Róna-Tas - Berta: Turkic Loanwords in Hungarian

RAPT R

El

HT

LISTS AND INDI

8.1

ES

Improbable etymologies

In this subchapter, I include 70 etymologies which I have found either unacceptable or at least improbable. I first deal with those 28 which required longer argumentatio and then with those which can be covered in brief.

8.1.1

Notes on some improbable etymologies

[cickan] 'shrew, Soricidae' 11800 tzitzkany [cickan] 1cickati < "cickan +Grm scientific lg 1EOT sicgan id. < * slcV- 'to defecate' [with suff -gAn} 1 ee dschilkistsitskan 'Mus Lagurus, Rauchschwanzige Maus, Zugmaus' (Georgi 1 97: 15 0) +- ? T sickan, ctckan 'mouse, rat'. Of Grm origin. E/H Earlier research (Varnbery 1882a: 219; Munkacsi 18 6-1 : 4 1; Gombocz 1912b: 66-67) considered the H word to have come directl fr T. Paasonen (1913: 57) and Doerfer (1963-1975/3: 307) pointed out that the H ord cannot po ibly be connected with the Chuv word forms. Citing Barczi \ Tithout an remark LiL ti (1986: 118) mentioned this word in his monograph. In the Inde t his boo -, he did not place cickany in brackets, which is eith r a lip r mean th t he believ ed it t be ofT def. According to Benko (1967-1984/1: 427; 1993-199711: 166), the H word .as

CICKANY

mediated through the Grm scientific literature. The word is of immediat Grrn origin. It has a 11 n rill in the H guzu. The T word came through the work of eorgi 1797 [or a lat r edition]: 15 0 r its source (perhaps P Has, Rcise durch versch i d ne Provinzen d Ru i h n R i h . 1771-1776: 1563 Tat jilki it kan 'Mu agus , jilkis ts itskan 'Mu Lagurus int the Grm scientific literature. The H word first app ared in th H - Trilldi t by J z.. Marten (1800) as the H equi al nt of rrn ' pitzrnaus'. Th upp d phonetic han]

LISTS AND INDI

1180

in H cickan

<

* cickan can be explained through

ES

the influence of the H

ord ndmg

+Any, +kAny, +vAny, etc. For the T etymology, compare Mo cicagulin 'mole, gopher, prairie squirrel' e: (MMo MA cici- 'to defecate', LM cicaga 'diarrhoea', cicarkayla- 'to defecate wateryfeces', Bur sese- 'stradat ponosorri': cf. Ramstedt (1952-1966/1: 96); Starostm-DyboMudrak (2003: 1287). Mo "cica- may go back to "sica- (see also Scerbak 1997. 145' Tenisev 2001: 167-168) . • Georgi 1797: 1570; Czuczor-Fogarasi Munkacsi

1862-1874/1: 1126; Fialowsky

1886-1887: 471; Szily 1902-1908/1: 41; Gombocz

1912: 146; Nerneth

1878: 215; Vambery

1907a: 154; Gombocz

1912: 401; Paasonen 1913: 57; Varnbery 1914: 144; Gornbocz+Melich

660; Ramstedt 1952-1966/1: 96; Scerbak 1961: 148-149; Doerfer Benko 1967-1984/1: 427; Rasanen

1912b: 66-67; Meiich 1914-194411: 659-

1963-1975/3: 307-308; Egorov J964· 336.

1969: 414; Clauson 1972: 796; Doerfer-Tezcan

1980: 188; Ligeti 1.86: J:

Erdal 1991: 88; Benko 1993-1997/1: 166; Fedotov 1996/2: 452; Scerbak 1997: 145; Tenisev Dybo 2003: 425-430; Starostin-Dybo-Mudrak

1 82a: 1. 9.

2001: 1

-16,

2003: 1287, 1301.

'gipsy' 11370 GN ? Cygan, 1476 Czigan-os, 1495 Czigan I H ~ Balkan 1. According to Benk6 (1993-1997/1: 167), H cigany may be a Southern SI word through Rom mediation. According to him, the source of the Southern SI words is of Gr (Byzantine) origin: nrLyyavoS- < aelyyavoS- 'the name of a people in the Middle East in the 9th c.'. Ligeti (1986) did not include cigany among the T copies in H. Stachowski (2002: 159-169) recently discussed the possible etymological link between H cigany and szegeny. Stachowski's article contains very important remar about the phonetic stumbling blocks in a Gr starting point for the "Wanderwor " that means' gipsy'. However, the solution he proposed (H cigany ~ 1 ~ T * cikiiri * cigiui - * cikan - * cigari ~ OH * sigan > H szegeny) raised new and insurmountable phonetic issues. According to Stachowski, the older form of EOT cigan wa * cikan. but he offered no explanation for the unusual weakening of the intervocalic E T guttural. There is no foundation for the hypothesis that H szegeny had an OH form * ;-;, sigan. CIGANY

r

• Czuczor-Fogarasi 1862-1874/1: 1128-1129; Halasz 1888: 250-255: Rozvany 1895: 7 -5 9; Gornbocz+Melich 1914-1944/1: 665-670; Wertner 1917: 146-149; Pais 1936a: 233-236; Barczi 1941: 31; Ramstedt 1952-1966/2: 223; Benko 1967-1984/1: 429; Rasanen 1969: 104, 107; lau on 1972: 40 -409; Benk6 19q~1997/1: 167; Tenisev 2001: 334; Stachowski 2002: 159-169; Tietze 2002: 519; Starostin- Dybo- \ludrak 445; Erdal 2004: 71-75.

'2 03:

[bltak] 'mud, marshy place' \1783 tsatakos [catak-os], dial csatko [.at ~ -:] id., 1802 tsatak [catak] 'mud' \ catak +- * catak \ EOT catik titig 'clinging mud' . t'to add, to bring together, to join' \ See csatol.

CSATAK

E/H According to Gombocz-Melich (1914-1944/1: 883 s.v. csatakosi. .atak may be a back-formation fr csatakos, which is of unknown origin. Bar zi 1o 1: ~6. ' atakos) considered the H word to be an internal H dev lopment f n onomatop i base. Rasonyi (1941-1943: 114) argued for a T beginning for the word nd ited me

IM 1

t di 1 word

to tr n

h n hi vi w: catak 'viztclya

h 1

0

1

pa

helve: pIa e where rivul ts flow tog th r', catak delta'. In thi as. the T. rd be etymologically id ntical with the T etym n for s tol. Ben 6 (1967- 19' 4/1; 1993-1997/1:

193-194, csatakos) accepted Barczi's (1941 position

H r

Id 5,

cl

ar

word-final -k to be a suff and suggested that the base of th H word-family La be determined precisely. It is also possible that the H ord de eloped r he ha formation csatakos in que tion.

>

satak. Ligeti (1986) did not discuss the etymolog

of th

'0

_ d

The H \ ord is certainly not related to T cat- 'to add, join'. In the expression. c ti. titig 'clinging mud', catik denotes 'clinging' fr cat- 'to add, to join'. In Tur " 'e In catak uniting, meeting: confused' (Turk]) fr the same base . • Edel pacher 1876: 197: Gornbocz+Melich 1914-1944/1: 883; Barczi 1941: 36; Rasonyi 194~-1 Doerfer 1963-1975/3: 54; Benk6 1967-1984/1: 485; Benko 1993-1997 1: 193-194.

4:

1.;

[cepp], csopp [copp] 'drop, a bit, tiny, very small, minute' /125 ? G~ Chep [cep], 1307 ? GN Chepch [ccp-c], c1493 cheeppyn- [cepp-in] I Of onomatopoeic on in but perhaps influenced by T cop I See EOT cop. E/H The H linguistic literature has generally discussed H csepp. csopp as onomatopoeic word forms and mainly compared them with their FlTgr and l-gr counterparts (Benko (1967-1984/1: 501; 1993-1997/1: 202)). Barczi .1941: 3 ). howe -er. righ 1~' pointed out that in the case of words of onomatopoeic der the rresponding Fl.gr and U gr forms cannot possibly serve as proof that the H word re re ents par of he old FU gr or U gr heritage. It was Vambery (1914: 148) who first argued in favour f the po ible T rigi the H word. More recently, Vasar (1994: 2 ) mention d the paten ial interr Iation between H csepp, csopp and T words, According to him, the H word t c .pp' d op. a bit, csepeg- 'to drop, dribble') were somehow influ need - T data. They are no fr T; they are on matopoei . How \ r th . arne under th influen f Twords Substanti ting asary': opinion i ,nevertheles , a diffi ult t k. One -an add t that the semantic sid of his po: iti n de' n t ~e m v ry tr ng b au e th on 'Ill meaning of the T v ord d . n t form part f the sarn ernanti field. The H 'I cl ' csepp, csopp ignif 'drop, a bit' nd th T fonn d n t 'dr . dim nt blush, CSEPP

T

r

dirt, filth', The word-final Ligeti (1986) did not in lud

long cons nant (-pp) in the H word

CStPP,

"pp among th T h

T

may b .

~n H. _~

• Czuczor-Fogara i 1 62-1874t1" 055; Bud nz 1 ,-1 1: 365: Balmt 1 . O. Be 14\} -H. Tomborz-Meli h 191 -19 0: 954, ambery 1914: III : Szinnyei 1020a. 14:c.: Bar ::1 1°"i1 ,;~~. l°('l-t 22 . B nk6 ]967-19 4;1: 501, Lake 1967-1078d' 11.. Rasanen 164: llL; 13W~)n P 2. . n l . T" t 'IlHY" -. c , 'tar sun Dvbo ludt ; - ) 1997/}; 202; Va oar J994: 275-1..77' Fedoto 1990/1..: 1'i; le ze w'

452.

.)...

••

~

1182

LIST

AND INDI

[cerge] 'a coarse woven cloth (used for tent as carp t)' /1331 cherge [e r ], 1362-1365 cherge-sator [cerge-sator] 'cerge tent', 1604 Sergelepel [$ rg 1 p 1] , v rR

garment', I cerge +- * ciirgii through Rom I MT cargd. MT ciirgii 'tente, petite tente appelee kalenderi' (AChag), carg« 'palat a dlinnaja, na dvuh stolbah' (AChagBud), ciirgii 'Zelt, das mit zwei Stangen g stii zt : , kleine Zelte der Nomaden' (AChagR), ciirgii 'cadir' (AChagSS), cerge 'Wand rz Hutte' (AChagSSK), ciirgii 'kleines Zelt' (AChagZ), cerge, jerge 'derme catma cadir' (AOtT); NT NW cerge, cerge, cer'i 'sank yuninnan basilgan kiez: kosma, vojlo ' (TatD1), cerge 'kiez; vojlok, kosma' (TatD2); SW cerge, cergi 'small, makeshift tent, gipsy's tent; (hist.) marqee used as a porch to a royal encampment' (Tt), cerge = cergi 'zanaves, naves na dvuh stolbah; malen'kaja masterskaja (po remontu caso , obuvi i t.p.), sater, jurta' (TtB); cerge, cergi 'gocebe cadm, cerden copten yapma golgelik, bostan ve bahcelerde yapilan kulube', cergi 'ince kilim, cardak, cadmn etrafma cevrilen kil orme' (TtD), cerge tcergi. c;erke) 'kilirn, bir cesit dokuma ortu', cerge (cerge, cergi, fergi) 'gocebe cadin, tente' (Ttfrt): SE cirgi 'potnik', cirgilik 'kosma, prigodnaja dlja izgotovlenija potnika' (Uzb). ElT The T word ciirgii 'tent used by the nomads, carpet, etc.' has only been known since the MT sources and its occurrence in the contemporary lgs is very limited. It seems to be a lw in the T 19s. According to Redhouse (1968: 248), it has a Gr etymology. Tietze (2002: 498) discussed the corresponding Tt dial data under two entries. According to him, ferge I 'kilim, yun ortu' was copied fr Gr toepva (tserga) while cerga in the various SI (BIg, Croat, Serb) 19s goes back to Lat serica 'silk'. According to Tietze, the Tt dial word c;erge II I cerge 'cadir, derme catma kulube' was taken fr BIg cerga 'tent'. On the adequate Tt and SI word forms, see also Rasanen (1969: 105) who thought that BIg cerga 'grober Teppich' and Croat cerga 'Hutte came fr Cha , OtT carga 'Zelt'. The word forms in Kashgari with the base * carmd-, Kar dial erbs cerge- obma vat" (KarC), cerge- 'obvivat', obmatyvat" (KarH), et ., Chu cerke- 'begong olni poIyazni; wickeln, winden, einwickeln, umwickeln' (ChuvP), ciirka- Szp. id. 'burkolni racsavarni, polyazni; wickeIn, winden aufwinden (Chu P), etc. as ell a 10 cere 'hitching post for horses' (L) are of different origins and do not pertain hr. E/H It was EdeIspacher (1873: 344) who fir t regarded the H ord a being n inally T. According to Gornbocz-Melich (1914-1944/1: 981-9 3), the H rd ul have been copied several times. While the H word meaning 'tentorium m h derived fr T, the word that denotes 'Decke, Kotzen, Vorhangd ck "i m r lik I r t go back directly to its Rom or South SI counterparts. niez a (1955: 611-01 mte out that H cserge is a widespread international word hi h ha it ultim t r t In Lat (serica), thence it emerged in OIt and fr it in Gr and ttT. in t attested in H fr the 14thc. it seems plausible that it n t t k n dir tl fr

11 3

1.H argu d that th d finition 'tentorium; Zelt' c rtainly point tal b rr in and the s ~se of' gausepe; Decke' to a Rom one. The word 0 urs in om Byzantin sources. Nemeth (1965b: 231-234) distinguish d the "leather bathtub" r(£pyafr h tent r(cpya and suggested a H origin for the first, which is not acceptable. ~ rav i (1983/2: 312) compared the H word to Tt data with the meaning 'Zelt, Holzbarac Viehhurde'. Benko (1967-1984/1: 510-511; 1993-1997/1: 206)believed that the H ord is of international character and that it was borrowed into H several times fr an mber of different 19s. He noted that the first occurrences of the H word may indicate a South SI starting point. According to him, the OT origin of the H word can b refuted. Although Ligeti (1986: 315) mentioned H cserge among the possible T lws in H, he did not discuss it. In any case, the word is not originally fr T and did not come to H through T mediation. Along the way, it entered several T 19sat different times. The two words stem fr a semantic split: 'a kind of material' - 'a kind of tent made of the material'. The balneum turcicum, used on the travels of the Byzantine Emperor, has to be the same tent. • Edelspacher 1873: 344; Gornbocz-Melich 1914-1944/1: 981-983; Kniezsa 1955: 611-612: 1 erneth 1965b: 231-234; Benko 1967-1984/1: 510-511; Redhouse 1968: 248; Rasanen 1969: 105; Moravcsik 1983/2: 312; Ligeti 1986: 315; Benko 1993-1997/1: 206; Tietze 2002: 498.

[dikic] 'shoe knife' I 1767 Dikis [dikis], 1801/ dikits [dikic], dial gyikics [d'ikic] , dikicsel [dikic-el] 'to stuff, to knead something with great difficulty into a hole, into a gap, a pit, etc.' (B. Lorinczy 1979-2002/1: 979) I * dikic ~ Tt * dikec I EaT tikiu: 'a pastry cook's instrument for ornamenting bread and cakes' < tik-giic. Of OttT origin. E/H The T etymon for the H word goes back to the erbal ba e * tik - 'to in ert to sew', which must be separated fr the base *tikV- 'to thru t, squeeze, or cram'. The immediate T etymon for the H word was a noun formed fr the verbal ba e with the suff -gUc, which can be found in Kashgari's compendium ith a different meaning, tikiii: 'pastry cook's prick', and it may be a crasi of "tikgu (ee Clauson 1972: 9' Erda11991: 358). The PT verb *tikV- is not ob iou ly a simplex, but it segm nta ion is not necessary for the etymological planation f the H ord. It a Gombo zMelich (1914-1944/1: 1356)who first propo ed the T etymolog ,but the point d ut that the H word may be conne ted to OuT dikii (dilkus)' aht, ab n'. Bar zi 1 1: 51) rejected Gombocz- elich's proposal b eau e of manti problem and n.ered the H word to be of unknown origin. Rason i 1941-1943: 2 0- 2 1 ar ,u d 1 favour of the T etymology of the word. According to B nko (1967-19 1: 6 H dikics is a dial word of unknown origin. He rejected the pl at! n th: t th may be a copy fr Tt dikis 'sewing, seam'. According to him, it t m 1 1 lli ertain other T w rds (cf. tiki 'thorn (AHou») all f r urth in' ti ti n....~.~ .. DIKICS

v

118 (197 , 1996) did not list th word among th Ott lw in H. B n d- only took place before /i/. ee dio and diszno. It was Vambery (1914: 151) who first considered d111- to have originated in T, but he compared the H verb with T data which cannot pos ibl be related to the H verb. According to Gombocz-Melich (1914-1944/1: 1437-1438) Bar zi (1941: 55) and Benko (1967-1984/1: 685-686), it is unclear where the Herb came fr. Benk6 claimed that the basic meaning ofH dul- could ha e been to turn 0 er'. Pa1l6 (19 : 6 -6 ) argued in favour of the O'T etymology of the H verb. he a urn d that there had been confusion between O'T yuli- 'to pillage' and ul- 'to pull out, to pluck out. Ac ordm to her, the depalatalisation of the initial on onant in H d111- « *jul-) could h . appeared to distinguish the verb fr another H verb, g ul ( ich anzunden'. ordin to Benk6 (1993-1997/1: 284), the v rb is ofunkn n origin and a T t rting mt is less likely. Berta (2003: 110) reject d a T d r for d111- but he th u ht th t th T forms of yuli'- could hav b en mixed up arly on ith oth r w rd th t r d the basis for H gyilkos. Ligeti (1986) did not n te H d111- am n th T 1 m nt In the H lexicon. • Gombocz-Melich 1914-1944/1: 1437-1438; Vambery 1914: 151; Bar zi 1 1: 685-686; Clau on 1972: 919; Pal16 19 2: 68-69; Erdal is 1: 9, 95' B nko 1 I)

]]

.13 nk

1

1967 198 7/1: '78; 't, rostin-I

12. 1 0 I- uson 1972: 6 9; Erd ybo Mudr: k 2003: 657, 684.

J

1991: 710-1U;

ut, y

l' 91; 1'J2 1

un ari: n title from th MiddI Ag on' I ]269 Y .panl uy [i: panl iiyJ) a1282" x hi. ti, m Huni: plu s fu r nt in x r itu c pitan i on tit qui Hun UI lingua Spani r pani] vo abantur" I ispan span Avar iipan supan 1 zupan zupa pan th zupa lord, th 1 rd of a zupa '. I

AN [i"p'n]'

A 1 tit!

f d b t bl ori in) which may hay b n tr n mitt d by T-

aking

p opl . E/H Th arli t it ID for th titl is in th Foundation Ch rt r 0 th m na ry of Kr m mun t r in Upper Au tria, wh re a jopan is r cord cl among th WItness (. .que eoniuravit ill japan qui vo atur Phy: so ...). Th autograph d hart r 1 dat d 777 ( Hagn 1852: 2). Th titl crops up i the Byzantine sources in th form (wrcav or (ouJTav with or without th r nding -os (s Morav ik 1983/2: 131-132) and on the Tr asure of Nagy zentrniklos in th forms SUJaJrav, soarcav ( e Gobl-Rona-T 1995: 23). Th Gr forms can b found in th PBuig in ription (e sevli v 196 : No 52, 60, 62 and R gister) and in many hi: torical ourc ,among th m in th D Administrando Imperio of Con t ntin VII (s Moravcsik 1983/2: 131-132) th t i in the 9th_10th c.s. The earliest Lat sourc s furnish us with forms. ueh suppan in Pomerania (...omnium baronum c upp norum ... ; e Z tt 1975: 212). Th ph netic form of the titl can be reconstruct d s * iupan for th 9th_] O'" .s. It origin i debatable. A T starting point uggest d by Nern th i unlikely. 'm th (19 la: 1 1932a: 8-9) and oth r thought of T coban, whi hour in AK a iupan JUB > 'assistant to the village chief', which i p rhaps opy fr P "opan '. h ph rd, thou h Clauson found thi unlik ly (1972: 398). Lig ti d mon tr t d that th origi al for i cupan and that it is pr s nt in th h sour as th tit! f two 1 ad r in th tribal as 0 iation of th T nArrow ( n q) (Li ti 1986 : 140). In th T f ir and in f oth r MT ourcc we find coban ' h ph rd' (~ le.u n 197' : 3 8). Th ar titl h uld be link d to zupa 'pr vin , ounty (it di tribution i th S ID th t iupan), but th ir m rphol gic 1 r lati nship i also un 1 . r: p rhap th A ~ tit] i er . i of iupa pan 'th 1 d of th zup '. ni z: (1955: 22 -226) 1 rl th t H i pan mu t b the : a 1 upan but f und that th ir ph n ti )1"[ P nd ne is un 1 ar. A f rm lik zupan w uld hay proclu d om thing lik :upan in H. Z tt (1975: 207 216) umm cl up th , urr -s on zupan nd it diff r nt rm a -ell , th opinion' fr th arli lit rature. uba v (1 65: 71-75) pu lish d a~ imn rt ~t pap r, in whih h ont nd d th t, a. it m. fr n Ii r * op n'b' nd L . nIl In 1) th 1 titl pan '1 rd, t. i ..rt inly not lat d t iupan. h titl 1 t . th f rm span in .arly H ur .. Sin tu. t r su h a. p-' nd kr no ). Ihl It th binning f word. in rly H, th Y t ok n pr ith tl j-, in tsk: I • h I v

v

1190

IS SAND INDI

S

(+- Lat scola) , ispotaly 'hospital'

( Lat spital), etc. According to ni z a 1 : 225), the forms span, t. evolved fr such compounds as vari-zupan, udvan-iupan 'zupan of the castle (var), of the court (udvar)' through such (unatte ted form * vari span and * udvari span. This is, however, highly improbable. Zett is 0 far right that zupan changed to span and that H adapted this to its phonotactic sy tern a

ispan. IfH had borrowed iupan, it would have been altered to supan. Since the stre s is placed on the first syllable in H, span could never have come fr supan; instead supan would have been preserved. The change fr zupan to span could only have come about in a Ig where the stress is not on the first syllable, and this is the case in the T 19s. If iupan was borrowed by T-speaking Avars, the stress was on the last syllable, hence the reconstructed T form should have been * supan > span. All SI forms that reflect a form * span are either copied fr the Avar form or borrowed fr H. Postulating a "Pannonslavic" Zbpan'b (Skok, Mazuranic, cited by Zett 1975: 208) seeks the solution in the same way but within SI. This would, however, only be possible if we supposed that the stress changed in the "Pannonslavic" 19 under T influence. In any case, H ispan could have been transmitted by a T Ig spoken in the Carpathian Basin, but to prove this we need further data. According to Benko (1993-1997/3: 626-627), the word may be of SI origin, but the borrowing is not quite clear phonetically . • Hagn 1852: 2; Nerneth 1931a: 184;Nerneth 1932a: 8-9; Kniezsa 1955: 224-226; Besevliev 1963: os 52, 60,62 and Register; Trubacev 1965: 71-75; Benko 1967-1984/2: 239; Clauson 1972: 398' Zett 1975: 207-216; Moravcsik 1983/2: 131-132; Ligeti 1986a: 140; Benk6 1993-1997/3: 626-627; Gobl-Rona-Tas 1995: 23.

