–CXVIII; 1906, pls. CXXVII–CXXIX; Karkowski 2001a, 146–153), which is situated in the southern part of the Upper Terrace, is one of the places where Thutmose III is absent (cf. Karkowski 2001b, 103–105). Hatshepsut is depicted ten times on the walls of the courtyard and the vestibules. In the Chapel of Hatshepsut, the very place of her mortuary cult, Hatshepsut is depicted twenty-nine times. She is also represented twice above the doorway leading to her chapel. In the second chapel, which is dedicated to Hatshepsut’s father Thutmose I, she is depicted twice acting as the Iunmutef-priest on the side walls and twice above the doorway. In total, Hatshepsut is represented forty-five times in the Complex of the Royal Mortuary Cult. In the Southern Chamber of Amun (Naville 1906, pls. CXXX–CXXXIII; Karkowski 2001a, 137) Hatshepsut is represented four times, while Thutmose III appears just once. Moreover, he is turned leftwards and wears the Red Crown, a minor one in comparison with the White Crown worn there by Hatshepsut. In the Main Sanctuary of Amun (Naville 1906, pls. CXXXVIII–CXLVII; Karkowski 2001a, 140����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� –���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 145), the most important set of rooms in the Deir el-Bahari temple, the following disposition occurs. On the Granite Portal there are six figures of kings. Hatshepsut is represented on both jambs and twice in the middle of the lintel, while Thutmose III is represented twice on the outer part of the lintel. On the sidewalls of the Bark Hall Thutmose is depicted twice, while Hatshepsut is represented five times. They are represented twice on both of the lunettes. In the six niches of the Bark Hall Hatshepsut again is dominant. She is represented twelve times, and Thutmose only twice. On the side walls of the Statue Room they are depicted twice. Thutmose III is depicted on the northern wall, so he is turned leftwards. Hatshepsut’s figures on the opposite southern wall are turned rightwards. In the two niches Hatshepsut appears six times and Thutmose III appears twice. In total Hatshepsut appears thirty-one times, and Thutmose III appears twelve times in the Main Sanctuary of Amun. In the Northern Chamber of Amun (Naville 1895, pls. XVII–XXIV; Karkowski 2001a, 145–146) figures of both kings are in the ratio of six to two in favour of Hatshepsut.
The ‘co-regency’ of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III
In both parts of the Complex of the Sun Cult (Naville 1895, pls. II–VII; Karkowski 2001a, 153–155; 2003), namely the Chapel of the Night Sun and the Altar Courtyard, Hatshepsut dominates. Thutmose III is depicted twice while Hatshepsut is represented seventeen times in the chapel and niches. In one case Thutmose III is standing behind a figure of Hatshepsut, and in one case he is turned leftwards. In the Upper Anubis Shrine (Naville I, pls. IX–XVI; Karkowski 2001a, 155) only Hatshepsut is represented. On the side walls of this chapel there are nine depictions of her oriented towards the rear wall of the room. On the rear wall a single representation of Hatshepsut is situated in the middle, facing towards the shrine with the Anubis fetish. In the niche of this chapel Hatshepsut is represented twice. Altogether in this chapel there are twelve depictions of Hatshepsut, and none of Thutmose.
Figure 6. Summary.
The above scheme showing the distribution of the figures of both co-rulers, Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, forms part of the original decoration programme approved by Hatshepsut. It is important to remember that today (Roth 2005d) it is impossible to see all these depictions of Hatshepsut in situ. Some of them were chiseled out and never restored. Others were replaced by the standards or offerings. A large group of her figures bears today names of various members of Thutmosid family such as Thutmose I, Thutmose II and Thutmose III. Moreover, part of these scenes is reconstructed only theoretically on the basis of existing blocks in the lapidaria or on the basis of the study of parallels in other temples.
Conclusion At first sight one is struck by the relative weighting of the depictions of each of the co-rulers (Fig. 7). Depictions of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III were originally in the ratio of 441 to 102 in Hatshepsut’s favour. Besides the number of the images of the co-rulers, the differences in their placement, context and distribution of their images are also important.
Figure 7. Plan of the distribution of the royal figures: Hatshepsut (grey) and Thutmose III (black) (M. Sankiewicz, after drawing of T. Kaczor).
Figure 8. Hatshepsut and Thutmose III depicted in symmetrical positions on the southern wall in the Southern Chamber of Amun. Hatshepsut is orientated rightward on the left (eastern) half of the wall. Thutmose III is orientated leftward on the right (western) half. She is wearing the White Crown, he wears the Red Crown (Photograph: M. Jawornicki).
