Ryholt_2004_-_The_Assyrian_Invasion_of_Egypt_in_Egyptian_Literary_Tradition_(Fs_Larsen).pdf20131231-38847-3vhqk0-libre-libre.pdf

ASSYRIA AND BEYOND STUDIES PRESENTED

TO

MOGENS TROLLE LARSEN

Edited by J. G. DERCKSEN

NEDERLANDS MSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN 2004

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION O F EGYPT IN EGYPTIAN LITERARY TRADITION A survey of the namtive source material1

Kim Ryholt

The Assyrian invasion and subsequent occupation of Egypt in the seventh century BC was a traumatic experience which gave rise to a rich literary tradition in Egypt. In the temple libraries this tradition lived on until the late second century AD when it seems to have died out alongside the ancient indigenous cults. The source material is predominantly written in the Demotic script although there is also relevant material in Aramaic and Greek. Most of the Demotic material remains unpublished, and only very brief, preliminary notes have been available. For this reason the material is largely unknown to scholars, both within and outside the field of Egyptology. The main purpose of the present paper is to bring this inaterial to the attention of Assyriologist colleagues, and it is primarily intended as a survey. The survey makes no claim to include all relevant material, but instead focusses on narratives written in Egyptian. A single Aramaic text is also included because it seems to be the earliest testimony to the cycle of Inaros stories which are of fundamental importance. Egyptian texts that are not strictly narrative, such as the prophecy known as Bokchoris and the Lamb, are also not discussed on this occasion. A more detailed analysis of the material will be presented e l ~ e w h e r e . ~ The present survey is divided into two parts. The first is a discussion of those historical rulers who exercised their authority during the Assyrian occupation of Egypt and who, directly or indirectly, play a role in the later literary tradition. The second part is a presentation of the narratives that concern or allude to the Assyrian invasion and its aftermath.

I I would like thank my friends and colleagues G. Barjamovic and Aa. Westenholz (Copenhagen) and J.F. Quack (Berlin) for their useful comments on the present paper. Note the following abbreviations: Demot. ND. = Demorisches NumenDuch. Begrundet von E . Luddeckens, fortgefuhrt von H.-J. Thissen und bearbeitet von W. Brunsch, G . Vittmann und K.-Th. Zauzich. Wiesbaden, 1980-2000. PNA = The Prosopographp ofthe Neo-Assyrian Empire. Helsinki.

To be published in the proceedings of the symposium When are We going Where? T h e j h c t i o n oftirne and space in Demotic literary texts, Leiden, December 12-13, 2002, organized by Prof. J. F. Borghouts and Dr. J. Dieleman.

K. RY HOLT

The Historical Characters3

The inscriptions of Assurbanipal enumerate twenty Egyptian rulers who ruled during the Assyrian occupation of EgypL4 According to Assurbanipal they had been appointed by his father, but most were presumably already in power before Esarhaddon's invasion, and their authority was merely confirmed by the Assyrian king after an oath of a l l e g i a n ~ e .Assurbanipal ~ further states that they were displaced when Taharka later invaded the north, and that he reinstated them after having defeated the Kushite king who fled south. The kings listed by Assurbanipal were all local rulers of small territories at a time when Assyrian and Kushite kings were engaged in a fierce struggle for control over Egypt. It is therefore not surprising that very little is known about most of them, and indeed the majority is not otherwise attested by contemporary sources. Despite their petty status, literary traditions developed around at least five or six of these rulers, and they were still remembered many centuries after the Assyrian occupation. These are NikLi (Necho), PufubiSti (Petubastis), Paqruru (Pekrur), Na!?kP (Nehka), Buk~mani'pi (Bokennife) and possibly also Na!7rihuruansini (Nakthhornashen). With the exception of Nahtihuruansini, it is in the cycle of Inaros stories that these rulers appear.6 The six rulers are all listed in The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. However, since the entries are exclusively based on the Assyrian source material, it is possible to add a number of significant historical and literary details based on the Egyptian evidence.

Esarlzaddon sorz of Serzrzacherib, the Chief ofAshw

Before turning to the Egyptian rulers, we may first look briefly at the name and title of Esarhaddon in the literary tradition. The name of Esarhaddon survives in three Egyptian narratives of which at least two form part of the cycle of Inaros stories, viz. the Inaros Epic and the Struggle for Inaros' Armor. The manuscripts all seem to date to the second century AD, and these three literary texts are in fact the only attestations of Esarhaddon's name (ASSur-c@u-iddinn) written in Egyptian. The name occurs in the following ~rthographies:~

A more detailed discussion of the role and background of the main characters in the Inaros stories will be presented in my forthcoming paper 'The main Characters of the Inaros Stories'. The inscriptions are edited end analysed in Onasch 1994. The twenty Egyptian rulers are listed in Prisms A and C (ibid.: 1 18-1 19). Such is, for instance, the case with Bokennife who is discussed below. The cycle of Inaros stories is briefly described below. Only P. Krall is published to date and hence Demo/. iVb. I 40 only includes this one reference. The scepticism expressed there by E. von Schuler has later been retracted, cf. Hoffmann 1996: 165 n. 735.

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

1. P. Krall (the Struggle for Inaros' Armor) 2. P. Carlsberg 80 (the Inaros Epic) 3. P. Carlsberg 68+123 (the Inaros Epic) 4. 5. P. Berlin P 15682 (unidentified story) The first three manuscripts are from the Fayum province in whose dialect r becomes I in writing and pronunciation. This explains the writing of 1 where r is expected (orthographies 1-4). It should further be noted that the signs h and S have the same phonetic value in Roman times and are more or less freely interchangeable. Hence the orthographies :slStni, :slSt:ni and :slhrrni (nos. 1-3) are to all intents and purposes identical and represent something like Aser(zetai~i.~ The fourth orthography, :Ihtrni, is merely a corrupt form where s is lost, and the fifth, :rss_htni, contains a metathesis of r and s. The name of Esarhaddon's father Sennacherib (Sin-ah(zi-eribn) is consistently used as a patronymic. Since the Egyptians had had few dealings with this king, it is perhaps not surprising that the Egyptian rendering is a popular etymology with no more than a vague phonetic resemblance. The name is written Wsh-ri~=,fwherepreserved intact in the four manuscript^.^ Not entirely inappropriate from an Egyptian point of view, it means 'his name is long'. r w r ) which is sometimes The title used for Esarhaddon is 'the chief of Ashur' (p: ~ v E abbreviated to simply 'the chief' (p: wr). The noun wr literally means 'great' and denotes a 'senior'. It can be used to describe anything from the seniors in a village or senior officials to rulers of great empires. The Egyptian titles of kingship are normally reserved for Egyptian rulers.

The name Nikli is Egyptian N - k : . ~ , 'Belonging to the kas (i.e. souls)'." and the toponyms Meinpi and Sai are Mn-nfr and Si (old S:w). The signs :and rare used to indicate vowels, but there is no fixed system for the transliteration of foreign names and these signs may carry different phonetic values depending on the context. The transliteration of the Greek names of eponymous priest during the Ptolemies is discussed in some detail by Clarysse in Clarysse & van der Veken 1983: 13 1-165. Here i t emerges that initial :can be used to transliterate a-, E- and L-, and interconsonantal -:for -a-,-E-, -q-, -0- and -w, while was not yet used to indicate vowels. There is unfortunately no comparable study of the transliteration of names in the Roman period, but yenerally seems to be used to represent o and (0, cf. also Brunsch 1982: 7-10. Because the name is damaged in P. Krall (only the initial w - is preserved), which is the only published manuscript of the four, i t is not recorded in Dernot. Nb. I. l o Streck 2001 = PNA 2111,963.

Ranke 1935: 213 no. 16; 1952: 372; Demot. Nb. I 624. The name should be understood N-k:.w rather than Nklv (so Onasch 1994: 38). It may be noted that it still retains the original orthography N - k : . w in the lnaros Epic and other contemporary literary texts despite their very late date, although it is sometimes written unetymologicalIy as N:-k:.w in non-literary texts, cf. Denlot. Nb. 1624.