[korso] 'jug' I c1395 korJo [korso] I korso T * korcay +- SI korcay < * k'brcag. Of SI origin, probably through T mediation. KORS6

<

* kurso

<

* kursav

~

T * korsay

<

E/H The H word has been linked to SI * k srcag» 1 kurcaga 'glinjanyj sosud, kuvsin, korcaga' (on which, see Trubacev 1974-1995/13: 207-208), Rus korcaga, Benko (19671984/2: 588) was inclined to suppose that it came fr SI, but noted that this i not clear ~nd that the SI ~ord may have derived fr T (cf. Teleut kurcak 'hoop of the b~rrel ; on further details, see below). Later, Benko (1993-1997/2: 803) changed hi VIew and suggested that the starting point of the H word ma be either 1 or T and that the relationship between the SI and T word remains obscure. He concluded that the T source is unlikely to be traceable via SI kurcag because of eriou emanti conce:ns (see k~r and Truba~ev's arguments (1966: 215; 1974-1995/13: 20 The T word ISpresent In Rus kusak belt' (Fasmer 1964-1973/2: 439). As Kni z a (1955: 6 correctly pointed out, a SI source for the H word is problematic becau th r i n ;xa~rle o~ SI lel -> H iu. If we begin at SI, the final H -6 is 'also uncI ar. Th H ma ~ng 0 may go back to an -ay or a diphthong. Thi clud all 11 rith th exception of Slvk, which contains krcah, which evolved fr * krcag * kr a rcah.

».

IMPROBABLE

TYMOLO

I S

1191

The origin fr Slvk presents chronological difficulties and i less probabl . In r, whi h Kniezsa also mentioned as a possible candidate 19,there is korcaga, whi can be ruled out. The only possible solution is that SI ksrcag» entered a T 19,perhaps that of the Avars. According to Agyagasi (personal communication), we have to expec a form like * kuriiag» > * korcay in the southern dialects of East SI of the (9th ?) iov11th C.s. This may have been adapted by the Turks as korcav, or the word may have developed into it. This was changed to * korsav. A T * koriav produced korsau (cf. 1344 Korsaui and later kors« in H. On the T /e/ -+ H Isl after It], see also barsony, bors, borso, koporso, etc. The phonetic problems can be solved by supposing a T mediation. The semantic hurdles disappear when we suppose a SI origin. Whether Trubacev's idea of deriving the SI word fr * k'br'bk 'seja: neck' can be verified remains an open question. In any case, the word is an OSl one. Rus gorsok 'pot' does not pertain here. The latter is a dim form of *gume (e.g. kamen / > kamesek; see Fasmer 1964-1973/1: 445; Trubacev 1974-1995/7: 210). Some T data on * kurcag, kursag < kursa- < * kur+ i"s+a- < kur-: OT kursag 'belt' (AK); MT qursaq 'pojas' (AIM), qur qursan- 'to put on a belt' (ARbg); NT NW korsau 'obruc, obvodka' (Tat), qoriau 'obruc, tes'rna, okruzenie' (Bashk), kursau 'bandaz, obruc' (Kaz), kursav 'obruc', kusak 'pojas' (CrTat), qiriav 'obruc, pojas' (Kum), qursov 'obruc, skobki' (KrchBlk); SW gursav 'obruc, obod okruzenie, sreda', gusak 'kusak, pojas' (Tkm), gursag 'kusak, opojaska, podpojaska, obruc, (geol.) zona' (Az), kusak; kursak 'girdle, belt, sash, (diagonal timber) tie or stay, (geom.) zone, bands' (Tt), kursak 'kadmlann arkadan bellerine bagladiklan islemeli kusak' (TtD); SE qorsav, qursav 'okruzenie, osoda' (MUyg); NE qur 'Leibgurt, Kreis, Rang, Stellung' (AltR, AltTelR, AltLR). All these words denote 'belt hoop, etc.' and not 'barrel or jug, etc.' • Kniezsa 1955: 674; Fasmer 1964-1973/1: 445; Fasmer 1964-1973/2: 439; Trubacev 1966: 215; Benk6 1967-1984/2: 588; Trubacev 1974-1995/7: 210; Trubacev 1974-1995/13: 207-208; Benk6 1993-199 '2: 03.

in konyorul [konorul] 'to show mercy' I p1372/c1448 kenyerewl-e [kenerule], kimyorog [konor-og] 'to ask for mercy', konyortelen [konor-telen] 'mercile s (neologism) I konoriil- < * koniir- {with suff -VI-} I cf. EaT kondgiir- 'to straighten to guide to the right road' < kon-, kiint- 'to be or become straight'. Erroneously considered to be of T origin. E/H A T der fr OT kondgur- 'to straighten', as sugge ted b Pa1l6 (19 : 1 5136), is unacceptable for serious semantic and morphological rea ons. Th t ym n should be * koniir-, which is absent fr our database. The exi ting form kond r-, t. carry the meaning 'to guide' and hardly pertain here. The relation hip m ng th H words is unclear, and neither a proposed possible FUgr startin point n r an ri in fr an inner development (Mokany 1980: 32) bear up und r cl rutin n KONYOR

19)7

]98 /2: 61'

• Ben

l( 7

61iJ; 19l)' -]997/2:

19H4/2.6n

61 ;

Mokany

81X), It i. IYXO.

32, P'dJ6

ot kr ow J -i > =li > -0. Moor (1960: 393) rejected the T etymology, because it can only be supported by some bare data that demonstrate the H ny- [ri] ,..,BulgT "ri- correspondence. Ligeti (1961: 39) did not e elude the possibility that the H initial ri- could go back to a T initial * y-. This hypothe i an also be borne out by the initial Mo l: in the counterpart of the T word. Bar zi (196 : 1-10) believed the H word to be of T origin in AH. According to Lig ti (1963b: 90391), the H word cannot possibly belong to the ancient common T borro ing in the U 19s.It is not connected to the Tu 19s.The etymology has som weakn . n th basis of the T and Mo data, one would be hard-pressed to recon tru t an initi 1 n-, Ligeti also pointed out that we do not know any T 19sor dial h r th rr p nding Tword with the meaning 'neck' can be document d. Bar zi 1 65: 9) did n t

1200 the semantic problem as serious. According to Lako (1967-1978/3: 474), th of the H word can only be accepted if the final consonant -k r pre nt an n U segment * -kk and not a * -k. Lako rejected the T etymology of th H word. B.... v (1967-1984/2: 1031) believed the H word to be of unknown derivation. Th troub with a U beginning is that the possible corresponding form only occur in up. A T source for the word places both phonetic and semantic obstacles in our ay Ligeti (1986: 156-157) regarded the PT starting point of the H word as not altogether impossible. The weakest point of the etymology is its semantic side. Redei (19 1991/1: 328) listed the H word among the U inheritances in H. Benko (1993-1997/2 1034-1035) considered nyak to be of uncertain origin. He also said that starting ou at U can only be supported with the Selkup words nukka, nug, nog' acken' and that a T etymology throws up serious semantic stumbling blocks. Rona-Tas (1997b: 4950) accepted his position. The semantic side of the etymology is very shaky. On the T side, one cannot find the corresponding word that denotes 'neck'. It would be an argument in favour of this etymology if we found the meaning 'border' or 'frontier' for this word in H, but this has hitherto not been the case. According to Starostiri-Dybo-Mudrak (2003: 61), PA initial /n/ is reflected in AT as /yl and in Mo as Ij/. This would mean that the H word nyak dates fr the PA period which is impossible for chronological reasons. Even more serious is the semantic side. H nyak carries two meanings, 'neck' and 'collar of a shirt, coat, etc.'; the second is a later, H development. .L.L.I' •.

• Varnbery 1870:165;Budenz 1873:105;Budenz 1883:444; Budenz 1884: 11;Rasanen 1920: 194; erneth 1928-1930a: 468; Ramstedt 1935:463-464; Rasanen 1939: 99; Barczi 1941: 216; Barczi 1952: 350; Ligeti 1960: 302; Moor 1960: 393; Ligeti 1961: 39; Barczi 1962: 1-10; Doerfer 1963-1975/4: 102-104; Ligeti 1963b: 390391; Egorov 1964: 222; Barczi 1965: 49; Benko 1967-1984/2: 1031- Lak6 1967-1978/3: 474; Rasanen 1969180; Clauson 1972:896-898; Doerfer 1985: 125-Ligeti 1986: 85 153,156-157,523; Redei 1986-1991tl: 32 ~ Sevortjan-Levitskaja 1989:83; Erda11991: 381; Benko 1993-1997/2: 1034-1035; Fedotov 1996/2: 1 6-1 R6na-Tas 1997b:49-50; Scerbak 1997: 122; Starostin-Dybo-Mudrak 2003: 61, 9 3-984_

[nargal] 'to gallop' I 1541 jargal-jak [yargal-yak], c1550/1638 nyargal-a [nargal-a], 1569 fel-gyargai-anak [fel-d'argal-anak] I nargal- < yarga/- < * r a{with suff -l-} +- T *yorga- or nargal- < yargcil- < ? jar 'to walk' +- T 'orf-"t

NYARGAL

walk'

I EOT ~orfga

'a horse that ambles or goes at a jog trot'. 1 OT yorigi: at 'ambler (horse)' (AK), yoriga 'ambler' (AQB); T or a ' " (AHMA), yorga 'inohodec' (AIM), yorga 'yorga yiiriiyen at', yorqa ' elen at' I yoriga '(horse) of a light step', yorqa 'ambler' (AKD), yorga 'ambl r' b, re 'che:,a! coureur'.: yorgala- 'aller d'un pas tres-pres e, prendre I gal' -h

yorg~. der P:ssga~ger, Pass?ang' (AChagR), yorga 'ambler ( h g ), yorg a' r ~~z,Clfte qosmaq (AChagSS), yorga 'Traber, Dopp Itrab r' (h ), y r alaim Trabe gehen, gut schreiten, eilen' (AChagZ), orga 'k gid n', 'or' ala-

1201

'ko~arak yurumek' (AAH), yurga (r: yorga) 'Passgang r' (AHou) , yorga 'inoh cl c (losad')' (ATuh), yorga 'yorga' (ATuhA), yorga 'rahvan' (AOtT), yorga 0 casionally yorqa 'rahvan' (AOtT); NT Chuv siirxa 'inohodec, inohod' (Chuv), sarka 'inohod c', sarxa (sorxa) 'inohodec, inohod' (ChuvA), siirxa, Szp. sargav 'poroszka 16; Passganger' (ChuvP); NW yurga: yurga at 'inohodec', yurga 'inohod', (peren., vul'g. zenscina legkogo povedenija' (Tat) jurga 'der Pass gang, der Trab', yurga 'der Passgang' (TatKR), yurga 'inohodec' (Bashk), yorgala- 'yurgalau; bezat' inohod'ju' (Sib'T), yurga 'der Passgang' (SibTTR), iorgo 'inohodec, inohod", iorgolo- 'idti inohod'ju' (Kirg), zorga 'pacer, ambler' (Kaz), zorga 'inohodec' (KazB),jorga 'der Passgang, der Passganger' (KazR), iorga 'inohodec' (Kklp), yorga 'inohod', inohodec' ( og), yorga 'inohod' (CrTat), yorga 'inohodec' (KarT, KarSh), yorga 'inohod": yorga at 'inohodec' (Kum), dzorga 'inohodec, inohod", diortuw 'rys', beg rys'ju, (peren.) speska, sueta' (KrchBlk); SW yorga 'inohod' (hod losadi), inohodec' (Tkm), yorga 'inohod", yorgala- 'idti bystro' (Az), yorga '(horse's) jog trot, going at a jog trot' (Tt), yorga 'atlarda bir turlu yiiruyus, tath rahvan, rahvana yakin yuniyus' (TtD), yorga 'rahvarun kabasi, rahvan ve eskin arasi yurume' (TtDA), yorga 'der Passganger, Passgang' (TtR); Kh yu'rga 'der (graziose) Gang des Rebhuhns, Gangart des Pferdes, wenn es weder Galopp noch Schritt geht (also: Trab) , schneller und geschmeidiger Gang der Tiere' (Kh): SE yiirga 'inohod', (vul' g.) zenscina legkogo povedenija, (etn.) cast' ljul'ki, kacalka (v vide poloz' ev polukrugloj formy), na kotoroj kacaetsja ljul'ka' (Uzb), yurgte 'ambler, ambling' (Turkij), yurgha 'an amble' (TurkiSh), yorga 'inohodec' (TurkiL), yorga, yoga 'inohodec' (MUyg), yorga at 'inohodec' (YU g ); NE d'orgo 'inohodec, inohod', sposobnost' hodit' inohod'ju', d'orgolo- 'idti inohod'ju, polzat' (Alt), yorgi), yorgo 'der Passganger, Passgang' (AltR), d'orgo, yorgo 'inohodec inohod' (AltL), yorgo 'der Passganger, Passgang' (AltLR AltTeIR), d'orgo 'der Passganger, Passgang' (AltTeIR), d'orgolo- 'bezat' inohod'ju' (AltQK) d'orgo 'inohodec (AltTK), corga 'inohcdec, inohod', sposobnost' hodit' inohod'ju (Khak) corga'inohodec, inohod' (KhakB), yorga 'der Passganger, Passgang' (KhakQbR KhakQchR), corga 'der Passganger' (KhakSR, KhakShR),jorgo at 'ambler' (FY), cira a't 'inohodec (Tuv +- Mo), coruga 'bystryj, bystrohodnyj (0 kone Hi olene)' (Tof); Y d oruo joruo 'inohod', inohodec' (Y +- Mo). Mo jiroga 'ambling, fast amble ambler' (L). 2 OT yori-, yor?-: yoridimiz 'we marched' (RMKT E 37) tasra oryor "the ar marching out' (RMKT E12), oriyor armis 'they are aid to march out' ( I'T n 10) yormazun 'do not march out!' (RMTon 11), yoridim '1 mar hed (out)' ( 1~hm 9), yorf- 'to walk, pass, to live, get on' (RTlrk 53), yorf- 'geh n and m' TT 11 28:47), adaqin yorip 'walking on our legs' (UChuast, see Clau on 19 0:.: 9 7), · ri'to walk' (UXuangzanglndex), yorl- : ar yorldl 'the man ( t.) 1 d. Th ame f r anything that travels or walks. (AK), yorimaz na atma '( d) d n t alk r 7'

...

,

urum

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'r-' eh n, ulti 'ort- 'to dri . -iirii- 't ri-

ith - ~ d -p m k'

uru-

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'p ru z:

,

1

ljat' j , tran tv 1 n ileriv t r \ iir i - 'h dit"

III

vn j

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it ·

120

namerevat'sja, byt' blizkim k cemu-l., s glagolom bol- okazat'sj ern-cem-l., v roll vspomogatel' nogo glagola pridaet dejstviju osnovnogo glagola harakter dlit I nosti , postojanstva' (Kirg), yiir- 'in Bewegung sein, auf dem Weg sein, geh n, fahr n, r j_ ten, wandern' (KirgR), ziir- 'to move (intr), go, ride' (Kaz), jur- 'hodit', dvigat' ja; gehen, sich bewegen' (KazR), ziir- 'dvigat' sja, byt' v dvizenii, prodolzat'sja, rabo t' po najmu, okazat'sja kem-cem I., v kacestve vspomogatel'nogo glagola pridaet dejstviju osnovnogo glagola harakter dlitel'nosti, postojanstva' (Kklp), yur- 'hodit', idti, dvigat'sja, vesti sebja, derzat' sebja, byt' v obrascenii, imet' obrascenie (0 den'gah , vystupaet v kacestve vspomogatel' nogo glagola ivyrazaet povedenie, storonu haraktera' (Nog), yort- 'bezat' truscoj, idti', yiirii-, yiir- 'hodit' (CrTat), yiirii- 'hodit', eha " zit" (KarT, KarC) iri- 'peredvigat'sja, byt' v dvizenii' (KarH), yiri- 'hodit', ehat', byt v dvizenii, zit" (KarH), yur'u- 'hodit' (KarT, KarC), ur'u- 'idti, hodit', marsirovat', guljat' (Kar'T), yiirii- 'hodit', idti, hodit', delat' hod (v igre), byvat' vrneste, obscat'sja s kern-l., nahodit'sja vmeste' (Kum), diiiru- 'hodit', ezdit', dvigat'sja, byt' v hodu, funkcionirovat', vodit'sja, imet'sja, etc.' (KrchBlk); SW yort- dial 'begat", yore- 'hodit' idti, dvigat'sja, rabotat', dejstvovat', postupat', idti, hodit' (0 casah), etc.', yor- vspomogate!' nyj glagol v socet. s deepr. na -fp, -ip, -up, -iip, -p oboznacaet mnogokratnost' prodolzitel' nost', nezaversennost' dejstvija (Tkm) , yeri-, yurii- 'hodit', stupat', idti' (Az), yiirii- 'to walk, to move, to go in any way or direction, to advance, to make progress, to march (of an army), to hurry along, etc.' (Tt) orii- 'idti, hodit' peskorn, sagat' (Gag), yi/r- 'gehen' (Khor): Kh yQorrs 'Gang', yu'ra Art zu gehen Gangart' (Kh), yori- 'wandern', yorut- 'jemanden herumfahren' (KhT); SE yur- 'hodit', idti, hodit', delat' hod (v igre), ezdit', ehat', etc.' (Uzb), yur-, YUy-, YU-, d3il- 'to wander, to wander about, to walk, to walk about, to stroll, to stroll about, etc.', yuru-, yiirii- 'to walk, to wander, to go, to stroll, to fly' (Turkil), yuyu- 'fit', hodit' dvigat' ja' yui'hodit', prozivat", yiiyii- 'hodit', dvigat'sja, fit" (Turkil.), yiir- 'in Be egung sein, auf dem Wege sein, gehen, fahren, reiten, wandern' (TurkiTR) iur- 'hodit', ezdit' sestv 0vat', hodit', idti (rabotat' 0 mehanizmah) imet' hozdenie, v socetanii s osno nym gIagolom v forme deepricastija na -p, etc.' (MUyg), yir-, yer-, yor-, yoi- yiir-, iiryur-, yur- 'hodit, peredvigat'sja' (Sal), yor-, 30r-, 30r-, oi-, Jor- 'hodit', dvigat' ja' (YUyg), yor- 'ehat', hodit", dzor- 'hodit' (YU gM)· NE d'iir- fit', hodit', d igat' j , (AIt), yiir- 'in Bewegung sein, auf d ID ege sein, gehen fahren, reiten, wandern' (AltR, AltLR), d'or- 'idti dvigat'sja' (AItL), iir- = d'ur- 'in Be egung sein, uf dem Wege sein, gehen, fahren, reiten, wandern' (AltTelR), d'or- 'hodit", d'ori- h dit' d igat'sja, slezat", d'br- 'hodit", cor- 'brodit', hodit', dvigat'sja', cor- 'hodit", iiir- 'b z t, hodit', dvigat'sja, idti, brodit', v kacestve vspomogatel'nogo gl gola u z" a t n: e izodlceskoe postojan tvo dejstvija' (AltQK), d'or- 'hodit", d'iir- 'idti h t, i t' j begat', hodit', brodit', ra hazivat', ezdit' na kon verhorn' (AltTK, ·..·r- 'd 'g' t ~j , hodtt', ezdit', v kacestve vspomogatel' nogo glagola obrazu t id 1· la zn e-

120

LIS

ni m epizodicnosti soversenija dannogo dejstvija' (Khak), cur- 'in auf dem Wege sein, gehen, fahren, reiten, wand m' (KhakSh ), jur- 't mo , (FY), cor-, coru- 'idti, ehat', uezzat', byt', nahodlt'sja, plyt', ehat", kak v pomo,........ ~..... ~ nyj glagol v socetanii s deepricastiern na -p osnovnogo glagola vyraza dli I no dejstvie (Tuv), yor- 'gehen wandeln' (TuvSR), coru-, cori- 'idti, ehat", coruq poezd a, putesestvie, hod, alljur' (Tof); Y sfr? 'hod, hod'ba, pohodka', sirit- 'hodit', dviga ' ja (hodit', ezdit', plavat'), itti, stranstvovat', etc.' (Y), hirit- 'gehen, fahren, reisen', frzs'kornmen', sfrf 'Reise, Fahrt' (DIg). Mo jori- 'to move in the direction of, to strive, intend, plan, to be resolved' jorci'to walk, go, to travel, to set out, start for' (L). ElT According to Doerfer (1963-1975/4: 151-153), the PT word could be *jjorfga, which developed into jiruga in Mo. The Mo word was copied by Tu (see jiro, joran, etc.). This would bring together Mo jiruga and T yori-, Mo jori-. The T verb was borrowed by Tu dials (jori-) and Man (jori-) through Mo (see Doerfer (1985: 115». On the Mo forms, see also Scerbak (1997: 125). The T word which some scholars previously regarded as the etymon for the H word (see E/H) is the dev nominal yoriga '(a horse) that ambles or goes at a jog trot', which has the base yori- 'to walk, march' (cf. Doerfer 1963-1975/4: 151-153; Clauson 1972:964; Sevortjan-Levitskaja 1989: 225; Erdal1991: 377). As Clauson (1972: 957) rightly noted, the vowel -0- in the first syllable of the verbal base can be confirmed due to both the data in sources written in Brahrm script (B TTVIII B:1,3,7,E:50, G:19) and the first-syllable vowels in its ders yorik and yoriga, but the verbal base otherwise only shows the vowel 101 in a very limited area of the contemporary T 19s (cf. AltL, Tof). Nearly all modern forms contain -u-: E Alt yiir-; SE yiirii-; NC jiir-; SC yur-; NW Kklp yiir-; Kaz yor-; og, Kum yiirii-; \ Az yeri-: Osm yiirii-; Tkm yorii-. These forms are secondary T development . On the T verb, see also Sevortjari-Levitskaja (1989: 229-231). The Mo verb jori- 'to move in the direction of, to strive, intend, plan, to be resolved' (L) is a T lw despite Ramstedt's assumption (1935: 478) that T ori- and Mo [ori- are genetically interrelated verb forms. Doerfer (1963-1975/4: 219) rejected Ramstedt's suggestion earlier on. Starostin-D bo -Mudrak (2003: 482-483) re nstructed "yori-, "yiiri- 'to walk· hodit' and compared it with 0 durb - 'to run (in panic)', which is another word, and they also connected PTu * aare- 'to al ander (off), to run, to leap, gallop' to them. Since T yiirii- is a late, secondar dev I pment, the comparison is hardly acceptable (see also Doerfer (1963-19751 : 21 - ... T yort- « "yorit-; was borrowed by the Mo lg (Jorci-). In discu in th hu 'er sure- 'hodit', ezdit", Fedotov (1996/2: 149) erroneou I ti d it to T -u iir-, E/H Vambery (1870: 165) considered the Herb to b f T ri in nd th u ht that the primary meaning of the H verb could ha e b n 't mbl '. rdin t Y

IMP

1205

Horger (1924: 127-128), the unusual phon tic change j- > ny- in nyargalcurr d under the influence of the verb nyergel- 'to saddl '. Rasan n (1939: 101) wa of th opinion that H nyargal- 'galoppieren' may go back to an OBulg verb. cor (1 : 40) believed that the H verb was a T lw and thought that it had been b rrowed together with other lexemes associated with horse breeding. According to Barczi (1941: 217), the etymological beginning for H nyargal- is uncertain and debatable. It may be a der fr H jar- 'to go' and in this case the phonetic shape of the H verb developed under the influence of H nyereg. It may, however, also be an OT lw. Bo h possibilities pose some difficulties. Barczi (1957a: 189-191) later claimed that it seems highly plausible that the H verbs jar- 'to go, walk' and nyargal- 'to gallop' may be interrelated. In this case, one can regard the short vowel in the first syllable of nyargal- as a secondary phonetic change. According to Benko (1967-1984/2: 260-262; 1037), the H verb represents a der fr the H verb jar- 'to go, walk', which is of FUgr origin. According to Pallo (1969: 460), the primary phonetic shape of nyargal- was in H jargal-. This verb may be etymologically tied to H jar-, which may itself come fr T yori- 'umherziehen, frei nomadisieren' and the first-syllable long vowel in H (jar-) may be a preserved old feature. Pa1l6 thought that jar- and jargal- (> nyargaT) could have been borrowed fr T at the same time. Pallo (1982: 139-140) suggested that because of the preserved OT y- in the verbs jar- and nyargal- « jargal- ) in H, these verbs may be among the oldest T borrowings in H. The copied form for nyargal- could be the T verbal form yorgala- 'im Passe gehen'. According to Benk6 (1993-1997/2: 1037), Pallo's explanation is unacceptable. The H verb nyargal- stems fr a special type of word split in which great changes came about in the semantic between the starting point (jar-) and the new form (nyargal-), as in H bukik- 'to tumble' - baktat- 'to trudge', 61- 'kill' - iildoz- 'to chase'. Ligeti (1986) did not mention nyargal- among the T lws in H. The initial 1nl in H is secondary. The connection between T yorga- and Hjargal- > nyargal- presents us with semantic concerns. A horse's amble pace represent a very special term in horse breeding, and the H word has never carri d this meaning. The link between H jar- 'to go' and T yort- presents chronological problems. This would be the only word with a preserved y-. On the oth r hand, the H der jar- > jargal- i also unclear. If dev, the suff -gAl- serve a frequentative function, as in szaladgalszalad- 'to run'), taszigal- « taszit- 'to push'), rongal- « ront- 'to poil'), nevetgel- ( nevet- 'to laugh'), etc. The only possibility would be to suppo e that H copied form jorga 'ambling horse' as *jorga and that this changed in H to jarga, lat r t yarga and narga, and took on the H den suff + 1-. For th H chang IJI > I I in the initial position, see gyart > jart-, jarat-, gya z, dial jasz. The semanti tumblin 1""", .•" ..• remain, and forms like *jorga or *jarga are also ab nt fr H.

