Richard Gillespie - The Peronist Left

THE PERONIST LEFT

Thesis

submitted

requirements for

the

Richard

in

accordance

of Doctor

Henry Charles

June 1979

in

the

of Liverpool

of the University

degree

with

Philosophy

Gillespie

by

ABSTRACT

thesis

This

Movement during

Peronist

the of

Cuban Revolution, the

in

and exclusion

studied.

of external

such as the

events

the political

(especially

system

of the

bourgeoisie

this

However,

in

is

argued

period. of these in

has demonstrated and sustained

that

it

by those

the

great

forms.

bourg-

of leading

a signif-

problems

revolutionary

an alternative

bourgeoisie

and petty

class

different

national

capable

and

the evidence

assumed very

process,

to forge

attempting

from

clear

no longer

is

liberation"

"national

is

petty

the Argentine

that

thesis

the

it

fractions

class

composed of the working

alliance

guerrilla

of sectors

of military

years

the radicalism

encountered

and the

the radicalisation

working

icant

the political

to have been major

class

eoisie

the

were found

in

Though it

to examine

rule)

1966-73

factors

that

tendencies,

organisations

from

emerged within

Peronism,

within

the impact

decline,

Socio-economic

was designed

Left

employed by most of the

methods

which

Based upon 16 months

period.

the project

Peronist

of the major

performance

1955-76

to radicalisation

gave rise

which

tendencies

left-wing

the

in Buenos Aires,

research

factors

the

examines

are

also

illustrated.

The investigation onent

the urban their

Left

of the Peronist by radical

influenced

tended

to practise

theory al

struggle.

While

of revolutionary

liberation

to practise

of Marxism,

the

petty-bourgeois

stages,

and socialism,

temporally

the proletarian

(ii)

though politics,

typical

not

were far

and used collective element divorcing sectors

be

the methods

and employ

sectors,

comp-

politics,

reformist

ideologists,

revolutionary

influence

the petty-bourgeois

whereas

the working-class

indirect to the open class

tended

nationalist

guerrilla,

class,

that

revealed

tended

of

of more

methods

of

to embrace the

struggles tended

for

nation-

to see the

two goals

and the struggle

pondence between became evident, notion

ideology,

though

the study

labour

of Peronist

of urban

This

movement. organisations

ist

of urban

nature

grew,

struggles

of

the

labour

guerrilla

methods

isations,

with

experience

let

corresthus

of struggle

of the

questioning

overcome their

to the

itself.

that

scale

of elit-

of urban the mass

In some cases the adoption

of urban

of Peronist

overshadowing

decision-making. countries

guerrilla

actions

can be used by the Right

draconian

methods

of political

repression.

(iii)

composition

remote

militarisation

of other

on from

and ultimately As the

an

from

considerations

and tactical

isolati:

of the social

became increasingly

total

revealed

fatal

the individualistic

warfare

they

initiatives

guerrilla

movement.

military

confirmed

to a critical

was a product

guerrilla

actions

strategic

to

and of

guerrilla

in

Left

guerrillas

guerrilla

and forms

politics led

A clear

"prolgtarianisation".

of petty-bourgeois

inability

them as inseparable.

class,

Examination

the

for

Finally, in

organ-

judgement

political the recent

Argentine

how urban

illustrating

as a pretext

Left

for

introducing

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE

v

INTRODUCTION

.......

i

.........

Chapter I.

II.

III.

JOHN WILLIAM COOKEAND EARLY PERONIST LEFT IDEOLOGY

16

NATIONALIST AND CATHOLIC INFLUENCES UPON THE PERONIST LEFT ..............

79

THE FIRST 'TENDENCIA REVOLUCIONARIA'

IV.

'MOVIMIENTISMO':

THE MILITARY FRONT

V.

'MOVIMIENTISMO':

THE POLITICAL FRONT

VI.

.....

160

.....

249

.....

329

'ALTERNATIVISMO' AND 'ALTERNAATIVISTAS

....

CONCLUSION

413

496

.......................

ARGENTINE GUERRILLA SOCIAL AND OCCUPATIONAL BACKGROUNDS ...........

509

APPENDIX B:

EARLY RADICAL PERONIST PROGRAMMES

514

APPENDIX C:

SOURCES

APPENDIX A:

BIBLIOGRAPHY'

....

516

.............

519

...............

GLOSSARYOF SPANISH TERMSAND ABBREVIATIONS

(iv)

.....

543

PREFACE

Existing pre-1955

period

followed.

Yet

tine

the

about cal long the

to be misplaced;

proved

run

Movement and nationally, tine

Peronism

since

Peronist

Left

and is

thus

ing

development

to account

despite

a definitive figures

for

Left

the were

Argen-

question

can be brought Left

will

about

in

developments

the emergence of the at least,

potency.

of the Peronist

have to reveal

far

(v)

Moreover,

Latin

more than

the

America,

change

America.

thesis,

this

Left

ambitions

for

within

and political

of how social

No claims Left,

seen in Latin

Peronist its

is

the Montoneros,

scholars

and in writing

order

of it

Analysis

yet

the perennial

numerical

history

kind

of its

in

own right

organisation,

guerrilla

of why, so far its

its

trends.

political

students,

Peronist

the

an explanation

leading

with

in

of those

to all

of interest

In studying

thwarted,

radi-

in

score

mark on recent

of more general

became the strongest

and national

aims were

for

the Peronist

were abortive.

1955 and of national

who grapple

activists

gest

hopes and fears

spawned an urban

rapidly

which

to be studied

deserves

to an understanding

essential

also

to speculate

Peronist

inside

made their

and certainly

Left

why these

explain

on this the

both

struggles

had arrived

a force

becoming

once again

a num-

history.

political

The Peronist to

in Argen-

left-wing

a strong

nevertheless,

of spectacular

protagonists

force

political

Hopes and fears

change in Argentina.

social

two decades which

and led many commentators

1960's

of Peronism

possibility

the

of Per6n and experienced

In particular,

late

scene by the

on the

to say about

1955 overthrow

changes.

on the

concentrated

as a vibrant

survived

the

after

important

of

have mainly

and have had little Peronism

politics

ber

of Peronism

studies

my main

and to sughave been

are made to providkey activists they

and

have to date

before limitation

and the

crucial

areas

the rendering ist

becomes feasible.

euch a project

inadequacy

economy,

enough material

of competent

analyses

of the rise

same time,

this

of guerrilla

urban

the novel

phases,

ode was the

leaves

theories

much premature, faith

in

The basic' initial

chapters

A third

tendency

is

for

available

of the Peron-

of this

are devoted

early

appeared,

they

along below.

Argentine

guerrilla

epis-

guerrilla

methods

urban

demonstrated

below,

of a cul-de-sac.

at

attempt, something

of recent

and

however,

are very still

campaigns

retain

is

quite

to the multifarious

treatment

of which the

examines 1960's

thesis

ideological

has been totally of the

emergence

and the reasons three

and military

for

the

chapters

organisations

Two

straightforward.

influences ignored

to

Peronist

Left

collapse

of the the perform-

evaluate

Peronist

of the

as a

Left

1960's.

the Argentine

Party

Left

rural

Requiems,

concerned.

the

examining

of the armed man of combat.

efficacy

political

and not

in

with

to fuse

of this

warfare

must be emphasised

(Socialist

ially

such

gone through

of the recent

and the remaining

the late

It Left

is

this

in

works

and fall

concerned

Having

many protagonists

structure

initiative;

ance of the since

for

chapter

the

in

of guerrilla

Left,

on the Peronist date.

feature

The failure

the

is

success.

as Argentina

as far

thesis

by some organisations

attempt

mass struggles.

with

first

published

as political

possibilities

their

of existing

despite

Left.

At the

least

Nevertheless,

Left

this

due to their

the Argentine

A comparative

thesis

had declined

open hostility

"New Left" study

features

Peronist

the

towards dealt

of the Argentine

Left

are

Left

before

only

(vi)

the

The traditional

generally.

and Communist Party) partly

with

that

Peronist

Peronism,

with might

and

tangentwell

be

if

fruitful

the future,

in

undertaken

was embarked upon a detailed ial

is

forces

left-wing

(on the People's

Revolutionary

Party.

three

of all

1955 Argentine

were the

est

value

the

Peronist

Left

volumes

Left

of those ential about

been Anglicized Tation

when they

in brackets the

readers

throughout

organisations

first the

through

based upon but

copies

and indeed

as a number of interviews

and guerrilla

organisations.

work in

to construct

order

of speeches

for

texts

two chapters.

in Appendix

organisations a jungle

after

using

text

for

those

initials.

(vii)

with Much a chron-

and other in

the

of the Further

case infludetails

C.

are referred

to in

the

of initials,

their

names have

the Spanish

Initials

mentioned.

thought

political

by

over dusty

poring

books were valuable

the first

with

Of greatissued

publications

Diary

in

on post-

time.

the present

at

of the

their

were largely

spent

where possible are

is

Socialist

Argentina,

Left

Left

and other

Finally,

one hundred

present

as Pierce-as-It

weeks were also

to be found

are

sources

than

to newspaper

discussed

ideologists

More than Rather

political

illustrations

providing

exist

as well

interventions.

parliamentary

Argentine

An Obituary?

outlines

for

the Peronist

reviews

Congressional

of the

to my departure

general

and several

of events,

was an essent-

of other

not

tentative

on the Peronist

themselves,

devoted

was also

ology

in

political

members of Peronist

is

project

upon request.

works

politics

Left

and The Argentine

only

used in researching

few other

very

two are prior

are available

The sources primary;

Communist Party);

written

sources,

secondary

when this

The ERP:

papers:

"The Lion

Army);

The latter

1896-1958.

time

in my estimation

to my three

(on the Argentine

Painted"

time

interested

referred

the

at

of the Peronist

analysis

Anybody

prerequisite.

but

name plus

are periodically

monotony,

transrepeated

who are more acquainted To avoid

text.

with

however,

is

to its

abbreviated

a list

deals

section

where a whole

Spanish is

of abbreviations

terms

right

deserve

ent

ment of impeccable his

he gave me that

periodic

Danny James for

the

labour

ical

his

formations

be regarded

Thanks are also

not

have been possible. and Institutions

Theory

ment of Politics thanked the ions

for

project.

as mutually

in

providing Several

on technical Unfortunately,

number of Argentines

In addition,

discussions

text,

Left,

deals

in

mainly

with

on the

polit-

Research

of Liverpool

Council this

which

the Department

of Newcastle during

Newcastle

colleagues

for

study

and the Depart-

the writing-up made valuable

to be phase of suggest-

questions.

who helped

to mention

me in

(viii)

by name a considerable

so many ways.

would

of Political

upon Tyne are

facilities

able

to

our work should

without

both

the University

I am not

to

of Companero and a

fruitful

Science

the University

former

my thanks

my own concentrates

studentship,

me with

when one

complementary.

due to the Social

in

so important

the

Peronist

of the

a research

me with

providing

1955, whereas

and

comments on my work,

collection

in

establish-

ideas

to express

as several

contri-

his

stimulating

is

like

mentioned

way,

to be an excell-

proved

his

which

precious

and their

go to him for

for

also

as well

work,

movement since

and military

some extent

of his

Little

many valuable

I would

documents,

Since

Buenos Aires.

from

their

of Spanish

a glossary

project

thanks

encouragement

loan

the

of scarce

couple

Apart

name

the bibliography.

this

standards,

on a "Long March".

out

sets

My sincere

academic

with

Walter

do lose

readers

after

me with

Dr.

suggestions.

useful

along

thesis,

recognition.

supervisor.

research

If

provided

helped

A number of people butions

initials.

end of the

the

at

its

one particular-organisation,

with

They range

from

academics illas

to personal Argentine

present

from

to journalists,

political

conferment

of a death

dispensable,

whether

but

discussions,.

informed

risks

in my work, they

which Finally,

ient ful

work,

took

it

the form

the

took

and the

my typist

her magnificent

Apart

Mrs.

like

to express

from

the

they

confidence

which

E. Wallace

deserves

informal material

time which

for

her

and her

cooperation.

Gillespie

Department

of Politics

The University-of Newcastle

upon Tyne.

June 1979.

(ix)

the

in me.

placed

thanks

Richard

they

to them for

to meet my dead-line

efforts

in-

political

my thanks

the

amount to. tbe

interviews,

of underground

guerr-

In

was absolutely

of personal

provision

urban

contacts.

contribution

contacts.

I would

and from

them would

naming

Their

sentence..

lawyers,

me to establish

situation,

to further

or introductions invested

who helped

friends

to

authors

efficcheer-

INTRODUCTION

The term

"Peronist

Peronists

those

sense - i. e.

those

It

itself

is

leaders,

and has only

ally, indirect

the aid

of popular

votes

through

mechanisms

was less

Peronist

Left

and vice

versa.

Under the

Peronists

of militant

in

to the methods which

government

fervour of the

of their term,

only

1960's

for

nationalism.

several

and early

years

1970's

with

that

it

-1-

was Peronist

of forms,

mainly

com'De

on the review

They were militant for

the defence

Left,

in

the late

1950's

tendency

in

re-emerged

the growth

the

one can speak more accurately

The Peronist

it

or

a left-wing

of 1946-55,

from more conservative

before

introduced

one can say that

Left.

a revolutionary

in

participation

of the State

collaborators

in

rhetoricin an

has never

so,

proposed

developed

really into

and crystallized declined

differed

and also

of Peron and

except

popular

control

group,

they

was or

have come to power with

the most embryonic

than a Peronist

as

is

Peronism

sovereignty

to the extent

that

Peronism"

Peronism

Peronism

being

Cooke and his

In characterising

Frente'.

Socialism

capitalism,

governments

in

present

was only

This

Peronist

early

who posited

the

popular

"leftist"

posed of John William

regard

direct

be exercised.

Movement could

tendency

which

and modern sovereignty

governments

income,

power and national

political

original

orthodox

and have extended

to denote

of popular

to popular

Though Peronist

sense.

that

challenged

been committed

thesis

"Left-Wing

goal.

Peronism,

has never

the

those

all

inference

Official

this

proponents

embraces

possible

left-wing.

Peronist

in both

or long-term

due to its

in

employed

who were both

an immediate

avoided

is

who were left-wing

and anti-capitalist. either

Left"

of Peronism in

sectors the fullest

strongly

1960's

It in

then

the

Youth

the sense

and early

1963-64.

of the Peronist

with

late

and

-2-

Peronist

politico-military

Peronist

Left

steady

was thus

irregular

to be found the

in

theoretical

the

principal

however,

duction

is

discuss

will

geoisie

history with

labour

research

into

one can at though

least

clarify

not

definitive,

of research constrained

political one's

projects by the

of the national

thesis

This

on which bourgeoisie

in

broad

in present

they

a

as an introintroductbourthe radic-

1955,

of it,

economy and social

evidence

1

after

and cite

are,

than

of the national

Each could,

assumptions

the

history

has characterised decades.

