Robert Beekes & Lucien Van Beek - Etymological Dictionary of Greek

Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series Edited by

Alexander Lubotsky

VOLUME 10/1

Etymological Dictionary of Greek

By

Robert Beekes

With the assistance of

Lucien van Beek

VOLUME ONE

BRILL

LEIDEN

•

BOSTON

2010

This publication has been made possible by the financial support of the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO). This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Beekes, R. S. P. (Robert Stephen Paul) Etymological dictionary of Greek / by Robert Beekes ; with the assistance of Lucien van Beek. p. cm. - (Leiden Indo-European etymological dictionary series; v. 1011-2) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17418-4 (hardback: alk. paper) 1. Greek language- Etymology­ Dictionaries. 1. Beek, Lucien van. n. Title. PA422.B44 201O 482.03-dc22 2009036652

ISSN: 1574-3586 ISBN Set: 978 90 04 17418 4 ISBN Volume One: 978 90 04 17420 7 Copyright 2009 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, mc Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOLUME ONE

Preface

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Pre-Greek loanwords in Greek

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vii xv

Abbreviations and symbols............................................................................................... xlv The Greek etymological dictionary A-A

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VOLUME TWO

The Greek etymological dictionary M-O' Bibliography Indices

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1687 1747

PREFACE

Whoever takes up the task of writing a new etymological dictionary of Greek, has to depart from the existing dictionaries. The present dictionary, too, owes a great deal to previous work in the field, especially to the excellent dictionaries of Hjalmar Frisk and Pierre Chantraine. Apart from compiling the first comprehensive etymological dictionary of Greek in the English language and incorporating the most recent scholarly literature on Greek etymology, there were a number of other reasons why a new dictionary seemed to be a desideratum. In the preface to his dictionary, Frisk expressed doubts on three points: 1. the laryngeal theory; 2. Mycenaean; and 3. the Pelasgian theory on the Greek substrate language. Ironically, it is precisely on these three points that substantial progress has been made in the last decades, so that we can now be much more confident in these areas. 1. Frisk felt uneasy about the laryngeals. In the preface (p. vi) he wrote: "Fur die griechische Etymologie fallt sowieso die Laryngaltheorie (... ) nicht schwer ins Gewicht". I have been acquainted with the problems of the laryngeal theory since the start of my academic career (see my dissertation, Beekes 1969), and I vividly remember how the chaotic spectrum of theories and hypotheses discouraged many people in the beginning. Since the 1980'S, the situation has changed dramatically. When Bammesberger's Die Laryngaltheorie appeared (Bammesberger (ed.) 1988), there had already been general consensus on the main rules of development of the laryngeals in Greek and in other Indo-European languages. It is absolutely clear now that the development of the laryngeals is essential for understanding Greek etymology. Chantraine's Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue grecque (DELG) often does not give reconstructions with laryngeals either; as a consequence, many of the etymologies still defended in his dictionary are clearly untenable within the framework of the laryngeal theory. It must be admitted, however, that many of these deficiencies have been remedied in the Supplement (DELG Supp.), which often contains very helpful contributions. 2. The study of Mycenaean has by now become an integral part of Greek studies. The Mycenaean material was already accepted by Chantraine and incorporated into DELG. I have tried to include all Mycenaean data with a reasonably certain interpretation, provided that these data have a bearing on the etymological interpretation of classical Greek. Personal names are generally excluded from the discussion, as their interpretation is often too uncertain to base any conclusions on. The task of incorporating Mycenaean data was not too difficult, since we have the excellent Diccionario Micenico (1985-1993) by Aura Jorro at our disposal. Although

viii

PREFACE

the Mycenaean material is limited, it is of great importance and should always be taken ito account. The exact attestations of the Mycenaean words are usually not cited, as they can easily be traced in Aura Jorro's dictionary. 3. It is now clear that the Pelasgian theory, which started from the assumption that there was an Indo-European substrate in Greek, has been a completely unfruitful and wrong approach. Although Frisk doubted this theory, he nevertheless conSistently referred to Pelasgian throughout the dictionary. This is a pity, because the theory has yielded no positive results. Chantraine often used the vague terms 'acheen' or 'mediterraneen', without clearly identifying Greek substrate words in this way. In the present dictionary, no reference to the Pelasgian theory is made anymore. Instead, I have extensively used Furnee's 1972 book, who meticulously studied the substrate material and concluded that we are dealing with loanwords from a single non-Indo-European language. Unfortunately, this work has been neglected or rejected by most scholars without due argumentation. In order to explain the principles of Furnee's work and to present his conclusions, as well as my own findings from recent years, I have written a special introduction to Pre-Greek (as I call the substrate language), see pp. xiii-xlii. Throughout the dictionary, much attention is paid to the Pre-Greek material, and one of my main goals was to generate a collection of substrate words which would be as complete as possible. I intend to publish a separate work, containing all certain or probable Pre-Greek etyma, in the coming years.

The dictionaries of Frisk and Chantraine are different in their orientation. Whereas Chantraine is more oriented towards the philological study of Greek (as follows from the subtitle Histoire des mots), Frisk focuses on the Indo-European side of Greek etymology. In fact, it may be fair to say that Frisk to some extent tried to produce not an etymological dictionary of Greek only, but of Greek and Indo­ European at the same time. The main focus of the present dictionary is also etymology, rather than philology. I started working on the project in 2002. At first, the idea was to produce an updated English translation of Frisk in the framework of the Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project. While largely maintaining the philological part of the entries, I modernized old reconstructions, added new ones from the literature, and rejected older etymologies in the light of the substrate theory. Furthermore, many new entries have been incorporated, most of them glosses by Hesychius, which were gleaned from DELG, from Furnee's book and from the new 2005 edition of Hesychius (part Ill, II-L:). Gradually, I have come to the conclusion that a much more rigorous approach was necessary: there is simply too much irrelevant and dated literature in Frisk's dictionary, and many of his pre-Iaryngealist reconstructions are now useless. Also, research interest in Indo-European studies has shifted considerably over the course of decades. It was therefore decided to completely reorganize the etymological treatment of the entries.

PREFACE

ix

The rigorous editing of the etymological sections of the dictionary was done by Lucien van Beek. He integrated my own views with traditional etymologies and recent insights. In those cases where a word can now be proven to be of Pre-Greek origin, part of the old reasoning has sometimes been retained in order to illustrate the flaws in the traditional approach, according to which practically every word is bound to have an Indo-European etymology. Structure of the entry

After the lemma, grammatical information is given between square brackets, for instance, 8UpOflaL [v.] 'to lament, bewail', or £YKUTU [n.pl.] 'intestines'. If it is unknown (for instance, in a gloss), this may be indicated with a query. The grammatical information is followed by the meaning of the word. For most of the glosses, an English translation has been provided. Although this is a major break with tradition in Classical Studies, I consider it to be convenient for specialists in other Indo-European languages than Greek. Of course, in many cases a gloss can be ambiguous, but I hope to have been suffiCiently prudent in the translations. At the end of the first paragraph, I give the origin of the word (in abbreviated form) between two arrowheads. The abbreviations must be understood as follows: There is a good Indo-European (IE) etymology. The IE root is reconstructed, and in most cases also the formation represented by the Greek etymon. If there are no cognates, but the Greek word looks Indo­ European, a reconstruction has sometimes been proposed, too. b. Examples: Puauflvl-aTlle; / Puauv-lue;; KplflvOV / KPlVOV; flE8tflvoe; / F£8lflvoe;; alyuflvoe; / alyuvoe; (also alyuvvOe;). The evidence comprises 8 or 9 words in - flvoe;. It is found six times word-initially: e.g. fl�AOV / �AOV; flov8uA£UW / 6v8uA£UW; note flEpO\jl / Mpo\jl (e'lpo\jl), where the latter forms could continue *a-F£po\jl / *e-F£po\jl with a prothetic vowel. Note further Kuufloe; / KUflllXu, which perhaps continues *KuF-ufl-, *Kufl-llK-. 5.5 Stops interchanging with a(G), with stop +

a/T or with G + stop This kind of variation is quite complicated. I distinguished no less than 10 (or even 15) different types9• They may be represented as follows (C = consonant): l. C / Ct 2. C / Cs 3. C / sC 4. Ct ! Cs 5. Ct ! sC 6. Cs / sC 7. Cs / ss 8. sC / ss

a. labials n / nT n / \jI (n / an) m / \jI (\jI / an)

U aa

b. velars K / KT K / aK KT / � KT / aK (� / aK) aK / aa

9 Since the word 'i'LTn'tKLov / 7lLCnaKLOv 'pistachio' is probably an oriental loanword, there are no good examples for an interchange aa / aT.

PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK

xxv

K / aa dentals T / aa 9. t / ss 10. t / st T / aT The analysis of these variants is not easy, and I mainly present the data here. A question that needs to be explained is why exactly s or t are involved in the given variation. The most complicated instance is 5b, where we find KT/aK. In fact, the most complicated phenomenon contains most information, and can be solved best. In this case, one expects a cluster with k, i.e. a consonant before or after the k. One of the two expected clusters must have undergone metathesis. As Greek did undergo a metathesis TK > KT (and no metathesis of aK or �), we may assume that precisely this phenomenon was operative here. Thus, for an earlier stage we may reconstruct an interchange aK/n. This interchange can be easily explained by assuming a consonant, probably unknown to Greek, which resulted either in a or in T. In my interpretation, this must have been a palatalized dental, i.e. /F/. For instance, afluaYEAu / afluy8aAll was probably *amutYgala, represented first as *amusgala or *amudgala, the latter yielding *amugdala. A less clear example is Asklepios, who was called A(l)aKAumoe; or A(l)yAumOe;. It could be that the name was *AtJklap-, giving *A(i)sklap- or *A(i)dglap-. In the latter form, metathesis did not operate because **Agdlap- was not tolerated in Greek; the dental was then simply lost. Needless to say, it often happens that only one variant is found. The strange feature or phoneme may also be dismissed altogether, as in 8lK£lv next to 8laKOe; and 8[KTUOV. One might suppose that all variants in this group are due to a palatalized dental, but this is not evident, as consonant clusters are rather rare, and as there are no suffixes beginning with a consonant (except n, r, etc.). We may be unable to determine what exactly happened in each case. Type 4 is treated by Fur. 2633• Since Pre-Greek did not distinguish voice and aspiration in stops, these often vary; so if we speak of kt or KT, this also includes realization as X8, such as in flopox80e; below. If we consider the variation with labials, as in pt/ps, it is clear that we are dealing with a labial followed by a dental. The dental could also appear as s, so it is clear that the phoneme concerned was a palatalized dental, which I note /F/. This means that we are dealing with a group ptY• In the same way, with a velar we have ktY• The example 8t PA-: poapol / apAapOl. For this case, cf. 5.7b 0 / A. po > pp: PO€AAlOV / PpEAALOV (Fur. 308) yo- > 0-: yoounoe; / oounoe; ov- > yv-: ovocpoe; / yvocpoe; KIl- > 11-: KIlEA£8pov / IlEAa8pOV \/1- > an-: \/I£VOUA- / anovOUAT]? See 5.5.6 above. \/1- > a-: \/IEcpae; / adcpa; \/IIHaKoe; / aIHaKoe;; cf. '¥ancpw, L:ancpw. 2. a > 0 before u in the following syllable. The a was probably pronounced a little higher before the u, and was realized as [a], which resulted in o. Examples: a�ouYYla > 6�UyylOV, KaAupT] > KOAUPOe;, *aKapap- (KupaPOe;) > aKopopuAOe;, OOPUKVlOV for * o (a)puKv-. 5.14 Other variation