486

K. RYHOLT

While the rulers listed by Assurbanipal must all be assumed to have been de fucto rulers, only two of them are actually known to have used the Egyptian titles of kingship themselves. These are Necho I (Nikli) and king Petubastis (PutubiSti) who is discussed next. Necho is mostly known for his rebellion against Assurbanipal and subsequent pardon and reinstatement. These events have been described many times and need not be repeated here. Very little else is known about Necho who is poorly attested by contemporary sources in Egypt.12 The most significant consequence of his reign was that his son and successor Psammetichus I reunited Egypt during a 51-year reign and once more turned the country into a major political power. Several unpublished stories written in Demotic Egyptian are set in the reign of Necho. These include the Inaros Epic which is particularly interesting since a significant part of it concerns a conflict between Necho and Esarhaddon. Also Pekrur plays a role in this story, and it was therefore clearly based to some extent on the memory of Necho and Pekrur's historical rebellion against Esarhaddon. It is described below.

PutubiSti, the King of'Sn'nu13 The name PutubiSti is Egyptian PI-ti-wbst.t, 'He whom (the goddess) Bastet has given',I4 and Sa'nu is Drni (old Drn.t).15 Several historical kings with the name Petubastis are known; one or two with the prenomen Wsr-ntT.t-rc dating to the ninth century BC, one with the prenomen Shr-ib-rr who has been dated to the late sixth century, and one with the prenomen Shtp-ib-rc who, by a process of elimination, has been identified with the king mentioned by Esarhaddon. l 6 While the historical identification of the king is perhaps not entirely certain, there can be no doubt that the king mentioned by Esarhaddon is the same king Petubastis who ruled from Tanis in several of the Inaros stories.17These stories include The Struggle for the Benefice of Amun and The Struggle for Inaros' Armor in both of which Petubastis plays the role of an irresolute king who fails to control events.

l 2 What little is known about the reign of Necho I is discussed in Yoyotte 1958: 363-365. l 3 Mattila 2002 = PNA 311, 1002. l 4 Ranke 1935: 123 no. 5; Denzot. Nb. 1303. l 5 So rather than DCnt (Onasch 1994, 52); the -t at the end of the word is the feminine ending, which had long since become vocalized, and not part of the stem. l 6 Kitchen 1986: $427. The known attestations of Petubastis Sehetepibre are gathered and discussed by Habachi 1966: 69-74.

l 7 So already Spiegelberg 1913: 8.

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

P a q r ~ ~ r the u , King of PiSaptu18 The name Paqruru is Egyptian P:-krr, 'The frog',19 and the toponym Pis'aptu is P r spd (> Pi-spd). Pekrur is one of the rulers about whom we learn the most from Assyrian and Kushite sources and therefore also one of the more interesting. According to the inscriptions of Assurbanipal, a group of twenty rulers including Necho, Sarru-lu-dari and Pekrur had originally been installed by his father Esarhaddon and later been reinstated by Assurbanipal himself after Taharka had temporarily displaced them. Yet in spite of this, the three named rulers later rebelled against him. This account is clearly an oversimplification of the complex political situation at the time. Already under Esarhaddon there was tension between some of the Delta princes and the Assyrian occupation, and a query to the sun-god from his reign asks if the chief eunuch $ a - ~ a b f i Su, who had been sent to Egypt by the king, might be subject to an attack by Necho and S a r m - l ~ - d i r iThis . ~ ~ indicates that the attempted attack did not suddenly come about after Assurbanipal had defeated Taharka, but that Necho and Sarru-lu-dari had in fact been considered a very real threat for some years. The attack apparently did not g o very far. T h e three rulers sent messengers to Taharka proposing to shift alliance after the Kushite king had been forced south, but the plot was discovered by Assyrian agents. Both Necho and Sarru-lu-dari were captured and sent in chains to Assurbanipal in Nineveh. There is no mention of Pekrur's fate which suggests that he escaped capture.21 This deduction seems to be confirmed by the fact that he later approached Taharka's successor Tanutamani. According to the Dream Stele Tanutamani went north to fight the princes in the Delta, but they barricaded themselves inside their f o r t r e ~ s e s After . ~ ~ 'many days' the lung returned to his base at Memphis in order to make plans about how to deal with the defiant princes. Meanwhile a delegation representing the princes arrived at Memphis and offered their subjugation. This delegation was headed by Pekrur who is the only prince mentioned by name in this connection. T o judge from the inscriptions of Esarhaddon and Tanutamani, Pekrur must have been one of the major political powers in the Delta in his time, and this may be seen as the explanation for the fact that he became one of the main heroes in the Inaros stories. In several respects he is placed on a par with Inaros; they are the two seniors of their clan, they fight together against Esarhaddon, they die in the course of the cycle of stories, and they both have sons who similarly play the role of major heroes. In the Inaros stories,

Bagg 2002 = PNA 3A, 988. l9 Ranke 1935: 120 no. 1; Dernor. ND. 1 277.

20 The text is edited by Starr I990 = SAA 4, no. 88, cf. also comments by Nissinen 1998: 148f n. 554. 21 Pace SpaIinger 1974: 326; 1976: 140, 144 n. 15, who states that Pekrur was 'arrested by the Assyrians',

deported to Nineveh and that 'Both Necho and Paluwu found themselves reinstated in their domains'. These comments about Pekrur are sheer guess-work; no such dctails are actually provided by the available sources. 22 Text and photographs are published by Grilnal 1981: 3-20. pls. I-IV. and translations include Onasch

1994: 129-145 and Eide el crl. 1994: 193-209.

K. RYHOLT

Pekrur is the leader of Pisopd, at the eastern extreme of the Delta, and he is consistently referred to as 'the chief of the East' (p: wl- i:bi). This is not a formal title, but an epithet borrowed from the main local deity Sopdu which refers to the geographical location of the nome. He is also the father of Petekhons who similarly resides in Pisopd and who is the main character in the story of Petekhons and Sarpot. According to an unpublished Inaros story, Petekhons buried Pekrur in N ~ b i a Whether .~~ this has any relation to the historical contact between Pekrur and Kushite kings Taharka and Tanutamani is difficult to say, but probably unlikely.

NahkC, the King of H i t ~ i t z S i ~ ~ The name NabkC survives in late Demotic as Nh-k: which is believed to be a false etymology of an original Nlzk, 'The desired ~ n e ' The . ~ toponym ~ Hini~zSiis Htv.t-1717-1zsw, Herakle~polis.~~ We have no historical information about Nehka besides that provided by the inscriptions of Assurbanipal. He can be identified with the father of Khahor the Weak2' who is the leader of Herakleopolis and one of the close allies of Inaros' clan in The Struggle for Inaros' Arnior and the Inaros In both stories he is summoned to participate in battles, but his role is a relatively minor one. The significance of his epithet 'the weak' (p: gbi) is far from clear.

B~tkurznni'pi,the King of Hathiribi29 The name Bukunnnipi is Egyptian Bk-n-t$, 'Servant of the wind',30 and the toponym Hutbiribi is Hw.1-hty-ib (> H1v.t-tj-!~r-ib). The inscriptions of Assurbanipal inform us that the ruler of Athribis was a certain Bokennife about whom nothing further is stated. After Necho's attempted rebellion and 23

P.Carlsbeg 125.

24 Frahm 2001a = PNA 2111,922.

25 Denzot. Nb. 1 193. The name is not attested in the Hieroglyphic and Hieratic scripts. Denrot, Nb. knows only the form P:-tzlik, but the Assyrian transliteration shows that the name did not contain an initial definite article. Many names consisting of a noun exist in both a form with the definite article and one without, and the present name is found in both forms as Nh-k: and P h h - k : in P. Krall. The transliteration (P:)-N!t-k: with nh for t ~ h(SOOnasch 1994: 52; Frahin 2001 a = PNA 2AI.922) must be a slip of the pen. 26 Not Pr-h,:j-S=-f't~h-Nn-ns\t~ (so Gomah 1974: 109f: Onasch 1994: 52).

27 The name Khahor has usually been rendered 'Ankhhor' in the past, but we now know that Khahor is a

much more accurate form as also shown by the Greek transliteration X a u p ~ ~ . 28 Kitchen 1986: $426, with reference to the former. 29 Mattila 1999 = PNA 1/11. 350.

30 Ranke 1935: 91 no. 10. No Demotic attestation is known to Dernnt. Nh., but the name occurs in the unpublished Inaros Epic.