There

The reader,

sources.

or sectors

is

linked

to what follows

force

national

bourgeoisie,

subject

Argentine

The weakening

another

thesis

introduction.

potted

independent

them one is

In discussing

of this

yet

the decline

movement for

be the

hoped will,

underpin

Argentina.

themes:

three

of the petty

Argentine

which

of post-war

background.

and the economism which

period

falls.

matter

to existing

as a strong,

alisation

subject

this

thesis

as an introduction

be presented referred

assumptions

the

are

truncated

than

rather

1.

by

directly

themselves,

the

which

in

contained

chapters

theoretical

and they

derivative,

discussion

into

They seem more pertinent

ing,

and by no means characterised

substantive

sections

certain

as a whole

ion

the

of

growth. Most of the

to

The development

organizations.

same

sectors

and it their

the

is

the

of

to be

own right.

inadequacies structures some of the

of but exist-

are based.

as an independent

For an outline history, political of the background see Angel (Buenos Aires: Peronismo Ediciones Cairo, Centro de claves Estudios Ernesto Aporte, Gonzalez, 1975; ue fue ue es el Ediciones Pluma, (Buenos Aires: 1974); & Donald C. peronismo 76. National Hodges, 1 The Argentina Revolution and Reeist-1 Press, 1976). On economic trends, of New Mexico ance(University M6nica Peralta Ramos, Eta as de acumulacib see particularly ny de clases (Buenos Aires: 1930-1970 en is Argentina, alianzas Siglo XXI Argentina Editores, 1972).

-3-

political

of foreign

tration industry

data

cites

which

national

companies

times the

during

50,

for

from

49 to 29 over

U. S. companies

The stake

16 in

from

towards

by IZiosi's The number of

1957 to 8 by 1966;

21 in

1957 to

1

grew at a rate

in

enterprise

1955 and 1972,

foreign

13 by

the same period.

in Argentina

of foreign

70% of new direct

"denat-

industries

of nationally-owned

growth

pene-

industrial U. S. capi-

with

the decade

in

investment

1959-1969.3

capital

sector,

a decline

indirect

control

clearly which

appears

and influence

120 companies,

or controlled

by foreign

private)

capital

corporations,

and 18 were clearly

of the national

even more pronounced into

using

of companies

control

the decline

reveal

the leading

Argentine

and direct

on ownership

foreign

2.

from

to the average

1960's.

growing

of manufacturing

100 companies.

25 fell

superior

Statistics

1.

top

Cepeda,

accounting

from

ally

leading

grew from 8% to 40% between

production tal

the

to Ramil

2

areas

of the tendency

of 25 companies,

group

and among the final

According 3-5

for

of the

economy has been provided

among the

among the following 1966;

Evidence

1950's.

of the Argentine

ionalisation" study

key dynamic

into

capital

the

since

has been a product

force

and economic

account.

1971 data, and that

private

when one takes

N. A. C. L. A. 's study showed that

to foreign

of

66 were owned'

of the remaining

10 were state-owned, linked

by

54

2 were mixed 4 interests.

form(state-

Lou em resarios 1955-1969 Jorge Niosi, y el estado ar entino (Buenos Aires: Editores, Siglo XXI Argentina 1974), p. 215. (Buenos de una burguesfa dependiente Carlos Ramil Cepeda, Crisis de la Rosa Blindada, Ediciones 1972), p. 26. Aires:

3.

(North American N. A. C. L. A. in the Hour of the Furnaces

4.

Ibid.,

p. 29.

Congress on Latin America), Argentina (U. S. A.: N. A. C. L. A., 1975), p. 24.

-4National

technology,

40% devaluation, local

generated

from

(valued

2,982 proved

9 of them being

both

weak and short-lived,

of

top

1968 to companies

of the multiby

were purchased

120 companies

oper-

of the

promotion did not

links

always

economic

ties

operating

boycott

Ibid.,

bourgeoisie

p. 24.

with

were far commercial

diversified.

However,

and "Socialist"

countries

instance,

to by-pass

the

The establish-

significance.

Cuba, for

in Argentina

years

enabled

the U. S. car

the official

U. S.

of Cuba.

What the recent national

World

have an anti-imperialist

ment of commercial subsidiaries

Third

with

trade

1973-76

Seven important

1940's.

and foreign

banks were renationalised of trade

late

the

market,

to buy up local

profits in

measures

on profit

the domestic

to stimulate

were

1973 initiat-

restrictions

to use their

"national"

those

than

more limited

Illia's

trend

this

to resist

1963 and Peronist

years.

corporations

Peronist

companies.

Illia

of an attempt

part

foreign

led

the

three

in just

collapsing

expatriations,

1.

among the

in

as national

companies

bourgeoisie

by the national

Attempts

only

1970,

technology

Argentine

1963-71,53

and purchases

new pesos)

in

advanced

Vasena's

in Argentina.

ating

ives

the

Krieger

to N. A. D. L. A. bankrupcies

million

new pesos)

to compete with

interests,

foreign

324.7

at

1.15 billion

Between

nationals.

According

for

capital

The pro-mono-

and sales.

of bankrupcies

a spate

and small-sized

on foreign

especially

government,

(valued

1,647 at

unable

purchases

by multinationals.

companies

increased

Ongania

of the

medium-

dependent

credits,

patents,

policies

poly

operating

has become increasingly

enterprises, its

now generally

capital,

Peronist to improve

experience its

demonstrated

position

vis-ä-vis

was that foreign

for

the

capital

-5during

a period

working

class

and other

popular

postponed

until

the national

being

tradiction that,

ases in

team of in

be seen,

1973-74

monopolistic rebel

foreign

against

Left

Left

ment is al

the questions

to be incorporated

is

geoisie the

in

resides

and whether

as a class

to late

of the middle

leading

foreign

is

into

Given

1940's,

some major

capital

in

to reduce

its

of its to

strength)

of the nationin

and

"golden

to expect

this

the advanced

general

the

no reason

by

develop-

capitalist

the weakening

participation

bour-

supported

of alliances

to emerge from

crisis

but

the national

economy as compared with appears

economic

of the Peronist

of the bourgeoisie

there

In

businessmen.

or not

a system

interests

fraction.

greater

a phase of independent

nationalism

and consistent there

of whether

fraction

of the Argentine

the decline

possibly,

or not

(though

to an analysis

in Argentina.

viable

still

bourgeoisie

strong

discussion

of this

The relevance

the

bourgeoisie

concerns,

than had small

incre-

the Peronist

in

non-monopolistic

capital

minimal

and petty

as a class

the national

cause

improve

in

of

had less

which

elite

figures

the fact

least

or at

of the workers

representative

operating

in

needed both

own weakness

the leading

lay

redistribution

and the support

were not

mainly

general,

bourgeoisie income

The main con-

project

development

independent

its

income distribution

with

Peronist

of the

were required

cake grew larger.

1973-76

to make up for

as will

sacrifices

sectors,

and minimal

accumulation

bourgeoisie

crisis,

the national

consumption

of capital

the

to promote

order

own position,

fact,

in

present

in

its

of economic

sector

years" a

unless,

metropolis, in

the Argentine

economy. In courting Peronist

Left

the national

was to look

bourgeoisie,

to its

real

a major

or imaginery

sector

of the

"national"

status

_6. down its

bourgeois

while

playing

Youth

and Montoneros

accepted

including

the bourgeois

in

1973,

in

evident

their

of Socialism

postulation on the

calls latter

in

must proceed

this

Peronist

Left

position

to its

logical

of

to initially

were

foreign lead

cess where a vigourous

of

members, data

lack

class

in

between

ingly

and loosely

intermediate

dealing

class

All

as "the

strata", structure.

this

This

specifically

is

to lead.

too

important

this

class "the

classes",

the

its

is

literature

total

lack

of the

this

group and

studies

of

intermediate referred

middle

specific

of

a result

with

sociological

Nowhere in

the road

and theradicalisation

class.

discussing

would

the Cuban pro-

hampered by the almost

and working

that

bourgeoisie

from

of theoretical

middle

without

learnt

Youth

down wages

along

made the national

often

their

of industry

programme was likely

greatly

appeal

and Peronist

reforms

having

revol-

potential

to hold

sectors

re-

that

They considered

strikes.

bourgeoisie

with

the bourgeoisie

class

overall

dealing

general.

only

nationalist

one is

designed

nationalist

it

project,

Taking

class.

the

the name

Left

the

reduced

of dynamic

nationalism,

of the infancy

a reflection this

outlaw

statistics

of official

Pact

that

on the grounds

the Nontoneros

a Social

the petty

When examining

Socialism

conclusion,

to these

in

position

Peronist

to the working

sector

In fact, in its

even more timid

published

of stages,

and control

Socialism.

some of its

a series

Movement seeking

a Peronist

towards

for

and practically

ownership

class

the majoritarian

support

two years

for

their

the Movement and

demonstrated

only

being

only

Resistance

goal.

Peronists

struggle

radicalism

hegemony in

ultimate

of Peronism

composition

their

class

to sacrifice

an immediate

class

sectors,

as the

The Peronist

membership.

given

working

Moreover,

of nationalism.

ution

the

of bourgeois

part

were unwilling

nouncing

for

calls

class

to fleet-

sectors" role

within

on Argentina

or "the the does

-7bourgeoisie

the petty

adequate

"proletarianisation"

the

about

receive

of this

attention

and glib

class

left

are

assertions

as articles

of

faith.

In analysing the

between

iate

independent in

traditional

the epoch of monopoly

role

Though differentiated,

they

a social

Members of this

proletarian. not

constitute

wage labour

exploit

On the

of wage labour.

ation capital

and exploited

working

class

workers.

class

or are not

for

which

Marx at

hand,

least

is

which

has argued

that

in in

nor

they

do

the exploit-

employees

mainly do not

clearly

that

bourgeois

neither

involved while

this

and administrative

bourgeois,

primarily

they

) etc. - the

who grow in numbers in

are not

other

by capital,

bourgeoisie

Poulantzas

class

traders,

or disappear

workers

of the economic

of the State.

together

(small

bourgeoisie

and service

workers

the expansion

with

especially

epoch,

to different-

and the new petty

office

sector

important

is

doomed to decline

is

capitalism,

or tertiary

it

petty

which

and bank employees,

collar

white

form

part

of of the

was composed of productive

I

More work

be done on what constitutes

could

fractions,

and new petty-bourgeois to the new petty membership this

or old

), etc.

craftsmen,

(commercial

bourgeoisie,

the petty

bourgeoisie

of Peronist

fraction

which the

Left

1960's

during

1.

Classes Nicos Poulantzas, Verso, 1978), Part 3.

2.

See below, backgrounds

organisations involved 1970's.

and early

chapters 4,5 of Argentine

here

what data

for

was mainly

ion

but

in

discussion there

strongly in 2

is

of the

on the

class

suggests

that

Appendix

it

radicalisat-

The most numerous

Capitalism

old

be limited

will

petty-bourgeois

Contemporary

6 plus and guerrillas.

the unity

petty..

(London:

A on the social

is

-8bourgeois

component

students

representing,

even greater

is

bureaucratised

of

the

in

be remembered

bourgeois.

the working

They tend

letarianisation". than This,

the working however,

erse class-. certain ially

is

often

not

applicable

is

entering in

crisis

class

to all

into

does not

rem-

non-

bourgeoisie

or otherwise

them-

regard

are not

have a tremendous

fear

identical "pro-

of

to and more intelligent

contempt fractions working

has

hope to become

interests

superior

displaying

can and do adopt

circumstances, when society

to feel

class,

Sectors

the new petty

and they

class

to levels

from

productive

members generally

Their

standards

activity.

do become bourgeois

occasionally

of

that

its -

aspirations

as already

mental

this

''it

of the new

conditions

but

strata

as a

capitalism,

standards

certain

petty

when crushed

Living

separating

must also

bourgeois,

to those

barrier

and manual from

social

vertical

working-class

class

traditional

class

living

conflicts.

must be treat-

of the

"proletarianisation".

labour

productive

the

in

the

and ideas

in class

the era of monopoly

cases and under

certain

fundamental

It

its

with

sectors

of the working in

and non-

by the behaviour strengths

degree

class,

"proletarianisation"

major

a decline

by privileged

experienced ove the

that

concentration

bourgeoisie

may be reduced

relative

the ranks

to equate

a mistake

and their

true

may join

of capital

result

influenced

class

revolutionary

and when the labour

of

how-

of the

as an intermediate

greatly

of petty-bourgeois While

care.

bourgeoisie

selves

is

bourgeoisie

bourgeoisie, terms

with

element

bureaucratised

into

Moreover,

employees,

bourgeois

in

explicable

subdivisions

etc.

two main classes

ed with

petty

the new petty

sectors,

The notion

is

Even amongst

experienced,

of exploitation

new petty

a pre-petty

heterogeneity,

great

to have been the

appear

in most cases,

magnitude.

there

ever,

here would

for

manual labour.

of this

highly

positions alliances,

div-

under espec-

movement appears

-9and inspires

strong

Employees

in

confidence

and self-employed

of a fairly

evidence

to the rest-of

relative

number of-state State from

and then

There was a 3% fall

between

At a more general

level,

socio-economic

comparing

the

61,

have

period,

the

it

demise

3

"upper

"middle

the

Obviously,

seems

less

the

of

the

top

sector"

empirical

traditional

bankrupcies,

as has

been

of

in

Argentina their

needs to

the

bourgeoisie.

Ongania's-deflationary

seen

above,

rising

of this

trend.

of pettyN. A. C. L. A., between

share

and

doing

a very

the

lowest

here.

Peronist The latter policies,

1953-

this

in

suffered

a 1.2% cut work

sectors

indications 1950's.

relation

petty

1955-66

2

(71-90ö)

sector"

in

the

early

income

(21-70f)

important

as a result

the

10% increased

middle

more

particularly

from family

static

of "rationalisation"

as a result

one can detect

of

only

the

whereas

a 5% cut. though

that

shown

cut,

slight

distribution

as the

relatively

by the reversal

The

years.

period,

50-65% in

the railways.

decline

There employees

of petty-bourgeois

1966-1970

especially

bourgeois

by between

like

1960.1

forty

1945-50

remained

be provided

enterprises,

state

the past

the

the radicalisation

may well

in

the number of state

over

activities,

grew again

for

in

society.

something

population

grew by 45% in

1960's

in

the late

increase population

economic

One reason

years. in

its

extended 1950-55

the

employees

represented

Argentine

rapid

to transform

capacity

persons

25,'-' of the economically-active is

its

20ö

and,

Left,

on

suffered with

sharply.

1.

(Centro de Investigaciones O. S. Sociales) C. I. C. Los en Ciencias Composici6n social izatives orientaciones or asalariados. (Buenos Aires: C. I. C. S. O., n. d. ), p. 124.

2.

Ibid.

3.

N. A. C. L. A.,

p. 223. op. cit.

p. 28.