LI

12 6 Varnbery

1870: 16 ; Horger

1924: 127-128,

Ram

R mst dt 1952-1966/1: 52,148; Moor 1956: 40; Bar

ZI

tedt 1935: 478, Ha an 1957a: 189-]91;

220; Egorov 1964: 208, 223, 351; B nk6 1967-1984/2: 207;

260- 262, 1037;

0

n

19' 9: HI, Bar

rfer 19()3-197

Pall6

1969 459-

Fedotov

173,257.377.688,795-796;

Benko 1993-1997/2:

1996/2: 99. 149,493; Scerbak 1997: 125; Staro tin-Dybo-Mudrak

a

vortjs n1037; B rta 1

lauson 1972: 957, 959-961, 963-964; PalIo 1982: 139-140; Do rfer 1985. 37, 115;

1989: 225, 229-231; Erda11991:

/4: 1 62;.

7;

ZJ

-1'.

r

7

n 1 vit ca:

-]

,

2003: 482-483.

[nar] 'summer' 11398 GN kysnyarlew [kis-riar-lo], p1416/C1450 nyar-ba [ria ba] I nar < "nar ~ WOT "nar < PA *riaz > yaz I EOT yaz 'summer', OT yazitja 'in the summer (or spring)' (RMKT N 8), yazina 'in the summer or spring)' (RMBilg E 31), yazin 'in the summer (or spring)' (RMBilg S 2), yazqii 'im Sornmer' (MManIII Nr.7: 12), yaz 'Fruhling' (UTTVII 38:1), yaz 'spring' (UXuangzanglndex), yiiz 'summer', yiizin qatiglansa qiiin siiwniir 'Whoever works hard (and earns) in summer, will be happy in winter', kilz kaligi yiizin biilgilrar 'The (manner of the) coming of autumn becomes apparent in the summer'. This is coined about something whose end can be predicted at its beginning. (AK), yaz 'spring' (AQB); T yaz 'ilk bahar, yaz' (UY), yaz 'printemps' (UHy), yaz 'Sornmer' (UCivWP 04:21), yaz 'summer' (AGuI), yaz 'wiosna' (AHS), yaz 'leto, vesna' (AHSF), yaz 'vesna' (AI ), yaz 'ilkyaz, ilkbahar' (AIMI) , yaz 'summer' (AKD) , yaz 'Ieto' [the context suggest 'spring', not 'summer'] (AM), yaz 'ilk bahar, yaz' (AYC), yaz 'l'ete' (AChag), yaz 'spring (season)' (AChagG), yaz 'vesna' (AChagLN), yaz 'vesna' (AChagMA), yaz 'der Sommer' (AChagR), yaz 'the first six month of the year, the three months of spring (bahar)' (AChagSC), yaz 'tabistan' (AChagSS), yaz 'der Sommer' (AChagZ), yaz 'Fruhling' (LCCG), yaz 'Fruhling' (LCCI), yaz 'ilkbahar' (AAH), yaz 'printemp (ABuI) , yaz 'nyar; Sommer' (AKav) , yaz 'summer' (AMGh), yaz, yay leto' (ATuh , yaz, yay 'yaz' (ATuhA), yaz 'ete' (AmTr) , yaz 'ete' (AmE), yaz 'bahar me sirni ilkbahar' (AOtT); NT Chuv sur, sura 'vesna, ve ennij, vesnoj, vesnoju, po ve ne' (Chuv), sur, sor 'vesna' (ChuvA), sur 'tavasz; Fruhling', sur: sur-kunne 'tava z, tavasszal: Fruhling, im Fruhling' (ChuvP); NW yaz 'vesna, vesennij' (Tat), yaz 'Ja ~ leto' (Tatfrt), jaz 'Jay; leto' (TatD2), yaz 'Friihling', jaz 'der Friihling, da Fruhjahr (TatKR), ya8 'vesna, vesennij' (Bashk), ya8 'tava z' (BashkP), as' e na ( ibTBD , iaz 'vesna' (Kirg), iaz 'summer', zazga salim 'in pring' (Kaz), zaz 'Ieto' ( azB),ja ... 'der Fruhling, das Fruhjahr' (KazR), zaz 'I to, letnij' (Kklp) , yaz '1 to, Ietnij ( yaz 'leto' (CrTat), yaz 'der Friihling' ( rTatR), yaz 'I to' (KarT, KarH, ar ), az ' d r Fruhling' (KarLR), yaz 'der Fruhling' (KarTR), yaz 'ye na, yes nnij' (Kum), az 'n ir: Sommer' (Kum ): diaz 'ye na, ve ennij', (Blk.) 'Ieto, Ietnij' (KrchBlk),]az 'Fruhlin (KrchP); S~ ydz vesna, vesennij' (Tkm), yaz 'vesna, ennij' (z a 'Fruhlin (AzR), yaz summer, (arch) spring' (Tt), yaz 'der omm r (TtR) , az '1 t , 1 tni ' ~Ga~); Kh yaaz 'Sommer' (Kh); SE yoz '1 tO,I tnij' (Uzb), yaz' umm r' (Tur "1]). \ spnng, summer' (TurkiSh), yaz eve na' (Turkil.), yaz 'd r omm r' Tu kiT ,y? NYAR

7

IMPROBABL

TYMOLO

I

1207

'leto' (MUyg), yaz 'vesna' (Sal), yaz 'printemps' (SalK), yaz 'vesna', yarin' leduju 'cij god' (YUyg), yarin 'na buduscij god', yaringo 'otnosjascijsja k buduscemu godu', yaz 'vesna' (YUygM); NE d'as 'vesna' (Alt), yas 'der Friihling' (AltR, AltTelR), d'a 'der Fruhling' (AltTR), (as 'Ieto' (AltL), d'aski 'vesna, vesennij' (AltQK), cas 'der Fruhling' (KhakSR), jas 'spring' (FY), cas 'vesna' (Tuv), cas 'vesna' (Tof): Y siis 'vesna, vesnoju' (Y), sas 'vesna' (YS), has 'Fruhling' (DIg), has 'Fruhling' (DIgS). ? Mo niray 'newborn, baby, fresh, new' (L). ElT The T word yaz is well attested in the T sources as of the OT period (see yaz 'spring or summer' (cf. Clauson 1972: 982». Its primary meaning and its interrelation with the T word yay 'spring or summer' (cf. Clauson 1972: 980) are, however, a matter of debate in the T linguistic literature. Clauson (1972: 980) thought that the basic sense of yiiz was 'summer' and that yay primarily denoted 'spring'. According to Doerfer (1963-1975/4: 66-67), the OT word yay could have been used to mean 'summer' and yaz mainly signified 'spring'. Clauson's position was based on Kashgari's explanation that yay is the T word for 'spring', which stands in opposition to kuz 'autumn'. In the Divan of Kashgari, however, the word yay also comes up in the sense of 'summer'. In the entry yay, Clauson provides a short overview of the semantic fields of yiiz and yay in the contemporary T 19s.His attempt can certainly provide important information, but the contemporary word forms prove inadequate to decide the problem of the basic definitions of the words under investigation. The distribution of the words yay vs. yaz in the NT 19s seems secondary. The T word yiiz means 'spring' in the following T 19s: Chuv, Tat, Bashk, Kirg, Kum, Kar, Tkm, Az, Sal, YUyg, Alt, Khak, Tuv, Y and DIg. It denotes' summer' in Kaz, KrchBlk, Kklp, Nog, Tt, Gag, Kh, Uzb and MUyg. In some cases, the meanings are simply reflect decisions made by the lexicographers. In Tt, besides its usual sense of' summer', yaz also has 'spring' as an arch use. Meanwhile, yay as an arch word can signify the same thing, while in colloquial Tt the Pe lw bahar is u ed to a oid the polysemy. It is very important to see certain facts. (1) The word yay only appear in the sense of 'spring' as an exception (cf. e.g., in addition to the above-mentioned ea e\ the NogD data); (2) The den verbal der yay+la- and its nominal der yay+la-g (cf. Erda11991: 109; Sevortjan-Levitskaja 1989:78-79) only carry meanings hieh h a direct connection with' summer'. For a clarification of the primary definitions of the words under in e ti ati n the best arguments can of course be provided through an etymology of th ord. Before demonstrating an internal T etymology for yaz, a brief 0 er i \ m b in order of the earlier etymological explanations of these words. Ramstedt (1935: 272; 1952-1966/1: 111) ompar d T yiiz ith H nyar umm r' Kor nal 'sun' and Mo naran 'sun', but he also includ d r »ieri» .. umm r' nd Tu nel-ki 'spring' in his investigation. Doerf r (19 -1 75/ : 6- 7) d i ti (1 b: 4

1208

AND IN

15 -156) ri htly pint d out that R ID t dt' tt mpt i una c pt bl 0 m nd phon tic r a on .Popp (1960: 7- 8) thought that th T word yaz may 1 t d to Mo nirai 'n ug bor n, fri h' and Man niyarhiin 'fri h'. Ac rding t im, th H word nyar - a n Id T lw - al 0 b long to thi word-family, Although Li c i (1 86: 156) did not rej et this compari on f Popp '5, h did not th tit d no m v ry onvincing. A cording tort; r (1963-1 75/4: 67), th Man w rd cited a 0 i lw fr Mo and th compari on T yaz 'Fruhling' - Mo nirai 'frisch' i very dubi for mantic reason. , but it also poses phonetic problem . Doerf r's opinion cone rning th diver s manti fi lds of th T and H words can he con idered - a we hall blow - a well-f und d and his r mark cone rning th phon Ic ticking point i also crucial. However, his counter-argument are not unsolvable. Having di cus ed the T word yaylag , umm r pa tur " Doerfer (1963-1975/4: 252-25 ) made some criticisms of Ram tedt' (1952-1966/1: 75,96) compari on ofT yay"" Bur naiir {summer' ,..,Kor nat 'midday'. H cat gorically r jected the Kor data fr the comparison, but in the case of the Buriat item he only mentioned that the rarely attested word may also be a lw. Ramstedt's assumptions were actually reinforced by St rostin- ybo-Mudrak (2003: 963-964). According to them, PT *yay 'summer (I)' summer pasture (2); spring (3)', PMo * najiir ' umrner ' and PKor .,.nai: day, daytime' may go back to PA *naj'V ' umm r, midday'. Starostin-Dybc -Mudrak (2003' 988989) also di cuss d the A parall 1 of the T item yiiz. They assumed that PA * njaf[ cl] 'young, spring, umm r' ouId have had the following representatives: PTu * riargu- 'new, fre h, young willow', PMo "nirai 'newborn', Plpn "natu 'summer', P or "njeri-m 'summer' and PT "yar' pring, ummer' (cf. also Tenise (2001: 74». De pit ~cerbak' opinion (1997: 123), they did not accept the T origin of the Mo word. The did not agree with Doerfer (1963-1975/4: 67), how ver th y added that "[t]he root has indeed some problems," This position seems to be entirely corr et and one can only add that the Mo word * nirai could long ago have b n interrelated with the T word yaz. On the ders of yaz, see lauson (1972: 985 yazii- 'to p nd th pring', 9 5986 ya~ki: 986 yazik- 'to spend the pring', 987 yazlig 'belonging to the summer', 9 7 yazla- to sp nd the summer (som where)', 987 yazlat- eau : cf. 01 ko i'n aylagda yazlatti 'he put his h ep for the spring on th umm r pa ture'). The word do not seem to b a impl x. If it r ally can be r lat d to 0 nirai 'newborn, baby, fr sh, n w (L), it m y ome fr an n i nt v rh I ha * riarV- 't b· or b c me renewed, fre: h'. . Th nci ~t v rb 1 ba ~riarV- did n t di app ar in th T P ri d· it n m In th phon tic shap yaro- to. hin '( e I uson (1972: 956), . h r th can b c rr et d to yaro-). Th T w rd iiz ' pring' w form d fr thi ith th uff -(~z. ,~h ~ong v w Iin the first yllabl i n t impli itl m 10 i 1 '. kmD: yank light', Y sara- but al 0 sirda- 't d wn'). It m: p] u ibl th t it

ily, u

en'

az.

n h s I~.cl, ) (1 C) 1: 2

I

)j

1 ' In cl ' r1 .h 32) and Br ahrni s m: y P rh' p b ' r . nstru t cl n p . sib} that

th vow J -o~ in th do ript (BT'1 III ~ 1'~, I 18) J. so de Ire) truct d v rh J b: s un * r, which i~a d v ne min 1 r PT riarV- JS n ' irnpl x. v rb aro ha uy ders, n which cl. jo

h

( (1 72) and Era' 1(] eger I MT eger 'saddle', T etjer, itjir, cf. I 0 eder. 1 OT -; MT egiir 'saddle', itjircaq 'pack saddle' (ARbg), eger 'selle' (A ha ,t ir (with g) 'saddle' (AChagAb, Cl.), iger 'eyer' (AChagAbA), iger n ereg hAbV), egiir 'sedlo' (AChagB), eger 'sedlo' (AChagBud), agar' d r tt hR, egiir 'saddle' (AChagSC), eger 'eger, ser]' (AChag ~S), ikar (r: ar \ tt I' h,SSK), yinircaq 'Packsattel' (LCCI), agar 'eyer' ( H); T hu "n r ' dlo,

NYEREG

r

nVJ.JI"lOl.

1') 1

del'n j', yen re ik ' d lka' ( hu ), yener ' dlo, podsipni r g' att 1', enercek 'ha mparna: Kumm tpoI t r' ( huvP);

huv

,

tr a 1 s delocnyj, sed lkovyj' (Tat), inircak hamparna: Kumm tpol ter' ( tB) 1"1)' ir q 'sedelka' (Bashk), eger, (juzn.) er sedlo' (Kirg), er' addle', ujtrsaq 'p cks dd e, dl trap' Kaz), er' edlo' (KazB), itjiriaq der Packsattel' (Kaz ),? er ' dlo' rry'iTs q sedelka' (Kklp), eg r s dlo' (CrTat), eger, er, yer 'sedlo' (KarT), igfT'S dIo rH eger 'sedlo' (KarSh), yer 'sedlo' (Kum), dzer 'sedlo' (KrchBIk) i"'lfrcaq'sedlo hBalk, ev.), atjrjircaq 'v'jucnoe sedlo bez prinadleznostej (Blk, ev.): S i"1J1Ji'rjaq 'sedlo 0 la' (TkmD, Sev.), yahar 's dlo' (Az), ingircak kolybel Ijulka' (T De, ; SE egar sedlo, sedel'nyj' (Uzb), iger, ige 'saddle' (Turkij), igar ' addle' (Tur ~'Sh eger, egei sedIo' (TurkiL), agar' der Sattel' (TurkiTR), egar 'sedlo' ( 1Uyg), ingircaq v'jucnoe sedlo' (1Uyg Sev.), egdr, egii 'sedlo' (MUygB ), etjer . edlo', f1]gir3r. f1]gfr3ux sedlo (dlja vescej)' (Sal), etjer, erjer selle [Pot. i1]er], JJJgirD:'ax 'sell de bagage' (SalK); NE er 'sedlo', ercik ·sedelka' (Alt) , i'1]frcaq ·der Pac sattel' (Alt e .. AltR, AltTelR), iir 'der Sattel' (AltR) , er sedlo' (AltL), iir ·der attel' (AltLR e 'sedlo' (AltQK) er, er 'sedlo' (AltTK), ar der Sattel', itjirga ' atteldecke AltTelR. itjirt'aq 'der Packsattel (KhakQbR), itjircaq 'das Holzgestell de attel' (Kh R), irjgiriaq 'v'jucnoe sedlo' (Tuv), ingiriaq 'v'jucnoe sedlo (Tof); Y itjir, i7Jlr. i'gzr' edlo, v'jucnoe sedlo' (Y), f1]lr, f1]i'r 'sedlo v'jucnoe sedlo (yS), f1]Ir Rentierla t attel DIg f1]Ir 'Frauensattel fur Rentiere' (DIgS). Mo yangircag 'packsaddle, saddle without a cushion', ) atjgiya id. (L). 2 OT agar 'saddle (sar])', ol atjar agar kokliisdi 'he [helped him] to tighten the bands of the saddletree' (AK); MT idiir 'selle' (UH ), iidar ( attel' { T iv a 1 : ). eyar 'saddle' (ABF), ayiir saddle' (AGul), e dr iodlo', iidarlii-' iodl c (koni . kulbaczyc' (AHS), adariii- 'sedlat' konja ,ayar edlo' (AHvF). dyiir ' dlo AI 1) ay 'ir yapugl 'saddle-housing' (AIM Cl.) iyiir 'e'-' r', e) rei 'e r i. ara " ederl - 'h van In sirtina eyer koymak' (AIMI) r ' addle ( D, Y r 'e . r ( Teh) iiyiir 'sedlo' (ANehF), edar, adar addl (ARbg, yet' edlo' ( hag lA, Y , ttel' (AChagZ), eyiir (eyar)' att 1', iiir Vi (e~ arcii' ttler' (L I), 'iyar ' yer' ( H . ayar'Sattel (AHou) a ar 'nyereg: attel a ), ydr, - "r' addle' ( 1 h .. ) .. iyar 'sedlo' (ATuh) , e er h van " i ( TuhA) , far" 11' mTr , (AOtT); NT huv yer ' dlo' ( hu Tat)· i.. iir 'sedlo, del n Tat). .. 'iyar: sedlo' (TatD!) e iir 'n r tt l' (Tat i -ar. r ar 'd r tte1' T t r , edlo, sedel' n j' (B sh ) "yar, ar ' ne' (B hkP, i. tar i. :'r: dlo' ~ . iyiir ' edlo' (SibTBD), i ar ' d r att I ( ibTBR, iar'd r tt l' ..ibTI (Kirg),? r ' addle' (Kaz), r' edlo' . zB r. iiir 'd r att 1 ( . z (Kklp), ier [i er]' dlo ( 0 ,i) r ' dlo' ( r'Tat) , iiyiu' •cl r tt l' yer 'sedlo' (KarT), dr 'd r att l' ( arI'R). ~ r ·~ I' iyer ' edlo' ( r hBlk); . r [ '" r]" dl , I n j Tkrn), dl ll)

r

I

r

I

121

ayar, ahar 'der Sattel' dl ) Tt ayar ' der att l' (Tt ), yer 's dl '( ag, eyer, e ru

2

1: -

,?

ahiir 's dl '

e

A2),

r

,.

.:J",U.l\J

Ten is 2001: 539» ezer is cl a' ( yg. 1); er' edl ' AI), ar cl r , dlo' (Altl.), dr d r attel' (AltL ), er' edlo' Alt K), er, er '5 d ' a t l' (AltT lk), izer ' edlo' (Khak), izer ( dlo' (Khakfs) ezdr ' cl r .J jasnjat', raskryvat', osvezat', pridavat' bodrosti, bodrit' (Chuv), US-, OS- 'otkryvat' otvorjat', raskryvat', podnimat' nov', otkryvat'sja (kornu-nibud'), razresat', posta it' na nogi (v material' nom otnosenii), razjasnit', vyrubat' (les), razciscat', davat' otradu, legkost', prosvetit', rascesat', raskryt' (t.e. sdelat' javnym)' (ChuvA), us- offnen aufmachen' (ChuvP); NW ac- 'otkryvat', otkryt' , otpirat', otperet', otvorjat' , otvorit', vskryvat', vskryt', raspecatyvat', raspecatat', otkuporivat', otkuporit' raskupori at', raskuporit', raskryvat', raskryt', razevat', razinut', (peren.) razoblacat', razoblacit', raskryvat', raskryt', vydavat', vydat' (tajnu)' (Tat), ac- 'berar narsane yaltirap torirlik itep cistartu: cistit' do bleska; (cacne, materiyane h. b.) bik cista itep yuu; prom t', vystirat' ocen' cisto, do bleska - 0 volosah, materii i t.p.' (Tatfrt), ac- 'ot at' (TatD2), ac- 'nyitni: offnen, aufmaehen' (TatB), as- 'otkryvat', vskryvat', otkup ri rat' raspecatyvat', otkryvat', otvorjat', raspahivat', otkryvat', orpirat', otrnykat', otk at , raskryvat' (cto-I. zakrytoe, slozennoe, svernutoe), otkryvat', pokazyvat', etc.' Ba hk , ac-, ac- 'acu: otkryvat" (SibT), ac-, ac- 'otkryvat' (SibTBD), ac- 'aufmaehen, offn n (SibTBR, SibTTR), ac- 'otkryvat', raskryvat', otpirat', (peren.) obnaruzivat' 'ir. ac- 'aufmachen, offnen' (KirgR), as- 'to open, reveal, unlo k une er di er. t , . t" ferment (of wine, etc.)' (Kaz), as- 'vskryt', otkryt', obnaruzi t, tpir t , r (KazB), as- 'otkryvat', raskryvat, otpirat', razvertyvat', raz jaz at' (napr.