There are a few instances of isolated and puzzling variation. I mention just one, the word for 'night', where we have \/IEcpae;, KVEcpae;, ovocpoe;, �ocpoe;. I think that in some of these cases, the solution may be found in a cluster. Carian, for example, allows an initial cluster kbd-. Such clusters would have been simplified in Greek. In an inherited word, we have the parallel of Lat. pecten, Gr. KT£Ie;, which is supposed to

xxx

PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK

continue *pkt-. If we assume a cluster *kdn- in our example, it may have been reduced to kn- or, with loss of the first consonant, to dn-. Thus, the process is the same as the reduction yo- > 0-, see 5.13 above. Such variant simplifications are typical for loanwords. In this way, we could connect two of the words; but I see no way to connect the other two. 6. Vowe! variation 6.1 Single vowels (timbre)

The vowels show many variants. I will discuss them in the following order: first a, then e and 0; and within each of these groups first the short vowel, then the diphthongs, then the long vowel (and the long diphthongs, but these hardly occur). Note that a variation x I y is not repeated under y. the vowel a. a I e has 80 occurrences in Furnee's material (347). Examples: ayxouaa I eyxouaa, apuaouIau. aVUKapSlOV =>Kapouflov. aVUKWvT]p1TT]aaw. avuupo

�ALOe;),

CtVTT)piC;;, -iSoc;; [f.] 'prop, support' (E.). avw; enlarged with dental UVUTW, Att. UVUTW (see Schwyzer: 704: 1), aor. �vuau (secondary, see below), �vwu (Strunk, below). Glosses KUaaVEL'un. The Hittite rendering shows that the oldest Pre-Greek form had *a. This became e before the palatal *l>'. The e was then assimilated (in Pre­ Greek) to a by ilie following -on.

CtnOll£Al [n.] kind of mead, made from the water used to wash honeycombs (Dsc.). � GR� oETYM Derived from ilEAL; the prefix has a pejorative meaning (Stromberg 1944: 29f.). anOllUO'O'w =>Iluaaollat. anOUpu at[a]) is rightly criticized by Chantraine s.v. a'iyA'l; part of Schwyzer's evidence is itself Pre-Greek. The variation in these epithets is typical of Pre-Greek words, as can clearly be seen in the name � AaKA'lm6 awoouo.mw. a'/l0pp0\jI[TTUKO�. �lW- [v.] 'to live' (ll.). � IE *gWeih3- 'live' (or *gWhle)i-?)� .VAR Aor. EP[WV, plwvm; s-aor. EP[wcrU (Hdt.), med. fact. EPlWcrUO (e 468); fut. PE[0f.Lm, peof.Lm (ll.; old subjunctive, cf. MOf.Lm), also plwcrof.Lm; perf. PEP[WKU. PlOf.LWeU (h. Ap. 528 for * pElOf.LEeU? DELG); pres. PlOW (Arist.). .DER P[o� '(way of, means of) life', PlOT� [f.] 'id.' (Od.), P[OTO� [m.] 'id.' (ll.); also Cret. P[EtO� (see below). PlWTO� 'worth living' (Att.), plwmf.L0� 'to be lived' (Hdt.). With 0 from *gW Heracl. EVOEOtWKoTU, if = Ef.LPEPlWKOTU. In PN BLO-; B[TWV < BlO-. .ETYM The root ended in a laryngeal, and the zero grade *gWih3- is seen in Av. jl-ti-, OCS ii-tb, as well as in Lat. vlta, Osc. bfitam [acc.]; with a suffix -uo-, it appears in Skt. jlwi-, OCS iiv7J, Lat. V1VUS, etc. (all 'alive'), and in the thematic presents derived from this adjective: Lat.vlvo, Skt. jivati, OCS iivp, ToA saw-, ToB say- � saw- (all 'live'). The forms with short i (e.g. Go. qiwa-, MW byw) may be due to pretonic shortening, i.e. Dybo's Law (Schrijver 1991: 355, 526). Greek does not have forms with long i, which is understandable since all forms attested have a vowel after the root: *gWih3-0- > P[o�, *gWih3-eto- > P[OTO�. (For the formation, cf. � eUVUTO�; for the most recent discussion on this, see Vine 1998.) Cret. P[ETO� will have restored the suffix -ETO�. One noteworthy form is � Uyl��, which must derive from *h2iu-gWih3-es, with

l

T

l

pAUOE1�

217

analogically restored vocalism of the ending. The aorist EP[WV has been reconstructed by Francis 1970: 76ff. with the suffix -eh,-, seen in the Greek "passive" aorist (e.g. Ef.LUVT]V); thus, *gWih3-eh,- yielded PlW-. A full grade I *gWeih3- (probably old; cf. Klein 1988: 272) must be assumed for pe(l)of.Lm. The same full grade is seen in Skt. gaya-, Av. gaiia- 'life' < *gwe!oih3-0- and in ORu. gOjb 'peace'. A full grade II *gWieh3- is seen in Av. jiia-tu- 'life' (Skt. *jya-tu- in jlvatu-, which must have been reshaped after jivati); Gr. �wFo� is probably from this root form (rather than from the zero grade of the root, as per Klein (l.c.): 257ff.). Since this root form seems to be found in Gr. �w-w, �� -v as well (see � �ww), Schwebeablaut cannot be avoided (pace Anttila 1969: 137). Arm. kea-m 'I live' (see LIV2) is difficult to judge. On the basis of BSI. accentual reflexes, Kortlandt reconstructs *gWhle)i- (e.g. Kortlandt 1992: 2374); for Greek, one would have to assume laryngeal metathesis *gWh3i- > *gWih3- (in pre­ consonantal position) . �AU�TJ [f.] 'damage' (A.) � PG� .VAR pMpo� [n.] . .DIAL Cretan aPAone�· aPAupe� H., apAon[u = apMp£lu, KUTupMnEem = - wem (inscr.). .COMP aPAup�� . DER PAUPEpO� 'damaging' (Hes.), formed to aPAup�� like KpUTEpO� to aKpuT�� (Schwyzer 482). Verb pAumw, pAu\jIm, EPAUPT]V, originally 'to hinder, disable' (ll.), also without suffix pAupETm (T 82, 166 = v 34), probably old (Chantraine 1942: 311). PM\jIl� (Pl.). .ETYM On the basis of the Cretan forms, PAUP- is mostly considered to have resulted from pAun- by assimilation. With pAun- as the original form, it is connected with Skt. mfc- f., marka- ill. 'damage', Av. mJrJ1Jcaite 'destroys', which require a reconstruction *mr/lkw-. However, the development to -AO- (which is Arc.-Cypr., Myc.) is not found in Cretan (although one might consider an Achaean substrate on Crete). On the other hand, the interchanges U 0 and p � n are typical for Pre­ Greek; Fur. 144 compares apAup[u - apAon[u with apup�crm, Cret. apon�crul. A connection with Lat. mulceo 'stroke, caress', mulco is doubtful because of the velar and the meaning; see WH s.vv. Puhvel HED suggested a connection with Hitt. gullakuwan, but this means 'scheusslich' (Tischler 1983ff. s.v.). Cf. � PAU(J(PT]f.L0�. , �Aayll:; [?] . KT]A[�. AUKWVE� 'stain (Lacon.) (H.). � ?� .ETYM Unknown. von Blumenthal 1930: 23f., suggests connecting the word with , pAuk�::- PAT]T�. AUKWVE� 'stuck (Laconian) (H.). •

�

�Aac5£i� [adj.] . aouvuTol E� aoUVUTwv 'powerless'; PAUOUpOV· EKAEAuf.Levov, xuuvov 'flaccid, porous' and PAUOUpU· awpu, f.Lwpu, wf.Lu 'untimely, sluggish' and PAUOUV [?] . vwepw� 'slothful', and pAu86v· aouvuTov 'powerless' (H.). � IE? *mld-u-� .VAR These words are sometimes identified with PAUOU� Hp. Aer. 20; perhaps PAUOUpO� 'bottle' Gal. 19, 88 is related, too. .ETYM In spite of the variation, mostly only PAUOU� is cited, although the appurtenance of that form is actually doubtful. On that basis, the word is often equated with Skt. mrdu-; Lat. mollis < *moldyi- 'soft', and further connected with

218 � UflUAOUVW. EVidently, the latter connection is impossible in IE terms because of the prothetic vowel; Arm. melk 'weak, soft' shows that this group had no initial laryngeal. Rather, I would take the variation in the suffix and that in the initial (presence vs. absence of a prothetic vowel) as indications of substrate origin, although this cannot be proven independently. , �Aai [?] �AT]X� [corr. for �AT]T'l], AaKwvEC; 'bleating (Lacon.) (H.). �ACt�T]. �Aa(Jnivw [v.] 'to bud, sprout, grow' (A.). TJfltw [v.] 'to speak profanely, slander' (Arist.). �M11W. �Aiip =>O£AWp. �Aiipat [f.] aL Kv[om. aAAOl XOpTOV. OL o£ TWV oa11p(wv T�V KaACtflTjv. 'nettles; fodder, the stalk of straw of pulse' (H.). � ?� .ETYM The conjecture of Stromberg 1944: 54f. is improbable. Note that the gloss is corrupt (the case forms do not agree); perhaps one should assume a second gloss (1.\ - XOpTOV , t-'ATjP' . . . '(. .

�ATJaTp(�w =>�UAAW.

1

1

221 �AiiTPOV [n.] 'bolt, plug' (like in MoGr.); only 0 678 �U�Alxa�. �AlKa� [m.]/[f.]? . mJKOU �l�PWO'KW. �6pacr(jo

�pu9u.