10Radicalisation the ban on party

the State

to turn

sectors

towards

the

force

and rebellion.

The provincial

being

sectors

of the

"Argentine

bourgeoisie,

ests

ly

individualism,

ations

1.

(at

significant only

of protest

of 1969-72

with

saw

the support

in

of

1966-73

in urban

sub-ensemble",

of a certain

type

he argues,

op cit.,

the

case,

pp.

and sectors

but

their

did

inter-

most of the

positions.

working-class situation

guerrilla

warfare,

participation of the

examined pointing

content

at work and

in elitist

as it

small

was minimal. of the

at a general

"petty-bour-

level,

is high-

does to the limit-

radicalism.

of "reformist

287-299.

The

case of the non-bureaucratised

of petty-bourgeois

to be full

really

bourgeoisie.

be seen,

isolated

discussion

to the Argentine

Poulantzas,

their

this

of protest

workers

as will adopt

working-class

Poulantzas'

ideological

in

whether

methods

Nor,

least

expression in which

actions

a tendency,

in

- the

the aims of the

combative

sectors

rooted

market

found

relevant

led

as a form

of the petty

with

alliance

petty-bourgeois

Here, geois

the streets

resisting

become identical.

not

on the labour

group

in

to militant

resorted

a loose

into

sectors)

This

and revolts

a mass "proletarianisation"

radicalised Their

expropriated

participation

action

one must question

once again,

bourgeoisie

did

risings

petty

politically

parties.

direct

to

Revolution".

represented

entered

capital,

effected'by

attempting

movement and Peronism

- and towards

by students

However,

petty

The military,

and other

joined

was also

institutionalised

labour

mass opposition

workers

it

the. Radicals

through

sectors

1966.

denying

bourgeoisie,

petty

from

activity

the hegemony of monopoly

consolidate the

of petty-bourgeois

illusions"

I

It

displays

because

the

- 11 -

petty

bourgeoisie

form,

the structure

hidden

from

of the While

it.

without

rather

than

labour

justice"

it

"a family radicals

rather

than

with

renovate

This of major and in type

ional

1.

general

society motive.

they,

or their

it, it

the

imagines

attitudes the structure

leadership

rejuvenation"

p. 292.

of its

of the

were very

Peronist in

thereby.

"does not

As

want to

1

of the Peronist

be seen,

in

faith

evidence

in

their

hope of

their

in

Left

the above stereo-

Movement through their

is

some of the key attitudes

much in

of the State,

personnel,

can rise

component As will

structures,

the State

that

can climb".

portrays

wants

Many petty-bour-

bourgeoisie it

it

of England

and educational

progeny,

petty

accurately

even though vision

assuming

is

radicalism

control".

the State

of the Montoneros.

to question

Ibid.,

seeks a

technocracy

petty-bourgeois

of the petty-bourgeois

sectors

the

that

theory

petty-bourgeois

inheriting

it

by the profit

of Orwell's

reminded

them completely,

by which

particular

failure

distri-

a more meritocratic

the wrong members in

puts

ladders

the

division,

to hierarchy,

seek to democratise

Poulantzas-succinctly break

of

Moreover,

more than a left-wing

attachment

One is

and feeling

neutral

income

globally.

be constrained

not

for

labour

desiring

comments that

by its

limited

geois

system

economic

means little

Poulantzas

to be reordered.

being

the idea

defends

it

radicals.

Finally, generally

"rich",

demands to calls

labour, will

often

to petty-bourgeois

remaining

the mental/manual

of mental

mental

"Social

the

the wage

mode of production

to the its

challenging

questioning

re-evaluation in which

hostile

in

mainly

exploitation

capitalist

limiting

wage differentials, bution

its

experiences

a "generat-

the efficacy

12-

-

of urban

guerrilla

struggle

for

Socialism

been completed.

until

of short-term

self-interest, in

than

a social

of the

of the

1970's

than

labour

did

in

in

not

and even against

that

alternative

to the

their

as a class

while

the

the radical-

with these around

stopping

Socialist years

goals

demonstrated

economic

issues

of offering

short

They did

of Argentine

future

of the

minority

bourgeoisie.

petty

bearing

That

small

in

struggle

the economic

in a more unequivocal

and proselytizing

militant

and early

a key explanatory

class.

class

the fullest

from

treatment,

a fairly

only

regime,

to the latter

appear

which

a political

1960's

Apart

embrace Socialism

the military

Socialist

a clear

for

and capacity

the late

have assumed.

of the working

Broad sectors

a readiness

not

society

hands.

The economistic the Argentine exclusively the

bourgeoisie,

petty

specialised

movement was organising

in mind.

terms

sectors

from

extensive

writers

to the fact

manner owed a lot

in

less

require

which

bourgeoisie

petty

in

objectively,

had more to gain

here was the economism of the working

factor ised

many radical

of this,

aspects

was far

term,

Left

revolution.

"Proletarianisation" sense

Left

had

adopted

many of the petty-bourgeois

Peronist

the

Peronist

who genuinely that

the

Reconstruction"

to individual

has to be said

it

postures,

rather

of "National

a stage

to postpone

preparedness

class, membership

working-class

participated

their

Though one can point

of petty-bourgeois

cadres

and in

warfare

"natural"

labour Argentine ideology

trait

which

movement over phenomenon.

has characterised recent

decades

a large is

class

when left

of

by no means an

Economism was regarded

of the working

part

by Lenin

to its

as

own devices,

13 a spontaneous

to industrial

response

of the weakness

cause and effect

indicates

movement and also processes.

In Argentina,

trade

bureaucracy,

union

but

conquests

with

healthy

economic

classes

briefly

conditions

to

has pointed there

was the

partly class

which

in

left

the

be successful,

for

economic

to negotiate

to reconcile

to the early

the

Peronist

interests when the

period

between

such cooperation

did for

its

but

to tolerate unions

simply

the

also

their

industrial

as the principal

regardless

itself

Ramos

Firstly,

politically

-

of non-working

1955 and the failure political

party,

organisational

being

of ideological

have to be as broad

2

influence.

have never role

conciliat-

Peralta

of the desertion

a vibrant

essential

of class

disappear.

continued

Trade unions

1955.

of labour they

not

the Movement in and before

trade

after

the ideology

subsided,

of repression

instruments,

interests

reformist

leaders

of Peronism: to structure

government the

of Peronism

reasons

inability

from

sectors

political

leaders

three

a product

Peronism

conditions

by labour

upheld

for

the labour

existed.

Once these ion

goes back

and capital,

a

The "participationism"

of their

of the day and to attempt

both

socialisation

of a strong

objectives.

the readiness

is in

when pushed to fight

political

unions,

governments

of labour

the rise

aided

It

influence

of bourgeois

success

prepared

for

rarely

the Argentine

of

it

exploitation. of left-wing

the

I

of of

all bastions

been revolutionary to defend

and promote

differentiation.

and as legally-tolerated

To as

1.

to the worker only "Class political can be brought consciousness the economic struggle, that is, from outside from without, outside between the workers and the employers. the sphere of the relations to extract this knowledge from which it is possible The only field to the state is the field of all classes and strata of relations the field between all of interrelationships and government, (London: What to be Done? " V. I. Lenin, is Panther classes. Books, 1970), p. 123.

2.

Peralta

Ramos, op. cit.,

pp.

58-63 & 163-170.

14 possible,

the narrow,

unlike

quite

Leninist

clandestine

revolutionary

party.

Secondly, the

labour

failure

of Peronism

rise

Party's

fascist

the working

of its Peralta

areas

workers

were better

of

the

ated

workers,

an important of

the

being

1960's, its

However, stratum paid

1.

Ibid.

both

the

in

workers

the

with

The Communist contributed

heterogeneity in dynamic

unskilled

other

of industin

metal-

sectors

of pro-

of the skill

a question

of

of the dynamism and vitality

he or she worked. The well-remunera "labour

aristocracy"

"participationist"

trade

or not,

Union

this

relatively

became

bureaucracy

union

(U. O. M. ) not

Workers

surprisingly

1

be seen,

reformist

monolithically

car workers under

of

them from workers

By 1966,

became less

the Metal

as will

was never

Cördoban

policies,

base for

main axis.

skilled

considered

whether

with

to the growing

separating

in which

significance

as "peronazis"

workers

and more a question

sector

the Socialist

it

and 1930's.

increased.

than

Wage differentials

productive

identifying

1955 as the wages of workers

paid

worker

the

Left's

base.

Ramos points

of production

individual

in

1920's

grew and differentials

declining

duction.

of the

working-class

class after

sectors

Liberals

of Peronist

characterisation

Finally,

the

,

Both

had misinterpreted

joining

movements

the decline

rial

Party

Communist

traditional

of the

to Peronism.

alternative

and economism in

of reformism

strength

movement can be seen as a product

and the

European

to

continued

to pose a real

Party the

the

the

led

important

1966-73

military

labour

privileged

The well-

or economistic. battles regime

against

government

and again

in

fighting

- 15Peronist

to resist

Many of these for

the

both

Peronist

is

aristocracy"

All in

of

this

underpin

of

the

research

thesis valid

conditionally this

of

three

themes, detailed

in

evidence

suggested.

theoretical for

present

the the

light

only of

assumptions referred

to

less

the

the

above

absence merely

and fruitful

"labour

phenomenon. latter and

two,

of

areas

which

considered

contrary been

are

empirical

assumptions but

this

Argentine

with

the

in

worker

international

suggestive

have

high

privileged

militant,

period.

and support

situation,

elaboration

the

1973-76

was certainly

particularly

and

evidence

is-at

introduction, existing

to this

an exception

more

than

can be exceedingly

The supportive

research.

In

these

need

urgent

being

not

car workers

Left

hit

the

connotations

in a wage freeze harder

relatively

and the response

sectors

political

and non-Peronist

be argued,

As will

sector.

had overt

struggles

down wages in

to hold

attempts

evidence.

clarified, for

future

some

CHAPTER I JOHN WILLIAM COOKEAND EARLY PERONIST LEFT IDEOLOGY

When one examines figure

stands

William

out

Cooke.

the

Lesser

theoretical

militants

like

Whereas in ideology-, is

approach

Cooke's there tation

Radical along 1945. Radical

1.

turks"

with

most

fell

possessed

See Chapter

which

a powerful

four in

and Gustavo

debts

is

to Cooke. Left

a biographical

currents,

considered

suitable

to Peronist

Left

nationalist Jauretche

the deviations

mass base,

Six.

16

lacked inherited

Orien-

Radical

de la

organisation in

allegiance

intellectual

which

of Radical

de Orientacion

his

Firstly,

main phases.

the Force

transferred

but

by

years

of Peronist

elements

by Arturo

challenged

principles

into

the militant

forjistas

Cooke

role.

(Fuerza

Youth

founded

Left,

Movement (Movimiento

contribution

spent

FORJA was a middle-class Party

- FAR),

Revolutionary

individual

John

of the Revolutionary

Such an approach

life

FORJA), -

"young

leader

major

political

of the Argentine

national-popular which

leading

Peronist

one

and most comprehensive.

as ideological

youthful'years

Joven Argentina

of the

men owed ideological

other

here.

political

were his

Olmedo,

both

but

outstanding

and his

ideology

and elaborator:

ideology,

were to be made in later

October

17th

chapter

employed

due to Cooke's

inspiration

Armadas Revolucionarias

be examined

will

Left

most important

Enrique

of the

the next

of Peronist

ideologist

only

contributions

? 217), -

17 de Octubre

principal

earliest,

Carlos

founder

origins

the

not

(Fuerzas

Armed Forces Rearte,

as its

If

was certainly

the

1935, before

he

to Peronism the

movement within of party

of

leaders

a mass base. many Radical

from

Peronism, ideas,

in

1

-17-

leading

forjistas

many

Radical

Party

Radicals

were historically

towards

Peronism

the latter's

of

Cooke,

principles

into

the moderately

Radical

ideas,

analyses these

years

the

1946-55

not

a Peronist

Socialist in

is

1950's

by Enrique but

some of the

staffing

converts,

to democratic

failed

and then

De Frente

review stage,

Peronist

A small

Cooke's

Dickmann, to win

that

joined

support

period by some

during

but

the old Argentine

the Peronist

for

in

what existed

led by Cooke,

from

of

to accept

activism

chiefly

splinter

This

.

beginning

years

as editor

influenced

still

but

Peronism,

to his

corresponded

so as to demonstrate

tendency.

led

Party,

only

implications.

was a militant

Left

to the

regard

government

a transitional

below

studied

period

the early

Peronist

had socialist

which

The movement of

with

development

Peronist

a fervent

already

and the

camp.

the first

through

I

own tendency

them a commitment

with

phase of Cooke's

influential

saw Cooke going

but

apparatus

the Peronist

under

their

redundant.

were to carry

The second

that

was important

political

including

as a deputy

to consider

Movement ideas

socialist

2

there.

In

the third

Cooke remained

the

phase, leading

that

of the

early

representative

Resistencia of militant

3

years

Peronism.

He

1.

For the ideas of FORJA, see Arturo A. Pena Lillo infame (Buenos Aires: were, of course, FORJA members.

Jauretche, FORJA la decada Editor, 1962). Forjistas

2.

For an account of this 1953 splinter, which became known as the (Partido Revolution Party of the National Socialist Socialista de la Revoluclon Nacional PSRN), Izquierda, "La see sus grupos (Buenos Aires), " Poder August 1972, pp. 3-24. Cuarto y tendencias,

3.

"La Resistencia" to the Peronist resistance movement and refers during the period between the 1955 military coup and struggles the 1959 General Strike, though some writers use the term in to the whole 1955-1973 period of Peronist referring opposition.

18became Peron's and leader direct

of the National

resistance tory,

resistance

effective

bombings,

the

of clandestine

Cuban Revolution,

and its

ideas,

strategic

ditions.

Cooke's

Peronist

convergence

Argentine

Left

Since

briefly

will

and written mentary his

55,

of

examine

early

the

latter

lacked

of

Peronist

1968 death,

Cuban revolution to Argentine

Marxism

earliest

a key Peronist

influence

con-

retaining

while

of the Peronist-

example

feature

his

life

his

Cooke's

leader

of the

and the most important Left,

upon the Peronist and then

the with

will

works were,

in

and became most influential

the main, then,

chapter speeches

to his

lastly,

parliaof 1954-

editorials

Peron and,

strategy

this

political

refer

De Frente

characterisation

on revolutionary

his

analyse

latter

of the

correspondence

Peron and views

1970's

the

to Cuban-style

of 1946-51,

in which

that

engaged

was this

earliest

of the

cause

adapting

Treatment

works.

published

Though true

It

his

1959 until

which was to be an important

Cooke was both

interventions

and articles

which

in

a decade later.

ideological

individual

while

represented

Guevarist

lay

by the impact

reinforced

from

embraced the

conversion

affiliation

authority

warfare.