1216

Li

SAND INDI

S

(Kklp), as- 'otkryvat', raskryvat', otpirat', otvorjat', rastvorjat', otmykat', ot Up ri vat', raskuporivat', vskryvat', raspecatyvat', raspakovyvat', raskutyvat', rasp] nyvat', razevat', raskryvat' (napr. rot), obnazat', razzimat', razoblacat', raskryvat' (n pr. prestuplenie), ulicat' , izoblicat', pozorit' (Nog), ac- 'otkryvat', otvorjat', ra ryvat', rascvetat" (CrTat), ac- 'aufmachen, offnen' (CrTatR), ac- 'otkryvat" (KarT, KarC) ac- 'otkryvat', otvorjat' , (KarH), ac- 'otkryvat', raskryvat, otvorjat', otpirat', otkryvat', vvodit' v dejstvie, raskryvat', razoblacat', vskryvat', oblicat', ulicat' , otkryvat', obnaruzivat', ustanavlivat', raspuskat'sja, raskryvat'sja' (Kum), ac- 'offnen' (KumN), ac- 'offnen, aufmachen, aushulseri' (KrchP), ac- 'offnen, aufmachen, endigen' (BlkP ; SW ac- 'otkryvat', raskryvat', razmykat', raskuporivat', raspecatyvat', otkryvat', obnaruzivat', ustanavlivat' nalicie cego-L, otkryvat', obnaruzivat', razoblacat', raskryvat', vskryvat' (Tkm), ac- 'otkryvat', otvorjat', raskryvat', raskryt', obnaruzivat', obnaruzit', razvjazyvat', razvjazat', rasputat, rastegivat', rastegnut', otprjagat', otprjac', otcepljat', otcepit', raskutyvat', raskutat', razvernut', razvertyvat', raspakovyvat', raspakovat', raskrucivat', raskrutit', razmatyvat', razrnotat', rassucivat', rassucit', raskuporivat', raskuporit', razzimat', razzat', razinut', katat' , raskatat' (testo), nravit'sja, ustraivat', udovletvorjat' (kogo), nacinat' (razgovor, besedu), raspuskat'sja, raspustit', rascvetat', rascvesti' (Az), ac- 'aufrnachen, offnen' (AzR), ac- 'to open, to uncover, to unfold, to spread, to shove off, to clear up (of weather), to inaugurate, to unite, to unravel, to solve, to make lighter (of colour), to disclose or mention, to let sy know sg, to make overtures, (slang) to go away' (Tt), ac- 'aufmachen, offnen' (TtR), ac- v razn. znac. 'otkryvat', prokladyvat' (dorogu), vkljucat' (svet, radio i t.p.), obnazat' (suscnost' cego-l.), posvjascat' (napr. v dela, v tajnu), poverjat' (napr. tajnu), prjam. i peren. raspuskat'sja, cvesti, rascvetat" (Gag), as-, ac- 'offnen' (Khor), as'offnen' (SOg); Kh hac- 'offnen, ausbreiten' (Imp: hacr) (Kh), hae- 'offnen' (KhT); SE oc- 'otkryvat', raskryvat', otvorjat', vskryvat', otpirat', otkupirovat', otkryvat', odit' v dejstvie, polozat' nacalo, (peren.) otkryvat', razoblacat', vskryvat' otkryvat', obnaruzivat', ustanavlivat', vyvodit' (ptencov)' (Uzb), ac- 'to open, to uncover to take off, to unfold, to discover, to unbolt, to unfasten, to disclose' (Turkij), ach- 'to open' (TurkiSh), ac- 'otkryvat" (TurkiL), ac- 'aufmachen, offnen' (TurkiTR), ac- 'otkr at', raskryvat', otpirat', (peren.) vskryvat', obnaruzivat' (MU g), ac-, as-, af 'otkr at', ac- 'otkryvat' (dver'), otkryvat', razvjazyvat' (mesok), otkryvat' (glaza)' ( al) as-' uvrir' (SalK), haJ-, has- 'otkryvat" (YUyg), ac-, as- 'otkry at" (YUygM); ac- 'ot r vat', otpirat', vskryvat', otvorjat', raskryvat', obnazat' (Alt), ac- 'aufmachen, offnen' (AltR, AltTeIR), ac- 'otkryvat' (AltL), ac- 'otkryvat' (A1tQK), ac- 'otkr at' ot _rt , raspahnut', pojavljat'sja', as'- 'otkryvat' (AltTK), as- 'otkryvat', ra kr at' t -1. otpirat', otvorjat' cto-i., vskryvat' cto-l., obnazat' kogo-cto-l., raspahi at' ito-l: .. k as- 'aufmachen, offnen' (KhakSR), as- 'offnen, aufmach n, roffnen u in rsetzen' (KhakShR), ac- 'aufmachen, offnen' (ChuIR), as-' tkr at', r f', aii'-

IM (!) 'otkryvat'sja,

1217

byt' otkrytym'

(Tuv: on the latter, ee atarincev 2000-20 4/1: 65 ac- 'aufmac?en, o.ff~en' (~uvSR), a 'J- 'otkryvat', raskryvat', Iistat' (napr knigu ; (Tof): Y as- otvorjat (dver, vorota), otkryvat' (krysku, trubu), otv rzat', ras ryvat' (put'), razverzat', otpirat', otmykat' (zamok), ottykat' (probku), snimat' (karty)' Y), as- 'otkryvat', raskryvat' (YS), ahagas 'offen, geoffnet, aufgernacht' (DIg), as- 'offnen, aufmachen' (DIgS).

ElT Sevortjan

(1974-1980/1:

209-210) discussed the semantic field of the base.

In some entries, Doerfer (1963-1975/2: 14-15) demonstrated the ders fr the T base which were borrowed into Pe. For semantic reasons, he rejected Ramstedt (1935: 18) and Poppe's (1960: 63) suggestion of comparing T ac- '""'Mo aca 'Gabelung' Man aca- 'sich vereinigen'. The Mo form was otherwise borrowed into Kirg (cf. aca 'razvilina, razdvoennyj, Uuin.) prornezutok mezdu jagodicami, rnezdu verhnej vnutrennej castju nog celoveka, ttocnee kizil aca) (kart.) cervy': and also see acakay, a ca key, acekey, acikey 'razdvoennyj': acalan- 'razvetvljatesja' (Kirgj). StarostinDybo-Mudrak (2003: 1116) confirmed Ramstedt and Poppe's comparison of the "Altaic data". Further, Rasanen (1969: 3) collected the T items, reconstructed a PT form * hac-, and proposed a genetic connection between this form and FUgr "ponce- 'offnen' (Redei 1986-1991/1: 352). E/H Budenz's (1863: 339) explanation that the H forms ocso (> ocsodnii and some T forms could have been of onomatopoeic origin was based on data which cannot possibly be linked to each other. The T etymology of the H word that Vambery (1870: 166) supposed was also founded on unrelated items; Budenz (1873: 106) strongly rejected it. According to Barczi (1941: 221), the der of H ocsudik- is unknown. Benko (1967-1984/2: 1066) accepted Barczi's opinion and rejected the T etymology of the H verb. Pa1l6 (1982: 141-142) thought that the T verb ac- could alread have undergone a metaphorical change in OT, one which can be found in the contemporary T 19s. The sense of the H verb 'to awake' and similar meanings come up in the odT 19s in the passive form of ac-. The semantic change in the T erb ac- can be recon tructed in the following way: 'to open' > 'to awake' > 'to be sober' > to become active' > 'to become free'. The H verb ocsudik- no longer denotes what the T etymon once did. thus, according to Berta, it must already hay been borrowed into H ith it eondary meaning. In Benko's view (1993-1997/2: 1054), the H verb ocsudik- deri .e fr a root in an unknown 19. A freq-r fl suff was added to the fictitiou tern. Li ti (1986) did not mention ocsudik- among the T borrowings in H. I have morph 1 ical and semantic concerns with this. The H suffs -d- and -1- erve a freq fun tion If use the idea that aii- carried the metaphorical meaning 'to open th (ee ~.4-In ac- above) hence 'to awake', as a starting point, we are confront d ith m nti discrepancies. One would e pect 'to blink'. If we id ntify the Huff a -d-i -, it d not help, as -ik- is refl. Benk6 thus seems to bright. -r

1218

LI

• Bud nz 186 : 339; Vambery 1870: 166; Budenz 1873: 106; R m t dt 19'i '1 . T h rt 1 : 2 7-'1.. , Barczi 1941: 221; Poppe 1960:63; Do rf r 1963-1975/2: ]4-15, Ego ov 1964' 2'/7, Ben 0 1 7-19 /2: f:; R" an n 1969: 3; lauson 1972: 18-19; Sevortjan 1974-1980/1: 209-210; ohrborn 1977-19 /: 7; P , 1982: 141-142; Redei 1986-1991/1: 352; Erdal1991: 57, 226, 584, 651-652, 800, 818; Sta he j 1 '~. 1 Benko 1993-1997/2: 1054;Fedotov 1996/2: 292-293; Tatarincev 2000-2004/1' 65; tare tin- yb dr 2003: 1116.

Ewri(i), Ewr-ek [or-ek] I or 'b rd r guard, custodian, sentry, a special group of people' T * egri < * eg-ir-i 'surrounding'. E/H Hunfalvy (1864: 23-24) contended that the H words or2 and oriz- origina cl in FUgr. According to Vambery (1882a: 243-244), the H word may be related to the T verb our- 'to circulate, skirt'; he observed that the guards in Central Asia did not ke p watch at a fixed point, but regularly circulated around the army. Barczi (1941: 22 did not accept the FUgr etymology of the word and considered it to be of unkno n origin. juhasz (1948: 135-137) felt that the H noun or2 'custos', being a T lw may be etymologically related to the H verb or1 'to mill, grind' and one can suppose that the source of these forms was an early nomen-verbum. juhasz also pointed out that the H verb oriz- cannot be a den verbal form fr or2 'custos' because H den verbs formed with the suff -z- never denote the action if the actor is signified by the nominal base. According to Pais (1964: 480), H or2 'speculator, custos' goes back to a T de noun which was formed fr T "iiwir-. Benk6 (1967-1984/3: 31-32) regarded or2 as a member of a H word-family whose starting point was uncertain. He thought that the basic word of this supposed family could be the H verb oriz-. He did not reject the possibility, however, that the ultimate base ofH oriz- < H or-1 could have derived fr T. He believed that orol, orveny" and oriil (orjong) might also form part of this group. Benk6 accepted the juhasz's objections and supposed that oriz- could not b a den der fr or2 'speculator, custos', On the basis of the older H occurrence, the meanin of the verb oriz- could he 'to watch, to observe' and this n e of it could p rhap be explained fr the proposed basic meaning 'to go around. Benko ugge ted that H or2 may very likely represent a back-formation fr ori -. Pa1l6 (19 2: 147-1 ) rightl observed that - despite Benk6's position - the T forms * abir- > iivir- dr h n' H orol- 'rnahlen') and * iigir- 'sich urn i h dr hen (> H or eny , ora 0') ann t be interr lated. The T verbs originally h d differ nt ph netic hape and cl n t d different types of circulating mov ment. Ac ording to Pa1l6, the ba e f th H r r oriz- may have been copi d fr anoth r T erb, OT or- to ri ' h · r it nnc t be ruled out that H copied the nominal pair of thi v rb. B nl« (1 9 -1 14.1: 10 ) slightly changed his earlier vi wand thought that the Herb oriz- m th fr form of the H v rh or-', whi h wa copi d fr T. Th nd- 11 1 -i- 11 thi may perhaps show the preserv d original stem -flnal 0 1. h n un r' m h r suited fr a back-formation fr H oriz-. Th nomin I v ri nt r] i u t d r OR2 [or] 'guard', oriz [oriz] 'to guard'

I all00

N

1219

H development (cf. [erj, fur}). Ligen made no mention of H 6r2 among th T lws in

H. The T etymology poses serious problems. T dwir- 'to turn something' IS a tr v rb, as is iigir- 'to surround' (see orveny). A noun fr dgir- with the uff -J xist, but denotes 'bent, crooked, hunch-backed form of camels' (ErdaI1991: 341) The emantic side of the idea of the guard 'going around' cannot be substantiated. The meaning 'the one who makes the turn' would be more probable, but, though this fits better morphologically, there are no data to bear it out. In its first occurrence, it carries he sense of 'custodian': 1100 Custodes ... confiniorum qui vulgo Ewrii vocantur. one of the later items point to any sort of 'going around'. See also gyepii. Ligeti (1986) did not consider the word have come fr T. • Hunfalvy

1864: 23-24; Vambery 1882a: 243-244; Barczi 1941: 228; juhasz 1948: 135-137; Pais 1 64:

480; Benk6 1967-1984/3: 31-32; Pal16 1982: 147-148; Erdal1991:

OREG

341; Benk6 1993-1997/2: 1084.

[oreg] 'old' I p1416/c1450 oreg [oreg] I p1416/1450 'big, great', 1517 'old'.

E/T-E/H Gombocz and others connected the H word to EOT erig 'strong' or irik iriik; iri 'great, voluminous' (see Benk6 1993-1997/2: 1085). The H word was tied to U * ers 'graB, vie!', which occurs in the OUgr Igs as * ar, * ardY and has such der forms as erdY (OstyV), iirw (VogT]) and ariy (VogSo) in the dials with the meanings 'uberschussig, zu viel, rnehr' (Honti 1982: 129; Redei 1986-1991/1: 75). The H word was linked to MordE sir'e, MordM sirii alt (Redei 1986-1991/1: 440).There are morphological and semantic problems with both of these hypotheses. It was Vambery (1870: 168) who first considered the H word to have originated in T. Gombocz (1907a: 310; 1912b: 112) reconstructed the OChuv copied form for H breg 'old' as "irik, and tied it to the T word-family iri 'great'. Ligeti (1935a: 212) and Nerneth (1935-1939: 526) accepted Gombocz's opinion, however erneth reconstructed the T copied form as * erik. Toivonen (1936: 456-457) pointed out that the H word also has some equivalents in Mord and Sam. According to Barczi (19 1: 228-229), the source of H oreg is debatable and may be either T or FUgr. The fa t, however, that the FUgr etymology of the word only has one supporting item in the FUgr lgs may point to a T starting point being more plausible. Lak6 (1967-19 13: 515-516) regarded the origin of the H word as dubious, as did Benko (19 -19 34). He was of the opinion that if the H word had its start in T (*erik or irik it uld have been borrowed with the meaning 'rough, harsh, large, hug' and that th n of 'old' may have been secondary in H. Benko did not rule out the po ibili th t the H word could also be a FUgr or even U inheritance in H. c ordin t Lig tI (1986: 194), the word can be traced back to T and the final on nant in the 1 nding form weakened to -g in H. Benko (1993-1997/2: 10 5) I t r h nged hi p iti n.

1220

LIS

He believed that it is unclear where the word comes fr, but he add d i it i a the lending form * erig or * irig may be a dev nominal fr < * er- 'err ichen' ee e . andoky (1993: 95-96) argued that the word originated in T, perhaps Cum. H al 0 mentioned the H dial word ere 'huge, extraordinary huge', which may go bac to a Cum secondary form "iri. Starostin-Dybo-Mudrak (2003: 516) reconstructed PT * Erig 'rough, large' and linked it to Mo * ar- 'to become dry', arga- 'to become dry or stale', etc., not to argi- 'to grow old, to become senile'. They suggested that H oreg comes fr T * erig. The word in the form irig, irik, iri, eri, etc. carries the meaning 'great, voluminous' everywhere and the semantic chain to 'old' is not documented, though parallels such as Lat magnus 'great, old' exist. Kashgari has irig iir 'A man who is steadfast and resourceful'. The following words with which the H word was also connected do not pertain to the etymon: EOT oriig 'rest, repose, temporary halt', idrig, irig, iyrig, etc. 'anything hard', WOT * otey > Chuv vatii 'old' (see Mo otegii 'old man', otege 'bear', otel- 'to age', otuyi-, oturi- 'to shrink' < * oto-). The one possible T etymon for the H word is only attested in the T 19s very sporadically. It is mainly familiar fr Chag sources (see irk' ihtiyar' (AChagAbA), irek 'oreg, koros; old, aged' (AChagAbV), erk (spelt) 'ihtiyar' (AChagSC), ark 'ihtiyar (AAH)). This word can also be found in some SibT 19s: see ire 'ded, deduska, praded', irek 'ded, starik' (Tuv) , ire' deduska, otec muza, praded, predok (po muzskoj linii) , medved' (Tof). On the latter words, see Tatarincev (2000-2004/2: 378-3 9). In SibT, the verb iri- 'iske, kiselgan, tuzgan bulu: byt' starym, ponosennym; to be(come) old' can be identified as the verbal base of the T nominals mentioned (SibT , while TatD iriiy- 'vyrasti, stat' bol'sie, krupnee' is the verbal base of the ords irig, irik 'corpulent, great, thick, strong'. However, on the morphological side we have to distinguish between * irik 'old' (Chag) and * irig > ire' grandfather, old man, etc.' (Sib 19s). ntil w~ ~ave data for this, the H word oreg remains of uncertain, e en improbable, T ongm, • Vambery 1870: 168; Gombocz 1907a: 310; Gombocz 1912b: 112; Ligeti 1935a: 212; erneth 1935-193 ' 526; Toivonen 1936: 456-457' Barczi 1941: 228-229;Joki 1952: 127-128; Lako 1967-1978/3: 515-516; Benko 1967-1984/3: 34; Sevortjan 1974-1980/1: 371-372' Honti 1982: 129' Ligeti 19 6: 194; Redei 19 6-1991t1'-:~ 440; Mandoky 1993: 95-96; Benko 1993-1997/2: 1085' Tatarince 2000-2004/2: 378-379; taro rin-D rb _ Mudrak 2003: 516,

[san] 'sledge' 11263/1326 P Zaan-uth [ an-ut], c1395 zan [san] 1siin ' lum +- SI sani (pl) < *sana (sg) ~ ? T cana I T cana ~ ?

SZ~3

?

hi u-

OT -; ~T ~ana 'S,chlitten' [written as cap a] (AChagR, anaq. an nr (AChagR), , , . cana sledge (Am; Vasary 1969a: 168)',s T Chu ' una nl., (h u ) ,un sona saru, voz ~na s~nja?), voz (s senom)' (ChuvA), suna zp. id. zan: hlitt n' (ChuvP); NW cana sam, sanki, sannyj', dial. canaca 'sani (b l' i dlj p r z~

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n, dlinnyh z d j)' ( at), cana 'zein; hlitt n' ( a B), ana yj' ( hk), canaq ." na; ani' ( ib ), carygl: catjga 'IYZ1' J 1 I, na ten' ( ibTB ), cana, canii 'sani' (Kirg), sana ' ] dg , sl d', "arygi', J' ( •. , ana , ni, sanki, salazki' (Kklp) , sana ' ani, sanki, alazki, sannyj' ( g, "ana nki, salazki, tormoz' ( rTat) , cana 'sani' (KarT, Kar h), canalar ' ani' canalar 'sani' (KarH), cana 'ani, anki, alazki' (Kum), cana 'sani, drovni, nnyj' (KrchBlk), c 'ana 'Schlitt n' (KrchP), cana ' chlitten' (BlkP); ana n ' (TkmAB), ciina 'arba, povozka' (TkmD, T nis v 2001: 535), cana 'kiza ' Tt . SE cana 'sani, salazki' (Uzb), cana 'rod volokus dlja pereno ki lodo po I'du' (Turkil.), cana ' ani, sanki' (MUyg); N cana 'lyzi', canak c ani' (Alt) , canaq 'd chlitten' (AltR) , cana ' chneeschuh " canaq 'der chlitten' (AltLR), canak ' ni', cana 'lyzi', sana 'lizki, sani' (AltQK), canak 'sani', cana 'lyzi, sani' (AltTK), cana chneeschuhe' canaq 'Schlitten' (AltTelR), sana 'lyzi' (Khak), sana 'lyz! (Kha sana 'Schneeschuhe', sanaq 'die Schneeschuhe' (KhakShR), cana 'Schnee chuhe' canaq ' chlitten' (ChulR), sana 'lyzi', sanaq 'sani' (Tuv), sana ' chneeschuhe' (TuvSR); y turkucatjkt, turkusatjki 'kleiner turku-Schlitten' (DIgS). Mo cana 'snowshoes, sleigh, skis' (L). ElT As Doerfer (1963-1975/3: 105-108) pointed out, the T word that mean 'sledge' appears in the phonetic shape cana or in its corresponding form in man T 19s. In some T lgs, however, canak: comes up with the ame meaning, hi eh i the dim form of the former. Some curious word forms em rge fr th Radloff diet (cf. AChagR capa, sanak), but they seem to be misscribed form or misreading. ccording to Rasanen (1953: 23), one can find sana in Tkm, which ma T b a az 1 . Tenisev (2001: 535) observed that the Tkm word "iina i onl docum nted in TkmAB. The word cana denotes 'Schneeschuhe; lyzi' in om s ur e . rding to :c. v r a (1997: 112), the exa t basic en of the word i difficult tart in and it an nerally be defined as 'skol'zjasce red tvo p r dviz nij '. The pI orm ID ome ar dials re Rus s manti copi s. ome T Ig. al 0 cont in form hich m ha k thu ome ofth m indicat a nfu ion with th £ rm "ana, h ing an (se T tR catjga 'di chn huhe' (R dlof 1 -1911/: 1 51 (R dloff 189 -1911/4: 42), K zR vaT)gi ( dIo f 1 9 -1911/4: 94 ca') i, Kirg sa1)gi' nd zb rangl, yg ~aT) u. n th dat, \ b

53 -537).