�6p�opo�po�m. �p6xo� [m.] 'noose, slip-knot' (Od.). � PG(v)� .VAR �puYXo O£lO[aKOflaL. liTj6u => o�v. d'l·iuVElpa => o�·(o 8� . 61lw [v.] 'I shall find' (11.); the future mg. is based on the perfective aspect of the verb (Schwyzer 1950: 265). 8iyavuflul. �lTJV£KI\I.; [adj.] 'uninterrupted, definite, exact' (11.; on the mg. Luther 1935: 64f.). v (PSI 8, 971, 17 [Ill-IVPl), of flax (Bd. Dioel. 28, 61). ETYM The second member is perhaps connected to AUCYlO Ion. EWVTOU, Att. £auTou, EOl mJ-r4> > Ion. EWUT4>, Att. EaUT4>, ete.; thus also loflewUTou, aewuTou, lo flauTOu, a(e)auTou, etc. (Horn. E aUTov, efl' aUTOv, EO aUTou, loflol aUT4>, etc.). Details are included in Schwyzer: 607 and 402 and Schwyzer 1950: 193ff. A remarkable parallel is found in Phrygian: OPhr. ven avtun, NPhr. oe aULal. •

tacp611 [v.aor.] Mg. uncertain (of aa1tl� Kat KOpU Att. 8ewfl£v). Cf. on � £iaflevll. t�c5o��KovTa [num.] 'seventy' (Hdt.). km OLith. sekmas. Cf. � £mu. •

•

e�£voe1tlKUpO'lOC;. tYKac; [adv.] 'deep inside' (Hp., GaL) . .;!( ?� VAR Also eyKac;. ETYM Related to � eyKaTa; formation like aYKuc;, eVTU1tUC;, etc. (Schwyzer: 631). DELG considers an analysis in ev- and -Kac;, as in E-Kac;, ava-Kuc;. •

•

eyKplC;, -100C;

371

EYKa't'a [n.pl.] 'intestines' (11.). ';!( GR?� .VAR Dat.pl. eyKUO'l (A 438); as a back-formation later sing. eYKa't'ov (LXX, Luc.) . .DER eYKa't'oac; 'containing intestines' (Nic.), eYKaTwoTJC; 'like intestines' (sch.). .ETYM Uncertain. Leumann 1950: 158' derives it from *eYKaToc; 'interior', which contains ev- just as eO'xaToc; contains e�-; eyKaO'l would then be an innovation based on youvaO'l, etc. Lacon. eYKuTov , eYKaTov (H.) is folk-etymological, based on � KUTOC; 'skin, trunk, body'. tYK1Uacpov [?] . oupu 'tail', also eYKlAAov· oupuv (H.) . .;!( ?� .ETYM The word has been compared with � KlAAOC; 'grey' (K1AAOC; 'donkey, i.e. the grey one'), or � K1AAup0C;' O'ElO'01tuY1C; 'wagtail' (H.). On -cpOC;, see Chantraine 1933: 264· tyKA1C; [f.] . � KayKEAAwT� eupa 'entrance furnished with a railing', (EM 518, 22). ';!( GR� .ETYM Related to fYKAlvw, with the same formation as in OLKA1C;; see � OLKA10EC;. Cf. also Stromberg 1944: 15. tYKoaKlOat [?] . eYXEUl Mepa 'pour in secretly' (H.). .;!( ?� .ETYM Groselj Ziva Ant. 4 (1954): 169 compares KOla· KAE"'TJfla (H.). tYKOlWTal [f.pl.] scil. oapKval, 'deposited money' (Gortyn). .ETYM Derived from *eYKolow, -OOflUl, which is probably a denominative from *eYKOloc;, which belongs to KOLOV' eVEXupoV 'pledge' (H.). See there for further etymology. tYKOVEW [v.] 'to hurry, be quick and active in service' (11.). ';!( IE *ken- 'be active'� .DIAL Perhaps here Myc. ka-si-ko-no. .DER eYKovTJTl [adv.] 'quickly' (PL), eYKovlC; 'servant' (Suid.). Beside eYKovEw stands OLaKovEw (with � OLUKOVOC;, s.v.); further perhaps aYKovEw 'hurry' in Ar. Lys. 1311; thence aYKovouC;' olaKovouc;, OOUAOUC; 'servants, slaves' (H.). The Simplex only in H. Kova' O'1tEu8£, TPEXE 'hasten, run [ipv.]' and Kovdv· e1tEly£O'eUl, eVEpydv 'to hurry oneself, be in action' with KovTJTU1' eEpU1tOVTEC; 'attendants'. Note Kovapov· . . . OpaO'T�plOV and KovapwTEpoV' opaO''t'lKWTEpOV 'more efficient' (H.). Uncertain is a­ KovlTl (Olympia, Th.); cf. on � KOVlC;. .ETYM Iterative-intensive verb, mostly connected with Lat. conor, conar'i 'exert onself, try' (see De Vaan 2008 s.v.). Tremblay Sprache 38 (1998): 14-30, connects these words with the root *ken- 'to rise', assuming a lengthened grade adjective for Latin. Other comparanda come from Celtic, e.g. MW digoni 'to make', W dichon, digon 'can' (Pok. 564). tyKpaolxoAoC; [m.] 'kind of anchovy' (Arist.). ';!( GR� .ETYM SO called because the intestines are attached to the head? See Thompson 1947 s.v. tYKpiC;, -i6oC; [f.] 'cake made of oil and honey' (Stesich., corn.) . .;!( ?� .COMP eYKplOO-1tWATJC; 'seller of e. ' (corn.).

372 .ETYM A back-formation from eYK£pavvuf.ll, eYK£paaaL 'mix III is formally impossible. Neither is it connected to eYKplv£lv (Stromberg 1944: 15). tYKVTI [adv.] 'to the skin' (Archil., Call.). K1JTOe;. typ�oow =>ey£lpw. fYX£AVe;, -Voe; [f.] 'eel' (ll.). e'LATj. t:lATJ 2 [f.] 'warmth, heat of the sun' (Ar. Ve. 772 [v.l. EATjl, Luc.). .VAR Also £'LATj, EATj; �EAa (=FEAa} �ALO£Al�. Ulxpuao� [m.] plant name 'Heliochrysum siculum, goldflower' (Alcm., Ibyc.); also £An6xpuao� (Thphr.). � GR?� .VAR Also -ov [n.] (see on � �OUTUpOV). .ETYM Named after its golden yellow flower (Stromberg 1940: 25). Like e.g. £AnoaEAlvov, £An6xpuao� is understandable as a compound of £Ano� and xpua6� (related to £Ao�?), after the compounds in aypl(o)-, e.g. aypl-EAatO� = ayplo� EAatO� (see Risch IF 59 (1949): 257). The form £Al- is a further shortening after aypl-, aiyl-,

412 KUAAl-, etc. Stromberg 1940: 153 thinks it is a loan. The locus in Alcman (16) has no digamma; cf. Solmsen 1901: 146. DELG considers the variant £Aelo- either a mistake or an 'etymologie populaire deraisonnable'. EAKO" [n.] 'wound, ulcer' (ll.). � IE *h,elk-os 'ulcer'� COMP As a first member in £AKO-1WlO£nLUXEpW. hTuu6u .VAR £VTEU8EV. =>£v8u. EvrE =>£UT£.

£vroe;

431

EVTEU [n.pl.] 'equipment', especially 'defensive weapons' (ll.; cf. Triimpy 1950: 79ff.). � ?� VAR £VlOe; [ sg.] (Archil. 6). .COMP As a first member in £vTEm-ll�uTwP (also £VT£O-)- £1l1tElpOe; 01tAWV 'experienced with tools/weapons' (H.), further in £vTEm-Epyoue; [acc.pl.] 'working harnessed'(?), epithet of �lllovoue; (0 277). . .ETYM Beside £VTW, there is £VTUVW, -OllaL, £VTUW, aor. £VTUVaL 'to equip, prepare' (ll.). As it recalls UpTU(V)W, it may have been built after this verb (Porzig 1942: 338). A basic noun *£VTUe; could be assumed. Connection with � livulll, UVUW is impossible (see Frisk). Compare � £vupu and � uu8evTT]e; (on the psilosis, see Chantraine 1942: ' 186). •

£VTEAEXELU [f.] philosophical notion created by Aristotle, 'completion, fullness' (opposed to OUVUllle;). � GR?� .ETYM Compound from £VTEAEe; EX£lV (cf. uuveX£lu, vouveX£lu, etc.), hardly from the rare and doubtful £VTEAEx�e;; the resemblance to £vOeAEx�e;, -£lU has led to mistakes in the mss . EVTEPU [n.pl.] 'intestines, bowels', also sing. 'gut' (ll.). � IE *h1entero- 'inside part'� .COMP As a first member e.g. in £VTEpO-K�AT] 'breach of the intestines, hernia' (Dsc., GaL; see Risch IF 59 (1949): 285, Stromberg 1944: 69). .DER Diminutive £VTEPIOlU (Corn.); also £vTepLOv (M. Ant. 6, 13?; form and mg. uncertain); £VTEPlWVT] 'inside of a fruit, heartwood of a plant or tree' (Hp., Thphr.; Stromberg 1937: 127f.); formation like iumwvT], eipEmwvT] (Chantraine 1933: 208); £VTEPOV£lU (Ar. Eq. 1185) mg. unclear; acc. to H. and Suid. = £VTEPlWVT] 'innermost part'; adjectives £VTEplKOe; 'of the E.' (Arist.), £vTeplVOe; 'made from bowels' (sch.); denominative verb £VTEPEUW 'gut fishes' (Corn.). .ETYM Old word for intestines, identical with Arm. ;mder-k' [pl.] , -ac' [gen.pl.] and with ON iorar [pI.] < PGm. *inperoz. Hiibschmann 1897: 447f. suggested that ilie Arm. word was borrowed from Greek. The original adjectivial meaning is preserved in Skt. antara-, Av. antara- 'being inside', with Osc. Entrai [dat.sg.] *'Interae', name of a goddess; in Latin, it was replaced by interior. IE *h1enter-o is an adjective derived from an adverb *enter, preserved in Skt. antar 'inside', Lat. inter 'between'. Besides OHG untar, there is also Osc. anter 'under' 'amongst' from the zero grade *hl1}ter. At the basis is the adverb *h1en (see � £v) with the comparative suffix -ter; see Benveniste 1948: l2of. =

tVTOATJ =>TeAAw 1. EVLO£VTW. tVTOll7toAo.iC; and AaUC;. £7tL!l��lOV [n.] a plant (Dsc., Gal.). � ?� oETYM Named after the plant � fl�OlOV. The parasitic nature of the plant may also have given rise to the name; cf. synonymous � CtfluflTjAIC; and � ofloflTjAIC;. bnf.lTJAIC;, -1�OC; [f.] 'medlar, mespilus germanica' (Dsc., Gal.). oETYM Derived from fl�AOV, because of the similarity with the apple tree (Stromberg 1944: 32f.). See � !l�AOV, � E7tLfl�OLOV. brlVTJTpOV =>VEW. £rrl�£voc; 1 'foreigner'. =>�EVOC;. £rrl�£voc; 2 [m.] . E7tLX8oVLOC; 'upon the earth' (H.). � IE *dh/em- 'earth'?� oETYM Unclear. Ace. to Hoffmann 1921: 80, it is from X8wv with a special development; cf. Schwyzer: 326. Because of �£VWVI:: C;· ot CtVOpwv£C; uno cDpuywv , 'men's appartments (Phrygian) (H.), Pisani AnFilCI 6 (1953-54): 213 considered it to be Phrygian, which is rejected by DELG. £rrl�TJvov [n.] 'chopping block, hangman's block' (A., Ar., Eust., H.). � IE? *kes- (*kses-) 'cut, split'� oDER Cf. �TjVOC; 'KoPfloC;, trunk' (Suid.) from � �EW 'carve, polish'. oETYM Enl�Tjvov is rather from � �ulvw, modelled on E7tLKOnUVOV 'chopping-block' (Hell.), than from E7tL-�EW. _