Cooke openly

which

the

but which

etc.,

Cooke to become the

were the years

there

Finally,

led

guerrilla

of urban

proponent

during

which

groups

independently.

later

and

more concilia-

and Cooke's

on walls,

operated

warfare,

in

- other,

clandestine

slogans

and often

to coordinate

His main support

movement.

the small

daubing

coordination

experience

labour

in Argentina

influence

by Perbn

endorsed

comandos,

sabotage,

Cooke's

be exaggerated

not

the

weak in

"delegate")

attempted

However,

activities.

had credentials

was generally

in

Command which

movement should

leaders

the

representative

official

resistance

(or

to the books

of Peronism, were further

estimation developed.

published

only

Cooke's

ideas

in

the

were

a

- 19 known to activists before tant

then

via

clandestine to the

and were crucial Peronist

of the

sectors

and personal

publications

contact

development

ideological

of impor-

Left.

COOKE'S POLITICAL LIFE John William a family John's

of Irish

nomad,

Jorge

a total

friendship

Conservatives

in

Eguren

for

ation

those

,

the new regime. of Foreign battle was his

his

but

father's

coup was viewed

in

Dr.

father, 1945,

closest

the rise

Juan Isaac

engaged in Spruille

At the time

Nation-

Revolution".

another

of Perön within

a diplomatic

was Minister and political

and John William

advisor

of the decisive

in

resisting

the

pressures

1.

Alberto Opini6n

2.

de John, " Eguren de Cooke, "Notas pars una biografia Alicia (15th-21st September 1971), 9 Nuevo Hombre (Buenos Aires), no. p. 10.

Szpunberg, Cultural

the

admir-

October

Cooke,

Braden,

the

Cooke's

as "Radical,

by Cooke as just

and most revolutionary

latter.

through

death,

great

began

against

and contradictory

changed with

attitude

fighting

politics

the name of the

the US ambassador,

of the

early

a close

Cooke himself

his

and

John William's

at university

After

of a secret

in

Cooke's

Relations

against

full

struggling

The 1943 military cuartelazo

his

described

For ista,

Popular,

and then (FUA).

of his

and maintained

Balbin.

that

of bohemian

During

as a Radical

1930's

Federation

heritage

mixture

Radical

Ricardo

school

secondary

University

widow Alicia

the

Irish

1

politics".

Radical,

during

life

political

alist,

him as "a rare

was ardently

leading

with

on 14th November 1920 into

the key features

attributed

for

passion

family

his

upbringing,

Argentine

Cooke,

when he described

with

La Plata

in

was due to this

It

origin.

brother,

personality

his

Cooke was born

popular

" La "El pensamiento vivo de un militante, (Buenos Aires), 9th September 1973, p. 2.

2

-20-

of October

mobilisation immediately Cards

the

Congressmen

Congress ication

by being

In a firmly argued national

acts

and material

counterpart

former". of

clashed

with

Cooke's member of the he refused being

Minister

in material

inequality

which

Cooke showed himself

his

who was not deep-felt

Congressional

to be quiescent. yet

re-adopted,

his

dissidence,

latter

practical

were a

juridical

by

measures

For Cooke,

that

sophism:

Cooke

be defended

movements.

tends

Charter.

by inter-

the only

ratif-

of the

equality to outweigh

has the

to be a man of principle, to toe

prepared

the

party

line

a man when it

convictions.

training

legal

Nations

through

liberation

other

because

Here,

at

mark in

out against

United

could

a sophism

integrity

great

which

and Foreign

made his

he declared,

is

It

as a deputy

be guaranteed

not

dangerous "a based upon were

of States.

2

In fact,

with

solidarity

agreements

equality

could

sovereignty,

President

the Argentine

its

explaining

to Argentine

challenge

the

speech

and charters.

he commented.

to Perbn demanded

to stand

and the

sovereignty

national

deputy

of Chapultepec

anti-imperialist

that

loyalty

He immediately

Peronist

the only

the Treaty

of

that

of Peronists.

on the part

servility

the notion

and rejected

predicted

he was one of the most vehement

From the start,

age of 25.

He

on Martin

a few days",

Cooke was elected

1946 elections,

ensuing

detention

12th and accurately

"They are going, to see within

the

as a lawyer.

of Perbn's

on October

was announced

the response: In

the importance

recognised

when it

Cooke was graduating

1945,

him to play

enabled Committee In

1951,

the following

an important Matters,

on Constitutional he paid

year

again

for

his

stood

dissidence out,

this

role

as a but by not

time

p. 2.

1.

Szpunberg,

2.

del voto de John W. Cooke contra Is aprobaci6n del "Fundamentaci6n de Acta de Chapultepec y la Carta de las Naciones Unidas, " Diario (Argentina: C&mara de Diputados, 1946), III, Sesiones p. 580.

op.

cit.,

1

-21-

by opposing

as an antecedent

Pact

1973 Social

the

to

as the key

to

productivity

Eguren,

he had been "a young solitary the seen as

Cooke did

William

not

liamentary

life,

ptations.

He later

(Theatre)

Cooke the

ing

his

bridle

myself

that

of the contract

his

out

of world

witness trade with

science

of the )Iovement,

ible.

Cooke himself

within

Peronism, time

1.

Eguren,

op.

2.

Szpunberg,

3.

Ibid.

but

cit. op.

living

up to its

became a figurehead

not

ism at that

became the moral

De Frente

For many Peronists,

cit.

challenging adopting

claim of the

the political

a hard

line

seeing

that

economy, "incorr-

self-styled his

critique

signing

Oil

it

taking

after

political

Perbn's

Colon

want to end up fight-

he initiated

of Standard

to the

Per6n offered

Instead,

De Frente,

and opposed

branch

the Argentine

in

In it

reality".

bureaucracy

union

3

lectureship

it,

don't

"I

tem-

2

Evita

he rejected

par-

era as "as-

They went

of office,

John

seductive

of that

the world".

but

own publication,

1

leaving

at

and its

regime.

of obsequiousness".

of Buenos Aires

up a University

uptible

kind

dismayed

deputies

independence:

political

with

Cooke brought

term

of Democracia

editorship

the

were men of

second Peronist

the

During

would

they

to show that

Peronist

into

themselves

and heterogen-

of the mass movement.

limitations

its

spoke of the

to integrate

piring

he saw both

upon in-

For Alicia

a timid

to be particularly

appear

for

in

Peronists

emphasis

salvation.

Jacobin

"rearguard"

left

due to its

economic

creased

ous parliament"

by later seen -

Congress

the Productivity

of a

of California. con-

and political to being

incorrupttendency

more militant objectives

on how to defend

of Peronthe

22 -

-

government

first

Cooke was the

for

Technical

but

for

1

Peronist'Party

in

Cooke found

a corrupt

his

aroused

Cooke's

of popular

Freute force

.

which

idea

backed up by popular essential the idea

1. 2.

3.

since

and

could

be

not

basicas,

to win support

for

This

and the Peronist his

widow,

the coming

unidades

an attempt

for

of the

to his

and armed resistance.

to

this

experience a friend

a military

mobilisations

popular

3

one writer,

was to organise

the Superior

of creating

2

bureau-

even before

arrest

the

coup.

defeat

would

technology

Interventor

which

the

as Secretary

for

structure

unions

called

Abraham Guill&n,

The basic

time

according

among the military

to Franco,

War veteran

the

not

There,

in

units,

mobilisation

according

plan,

a job

the means to defeat

trade

Party

opposition

Resistance

Spanish

for

visiting

1955 military

September

Civil

Capital.

both of which apparently

cracy,

is

was appointed

He searched

Peronist

strong

("It

and bureaucratic

intervention,

strategy

When offered

1955.

and instead

the Federal

changed overnight.

the base-level

to be summoned by Peron after

person

he refused

Affairs,

politics")

military

grew.

of June 16th

bombardment

aerial

it

to

as opposition

militias,

reaching

through

and support. of

him through

and collaborator

a clandestine

revolt

Council

was based upon the

on

urban

guerrilla

guerrilla

actions

Clandestinity

the Peronist

due to a firm

Party veto

De

was had rejected

from

even the

Ibid. Here, "Interventor" by the Peronist means a trustee appointed to take over the running leadership The same of a party branch. to trustees by the federal term is used to refer appointed to trustees to provincial authorities and replace sent government to replace local union officials. trade union leaderships by national 6 The National 1 Donald C. Hodges, Argentina Revolution and -1 (USAs University Resistance of New Mexico Press, 1976 pp. 191-196.

23 "Peronist"

Despite

structure. go behind

This

was also

to extend

seeking

between

distinction

a sharp opposition.

co-existence

between "1

Peronist

that

was opening but

critically

national

problems". the

"truce"

tember

period

favour

of the masses seeking

his

after

parties: norms that

"While they

they

adhere

" in

legality

must be fought".

3

2.

Cooke, De Frente (Buenos Aires), 1955), editorials. (29th August 1955), 77 Ibid. no.

3.

Ibid.

1.

no.

78 (5th

September

for

stage

parties

the solution own zig-zags ended,

and violent

to legal

in mid-1955

in

norms,

in which

is

nos.

70 & 71 (11th

editorial.

partici-

of the great of the June-SepCooke spoke in

according

rebellion,

editorial.

could

to the

relation it

methods";

measures"

Violent

1955),

drew

peaceful

"by revolutionary

was officially

to constitutional

commitment

of the

and violent

end of the

Per6n's

time,

end of the revolution,

opposition

"drastic

that

is

based upon "reciprocal

the

meant the

Following

legal

with

as it

dimensions

Cooke called

announced

up in which

Cooke, at

De Frente

parties

constructively, 2

that

in

how to deal

this

but

by Peron,

be confused,

and social

were to be achieved

objectives

a new stage pate,

Perön

by September,

not

should

political

the political

After

Cooke was to argue

the

guerrilla

when adopted

the view

with

organise

practice

to

were prepared

1956.

the June 16 events,

After

concessions.

January

The editorials

Revolution".

"Peronist

in

came to fruition

Left,

Peronist

by the

today

and secretly

of Cooke to fight

readiness

command

Cooke and Guill6n

leaders

in

exclusively,

of a dual

creation

had been achieved

subsequently

not

the

rejection,

of the

Little

strategy

though

this

the backs

contingents. the

who feared

generals

but

showed

opposition to these

however,

was

& 18th July

24 -

something his

leave

else.

During

refuge

in

take

over

personally military After the

the

golpe

leader

only

position

from

on October

in

Leloir

fined

in

for

wall

the face

a simulated

Cooke ended up in imprisonment, though directing sent

Command) in to receive

in

the

forced the

Cooke his

of the

by a police

the Rio Gallegos

Cooke continued

to lead

by circumstance

to delegate

Comando de Lucha. full

recognition

Jost

writer Plaza

in

in

and organise the

Caracas

and arrested

task

Cooke

Maria

Rosa

While

his

courage

conby

up against

several

the South.

to Lagomarsino from

to

Hotel.

when put put

by

and tried

Significantly,

officer

prison

led

a

Cooke created

agent

travel.

being

took

the resistance

he demonstrated

After

Cooke was

a tendency

for

orders

commanding

execution.

"Doctor

Buenos Aires

luxurious

by radio,

one who openly

While

the nationalist

the Las Heras Penitentiary, in

spitting

was arrested

that

the new regime,

to

He was betrayed

the home of

1

".

itself

order

only

to

Buenos Aires.

wrote

me and the

the day he was due to

20th,

was captured whereas

Peron.

exile

to Peron

and install

resistance

of Greater

intransigence....

in

to Paraguay

directly

Peron from

(Struggle

Comando de Lucha

of the

'.plazas'

to accommodate

sought

travel

,

speak to the people

leadership

who contacted

of absolute

Leloir

the

Cooke appealed

coup,

the War Ministry,

the public

in

units

the September

a

prisons,

Despite

his

the resistance, of practically

and Marcos.

2

Perlin

on November 2nd:

him as the only leader who has my mandate to preside "I recognise the Peronist forces in the the totality of organised over decisions his have the force same and as abroad and country

1.

Cooke, " Peronismo Socialismo de John William "Alrededor (September (Buenos Aires), 1973), pp. 10-13. 1 no.

2.

Comando Tactico The Comando de Lucha became known as the Command and, more commonly, as the Comando Aacional Tactical Command). National

a

-25In

mine.

to direct

Cooke was able his

after his

escape from

release

leading

Jost

detention

Apart

eration workers

union).

by the

accompanied walked

of the

out

rejected released,

and external

was also

in

hit

opposed

a breathing

space in

about

the nationalist

Politica.

3.

flew

He therefore

agreement

2.

Buenos Aires

3.

Arturo Raigal,

Herald,

Frondizi, 1955).

the

his to

Peronist

Associations

Cuadernos 5

y Politica

forces to

dubious

Petrbleo

Per6n's

final

de Crisis

19th March 1957.

Petr6leo

1958

At the same time,

book,

gain

It

which would

and was especially in

the

from Fron-

for

support

movement.

to Caracas

Letter from Perlin to Cooke of 2,11.56, (March (Buenos Aires), 5 1974), p. no.

Cooke was

emissaries

to reorganise

which

courts

of the Resistance.

to a tactical

1.

Chilean

and developed

Peronist

contained

promises

Confed-

extradition,

at

the first

in Frondizi

illusions

he had no political

Labour

were reportedly

the

structures

hegemony of the labour

Peronist

legalise

After

and to use a Law of Professional

by repression

- ALN),

Jose Ocampo, and simply

transmitter

seeking

Cooke was not

Peronism

give

Rojo,

they

government

Cooke received

Ricardo

frequently

2

passes.

organisational

that

Chile

help,

the prison,

radio

up a clandestine

set

of

financial

Jose G6mez (head of the petroleum

by the Aramburu

attempts

elections.

using

prison

internal

dizi,

guard

chief

other

Alliance

General

the

of

five

former

Liberating

to outside

In addition

Cooke,

and after

the Chamber of Deputies),

of

General-Secretary

Andres J. Pedro CGT) and -

Chile,

(Per6n's

the Nationalist

more personally

Arenas,

from

Antonio

Cämpora (er-President

(former

Espejo

out - Jorge

(head of

Kelly

there.

command to him".

struggle

to Punta

got

Hector

Patricio

the resistance

from Rio Gallegos

Peronists

advisor),

I delegate

case of my death,

the

I

(Buenos Aires:

Editorial

y word

-26-

and in

on the matter Per6n,

with

to set

general During

to Argentina. for

Peronist

1958,

Cooke made several

meetings

as leader

to promote

worker

cadres

leadership

for

and detained

airport

general

the

into

and to consolidate

oil

period

Cooke constantly

and to provide

In November 1958,

workers'

on a prison

he went to

was arrested

peak in

Cooke was again

the

issued

the

at year.

"revolutionary" to provide

present

proclamation

sought

a political

the end of that

until its

reached

1959,

but

strike

ship

The strike

leadership.

political

and hard-liners

of January

strike

Frondizi

proximity

trips

secret

of the Resistance,

struggles.