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

489

subsequent pardon and reinstatement, this domain was handed over to Necho's son NabO-Pezibanni, but we d o not learn anything about the circumstances behind the transfer. It has been suggested that Bokennife participated in the attempted rebellion and hence was removed from ~ f f i c e .The ~ ' Assyrian inscriptions only mention the capture of two rulers, i.e. Necho and Sarru-lu-dari, but this naturally does not preclude the possibility that Bokennife might have participated and simply escaped capture. Yet the Inaros Epic might indicate another state of affairs. The identity of Inaros has always been a crux, but it now emerges from the Inaros Epic that he was in fact the son of Bokennife and grandson of Petese. Petese is attested by contemporary sources as the father of Bokennife and the ruler of Athribis during the invasion of the Kushite king P i ~ e One . ~ ~of the major episodes in the Inaros Epic is the struggle against Esarhaddon in which Necho, Pekrur and Inaros participate. This episode must surely be based on the memory of the historical rebellion against the Assyrians by Necho and Pekrur. It is therefore conceivable that Bokennife had just been succeeded by his son Inaros when the rebellion took place, and that it was the participation of the latter that led to the transfer of Athribis to NabO-Sezibanni. It should not go unmentioned that Inaros is not attested by any contemporary sources. The earliest attestation of Inaros seems to be the Sheikh Fad1 inscription from the early fifth century BC discussed below. However, the same is true for most of the rulers mentioned by Assurbanipal and symptomatic of the time. Also Inaros 11, who rebelled against the Persians, was only attested by literary sources until a few years ago.33 Some time after his death Bokennife was deified at Athribis. The circumstances surrounding this event are unknown, just as it remains uncertain exactly when the deification took place. Our only source is a monument erected by king Nectanebo 11, who ruled 360-343 BC.34

Ncrhtih~lr~ransini, King o f Pikipdi'ri35

The name Nahtihnr~tansini is Egyptian Nht-Hr-ti:-8n.w. 'Horus-of-the-Trees is

3 1 Kitchen 1986 states that 'Doubtless Bnkennefi (...) was one of the conspirators and executed by Assurbanipal' (p. 393 n. 878) and, more cautiously. that 'Bakennefi (...) was probably slain (665 B.C.) by

Assurbanipal' (p. 395). S o too Spalinger 1974: 318: 'Bocchoris (11) took part in a revolt of Egyptian princes during Assurbanipal's first invasion of Egypt. [ l o which LI~OOIIIOIL' adds:] Thus explaining the disappearance of the independent ruler of Athribis'. The reference to Bokennife as 'Bocchoris' by the latter is misleading since this Greek form is derived from a different name (B;k-t~-rn=,fiwhich was borne by a king of the Twenty-Fourth Dynasty. 32 For Bokennife and his family, see esp. Habachi 1957: 68-77, and Yoyotte 1961: 364-69.81-92. 33 lnaros I1 is now attested by two ostraca from Manawir, see Chauveau 2003a: 38-40.

" Habachi 1977: 92- 10.5, 157- 161. 35 Frahrn 2001b = PNA 2111,922.

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K. RYHOLT

strong',36 and the toponym Piiapdi'a has been identified with Pr-Spd-m-iLty which was located somewhere between Memphis and L e t ~ p o l i s The . ~ ~ ruler, Nakhthornashen 11, is not attested by any contemporary source from Egypt. Another earlier ruler with the same name is mentioned on the Triumphal Stele of the Kushite king Piye which provides the only known Hieroglyphic writing of the name (line 117)." Nakhthornashen I is described as a chief of the Ma, i.e. the ruler of a Libyan Miwi-tribe, with residence in P r - G r r . Little is known about this city, but it was apparently important enough to be the residence of a local ruler in the late seventh century, and in the first century AD it is described by Strabo (17.1.26) as the metropolis of the eighth Lower Egyptian nome in the eastern extreme of the Delta. The name Nakhthornashen is quite rare, and besides the texts of Assurbanipal and Piye, it is only attested in one further source. This is a Demotic narrative of which fragments describe a battle with the Kushites. This event is compatible with the historical situation under both Piye and Esarhaddon, and in view of the rarity of the name, the story is not unlikely to concern one of the two aforementioned rulers. The story is described below.

Tlze Stories Nine stories and fragments which relate or may relate to the Assyrian invasion and its aftermath are included in the following presentation. There are further stories that mention Assyrians (I.fwr..w), but it is important to note that this designation is applied to all people east of Egypt in the area that the Greeks originally called Syria. It is therefore not always clear in incompletely preserved contexts whether the people so designated are merely Syrians or specifically Assyrians. This includes a number of unpublished and mostly smaller fragments, but also the story of Petekhons and S a r p ~where t ~ ~ 'Assyrians' apparently serve as auxiliaries in the Egyptian army. These have been understood by the editors as actual Assyrians, but it is perhaps not without significance that only Syria (Hr) is mentioned in the story and not Assyria (p: t i n 'ISwr.). The nine included stories and fragments are: 1. The Inaros Epic 2. The Struggle for Inaros' Armor 3. The Aramaic Sheikh Fad1 Inscription 4. The Story of Ahiqar

36 Ranke 1935: 21 1 no. 5. No Demotic attestation is known to Demo/. ND., but the name occurs in the unpublished story of Nakhthorshen. 37 The location of

Pr-S'd-rn-i:.~~ is discussed by Sauneron 1950.

38 The stele is edited by Grirnal 1981a. A recent translation with commentary is Eide el 01. 1994: 62-1 18.

Nakhthornashen I is briefly discussed by Gomai 1974: 105-107. 39 Edited by Volten 1962 and Hoffmann 1995a.

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

5. Fragment P. Berlin P 15682 6. Fragment P. Trier Univ. Bibl. S 109A 7. Djoser and Imhotep 8. Naneferkasokar and the Babylonians 9. The Story of Nakhthorshen The first two or three items in the list belong to the cycle of Inaros stories which deserve special attention.40 Inaros was the son of Bokennife who ruled Athribis during Esarhaddon's occupation of Egypt$I and the cycle of stories recounting the exploits of him and his clan constitutes the largest, connected group of narrative literature from ancient Egypt. T o judge by the extant number of stories and the number of manuscripts in which they are preserved, Inaros was certainly the most popular hero in Egyptian literature during the Greco-Roman period. Significantly, the cycle of Inaros stories makes up one third of the narrative material from the Tebtunis temple 1ibra1-y.42The cycle also includes the most substantial stories from ancient Egypt known to date. It has nonetheless been almost entirely neglected by Egyptological scholars outside the field of Demotic studies, and even the most recent anthology of literature from ancient Egypt ignores its existence a l t ~ g e t h e r . ~ " Apart from a number of smaller fragments, three substantial Inaros stories have been published to date: The Struggle for the Benefice of Amun, which is preserved in four manuscript^,^ the Struggle for Inaros' Armor, preserved in two manuscript~,4~ and Petekhons and Sarpot, likewise preserved in two manuscript^.^^ Two further substantial stories are unpublished but presently being prepared for publication: the Inaros Epic, preserved in five manuscripts, and the Bes Story, which is preserved in a single manuscript. The Inaros Epic relates the exploits of Inaros himself and he also plays an important role in the Bes Story. The other three stories take place after the death of Inaros, and the main characters are his son Pemu and other members of his clan. For an outline of the contents of the published texts, a series of useful summaries published 40 The lnaros stories were formerly known as the Petubastis cycle because the first two that were published

are set in the reign of king Petubastis who plays an active role in both. It has since become clear that the common denominator for these stories is in fact Inaros. King Petubastis is not mentioned at all in several stories and the Inaros Epic itself is set in the reign of Necho. 41 As already described above in relation to Bokennife. 42 Sixty manuscripts containing narrative texts have so far been inventoried. Out of these at least twenty are

Inaros stories. For the contents from the Tebtunis temple library, see my survey to be published in the proceedings of the symposium Tebtynis rrncl Sokriopoirr Nesos - Leberr itti riirnerzeitlichen Fajrim, Sommerhausen, December 11-13.2003, organized by S. Lippert and IM. Schentuleit. 43 Simpson 2003.