=

£rrlopKoc;, -ov [adj.] 'perjurious' (T 264), later msc. 'perjurer' (Hes., Gortyn, ete.). � GR� oVAR In Horn. only in EnlopKov 0fl0�-flT] respectively (Chantraine 1933: 173, 148; Schwyzer: 522); likewise in the verbal adjective. emoTT]Toc; 'what can be understood' (PI., Arist.). oETYM From *em-hla-ruflUL with early loss of the breath and vowel contraction (hyphaeresis). Through the semantic development *'stand before something' > 'be confronted with sth., take knowledge of sth.'; likewise, OHG firstan, OE forstandan. The word enlolaflUL was also formally separated from La-ruflUL, which already in Homer had lead to a new verb eq:>-la-ruflUL 'stand at'. Ace. to others, it is an old fomation without reduplication (litt. in Schwyzer: 6752); acc. to Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:3, 160, it is a recent formation from an aorist em-a-rUflEvOC;, -OTUlflT]v.

tn:i(J't�c; [?] 'prop' (inscr. Delos 340, 11, Ira). � GR� .ETYM Probably from � La-rTjflL. tn:i(JlloV [n.] 'staple-town, slip or shed for a ship' (� 265). � ?� .ETYM Term from shipbuilding, explained by Aristarchus as KuniAuflu and identified with e 8apao 8oxoe;. ewr.uy�, -lyyO� [f] 'cord, string; bow-string' (Hdt., trag., etc.). � PG(s)� .DER Denominative 8wfllaael' vuaa£l, 8wfleu£l 'to pierce, fetter' (H.), 8Wfllx8de; (Anacr.). .ETYM Formation in -lyy-, which proves Pre-Greek origin. eW!-l6� [m.] 'heap' (A., Ar., Thphr.). � IE *dheh,- 'set, lay'� .DER Denominative 8wfleuam· auflf1l�m, auvayaydv 'mix together, gather together' (H.). .ETYM Probably identical with a Gm. word for 'judgement, opinion, situation, etc.', Go. doms, ON d6mr, OHG tuom. An old verbal noun of lE dheh,- 'set, lay' (see .. Tl8T]fll), thus it properly means 'setting', etc.; cf. .. 8£0le;, .. 8T]flwv. ewpa� [m.] 'cuirass' (ll.), 'trunk, chest' (Hp.). � PG� .VAR Ion. 8wpT]�, hyper-Aeol. plur. 8oppaKee; (Ale.). DIAL Myc. to-ra-ke [n.pl.] . COMP E.g. 8wpaKo-

"IwvEe;.

'Ia7tETOC; [m.] Iapetos (11.). I, see Schwyzer: 256) . A different etymology connects it with Skt. vi 'separate', in which case Arg. hlOIO� would have its aspiration after eauTou, I::Ka0To�, etc. However, an equivalent of Skt. vi is not found elsewhere in Greek. •

tS(w [v.] 'to sweat' (u 204, Hp., corn.). ALKfluw. 'lKf.l£VO epic Ilouvoe;, Att. Ilovoe;, and *oAFoe; > epic ODAOe;, Att. OAOe;, etc. As IE * -sy- was not retained in Greek, the comparison with Skt. vi?u- 'to several sides' must be given up. Phonetically, a basic form *yit'yo- would do, but the •

•

•

[aTia

601

morphological connection to a zero grade * poa- from dooe; 'shape' (thus Brugmann-Delbruck 1897-1916 2:1, 205) is hypothetical. An ingenious but probably incorrect analysis as Ouw 'two' + thematization of a suffix -TU- by Meillet BSL 26 (1925): l2f. Extensive discussion by Ruijgh Minos 20-22 (1987): 533-544.

loocpapl�w [v.] 'to match oneself against, measure oneself with' (ll., Hes., Simon., Theoe.); 'to make equal' (Nic. rh. 572). lVOV XWplOV, Kat TO o pOC;. Kat OlKOC;, Kat a TOUTOU Lat. eneaustum; the red purple with which the Roman emperors signed, from where Fr. enere); also lmOKUU-O'lKaA6e;. •

KaAov [n.] 'wood, logs (for burning), timber' (h. Mere. U2, Hes. Op. 427, Ion. trag., Call., Cyrene), also 'wood for ships' = 'ship' (Lacon. in Ar. Lys. 1253, X. HG 1, 1,23, PIu. Ale. 28.). 0 - u; see Fur.: 340. KaAUYEOXAOl. LlKEAOl (H.), not mentioned in Frisk or DELG, which is completely self-evident. The interchange K/ X proves Pre-Greek origin. Fur. doubts the appurtenance of Lat. cancer < *karkro-, and prefers to connect it with yayypatvu, yayyAlov. For KUPKlVOC;, he also adduces (op.cit. 130) the PN KEpKlVOC; and the HN KEPKlVEUC; (Thessaly), with *KEpKlV-. The suffix -lVO- can also be Pre­ Greek (Fur.: 12954; Pre-Greek: Sufftxes). KUPVTJ [f.] . (llfllu 'punishment' (H.). � ?� .VAR mhoKupvOC;· U1JTo(�fllOC; 'self-punished' (H.). .ETYM It has traditionally been compared with Lat. carinare 'insult, ridicule' (Enn., gramm.) and (without an n-sufftx) several Celtic, Germanic and Balto-Slavic words: OIr. caire 'blame', OHG harawen 'mock', Latv. karinat 'tease', Ru. kor 'insult, scoff; perhaps also ToAB kiirn"- probably 'to strike, afflict'. Note that KUpV- can hardly be explained in lE terms (*r would give pu), which means that the word may be Pre­ Greek. The word Kapuvvoc; hardly belongs here, although glossed as (llfllu by H. (cf. DELG), or *KUPUVl(ElV 'to behead' in KUpUVlOT�p, -T�C;, which is derived from Kapavov (see � Kapllvu). See � KEpTOflEW. KUpVOC; [?] . aKacpwp'l. KaXa.(w [v.] 'to laugh loudly' (lA, Theoc.). � IE *kha kha 'ha ha'� .VAR Also KaKXu(w, Kayxu(w (on the gemination and nasalization see Schwyzer: 315 and 647) , aor. KaXCtaaL, fut. Kaxa�w (Theoc.) . COMP Also with prefix, e.g. ava-, EK-. •

.� ,I

660

.DER Kuxu K£lflUL. KELp tU [f.] 'girth of a bedstead, bandage (for wounds, dead), tapeworms' (Ar. Av. 816, LXX, pap., medic., Ev. fa. 11, 44). - KELflUL. KeLWV 2 'splitting' (� 425). => KEa�w. KEKUl)WV [ptc.aor.act.] 'robbing' (A 334). -XWP�KEl 'had withdrawn' (H.). .ETYM The difference of meaning between the active-transitive and the middle­ intransitive forms may perhaps be explained from the diathesis. The glosses KaoupoKupolu. KTJ paq>lC; => KUpU�Oe;. KTJp6C; [m.] 'wax' (Od.). � PG?� .COMP Frequent as a first member, e.g. KllpO-OETOe; 'fixed together with wax (Theoc.), KllpO-1tAUaTlle; 'wax sculptor' (Pl.), KllpO-TaKle; [f.] 'hot plate' (to keep wax paints hot) (PHolm. 6, 33; cf. Lagercrantz 1913: ad loc.) . As a second member e.g. in maao-KllpOe; [m.] 'propolis, a mix of resin and wax by which bees stop up their hives, bee-bread' (Arist., Plin.); also Kllpo-maaoe; 'ointment from wax and resin' (Hp.), cf. Risch IF 59 (1949) : 58, flEAI-Kllpoe; 'bee-wax' (pap.); flEAl-KtlPlOV 'honeycomb' (Srn.), flEAl-Kllple; 'id.', metaph. 'cyst or wen' resembling a honeycomb (Hp., pap.), the same metaph. in flEAI-Kllpii [f.] 'spawn of the murex' (Arist.) . DER 1. KllPlov 'wax-cake, honeycomb' (lA, h. Mere. 559) , KllPIOLOV (Aet.), KllplWolle; 'like a honeycomb' (Thphr.), Kllplwflu 'tearing eyes' (S. Fr. 715), KllPlU�W [v.] 'to spawn', of the murex, as its spawn resembles a honeycomb (Arist.). 2. KtlPlVOe; 'of wax' (Alem., Att.), KllPlvll (se. Efl1tAUa-rpOe;) name of a plaster (medic.); 3· KtlPlV80e; [m.] 'bee-bread' (Arist., Plin., H.); 4. KllPlwv, -wvoe; 'wax-candle, -torch' (PIu., Gal.); 5. KllPWV, -wvoe; 'bee-hive' (sch.); 6. Kllple; fish name, perhaps Klpple; (Diph. Siph., Alex. Trall.; see � KlppOe;), probably after its yellow color; cf. Stromberg 1943: 20f., Thompson 1947 s.v. 7. KllplTle; (AI80e;) 'wax-like stone' (cerae similis, Plin. HN 37, 153); 8. *Kllpotiaau in Lat. cerussa 'white lead' (Plaut.). Denominative verbs: 1. KllpoOflaL [v.] 'to be covered with wax', -ow 'to cover with wax' (Hp., Herod., AP), whence KtlPWOle; 'bee-wax' (Arist.); Ktlpwflu 'wax-ointment, -plaster' (Hp.), cf. Lat. ceroma, with -flunKOe;, -fluTITlle;, -flunaTtle;; KllPWTtl 'id.' (Hp., Ar., Dse.), KllPWTUPLOV 'id.' (medic.); 2. KllPI�W [v.] 'to look like wax' (Zos. Aleh.). .ETYM Baltic has a similar word for 'honeycomb': Lith. korys, Latv. kare(s); however, these point to a pre-form *kari-, and comparison with KllpOe; is doubtful because all •

=

KTjpUAOe; Greek evidence points to PGr. *kero-. As there is no evdience for Indo-European apiculture, we have to reckon with foreign origin for KTjp6e;, cf. Chantraine 1933: 371. From KTjp6e;, Latin may have borrowed cera (details in WH s.v.); from Lat. cereolus, Greek took KTjploAoe; 'wax candle' (Ephesus lIP). The word K�pLvEloe; 'bee-bread' seems Pre-Greek. KllPVAoe; [m.] name of a bird, identified with or compared to the kingfisher aAKUWv (Alcm., Archil., Ar., Arist.); see Thompson 1895 s.v. � PG? (S) � .VAR In Ar. Av. 299f. it is written K£LpUAOe;, as a nickname referring to KElp£Lv. DER KTjpUAOe;· apaTjv OpVLe; auvouaLuaTLK6e; 'sociable male bird' (H.). ETYM No etymology. With the root KTjP- (or perhaps KTjA- with dissimilation), it has been compared with Skt. scmi- 'motley', sari- a kind of bird, but such comparisons amount to nothing. The suffix -UAO- occurs in Pre-Greek words. •

•

K�pUVOC; [m.] a throw of the dice (Eub. 57, 2). � PG?� VAR Also KUpUVVOe; (Phot.). .ETYM Unexplained. Probably Pre-Greek. •