Resistencia'

When the

stated

labour

to support

with

to Montevideo

of its

advantage

along

structures.

role

Argentina

taking

the Pact

he flew

this,

there,

organisational

In his

After

staff

clandestine

to

1958 was a signatory

and Frigerio.

Frondizi

up his

Argentina

February

by Cooke boldly

that: in that it has broader and more transris political "This strike than fixing the day. working rise or a wage a of motives cendent is being Here the future of the working class and the nation 1 fought for".

The strike

was political

because

went sale

of Frigorifico

Lisandro

government

but

persecution politicians, ers,

1.

the height

the moment was short-lived. but

also

Leloir,

who joined

was in

internal Bramuglia

together

being

this

seen as a

and the oligarchy.

of his

influence

Not only opposition and Albrieu,

in a pincer

"La proclama de la huelga De Frente, second series,

to the govern-

opposition

de Is Torre,

to imperialism

surrender

Cooke was at

it

in

did from

the

labour

he suffer

government

the

line"

"soft

and some trade

movement to demand his

del frigorifico (27th 8 no.

movement,

Lisandro June 1974),

union

lead-

ouster.

de la Torre, p. 30.

"

27 Alicia

may have been correct

Eguren

"The first

unofficially,

demanded by Frigerio the Pact

"The image

1957 Per6n,

November

pursuing

two tendencies, in

arrived

would

his

action.

However,

parallel

leadership

'mistake'

the middle

in

Council, through

increasingly

ambivalent.

When Frigerio

1959 general

strike

ship

Communism, the communique ised

1.

op.

cit.

and Supervisory

congruent

what was happening

Eguren,

tried

with

this

On that

'soft

occasion,

Cooke on his

Cooke's

two new

National

of Peronism Council

interpretation.

and the

strategic

to present

to the Movement as a result

explain-

the

recognising

clandestine

which

the Movement.

Command Delegation

as the work of a sector

Coordinating

(28.1.59)

the

on,

in

confusion

Peron created

making

Resistencia

the

to pass it

and congratulated of 1958,

between

to Bramuglia

rank-and-file.

the Superior

organs,

and Supervisory

Coordinating

the

In

of balancing

policy

create

to a

of individuals.

was implicitly

dishearten

for

apologised

of

that

them as a challenge

refused

would

the Leader

thus

and would

Perlin

purge:

my eyes in

message addressed

The latter

hands.

that

appear

seeing

a pendular

such a tape

that

to Perbn

line',

of

a "crypto-

Stalinist

before

until

persecution

of him being

a question

a taped

sent

Cooke's

than

rather

policy

revolutionary

It

compared the

appeared

head on,

Cooke met the attacks

ing

he was not sacked

1

period".

the

head,

although

to the first

etc.,

invariably

of Trotsky

John's

(was)

the accusations

a "trotskyist",

that,

the Pact

She, furthermore

old.

the Movement,

communist",

of

and Frondizi;

was a year

Cooke Within

clause

later

when she wrote

leader-

Command the January

allied

issued

with

a Cooke real-

of Frondizi's

- 28integrationist ion.... for

But there those

will

The trade legal

the

Resistance, ly

Throughout

Conintes

ressive

who briefly

operated

was also

involved

in

in

the

and Argentina

People's

Masetti's EGP) of

in Salta.

operated

Persecution

time.

was quite found close

1.

natural

a coherent personal the

Tucumän in

late

but

were not

under

the

creation

of guerrilla

Army (Ej6rcito guerrilla

forced

in Argentina

overall friendship

Cuban Revolution

which

Left-Guevarist

Peronist

his

his

haven should

framework with

Guevara.

and its

"Apuntes pars una historia (2a Parte), revolucionario 1974). to no. 15 (April

in

the at

Cooke's He Cuba

upon Ricardo del

Pueblo

Peronists

and

dates

from

convergence exile

in

-

this

1960 and it

There, Cooke's

ideas

and he developed

He became totally

revolutionary

Cuban

camps in

Guerrillero

Cuban Marxism

rep-

leadership.

training

be Cuba.

its

the Uturuncos,

personal

Cooke into

the Movement.

society

came under

included

sufficient-

to resolve

warfare

and was an influence

1960's

Guerrilla

that

1959,

of the

triumphant

initiative,

guerrilla

The

unleashed

by the recently

in

a Guevarist

1963-4,

government

Movement and Argentine

rural

early

not

base in

to guerrilla

the Peronist

influence,

political

as the

looked

Argentine

The first

and heroism

political

a solid

Influenced

plan.,

within

contradictions large.

Cooke with

he increasingly

Revolution,

the militancy

and

Albrieu Strike.

the Movement was still

of

conciliation

while

the General

after

Cooke was hunted

1959,

seeking

silent

remained

shortly

"hard-line"

to provide

strong

tendencies

despite

of Cooke showed that

tall

with

dismissal

Cooke's

I

the government".

with

Perlin

triumphed.

activity

organised

involved

and political

union

be much more repress-

will

be more money and many more opportunities

also

to get

who wish

there

"From now on,

policies:

strategy

identified and was soon

de la resistencia y del peronismo (Buenos Aires), " En Lucha supplement

a

-29both

there

active

Cuban army operations the Sierras

Cuban aid

Movement (Movimiento

of Cooke's

foQuista

erences

with

Perbn's

overall

his

Perlin

Cooke's

definition

appear

he were not

Taking

Perlin would

capable

up an offer

to Cuba, making

written

for

dispute

with

foquismo

he never

repeated

it

the

.2

acknowledge

he never in

to its

ultimate

latter

his

the Latin

diff-

challenged to fight

to Per6n to make

a key role

Cooke repeatedly

Fidel

The strength

explicitly

appeals

to show that

play

of leading

by Castro,

MRP) in 1964, 1 Moreover,

movements.

him to openly

led

viewed

paved the way

the Movement and he continued

return.

leader's

gave up hope that if

of

Peronista

over

completely

the revolution,

even

conclusion.

urged Peron

to transfer base of

his

residence

1.

in the MRP, though he never publicly Cooke did not participate to have been due to His it. appears non-involvement criticised the fact that he was in Cuba during the immediate pre-history )RP leaders because IMP the were not many also and possibly of revolutionary. really del reformismo Cooke "Aportes en la Ar entina, " a Is critica (Buenos Aires), (1961 2-3 (JulyPresents Pasado nos. , December 1973T, pp. 373-401. theses on revolutionary to the Guevara-Debray "Foquismo" refers impact the the of operations catalytic emphasised which warfare, the 'focos', maturing of revolutionon or groups, of guerrilla ary conditions.

2.

to

the Revolutionary

with

in his

However,

1962.

leadership

a revolutionary

latter

convictions in

starting

1960's

the early

CP's during

American

into

explaining

generally

He therefore

liberation

the

influenced

then

until

Communist Party,

the Argentine

probably

Cuba was in

Revolucionario

national

with

of

critique

Castro,

for

Peronists,

to left-wing

in

of fascism.

as a variant

seen as solidarity

role

of Peronism,

the nature

Argentina

Peronist

his

most important

Cooke's

the Cuban leaders

for

the

infiltrated

counterrevolutionaries

against

man in

and militia

of Escambray.

Perhaps

outside

instructor

as revolutionary

revolutionary

- 30-

operations. Cooke was only a state

of neige

to this

last

Peronismo

in

able

to return

October

1963.

his 1

de Estado,

golpe

y el

Most of his

in Argentina,

period

to Argentina

the most mature

represented ideology

to emerge in

combined

his

unity

theoretical

between

theory

a revolutionary

1966-67,

Cooke led

tions.

and attempted

to work within

tional Tacuara

stages

the Peronist

prototype

Tacuara

the Peronist

to

Movement,

Cooke always

Movement Luis

politico-military organisations

and

his

revolutionary

war

own organisation, Peronista

its

ARP) -

revolutionary

can be seen, (Moviemento Nell

In

in Argentina,

went beyond the preparatory it

organ-

by member organisa-

and prolonged

warfare,

He sought

the Tricontinental

Revolucionaria

MNRT) Jost of -

first

Peronist

activity.

committees

developing

below,

analysed

methodology.

elected

Cooke created

(Acci6n

Nationalist

of the more recent

the ARP was one of the

1.

them.

of revolutionary

Revolutionary

Revolucionario

delegations

of armed struggle

Action

However,

El of the

of a revolutionary

OLAS and Tricontinental

Though the ARP never

tendency.

the unity

belong

1966 coup,

political

he was unanimously

to implement

Revolutionary

of the

These works,

with

of

book being

and a revolutionary

the Argentine

the. theses

he promoted

Peronist

theory

head of the

As

works

of a revolutionary

contributions

after

published

and mid 1960's.

and practice,

isation,

OLAS Conferences,

tasks.

articulation

the early

the lifting

most influential

an analysis

Peronis t Movement and revolutionary

after

along

and agitawith

Nacionalista

and Joe Baxter, organisations.

to work for

the

as a

Moreover,

the unity

of

and non-Peronist

Cooke, (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Accibn Revolucionaria Peronmovimiento), Also published ista, 1966). under the name Peronismo y Revoluci6n (Buenos Aires: Granica Editor, 1971). All quotations from this work cite the former text as the reference and use its pagination.

31 -

Left.

revolutionary

of Cooke came in

The'death

began to get

guerrilla

groups

left-wing

Peronism

His

major

works

his

death

although

his

By 1973,

some of his

the best

selling

fighting

like

of an incurable

on 19th September

"It

does not

go forward

matter;

and will

His

to

quirk

the

before

those

these win".

comrades

have fallen

alive.

of Perbn in wish was to die

personal

he died

in bed he

and materialist, his

of history,

but

skin

and

Cooke died group

guerrilla

Cooke commented:

the undismayed

end,

after

while

and donated

will

tendency.

Ideologically,

Instead

atheist

germs of

years

influence

the same day as the Taco Ralo

1968,

Shortly

in his

By a strange

bank.

only

Torres.

As a confirmed ceremony

eyes to a transplant

was captured.

his

1

book league.

cancer.

any religious

rejected

than

Che Guevara and Camilo

three

were available.

articles

was greater

Peronist

the

revolutionary

least

at

books had become second

Cooke's

and before

a powerful until

the important

before

a year ground

into

published

influence

posthumous

the

off

crystallized

were not

1968,

the guerrilla

will

2

COOKE'S IDEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT

Cooke's

Peronist,

showed him to be a militant Movement - economic justice

- with

libros

great

independence,

upholding

political

" La Opinion

1.

"Los

2.

Cooke, quoted in "Seguir& de Pueblo) (Buenos Aires),

vivo no.

the

1946-51

Peronism

Cultural,

period

the 3 "Banners"

sovereignty

For Cooke,

conviction.

peronistas,

during

interventions

parliamentary

of the

and social had taken

August

19th

over

1973.

(Es luchan, los Ya " Tiempo en que September 1973, pp. 10-12. 13,20th

before going into action The Taco Ralo guerrillas were captured but their was reorganised urban support apparatus and developed the Peronist into an important Armed guerrilla organisation, Forces - FAP. See Chapter Six.

_..

} .,

32 from a degenerate

banners

these logical

reforming,

influence

strict

Nevertheless, as a democrat,

of economic

this

in

present

general the

as part

revisionist

questions.

emerges from

this

the

Constitution. of Cooke

period is

influence,

a valid

one, in his

especially

one can say that

many of the

to Marxism

conversion

Cooke saw himself of the national

and the

and popular

school.

liberal

to the

Peronist

historical

were already

Movement in line

interpretation

The popular

as an alternative

presented

later

defending

period.

early

Historically,

in

Indeed

speeches

firmly

and anti-imperialist

Cooke's

bases for

theoretical

parliamentary

norms embodied

of Marxist

a degree

here

finds

treatment

reformer

social

a

the Yrigoyenist

and constitutionalist,

the image which

while

from

in his

to the democratic

adherence

one also

lawyer

them to their

the programme for

Apart

one finds

Peronism,

of the

them into

Movement.

anti-imperialist

of Cooke's

roots the

transforming

conclusions,

and had taken

Radicalism

upheld

of history

interpretation

by

was

of the

oligarchy: its own or foreign interests, "Which only represents covering 'democratic' this with the cloak of historical and 'civilising' that national "We believe dogmas".... can economic liberation destruction those through the falsely be of achieved only dogmas". historical fabricated The revisionist popular

stance, "the

eulogised heroes.

1.

focussed caudIllos

Thus Cooke,

identification

viewed

school

with

history

from

and national

on popular who represent

though

not

a

an idealised

national

Rosista

the Rosas heritage:

and romantic

struggles sentiments"

shared , "We defend

and 1

as their

the revisionists' Rosas because we

(Argentina: de Diario Sesiones Cämara Cooke, parliamentary speech, Future references to Cooke's 1949, IV: 3139. de Diputados). the Diario in de Sesiones, interventions, recorded as parliamentary to "DS", limited be year, volume and page(s). will

-33-

the

in his

that

consider

country,

in

condensed

the

Due to his

identification

ical

and to his

familial

orientations

of my political

referred

to the

Radical

ialist,

him for

and even criticised

democracy

political Radicalism

for

based on respect

Cooke's to his

liberal-democratic arguments

stood which for

rather

out in provided

purely

favour

in

than being

for

Though Cooke often

the

"disused" upon

emphasis

enist

the more authorit-

of asylum

rights

1.

DS, 1948, 11: 1644-

2.

DS, 1946,

3.

DS, 1946, XI: 232-239.

4.

DS, 1949, 1: 844-847.

11: 293-

for

to free

of Fascist

parties

ideological and Marxist

it

or it

exists

Moreover,

by opposing

1949,

one can look

were seen as

terms.

in

of

shades of political

individual

of political

"a threat

time,

all

eEsential

As evidence

either

class

Speaking

3

this

at

of the

parliament

democratic

present

and upon the

indivisible:

posed in

reasons.

expression

"the

of man".

views

the exclusion

ideological

the free

defended

political

Peronist

the first

a bar as "intolerable"... Defending

so many

as an anti-imper-

him from

dignity

is to "The asylum right activist 4 does not,. The democratic rights universal,

in

from Yrigc

human personality

Christian the up make

bases which

legality

Cooke staunchly

In parliament, regime

and

legislators.