The main manuscript, P. Spiegelberg, is edited by Spiegelberg 1910 and additional fragments are published by Hoffmann 1995b. Parts of two of the other manuscripts are edited by Tait 2000.

44

4s The main manuscript, P. Krall, is edited by Bresciani 1964 and Hoffmann 1996. The other is edited by

Ryholt 1998. 46 Edited by Volten 1962 and Hoffmnnn 1995a.

492

K. RYHOLT

within the last years may be consulted.47 The remaining stories in the above list do not belong to any known cycles.

1. The Inaros Epic The Inaros Epic is preserved in at least five papyrus manuscripts from the Tebtunis temple library, all of which can be dated palaeographically to the first or second century ADeJ8One of the manuscripts has pagination which indicates that the Inaros Epic was by far the longest known narrative from ancient Egypt.J9 The material is very fragmentary, and more than 250 fragments belonging to the five manuscripts have s o far been identified. Numerous joins have already been made, but many more are likely to follow. For this reason only a preliminary description of some of the relevant episodes can be presented here. The epic recounts the exploits of Inaros, and one of the main episodes is the conflict between king Necho of Egypt and king Esarhaddon of Assyria. While Inaros is the main Egyptian hero, also Pekrur plays an important role. The episode can therefore be seen to have been influenced by the historical rebellion of Necho and Pekrur against the Assyrians, although this rebellion in fact took place under Esarhaddon's son and successor Assurbanipal. Only fragments of the episode are preserved and I shall here restrict myself to a description of three of these fragments. Their order has not yet been established.

Esarhaddorl 's Letter- to Inaros Following a paragraph that refers to mythological events, king Esarhaddon takes counsel from a certain Sinuqi son of Nabuqen (Sinwki s: Njbtvkn) who is described as 47 Depauw 1997: 88-89, Thissen 1999, Hoffmann 2000: 199-205, Chauveau 2003b; cf. also the individual

text editions. Some of the unpublished material is described by Volten 1951: 72-73: 1967: 150, and Botti 1955: 4-5. Other brief descriptions and comments on the lnaros stories include Quaegebeur 1987: 3; Tait 1994: 21 1; 1996: 183-185; Thissen 1977: 873; 1990: 65-66; and Vittmann 1998: 66-68. The five manuscripts are P. Carlsberg 68+123, P. Carlsberg 80, P. Carlsberg 164, P. Carlsberg 458, and P. Carlsberg 591, with further, mostly smaller fragments in other collections. A few of the fragments in other collections have been individually published, but without recognition of the fact that they form part of the Inaros Epic. P. Carlsberg 80 is briefly described by Volten 1951: 72-73; 1967: 150, and Botti 1955: 4-5, and the translation of a large fragment from P. Carlsberg 80 - based on Volten and Botti's draft5 - has been published by Bresciani 1990a: 103-107; I990b: 945-947. Two recent, brief accounts of the Inaros Epic in Danish are published by Ryholt 2000b: 43-44; 2003: 58-59. 48

According to the pagination of P. Carlsberg 164, the Inaros Epic occupied 46 columns in this specific manuscript. The number of lines per column is exceptionally large and the size of the signs disproportionally small, perhaps in an attempt to fit a very large text unto a single roll of papyrus. Converting the number of signs per column into more familiar formats, the Epic would have occupied about I25 columns in the P. Krall format or about 140 columns in the P. Mythus Leiden format. 49

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

'prophet of BCl and priest of Nabii'. Sinuqi swears by Ahura Mazda which is clearly an anachronism. Sinuqi advises Esarhaddon to write a letter to Inaros and to dispatch it with a messenger. He then informs Esarhaddon about Inaros, and states that he is now 'before the aforementioned fortress' by which the fortress of Alvand ( j h ~ n t is ) meant. 'He will not turn to Nineveh, our district, but he will die by hunger [of bread (?)I and thirst of water,' Esarhaddon is assured. 'Moreover, [the] gate of the fortress of Alvand [is secure (?)I and they will not open to him until the misfortune [... ...I has perished.' By 'the misfortune' the presence of Inaros is apparently meant. In other words, the gates of the fortress of Alvand will not open up before Inaros has gone away. The mention of the fortress of Alvand also seems to be an anachronism since it apparently relates to the Medes, who built the renowned capital at Ecbatana north of Mount Alvand, rather than the Assyrians. Esarhaddon's response is positive, and he praises Sinuqi with the words 'May BCI look upon you, Sinuqi son of Nabuqen!' He then ends the session and holds a feast. The text continues: 'Everything which the prophet [had said] to him; [he did] it all. The chief said: "Let a leather scroll be brought!" It was brought before him immediately. He let be written upon it some words of a commander which burned more than the [flame], which were stronger than the stone, which were without [... and which were] colder than the iron.' The reference to 'words of a commander' (a literal translation) suggests that the letter contained a military challenge, and it was presumably an attempt to somehow gain the upper hand on I n a r ~ s . 'This, ~ at least, is what one might suspect from a foreign king in contemporary Egyptian literature. The reason for the harsh wording is said to be 'because of the manner in which [... ...I gave wrath [... ... the] lance of prince Inaros.' The lance of Inaros seems to represent his military might and is mentioned repeatedly in Inaros stories. The letter is now given to a courier. The word used is hgr, a loan-word from Persian also attested in Greek ayyapoS, 'a mounted courier'. The courier crosses a mountain on a journey which apparently lasts 'three days and three nights'. He arrives at Inaros' camp and is questioned by sentries. Eventually the letter is handed over to someone who reads it aloud to Inaros. Here the fragment breaks off.

The Duel between Inaros and an Assyriarz Sorceress in the Shape of a Grifin In another fragment, a sorceress approaches the Assyrian king and states 'By :Ir!, the great fire of the east! I will bring the Egyptian to you'. The king is exceedingly happy to hear this. 'He made the joy of the world', the text states, and then praises the sorceress in the same manner that Sinuqi was praised: 'May :ri.. look [upon you!]'. A few lines later we are told that 'She changed her appearance into a griffin'. The phrase 'words of a commander' (md.t rvr-m-J's) also occurs elsewhere in the Inaros Epic, when Inaros challenges a Median opponent during a duel. They seem to be more or less parallel to the expression 'words of a soldier' (n8d.t rmt-knkn), which is sometinles used to describe taunts in connection with duels.

494

K. RYHOLT

The identity of the deity whose name is written :IC! and :r!. (the final part of the name is lost; restore perhaps :r!3 is not without difficulties. Since the Fayumic dialect mostly writes I for r and the name is actually written with an r once, lICfshould most likely be understood as :rci. In view of the epithet 'the great fire of the east' (p: sti n p: ijbt), it may be suggested that the name is a metathesis of Atar, the god of fire and son of Ahura Mazda. It might also speak in favour of this identification that 'the fortress of Persia' is mentioned in relation to the sorceress, but unfortunately the immediate context is lost. Elsewhere in the Inaros Epic, Ahura Mazda himself is described as 'the great serpent of the east' (p: sit C? n p: ijbt) which is perhaps a corruption of the same epithet, sti 'fire' having become sit 'serpent' through a metathesis. If the proposed identification with Atar is correct, i t would represent yet another example of the confusion between the Assyrians and Persians and one that is analogous to the fact that Sinuqi swears by Ahura Mazda. Whatever the exact identity, there may be a deliberate association between the fact that the sorceress swears by a god associated with fire and then changes herself into a griffin since the word 'griffin' (srrj) is homonymous with the word 'heat' ( s d later srrj). The actual encounter between Inaros and the griffin takes place while Inaros is camped with his army at the shore of the Red Sea. Gazing out over the sea, Inaros suddenly sees a creature in the sky 'its wings being spread out, covering the sun'.51 He fears that this might be the griffin whose nature had once been described to him by the Kushite ruler. This griffin was an enormous monster of 120 divine cubits length, about 63 metres, which had once roamed Nubia for three years and laid waste the land.52 Soon the griffin is upon Inaros and his army and causes terrible carnage in the camp. Witnessing the slaughter, Inaros frets for a moment and then calls out to Pekrur. The rest of the column is more o r less lost. When the text resumes in the next column, Inaros is recounting how he killed the griffin with an iron-tipped spear, made some kind of armor (41:) out of its skin, and threw the carcass into the sea. The battle between Inaros and the griffin is set in a mythological perspective by referring to the two combatants as Horus 'the Great of iMight' and Apophis.