Kqpu� [m.] 'herald, messenger', also 'trumpet-shell' (ll.). � PG (s,v) � .VAR Accented K�pU� in Hdn. (cf. Schwyzer 391); Dor. Aeol. KUpU�, -UKOe;. ·DIAL Myc. ka-ru-ke Ikiiriikesl. ·COMP As a second member e.g. in OP0f.l0-K�pU� 'courier' (Aeschin.). .DER 1. Feminine: KTjPUKaLVU 'heraldess' (Ar. Ec. 713), cf. Chantraine 1933: 108; 2. Patronymic KTjpuKIOaL [m.] 'descendants of the Athenian family of the K�pUKEe;' (Poll.). 3· Adjectives: KTjpUK£LOe; 'belonging to the herald' (S.), mostly ntr. KTjPUK(E)LOV, Dor. Kap-; Ion. KTjpUK�·lOV 'herald's wand' (lA Dor.); borrowed into Lat. ciiduceum, -eus, cf. WH s.v., also as a constellation (Scherer 1953: 200); 'auctioneer's fee, tax on auction sales' (Hell. inscr. and pap.); KUpUK�FLoe; Boeotian name of Apollo (Tanagra, Thebes, VP); KTjpUKLK6e; 'regarding the herald' (Pl.), -LVOe; 'belonging to the herald' (pap., SUid.), -woTje; 'like the trumpet-shell' (Arist.). Denominative verbs: 1. KTjpuaaw 'to be herald, broadcast, announce' (ll.), Att. -UTTW, Dor., etc. Kap-; K�pUYf.lU 'herald's cry, announcement' (lA), KTjpuYf.l6e; (sch.), K�pU�Le; (D. C.) 'id.'; 2. KTjPUKEUW [v.] 'to act as a herald, announce' (Att.), whence KTjpuK£lu, -Tj[Tj 'herald's service' (lA), KTjpUKEUf.lU 'announcement' (A. Th. 651), -Wale; 'id.' (Suid.). .ETYM Traditionally compared with Skt. kcini- 'Singer, poet'. However, Beekes 2003: 109-116 showed that Greek does not have an 'enlargement' -K- (the examples in Schwyzer: 496 are few and doubtful); furthermore, in this manner, the long U could not be explained. Words in -UK- all have very different meanings and are probably non-lE. Therefore, the word is most probably Pre-Greek. In this way, the gloss KOpUYTje;· K�pU�. L1WPLeIC; (H.), hitherto unexplained, can also be understood: Pre­ Greek *a interchanging with *0 before a following *u. The *a that we must assume for the gloss was short, so this is another variant of the same word. KilToc;, -wc; [n.] 'big sea-animal, sea-monster' (ll.), 'whale' (Arist.); also name of a constellation (Arat.; Scherer 1953: 187). � PG?�

.COMP KTjT6-oopnoc; (auf.lKUUU�. KTjq>�V, -ilvoc; [m.] 'drone', often metaph. 'lazy vagabond' (Hes.), also used for Asiatic peoples by the Anatolian Greeks, e.g. for the Persians (Hdt. 7, 61), like in Slavic languages, Nemec 'German' originally means "someone dumb". � PG (s) � .VAR Also KU KlV£W. KlVW1tETOV [n.] 'venomous animal, especially a snake' (Call. Jov. 25, Nic. rh. 27 and 195).

=>

K£pavvuf.ll.

CtKlpl KOAOC;. KOAa�, -aKo� [m.] 'flatterer, fawner' (Att., HelL). � PG(s)� .COMP Often as a second member (com.), e.g. KVlao-KoAa�; see Risch IF 59 (1949): 277· .DER KOAaK£la (Democr., Pl.), KOAaKlC; [f.] (Clearch., PIu.), KOAaKlKoc; 'flattering' (PI.) and KOAaK£uw 'to flatter' (Att. HelL); KOAaK£ulla (X.) 'flattering', KOAaK£UTlKOC; 'id.' (Pl.), KOAaKwr�c; KOAa� (gloss.). .ETYM A word from Attic everyday language without established etymology. As the suffIx -aK- originates from Pre-Greek, the same probably holds for this word. :=:

KOAumw [v.] 'to peck (of birds), strike, carve, engrave' (lA, Aeol.) . � PG� VAR Aor. KoAu\lfal. .COMP Also with preflx, especially ev-, eK-. .DER eY-KoAa\lflC; 'inscription', eK- 'obliteration' (inscr., Arist.), eY-KoAalllla 'inscription' (LXX, Priene), (eY-)KoAamoc; 'carved out' (inscr., LXX); KOAam�p [m.] 'chisel' with ola-KOAaTtTTjPl�W 'to engrave with a chisel' (Lebadeia); also opu(0)­ KOAam- [T] TjC; 'woodpecker' (Ar., Arist.; see further � opUC;), a compound of 06pu and KOAamElV with suffIxal -TTjC;, similar Kpavo-KoAamTjC; name of a venomous spider (Philum.). ETYM Frisk and DELG assume that KOAamw derives from an lE root *kelh2-, and that it replaces a primary verb by adding -amw after verbs with similar meaning, like aKamw, oapoamw, Komw; the resultant form perhaps replaced a primary verb preserved in Lith. kdlti, ISg. kalit 'to forge, hammer', OCS klati, koljp 'a Komw. Komra [n.] 'name of the character q, which originally stood between Tt and p in the alphabet' (Parmeno 1) ; also a sign for '90' (pap.). KOpSlAUL. , Kop9ue;, -uoe; [f.] 'heap (of grain?), sheaf(?) (Theoc. 10, 46: KOpSUO mxpv0'V' KOpOe;; 1 'satiety, surfeit, insolence'. => Ko.pevvufll. KOpOe;; 2 [m.] 'yo.uth, boy, son'

.

•

VAR Io.n. Ko.VpOe;;. => Ko PIl.

KOpOe;; 3 [m.] name of a measure o.f capacity for grain, flour, etc.; ace.to J. AJ 15, 9, 2 it equals 10 Att. medimnes (LXX, J., Ev. Luc., pap.). � LW Sem.�

KOpUOOe;;

755

.ETYM A loan from Semitic; cf. Hebr. k6r, originally a round vessel (Lewy 1895: 116).

KOPOIl [f.] 'temple, hair on the temple', metaph. 'parapets, etc.' (ll.); mainly po.etic, except in Att. expressions like n:anxp0P£lO 'wagon') is represented almost everywhere, one may wonder if the meaning 'circle' is secondary. An original meaning 'turning, turner' is suspected for the Baltic word for 'neck', e.g. Lith. kaklas < IE *kwo-kwl-o- (?) . KUKVOC; [m.] 'swan' (ll.), also name of a ship, after the front part (Nicostr. Corn.), and of an eye-salve, after its color (Gal.), whence KUKvaplov 'id.' (Aet., Gal.); also as a PN (Pi.). � IE? *(s)keuk- 'lighten, be white'� .DER KUKV£lOC; 'of the swan' (Pi., S., Hell.), fern. -lnc; (S.); KUKvLac; [m.] name of a white eagle (Paus.), cf. KopaKLac;, etc., Chantraine 1933: 94. .ETYM Abundant discussion on KUKVOC; in Thompson 1895 s.v. Connected with Skt. socati 'to lighten, glow', sukra- 'light, clear, white'; the root is now reconstructed as *(s)keuk- by Lubotsky Inc. ling. 24 (2001) (formerly *keuk-) . KUKUl

AUflLU =>Aaflupo�VLOL (H.) by Latte Glotta 34 (1955): 197, who reads AanaAELXW. AL,/" Al�6� =>Adpw . Al,/,ovpLa [f.] 'desire to urinate' (A. Ch. 756). Aufla. AVKa.pa�, -aVTO� [m.] attested since T 306 = � 161, A. R. 1. 198, Bion Fr. 15: 15; grave­ epigrams (imperial period) from Arcadia and Ionia. Time-indication of uncertain mg., usually explained as 'year' and used in this sense by later authors, who seem all to be based on T 306; ace. to Leumann 1950: 2124 rather 'new moon' (against this Ruijgh 1957: 147). The supposed Arcadian origin (AB) probably refers to the late Arcadian inscriptions, see Leumann: 273. � PG(V)� VAR Also acc. -�av, also AUKaflac; (inscr. Amorgos, Kretschmer Glotta 2 (1910): 319). 'DER AuKa�avTlOee; dJPaL (AP) . .ETYM Unrelated is the TN AUKa�T]TTOe;. All existing explanations are unconvincing: e.g. original meaning "light-circle", from *AUK- 'light' (see on AUxvOe;) and li�a· TpOXOe; 'wheel' (H.); or originally "Lycian king (or priest, god)", i.e. Apollo, so elliptical for 'festival of Apollo', and a Lydian word. More dated suggestions are found in Frisk (with lit.). Recently, Koller Glotta 51 (1973): 29-34 explained the word from *AuKa �avTa 'das weggegangene Licht', so ilie moonless night of the new moon. This cannot be correct: the variant with fl and the suffix -aVT- clearly point to Pre-Greek origin. •

AVKa.,!,O�, -6� [f.] name of a poisonous plant, 'Echium italicum' (Nic., Dsc.). � PG? (S, V)� .VAR v.l. AUKO'VOe; (Dsc. 4, 46). .DER Also AUKa'!'Ie;. ETYM Frisk explains, following Stromberg 1944: 100f. on Xop8a'V0e;, that it originally meant "attacking wolves", because it was poisonous (like AUKO-KTOVOV, etc., Stromberg 1940: 66 and 70f.). However, the suffix also occurs in aKlv8a'Voe; and in the town Galepsos, so it is more probably a Pre-Greek form (note the interchange a/o). •