Peronist

arian

2

much of his

was to differentiate

and this

Capital

Cooke owed a

bogged down, in

getting

and constitutional

of

histor-

"who inspires

"limitations"

derived

he clearly

1853,

of

constitution

background,

activity".

leader's

opinion

the revisionist

with

to Yrigoyen,

ways the

early

masses of the

political

debt

intellectual

considerable

federal

great

Interior: current

the democratic

moment he represented

Cooke

legislation from

activity

he referred

to such

expression". ideas

alike

as

34beneficial

the

for

and the

Right

extreme

because

people

nationalism

they

2

monsters", Conservative

Communists

our best

the

the

Argentine 1

"the

amongst

line

of democratic

our

fauna

strange

Socialist,

defeated

of the

opinions

root

"That

Communist,

be best

could

opposition,

take

tradition".

as he described

that

can never

with

conflict

is

which

Cooke maintained

country,

Radical

through

of

and-

clean

elections

methods:

and constitutional

"We think that only one way is open for the integral realisation the way of legislative revolution, realisation of the national instruments by means of juridical which the Constitution for". 3 provides This

should

prepared its

with

face

did

it

not

always

but

he did not

forms

to play

means being

the

was

Peronism democratic

game. in

silence

occasional

the

used against

in reconciling

succeed

always

opposition

of opposition,

afford

force

repressive the

while

do so and Cooke's

of extra-constitutional

shows that

ition

could

support

mass popular

Of course,

to legal

itself

full

its

using

Cooke argued,

opposition,

to restrict

from

the State

prevent

violent

against

the

not

oppos-

theory

with

practice. In contrast

faire

economics.

in its

was a liberal

"myth"

"political

1.

D5,1949,

V: 4233.

2.

DS,

1951,

IV: 2382.

3.

Ds,

1946,1:

views

is

very

the

that

relative

to laissez-

the realisation

capitalist

the

demo-

of political

liberalism,

denied

undermining

due to the existence

liberty

299.

phase,

with

Cooke argued

and freedom.

equality

in practice

The latter

monopolistic

and liberal

opposed to economic

Cooke maintained,

ideals,

liberal

while

Radical

Cooke was strongly

cracy,

ially

to his

of

system,

the liberal 'equality'

espec-

values

of opportunies'

of economic

inequality,

because

rtaing

the

of

class

in

-35is

economics

the ruling

here between

this

a contradiction

belief

Planning

to partially

counteract

capitalism.

Though he did

for

called

the

"social

function

State monopoly process

in

general

ing

small

ing

"the

economic ensure

"Free

industrialists nationalisation sectors

1.

DS,

order

to

of the

which of

Cooke des-

upholding

the

in

favour

lay

general

possible

and traders was only

as the and for

con3umers"

deemed necessary

of the economy "when a certain

1946, XI: 232-239.

parameters

rais-

number of independent in

was defended,

or

(area

this

way,

of national

of protection

and desirable

service

the

to the monopolistic

and,

and

of develop-

through

well-being

distribution form

tendencies.

Cooke supported

themselves

"best

of monopoly

capitalist

counterposing

greatest

anti-

the

of

monopolistic

domination.

"attain

forms

the opposition

as reflecting

and individualised

competition"

within

an excellent

cognizance

to curb

compete between

which

his

the different

standards",

a more equitable

income".

with

through

"intervention

by Cooke in

demonstrated

to monopoly

living

existence

entities

machinery",

-

dis-

as such,

and dignity

and practising

attempts

can be viewed

law in

the people's

order

which

industrialists

anti-monopoly

idea

consequences

war on capital

capitalist

to the monopolies

terms

instrument

was proposed

legislative

hostility

as the practical

concentration,

and the world-wide

Marxist

constitutionalism

1

of capitalist

Yet his

of this

1946,

of

latter

declare

not

interventionism

speech

as the

was advocated

the State"

the needy class".

of

liberal

of human personality

"mechanisms of

later

early

the anti-liberal

the defence

troying

There was a contradiction

politics".

and Cooke's

resolved

only

the former.

placed

in

class

in of)

for

small

while the basic production

36.. 1

needs non-competition". the State

which free

enterprise

He was acutely by the

Cooke felt

and to

decent

guarantee

that

the alternative

leave

Where does this his

ion

Engels,

of capitalism,

In his

of the

solution

Hilferding accepting

in

Soviet

Union

on

the

system,

ideals

people. praised

practice,

of socialisation

in

yet

mind,

to economic

history

on economic

their

on the

analyses Plan

in

1947,

not

is

that

questions

development

but

It

clear he had

and tenden-

their

conclusions.

Cooke opined

in relat-

thats

the process best. Although their have studied "The Marxists it is that the evident not accepted, analysis are conclusions to see the full flourishing Marx never lived is correct. of the monopoly but he intuitively saw it at its birth and was 2 in his predictions". correct From Marx and Engels of

he

inevitably

to Marxism?

relation

and Lenin

Economic

on the Ist

speech

Cooke in

interventions

parliamentary

read Marx, cies

capitalist

liberal

model

for

standards

the

which

restrictions

totalitarianism.

entailed

from

the

living

was one in

project

combat monopolistic

fundamental

' With

system.

way in

Cooke's

words,

to

negated

that

other

was to intervene

aware of the

liberals,

defended

In

came Cooke's

understanding

of some basic

features

capitalism: that "Marx demonstrated, and in my judgement he was correct, (... ) the problem of cycles is inherent in the essence of the system" 3 "Marx was wrong on many things but not capitalist in his presentation of the problem of the concentration of in the capitalist is inherent Crisis system and so capital. becomes imperialism. The Sooner or later, is war. capitalism the hand, brings, the for on one colonisation markets struggle the between on other, peoples and, war weak of economically the great powers for the first place in the producer markets 4 raw materials". of

1.

DS, 1946, V: 454-492.

2.

DS, 1946,

3.

DS, 1949, V: 3479-3489-

4.

D5, 1950,

XI: 232-239. 1: 614-621.

-37Here

the Influence

therefore,

even in

Marxist

brought

increase ers". ists,

2

multitude

leftism

While

of class

international

macy of what is

Cooke argued

stood

in

terms

to politics. to economic nised

that

what

were not

short in

the Argentine

of two principles:

some excesses

when in

-

is

social

equality,

"they

he

of the

by the

Communist

affirm in

national,

the

suprelater

order

More inconsistency

problems

State -

of contradictions.

favour situation

of nationalism could

the predominance and the

factors;

over national 4

ultra-left-

character

internationalism

where

factors

ideas

early

rejects

wage-earn-

"We are not

or rather

over

system

a few hands and the

dependent

towards

of

to

3

become imperialisms".

quotation

in

and the dictatorship

vanguard,

international

of wealth

advance"

struggle

by the

to a capitalist

it

with

degree

a considerable

economically

carries

Cooke,

crucial.

hostility

solutions:

a "major

seeking

due to their

Cooke's

Marxist

also

"exercised

proletariat

his

of

was also

accepted

"accumulation

the

great

the ideas

rejected

Party",

years

early

But he rejected

because

power".

these

about

of the

1

Imperialism

and demonstrated

analysis

which

of Lenin's

primacy

and planning

but

else-

be under-

of international

of economics

was to be seen in

intervention

only

The, above

Cooke's

in relation solution

- when he recog-

thatt State cannot, by means "the bourgeoisie capitalist and liberal interventionism, of amount minimum which preserves of a simple its essential some restrictions realise an economic structure, is the very essence of the capitalist disequilibrium freedom: logical is its imperialism consequence and the monoposystem; the logical the lies consequence of process of the also are 5 of production". concentration

1.

Ibid.

2.

DS, 1946, 1: 299.

3.

Ds, 1951, I1: 1025.

4.

DS, 1946, V: 454-

5.

Ds, 1950,

1: 614-621.

-38This

in doubt

places

but

in

these

due to

the adequacy

democratic

of his

the strength

many saw the authoritarian

interests

of the Soviet

dictory

was possible

make in

we could

isation

of the contemporary

colony

Nation

and Imperialism.

social

reform.

his

Yet some elements

later

Cooke's

especially

The next

which

Peronist the review

ation

1.

that his

radical in

which

is'of

of the

1955'image

DS, 1951,

days.

a "deepening"

was attributed

the picture militant

IV: 2382.

dichotomy

the for

in

Cooke, the

counterposing favour

in his

present

of

thought politics,

capitalism. Cooke's

"good

ideological

There was absolutely Peronist

which but

later

and more to the

no sign

by sectors a reading

orthodox

owes more to the methodology

radically

Revolution,

emerges from fairly

1954-5,

had not

society"

of the

development in

' published

to him 18 years

of the government,

and organ-

and revolutionary

De Frente

his

an extremely

defence

of

in

Rather,

Left.

struggle

indication

Congressional

alter-

revolution

structure

was rejected

were already

of monopoly

vision

that

struggle

editorials

of Cooke advocating

something

His

available

revealed

changed since here

analysis

by his

was provided

to class

conversion

socialist only

The basic

was therefore Class

.

the

and contra-

we have made the revolution-of 1

of

by Stalinist

uneasy

no viable

within

power".

Peronists,

the other

with

century

world;

the imperialist

against

along

for

20th

this

Cooke's

that

form

movements to the

"We have made the

time:

that

at

feeling

was the

in which

a period

was offended

Behind

solutions

practical

only

revolutionary

power.

great

there

position,

native that

international

to subordinate

efforts

as the

nationalism

ardent

socialist

in

convictions

Union

Soviet

his

Moreover,

socialism.

solutions,

Cooke was to draw back from

years

early

of any capitalist-based

of the of

Peronist.

of mass mobilisopportunism

of

- 39 Peronist

other

own ideological

dictatorship

the rises

society"

was still

a social

the

as "combating, Instead,

Position'

not

a totally

different

involved

latter not

not

privileged vance

the political structure"

2. 3.

a new injustice,

class

under

Peronism

command positions social national

political

force

peaceful

develop-

as

the

with

State,

"The Nation

the defence

workers to reform

In fact, for

the

by the adhad access

to

the State

though

the first

is

of the

labour time

" De Frente, de los precios Cooke, "El equilibrio y salarios, (18th 4. March 1954), 2 p. no. " ibid. de los trabajadores, Cooke, "Capitalizaci6n no. 48 (7th February 1955), editorial. (2nd 60 " ibid. May 1955), Cooke, "Patria no. y proletariado, editorial.

'3rd but

of capitalism

was argued,

and were able 3

of

and socialism.

for it

injustices

capitalism

"The Argentine -

equilibrium.

by the trans-

Cooke saw the

instrument:

as was demonstrated,

classes",

2

Cooke

was explicitly

"the

form

superstructure

I

economy by a

old

enable

for

turn

hands and supported

union

the

from

role

was

capitalist

and enlightened

interventionist

in

exemplified

class".

equidistant

wage

collectivism

the 3rd way was to

a bourgeois

became an important 1.

with

the

while

1954 that

which

into

both

composing

as employee.

economy",

of a crudely

as an inevitable

to create

as well

Socialist

system,

in

argument

economy".

as a reformed

viewed

of labour

"social

classes

productivity

of the working

a major

necessarily

to Cooke's

the proletariat

of

the various

employer

replacement

ment and capitalisation

It

rejecting

of the Bemberg Trust

socially-progressive

capitalism".

of

of the

idea

"progressive

rejected

Position",

be based upon increased

of the breweries

as the

a "3rd

from Cooke's

was clear

deemed the responsibility

fer

than

between

equilibrium

This

should

propagated

behaviour,

and the dictatorship

of capital

Nation.

to his

contrast

development.

The "good

seeking

in

leaders

under

40-

Per6n,

its

ments

and other

ex-Radicals than

numerous

Revolution

rejected

Argentine

stood

for

patrimony

of natural

agency, support

for

of foreign

things,

but

Cooke's

differentiation expansionism revolution:

present

of its

Russian

epigones

between

which

he called

leaders".

Stalinism.

2

No longer

used by Cooke against

deal

for

Cooke did

legislation.

and as a new imperat

this

time

was

He argued

that

conception

at the hands of

Marxism.

Cooke, "Paneslavismo, comunismo e imperialismo (22nd November 1954), pp. 18-21. 37 ibid. no.

as

firms.

car

were the ideas

2.

so long

government

the Marx-Engels

Ibid.

State

oppose the

not

and Marxism.

1.

to

oil

and for

development

Marxism

national

the State

of foreign

of

as a threat

here

role

as totalitarian towards

for

provided

Marxism has suffered

"Genuine

Oil

deposits.

to do with

had nothing

He

oil

the entry

advance

US.

of national

40 and respected

rejected

the

against

Cooke

conferen-

Standard

general,

he favoured

an important

ialism,

continental

with

in Argentine

Article

with

Communism was still

the

unity

the main exploitative

capital

1

dealings

though

in

the

neither

Cooke saw the

sources,

capital

national

was compatible

of world

more

to a rejection

nationalism".

US-promoted

of the

critic

synthesis, simply

American

However,

YPF, to perform

Soviet

in

Latin

energy

sovereignty.

Among other

govern-

were always

was extended

40 of the Constitution,

Article

participation

July....

14th

the exploitation

regarding

national

Position' "In

participation

Upholding

it

the

nor

out as a vociferous

California

'3rd

affiliations:

instead

calling

Peronist

politicians

professional

this

US and Soviet

Russian

ces,

the

and within

were workers.

Internationally, of both

indirect

power was only

rojo,

"

and actions

-41While Frente

strongly

University

ranged

from

sion")

and the

jockeys

of a Latin

which

the National

ratas!

" -a

much of its

in

bureaucracy, ism,

there

ated". as well

1

to

"together

with

to this

workers".

was that

Some labour

"E1 sabotaje editorial

1.

Cooke, 1955),

2.

"El futuro Cooke, (11th July 1955),

leaders

of

favour

of

pars

alimentar to

access

the State patriot-

the bureaucracy,

De Frente

to the lost

no. ibid.

wrath.

of the

critique

trade

union

too quickly

or due

"fingering"

prin-

contact

had become corrupted

destino de la CGT, " pp. 4-5.

in

determined

happened

" ibid.

Still

that

within

of

quickly

develop-

political

who must be extermin-

rats

according.

papelero,

in

Bureaucracy".

by elements

some leaders

del

later

Cooke argued

everything

leaders

of choosing

the fact 2

because

perver-

the way in

have easier

"the

came the embryo of Cooko's

"Whether

(a "moral

students.

were targets

enormous size,

General

issues

campaign

many men who work with

and sabotage

(the

union

"cultura

rats

a number of opportunist

Parasitism

the mistake

ciple,

preoccupations,

thrive

bureaucracy:

of

rodential

as its

Parallel

critique

unsuccess-

and against

to Cooke's

relation

went were the seeds of his his

that

such as the

campaigned

run:

than have research

material

More important

pursuing

boxing

to the fact

reference

review

news agency, to the starving

(and is) was

Library

campaigning

of usury

De Frente

of professional

anisatioil"

Other

American

De

and the appointment

students

the vice

shortage,

orthodoxy,

students

as lecturers.

to make them competitive.

"hi

the

the housing lack

policies,

CGU) the upon -

dogmatists

party

was a mildly

to impose an official

attempt

Confederation

of mediocre

It

many Peronist

criticised

government

Peronist

from

radically

was by no means servile.

which ful

departing

not

the

by the spoils

45 (17th no.

with

70

January

of

- 42-

saw this

on the

position Six

above.

the military

further

criticism"

the regime.