An Egyptian visit to Esarhndclon 's Sleeping-qunrters Only a most tentative reconstruction of a third fragment can be presented at this time since just the end of the lines are preserved. These mention Pekrur, king Esarhaddon, the residence of the king, stairs (tltl), a gate, the royal sleeping-quarters (knl1i.t) and finding someone o r something. In the context, it seems a possible reconstruction that Pekrur hbs p; irn 'covering the ground' which seems to be a mistake for (rbs p: itrt 'covering the sun-disc'; cf. also the much earlier The Proplwcj oJ'Ncferti where the description of chaos 'the sun-disc is covered' (Helck 1992: 23, 25). includes the very same words: i f n (~bs.iv,

51 The manuscript reads

52 A more detailed description of a griffin occurs in the contemporary Myth oj'the Slrn2.sEye ( P . Mythus Leiden 15.lff: Spiegelberg 1917: 38-41) which 'schildert den srrj'[i.e. griffin] als das grijsste und rnkhtigste Wesen auf Erden, das iiber alle irdischen Wesen Macht hat wie der Tod und das Schicksal' (Spiegelberg 1917: 250).

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

makes his way to the royal palace, enters it, ascends the stairs, passes a gate and enters the sleeping-quarters of Esarhaddon. Whatever it is that he finds is not clear; perhaps the king himself, but an object referred to as 'the god's stone' (t: Cit-ntr)is also mentioned twice. The episode is likely to represent the topos of humiliating the enemy, in this case Assyria. Like every one else. rulers are vulnerable when sleeping, and to be surprised in the privacy of the royal sleeping-quarters of one's palace is, of course, a severe humiliation. The same motif is attested in the contemporary story of Khamwase and S i o s i r i ~ where , ~ ~ an Egyptian pharaoh is taken from his sleeping-quarters (knf7.t) in the palace and brought to Nubia and beaten with 500 blows. The culprit is here a Nubian sorcerer who uses magic to achieve the evil deed.

2. The Struggle for Inaros' Armor In the Inaros story known as the Struggle for Inaros' Armor there is a brief reference to an attempted invasion of Egypt on behalf of Esarhaddon. The passage in question, which is only preserved in one of the two extant manus~ripts,~%eads: 'Pemu said: Woe and misery! By Re-Harakhte, the Chief of the Gods, the Great God [------ pharaoh] Petubastis on the

... (?)

when the chief of Ashur Esarhaddon son of S[ennacherib ---I to take Egypt from pharaoh Petubastis, I jumped in [--- 1 ---I, I made very much bloodbath and destruction. I caused him to return to the east [---'

---

Pemu, who here takes credit for his role in repulsing Esarhaddon, was the son of Inaros. There is nothing to indicate that his claim should be understood as anything but legitimate, but it stands in contrast to the Inaros Epic where he plays no role in relation to the conflict with Esarhaddon or otherwise. However, there is hardly a need to assume that the different stories belonging to the Inaros cycle were entirely consistent, and the present passage is at any rate most likely historical fiction since Pemu would be the grandson of Bokennife who ruled Athribis during Esarhaddon's occupation of Egypt. Whether Pemu is even a historical figure remains uncertain and perhaps doubtful.

j3 Edited Griffith 1900; translations include Lichtheim 1980: 138-151. and Ritner in Simpson 2003: 470-489. 54 P. Kra11 5.6-9: Hoffmann 1996: 163-166.

K. RY HOLT

3. The Aramaic Sheikh Fad1 Inscription A further text that should be described in relation to the two aforementioned Inaros stories is a long and most curious Aramaic inscription. I shall describe this inscription in slightly more detail than is strictly necessary for the purpose of the present contribution in the hope of making it known to a wider a u d i e n ~ e . ~ ' The inscription, which has been dated palaeographically to the early fifth century BC, is written inside a Middle Kingdom tomb in a cave in the vicinity of Sheikh Fadl. It was discovered by Flinders Petrie in the season of 1921122, and first published already in 1923 by G i r ~ nWithin . ~ ~ the last ten years, the inscription has been republished twice; in 1995 by Lemaire on the basis of photographs that he made in 1984, and in 1999 by Porten and Yardeni on the basis of photographs made at an unspecified date by Joseph Leibovitch.j7 It has suffered considerable damage since it was found, but significant advances in the decipherment have nonetheless been possible. The inscription is written in red ink on three of the tomb's walls and divided into seventeen panels. Although it was already recognized by Giron that no less than three royal names occurred within the inscription, - sc. Necho of Egypt, Taharka of Kush, and Esarhaddon of Assyria, - the text seems to have received very limited attention. The most . ~ ~ suggests that the recent discussion known to me is a contribution by D a l l e ~ She inscription 'records events during the lifetime of the tomb's occupant', and that it is 'personal biography in Aramaic' belonging to not 'a native Egyptian' but a foreigner who was 'a very high-ranking officer under Assurbanipal and, perhaps, also Esarhaddon'. I do not consider this interpretation very likely. The inscription was written about 75 years after the death of all three kings to which it refers, and this alone would seem to rule out the possibility that it is a contemporary biography. To all intents and purposes. the text - as it is preserved - resembles fictional narrative literature, and Porten cautiously describes it as a romance.j9 Panel 2, one of the better preserved panels, is set in Heliopolis. It tells the story of a certain Hora (HRc) who has received a great desire for a certain woman: 'I shall not be able to leave her. I shall lie with her. I love her abundantly.' He then offers to compensate the woman financially, by paying her one karsh of silver, in return for her favours. She rejects him, which in turn leads to an increased offer of 100 karsh of silver that is also rejected. One karsh is about 83.3 grams60and hence 100 karsh is the equivalent of nearly 8 112 kilograms or 18 112 pounds of silver. Porten and Yardeni correctly point out in their edition that these events

" For further bibliography than cited here see Fitzmyer & Kaufman 1992: no. B.3.f.2. j6

Giron 1923.

57 Lernaire 1995; Porten & Yardeni 1999: 286-299, foldout 5-8. 58 Dalley 2001: 154-155. j9

Porten 1997: 217.

60 Cf. Porten 1968: 66.

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

recall the Tabubu episode in the story of Khan~waseand Naneferka~tah.~' Panels 3 and 4 are badly damaged and little can be made out. In Panel 5 the first preserved mention is made of 'Taharka king of the Kushites' (THRQ MLK KSY; 5A.8, 9; 1 1.8; 12.9) and of 'Pharaoh Necho' (PRcH NKW: 5A. 1 1; 8.12; 12.7). Also a eunuch Psamshek (PSMSK), i.e. Psammetichus, plays a role. The two kings are mentioned at least until Panel 12 after which little is preserved. It is also in this panel that the only preserved mentioned of Esarhaddon is found ('SHDN; 12.12). One further personal name occurs in the story, and it has been identified in three places in Porten and Yardeni's edition (5.11. 9.4, 7). The reading SNHRW is suggested, but the name is nowhere intact and especially the first sign is badly rubbed in all three occurrences. The hand-copies of the photographs that are presently available cannot help to settle the reading with certainty, but the issue might perhaps be resolved nonetheless. We learn from the Inaros Epic that theflourit of Inaros was the reign of king Necho and that he interacts with both Necho, Taharka and Esarhaddon. It is precisely the same constellation of rulers that the find in the Sheikh Fadl narrative. In this light i t may be proposed that the name in question should rather be read YNHRW, an Aramaic transliteration of the personal name Inaros also attested elsewherea6*It may be noted that while Lemaire only ventured to suggest a reading of the initial sign in 9.7, he cautiously read it Y at this place (although as YNHTW and not YNHRW). Moreover, the reading YNHRW has the advantage over SNHRW that no clear etymology presents itself in relation to the latter. The significance of the Sheikh Fad1 inscription is the fact that it - if the name YNHRW has been correctly read - provides by far the earliest mention of Inaros and, furthermore, that Inaros already in this context is mentioned specifically in relation to Necho, Taharka and Esarhaddon. It is therefore regrettable that its contents remain largely obscure.