AVKTJY£V�� [adj.] epithet of Apollo (� 101, 119). � GR� .ETYM Like for AUK£lOe; (A.), for AUKT]-YEV�e; several connections have been attempted: with the wolf, the Lycians, and earlier also with light (cf. on AUXVOe;). There is little doubt now that it means 'born in Lycia', see e.g. Beekes JANER 3 (2003): 15f. The antiquity of the formation appears from the lack of the compositional -l- in AUKl-. AUKLOV [n.] 'dyer's buckthorn, Rhamnus petiolaris', also a decoction from it (Peripl. M Rubr., Dsc., Gal.). � GR?� .ETYM Perhaps originally "the Lycian (plant)", named after its place of origin: cf. Dsc. 1, 100 CPUETal 8e MElaTov £V KaTma80KIpa [f.] 'lyre', four-stringed (or seven-stringed) instrument like the cithara (h. Mere. 423). � PG� .VAR Ion. AVPT]. .COMP Compounds like AUpO-TtOlOe; 'fabricator of lyres' (Pl.), uVTL-Aupoe; 'like the lyre' (S.). .DER Diminutives AVPLOV (Ar.), Aupie; (Hdn. Gr.); further AUplKOe; 'ptng. to the lyre; lyre-player' (Phld., PIu.); AupL(w [v.] 'to play the lyre' (Chrysipp.), cf. Schwyzer: 736; instead, Kl8upL(w is usual; thencewith AuplaT�e; 'lyre-player' (Plin.), -La-rPlu [f.] (sch.), -lalloe; 'playing the lyre' (sch.) . .ETYM Technical loan from the Mediterranian area; cf. � Kl8apa. lE etymologies should be rejected. Borrowed as Lat. lyra; OHG lira > MoHG Leier, etc. AUOln:A�e; [adj.] 'useful, profitable, advantageous' (lA). � GR� .DER AUatTEAEW 'be profitable, useful' (lA), -TEAEtU 'profit, advantage'. .ETYM Properly "paying the costs", a governing compound of AVEtv and Ta TEAT]. Mooa [f.] '(martial) rage, fury, frenzy' (11.), 'rabies' (X., Arist.). � IE *leuk- 'light', GR AUK- 'wolf� .VAR Att. AUHU. .COMP Some compounds like Auaao-Iluv�e; 'mad for rage' (AP), a-AUaaOe; 'healing Auaau' (Paus.), a-AUaaOV [n.] name of a plant, the seeds of which were used against rabies (Stromberg 1940: 91). .DER Auaaae; [f.] 'raging' (E.), Auaa-wOT]e; (N 53, etc.), -uA€oe; (A. R., Man.), -�pT]e; (Orph., Man.), -�Ele; (H.) 'id.'; AuaaT]86v [adv.] (Opp.). Denominative verbs: 1. Auaaaw, -Haw [v.] 'to rage, rave, be mad' (Hdt., Ar., S., Pl.), with Auaa'1T�p epithet

880 of KUWV (6 299; cf. AP 5, 265) , and Auaarrr� A6.8uvov, � A�8uvov. Hyllested 2004 assumes *lyh3-to-, with vocalization of the laryngeal, but the evidence for such a development is too limited. •

•

Awcpaw

885

Awcpaw [v.] 'to recover, take rest, let go' (PI. Phdr. 25IC), also trans. 'to quench, relieve' (poet.); on the mg. see Fowler Am/Ph. 78 (1957): 176 and 179. � ?� .VAR Also -£W (Hell.); aor. Awcp�aa L (since l 459), fut. Awcp�aw ( 292, etc.), perf. A£AWCPTjKU (Th., Pl.). .COMP Rarely with prefIx, e.g. KUTU-. .DER AWCPTj aLfluaTOe;.

[?] a fish (Epich. 69). fluaaw.

[adv.] 'very, quite, by all means' (ll.). m ? See recently Brust 2005: 415ff. The formation can hardly be IE. See � fluv8pa. flUVSUAOC; [m.] 'bolt of a door' (Med. apud Erot., Artem.). � ?� .DER flav8aAwIlE8w. IlESlllvoC; [m.] corn measure (lA), a "bushel" = 48 XOlvlKee;, which was about 52 1/2 liters in Athens. � PG� .VAR Older - lllvoe;; with dissimilation Fe8tllvoC; (Gortyn). .COMP As a second member in �IlE8lllvOV [n.] 'half-bushel', also -oe; [m.] (haplological for � lll-IlE8lllvov, originally a substantivized adj.). DER lle8lllv-laLOe; 'measuring one Il.' (Gortyn), -a1ov· IlETpOV 1l0810u (H.). ETYM Formally, IlE8q.lvoe; looks like IlEplllvU 'care, anxiety', ALllvT] 'harbor' (cf. AlllT]v), aLallvoe; 'wine-jar', etc. If we assume an enlarged mn-stem to the root *med­ (seen in Greek IlE80llUl 'to care', IlE8w 'to rule, govern', 1l�8w 'counsels, plans'). However, the - l- remains problematic. It is tempting to compare Lat. modius "bushel", derived from modus 'measure'. Because of the great number of loanwords in - Ilv-, Chantraine 1933: 216 considers the word to be of Mediterranean origin. To my mind, tlIe word must be Pre-Greek, in view of the suffIx -Ilv-. See Fur.: 2467'. •

•

IlESW [v.] 'to rule, govern' (Emp., trag.). � IE *med- 'measure'� .VAR Also -EW? Only present. .DER IlE8wv [ptc.] 'ruler' (Horn.), like apxwv, fern. -ouaa "ruling", name of one of the Gorgons (Hes.), also lle8£wv, -EOVTOe; 'id.' (ll., h. Mere.), fern. -Eouaa (h. Hom., Hes.); PN ME8wv, Aao-IlE8wv, etc., TN Me8ewv (Boeotia) in the sense "seat of government"(?). IlE80llUl [med.] 'to care for, think of, be prepared for' (ll.), only pres. except lle8�aollUl (I 650). Hence lle8LIl'P' �PWl 'hero' (H.), probably after Ku8l1l0e;, MKllloe;, etc. .ETYM In the sense of 'think of, be prepared for', IlE80llUl corresponds exactly to the Lat. frequentative meditor, -arl 'to reflect, meditate', beside which we find the primary verb medeor, -erl 'to heal' and tlIe primary noun modus 'measure', from

919 which modius, modestus and moderor are derived. Celtic has several cognates, e.g. OIr. mess 'iudicium' < *med-tu-, air-med 'measure'. The basic meaning 'measure' is found in Germanic as well: Go. mitan (also miton 'to consider'), OE metan, MoHG messen, etc. An old specialized meaning is found in Lat. medeor 'to heal' (originally 'to take measures' vel sim.?) and Av. vl-mad- 'healer, phYSician'. See � 1l�801lUl, which has been considered to show a lengthened grade of tlIe same root, but may also be from a different root *meh,(d)-. IlE�EU [n.pl.] 'male genitals'. =>1l�8w. IlEaU [n.] 'entoxicating drink, wine' (ll.). � IE *medh u- n. 'honey, intoxicating drink'� .VAR Gen. -uoe; (Pl. Epigr., Nic.) . COMP As a first member in lle8u-TIA��, -yoe; 'hit by wine, drunk' (Call., AP1.), etc. .DER Denominative verbs: lle8u-aKollUl (lA) 'to intoxicate oneself, be(come) drunk', aor. lle8u-a8�vUl (Ale., lA); act. lle8u-aKw 'to intoxicate oneself (Pl., Hell.), aor. lle8u(a)-aUl, fut. lle8f>aw; lle8u-w (only present-stem) = -uaKollUl, often metaph. (Od.). Verbal nouns: 1. IlE8T] [f.] 'drunkenness, intoxication' (lA), back-formation from lle8uw after TIAT]8uw : TIA�8T]; 2. IlE8ume; 'intoxication' (Thgn.), after TI6me; (Porzig 1942: 190); 3· IlE8ualla 'intoxicating drink' (LXX, Ph.). 4. IlE8uaoe; (-aT]) [m., f.] 'drunkard' (Hecat., Ar.), first of women; also lle8uaT]e; 'id.' (Ath., Luc.); 5. lle8uaT�e; 'id.' (Arr., AP), -uaTpla [f.] (Theopomp. Corn.), -uaLae; (Trag. Adesp.). 6 . . lle8ua-rlK6e; 'dipsomaniac, intoxicating' (Pl., Arist.); 7. lle8umov· e180e; UIlTIEAOU 'kind of grapevine' (H.); 8. lle8ullvULOe; epithet of Dionysus (PIu.); playful transformation of MT]8ullvaLOe; (from M�8ullva), according to H. an epithet of Dionysus (Wackernagel 1916: 1313) . PNs, e.g. ME8wv, -unoe;, -uaKOe;. On � uIlE8uaTOe;, see s.v. .ETYM Old word for 'honey, mead', which was retained in most languages: Skt. madhu- [n.] 'honey', Av. maou- [n.] 'currant wine', OCS med'b 'honey', LitlI. medus 'id.', ON mjoor, OHG metu [m.] 'mead', OIr. mid 'id.', ToB mit 'honey'. The meaning 'honey' was limited in Greek to ilEAL, which was inherited as well; the archaic word IlE8u, which (unlike its derivatives) was soon given up, referred to wine only. •

Ilt:lyvulll [v.] 'to mix, bring togetlIer, connect', med. 'to intermingle, convene in battle' (ll.). � IE *meig/k- 'mix'� .VAR ll£LyV-uw (X., Arist.), Illayw (Horn., lA, etc.), ovellelxvu-ro (Sapph.), aor. lleL�Ul, med. IllKTO (epic), pass. Illy�VUl with fut. -�aoIlUl, ll(e)lx8�vUl with -�aoIlUl, fut. Ilel�w, -OIlUl, perf. med. IlEIl(e)lYllUl; act. IlElllXa (Hell.). .COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. auv-, em-, KaTU-, uva-. As a first member in governing compounds Il(e)l�(o)-, e.g. Ill�-En'lVee; [pl.] 'semi-Hellenes' (Hellanic., Hell.), ll(e)l�6-8pooe; 'mixing the crying, with mixed cries' (A.); also Illay-, especially in Illay-ayK£La [f.] 'place where vall�ys meet' (L1 453), from *lllay-ayK�e;. As a second member in TIall-, uva-, aull-Illy�e;, etc. (lA); thence Illy�e; (Nic.), uva-, em-Ill� [adv.] 'mixed' (ll.).

920

DER Few derivatives: 1. (Jl)Il-)Il£l�Loll'lv. The oldest forms point to a reconstruction PGr. *owis-jelo-, which is supported by 6"iae�vaL and av-w"iaToC;. Then, 6(F)IOflaL developed into *6(F)!OflaL > o'(oflaL. •

•

1060

010oflo'Opoll1taTa�. opeovTo [v.] 'they stirred, hurried' (B 398, 'I'212). .YAR Lesb. op[vvw (only Hd.n., -v- Ale.; see Hamm 1957: 36 and 131), aor. opivaL, -aa9aL, pass. opLv9�vaL. .COMP Also with auv-, e�-, uv-. .DER op[VT'le; [m.] 'exciter' (Theognost.). Uncertain is the appurtenance of the Corinthian horsename OpLFwV (Fraenkel Gnomon 22 (1950): 238). .ETYM The present OPLVW, whence the other forms derive, may either be from *OpL-V1W (a yod-present built on a nasal present, like KA[VW) or from *opi-vF-w (a thematicized vu-present).