The editor

but

now from

His review

"empty

the

denying

Despite

that

attempts

desirable

the less

the

with

hard-liners

was closed

the arrest It

down.

of a left-wing

than rarely

more radical took

because

it

leaders

used it

people" After

of editor

had been the Peronism. than Peronist

Peron's for

of the

the military.

within

reported

which

enemies

their

rhetoric

hardly

own opportunistic

1.

"Nuestra Linea insobarnable, Cooke, (3rd October 1955), editorial.

2.

Ibid.

system-

of

forces,

always

the

Cooke,

last

appearing many other

no. 81

one of

De Frente

Peronism

purposes.

ready

Cooke to the

endeared

often

" ibid.

for

criticism

and ideologically,

while

"fauna

"We believe

of militant

orthodoxy,

econ-

like

85 editions,

Politically

seriously

the

while

statements

John William organ

to defend

by reiterating

2

the

I

the reactionary

from

to

portrayed

and freedom,

practice.

objective

of Peronism,

aspects

can be expected

nothing

to ally

to appear

of

the illegalisation

against

liberalisms"

in

sovereignty

popular

had never

chastised Cooke

of decadent

formulae

line

to judge

continued

democracy

preaching

monsters"for

of political

and fought

to appear

of opposition

authority

In particular,

Movement.

the Peronist

traditional

'De Frente

that

has been dis-

-golpe

a standpoint

the moral

claimed

independence

omic and political

atically

so much as

were however

the

maintaining

on the basis

government

invoking

Cooke

years

and not

September

of the review

numbers

the deposed Per6n as infallible.

of

these

individuals

impending

intervention,

"constructive

military

in

system.

Cooke's

after

members, but

as a phenomenon of self-seeking

a bureaucratic

cussed

their

to represent

and failed

office

rather it

was

radical Peronist

As in the

case

43

of Evita'a

plan

lay

in

mainly

his

Peronism

(though

his

thwart

that

coup.

was in

Cooke's

former's

In

post-Cuban.

in

which

indicated

radicalising

the that

his

of joint great

impact

the regular

or electoral

1.

looking one:

from

in Cooke's

life,

struggle

with

the

and

of being direct-

was the decisive initially

especially

"soft-liners",

which

pre-

Cuba in a manner

revolutionary This

The

for

his the impossand then

Cooke

demonstrated

invincible..

up to 1959,

Cooke urged

to an insurrectional "Intransigence

leader.

to Peron's

reflecting

of the Cuban experience, army was not

his

the

time

sections:

general

struggle,

possibly

was a long

the authority

to Guevarism.

of the Resistance

political

In the period Peronism,

in

mainly

conversion

experience experience

practical ibility

he wrote

it with

with

and in

1955 that

after

two distinct

Cooke wrote

could

and

to con-

reform

parameters)

Perbn

differences

into

neatly

social

class

though

violent

achievements

social

with

commander, obedient

the latter

ives;

falls

his

for

working

became patent,

the former,

Resistencia

existing

the mobilised

Cooke was to acknowledge I

desire

correspondence

first

radicalism

Correspondencia

the

only

a military It

before

and within

gradually

recognition

his

time

golpistas.

revolutionary

produced in

this

at

the

to confront

armed contingents

only

militancy

the masses against

to mobilise

readiness

1955 lay

in

Cooke's

militias,

Cooke had already,

for

militancy

tinue

workers'

to create

reaction,

his

for

an intransigent

solution

maintains

rather

and increases

line

than a

for of ista

our power

Cooke, Correspondencia Juan Domingo Peron and John William (Buenos Aires: Granica Editor, 2d. 2 vols. Peron-Cooke, ed. to letters in this collection Future references 1973). contained date letter to "CPC", be limited when available, of volume will and page.

-44transactions

while

initiate

revolutionary ry dynamic ynamis of Yrigoyenism gained

the road

In

of persecution,

Cooke wrote

it

tending

of the danger other

for

not

'comandos

wing,

hoping

that

During himself

these

of Peronism,

were not

adequate

to that

as "the

andos were described the movement"

time

"the

but

commandos with

of exaggerating

to try

1.

Mc,

1: 230.

2.

CPC, August

3.

CPC, 5th June 1957,1:

4.

CPC, 14th November 1957,11:

1957,1:

266.

14524.

internal

Cooke described 3

the true

disunited forces".

comm-

devotees

of

and uncoordinated, 4

Cooke used his

and to link

trade

that

apparatus,

The clandestine

fighters,

defects

He saw that

of Per6n but

the political

the

clandes-

the right-

the

resolve

but

intransigents.

combativity.

their

the

against

the return

totally

deal

leaders

behind

organisation".

for

to recover

the

Resistencia-,

idea:

to combat these

the struggle

28th

of the

authentic

they were almost

defect

as leader

of

dynamic

he was equally

for

weight

would

particularly

level

(Peronism),

of a negotiated

leaders,

union

fighting

However,

his

of the

a single

were militantly

organisations

having

years

as "a maniac with

the workers the

early

case for

purified

solutions

threw

in favour

of Peronism

contradictions

2

insurrection

a popular

denial

1955 coup and two years

moderates

provide

trade

and militant

Party

combat and a revolutionary task".

He therefore

the masses.

the Radical

the

the

reminiscent

governmental

"The misfortune of

would

which

the

to the

by the

presented

parties

tine

a mystique

was highly

strengthened

1957, referring that

and destroy

before

aware that

the insurrectional

towards

aware with

to create

This

century,

to the Peronists

rights

insurrectionalism.

allowed

of the

Cooke was fully

of political

1

of the Movement".

at the turn

office.

to annihilation

unions,

up the to organise

-45the

base of the Movement so as to weaken the self-seeking

popular

While

politicians. and failed the

to develop

political

a brake

of struggle

people

of

of orders,

often

Cooke from

being

protestations a lack

this

Cooke recognised wrong - an appeal

in line

("The

Cooke's

"misinterpreting"

pene-

view him,

that

1.

CPC, 11: 120.

2.

CPC, 5th February

3.

CPC, August

4.

CPC, 3rd November 1956,

1957,1:

own personal

responsible

greater

assertion

of his

the

political

they

1959,11:

were not

148.

272. I: 35.

line,

the

3

and played

leaders

he got the disfor

while

still

Naturally,

the insurrectional

emphasised 4)

other

authority.

for

freedom".

on, between

authority,

and strategic

of doctrinal

Cooke's early

Peronism,

affecting

the better"

prevented

one when the

partly

we are that

his

number

of balancing

policy

supporting

Perbn himself

to Cooke,

more violent

mistaken

corruption

which

to Per6n,

liberty

"a certain

letters

his

of the

seem to reveal,

pendular

the doctrinal

of

clarification

allowing

part

of Per6n.

voice

of affairs

disease

the

Perön,

single

to maintain

for

and factionalism,

for

state

in order

Thus while

firmer

as

of being

and the excessive

from

of the movement,

wings strong,

unity

act

of the Movement was the

of unity

contradictory,

of Perbn's

of understanding

cure

lack

to speak as the

able

became too

the

(being)

oligarchy,

of authorisation

against

different

the

letters

with

would

"instead

by way of which

road

the

of the problem

proliferation of

against

Party,

that

2

Peronism".

Part

the

jungle"

was the danger

were strong,

the Justicialist

and "the

mechanism"

there

"soft-liners"

on the Movement with

oligarchic

forns,

revolutionary

"a giant

remained

organisation

where the

wing,

an instrument

trates

Peronist

along

with

were in some way

other

aspect

of the

_46_ pendular

strategy

electoral

and military

Of course,

Cooke's

standable,

for

in the

basis

and the

to Per6n,

appeals

Perbn's

of Cooke's

Cooke wrote

on the situation,

coup solutions

exclusive

the Resistance

which

depending

which,

though

threat

possibly

to

of insurrection. naive,

are under-

of Cooke was the

endorsement

have become unified

could

looked

also

only

and structured

way

on

strategy.

that:

"A revolution requires a revolutionary party, revolutionary leaders myth, on the one hand, and the and a revolutionary "We have the revolutionary leader occasion on the other"... Peron. Through unification myth: and revolutionary and the revolutionary force. organisational work we are creating Afterwards take advantage of the occasion". I we will Cooke viewed

the insurrection

but

to take

of

Cooke at

in

the signing

this

advantage time,

of the pact

Frondizistas.

"blank

vote"

negotiated

I.

with

apparently

with

the

the Frondizi

November

tactic,

1957,11:

In 1957,

Jauretche

arose

9-10.

by his

the

it

could

the

since

Frondizi

not

role

not maintain political

immediate He therefore

to gain

felt

courted

successful

of a positive

initially while

emphasis

Cooke was strongly

open to the Movement.

Radicals, for

that

that

1958 elections,

would

when the latter

he felt

some kind

a date

process

contradicted

be repeated,

was not

alternative

but as a delaying

CPC114th

for

when it

situation

Frondizi.

with

not

fix

not

Such was the revolutionary

of it.

and broke

1957 could

of the

and extension could

the

against

the revolutionary

accelerate

At the same time,

was required

insurrectional

ment

could

of the movement and that

the unity strategy

of

restoration organisation

an emphasis

opposed to such a deal the

the

for

the revolutionary,

and by recognising be able

war"

The revolutionary

of 1946-55.

gains

movement fighting

as a revolutionary

in a "prolonged

system

for

Peronism

that

an agreean

-47deal

electoral

Perbnism

with

Radical

was possible,

disunity

would

prevail.

Cooke was a reluctant to take

refused for

Perk

there

in

Peronist

if

votes;

Cooke was an intransigent he still

to Perlin

appealed but

his

goal

to transplant historical but

leftisms

contrary

and geographical

"soft-line",

the

Cuba for

reservations. point

of departure

first

successful

bastion

the unity

for

Latin

of world

to

2

for

of praise

who want

His

by militant

by Perön and the

ouster

letters

Cuba, praise

`Resistencia`

American

"those afforded

in Havana.

He

"loyalists",

with

Cooke was always his

after

strat-

leader

to Pertn

without

any

became the new

revolutionaries,

offering

the

in

adjacent

to the

the

continent

imperialism.

Cooke's self-designated of Peronism

same as

of the Movement.

leaders

conditions".

former

won

have done the

to the possibilities

revolution

socialist

had Frondizi

and he criticized

when he became an exile

1960 onwards were full

to

alternative

an insurrectional

promoting

became socialist-orientated

only

from

Justicialist

off

on a tactic-

to pose as a popular 1 It shows that while of Cooke.

the political

remained

Frondizi,

the Radical

with

decision

Frondizi

defended

to replace

for

voting

reasoning

time

was something

of the leader's

had won, he'd

Peronist

this

at

Pact and

To Cooke, it

have been worse

enabling

Such was the

alternative.

that

Balbin

thereby

in power,

it.

acceptance

way of dealing

the Movement would

Frondizi

egy,

his

recognition

was the best

Peronism: without

but

tacit

was also

for

responsibility

to decide,

basis,

al

sole

to the Perrin-Frondizi

signatory

the

I.

CPC, 30th

2.

CPC, 28th August

mission

leadership

Fidelista

September

1962,11:

1957,1:

in

271.

255-

Cuba was to explain and to encourage

the nature a close

-48-

ideological

and practical While

regime.

leadership ations for

Perbn's

praising

Cooke strongly

the

decried

own personal

the Cuban Revolution.

against

that,

in

of the

Cuban process,

of the Movement's

Framini

Against

Cooke argued

communist,

grasp

like

the revolutionary

with

position

anti-communist Even militants

in Argentina.

being

of Peronism

alignment

those

had made declarwho attacked

the Argentine

Cuba

context:

"we are the communists, in the last analysis, because we are not but a concrete threat 1... "We are the possibility" a theoretical because Yankee imperialism is not communists in Argentina declarations but by practical guided by philosophical events; social order and the mass movement which endangers investments, "security", that is communism". 2 and hemispheric To attack

Cuba was therefore

persecuted

as a communist

of

and therefore

not

The fact guise implies but

independence

not

by Soviet

former

gave up his Soviet

Peronism, other

aid

changes in

internal

that

3

equidistance";

influenced

the

vis-A-vis

Union to the

allegiance

was politically

due to the anti-communism

national

1.

CPC224th

July

2.

CPC, 18th

October

3.

Ibid.

p. 276.

that

two blocs but

1961,11:

183-

1962,11:

274.

and

- capitalism

following "two

of the

the death

than leaders

the

"Tercerismo and communism Cooke,

movements and by the

imperialisms"

rather

in

cloaked

concept:

not neutrality.

movements at a time

liberation

nature

world.

Cuba and the liberation

to

"true"

to Cuba was being

independence

the Soviet

expansion

its

effects

of the social

solidarity

Cooke to redefine

led

was being

the adverse

all

declaring

openly

hostility

Peronist

Tercerismo`

of

was not

movements of the

that

Peronism

stance.

was suffering

the valuable

gaining

liberation

national

threat,

but

movements,

communist

a suicidal

of Stalin, thesis,

economically was isolated

when "the

now

arguing motivated. from

new forms

being

-49assumed by the division peoples

coincide

did

call

not

for

disassociation

For

the Movement from

of

Cooke,

socialist

the main "lesson"

1

world",

to become communist

Peronism

of national

ility

of the

that

with

(.. ) make the fate

of the world

but

of the

dominated

Cooke claimed. for

rather

He

a clear

anti-communism. learnt

from

Cuba was the

indivisib-

liberation:

and social

"Nowadays, nobody thinks that national liberation can be achieved the struggle is also of revolution social without and therefore the rich".... the poor against 2 "The national is revolution socialist, always a step towards socialism, always partly more or less in accordance with the objective, concrete circumin the country".... "I believe that Latin stances that exist being Socialist, America will that Peronism, emancipate herself lead the Argentine liberation, be Socialist". 3 will which will seen by Cooke as a national

Peronism, utionary the

Cuban movement but

liberation

as belonging

was regarded

potential,

they

of each country

liberation

as identical,

assume its

own national

"Peronism and Castroism are national variations struggle and it is as artificial revolutionary transferable their solutions are automatically 4 their dialectical relationship". thinking

There was more wishful ation tion -

of Peronism

Castroism,

with for

qualification,

not

characteristics

of Peronism

of how Peronism

could

the

early

the future

change in

movement.

1.

CPC, 24th

July

2.

Ibid.

203.

3.

CPC, 15th

4.

CPC, 18th October

p.

1961,11:

June 1962,11:

199.

233 & 240.