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I'/'~,I. Eren (1941-19 3: 141-142) compared Chuv sakal 'white (of the legs of a horse' ith Tt segiil bu did not mention the name Szekely. According to Rasonyi (1960: 188-194), the ultimate starting point for the H word may be Kip sakul 'Pferd mit weissen Flecken an den Fussen', which is documented in the MT source AHou. Later he lightly modified his earlier position (see Rasonyi (1961a: 180-187)), but he argued in fa our of the T origin of the word in question. A tribe being named after the colour of its horses a a well-known custom among the T tribes. Thus Rasonyi' idea de erves attention: MT sekul ' sekil [white sock on the hor e] AH ) sekiil 'sekil sekilli a . (AAHI) , sagid (? siikul) 'Pferd mit weissen Flecken an den Fiis en (Al-lou); T Chu . sakiil, sakiilta 'pezina, pegij, beloe pjatno (na nogah u losadi) 10 ad' pezinami' (Chuv, ChuvA), sakal 'feher (a 16 labarol mond a' ei (von den Fu en In Pferdes)' (ChuvP ~ Cher 'belonogaja 10"ad" Fedotov 1 96/2: 6)' 'belonogij ken' (CrTat); W sekil 'belye volo v' (Tkm, D b 2003: 22 , lizna na nogah u dornasnih zivotnyh' (TkmD, Dybo 2003: 226), sakil 'b Ion v culkah' (Az), sakil 'pezina beloe pjatno na nogah u 10sadi (i dr. Zl otn Dybo 2003: 226), seki (prov.), sekil 'white 0 k n a hor "(Tt), if, sokiil 'at, esek ve sigirlann ayaklanndaki ak leke' (TtD . The connection between sekil and Tt seki id. i not 1 ar compared th Chuv word with Tu R, Khak hR aka b I '

em

saga

1224

LIS SAND INDI

E

ample of it having b n us d as a tribal na~ . Benko (1967-1984/3: :01) b li v d szekely to b f unknown origin and thought It supp d T etym .logl cannot b veri 1 d. Th zekely were n med siculus in th early H soure s. Thi name em rg d on th basi of th arly H f rm * sikul and was contaminated by the Lat iculus. Th latter origin lly d not d the people living on th bank of the River Tib r, who lat r ttled in i ily. Thi scholarly identification fr the Middle Ages, howev r, cannot rve as proof of the semantics of the ethnonym. Decsy (1983: 27) erroneously link d the H word szegeny (poor, destitute' and szekely, and claimed that both of them may be internal developments. Benko (in Szabo 1985: 29) stressed that the phonetic shape of sz ikely may repres nt a typical FUgr word structure (CVCVC). He thought that th word-final-Iy may be a H suff. Korde (1991;see also Korde (1995» provided a succinct overview of the history of the question up to 1984. In contrast to Nerneth, Benko felt that the word originally denoted an activity, occupation. Benko (1993-1997/2: 1407) considered the source of the H word to be unknown, although he confirmed that the word-final -ly may be a H suff. In his monograph on the origin of the Szekelys (1996: 12-13), Kristo supposed a T form * eskel '""'* eskil and claimed that H Szekely re ulted fr metathesis: * eskel > sekel. I could not accept this argumentation (Rona-Tas 1996:187;1999:225).The name of the Bulgar tribe occurs in Pe and Ar transcriptions. Some of the data can brad with an internal , others with a , but the phonetic value of the letters, if we collect all the data, could only be /g/. Ibn Rusta' s ~\ can be read as as(a)k(i)l, as(a)g(i)L es(e)k(i)l or es(e)g(i)l, but the form jA---I can only be understood as as(a)g(i)1 or dS(d)g(i)1. In another paper (Rona-Tas 1998c: 220-221), I also stressed that the idea of the metathesis (* as > * se) in the word is not acceptable fr linguistic point of view. The example Rus iskra ~ H szikra cited by Kristo is a different case; we would need to use * skra as our starting point, yet there wa no Iskr/ cluster at the time in H: Rus iskra < * skra ~ H sikra. Benko (2002: 258-264) rejected the earlier etymologies of szekely. The ethnonym, according to him, had the forms sikol ,..,sike! in OH. According to Krist6 (2003: 468-470), one can recon truct the oldest known form of the ethnonym with a first-syllabic -i- on the ha i of the OH data. Kristo thought that the -e- could have appeared in the first syllable und r the influence of the H noun szek 'seat'. Interestingly, Minorsky (1937: 461) noted that in the Shah-nama Afrasiyab a accompanied by his grandsons ,- ")lA;;.... \ ~\ - Ila Astqila and "B • JI.!.)jj! arZUWl -Ia, hi1 h r ml~d us of the names of the two VBulg tribes Asagal and BarsuZa. e can add the Gr ~tem ~r Menandr~s (Moravcsik 1983/2: 75), 'AOK'lA (th Lat translation i.. As lti regIS), pnnce of the people of Hermi hion", i. . the Turks. It is po ibl that d iif!di changed through * asga .. "Z t *" k "1 Th . Astqila is, if not a ribal ' rr r a par' .. 0 as a. e It/ In sitic sound, on which see koldus. However, a form sikol or sikel in H uld nth come fr T dskdl. We thus have to accept Benko's argum nt ti n.

J2 Thu y lR9X: 24 ; Nem th j:n : 12CJ 1'>(" Mlr or ky ]I),H 1'- verseng-. Starostin-D bo- 1udr (2003: 1036) reconstructed PT or- 'to surpass', while they tied 10 urida 2003: 6 3 with urtu 'long' and T uzun with Chuv viiriim. It is not evident that 0 urtu 'Ion and urida 'before, in advance' belong together. E/H It was Munkacsi (1906d: 372) ha first argued for the T origin hi h Gombocz (1912b: 223) then rejected. Pa1l6 later argued in fa our of it (1961a: z: 1972b: 197-199). Ligeti accepted the T starting point ith ome light doubt 1 528). According to Benko (1993-1997/2: 1624), the H word form part of a larger H word-family and the base wa vers ent- or v rsen-. Even less probable is the folIo ing ugge tion, hi h came up in m t .it Arpad Berta: H verien- < * vers- {with uff -n-} < vess- ~ OT her '"EOT oces- 'to wager or argue or cant nd ith anoth r' < oce- 'to d ir r n 'revenge, vengeance' (? anorganic -r- as in ar an ). There are additi n with semantics . T

• Czuczor-Fogarasi 1862-1874/6: 950-952;

imon i 1 81: 251: Sim nvi I 0 : ~ f'i: un 372; Fokos 1909: 249; Gombocz 1912a: 100; Gombocz 1912b: 22; ambe 1 1 : ')1; r zi 1961a: 42; Do rfer 1963-1975/2: 135, 139-140; Egoro 1972: 18,21, 26,32,279, 290;Pa1l61972b: 197-199,

1 64: 5 ; B nko 1 rtjan Iv? -1 01:

"-1 2.

-L

'

1

1 . Pr I

I u' _:1.-

L1

123 ]7

r 552 58 5(J4 75] nk6199'j rdal1191: 241, 265, 309, 403, ')26, , ), , . 'rb 1997: 131, 197; tarostin-f yb -Mudrak ~003: 623,10'36, J(J41.

Lig ti 1986: 41 528'

r d'ot v

162 ,

hort not

8.1.2 Th

1996/1.12;;

1 97,2

hort n t

contain 42 unacc ptable tymologies.

[agar] 'gr yh und' 11193 N Agar [agar, agar], p1395 agar [agar] I agar 1 * ogar. The hunting term may be of We t SI origin. The SI word has some T connections. Its present form in Chuv akar misled om authors (Fedotov 1996/1: 32) This huv word goes back to a front-vocalic form: * agar, see Tat igar, Bashk igar T Os egar, jegar 'borzaja sobaka' (Kniezsa 1955/2: 584; Benko 1993-1997/1: 9). 0

AGAR

treated by Lig ti (1986). [burok] 'h mlock, Conium maculatum' 1 a1405 berwk [berok] 'cicota' 1T biiriik; suggested by Rasonyi (1941-1943: 105). Mixing T bur- / bur- (see borit) with bur 'bud', Rasonyi reconstructed a v rb buru- and claimed that buriik carries not only th meaning' over', but al 0 'd nse bu h'. This i emantically and morphologically improbable. A c rding to Benk6 (1993-1997/1: 154) the OT origin is not onvincing. Ligeti (J986) did not ov r thi word.

BUROK

[cabako "J 'a typ of cap with a p ak, mad of cloth'. The ord occurs in a MS containing lingui tic material fr Sziic and Gyorffy. The M i maintained in the Mu eum of Karcag and was published by Agyagasi (1999), who tied the ord to Ru D cebak: 'rnohovaja sapka s nausnikami, zavjazkami i nazatylnikorn'. Agyagasi claimed that the Rus word is ofT origin and goes back to a Kip form cabak fr th erb cap-. The final is a H suff + Vs. The words belong together, but the ha ic word caba (a kind of cap' may be either a SI or a Cum lw, howev r we d not have su ficient material to decide. A 1 starting point i more lik ly. Ligeti (19 6) did not eo er thi word.

CSABAKOS

[deget] 'tar goudr n cart-wh 1gr a e' 11684 dohot [doyot], 1731 y he [d'ehets-esek], 1767 Deget [cl g t] , xungia, terr pingvis; Duh tt a n: hmi r' I deget +- kr degot' or degst»: mola'. B nko (1993-1997/1: 24) n id r th rd to be f I rigin, and th forms with Ihl and /g/ fr diff r nt tirn nd 1 di 1 . cording to Agyaga i (199 b: 23-27), th word i rigin lly 1, but am int H thr u h Pech m diati n. Thi would re olv qu tion chron logy , nd rd a. The pro~lem of the lat appearance of th f rm with /g/ r m in un lv d. i (1 86) did not cover thi word.

LJ.LJ'-~.LJT

·IP'.·~aL

7

ti

IM

12

[d' lu] pl n ' I pt 16/1450 alu-ltat t [d'alu-lt tott] I d'alu "[alii . ilii W *jflay I T i"skr < *yis-, *is- 'to pI n '. Nern th (1 5: 55- ) u t cl hs h ord rkr 'pl ne' i ting in Tat, B hk and SibTat go ck to ylS- 't rub, r p ff', hi hi pt ble. u th n Nern thsupp d form *ytTyor*yi""ay, hi h b

*)i"Iry r *)r/ay in Bul T,

d opi d by H, wh re it b am jalu. Th long 1 in of hyp th s did not find a ptan . It do not occur in Lig ti 19 6) nd B nko (199 -1 97/1: 91) r ut d th T origin. I

ID

[d'ula] 'an old Hungari n title' I 950 yVAaq [dila-s] 10th c. . I jula WOT Jlla 1EaT ?yula t r h, Imp'. Th word is an old H titl ,which i fi cl by the J yh ni tradition and by on tantine VII. Thi wa the titl of the econd dignitary fter th king; he w in charge of the military and po s ed the actual po r. It ori in and 'meaning" i unc rtain. It as ti cl to th word ula torch but no proof for thi ould b put forward. Ligeti suppo ed a Khaz origin (1986: 253-254, 4- 5) but it has not ome up in the Khaz mat rial until no . The title survi d among the Hungarian and b ame a PN in the Middl ge whi h th n fell out of u e and a 1 t r r viv d. YU

[h tak] arch' toma h pimple' I cl 05 hatek [hatek] I hatak < *Xatik ~ WOT *Xatik 1T katik ' rap (of bird)' Tt). Th H ord now nl ha th m aning pimpl ' in th H dials. It nn ction \ ith 'st rnach i not lear th u h treat d uch by Benko (1993-1997/1: 5 7) a carding to whom th word i of unkno n der and a T origin is improbabl . It was Er n (194 b: 5) h ug t d th T t rting point nd linked the word t a now ob 01 t Tt ord * katik, hich h found in the 17th-. ark of B rn rdo da Parigi. Lig ti 19 6) did n t '\ r thi ord. HATAK

0

[h °tt'ii] wan 11282P Hathia [h tt'as] 1 5 ha w [h. tu]. rdin to B nk6 (1 93-1997/1: 538), th H rd i f r ri .in, but th r w rd i a lw fr T. Li ti h it tin 1 sug] t T cl r (1 6: 1 -13). Th rd i n t T, bu Eura ian wand ring ord ( e .5 and g ..denv, ro t n ). HATTY'

I

tr

T

1 '

[hit '11]'

rthles: ,

"inf rior

I 1171

u lity'

P

n [hit :-n] I hit iin

o (hi}tu

x'tyan *X tyan W huv xrtk n 'I n, m 'g '.1 h

Hituand [hi n-d] * katv, n I kat an

huv wo cl ) C)})' k / h n uld b th m' '" th t to rve ny . h Ut r cl in 11, a: in til ' . h m: y h path . m'

d in an arli r 11 '" of this irk.Jrn r babl .Lig ti , H in t B k" 1 1 97/1: 563), th H 0 cl n n In.

1

,

t .'

.

I

th

ab

IR

[lrt1'to

ty

trrpat ·h 0 t

I' rid', dial, 'U [hirtv 11], 1 16/ cl 'In'. h If >

n t r ). Lit

i (1

lefoi \t lift an [rrt an] J) rin ,1 r wo dJ orti tny [ rt (In] I L /12)R irt uan [urtv: ri], 1369 hyrtuuan

cu do [OJ

Cl

t

irt im [irt- J J lilt f I 'J) igin (sec ) 11 I n t deal it h t his

llSO

7

art .S .

T

ar(r)t-I

4

It (" nn )t

r Jat .d t

rit-, T art- 't r t (s

that

() d. * iat

?

ry d v loprn nt i n w rd or

1

n

A RI P; [nador ispan] 'Hun nand r pan [na d r 'p -0] 16 h

ri n titl ) •

I

]405 nadrujp

n [n druspan] ]5" adar Ifpant [n dorisps n-t]

landori 'pan, 157

nn ni n 1 * nandur "pan 'th Bulg ri n i.e. id a th t H n' dor in nadori pan i th m rd t' nti: t

ni z. a (195 : 3 1 tent: tiv

ly sug

ul

nandor s

d h

ri n zupan . b ul n t

tym 1 g ] nado-.dvarjb-iupan nd B nkr 1 9 -1997/2: 1012) pt d it. Lig ti (1 6) id n t d 1 ith thi w rd. aJ gh (2 08: 2 -21, manu ript) f r d hi tori ,1 unt r rgum nt . Hi m in pint w . that th r w r n " ulg r", th t i ulg, zup ns 00 u

d.

nub

ur

nt

IMPROBABL

TYMOLOGI

S

12

the territory of early Hungary. This may be the ea e. He add d that the verwh lming majority of the data, not cited here, show Nador without the econd 1nl nd tha both those forms and nandor-ispan only appear late in the 16th c. Ethnonym a ti 1 or parts of a title exist (see ORus boljar 'the noble, a title' * bolyar). [nandor] arch 'the Hungarian name for the Danube Bulgars' I 1086 G Nandurdi [Nandur-di], 1336 Nandoralbanense [NandoralbanenseJ, 1357 .andurfeiruar [nandurfeyrvar], 1443 GN Landor [landor] I nandur < "vnandur .f- WOT * wnandur < * wanandur < * uanundur < * onundur < onugundur I EaT onogundur 'the name of the Danube Bulgars' < onogur 'tribal name' + suff +dur. The word as not included in the Lexicon, because there is no trace in the H documents of its use as a H common word. The H name for Belgrade was Nandorfejervar, Le. the 'White Castle of the nandurs'. According to Benko (1993-1997/2: 1014),the word was transmitted through SI. Ligeti (1986) did not cover this word. NANnOR

'to protect from, guard, save from' I 1228/ GN Gyznoouuel [d'izno-ovel], 1348 Wyzouow [Viz-ova] I DV- < *awf- ~ waT *awf-/ EaT abi- 'to hide, to conceal'. In a detailed paper, Berta (1999a) suggested that H ov- may be of T origin. He sa the weakness of the etymology in terms of semantics. The hitherto suggested PFUgr etymologies present various problems, which are dealt with by Benko (1993-1997/2: 1076-1077). Later, Berta withdrew the article on ov- fr the Lexicon. I agreed not only because of the semantics, but also because of difficulties on the H side. Most probably the segment /v/ is a hiatus filler. We find the forms ogyad [od'yad] and oyyauala [odya-vala] fr about 1372, after 1493 meg cony [megoni], 1519 oyatok meg [oyato ~ meg], etc. These problems can be solved only if we suppose that the Iv/ in ov- is a hiatus filler. In this case, the original H verb is 0-. For the time being, I consider H o( v)- to be of unknown origin. Ligeti (1986) did not cover this ord. 6v

Iovl

orje [or, Drye] dial 'the best part of something, the fore part' lore orye < or {with poss suff -e / -ye} ~ T or 'height, high'. The word is known in the H di I (see B. Lorinczy 1979-2002/4: 247, 257). B nko (1993-1997/2: 1084) contend th it connection with H 6r-2 'to guard' is uncertain. Thi type of metaphorical u e ha et to be demonstrated in the T 19s. But see Chu var 'lucsij ort olokna', et'"n a 'lucsee l'janoe volokno'. Ligeti (1986) did not cover thi ord. ORE,

[por] 'dust' I c1200 pur [pur], p1395 por [por] I por ~ T "por lET bor du ..f. The EOT word occurs, as cited by Zieme (1999: 192), in the [aitri imit borka '[Dinge gehen] in Erde und Staub'; this means the am b ri: - t a. Th T material was collected by Sevortjan (1974-19 0/2: 192). fth t n dit r n m nin of the word, 'dust, powder' is only extant in TtD nd. rtj n' i f lin in POR

12

LI

halk' with boz 'gr v' i n t pt 1. j i 1 thi word. This would b the only T lw with a /p/ ini i 1. purii 'chalk' is of course a late development, bu d m rat WOT was 'chalk'. Perhaps this is a lw fr th Ott peri d, s e por toprak, corak toprak, etc.' Among the more than 20 H ords b gm In unknown origin, there exists another word with possible T conn c 1 n

bor 'lay,

below). Ligeti (1986) did not cover this word. [pocik] dial gadfly' 11643 petsic [pecik], 1787 potsok [poco ] I poci poiek. < boce); see Tt bocek 'insect, little creeping bea t, bug'. Accordin to (2002: 379) < "bogiek. This word does not occur in Kakuk (1973). According to B"'.... (1993-1997/2: 1198), its origin is unknown, whereas Ligeti (1986) did no de 1 it the word at all. The word is surely of Ott origin. POCSIK

.&1.V

[sir] 'tomb' 1 1055 fyher [siyer], 1193 sewer [sewer], p1416 fereket ser-e - . The word is only present among the U 19s in Cher and H. On Cher suya Gr Friedhof' < PCher * suyer, see Bereczki (1992: 72). The reconstructed form ar : P sr * ciyird (not in POUgr) < PFUgr * ciY3-r3, * civs-rs, * ciks-rs, * ciks-rs. A compari on 0 the Cher and H words is uncertain because of phonological problem ith he' 'tial and the vocalism (see Redei 1986-1991/1: 59). Both the Cher and H data ma back to a third source, see suyur 'Grube' (TatMisher pas k ec erneti 1 6: cogormiik 'vpadina, ugublenie, napolnjajusceesja vodoj .e noj i YO rernja iln dozdej' (TatMinz), 'ugublenije na dne reki ili ozera (TatOrenb TatD1) cogorm 'burljascij kljuc, istocnik, b'juscijsja iz-pod zemlji kljucom, kipen' (Ta Iinz). ovr , vozniksijsja v rezultate obvala, i vse vremja u eli i ~aju cij 'a' Tat iinz, trl miik 'nizmennost, nizina, bolotistoe mesto, rpadina Hi uzubl nie zapolnjaju ee ja vodoj vesnoj Hi vo vremja silnyx dozdej (TatD2). Th T tD . r ontain th d suff + mAk. The Tat and the h r rd ar hardl ind enden and mu lin . somehow, but the relationship is not I ar. E n less cl ar i th rigin of he H r (? EAH * ciyird > siyir > sir) though cann t lud a r I 1 n hi b n th The original meaning may have b n 'pit. hi. SiR

j.

1

[siMik] 'h lmet' 11405 ysak [ i ak] 150 ak ["i "a ] I La' According to Kiss (1963: 18 -184) th ord i reI t cl to T ,. " . c di of clasps". In fact, th latt r rd-famil p rt in to 1332) consider the w rd to b of un 0 n ri in t word. SISAK

[suveg] 'a tall fur c p' I + 1 2/1350 fYueg [suv g] I silv g < * sive < * ile SUV G

IMP

23

p .crown, t .' (> huv slIlk 'sapka: cap') Ir, cf. P yalak 'a ind f r n'. Lizeti (1986: 23, 48, 318, 448) is h sitant about th T origin, wh ran (19lJ3- 1 7/2: 1 75-1376) ees phonological difficultie . Th initial [s] is highly probl mati . [silk] 'narrow, tight' I c1315 Sciukfegben [sukseg-ben] I silk ~ "suvuk lyl WOT * ciyik < *jigik I OT yigi 'close, compact'. Morphological dif lculti emerg, such as T + Ik being a dim suff. Ligeti (1986) did not COy r this word. Acc rdi g to B nk6 (1993-1997/2: 1664) the word is of unknown origin. Z "K

[takol] 'to piece together, fabricate', tak [tak] arch, dial 'appendage, annex, added piece, tap' 11767 tak [tak], 1842 tajkoI [taykol], 1861 tajak [tayakJ, 1863 tajk [tayk] I takol- < tak {with suff +(V)l-} < tayk < "tayak I EOT tayak 'prop, support' < taya- 'to prop (something Acc.) up, to lean (it) against (something)'. The word pertains to the hoernaker's terminology and is of South SI origin (tak ~ It tacco), see Benko (1993-1997/2: 1470). Ligeti (1986) did not cover this word.

TAKOL

[teher] 'burden, load', terhes [terhes] 'loaded, pregnant' I 1348 P Terhes [terhe-s], p1416/c1450 tereh-nec [tereh-nek] I teher < "teyer ~ T "teger I EOT ~ 10 teger 'burden, hindrance'. The Mo word has an independent etymology (see tegetegege- 'to load'). There are no traces of a T background. It may go back to BavarianAustrian Tracht, as mentioned by Benko (1993-1997/2: 1495). ot covered by Ligen (1986). TEHER

[terel] 'to drive (animals)', tereget [tereget] 'to spread out, hang out (to dry) , terit [terit] 'to spread' I The H word has to be eparated fr ter 'to turn, change the original direction' (see p. 896). The semantic focus is not 'to change direction but 'to have space, to find space, to spread to bring together' which is ofPF gr origin * tero, see § 8.5). The two basic words were later mixed up. Benko (1993-1997/2: 1505 1507) is of the same opinion and rightly rules out T tar- 'to collect'. Ligeti (19 6) did not cover this word.

TEREL

[tilt] 'to forbid', tilos [tiles] 'forbidden' I c1195 tilutoa [tilutoa] I til- +T *tiyil-I EOT tidil- 'to be obstructed'. The etymology, ugge ted b Mando (1 7 . 296-299) and Pa1l6 (1982: 194-195), present chronological and emanti dif iculti A comparison with Vog * tuyt- 'verb rg n is also unacceptable. Ac ording t B n ".. (1993-1997/2: 1518), th T etymology mu t b r fut d and the rd i fun ·n origin. Ligeti (1986) did not deal with this word.

TILT

[tok] 'harness, case, box' I p1405 tok [tok] , c1456 t k 1< kath It ,"_,DtJ 'harness(ed horses)' I tok < "toku +- WOT "toku I T t ku 'bu lith t n u ( n

TOK2

LI

1236

AND INDI

saddle girth, etc.)'. This presents s mantic difficulti ~. A~ ording t B no] 1997/2: 1525), the word is of unknown origin, while Lig ti (1986) did n t eo er

t

all. [toport'an] in toportyanfereg 'bear, wolf' 11747 taporjan [ereg [tap ryan] 1 toport'an < "toporcan ~ T "topurian. Its connection to topurcak 'a good big horse' (Kirg) is not acceptable because of the opaque etymology and the semantics. Perhaps it is related to tap- 'to worship' > * tapurgan (morphologically as kecurgen 'who pardons, etc.' < kec-ur-gen (cf. also topurgan or topragan 'soft (dry) ground' < topra- 'to dry'). It may be a holdover fr the cult of the bear and this does not point 0 T. If it was an old name for 'wolf', it would be more interesting. The word only comes up fr the second half of the 18th c. This causes great difficulties. Ligeti (1986) did not cover this word and Benko (1993-1997/2: 1530) considered it to be of unknown origin.

TOPORTYAN

[tor] 'feast (funeral in most cases)' 11552 torba [tor-ha] I tor ~ T tor I MT tor (Chag) 'festin'. The word is a ghost word. Pavet de Courteille (1870: 224) took it fr Vambery (1867: 260) and fr there it came to Budagov (1869-1871: 387) and Radloff (1893-1911/4: 1180), Ligeti (1986: 271, 594) only mentioned the word and put it in brackets. The word cannot be connected with tod 'satisfied (appetite)'. Benko (19931997/2: 1531) linked the word to H torok 'throat'which is also not convincing.