OpKOe;

1103

Disyllabic *ori- is found also in Arm. ari [ipv.] 'stand up', aor. y-are-ay « *-ari-) 'I stood up', as well as in Lat. orior. These derive from an earlier i-present which is found in Anatolian: Hitt. arai) / ari- 'to arise, raise' < *h3r-oi-, *h3r-i-; cf. Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. This is an extension of the root *h3er- 'rise' seen in � OpVUflL. opKu6ouC; . ecp' iliv TU aUKa \IIUXOU .COMP 6pK-wflOT'le; [m.] 'who takes an oath' (Arc., Locr. inscr. VI-va) with 6PKWfloT-EW [v.] 'to take an oath' (trag., etc.), a compound of OpKOV ofloaaL with a suffIx -T'l-; eU-OpKOe; 'faithful to one's oath' (Hes.) with eUOpK-EW; £V-OpKOe; 'bound by oath' (Att.) with evopK-[(oflaL [v.] 'to bind by oath'; but £�OpKOe; 'sworn' (Pi.) is a back-formation from e�-opKoW, -OpK[(W; on � e1t[opKOe;, see s.v.; 1teVTOpK-[a [f.] "taking of five oaths", 'oath by five gods' (Locr. va), with a suffix -[a-. .DER 1. opKLa [pl.], rarely -LOV [n.] 'objects to swear by, oath pledge, animals sacrificed for an oath, oath, solemn treaty' (ll.), OpKLOe; 'belonging to an oath, sworn by' (Att., Leg. Gort.). 2. OpKLKOe; 'belonging to an oath' (Stoie.). 3. OpKOW [v.] 'to make one swear, put under oath' (lA), aor. -waaL, often with e�-, whence opKwflaTa [pl.] 'oath' (A.), 6pKWT�e; [m.] 'who makes swear, who puts one under oaili' (Att;), e�OpKW-mVOUTaL' aTtOpUTtOUTaL 'is cleaned' (H.); -aw in mvwv (Ar. Lys. 279), after pUTtwv . .ETYM The connection with Lat. caenum 'mud' is phonetically impossible (De Vaan 2008: 81), but the linkage with Lat. inquiniire 'to soil' and Latv. sv'init 'id.' < *kwein­ (?) seems tenable. Further, hardly related to MoSw. dial. hven [f.] 'swamp' < *hwaino- (cf. Nw. dial. kvein 'blade of grass'). mvuO'Kw, mvuTll =>mvuTo�. mvu.o" [adj.] 'intelligent, sensible, reasonable, prudent, rational' (Od.). � PG(v)�

1194

rrlvw

VAR Variant forms are TrVUTO�· eflcppwv, pouflTjv (E.). Otherwise only future and aorist forms, always with prefix, especially da- (E7t­ eLa- , etc.) and EK-, but also 8LU- and Ct7tO-: ela-, EK-, 8tu-q>p�aw; Ct7tO-, da-, E�­ £q>pTjau, EK-q>pTja8�vat; also (E7t-) £La- , E�-£q>PTjKU with subj. E7t-W-q>pw, ptc. E7t-£La­ q>pele;, inf. ela-q>p�vat (for -q>pelvat? H.), ipv. EK-q>pee; (Ar. V. 162 with Buttmann; codd. EKq>epe); to this ipf. E�-eq>ploflev (Ar. V. 125), for -eq>pleflev? .ETYM The verb primarily occurs in the future and aorist, presentic formations being scant and secondary. Thus, da-£q>pouv, -eq>pouflTjv is modeled after the type Eq>lAouv, the hapax Ea-7tlq>puvUL after iaTUVat, 7tl(fl)7tAuVat, etc. This infinitive, then, can hardly be based on a conjectured IPl. *7t[-q>pu-flev corresponding to Skt. bibhrmas (pace e.g. Pok. 128). Most probably, the verb is to be analyzed as from *7tpO-'LTjflL, the aspiration being taken on by the initial 7t after the loss of 0 (cf. on � q>poupoe;). This process probably took place in the aorist forms: -q>p�aw, -£-q>PTjKU continuing -7tp(0)-�aw, -7tp(0)-�KU. Hence, the reduplicated present developed. 7tlWV YAR Fern. 7t[£LpU. •

=>

7tlup.

7tAayyoe; [m.] name ofa kind of eagle (Arist.; v.l. 7tAUVOe;), plancus (Plin.). 'to bewail', and it is probably rather related to � 1tA�aaw. It is not evident at all that the meaning 'to drive off course' derives from 'to beat'; rather, 1tA�aaW and 1tAU�W influenced each other both semantically and formally. Van Beek (p.c.) suggests that 1tAU�W is related to ufl1tAaKlaKw as a Pre-Greek word *(a)mplank-, to which 1tAUYLO .COMP As a second member probably in � O[1tAU� (see s.v. and Fraenkel 191O: 374), and TpL-1tAU�. .DER 1. Diminutive 1tAUK-LOV [n.] (Troezen IVa), -LC;· KAlVLOlOV 'small couch' (H.). 2. -o.c; [f.] 'floor of a wine cellar' (pap. lIP). 3. -[TUC; o.pTOC; 'flat cake' (Sophr.), -hlC; [f.] 'kind of calamine or alum' (GaL). 4. Adjective -£pOC; 'flat' (Theoc.), -O£lC; 'id.' (D. P.), -lVOC; 'made of marble slabs' (inscr.), -woT]C; 'overdrawn with panes, a crust' (Arist.). 5. 1tAUK-OUC;, -OUVl'OC; (from -onc;) [m.] '(flat) cake' (com., etc.), with -OUVT-lOV, -lKOC;. -lVOC;, -6.C;, etc. 6. 1tAUK-OW [v.] 'to cover with slabs of marble' (Syria), with -WOlC; [E] (Asia Minor), -WT� [f.] 'kind of calamine' (Dsc.). 7. TN: IIAo.KoC; [m.] part of Mount Ida (11.), with tm01tAo.K-lOC; (Z 397), -OC; (Str.); IIAUKLT] [f.] name of a Pelasgian colony on the Propontis (Hdt.), with 1tAUKlUVOV [n.] a kind of eyesalve (Aet.). ·ETYM Apparently from a root noun *plk-s; cf. (with different vocalism) Latv. plakt 'to become flat', plaka [E] 'low lying place, plain', ON jlaga [E] 'thin layer, flatness' < *plok-eh2-; possibly directly related to a Germanic root noun with lengthened grade: ON jl6, pI. jlrer [f.] 'layer, stratum' < *plok-s, *plok-es; perhaps also OHG jluoh, MoHG Fliiche, Swi. Fluh [f.] 'rockwall'. From 1tAUKOUC;, -OUVTOC; came Lat. placenta 'a kind of flat cake' (phonetic details unclear). Beside *plk-, we also find *plg- in � 1tAa:yLOC;, *pldh - in � 1tAo.aaW, and *plh2- in � 1tUAo.f.lT]. It is uncertain whether any of these is related. The connection with � 1tEAUYOC; is doubtful.

1tAaa1'lY�, -lyyOC;

1203

-1tAUOlO� .VAR in Ol-, TPl-, 1tOAAU-1tAo.atOC; etc., late Att. Hell. -1tAUaLwv. =>Ol1tAo.atOC;. 1tAU(JO"W [v.] 'to knead, form, moId, shape (a soft mass); to think up, imagine, pretend' (Hes.). - .VAR Att. -nw, fut. 1tAo.aW, aor. 1tAo.a(a)m (Hes.), pass. 1tAua8�vm, perf. 1tE1tAuaf.lm (lA), act. 1tE1tAUKU (Hell.). .COMP Very often with prefix in different senses, e.g. KULa-1tAo.aaW 'to spread, besmear', Ef.l-1tAo.aaW 'to smear, stop up' (cf. below). .DER Action nouns: 1. 1tAo.af.lu [n.] 'forming, formation, fiction' (lA) with -f.laLLUC; [m.] 'fictional', -f.laLwoT]C; 'id.' (Arist.), -f.lU1'lKOC; 'id.' (S. E.); Ef.l-, E1t[-, KUTo.-1tAaGf.lU [n.] 'plaster' (medic.). 2. 1tAaatC; (UVo.-, KUTo.-, etc.) [f.] 'forming, formation, figuration' (Hp., Arist.). 3· UVU-1tAaGf.lOC; [m.] 'figuration' (PIu.), f.l£TUc1tAUa-f.l0c; [m.] 'transformation' (gramm.), etc. 4. KULa-1tAUaTUC; [f.] 'besmearing' (Hdt. 4, 175). Agent and instrument nouns: 5. 1tAo.aTT]C; [m.] 'former, molder, maker' (Pl.), often in synthetic compounds, e.g. KT]pO-1tAaaTT]C; [m.] 'modeller in wax' (PI.) , with -EW (Hp.), etc.; 1tAaa-TlC; (Ael.), -mpu (Orph., API.), -TPlU (Theol.Ar.). 6. 1tAaaTpOV [n.] 'earring' (Att. inscr., etc.), Ef.l1tAUa-Tpov [n.], -TpOC; [f.] 'ointment' or 'plaster' (Dsc., Gal., pap.). Adjectives: 7· 1tAUaTOC; 'formed, shaped, thought up' (Hes.), Ef.l1tAUa-l'OV [n.] , -TOC; [f.] 'ointment, plaster' (Hp.); 1tAUaT� [E] 'clay wall' (pap.) with 1t£Pl-, aDf.l-TtAUaT£Uw [v.] 'to surround, construct with 1t.', 1tAUaL£UT�C; [m.] 'builder of a Tt.' (pap.). 8. 1tAUaTlKoC; (Ttpoa-, EV-, uvu-) 'suitable for forming, plastic' (Pl.). Directly from the verbal root 9. 1tAa8-uvov [n.] 'cake mold or form' (Theoc., Nic.), 1tAa8UVLLaC; o.f.lUAOC; 'cake baked in a moId' (Philox. 3, 17; not quite certain); 1tAu8o. [E] 'image, £LKWV' (Dor. in PIu.); synthetic compounds like Kopo-1tAa80C; [m.] 'one who forms feminine figures, doll modeller' (PI., Isoc.). .ETYM From *1tAu8-1W < QIE *pldh -ie/o-. The stem *pldh - cannot be Indo-European, however, because roots with both plain stops and voiced aspirates were not allowed. It has been considered an inner-Greek innovation, comparable to formations such as 1tA�-8w, �pL-8w, etc. (Schwyzer: 703). However, since the verb shows no traces of a laryngeal, it cannot be (directly) related to the group of *pelh2- 'broad', e.g. 1tUAaf.lT], OHG folma 'palm of the hand' < *pelh2-m, *plh2-m-6s, *plh2-em-m, Lat. planus 'flat' < *plh2-no-, etc. (pace e.g. Pok. 805ff.). Perhaps, however, this root became conflated with that of Gr. 1tAaLUC;, Skt. prthu- 'flat' < *plth2-u-. From Ef.l1tAUaTpOv was borrowed Lat. emplastrum, whence MoFr. emplatre, etc.; also, MLat. plastrum 'plaster', MoFr. platre, OHG pjlastar, etc. The word may well be Pre-Greek, both due to the lack of etymology and in view of the anomalous root structure. 1tAU(JTlY�, -lyyO� [f.] 'scales' (Att.), also 'disk of the kottabos-standard' (Critias, Hermipp.), metaph. 'oyster shell' (Opp.), 'horse-collar', which hangs from the wood of the yoke, like the scales from ilie weigh-bridge (E. Rh. 303), also (plur.) 'surgical splints' (Hippiatr.). -nEAu�, neAa(w.

ni\.E8pov

1205

nAUTUYl�W [v.] 'to slosh the water with one's wings; to splash', also metaphorically of

idle noise (A., Eub.). � PG�

oETYM Distortion of nAumytw (*-y[(w) under the influence of nAaTU� or otherwise

TITepuy( w.

nAUTl'!:; 1 [adj.] 'wide, broad, flat, level' (11.). � IE *pleth2- 'broad'� oCOMP Often as a first member, e.g. nAuTu-cpui\.i\.o� 'broad-leaved' (Arist., Thphr.). oDER nAuTuTIl� [f.] 'width, breadth' (Hp., X.); nAaTUVW [v.] 'to widen,

make broad'

(X., Arist.), also with OlU-, £v- etc., with nACtT-uaflu (-Uflflu) [n.] 'dish, brick, etc.'