The ‘co-regency’ of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III
Figure 9. Hatshepsut represented on the left (southern) wall in the Statue Room in the Main Sanctuary of Amun (opposite to fig. 10) (Photograph: M. Jawornicki).
Figure 11. Thutmose III wearing White Crown and represented on the southern half of the eastern lunette in the Bark Hall in the Main Sanctuary of Amun but orientated leftwards (opposite to fig. 2) (Photograph: M. Jawornicki).
Figure 10. Thutmose III represented on the right (northern) wall in the Statue Room in the Main Sanctuary of Amun (opposite to fig. 9) (Photograph: M. Jawornicki).
There are some chambers and parts of the temple where Thutmose III is absent, namely the walls of the so-called Portico of the Birth, all the rooms of the Complex of the Royal Mortuary Cult and the Upper Anubis Shrine. The function and decoration of these parts of the temple are connected respectively with Hatshepsut’s birth as a daughter of Amun-Re and her coronation as a legal king, the mortuary cult of Hatshepsut and her father, and the cult of the royal family. It is easy to understand why Hatshepsut did not include the person of her co-ruler in such a cycle of scenes. It is commonly known that in cases where Hatshesput and Thutmose III are represented together, Hatshepsut stands in front and Thutmose III follows her. This relation is best viewed on the two walls of the Upper Courtyard, where two official events are represented, namely the processions of the Opet Festival and of the Beautiful Festival of the Valley. Hatshepsut and Thutmose III are depicted as ruling kings who take part in these ceremonies. Only the eastern and northern walls of this courtyard bear almost equal number of representations of them.
Although usually Hatshepsut and Thutmose III are represented side by side as on the abovementioned walls, their mutual relationship is clearly indicated by their orientation, location, regalia or titles. Hatshepsut always underlines the secondary position of Thutmose III as she always stands in front of him. The preference for showing the figures of Thutmose III turned leftwards is striking. If Hatshepsut and Thutmose III are represented on one wall in a symmetrical scene facing the center of the wall, Hatshepsut is always depicted on the left, while Thutmose III is on the right (Fig. 8). Also when the royal figures are depicted in a symmetrical way on two opposite walls, Hatshepsut is represented on the left wall (Fig. 9) and Thutmose III on the right one (Fig. 10). In consequence she is oriented rightwards and he is oriented leftwards (Karkowski 2003, 59–60). This reflects the rule of the rightward orientation of the person as dominant (also in symbolic terms) in Egyptian art (Fischer 1977, 6–8). The geographical setting of the decoration of the walls influenced the fact that Hatshepsut is usually represented on the southern and western walls, while Thutmose III is represented usually on the northern and eastern walls (Figs. 9 and 10). This is a result of arranging the cardinal points in the decoration in two pairs: south and west, and north and east. The south was the most important direction firstly because of the historical impulse of the ‘unification’ coming traditionally from this part of the country and secondly for geographical reasons, namely as referring to the place where the sun is at its zenith and from where the Nile flows. The second important direction, closely interrelated with the south, is west, which forms the right hand side when facing towards the south. North and east create the second pair of cardinal points (Posener 1965). The distribution of the crowns and dresses is also geographically related. The crowns and dresses are not used at random, but are complementary. Hatshepsut usually wears the White Crown of Upper Egypt while Thutmose III wears the Red Crown of Lower Egypt (Fig. 8). But also other sets were in use: the nemes and the khat, which expressed solar and lunar aspects, and two feather crowns henu and shuti which are ascribed to west and east are worn by Hatshepsut and Thutmose III respectively. However, the direction in which the figures face or their placement on the minor walls of the rooms (i.e. on the northern and eastern ones) (Sankiewicz 2009) seems to be even more important sometimes than its attributes (e.g. crowns) (Fig. 11). Another important factor is the proximity of the sanctuary: of course Hatshepsut is represented closer to the god than Thutmose III. Only Hatshepsut is shown embracing the gods in the sanctuaries, only she is represented on the Ebony Shrine (Naville 1896, pls. XXV–XXIX) and on the walls of the main niche in the Main Sanctuary of Amun. Thutmose III fulfills only secondary ritual activities. In summary: the mutual relationship of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, as reflected in the decoration of Djeser-Djeseru, certainly does not prove any hostility between the co-rulers. Thutmose III is not excluded, but his place in Hatshepsut’s ideology of kingship and its practical realisation is clearly defined and consistently shown to be secondary. Contrary to recent suggestion, there is no doubt that the dominant role of Hatshepsut is emphasised in the decoration programme of the temple. Adam Mickiewicz University of Poznan, Poland
The ‘co-regency’ of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III
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