TOR

[tomerdek] 'countless, many, heavy' 1 1335 PN Temerduk [temerduk], c1456 temerdek [ternerdek]. The word came under the influence of tomentelen 'many, countless, etc,' (see tomeny). Earlier, its semantics wa broader, with the word denoting' dense, compact' even 'pregnant' as in H teher 'load' H terhes pregn~t'. I~scon~ec~ion with T temiirlik 'iron (like)' would suppose an Ir1/ > /rdl change. ThIS shift exists In some T 19s but it is a late one and can he ruled out. In H there i no sign of such a change in the early documents. ot dealt with b Ligeti (1986).

TOMERDEK

t',,,

[tazer] arch 'merchant' 11419 PN Tewser [to" r] 1506 [to, - ] I t:-:"'* .. ,oJeer 0 er r < tucer ~ T tuccer. Ott tacir id., tiiccar merchant( ) trad t d ' " _",. ' man ra m n 1 Ar on.gln, tiijir, pl tujiar, tijar. Because of the early occurr n e, the word annot b ?tt. ~lgeh sugge,s~edan Ar origin (1986: 90). A Grm tarting point fr Grm Tau her deceiver, trader ISwell founded . This is also B nko po 1't'Ion ( 1993-1 7/: 1 ", Ligeti treated It as Ar word, not mentioning its T origin in H (Li ti 19 6:

TOZSER

*

"V

vv

,

,

,

[tur] 'to dig, grab up' \1519 thwr [tur] I tiir +- WOT "tu (1982: 205-206), Chuv tarmala- 'jerosit', carapat' dolbit': t di rh' 10 W t' . . ' 1 , 0 1 th oU l ascrossing ofT *ti'r- 'kratzen' and *tur- 'gr b n'. Th ir t ewe 11- known EOTword timak ' '1' h..... nau. uv tarmala- 1 ri nt

TUR

7

rdin

t P 11'

r

h. t h 1-

d

hu

rt a

1

t

iala-

IMPR

1237

'carapat' < WO * tirmala- < WO *tirmala- ( *tir-ma-la+» huv tarmaJa-. 1 v rh * tur- would be repr sent d only by the H word. A ording to B nko (199 -1 97/2: 1561-1562), P rhaps of gr origin. The word seems to b onomot poe} , th H dial ariant dur- id.

Tuno

[tudo] 'lungs' 11193 P Tudey [tudeu], c1405 tidew [tidal 1 tudo -e: tuto *tutey +- WOT "tiitev I EO tiitek 'spout of an urn, a ewer', MT duduk 'reed pipe flute', T tiituk 'hose, tube, etc.' According to emeth (1973: 4-5), the H word come fr T tiite- 'to moke', which is improbable for s mantic and phonological (/t! > /d/ reasons. According to Benko (1993-1997/2: 1566), the H word is of unknown origin. Ligeti (1986) did not deal with the word. [unsol] 'to urge' 1p1372 onsoljad [onzolyad] I on- < un- +- T um- 'to a k, covet'. Pallo's idea (1982: 269) is unlikely (see imad, fr the same T base). According to Benko (1993-1997/2: 1579), this is a H inner development fr a fictional ba e, a position which is also unacceptable. Ligeti (1986) did not cover the word. UNSZOL

[usti] arch 'pied, many-coloured (of horses)' 11317/1329 quidam equus noster famosus isty [isti] coloris, c1405 hwjti [husti], 1460 vsthy [usti] I usti < isti < esti +WOT * estiy 1T estiik > istek 'name of an unknown ethnic group, later a name for the Bashkirs'. According to Benko (1967-1984/3: 1056; 1993-1997/2: 1590), the ar h H word is of unknown origin. The interrelation of its variants is unclear and call for further investigation. Its etymological connection with H ust 'silver' i unconvincing. In my discussions with Arpad Berta, the idea was raised that the ord could have had the same der as the ethnonym Istek, which is used by some T 19 to denote the Bashkirs. Phonologically, the match is perfect. Semantically, a tribal or ethnic name denoting the colour of a horse is possible. Ala yuntlug represent such a name ( ee alacs, perhaps also szekely). However, we do not know the origin of the ord, and we have no source for the semantic of the tribal name. ot covered by Ligeti (1986). On Istek, Istek; Ostyak, see Rona-Tas (1982f: 59-61 and 1987: 49-58). USTI

[varsan] 'name of an ethnic group in Hungary' I 1075/ vosciani / vossiani [vossiani], 1219/1550 PN Vof an [vosyan], 1270 G Varsan [var an], 1319 G Wosyan [vosyan] I varsiiri < "vasiiui < "vassian WOT "vasian < "osian 'the Alan < Os {with suff +An] « As) > Oset, Georgian Osi). The onI occurren e ofth thni name is a Lat form. Ki s (1988/2: 737) covered the word but Ligeti {19 6 and nkd did not include it. Uncertain is the use of the thnic name in H.

VARSANY

V R2

[ver] 'to beat' 11138/1329 PN Werde [verde], 1300 w rethul [ r tul], pl.!!l I c1450 megver [megver] 1 ver- +- WOT *ver- < *ur-I T ur- 't tnk '. Th rb

12 8

Lr

AND INDI

ur- is pre ent in all sources with back vocalism; huv has viir-. Ac rding Ben 0 (1967-1984/3: 1115-1116; 1993-1997/2: 1620), the H verb ver-' IS of un n n on It has a wide semantic field, thus it must be an old member of the H lexic st and a T tarting point is unlikely. The idea that the front vocalism was eau ed by word ber- which not only carries the meaning 'to give', but also 'to strike', 'to hit' i some Igs, is chronologically impossible. See biir- 'udarjat', udarit', bit', kolotit', boa " brosit', kidat', kinut' (Tat), biir- 'schlagen' (TatB), bar- 'brosat', kidat', udarja " bit', udarjat', usibat', (peren.) udarjat', bit', (peren.) porazat' kogo-cto, udarit' (Bash ) and (-+ Chuv per-), ber- 'udarit', naddat', stuknut' (Kirg), bir- 'to strike' (FY), per- 'bit', bit'sja (0 serdce)' (YUygM). See also ver '. We should suppose that H represents the only lg with the front-vocalic form * iir-, in this case only preserved in the source 19 of H, but not in Chuv. [zaslo] 'flag' 11086 PN Zaztou [zastou], 1121/1420 P Zazlou [zaslou], c1395 3athow [zatho] 'vexillum', 3a3to viselew [zasto viSe18] 'vexillifer', 1784 aJzl6 [aslo] I zaslo < ? a zasl» < az aslo < aslo < aslii < * asliy +- WOT * aslry I EOT asil- 'to be hung, suspended'. The idea that the H word comes fr a back-formation of a zaszlo 'the flag' < az aszlo does not hold water because the form aszlo appears very late and results fr the opposite change a zaszlo > az aszlo. The word is of SI origin * zastava 'propped up' < za stavat' and the change /st/ > /sl/ occurred in H, as the early documents show. This is also Benko's position (1993-1997/2: 1661). The word was not noted b Ligeti ZASZL6

(1986).

8.7

un ri n words with p obl mati tymologi s

inno-Ug ic

d grrc

Many of the following words may well turn out to be of Ftnno -Ug ne . or U'gnc on" In but them from the corpus (see § 5.3 as well as § 8.5 a n d § 8.6,re pec ~ . Ihave excluded . tively) on W~IC~ I based the historical phonology of the Early Ancient Hunganan language. ThIS ISbecause Iprefer to follow the rule of proceeding "from the certain to the uncertain". [arik] arch 'to decay, putrefy, go bad (of food and water), art- 'to harm' < PFUgr * ars 'reissen, abreissen, zerreissen'. H *ar- in the two former words has been compared with FUgr * ars-, which occurs in Vog with the meaning 'mude werden', in Osty in the sense of 'zerbrechen, zerreissen (ein Kleidungstuck)', in Zyr denoting abreissen, matt werden, errniiden', and in Voty signifying 'abreissen, jaten, ausjaten'. The basic definition is 'to deteriorate by falling into pieces'. The Vog word looks like a lw fr T, though Honti (1982: 129) was certain that the Vog word pertains to the other FUgr words. Unlike to the FUgr words, the H word ar-ik-, which is now obsolete, carries the basic meaning 'to deteriorate by growing foul'. The link between 'deteriorating by growing foul' and 'deteriorating by falling into pieces' is not impossible, but not obvious. According to this etymology, H art- 'to harm' derived fr the basic ar- with the old H suffix -t-, which forms tr verbs fr intr ones. The semantic development 'to deteriorate by growing foul' > 'to harm' (without any relationship to making something foul) also poses problems. The basic sense of the T word ar- is 'to be exhausted'. FUgr * ars- and T ar- have been linked by Munkacsi (1902:272),and Nerneth (1928-1930: 72-73) and others, but, as was pointed out in Rona-Tas (1983a: 337), semantic and phonetic challenges would prove difficult to overcome. The OT verb contains an initial /h/. The initial/hi would be reflected in the H word if the word were an early borrowing, however this is not the case. I uggest that H ar- 'to become putrified' and art- 'to harm (somebody)' represent two independent words that each go back to a different T word. The archaic H ar- is a copy of T * ar- 'to become putrified', which only exists in OT as arta-, while H art- to ~o har~' .w~ copied from T artat- 'to damage' and was Simplified in H. On the details, see arik ID

ARIK

the Lexicon. 'intestines' < AH "piil» < PUgr "pal» (not in POUgr) < PFUgr "piils i knotty ' 't' I b -. The b- would seem to be a oiced continuation of PFUgr p-" b ecause 0f it 1 S nu la before -1-, but see fel' 'half", [el' in ajtofeIfa, fiil and felM in § 8.5. ee al 0 B nk BEL

(1993-1997/1:

92).

LI

131 BOG

'knot'

<

AH *puga

<

*purjg»

<

S AND IN I

PUgr *pU1Jka-1 (> V g *pilklep,

sty purykel') It

PFUgr "psnks, but see H bog in the Lexicon and in Benko (1993-1997/1: 115-116) 'berry' < PU gr * polii (> PVog *pal') < PFU gr *pola. The inal -6 hould b a dim suff, but the 1 > l' > y > j shift is unjustified, and b- is irregular. BOGy6

dial 'a kind of fishing net' < AH * cuyay < PUgr * cayo (> POUgr * say, * siijap > PVog *say, *sayap, PO sty *sayap) is unacceptable because PUgr c- > POUgr s-. The correspondence PU gr a > AH, H u is not justified. It is not even contained in Redei

CSUHE

(1986-1991).

'crane' « AH *taray) < PUgr "targe (> POUgr *t[ry3 > PVog *t[ray, POsty *taray) < PFUgr "tarks. The etymology is problematic for phonetic reasons; t > d may be a late H change, but there are no data available for t-.

DARU

'to harden, to steel' < AH * eoe- < PUgr * a ta- (> POUgr * at- > PVog * at, POsty *iit-). This is rather thorny (see AD 1531 «egyzeth»). If this is to read ejzet(t), rendering an older * ej- [> * ejez- > * ejz- > edz-] stem, the etymology is hardly acceptable.

EDZ

'silver' (+- Perm? * ez-vsskst +- ? AI * azvist, cf. Os ievzist / tevzestee 'serebro' (Abaev 1958-1989/1: 212). See § 8.9.

EZUST

'to milk' < EAH "[ey> < PUgr "piyo- (not in POUgr) < PFUgr "piye- 'to milk' (> ~ Fi, Est) +- Ir; cf. PIA payas- 'Milch', AI Avesta paiio- 'Milch', paeman- 'Mutterrnilch '. The Ir word denotes 'milk' and is not a verb. The Ir verb for 'to milk' is * dauc, * dauxs-. The Finn and Est comparisons are doubtful due to concerns over the vocalism. FE]

'on foot' < ? AH "yalog < PUgr "yalk» (not in POUgr) < PFUgr *yalka. The Id I ~~,place,of Iy/- i~ ra,re"but not impossible, AD 1553 jalogot (read yalog-ot ac ), see jo good and gyogyit- to cure', jeg 'ice' dial gyeg. The suff is also not clear.

G~A~OG

'root' < PUgr "yekkor« (> PVog "yekweri. This is problematic becau e of ~orphology (the base is yekke) as the Vog word contain -kw-. The initial i al 0 irregular,

GYOKER

HA]6

'boat' is of T origin; see the Lexicon.

PFU gr * kors, * korwa. R' d i (19 has also noted morphological and emantic stumbling blo HARAP

arch 'dry leaves, etc.'

<

-1991/1:

1

-1 )

131 A

p

't bit'«

PFU gr * kars- -- *kors-. Th re ar un

rtain par 111 in h P rm

19 . 'to carry' < PUgr * kur- (> PVog * kart- 'to draw, trigger') PFUgr * kurs-. The Vog -t is uncI ar (R' dei 1986-1991/2: 860), nd the semantic side is also challenging. The -d is a H suff. HORD

yes, affirmative particle; very'. Neither the hitherto suggested FUgr etymology, nor the T one is acceptable; see igen in the Lexicon. IGEN

IR 'to write' is of T der. See ir in the Lexicon. IRGALOM

mercy, pity'

<

PFUgr *Y8r3- 'sich verirren'. The semantic side is unclear,

see § 8.1.2. stirrups' < PFUgr * kecii 'Kreis, Ring, Reifen'. The word offers a great many yet unsolved problems, on which see Redei (1986-1991/1: 142). None of the hitherto suggested etymologies is convincing. KENGYEL

'to ruminate' < PFUgr "kers- 'rulpsen', According to Redei (1986-1991/1: 151), this is of T origin. See kerodzik in the Lexicon.

KERODZIK

'to go around, to get somewhere, to avoid, to have a price, etc. The H word covers an extremely wide semantic field. This may have resulted fr the merger of various words. The sense of the word may be tied to the ba ic meaning of H kor 'round, circle' (see also in other 19s,where we find words with kVr for round obje ts as in Lat circus, Tib khor id., etc.), but the detail are unclear. KERUL

'jug, jar' < AH * kiu» < PUgr * kiice (> POUgr * kuc;}m > PVog * kus;}m, PO ty * kocdm) < PFUgr * kiiie. H /e/ corresponds irregularly with PFUgr /e/.

KOCSOG

'foot' < PFUgr * luwe 'Knocheri' or < PFU * lsmps 'Fla h . The tarting point for -b in the first etymology and the semantic part of the econd etymology are ob cure (see Redei 1986-1991/2: 255). LAB

LEK

'hole in the ice', most probably of T origin, see vek in th Le ion.

'to find, to come across' « AH *leld-) < PUgr * few d- (n t in P gr) < PF r * lewbii-. The disappearanc of PUgr -w- in thi form is unu ual. Th Finn and E t parallels are phonologically unclear, whil the word is bsent fr th Ugr 1. 0 L L

1 20

-w- i not represented in H. The H dial variants latt-, 16tt- corn fr lelt-,

hil lott-

has a short vowel. 'stallion'. The Osty word denotes 'Herde'. The comparison is also uncertain d to phonological hurdles. The der fr many 'egg, testicle' is also unacceptable becau e

MEN

of the different vocalism. 'poison' < PFUgr * mirkks. The Finn and Est words are separate copies. The H word is of AI der. The Os word marg 'poison' goes back to an lE base * mer- 'to die', 0grade mor- (see Lat morior-, mors, etc.). In the IIr 19s,it became * mar- (see Mayrhofer 1992-2001/2: 318). The Ir word marg means 'death' everywhere (Avestan, MPe, Pehl, Per marg 'death'), and this was what the Os word denoted early on (see Abaev 19581989/2: 72-73). Its secondary meaning 'what causes death, poison' only developed in Os, but the original sense could be detected in OOs. The word is back-vocalic in most Ir 19s. It is front-vocalic in Kurdish (merk), which cannot be the starting point for the H word. The only possibility would be that a T 19 copied AI * marg as * marg because of the final -g, which it considered to be front-vocalic. But in none of the 19s investigated could a reflex of a supposed * merg, * mereg be found. Finn myrkky, Est miirk may pertain to the same word family, but no acceptable background could be found, see § 8.9.

MEREG

'tale; (OH) riddle' < PUgr "maca= "maned (> POD "matte > POsty "mane). The etymology is problematic for phonological and semantic reasons. The ord only exists in Osty, where it may have taken on a secondary -n- in some dials or have lost the -n- in others. In any case, both the H front vocalism and the /s/ are irregular. The regular H form is the magy- segment of H magyar < majer. The Osty word does not denote 'to speak', which was suggested as the primary meaning of the word ('to speak' > 'people who speak (our language)' and 'to speak' > 'to tell tales'. or is Redei's suggestion (1979: 353-354; 1986-1991/2: 867) convincing that the word wa used in a construction like "Manysi-Word" imant' kol), the legends about the ogul, and that the first part became independent while it took over the semantic of the second part. The first part was indeed independent. It carried the sense of Vogul and ~e h~ve ~o reason to suppose that a name for an ethnic group became a ord denoting 'tale legend' from VlZl i roo,t c1an ' an d , , tale. The Voty example cited viii-kil .•. .•. khil word is i~teresting, but cannot be used here. The Voty word ~iii ne er adopted t e meaning tale'. '"'...

MESE

v.

MU 'work:, miivel-, mivel- 'to do, to work' « AH "miw;

PFUgr meke ' ache, T t Handlung . The suggested parallels are only present in Sam (Red i 19 6-1991/ 1:... 0 . The H word, as also noted by Redei, is of Al origin, see § 8.9. <

INNO-UGRI

AND UGRI

1321

~w~ttle, w~c~er-work' < PU~r *niiks- > (POU * ney- 'binden' > PVog * ney-, POsty ney-). This IS very uncertain and, most probably, wrong. Perhaps Vog TJC ndk 'Schneller, Hahn, Drucke', Osty Kaz neki 'Band Pflock zur Befestigung' (Honti 1982: 202 No. 782) < *PUgr "nakk». NY K

'lead' < PUgr wslms 'Blei'. The connection with 'Blei' is isolated, see Redei (1986-1991/2: 899).

6LOM

ORVOS

'physician',

on 'tin'

is unclear; VogT wolem

see orvos in the Lexicon.

'fox (arch.), cunning' (the vocalism is irregular, the ruvoz < AH "ruwoz, see § 8.9.

RAVASZ

=S

is a suff)

<

OH ruoz,

'to kick (with one's foot)'. The suggested POsty "rorjk- 'waten' is semantically too distant. RUG

'bottom' < AH *seg < *se1)ga) < PUgr *sef)ke (> PVog *saf)k) < PFUgr * senks. The initial consonant is irregular; perhaps segg < *seg. The final long -gg- may be secondary. SEGG

'to help' < PFUgr * cii 1) ks- 'helferi'. The vowel correspondence with the solitary, isolated EMord word is irregular and thus hardly acceptable (see Redei 1986-1991/1:

SEGiT

56).

in sett- 'to harm, to hurt' (-t is a H suff), seriil- 'to become hurt' (-ill is a H suff), the initial consonant is irregular « ? AH "sero- < *sera-) < PUgr "ciirk» (> POUgr * cere y- (?) > PVog *ciirv-, POsty *cerey-) < PFU gr * ciirke. The word is of T der, see SER

sert in the Lexicon. SIMA

'smooth, flat', not in Redei (1986-1991). The word is T in origin, see sima in

the Lexicon. SiR

'tomb', see § 8.1.2.

'scurvy' < AH * sula < PUgr * ciikl» (not in POUgr) < PFUgr * cukli: The palatalization of /1/ in H is secondary, whereas the initial consonant is irregular. The word

SULY

is originally T, see suly in the Lexicon. 'cart' < PUgr *saksrs. The Osty (V liker, Vj iker, VKjikar 'Schlitten Nart ') and the H words may be independent borrowings fr an unknown Ir source. Ho e er,

SZEKER

1 22

the ba kground of the oft cited krt sakati- i ,ac ording to Mayrhof r (1 92-20 1/2: 601) "Nicht zufriedenstell nd erklart".

'coal' < PFUgr * sine 'Holzkohle', which is only extant in Saami. In the a of the other PFUgr etymology, < PFUgr * S8ne 'Zunder, Baumschwam: tind r'. Th PFUgr origin is semantically doubtful, the H word carried the initial meamng 'gl v-

SZEN

ing embers, fire'. 'beautiful' < PFUgr * iapp«. The comparison with Finn and Saami words is thorny. Problematic is also its comparison with T words, see szep, sebes in the Lexicon. Perhaps it is a quasi-onomatopoeic word. SZEP

'soda, sodic soil' < PUgr * c8kk3 'Salz' > PVog * ciik > TJ cik, K U P sax 'Salz', cf. *cex> Os ceexx, ceenxte 'sol" (Redei 1986-1991/2: 839). The Os word has no Ir etymology. The -xx- was originally -nx- (cf. Avar can, Anda con). The -n- may, nonetheless, be secondary (see many Cauc 19swhich have the word, but without the nasal (for all the data, see Abaev 1958-1989/1: 310-311). The words must be linked in one way or another, but the phonological background is obscure. The H word has to go back to an earlier * sek and not * ceX or * cek. Most probably, it is an old substrate word.

SZiK

szo, ace szavat 'word' « AH *saw)

PVog *sa , POsty * soya). The -y in POUgr * soy is only based on the Tremyugan form saYod. All other Osty dials contain -W-, while in the case ofPOUgr * soy 'Fell, Haut' only Yugan features -w and all other dials use y or y > X' see also Honti (1999: 77). In the ea e of an earlier * s-, it would have disappeared in H. There is no rea on to uppose a PFUgr s- here. In the case of a common POUgr borrowing, the POsty -y is not justified. The T word saw 'word' was independently copied by the OUgr and the H 19s. ee szo in the Lexicon. Osty * saw, Vog * saw +- WOT * saw ~ (AH * saw» H szo, szavat. This was suggested early on by Ramstedt (1922-1923: 18). According to Gombocz (192 : 174), both are equally possible, but, according to Redei (19 6-1991/2: 5), 'i t nicht akzeptabel" though he offered no reasoning. <

? PUgr *soya (> POUgr *soy

>

'to bear, to give birth' < PUgr * silo > Vog KM sel- 'beschaffen', sel-' u hen, erwerben, kaufen'. The comparison with Vog sel- 'erwerben, u hen, kauf n, et ' (Redei 1986-1991/2: 888) is scarcely a ceptable semantically. The Eng g t - b t cited is an erroneous parallel. The Eng word beget carri s th meaning 'to pr r t or generate (offspring), esp. of a male parent, to caus to produce a an ff f. ord cited by Redei (1974: 364-365) with the sem ntic change to bring' > 'to bring hi! > 'to give birth' are valid examples, but while the f male 'bring ',th mal 'rnr or obtains' a child. The semantic field of the og word i to obtain' 'to arch, SZUL

INNO-UGRI

AND UGRI

1323

to buy'. This is also the case with Eng get and beget, i.e. to get or m k , ob ain child. On the other hand, Redei is right to reject Vog * sul- 'zur Welt bring n, ich vermehren' as a parallel to H sziil- because of the back vocalism. 'sorcerer, medicine man' < PUgr "tults 'Zauberei, Zauberkraft' (-5 is a H suff) (> POUgr * t-rlt 'Ieicht, Fieber' > PVog * tiilt 'leicht', POsty * toIt / tolt 'Fieber, Hilfe'). In folklore texts collected by Reguly, we find toltn, tolten emit Zauberkraft'. This is the only example of the /It/ cluster. The PU gr * u > H a shift is rare but not unprecedented, see hall and mag. On the T origin, see taltos in the Lexicon. TALTOS

'to open' < PFUgr "tara- 'offen, offnen'. The FUgr and T etymologies hitherto suggested are not convincing. The Zyr word cited was initially front vocalic. Cher J tara-, U B tora- abgelegen, entfernt, weit, fern', B tore- 'wegrucken' is semantically problematic. It is not, as has been argued elsewhere, a lw fr a Chuv word that is only attested in Tat (see Redei 1986-1988/1: 510). The verb T tara- 'auseinandergehen, etc.', cited by Beke (1918a: 204) fr Radloff (1893-1911/3: 837-838), goes back to OT tar- 'to disperse' (see also TatDl tarau 'razbrosannyj'), but this comparison is hardly acceptable in terms of semantics. Perhaps the word goes back to a base * ta-, see tag 'wide', tat- 'to open wide'. In this case, the -r is difficult to explain as it was remarked also by Redei (1986-1991/2: 510).