4. The Story of Ahiqar Another text that concern relations between Esarhaddon and Egypt is a Demotic story about the famous sage Ahiqar, which forms part of a long literary tradition. The sayings of Ahiqar and the narrative frame in which they are presented have a documented transmission covering more than a thousand years, during the course of which they were modified and translated into a number of language^.^' It is still a matter of discussion, however, whether the original work was composed in Aramaic or Akkadian. In the present context, it is interesting that the two oldest known versions are

" Edited by Griffith 1900; translations include Lichtheim 1980: 125-138, and Ritner in Simpson 2003: 453-469. 62 Vittmann 2002: 92 n. 53, has independently come to the same conclusion though without reference to the

Inaros stories. For attestations of the name in Aramaic, see both ibid. and Porten 2002: 314. 63 The main editions and translations are Nau 1909, Conybeare pr nl. I913 and Harris el al. 1913.

498

K. RYHOLT

preserved on papyri found in Egypt. The oldest is an Aramaic papyrus from Elephantine dating to the late fifth century BC.@ The Demotic version, with which we are concerned here, dates around the first century AD. Only two small fragments of the latter are preserved." Their provenance is unknown, but the use of lambdacislns (the use of I instead of r , as in the name of Ahiqar which is written :Liikl and 3Lligl) indicates a Fayurnic origin. Before turning to the Demotic fragments, a brief outline of the story as preserved in the main versions may be presented. Ahiqar was the highest counsellor of king Sennacherib. He grows old without having begotten a son and Sennacherib grants him that his nephew Nadin may be recognized as heir to his office and possessions. Ahiqar shares his wisdom with Nadin and a whole chapter of proverbs follow. Despite his new privileges and learning, the nephew turns out to be evil and wishes to supplant his uncle immediately. He convinces Esarhaddon, who has succeeded Sennacherib, that Ahiqar has rebelled against him. Esarhaddon orders the execution of Ahiqar, but he is saved by a man who owes him his life. When the king of Egypt learns that Esarhaddon has lost his wise counsellor, he presents him with an apparently impossible challenge, to build a castle in the sky. Ahiqar returns from hiding to rescue Esarhaddon from the humiliation and is pardoned. He proves able to counter every challenge from the Egyptian king and is rewarded both by the Egyptian king and Esarhaddon who hands over his nephew for punishment. Another chapter of proverbs follow, at the end of which the nephew falls dead. This concludes the text. The two Demotic fragments clearly belong to the narrative frame and do not preserve any of the sayings. Unfortunately they hardly preserve a single intact sentence and it is therefore difficult to establish a definite relation with specific passages in the better known versions of Ahiqar in other languages. Yet it seems rather likely that the Cairo fragment might belong to the episode where Ahiqar's nephew has tricked him into assembling the Assyrian army and then deceitfully convinces Esarhaddon that Ahiqar and the army have rebelled against him. The crucial line reads 'The army which was rebelling is the one that has come to Ni[neveh (?)I' (line 9), which would then be part of the report to E~arhaddon.~"he Berlin fragment has been compared to the episode where pharaoh challenges Ahiqar to build a castle in the sky.67 I wonder if it might not rather

P. Berlin P 13446. The papyrus is edited by Cowley 1923: 204-248, and Porten & Yardeni 1993: 22-53. foldouts 1-9, and further translated by Lindenberger 1985 and Kottsieper 1991. The proverbs are translated without the narrative frame by Grelot 1972: 427-452; revised 2001: 51 1-528, and are studied by Lindenberger 1983. @

+ P. Berlin P 23729: published by Zauzich 1976: 180-185. His translation is reprinted in Kiichler 1979: 333-337, and Lindenberger 1983: 310-312, together with a third fragment (P. Berlin P 15658) which apparently contain sayings and which may or may not be part of the Ahiqar manuscript. A photograph of the Cairo fragment is published by Sobhy 1930: 3-4, pl. VII.2.

65 P. Cairo Nat. Bibl. (inv. no unknown)

66 Zauzich 1976: 183. The toponym should presumably be restored Nineveh (i.e. in the standard

orthography N:[nirv:]), as already suggested by Zauzich, since this city is also the Assyrian royal residence in other Dcmotic literary texts. 67 Zauzich 1976: 184.

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION O F EGYPT

belong to the episode where Ahiqar is saved from the execution ordered by king Esarhaddon and hidden away, but very little is p r e ~ e r v e d . ~ ~ Comparison is further hampered by the fact that the other version from Egypt, the Aramaic text, only preserves part of the narrative; the whole episode about Esarhaddon and the Egyptian pharaoh is lost. This is particularly regrettable since it is precisely this episode which one would expect to have interested the Egyptian audience, and it would therefore have been useful to see how it was described in the Aramaic version. As shown by some of the other texts discussed in this paper, Esarhaddon and the Assyrian invasion caused a lasting impression and were the focus of Egyptian literature until the coming of Christianity. The Berlin fragment does in fact mention a 'chief' (p: wr) which could be the Assyrian king. Esarhaddon is similarly referred to in the Inaros Epic, the Struggle for Inaros' Armor and P. Berlin P 15682. However, in the Cairo fragment Ahiqar himself is also referred to by this title (line 12) and it therefore cannot be excluded that the aforementioned chief might be Ahiqar. Since only two small fragments of the Demotic story survive, it is impossible to determine its nature with any degree of certainty. Nonetheless I think it would be a fair guess that it somehow brought Ahiqar and Esarhaddon, and presumably also the invasion of Egypt, into the same context as the stories discussed above involving Esarhaddon. That is, a context in which Esarhaddon is defeated and humiliated. If this is so, then the Demotic story will not have been a mere translation, but rather an adaptation and perhaps a very loose one. Whether it would have included sayings of Ahiqar is difficult to say, and above all one wonders what role Ahiqar played in the story.69 It is, perhaps, significant that in the Syriac version the Egyptian pharaoh and Ahiqar are on quite amiable terms although the latter easily outwits pharaoh.

5. P. Berlin P 15682 This is a single papyrus fragment consisting of a full-height strip of a single column. The text is being prepared for publication by Prof. K.-Th. Zauzich, with whom I read it many years ago as a student in Wiirzburg. It is written in a typical Fayumic hand, but the exact provenance cannot be determined.70 A date in the first or second century AD seems

68 One passage reads 'No orie on earth fourirl out what htrtl huppcned to him' (line 4). and two lines before

it is stated that '... you soughr.for us; you did not seek suffering'. The latter could well refer to the time when Ahiqar saved from king Sennacherib's wrath the third party who later saves him. In this case a conceivable restoration would be 'Good is what] jorr soughtfor rrs: jou did riot seek suffering'. Both 'ri and t f r are wellattested antonyms of tllc and would provide this sense. 69 Zauzich 1976: 185 n. 20. mentions the possibility that a further fragment (P. Berlin P 15658), which

might be written in the same hand as the two Ahiqar fragments, could belong to the same manuscript. 70 The hand closely resembles that of the main manuscript of Petekhons and Sarpot, as well as that of an

unpublished papyrus from Tebtunis (P. Carlsbesg 555). The latter is inscribed with a narrative which mentions Persia. In view of the Iatter fragment, the possibility cannot be entirely excluded that the Berlin fragment might have come from Tebtunis like so many other fragments in Berlin.

500

K. RYHOLT

likely. The story mentions Esarhaddon and 'men of the east' (rint.w na i:bt), as well as an Egyptian entitled 'the king's son Necho son of Pabes'. Further details will have to await the publication.

6. P. Trier Univ. Bibl. S 109A This papyrus, which consists of three fragments, was kindly shown to me by Prof. Barbel Kramer a few years ago.7' Its provenance is unknown, but the text contains no lambdacism, which can usually be taken as an indication of a non-Fayumic origin although there are exceptions. The hand is perhaps late Ptolemaic in date. The text mentions 'the chief of Ashur' (pZ wr Kwr) who is almost certainly identical to someone who is simply referred to as 'the chief' several times. Also the army of the ruler and Babylon (Bbl) is mentioned. The papyrus remains unpublished.