(Herod., Hero, pap.), -uaflo� [m.] 'broadening' (Arist., LXX). Also nAUTeLO V [n.] 'board, table' (Plb.), after the instrument nouns in -elov; from nAUTeLU (Xdp, cpwv� etc.): nAuTela(w [v.] 'to blow with the flat of the hand' (Pherecr.), 'to pronou nce broadly' (Theoc.). Several additional formations: nAaTo� [n.] 'width, breadth, size' (Simon., Emp., Hdt., Ar.) with a-nAuT�� 'without breadth' (Arist.); nAuT-lKO� (v.l. -UKO�) 'concerning the width, breadth, exhaustive, extensive' (Vett. Val., comm. Arist.); cf. yev-lKo � to yEVO�. nAumflwv, -wvo� [m.] 'flat stone, ledge of rock, flat beach, etc.' (h. Mere. 128, Hell.), with -uflwoll� 'flat' (Arist.). nACtTIl [f.] 'blade of an oar, oar', metonymic 'ship', also 'shoulder blade' (trag., Arist.), usually Wflo-nACtTIl (Hp.); nACtTIl�, Dor. -o.� [m.] 'pedestal of a gravestone' (inscr. Asia Minor, cf. YUIl� nopKIl�); nAaTlY�' T�� Kwnll� ' TO UKpOV 'the end of a handle' (H.). TN IIACtTaLU (B 504 et al.), usually plur. -U[ [f.] (lA) town in Boeotia, with -aL[�, -aLeL�, etc.; change of accent like in � UyUlU : -aC oETYM Identical to Skt. prthU-, Av. pnA�aaw. 1tA'1f1f1EAqC;; [adj.] 'out of tune, faulty' (Democr., Att.). � GR� .DER nAllflfleA-€w [v.] 'to fail, commit an offense', -£La [f. ] 'fault, offense, mistake' (Att.). .ETYM Compound of nA�v 'without' and fl€AO *-0- like in Go. sauil [ssil] 'sun' < *seh2u-el-), whence Go. , jlodus [m.] nver (�te.) 7he apparent lengthened grade is also found in Slavic, e.g. . OCS plavatt, Ru. plavat; to swim (to and fro)'. See � 1tA£W and � 1tAUVW. 1tV£U�WV 'lung'. =>1tAEUflwv. 1tV£W [v.] ':0 blm;, breathe, respire, smell' (ll.). Skt. pa ti 'to keep, protect', whence also go-pa- [m.] 'cowherd'. The frequent i-extension seems to imply the pre-existence of an i-present, 3sg. *ph2-ei-ti, 3Pl. *ph2-i-enti; from this verb probably derives Skt. nr-pay-(i)ya- 'protecting men', nt-pHi- [f.] 'protection of men' . Cf. � nwfla 1. nOlv� [f.] 'ransom, fine, penalty,_ vengeance' (11., epic poet.). -1tpwv. 1tpLUaeaL [v.] 'to buy' (Od.). npoe;.

1241 npoT!111pElOe; (y 299, verse-final enlargement), -npw·lpa [E] (Simon. 241), explanation uncertain. .DER np4>p-a8E(v), -T]8E(V) 'from the bow, at the bow' (Pi., Th.); -EUe; [m.] 'officer in command at ilie bow' (X., D., Arist.), also PN (8 113); -UTT]e; [m.] 'id.' (S., X.), to npuIlV�TT]e;, KU�EpV�TT]e; (Fraenkel 1912: 206) with -aTlKOe; 'concerning the prow' (pap., Poll.), -aTEUW [v.] 'to be in command at ilie bow' (Att., Hell.); -�(Jla [n.pl.] 'uppermost points on starboard' (EM: npullv� (Jla); ptc. aor. nptppuaavTEe;. KpoT�aavTEe;. � oe IlETaCPOpa anD TWV VEWV KaL T�aKw. It is improbable that Kuavo-npw·lpav (Simon. 241) preserves an old uncontracted form *npwElpav (Hdn. 2, 410); see Peters l.c. Apart from the suffix -n-, related *npw-Fwv is formally comparable to Skt. p urva­ 'foremost, earlier', ToB parwe 'first', OCS pnJV'b 'first' < *prh3-uo-. Borrowed as Lat. prora, proreta (from Ion. *nptpp�TT]crCtAOC;. aUAu'l�£lV [v.] = 8pT]VELV (Anacr. 167), = Komw8at (H.); cruAu'icr-' KooKUTOC; 'wailing' (H.). cr�ew. (J�tVVUfll [v.] 'to quench, extinguish', pass. 'to be extinguished, become extinct' (lA). · cr[£] �Ecr£L .VAR LlP- (Att. vase-inscr.); see Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 61f. Often pI. -�v£KT]KLe;, KT] KLW. Kupa�Oe;. O"KapSaf.LvO"O"w [v.] 'to blink, twinkle' (Hp., E., X., Arist.). -aK£8uvvufll. oKLUa [f.] 'squill' (Thgn., Hippon., Arist., etc.). � PG?�

1352 .DER aKlAA-lTlle;, of olvoe; (Ps.-Afric., Colum.), see Redard 1949: 99; -mKOe;, of o�oe; (Dsc. et al.), -lVOe; 'made of a.' (Dsc. et al.), -oKlv8apoe;. OKlV6o a before p in this dialect). First, the then-intransitive aorist GTep-�vat, -�aoflat was formed from GTepoflat (if it were old, we would expect zero grade GTap-), and then -'le�Vat, -'le�GOflat; later also the active mep-�Gat (mepeGat after OAeaat, etc.), -�aw, etc., and finally GTep-eW, -IGKW (cf. e.g. eup-�Gw, eUp-IGKW). There are no certain cognates. A possible connection is with Mlr. serb 'theft', which can reflect *ster-ya.

[f.] 'lightning, gleam, shine' (epic ll.). .VAR L:TepoTC'le; [m.] name of a Cyclops (Hes". CalL); aTepo,\, 'glittering, lighting' (S. [lyr.]) is a back-formation after a18o,\,. .COMP mepoTC-'lyepeTa, epithet of Zeus (H 298, Q. S., Nonn.), after ve 'bright' > 'loud'?), if not after yAwaa-apyoe;, which could stand for yAwaa-aAyoe; (see � yAwaaa with referenc��); Blanc RPh. 65 (1991): 59-66 analyses the word as aTof.lU + f.lapyoe; 'furious', see also Blanc BAGB 1 (1996): 8-9; cf. also IIoo-apyoe; (s.v. � 1tOue;); £U-

auay p LOAivoC; [adj.] of olvoC;, from Trifolium in Campania (Ath. 26 e). .VAR Hellenized in Tplq>UAAlVOC; (Gal. 14, 19) . .ETYM From the toponym.

I

Tpuyaw

1511

TPlxu'LK£C; (i) [m.pl.] epithet of the Dorians (T 177, Hes. Fr. 191). ·ETYM Probably 'hair-shaking', from 8pl�, gen. TplXOC; 'hair', like Kopu8-aY� (X 132) 'helmet-shaking': see for instance Leumann 1950: 65, in antiquity already Apollon. apud sch. T 177, EM. Since early times, the word was taken to refer to the three tribes of the Dorians (thus already Hes. I.e.). Differently, Pisani Arch. glatt. ital. 50 (1965): Iff.

'

'

TpOlTJ [f.] 'the land of Troy'; in the Iliad already used for the town, Ilios. .ETYM The word is no doubt derived from Tpw£c; 'Trojans'. It has often been remarked that Troia was the land, not just the city (e.g. Page 1959: 294). It is explicitly stated by Del Valle Munoyerro Glatta 75 (1999): 68-81 that it did not indicate the town, but this is clearly wrong (cf. the name-epithet formulae £uT£IXWC;, £U1tUpyoc;, £upuaYUla, £�aAa1ta�m) and unnecessary; the meaning gradually shifted to the town (going to Troy always included fighting for Ilios). The annals of Tudl;aliya IV, from around the end of the 15th c., mention Wi-lu-sa (= !lias) and Ta-ru-(u-)i-sa at the end of an expedition to the north. This must be understood as "[the city of] Wilusa and [the land of] Troy." Ta-ru-(u-)i-sa must be read /Truisa/. Thus the original form had Tru-, which surfaced in Greek as Tpw-. Tp01taAlC;, Tpomc;, TP01tOC;, etc. => TpE1tW. TpOq>UAlC;, TpOq>�, TpOq>lC;, etc. => TpETpEXW. TpU�AlOV [n.] kind of drinking vessel of unknown shape and varying size (Ar., LXX, Ev. Matt.), also a measure of capacity (medic. etc.). .ETYM Usually explained as 'bowl, dish' or 'bottle, jug'. No etymology. Fur.: 367 compares Tpl�avov and considers the word to be Pre-Greek. Tpuyaw [v.] 'to gather (especially of grapes), reap' (ll.). .VAR Aor. Tpuy�am, fut. Tpuy�aw . COMP Rarely with U1tO-, £K-, 1tpO-, ete.; TPUyT] *kWtru-; see also � TpU1tE(U) and cpuAOe;, with a suffIx -ElU-; originally an epithet of KOpUe; . '

'Tpucp�, 'Tpvcpoe; => 9pumw.

'Tptxw [v.] 'to wear out, exhaust, afflict', med. 'to wear down, pine' (mostly epic Ion., poet. since Il.). � GR� .VAR Almost only pres. and ipf. (fut. ptc. TpU�OVTa p 387).

1514

TpUW

COMP Also with KaTa-, etc. .DER TpUXOe; [n.] 'rag, scrap, tattered garment' (S., E., Ar., Arist., Thphr.), diminutive TpuX-1ov [n.] (Hp., Aret.), adj. -'1poe; 'ragged, worn' (E.), 'stringing, afflicting' (Vett. Val.), after AUn'1pOe; etc.; -lVOe; 'ragged' (J., Gal. et al.). Denominative verb TPUXOOflaL, -OW (EK-) TPUXOflaL, -w in TETpUxwflEVOe; (Hp., Th., etc.), TpUX-WS�VaL (Hp.), -WUaL, -WUeLV (Th.), -OUTaL (Mimn.), -ow (Gal., Hdn.); thence -WU£le; [f. pI.] 'afflictions' (Max. Tyr.). ·ETYM Formation like ufl�XW, v�xw, 'J!wxw, etc. (Schwyzer: 702 and 685, Chantraine 1942: 330); see � TpUW. See Mumm and Richter IJDLLR 5 (2008): 33-108 on the enlargement -X-. •

=

,.,

TpUW [v.] 'to wear down, exhaust' (lA). � IE *tru.H- 'rub'� ·YAR Aor. TpUUaL, fut. TpUUW, mostly perf. pass. TETpUflaL with ptc. TETpuflEVOe;. ·COMP rarely with