TAR

C

'to lay eggs' < PFUgr "toge- 'bringen, holen, geben'. The FUgr words that have been compared (see Redei 1986-1991/1: 528-529) cover a very different semantic field 'to bring, to bring in, to give, etc.' Another etymology linked the word to PFUgr *tOY3'stossen', which has been compared with H to 1-, tosz-, taszit- 'to move forward' and H tojik- (on the details, see Redei 1986-1991/1: 528). The word is of T der, see tojik in the Lexicon. TOJIK

UR 'Sir, Mister'

PFUgr "urs 'Mann, Mannchen'. Uncertain equivalents can be found in Finn (uros 'erwachsener Mann') and Saami, see Redei (1986-1991/1: 545).The ord is of T origin, see ur in the Lexicon. <

UT, dial it- 'to hit'

PFUgr "iikts- 'schlageri' (Redei 1986-1991/1: 23). There are eral phonological problems with a comparison of these word; Vog cont in ..- (TJ yikt-, KU yiiXt-, P yiikt-, So yakt- 'schneiden') and one should suppo e an ii > i chang in H. The semantics ('to cut') render a comparison diffi ult. <

unga ian s mantic copi s

8.8

S mantic copy (SC) is a kind of selective copy, where the" denotativ or connotativ content lements of model code units serve as models and ar c pied onto unit of th basic code. (The content is specified in communication by applying pragma i nd interactive rules that take into consideration relevant elements from the cont xt " (Johanson 2002: 292). Called earlier mirror translation or calque, semantic copy is a linguistic feature describing a case when a special semantic function of a word, of a phrase or of a sentence is copied fr 19A to 19 B without copying its phonetic body. The literature on H SCs fr T is scattered and meager. The most important works Erdodi (1976: 213-15; 1978: 76-79), Bereczki (1981: 281-283) and Ligeti (1986: 192}t altogether less than ten pages, are available only in H. In this subchapter beside the Eng I give the Grm and the Rus respective translations, In the latter two cases I tried to find out whether the H word mayor may not be a SC fr a SI or Grm 19, Of course I could not go into the details on the SI or Grm side. Elaborating on the following samples I made use of a seminar work of my PhD student Szonja Schmidt, for which Iwould like to offer her my thanks. [ado] 'tax; Steuer, Abgabe; nalog, dan' 11359 PN Ados [ados], p1416 ado [ado] ad- 'to give' {with suff -6}, the word is of PFUgr origin.

AD6 <

NT NW bergi 'nalog': SW bergi 'dolg' (Tkm), vergi 'gift, tax' (Tt)

ber- 'to give', As we see the semantic component 'to give' is present in Grm Abgabe and Rus <

dan'. BER

'wage, rent', see ber.

DEL

'south, noon', see del.

[ebihal] 'tadpole; Kaulquappe; malek, golovastik' 11568 eb halac [eb halak], 15:~ ebhal [ebhal], 1600 ebihal [ebihal] < eb 'dog' + hal 'fish', both are of PFUgr

EBIHAL

ongm, NT Chuv yet pulli 'golovastik'

(Chuv);, NW et bali19l.. ".V jun; Ioac,h C0 biitis. :p"

or meadow loac~ .~~sm~l fish] [Misgurnus fossilis]' (Tat), et balik 'yilan baliq' (Bashkln), et b~h~l ugor [eel], golovastik [= siimespas]' (Bashkl'iz), et baligi ugor' peska~, ?olo~a~hk (Ba~hkD.~): it baligi 'peskar' (SibTat), it balik golee (ryba)' ( irg), :t balik s~~l (. )(Ka~), ltba~~k, tjulen, golovastik', itsabaq 'go Iova tik' (KazB), i tbalik golov,ashk_ ~K~lp), iyt balik: golovastik'(Nog), [maqa bala 'golovastik' ( r hBlk)]; SW esek balzk golovastik ["donkey fish"]' (Tkm) it baZzg 'd I d an cok akl ki uk bi ' z urgun u r a os 'r ay 1, ucu ir cesit u bocegi'(TtD), Kh -; SE itbaliq 'golo a tik' (Uzb . V

1325 The composition "dog-fish" denoting the tadpole is present in Chuv, B h Kaz, Kklp, Nog and Uzb. In other T 19s it denotes several kinds of small Ish 'land f loach' (Tat, Kirg), 'eel' (BashkD2, Bashkfrr), 'gudgeon' (BashkD3, SibTa , or a ind of small polypod creeping beast living in stagnant water. It is a typically old SC fr the region where Oguric was spoken. I don't understand how the expression may denote the seal (tjulen) in Kaz, this must be a learned identification. EDES

[edes], izes [Izes] 'sweet; suB; sladkij'

I 13

th

c. e3e! [ezes], 1290 ydesuyz [idesviz]

iz 'taste', of PFUgr origin. The T equivalent is in all sources WOT tatliv > Chuv tutlii, EOT * tatiglig or "tatlig < "tatig '(good, pleasent) taste' < tat- 'to taste'. Mo amta 'taste' > amtatay, amtatu 'sweet, tasty', see Grm schmakhaft, Eng tasty. A de notion is general and the narrowing to 'sweet' may be a late H development.

<

[eyfekete] 'very black; sehr schwarz; precernyj' < ej 'night' + fekete 'black', both are of PFU gr origin. See Chuv tern xura < WOT tun kara 'night black', in tern xura yitii 'cemajaprecernaja sobaka'. According to Asmarin (1928-1950/15: 46) tern xura 'cernyj, precernyj. Oboznacaet vyssuju stepen' cernoty i vyrazaet ee silnee cern Xup-xura'. Rasanen (1969: 504) and following him Fedotov (1996/2: 215) tied Chuv tern to Tt turn, dum 'whole, entire, round (thing)', cf. tom tiigdrek id. (TatE) , dom karatjgi 'sovsern (soversenno) ternnyj' (Tat), tom 'splos' (BashkD2), tomey 'qara kortrnele, cemaja cernika; black bilberry' (BashkE), turn kara, kara turn, kap-kara 'cernyjprecernyj' (MUyg), diimbey 'drernucij, gluhoj, temnyj' (Tuv), turn' splos sover enno (Y). This is a possible, alternative solution. The word is not identical with Chuv tene 'dymovoe okno v stene, dymovaja truba, otverstie s zadvizkoj v stene vyse peci (v kurnyh izbah)' < WOT * tiiniik < tiinliik < tiitunluk see Tat tonlek, Bashk tonlok < tiinliik: In Turcia we find tiitiinliik; tiigiiniik; tiujliik; etc., see R6na-Tas (1961: 9q). In Chuv tern sometimes alone denotes blackness: tern kariik 'ocen' cern j gluhar' tern tupaIxa 'ocen cernaja tavolga'. If fr 'night' then only Chuv and H. See 0 tiinen kara 'jet-black, completly black' (L). EJFEKETE

[farkas] 'Wolf; wolf; yolk' I 1086 GN Forkosig [farkas-ig], p13 2 farkas [farkas] < farok 'tail' {with suff +s}, the word and the suff are of PUgr origin. AI 0

FARKAS

an Ir origin was suggested. In Turcia the word bore denotes the wolf, Chuv has kaskar and tukmak, both tabooistic denotations. Sz. Schmidt found in Tof quduruqtug beside born and dag i'ti, dag ern: celer an. Tof quduruqtug 'xvostatyj, yolk' < qudurug 'h 0 t; tail'. It i tabooistic denotion. The H and Tof parallel may be due to mere chan e.

LIST

1 26

AND INDI

[fial] 'to farrow, littel, kidding, etc., bring forth an animal, aid aIs of money' I The H word originally meant also 'stepson', p1395 fjal, the verb appe red only at

FI L

the end of the 19th c., it is of PFUgr origin. In Turcia verbs formed fr EaT eniik and yavru with the suff +IA- denote th action. Sz. Schmidt found in Tuv olda- 'prinosit' detenysej, kotit'sja', Tof olla- id. both fr EOT * ogulla-. Chuv has parula- 'telit'sja', see H borju > borjadzik-, Grm kalben, Eng foal and to foal. A general idea is expressed in the same way in many 19s. [fokhad'ma] 'garlic; Knoblauch; cesnok' I p1395 fog hagma [fog had'ma] I foghagyma < fog 'tooth' + hagyma 'onion', both are ? of PFUgr origin. ra sale 'dol'ka cesnoka', See Chuv sal oxra 'dikij luk' (Sergeev 1968: 89), further ra 'cesnok'. CherH oyira 'lukovica, lukovka; onion, bulb', CherM ukra 'ukrop; dill'. The data published by Sergeev is noted fr Maloe Karackino. Otherwise in Chuv only ra (uti) or the expression iyra / uyra sale 'clove' is known, and 'garlic' is urral uyruti, etc. The word is noted, but not dealt with by Dmitrieva (2000: 175). The denotation of the clove of the garlic is in other T 19s with EOT * tis 'tooth' mostly with sarimsak as sarimsak tis 'dol'ka cesnoka', see bir dis sarimsak 'zubcik cesnoka' (Tkm), sarimsak disi 'a clove of garlic' (Tt) and Erdodi (1979: 72-76). The metaphoric name "tooth" originally denoted the clove of the garlic. The H name of the clove is gerezd, a word of SI origin, The old T composition was copied early. The change /k/ fr /g/ ocurred before the unvoiced /h/.

FOKHAGYMA

ix

ix

ix

FO [fo] 'source, origin, well; Quelle; istocnik, kljuc', in GN as in disznof6 [disnofo] 'pig-well' (see diszno), menfo [rnen-fo] 'stallion-well', kutf6 [kut-fo] 'well' 11193 cutfev [kutfeu]' < kut 'well' + fo, fej 'head', kut is of unknown origin it connection with T kudug 'well' is erroneous. Fo, fej is of PFU gr origin. Chuv has pus, si'v pusi: 'verhov' e reki, istok reki'. In most T 19s PT bas 'head' also de~~t~s alone the ~~ghest place, the origin (of a river)', the 'well'. See bas 'Istok (reki, rue ja) (Nog), bas Id. (Kum), bas id. (Kklp), in most cases the context or the ord for 'water', 'river' specifies it . See su base 'istok' (Tat) , yilg a b asi c IS , t k 0 ,ver hov' ov e, (Bashk), etc., iirex basa 'verhov'je, istok reki, versina reki' (Y).This is also the function of the H word fej, fo 'head'. The metaphoric use of the anatomical words i a very common feature, see Eng head (quarters), Lat caput ' Mo terigun, ,., Tib db but i , 1 mgo, u. et c. ut Its use as well' and the composit "head+water" is rare. The sceptic ie of Benk (1993-1997/2: 854) seems to be unfounded. The special use of the corn 0 iti n i common to H and the VT 19s. p v ••

11

,[hal-at fog] 'to fish; Fische fangen, angeln; lovit' r bo, r b lovat' fish + fog- catch', both are of PFUgr origin,

~AL~T

FOG

hal

OPIES

1327

See Chuv pulii tit- 'rybacit", pula 'ryba' + tit- 'd rzat", in other T 19 E T '* balik tut- 'to catch fish'. A general notion fr the old times, when fish was caught by hand. [haz-as] 'married; geheiratet; zenatyj, bracnyj-' I p1416 hazafJag [hazas-sag] 1< haz [haz] 'house', of PFUgr origin. EaT evle- has since O'T times not only the meaning 'to live in a house' but also 'to marry'. The verb 'to marry' is mostly EaT * evlen- < ev+ lA-(X)n- as H hazasodikwith the suffs +Od-ik-, This is present in Chuv as avlan- 'zenit'sja', EaT * evlen- is present in all branches of the T 19s, but Y OYOX il- 'zenit'sja' < oYOX 'dyra, zena', il'brat". A T-H semantic isogloss. HAzAS

[ninctelen] 'poverty-stricken, penniless, pauper; Habenichts, arm, mittellos; niscij, neimjuscij, bednij' 11874 nincstelenseg [ninctelen-seg] I < nines 'there is no(t); and has predicative function (nine < "nincen < nem+s+An)' + tAlAn privative suff. As Nerneth (1920: 91) pointed out the double negation in this word does not give a confirmation, it is a SC of T yoksiz. The form yoksuz occurs in EaT, MT and in some ModT 19s. It had the meaning 'ineffective, to no purpose', in MT it had come to mean 'poor, destitute', see Clauson (1972: 907). The form yoksuz was replaced by the form yoksul in most 19s. Chuv suk has not only the meaning of T yok, but also 'pustjak, yerunda, bednost', bednyj'. It can function as adj as in suk: srn 'bednjak', but Chuv has no * suksar. EaT *yoksiz was preserved e.g. in joksuz 'bednyj' (Kirg), yoksuz, yoksul 'possessing nothing, destitute' (Tt), yurqsuz 'arm, mittellos' (Kh), etc. A special T- H semantic isogloss. NINCSTELEN

[selhudik] 'to become paralytic, get a stroke', earlier 'to get raged' I c1519 zelhwth [selhut] > ModH szelhildes > szeliites 'stroke'. The basic H word is szel 'wind' {with suffs +hUd-ik- and -s}. The change szelhiides > szeliites "wind stroke" ocurred under the influence of Grm Sehlag around the end of the 18thc. EaT yel had also the meaning' demonical possession, illness caused by the wind'. Hence yelpin- 'to be possessed b the evil (or illness)'. It is highly possible that Chuv sil 'wind' and sil 'anger, rage' pertain together and H preserved a pecial meaning if WOT sel < yel, see further szel and SZELHUDIK

gyulol. [sin] 'colour, face, external appearance, the best part of omething, th upp r part of something (of water, material, earth)' I end of 12thc. fcine [ in-e]. The extremely wide semantics of the H word is old and shared ith T "7]. ccording to Clauson (1972: 167) (1) 'the front' and (1) 'colour' are homophonou w rds and where it has the meaning 'face, complexion' it is due to confu ion with T) 'face,

SZIN

1 28

LIST

AND IN

I

cheek'. I cannot agree with him. Chuv urn 'pered, grud', ucastok' has a narrow d s mantl s, but see Mo ongge(n) 'color, exterior, appearance, lust, sexual passion'. W have to suppose that WOT * o1]e influenced the sem:mtics of t~e H word, itself a T lw, see szin +-- WOT sin 'external appearance, body > Chuv san. [terhes] 'pregnant; schwanger; beremennaja', see also 'razresitsja ot bremeni' 11348 PN Therhes [terhes] I < teher [teher] 'burden, load, weight' {with suff

TERHES

+s}. Among the T 19sonly the NW 19shave the expression yokle 'beremennaja' (Tat), yoklo 'beremennaja' (Bashk), Jiiktu id. (Kirg), jukti 'pregnant' (Kaz), yiikli id. (Nog), [ukli id. (Kklp), other T 19s(including Kh) have bogaz 'pregnant' fr the Oguz-name on, and other expressions. Chuv has yfvar, yiivar 'tjazelyj, beremennaja' < WOT * agir 'heavy'. A semantic isogloss common only to Chuv, the northern and middle NWlgs. [testet olt] 'to embody, incarnate; verkorpern, inkarniert; voploscat'sja, voplotit' I < test 'body' {with suff of ace + t} + olt-, see illik. H olt has the meaning 'to stitch, put on a dress', test is of unknown origin. Here we find a semantic shift like in kiidil-, on which see Ozertural (2005: 6571) and kodmon. The notion 'to dress; bekleiden; pereodet'sja', etc. changes to 'to embody' in T and H.

TESTET OLT

[vad'on] 'wealth, property, having; Verrnogen, Habe; imuscestvo, dobro' I 1590 vagyon [vad'on] 1< vagy- 'to exist, be' {with suff -n}, it is ofPFugr origin. The word has in recent H the forms en vagyok 'I am', te vagy 'you are (sg)', 6 van 'he / she / it is', mi vagyunk 'we are', ti vagytok ' you are (pl)', ok: vannak 'they are'. In OH and in MH the form vagyon had the meaning 'he / she / it is', hence 'what exists, wealth, property'. The lE 19sexpress the object with the nominal tern of 'to have, possess', Le. possession. The T 19s form the word fr the ancient verbal base bar- which has the connotation 'existence' and has now no conjugation, though it functions as predicative. On details, see barom. Most T 19shave the continuation of EaT barlik -- WOT * barlik > Chuv purliiX 'imuscestvo'. It is an old H- T emantic isogloss. VAGYON

[vakondok] 'mole; Maulwurf; krot' I c1395 vakondok [vakondok], 1676 vakond [vakond] 1< vak 'blind' {with suff +nd, +k}, it is of unknown origin. The name of the animal is expressed by many T 19swith the notion of blindn In AI Olr Avestan hazatjra-, Ir Khot ysiira (Bailey 1979: 349), Sogd ziir (Gharib 1995: 454), Pehl hazar ( ac enzie 1986: 43), Nlr Pe haziir I Ir * z'hasra ~ Vog, Zyr. EZER

• Abaev 1958-1989/1: 186-187; Korenchy 1972: 71; Bailey 1979: 349; 1acKenzie 19 0: ; 1992-2001/2: 719; Bielmeier 1989: 241; Gharib 1995: 454; Helimski 2001: 3; Cheung 2002: 16 .

a rho er

'silver' < AH * ezvist (+-- Perm ? * ez-vssks > Zyr ezys, oty azves) +-- . AI "iizvist (cf. Os eevzist / tevzestte 'serebro', Abaev 1958-1989/1: 212). The first part

EZUST

LIST AND INDI

1332

S

of the Perm words should be 'white' but this cannot be substantia d. Th e nd part would be PFUgr "waske > PUgr "waskii (> POUgr "voks > *~o~s . P ty *~OX, PVog "was) > H vas [vas] 'iron' (originally a kind of metal), that 1 white, or a ind of metal '. It is only Os fr which the /t/ in H can be explained. The Os word ha no etymology within the Ir or even lE 19s. It has been compared with PSI *gvezda .» zvezda 'star' by Petersson, cited by Abaev and later by Trubacev (1974-1995/7: 181182) and others. In this case, CE- would be a prothetic vowel, and the zv- > vz- change would have occurred in Os. The semantic part would require associations like sun ~ gold and moon ~ silver. This is hardly acceptable. At any rate, the Perm, Os and H words cannot be separated, and H and Os contain the final -t, which is absent fr the Perm words. See also the Ir word for 'silver' "arzata 'silver' > Os eerzeet 'ruda' (Abaev 1958-1989/1: 187-188); cf. Olr Avestan orozata 'silver', OPe {a)rdata, Mlr Khot aljsata (Bailey 1979: 25), Khwar aiyd (Benzing 1983: 136), NIr Yazdi < lE *Hark'- 'white, silver' > Lat argentum, Arm area t. There are a few other words that pertain to metallurgy and are common to Os and some FUgr 19s. On these, see Abaev

auu

(1958-1989/1: 212). • Munkacsi 1904b: 316-317; Skold 1925: 20; Abaev 1958-1989/1: 187-188,212; Trubacev 1974-1995/7: 181-182; Bailey 1979: 25; Benzing 1983: 136; Helimski 2001: 4; Cheung 2002: 164; Testen 2003: 100-103.

'to pay'

<

EAH "[izo-

*Ji8d- +- AI *fida-

{cf. Os fidynfyst, fedun:fist Abaev (1958-1989/1: 473-474» < PII "prati-dii 'entgegen geben' (Mayrhofer 19922001/1: 713, 1986-2001/2: 167). -t is a H suff. According to Cheung (2002: 189), in disagreement with Abaev (see above), according to whom this is a denominal fr "paida-. According to Cheung, Khat piha- 'price' (Bailey 1979: 242), TochB pito 'price, cost' peratin together. According to Adams (1999: 385), the TochB item is a Iw fr Khot *pfBa- > piha-. FIZET

<

< pati-dii

• Munkacsi 1904b: 317; Sk6ld 1925: 20-21; Abaev 1958-1989/1: 473-474; Bailey 1979: 242; ayrhofer 1992-2001/1: 713; Mayrhofer 1992-2001/2: 167;Adams 1999: 385; Helimski 2001: 3- Cheung 2002: 189.

'rich~ < AH ,*gazdagtl ~ AI "gazdig (ef. Os q IAryan > Ind krti- Mayrhofer 1992-2001/1: 316, 390) (~ Osty karta, Vog kart, Zyr kart, Cher kerdo) > Olr Avestan karota. Mlr Khot kadara « * kartara-) 'sword' (Bailey 1979: 58), Pehl kiird 'knife' (MacKenzie 1986: 49), Sogd kart (Gharib 1995: 194), Khwar karc 'Messer' (Benzing 1983: 360), Nlr Paste car'a « * kartyiii (Morgenstierne 2003: 21) Shugn cad, Yagn kero, Munji kara, Baluchi karc, Pe kard (cf. TochB kertte (Adams 1999: 197».

KARD

'sword'

<

• Skold 1925: 24-25· Abaev 1958-1989/1: 571; Bailey 1979: 58; Benzing 1983: 360~ Mackenzie 19 6: 49; Mayrhofer 1992-2001/1: 316, 390; Redei 1986:71; Gharib 1995: 194; Adams 1999: 197·Helimski 2001: 3; Cheung 2002: 196; Morgenstierne 2003: 21; Cheung 2007: 244.

'garden, place for animals' < AH * kart» (~ ? T) +- Al * kiirtii (cf. Os ksert 'dvor'): cf. Ir * karta « lE *garda) ----» VBulg * kiirta ~ Vog, 0 ty karda, Zyr karda Tat kirte, Bashk kartii, etc. See Lexicon s.v. kert. KERT

• Munkacsi 2001: 4.

1904b: 318; Skold 1925: 23; Abaev 1958-1989/1: 586-5 7; Harmatta 1997: 78: Helim ki

'treasure' < AH * keni» +- Mlr *gene; cf. Mlr Pehl gan} 'treasure, trea ur ' (MacKenzie 1986: 35), Nlr Pe ganj 'treasure tore. Th word i not AI; ee gazda . It was copied after Ugr ne > n} > j. KINCS

• Ligeti 1986: 151; MacKenzi

1986: 35; H lim ki 2001: 5.