7. Djoser and Irnhotep The story of king Djoser and his chancellor Imhotep is preserved in a single papyrus from the Tebtunis temple library, which can be dated palaeographically to the first or perhaps second century AD.72 Djoser and Imhotep are both historical figures from the Third Dynasty, around 2650 BC. The extant fragments of the story preserve parts of various events which do not seem directly related. These include, for instance, the encounter with a spirit. The two main fragments describe an expedition to Assyria undertaken in order to find and retrieve 'the forty-two divine limbs'. The divine limbs are the holiest of relics, the remains of Osiris h i m ~ e l f . ~ qmythical n times Osiris had been murdered by his brother Seth, who dismembered the corpse and spread the body parts all over Egypt in the attempt to prevent his resurrection. The exact number of body parts varies in different sources. The number in the present story is a symbolic figure based on Egypt's canonical division in the Late Period into forty-two nomes, each of which is here ascribed one relic. Thus it represents the totality of Egypt. Nor should the divine limbs be understood literally; in the present context they symbolize the sacred images of the Egyptians. The looting of temples and the removal of deities during periods of foreign invasion or occupation caused a severe trauma to the Egyptians, and the retrieval of exiled divine images is a

71 During the Demo~isclwSottw~ersclzulein Trier, August 26-29,2001, organized by Prof. S. P, Vleeming.

72 P, Carlsberg 85 with minor fragments in other collections. The story is briefly mentioned by Volten

1951: 73, Botti 1955: 4, Barns 1967: 33, Wildung 1969: 91-93; 1977: 130-131, Zauzich 1991: 6, and Winnicki 1994: 153. A more recent brief account of the story in Danish is Ryholt 2000a: 33-35. 73 Wildung 1977: 131, and Winnicki 1994: 153, refer to the divine images as foreign deities, but this is a

misunderstanding.

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

well-attested topos in literature and propaganda during the Greco-Roman period.74

The Duel between Imlzotep and the Assyrian Sorceress The first of the two main fragments describes an encounter between the Egyptian and the Assyrian armies. The Egyptian army is led by Imhotep, and the Assyrian army by a woman who, strangely enough, carries the Egyptian name Seshemnefertum. There can be little doubt that the woman is actually an Assyrian since she is once referred to as 'the Assyrian woman' (t: 7iwl.t). The text begins in the middle of a discussion between the Assyrian king and Seshemnefertum. The king is evidently worried and asks her if she has everything under control. She calms him, says something about magic, presun~ablyabout its efficiency, and then ends her answer with the words: 'Do not worry about it.' The Assyrian king is not portrayed as a heroic figure, nor would we expect him to be in this context. The conversation clearly concerns a duel of magic between Seshemnefertum and Imhotep which is about to take place. Its beginning is described as follows: 'She made [an image of Geb.] She cast a spell upon it, and she let it live. She let it go to the battlefield, and [it] joined the Assyrians. Imhotep made an image [of Nut. He cast a spell upon it,] and he let it live. He let it go to the battlefield, and it joined the E g y p t i a n ~ . ' ~ ~ Images that are given life through magic are a frequent ingredient in contemporary Egyptian narratives; they are often said to be made from wax.76 The deities who are here summoned to the aid of the duellists have a clear symbolism; they represent heaven (Nut) and earth (Geb), and the duel accordingly takes on cosmic proportions. Seshemnefertum creates further divine images, each of which Imhotep counters with a corresponding image. She then creates a monster, 'a great snake which was one hundred divine cubits'. The length corresponds to a little more than fifty metres, and the enormous creature 'made bloodbath and slaughter among the army', a stock phrase in Demotic narratives. But once again Irnhotep manages to counter her magic. She finally generates a magical fire which is quenched by Imhotep. During each successive stage of the battle, the initiative has been that of Seskhemnefertum, and Imhotep has confined himself to countering her attacks. He now takes the word and makes a speech. He first addresses his opponent as 'my sister Seshemnefertum' which, in the present context, signals that he regards her as someone of equal status to himself. He proceeds to state that 'I have not yet let my hand come out after her' and that 'there is nothing which she can do if I don't ...'. Although the text is full of lacunae, the general sense is clear enough; Imhotep is confident that he could easily defeat her if he wished to do so. Unfortunately the fragment breaks off at this point and we do not learn how the encounter ends.

74

Winnickj 1994. This topos will be discussed in further detail in the paper announced in n. 2.

75 The names of the deities occur again a few Iines later and are restored on this basis. 76 The application of wax in Egyptian magic is discussed by Raven 1983.

502

K.RYHOLT

The magical duel finds a close parallel in the contemporary story of Khamwase and S i ~ s i r i s There . ~ ~ the opponent is a Kushite magician, and once again it is he who takes the initiative while the superior Egyptian magician merely counters his moves for a while before finally dispatching him. The Kushite magician is consumed by fire and dies. Whether the encounter in Djoser and Imhotep had a similar outcome is perhaps doubtful in view of Imhotep's respectful reference to Seshemnefertum. In another contemporary story, that of Petekhons and Sarpot, the duel between the Egyptian hero and the queen of the Amazons ends with the two falling in love and joining forces. It was therefore not impossible that an Egyptian hero could fall in love with a foreigner, and also in this story is the female opponent respectfully greeted by the Egyptian as his 'sister'.

The Subnzission o f the Assyrian King and the Retrieval of the Divine Inzages

In the second main fragment the Assyrians have been defeated. The Assyrian king submits before the Egyptian king with his army and presents tribute of gold and silver. As it is customary, the Assyrian king is simply referred to as 'the chief and his identity does not emerge from the extant text. Then 'Pharaoh said: "I must hurry east because of the forty-two divine limbs." Pharaoh went to Nineveh with his army and the chief (i.e. the Assyrian king). Thereafter it came to pass that every single city at which he arrived, its prince came out before him [with] his tribute. reached Nineveh and he settled there with his army. The chiefs of the east heard of this and they came with their provisions and their gifts.' The divine images are shortly after discovered at the fortress of riz-Bl ('Ah-Bel?). Celebrations follow, but at night Djoser is told in a dream that he should not return the divine images to Egypt immediately. The reasons for this are not entirely clear.

8. Naneferkasokar and the Babylonians Fragments of the story of Naneferkasokar and the Babylonians are preserved in two manuscripts, a p a p y r u ~ ~ ~ f rTebtunis om dating to the third or second century BC and an o ~ t r a c o nof~ unknown ~ provenance from the first century AD. The ostracon is complete but contains merely the excerpt of a few lines, and only one fragment of the papyrus has so far been published. It is therefore just possible to make a few preliminary remarks on this occasion. The narrative was evidently quite substantial since fragments of the Tebtunis papyrus 77 For references, see note 53 above. 78 P, Carlsberg 303 + P. Berlin P 13640. The Berlin fragment is published by Spiegelberg 1932 and there is a translation of the fragment in Italian by Bresciani 1969: 675-676; 1990b: 942-944. The more substantial Carlsberg fragments remain unpublished. They are briefly mentioned by Zauzich 1991: 6, and a few passages are cited by Chauveau 1991. 79

0. IFAO Dem. 890: published by Chauveau 1991.

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

preserve column numbers 19 and 27. The theme of the extant fragments, the conflict between an Egyptian hero and the king of Babylon, may suggest that also this story was somehow based on the memory of the Assyrian invasions. However, there is no direct relation between this story and the Inaros cycle as once assumed.s0 Neither Inaros himself nor any other member of the cast of the Inaros stories are mentioned in this narrative. The extant fragments describe a conflict with the king of Babylon (lit. 'the chief of Babel', p: IVY Bbl). His identity does not emerge, but like Esarhaddon in the Inaros Epic, he swears by the god Be1 several times. The country is referred to as 'the district of Babylon' (p: ts' Bbl), i.e. Babylonia, and the subjects of the king are called 'the Assyrians' (n: iir.w). The latter designation is here evidently applied in the loose sense 'Syrians'. The Egyptian hero in the fragments is a certain Naneferkasokar. He refers to himself as a mighty warrior. but no title or other designation is used in relation to his name and it is therefore unclear what formal status he has. The published fragment preserves the vertical half of a single column, and the first half of every line is lost. This naturally causes some difficulty for the interpretation of the story. It is told that Naneferkasokar is staying with the king of Babylon, but where and under what conditions is not clear. At one point (11. 7-8) it is described that 'Naneferkasokar shaved himself. He put on some fine clothes [---I. When the chief saw him, he laughed. Naneferkasokar could not also laugh.' The context seems to indicate that the king's laughter is merry, rather than insulting, and that Naneferkasokar is too grave to laugh. A conversation ensues. At one point Naneferkasokar says 'May the prince make an oath for me that I will not be punished'. This request is presumably made because of the bold statement which follows: 'I have not seen a man who was stronger than me'. The reaction of the Babylonian king is immediate: 'The moment he said this, the head of the prince went red'. Naneferkasokar proceeds to describe some terrible event that has or had befallen Egypt (11. 15-26). Someone has died, apparently a ruler, and the Egyptians became very 'hard-hearted'. No longer were offerings presented to the gods and the Egyptians ceased to work altogether. Eventually the generals sought out 'the strongest one among them', presumably in order to set him up as the new ruler since the next line mentions a pharaoh who is crowneds1 and enriched with someone's possessions. Next, an expedition is sent to Egypt's southern border, but a sudden celestial phenomenon brings an immediate end to it.82 The king of Babylon responds to the story by summoning a series of men, fourteen in total, from among the satraps. Some costly materials are mentioned, including something