'lad, young man' < AH * legwen ~ 1 * liikwen (cf. 0 D l ql' n 'jun mal'cik, syn', according to Abaev (1958-1989/2: 19,31-32). leeg 'rnuz ina' + \.\ +n 'muzcina+ditja'; both words are of auc origin. A cording to Bi lm i r 1 77: 180-185), the starting point for the word, which is pr ent in s ver 1 u 19 ( f. the ethnonyms Lakk and Lezg < liigzi), is obscure. A cording to him, have to as urn two possibilities, either Os [EEg < "wlag < "wryak < "wiryaka foIl ing 'k"ld 1 5:

LEGENY

. r ori in, b au: ) t f or in t who th i or nom I 0 b und j ), ( nd it i 1 rd i of 'U d .In ny a: ,th w r d ' that H nly pi cl I 'g and' dd cl 1 suf n ;7 ny. " ,. 29),'

+ Munk:

liru .ki

'SI

1904b: ' 18; 'kdld t')~5: :l9; Aba v 1958-1989/2:

,. I I

] 0-18

-

19, H- 32,

2001; 3.

.

M 'R'

POlS

n

*

AI

Al *

m )rg

..

mar,

'1 (

f

marg) Mlr * mar" ( P I ,

m r-,

b

yrh f r 1) 2-2001/2:' 18) Olr "mar- 'to di '> "marka- 'd th', Av st: n mahrka d th' ( mark- 'to kill'), Mlr P zhl marg 'd ath' (Ma K nzi 1986: 54), Ir P mar, Kurd mcrg aluchi m;}rk'd ath' ? inn myrkky, . t murk 'd ath': s m 1 t m rt", al 0 § 8.7. + Munks 'si 1904b: 19;, kold 1925: 1992-2001/2:

318; Harmatta

Ab v 1958 1989/2: 72, 86; M cK nzi 1986: 54' . yrhof r 1')97: 80; H limski 2001: 3; h un T 2002: 202; K' tz 2003: 275; h un 2007: 31;

'L -265.

MU a c miivet 'work' < EAH * miws +- Al * miwa (ef. Os mi, miv 'cl 10, cl j ni po tupok, zanjati , rabota') < "miilu 'to mov , < PT * m] uH1 Mlr Khot mvir- 'to mov , (Bail y 1979: 341).

+ Munkac

; h un

i 1904b: 19;5k61d 1925:' l;Ab

v 1958-1989/2:

112-113; B il y 1979: 341; H lim

2007: 273.

NAD're d' < AH * nado Al * nada ( OIr * nada, P rthian nad 'F16t '( id. < PIE, f. H ttit niita-, nati-' hilfrohr, Trinkrohr Pf il ') > Mlr P flute, pole' (MacK nzi 1986: 58) NIr Pe ? nay 'pip ,flut r cl, n (+- ogd "nal < *na8); al 0 RgV nada ' hilfr hr ' ( ayrhof r 199 • Ligeti 19 6: 148; MacK nzi N M"Z'£

1986: 58; Mayrhof

1t' Chuv ciikiit (~ Cher), KarT cfgft. Vsevolod Miller (Abae 195 -1 9 1: 325) compared the word with an Ir * tfgft; see OIr * tikta; see Av tan bi-taava- 'z i Schneide habend', Avestan tiyra- 'scharf", Mlr Khot ttfra 'bitter' (Baile 1979: 129),

SAJT

1336

P hI tiiz 'sharp' (MacKenzie 1986: 83), Khwar cyy 'S hneid " "axa() , (Benzing 1983: 228, 237), NIr Os cyrg / cirg 'ostryj', Pe tez 'sharp, a rid', u ji fir 0 torva 'sharp', Yagn tiry id., Pashto tar» id. Though the H, Chuv, Khwar and are surely related, the history of the word remains unclear, even if the e ymology gested by Vsevolod Miller turns out to be possible. The H form 1566 Heltai sohayt i a hapax; see 1368 PN Saytas, 1372 say tott, 1553 saidlii. 1563 saytvat, etc. See Lexicon S.v. sajt. • Sk61d 1925:80; Abaev 1958-1989/1: 325, 328; Bailey 1979: 129; Benzing 1983: 228, 237; Ligeti 198 ; 129, 185,542;MacKenzie 1986:83;Mayrhofer 1992-2001/1: 668; Cheung 2002: 177. 'cow' < AH "tiiyino +- Al * dayin (cf. Os dteyin dad, deeyun dad 'sosat' grud', vymja') < OIr * dainu < PIAryan * d'uinu > Skrt dhenu- (Mayrhofer 1992-2001/1: 797); cf. Olr Avestan daanu, Mlr Khot dinii 'cow' (Bailey 1979: 159), Pehl diinodag 'female, milk' (MacKenzie 1986: 26); H -y- > -h-. • Abaev 1958-1989/351;Harmatta 1977:171;Bailey 1979: 159;Ligeti 1986: 146; MacKenzie 1986:26: Mayrhofer 1992-2001/1:797;Cheung 2007:47. TEHEN

TEJ

'milk' < AH "tey» +- Al "day. See H tehen . • Harmatta 1977:171;Ligeti 1986:147.

'rtz 'ten'

AH "tiso +- Al * des (cf. Os dces) < Mlr * dasa, Sogd dasa, das (Gharib 1995: 143), Pe hI dah (MacKenzie 1986: 23), etc. < PIAryan * daca « PIE * dek'rrz). There are problems with the vocalism; see also kilenc, harmine (Honti 1993: 192). ~ Abaev 1958-1989/1:359;Harmatta 1977:171;MacKenzie 1986:23; Mayrhofer 1992-2001/1: 70 _ 09' Honti 1993:192;Gharib 1995:143. . <

TOLGY 'oak' < AH "tiilj» +• Munkacsi 1904b:320; Skold

419-422.

Al "tulje (cf. Os tul3 tol3ce) « ? 01 "t 1925:36; Abaev 1958-19~9/3' 315' H 'li kr. aurzcI., . ,e ms I 2001: ; Rona-Ta 2004:

TUL 'arch oak' < AH * tiilo +• Rona-Tas 2004:419-422.

'V.

Ir * told (~

PPerm

* tsl'. 8 3>

Z

'1'

yr tit,

oty tel,).

'glass' < AH * eveg,]f-- AI *d vag (cf. Os avg, a vgre 'stekIo ') < * ab a f * k_ waterhke, glass'). Olr * ap- 'water' (cf. Pllr * 'w ' * g (c. ap a) a -bk- ( ) k ' , P a ser < PIE h2ep-) Mlr Kh ar a tn n a Glas (Benzing 1983: 11), Pehl abganag' ry t 1 1 '(M' . 4) S d - k -, , sa, g ass acKenzle 19 6' , og ap an crystal (Gharib 1995: 8) Bact * - 't k _ _ . Arm ap'ak'i 'glass, crystal'). ,apaml a a-, Ir Pe abgzna Id. ( f. ?VEG

a_

• Munkacsi 1904b:321; Skold 1925:38;Abaev 1958-1989 '. . Mayrhofer 1992-2001/1:81' Gharib 1995'8' H /1. 84, Benzmg 1983: 11' ac enzie 19 6: q; , . , armatta 1997:80'' Helim ki 2001:;3 Ch eung 20 2: 1 5. " , VAM customs < AH "wiimo ~ P - ( e bwam (cf. Os * wacar in wacayrag crab', Abaev 1958-1989/4: 30) < "wahacarana < PIIr "uaha-carana, Mlr Pehl wiiziir 'market' (MacKenzie 1986: 89), Sogd wacaran 'market, bazaar' (Gharib 1995: 396, 398), NIr Pe bazar id.

V AsAR

• Abaev 1958-1989/4: 30; MacKenzie 1986: 89; Gharib 1995: 396, 398.

'pit, hole' < AH "wermo +- Al "warms (cf. Os weerm, wtermse 'jama, pogreb') « PIIr *Huar- 'to ward off, defend, protect (from)'). OIr Avestan waromi, Mlr Pehl warm 'pool, reservoir' (MacKenzie 1986: 87), Sogd warmayca (read warmecya'Ii 'surf, hole' (Gharib 1995: 411), Khot barman 'enclosure, prison, reservoir' (Bailey 1979: 278), NIr Pe barm 'reservoir for rain water' (see var).

VEREM

• Munkacsi 1904b: 321; Sk61d 1925: 39; Abaev 1958-1989/4: 95; Bailey 1979: 278; MacKenzie 1986: 7; Gharib 1995: 411; Helimski 2001: 3; Cheung 2007: 207-208.

armour, cuirasse' < AH * warts +- Al * wart (cf. Os wart' scit') « PIIr * varodra < * vat-ora- < PIE * Huar- 'to ward off, defend, protect (from)'). Olr Avestan veroilra, Mlr Khot batha- 'cuirass' (Bailey 1979: 266), also besa- 'shield' (Bailey 1979: 305), Ir Pashai baro .' id. Ashkun bada . id. Ir ~ Arm vert' mail'; see also var and verem. VERT'

• Munkacsi 1904b: 321; Sk61d 1925: 39; Abaev 1958-1989/4: 50-51; Bailey 1979: 266, 305; Harmatta

1997: 80; Helimski 2001: 3; Cheung 2002: 237; Cheung 2007: 207-208.

(green' (OH also zeld) < AH * zeldo +- Al * ziilde 'yellow, green' (> 0 D zeeld 'rnolodaja trava') < Olr * zarita- < zar- 'yellow, green'; see A estan zairita-, Ir P hl zard 'yellow' (MacKenzie 1986: 98), ogd zartii 'yellow' (Gharib 1995: 72) Ir P zard 'yellow'; see Skrt hari- 'fahl, gelblich, griinlich' < PIE *g'elh. -.

ZOLD

• Munkac i 1904b: 321; Sk61d 1925: 40; Abaev 1958-1989/4: 295; Ma Kenzie 1986:9 . la rhofer 19 22001/2: 805; Gharib 1995: 472; Helim ki 2001: 3.

LI TS AND INDI

13 8

S

Problematic comparisons include: 'we d', dial 'small, bushy forest' < EAH *gaza +- AI *gaze (cf. Os qCEZ, qeez 't t ik kamys') Mlr Khot gaysa- (= gaza) 'reed' (Bailey 1979: 80), Ir P gaz ros nl , , f .., E . 0 'tamarisk tree', Pashto yaz 'tamarisk, Digor q- is sec~ndary r g~. v~n In . s ea~Her: 'wood, tree', see qrezyn k'iis 'derevjannaja myska , qrezyn wldy~ derevjannaja lozka' (Abaev 1958-1989/1: 302). There are semantic problems, which can o~ly be eliminated if the dial meaning 'bushy forest' was the original one. See gaz In the GAZ

Lexicon. • Munkacsi 1901b: 289-291; Sk61d 1925: 22; Abaev 1958-1989/1: 302; Bailey 1979: 80; Harmatta 81; Morgenstierne

1997:

2003: 34.

'alien' < EAH * endegen +- AI * andagan (cf. Os seddagon. emdagon 'cuzoj' < tedse, sendee 'snaruzi, vne' < Pllr * anta < PIE * h-ent- > Grm Ende, etc.). Chronological Intl > /d/ and phonetic /a/ ~ le/i/, which present problems.

IDEGEN

• Abaev 1958-1989/1: 104; Mayrhofer

1992-2001/1: 75; Harmatta

1997: 80.

'drunken' < EAH "resegs +- Al "rasig (cf. Os rasyg, rasug Abaev 19581989/1: 352). The Ir etymology is unacceptable due to problems with the vocalism. See OT esiir- 'to be or become drunk' > esirik. The H word has been linked to the stem of reviil-, regel-, etc. and considered a H lw in Os.

RESZEG

• Munkacsi 1904b: 320; Skold 1925: 34; Abaev 1958-1989/1: 352; Helimski 2001: 5.

EAH * sawa +- Ir * srawa « PIE * k'leues 'Gehortes'), cf. Avestan srauuah- 'Ruhm, Ansehen, Lobspruch, Spruch', Olr Ancient Pe savah- 'Ruhm' in personal names; Mlr Pehl sraw 'word, spell' (MacKenzie 1986: 76), Sogd srwk (srok) 'speech, hymn' « * sruka) (Gharib 1995: 362). sr ~ s unlikely; see szo in the Lexicon.

sz6 'word'

<

• MacKenzie 1986: 76; Mayrhofer

1992-2001/2: 667-668; Gharib 1995: 362' Harmatta

1997: 74.

'linen' < AH * vasano +- IAryan * vasana, see Skrt vQsana- 'Kleid' (Rgveda) < * vas- 'bekleidet sein' « lE * l)es-). Cf. Olr Avestan vasta, vaste 'ist gekleidet', vastra 'kleid, Gewandt', Mlr Khot viista 'clothes' (Bailey 1979: 385); cf. TochB wiis- to be dressed in' (Adams 1999: 597). The /s/ in the intervocalic position changes to Ih/ very early. The verb is dealt with by Cheung (2007: 405 s.v. *l)ah 'to be dre ed'). Accordin to Gershevitch (1952: 483), cited by Cheung here, the word pertains to 0 D re: te reewon 'povod, predlog, praetextus, excuse, pretence, pretext (Abaev 195 -19 9,": 389), fr "[ra-uah. The only possibility would be that the word is a cultural migrating word ofllr origin which was mediated by an Ir 19with a secondary I I. Thi i imilar to H hors 'pepper' +- T ~ Ir ~ Ind.

V ASZON

• Gershevitch 1952 483; Abaev 1958-1989/2: 389; Bailey 1979: 385; Adams 1999: 597; Cheung 2007: 405.

ayrhofer

1992-2001,2: 52 ;

LI

1

9

Unacceptable comparisons include: agyar 'tusk', dob 'drum', edes 'sweet', ember 'man', esztendo 'year',Jek 'halt r',!eny 'light', jesu 'comb', gond 'trouble', hang 'voice, sound', has 'stomach', hus 'm at; flesh', imad 'to adore', in(as) 'servant', ing 'shirt', kedv 'mood, pleasure', kej 'pleasure, lust', keszeg 'a fish name', koles 'millet', mag 'kernel, stone', mely 'deep', men 'stallion', menny 'heaven', nep 'people', nyereg 'saddle', ordog 'devil', oszver 'mule', res 'rift, slit, split', sator 'tent', szeker 'cart', tine 'young ox', ur 'lord', iistok 'foreIoc , tuft', uszo 'heifer', zsineg 'string'. As an example: 'forelock, tuft'; the MH form is isteg. Munkacsi (1904b: 320) cited Os stug 'Locke, Buschel Haare' (see Os styg / (ce)stug 'klok', kudrja, lokon, celka', Abaev 1958-1989/3: 156) and compared it with OInd stukii- 'Zotte, Flocke' (see Mayrhofer 1992-2001/2: 760, where only the Os word is cited fr the Ir lgs.) According to Mayrhofer, the OInd word should be connected to stupa- 'Schopf, Haarschopf > Stupa, Grabmal', perhaps "Wurzelverwandt", Munkacsi (1904b: 320) suggested that the H final /k/ preserved an older Os /k/. Asboth (1905: 61) rejected this comparison because of the final H /k/ ,..., Os / g/. According to Benko, neither the Ir nor the T origin of the word is acceptable; he believes the word is of unknown der in H (Benko 19671984/3: 1056 citing Asboth; Benko 1993-1997/2: 1590). Harmatta (1997: 74) suggested another etymology. He cited East Ir ust (should be * ust) and Wanetsi ust 'hair', however we find (w)ust (with secondary loss of w-), which pertains to Pashto wext'em 'hair' (Morgenstierne 2003: 94) < "wrsiya- and is present in Avestan as varesa, Mlr Sogd wrs (Gharib 1995: 412), Pehl wars (MacKenzie 1986: 87), Ir Pe gurs 'curled hair' < PIE "uolk'o- > Skrt valsa- (Mayrhofer 1992-2001/2: 526-527); see Rus voles, etc .

USTOK

• Munkacsi 1904b: 320; Asboth 1905: 61; Abaev 1958-1989/3: 156; Benko 1967-1984/3: 1056· 1acKenzie 1986: 87; Mayrhofer 1992-2001/2: 526-527, 760; Benko 1993-1997/2: 1590; Gharib 1995: 412; Harmatta 1997: 74; Helimski 2001: 5; Morgenstierne

2003: 94.

8.10

List of umanian words

The list contains only those reconstruc t e d Cu man words which are trea Lexicon. ..v 1. C um * a k"IS, * agts V

2.

3. 4.

5.

6. 7. 8.

9. 10.

(

<

H akos [akos], agos [agos] dial

* a k - 'to flow' {with suff -Xs}) ~

'stream, current' IT akis 'flow, current', Cum "arkan « "ar- {with suff -gAnJ) ~

H "arkan

d in h

>

,,_ arkany

_, . ( [arkan] dial a type of

lasso' IT arkan 'rope, lasso', Cum * baldaw (~ Mo baldag 'knob, hilt of a sword') ~ H * baldaw > * bolda > boda [boda] arch 'buckler with handle, handle of different arms' I MT * baldag .id.,. . Cum * barag (~ Ir) ~ H barag [barag] dial 'hairy, bushy (of dogs) (as adj), a big hairy dog (as noun)' I barag < * barag IT barak 'a shaggy dog' ~ Ir, Cum * baysa (~ Mo ~ Ch X~T pai-zi 'a written tablet, a label' (M 4871» ~ * biisa > H barca [barca] 'label, tag' IMT bayza - bayja - baysa ~ Ch, of possible T origin, Cum * boza ~ H boza [boza] dial, arch 'a kind of beer, alcoholic beverage' I MT boza 'a kind of beverage', Cum * buzgan « buz- 'to destroy' {with suff -gAn}) ~ H * buzgan > buzogany [buzogan] 'club, mace, reed-mace' I T * buzgan 'mace' < EOT, Cum "cabak « "capv- 'to move quickly' {with suff -gAk}) ~ csabak [cabak] 'a fish, Leuciscus souffia agassizi' I EOT capak 'a small freshwater fish, the bream' < ? *capVgAk, Cum "colak « *colak) ~ H csolak 'squint-eyed, blind in one eye' I EOT "coluk 'with , one arm, Cum * ceudur, * caiidiir, * cewdur ~ H * ceiidiir > csodor [cador] 'stallion' I MT cawdur 'stallion', of uncertain T origin,

11. Cum * daku (~

Mo daku) ~ H * daku 'raincoat', cf. Cum "[aku,

12. Cum *jaksr ~

H "[aksi

>

>

daku [daku] dial' a short fur coat'

daksi [daksi] dial 'excellent, worthless'

I EOT

I EOT yaku yaxsi ·good

fine', 13. Cum *kabak

« *kapak

H *kabak > kobak [kobak] 'gourd, calabash, Lagenaria vulgaris, head, billy-cock-hat' IEOT kapok 'gourd, pumpkin' < kap 'container' {with suff +Ak},

14.

<

"kap {with suff +Ak}) ~

Cum * kamci « * kam- {with suff -1 and +c1}~ H kamci, kamii, kamzi » kamcsi [kamci] dial 'whip, lash' I EOT kamci 'whip' < * kamici < kam- 'to strike down, hit'

15. C~m ~.kanji'~a(~Mo

ganjufa) ~ H kand'ika > kand'rk > kangyik [kand'lk], kangyika [kand ika] dial saddle strap I MT kanjuga 'saddle strap', 16. Cum * ka ramp il, karamfil (+-- Pe) ~ H * karampil > karambel [karambel] dial 'pin several kinds of pink, Danthus, D. caryophyllus, several members of the car ophilla e . I EOT karanfil 'clove', 17. Cu~ *k,ayta~

5< *ka~t-,{with

suff -(A)r}) ~ H kaytiir > kajtar [kaytar] dial 'do-le' ~o-httle , kaitar madar migrating bird, birds which come back e er ar' lET kadit: to turn back, return',

1

1

kiyts {with prefix and u s meg-, + V)", + V d- and -ik-} > megkiytsesedik » kijc [kiyts] 'felt' dial in megkijce di [megkiytses dik] , 0 become felty (of the hair of dogs)' I EaT kidiz 'felt', 19. Cum "kobuz « *kopuz) ~ H "kobuz > koboz [koboz] 'lute, cittem' I EaT kopuz ' stringed instrument', 18. Cum * kiyiz ---+ H * kiyiz

20. Cum * kolavuz ---+

21.

22.

23. 24.

25.

26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

32. 33. 34. 35.

> * kiyits >

H kalavuz

kalauz [kalauz] 'guide, pilot, conductor, ticket inspector' and kaloz [kaloz] 'pirate' I EaT kolavuz, kulavuz 'guide' I Cf. Khwar xl'wr 'Fremdenfuhrer' (Benzing 1983: 671), DBulg 9th c. kolowr-os (Moravcsik 1958/2: 162), Cum * kowaz « kov- {with suff -(X)z}) ~ H kuwaz > kuvas > kuvasz [kuvas] 'a kind 0 dog, a Hungarian breed of sheepdog' I EaT kovuz 'chasing (a demonic stroke)' < kov'to follow, pursue, chase (also of a dog chasing game)', Cum *kumandur (*kuman {with suff +dUr}) ~ H "kumandur > komondor [komondor] 'a kind of Hungarian sheepdog' IT *kumandur 'an ethnic name' < kuman 'Cuman', not in the T sources, Cum "kiidiigii ~ H "kudevii > "kiid'ei: > *kud'il > giigyii [gud'u] 'matchmaker' I EaT kudiigu'son-in-Iaw', Cum "munar « mun- {with suff -(A)r}) ~ H "munar > miiniir > monar kod [rnonar kod] dial 'dry summer fog, rainbow' I T munar id. < EaT bun-, mun- 'to be mentally disturbed', Cum * nogar (~ Mo noker) ~ H * noger > rioger > nyoger [rioger], ny6ger [rioger] 'the name of a group of military people in Hungary, Cuman bodyguard of the Hungarian king' I MT nogar < nokar 'comrade, member of the retinue of a military leader', Cum "ontok « un+tA- and -(O)k) ~ H ontok, ontog dial 'crumble of bread, morsel, a small piece of bread' IT untak 'powder, groots, powdery grist', Cum oziin ~ H "uzen > ozon [ozon] 'flood, deluge, stream' I EaT oz 'valley with river', MT oziin 'brook, river', Cum "sagim ~ H "sagum > szagom [sagorn] dial 'mirage' ( andoky 1993: 129) I MT sakim id., Cum "sanduk (~Ar sandiic) ~ H szandok [sandok] in szandok-lada 'trou eau-box' IT sandik 'chest, box', Cum "sotjkur ~ H "sonkor > szongor [songor] arch 'a kind of falcon, Pielfalcus, Gyrfalco' I EaT sitjkur, surjkur 'the gerfalcon, Falco gyrfalco', Cum * siitkiin, * siittdgiin « * siit {with suff +gAn or +A-gAn or +IA-gAn} ~ cotkeny [tsotken] 'a kind of wolf's milk, Easter flo er, Euphorbia' I EaT * sutgiin * siitiigiin, * siitldgiin < siit. Cum "tabur « "tabgur < "tabkur ~ Mo dabkur) -+- H "tabur > tabor [tabor] , amp, military camp' I MT tabur, of debated origin, Cum "tezek -+- H tozek > tozeg [tozeg] 'peat, turf, dried dung' I EaT taziik 'animal dung', MT 'dry dung', Cum "toklu -+- H toklu> tokl'u> toklyo [tokyo] 'one year old lamb' lET tokli ' lamb of few months old), Cum * untak see Cum * ontok under 26. >

i: 42

LI ubiou:

1. 2.

r not tr

t d a an ind p nd n

ntry:

urn or W T * cdk okz [., ok] dial 'f ast, christ ning fe, t (at bapn m)' T * cok '(libati n) off ring', um * kantarga ( Mo kantarga) H kentreg, ee komodorog.

I

co

-. 'llk