The supposed relation goes back to Bresciani 1964: 9; 1969: 675; 1990: 942; cf. also Lichtheim 1980: 152, Kitchen 1986: $424, and, more cautiously, Chauveau 1991: p. 147 n. 3. Spiegelberg 1932: 177-178, did not consider the possibility very likely, and it was rightly rejected by Thissen 1977: 873.

" The noun kbn, which is not read by Spiegelberg, is Coptic klorn 'crown, wreath' (Csum 1939: 104b). s2 It is stated that 'the sky made ...' before the line breaks of. Spiegelberg 1978: 178 n. 35, suggests that the passage referred to rain or an eclipse.

504

K. RYHOLT

made out of 'first-class purple-dyed The king then proceeds to his residence, 'his face being very weak', and also his leaders go away. The final line concludes the column with the words: 'Is this the one who is stronger than the entire Babylonia? He will be cursed ...'. The confusion between the eastern empires is also evident in this narrative. It refers to satraps, for which the Persian designation is used in the Egyptian transliteration hsrrpn, and their personal names seem to be Persian. This suggests an Achaemenid setting. Yet the story concerns the Babylonian king and Babylonia. Spiegelberg compared this confusion to the Coptic Cambyses Romance, where the Persian king Cambyses and the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar are confused. It has since been shown that the historical setting of the Cambyses Romance is based on the S e p t ~ a g i n t . ~ ~ Matters are not made less complex by the reference to the 15th regnal-year of pharaoh Pi: in one of the unpublished fragments. The date follows a spatium and clearly forms the introduction to a new episode in the story. It has plausibly been argued that the royal name is a Demotic rendering of that of the Kushite king Pi~e.~"his king is best known from his Triumphal Stele which commemorates his expedition into northern Egypt in his 2 1st r e g n a l - ~ e a r . ~ ~

9. The Story of Nakhthorshen The story of Nakhthorshen is preserved in a single papyrus manuscript from Tebt~nis.~'Thecolophon of the manuscript records the fact that it was written in the 8th regnal-year of Claudius, i.e. 47/48 AD. The setting of the story seems to be based upon the situation during the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty when the Kushites ruled large parts of Egypt, but it is unclear if it also concerns the Assyrians. The main character in the surviving fragments seems to be a man named Nakhthorshen (N!ht-Hr-51). This is the same name as Nakhthornashen (NIit-Hr-it:-Sn.w), albeit in an orthography that omits the definite article in order to give the name an archaic air.88 The rarity of the personal name and the setting of the story at a time of conflict with the Kushites makes it likely that the character of Nakhthorshen is based upon one of two similarly named historical rulers, Nakhthornashen I who ruled Phagroriopolis in the easternmost part of the Delta during the invasion by king Piye and Nakhthornashen I1 who ruled Pisapdia north of Memphis during the invasion of king Esarhaddon.

83 The etymology of the word :rgvn is discussed by Vittnlann 1996: 437.

84 Richter 1997-1998: 54-66. X5 Zauzich 1991: 6. 86 For refercnces. see note 38 above.

87 P, Carlsberg 400 with further, smaller fragments in other collections. The Carlsberg parts are briefly : mentioned by Zauzich 1991: 6, and there is a recent brief account of the story in Danish by Ryholt 2 0 0 0 ~ 37.

X8 Such treatment of names is by no means uncommon in Demotic narratives; another example is afforded by the name P:-rrh-k: var, Nh-k:, the ruler of Herakleopolis discussed above.

THE ASSYRIAN INVASION OF EGYPT

Unfortunately i t is difficult to ascertain which of the two is the more likely candidate. No title, toponyms or other clues that might help with an identification occur in relation to his name. The only information the extant fragments provide is the name of his father, PI-hr.6. The name seems perfectly sound, but it is not otherwise attested and is perhaps fictitious. The largest fragment preserves part of an episode which commences thus: 'While all these things took place, the army of the men of the east were outside [... ...I and the four Kushite rulers had made camp before them. Amyrtaios son of Peftjaubaste went out from the camp before the sun had set in the evening. He went outside the stockade of the camp and he hurried up. He looked at the army of the four Kushite rulers which were spread out before them.' Other fragments describe a battle and great slaughter. The term 'men of the east' is used in some contexts to refer to the Assyrians, which could speak in favour of Nakhthornashen 11. However, 'men of the east' can also refer to men from the eastern Delta where Nakhthornashen I ruled. Perhaps a more important clue is the fact that the story mentions a pharaoh whose court lies at Tanis. In the reign of Piye there does not seem to have been a king at Tanis. This had changed by the time Esarhaddon invaded Egypt at which point Petubastis ruled from this city, and it is therefore possible that also this story was based upon the memory of the conflict between the Assyrians and the Kushites.

Conclusion The narrative material surveyed in the present paper mostly belongs to the final stage of a long literary tradition, which took its beginning in the wake of the Assyrian invasion and occupation of Egypt. Whatever stories originally circulated, the material was continuously re-edited and expanded upon throughout the centuries. One of the striking traits is, for instance, the conflation of the Assyrians and the Persians, whose invasions of Egypt from the east were confused in later memory. Also later events seem to have influenced the stories. A more detailed discussion of the material will be presented elsewhere, but I may offer a few remarks already here. It is hardly necessary to emphasize that the stories are historical fiction and contain little of direct historical value. It would, however, be a grave mistake to see these narratives as mere entertainment. Many of the n~anuscripts formed part of the Tebtunis temple library, and the palaeography of the Ahiqar and Berlin fragments may indicate that they too came from temple libraries in the Fayum. Narrative material like that preserved in the Tebtunis temple library was widely exploited by classical authors in their accounts of Egypt's history. This is well illustrated by the remains of the Aigyptiaka composed by the Egyptian priest Manetho in the third century BC, which is the only extant native history of Egypt. Also authors like Herodotus and Diodorus bear full testimony of this. In a few fortuitous instances, Egyptian versions of specific stories told by these authors have even been identified among the holdings of

K. RYHOLT

temple l i b r a r i e ~ . ~ ~ These circumstances lead me to believe that the narrative material was rather selected and kept as some form of record of Egypt's p a ~ t . ~ " T h imight s also explain the predominance of the Inaros cycle and other similar stories in the Tebtunis temple library. These are texts that mostly celebrate a glorious past where Assyrians - alongside Kushites, Persians and other foreigners - were defeated and humiliated. Seen in this light, the material offers a valuable insight to an Egyptian history that was based on a vague memory but largely invented, and that evolved continuously during the many centuries of foreign occupation from the Assyrians to the Romans.

Postscript: For the Aramaic Sheikh Fad1 inscription, see now also G. Vittmann, iisypten und die Fremden im ersten vorchristlichen Jahrtuusen~i(Mainz am Rhein, 2003), pp. 104-105. The so-called Dream Stela of Tanutamani (footnote 22) has recently been re-edited in F. Breyer, Tanutaniani. Die Traumstele und ilzr Urnfeld (AAT 57; Wiesbaden 2003).

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90 In this respect I disagree with Hoffrnann 1995: 22, who argues in relation to the Inaros stories that

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ten.