1962,11:

262.

is 1960's into

physiognomy:

of the continental to pretend that as it is to deny

Cooke's

a national

possessed not

identific-

in

varia-

bourgeoisie

to be found

but

as the

since

the national

withstanding

identification in

behind

reality

Cuba had never

the key to this

however,

than

revol-

to the same tradition

viewed

were not would

movement with

Cooke's

an anti-capitalist

in

the

vision

50 Cooke's Movement in

letters

were therefore

accordance base.

mass working-class thought

in

thing

like

Yesterday's

the Army had become part

camp:

"the

of

continental

communism; and the national

ism against

times,

by some-

the enemy

police

the Church was siding

war and communism";

revolutionary

the

who still

were now in

allies

by its

given

leaders

"behind

were

the

restructuring

potential,

the Peronist

1945 alliance

years".

sixteen

with

revolutionary

For Cooke,

of the

terms

its

with

concerned

imperial-

with

had turned

bourgeoisie

the

against

back

its

on Peronisms "as it always does in semi-colonial countries the pioneering, enterprising and progressive but rather centres, a class which capitalist to imperialism". subjected and culturally Due to this

of the

reestablishment

the raison

renouncing

However,

there

leadership

but

alliance.

After

and decidedly

that

multi-class classes command.

of Peronism

remained

the

possible,

that

the

would mean

"anti-imperialism -

and social

line

fronts

- workers,

peasants,

And however

July

they

1961,11:

1.

CPC, 24th

2.

CPC, 3rd March 1962,

could

but

intellectuals, begin,

they

191-195.

II: 213.

Thus,

with petty

will

bourgeois

a more revolutionary

possible,

act,

of

in a multi-class

the Movement,

in some form.

was no longer

conciliation

class

he urged

for

a degree

position

national

that

Cuban Revolution,

polyclassism

Cooke's

rejecting

to include

anti-capitalist

national

in

always

alliances,

hoping

still

Peronist

class

were that

alliance,

d'etre

class

regarding

accepting

old

Cooke concluded

1

revolution".

ambiguity

forces,

of class

realignment

because it is not class of the is economically

while

still

while

stating

he argued

that

"now

the revolutionary bourgeoisie

end in Socialism"

in 2 This

_51_ assumed that

the

would

accept

the hegemony of those

thing

which

to

this

diverse

historical

experience

classes

composed the anti-Batista

Cooke realised

in

in not

naive tine

the victory

that

a direct

not

by the

Parallel his

for

call

to Cooke's

the basis

"lessons"

he was certainly

America,

of the Argen-

sectors from

the Cuban experience least

movement,. ox at

of the Peronist

reformulation

Feeling

that

Cooke now advocated To Perlin,

alliance

came

had

Peronism

and anti-imperialism

the Movement.

for

Though

wing.

an anti-imperialist

reform

of capitalism, policy

of Latin

reformulation.

a policy

culmin-

whose hegemony Cooke promoted.

classes

as much social

achieved

amental

support

again

in which

of the Cuban revolutionary

emulation

learnt

The key

movement and which

the more nationalistic

had also

never

one led

that

some-

unlikely.

process

of the revolutionary

the rest

for

seeing

bourgeoisie

and would

Cuban revolutionary

the

in

model was unrealistic

highly

is

suggests

lay

Peronism

within

deemed revolutionary,

classes

paradox

ultimately

ated

deemed non-revolutionary

classes

as was possible as the

socialisation

on fund-

he wrote:

"We must take away the '! We must have government by the people"... from the landowners, big industry from the big estancia foreign trade and financial management from the oligarchs, The measures of 1945-55 of foreign capital. representatives not be enough; we must go further, as you have declared. will At the same time, one cannot talk of socialising everything, the productive because we must maintain structures which aid though we must socialise " development, a lot..:... In

the final 1

"childish", of national for

this

capital,

This

European-style

not

the

open for his

complementing did

of total

description

the door

Cooke left

the Movement.

Western

1.

sentence

and in his

mean that

mixed economy,

CPC, 15th June 1962,11: 233 & 236.

but

socialisation

survival

acceptance

of some sectors of'polyclassism

Cooke envisaged rather

as

some kind

one in which

small

of and

52capital

medium national in

economy in which

a socialist

ive forces

the

in ideology

turn

problem

cardinal

basic

as being

the bureaucracy,

leadership

undermine

its

direct the

doctrinal

the

idea

For

line the

that

that

he did

communism, as some bureaucrats failed ists

would

do so.

to Peron.

that

the

of those

(Fidel-Perbn, less

publicly

arguments

1

yet

it

coincides in

general

was a barrier that

if

felt

the

commun"the

unrecog-

that

the 2

our principles" terms,

to

Peronism

was an orthodoxy

with

being

Cooke claimed

was one which

was

Per6n.

revolution,

to the bureaucrats,

criticising the

who coined a single

slogan

Ist

and

be the manifesto

1.

CPC, 24th

July

2.

CPC, 11th

September

3.

CPC, 3rd March 1962,11:

1961,11:

Cuba, Peron encouraged

the illus-

'Fidel-Perön,

corazbn'

His political

heart).

He stayed

equivocal.

of

of

3

the new liberation".

ions

a clarification

among his

but rather

to

of the

a reassertion

Peronism

and social

"orthodoxy"

"will,

2nd Declaration

By never

mean that

maintained,

of Havana "totally

Declaration

not

orthodoxy",

Cooke's

He attempted

when Per6n spoke of the alternative

opposition

Peronist

most rigorous nisable

In

and at best

some way "misinterpreting"

the national

through

to carry

left-

Cooke saw the

pragmatic

Argentina.

Paramount

was in

bureaucracy

"us or the communists",

the

to Per6n for

the Movement.

of

with-

product-

and the

the Movement.

and at the same time

relationship

Cooke argued

example,

changes in

by appealing

authority

leader-mass

alliance

the Movement within

of

operating

own the major

would

Peronist

required

reformist

hands,

sector.

of the

restructuring

in private

the State

the private

and control

Both

be left

would

in Madrid

196.

1960,11: 222.

170-

and turned

una cola actions,

though,

down Castro's

were far offer

of

53 Cuba, never

in

residence the move.

The example

of Per6n experiencing revolutionary

the

first

camp" ideal

Madrid

Castro's

himself

a role

playing

in developing

as a fundamental

one foot

for

necessary

not

that

but also

in

only

2

Cooke relied

than

to

is"

as much as it 4

forms";

ment of a perfected

you begin 3

America"; "a national proposes

form

of the

old

he called liberation the

to Peron for

clandestine

on Perlin

to of

to Argenif

you put

the era of our recovered

to replace

and he appealed

return

"My General,

direction:

theory,

restructuring

a revolutionary

will

of Latin

the Movement "as it Left

this

in

step

in Argentina,

socialist

organs

His

revolutionary

He saw a move by Perön to Cuba or his

with

de

had

Spain

to Franco's

the Movement.

extreme

in

of the Puerta

"prisoner".

a reluctant

changes

cribe

there

Eisenhower

make the major

freedom

a

a German concentration

from

to action",

"guide

Marxism now as his

tina

in

What was unrealistic

as if

different,

possibility

conversion,

prisoner

is

the

favour

Cuba.

While with

was hardly though

was closer,

society

- "It

in

of Per6n going

was any chance Per6n was "the

fact

nat

unrealistic.

residence)

in

shows that if

the Normandy landing

Peron

yet

Cooke,

ten arguments

shift,

totally

there

For

and planned 1-

in Peking

that

(Per6n's

directed

of Sihanouk

was not

belief

place.

Hierro"

to Cooke's

an ideological

centre

was Cooke's

replying

on Peron to desmovement of the capitalist the

' comandos

system

reestablishas the basic

of the IMiovement. This

reliance

the Movement is

upon definitions from

even clearer

October

1962,11:

1.

CPC, 18th

2.

CPC, 15th June 1962,

3.

CPC, 11th August

4.

CPC, 3rd March 1962,11:

Cooke's

267-9-

Ir: 239.

1964,11:

and actions

297. 222.

of Perlin

insistence

upon

to transform 'yerticalismo

of

t

-54(a

vertical

of command descending

chain in

personalism

to be at his Per6n's

from

that

he thought that

ism was ambiguous,

flattery,

through

America; ist

workers without

Perlin

The latter

the

to Per6n, was always in

that

alternative tion

from

Having letters

then

Left,

in

however, definition

revolutionary differences

Perlin

with

in July

him,

class

while

1961 declared

and documents,

successive

down their

playing his

then having

full

to gain

with

Peronist

only

impotence.

a real

forced

fundamental

agreement

criticised

Yet the was isola-

political

attempts

illusions

workers'

Cooke was finally

Perlin,

The danger

discussion,

and consequential

from

and loyalty

hegemony.

under

with

of the admission with

to strengthen

the period

after

those -

independence.

his

and

the Movement grouping

identification

to undermine

leader,

cohesiveness.

Left

escape payment

were more likely

they

the

not

political

complete

the working

By 1962,

could

or*synthetic

of real

a revolutionary for

they

its

the Peronist

through

Peron-

militant

as their

lose

saw the need to work in but

the same

at

of Latin

Liberator

rapidly

coming

revolution-

ego of Perlin

Castro

Cooke

in

some role

that

to

of Perlin,

horses

than

for

that

on several

of the fact

problem

firstly

Per6n's

him as the great

rather

loyalty

that

seeing

the Movement would

losing

thus

least

at

this

"left-turn"

to the revolutionary

upon Perlin

class,

some kind

fee:

play

a recognition

orientations

working

would

of more

where Cooke appeared

Behind

supposed

and

the democratic

reasons:

he was gambling

was a perennial

socialist

1960's

secondly,

portraying

looked

that

the

to appeal

and thirdly,

is

fundamental

Leader

that

Cooke wanted

This

for

as a Peronist.

developments;

revolutionary

-time,

perhaps

in the

designation

below..

were three

have some illusions

did

the

than

most "orthodox"

leadership

for

Per6n as leader)

by Per6n rather

leaders

of leaders

election

He called

the Movement.

"representative"

from

Per6n's

to admit

nature. latest

behaviour

in

-55the

1962 elections,

Cooke in

ences with

Per6n for

than

areas

their

the

October

first

1962 explicitly

time.

of agreement,

These,

he claimed,

and were partly

differ-

mentioned

were fewer

a question

timing:

of

"Essentially, what is at *stake is a problem of timing, of how to act upon the action guidelines you have drawn up for the MoveYou see the need for gradual development towards ment. positions which build up our strength and will enhance the battles final the oligarchy. I consider that that against decisive improvement in our strategic position requires of us it neither combinations complicated nor long-term policies: is within decisive decisions our reach and drastic, and a few time and categoric measures by you are enough to eliminate dealings". It

was also

Peron in Madrid Argentina, ary

Cooke was in

"concrete

and immediate"

In other

Cooke's

words,

was nearer

on basic

ectionary

pose his

al

it

that to its

consequences".

confirmed,

Per6n

with

Per6n

fullest 2

in his

writings,

sided

with

1.

CPC 118th October

2.

CPC, January 1966, 11: 341.

1962,11:

final

but

victory

Per6n's

insurr-

a basic

rather

tried

own ideas: but

yours

rather

and organisation-

presidency

when it

he

Peron should

admit

methodological

the Left

263-

from

contradict

as Peron's

In fact,

only

explicitly

ideological,

that

of an immediate

not

does not

my reasoning

of the

due to his

felt

therefore

in favour

development

as a logical

new views

believe

extends

difference

tactics

revolution-

was that

he,

that

links,

that

in

I

argument

but

issues,

that

had a grasp

insurrection.

revolutionary

Cooke did

Still

struggle.

ideological

"I

and legal

the

with

was claimed,

at hand than Perön realised; electoral

contact

for

being

developments

all

"Time and Place"

and his

to Argentina

proximity

it

possibilities

and Per6n were in agreement

relegate

permanent

in Havana and therefore,

world

the argument

not hope to understand

could

whereas

location,

of

seen as a question

suited

ultimately his

purpose;

to

_56_ his

final

definition

political

Cooke and the Peronist If a lot for

one judges

of his

apparent

his

isational

or Isabelist them this

was an inter-bureaucratic

a tactical

basis,

legal

next

period

seeing

ideas argued

between 1

For

1965-6. group

a revolutionary electoral

activity

regarded

on

as an

in preparation

apparatus

for

true

after

gaining

legal-

Guevara became a key influence

upon

that

opposite apparatus

that

those

vided

for

"the

a small

guerrilla

than

how to wage the struggle,

about

warfare

power.

modern revolutionary

Guevara's

of Marighela

CPC, 18th

October

1962,11:

his

and for

286.

is

of Perlin

less

expert the

confront-

army without

to an urban

way to confront

were far

and Debray:

the use of guerrillas

struggle

'foguismo

as the best

His writings

the guerrilla

many arms and a great

army with

Cooke adapted

armed State

1.

group,

being

who dismantled

the Cuban Revolution,

After

arms".

in

Frondizi.

from

ation

of

neither

with

Cooke,

the Vandorist

either

him were always

the exact

of

and organHis

dispute

for

the clandestine

of illegality,

and the bureaucracy

having

disallowed for

periods

to strengthen

opportunity

Peronist

words,

polyclassism,

tendency.

wrangle,

Though Cooke never

true

the theoretical

to favour

whom

than

rather

of the masses and presenting

the will

alternative.

Leader.

Peronist

at

refused

the internal

in

sectors

representing

Cooke's

Action,

to the

actions

of the revolutionary

Revolutionary

sectors

The same is

accept

were aimed solely

development

Peronist

ity

to verbally

efforts

to his

disappears.

ambiguity

to those

of treachery

accused

Perbn according

he continued

while

practice

the

Left

was much closer

the

militaristic,

setting, problem

of

however,

insurrectional

strategy

them to play

an acceleratory

pro-

-57in

role Cooke, of

the

revolutionary

there

was to be the 1

power".

between

towards

dated

the

ists

his

views

and armed struggle,

his

two aspects

thinking

strategic

developed

in an overall

Latin

of other

the

seizure

on the key basic

strategy

American

for

process,

orienpre-

theor-

guerrilla

by a decade. It

of his

was not

produced

a totally

a clear

political

factor

were never indeed,

the

February

crucial

that

present

Latin

the

it

and political

America Left,

socialism, Left

of national

1.

CPC, January

2.

Ibid.

3.

CPC, 21st

p.

of the

further with

analysis.

a practical

it

provided

this

being

had always

mavements.

1966,11:

February

1966,11:

defeat

for

opposed or at

which

least

of

3

Cooke, was so

that

revolution

imperialism

Cooke, as Juan Carlos

367.

them -

"feelings

Correspondencia, did

an

dated

Perlin.

of key importance

341.

letters

on John William

a new line

343-

Cooke's

his

Not only

never

being

surrounding

with

of the Cuban Revolution

this

still

Correspondencia,

solidarity"

have

I recommend,

However,

strategy.

Cooke reaffirming

ended with

merits

traditional

endent

of the

item

above examination

the Peronist with

cloud

2

that

the latter

of ambiguity

published

the

in

Perlin,

with

of the

last

The influence

manner".

the futility

unfortunately,

manner to

Left

free

1966,

different

the Peronist

in

friendship

evident

break

Cooke realised

"My arguments,

antithetical

totally

21st,

personal

in a very

in

indispensable

1966 that

Perlin:

with

you proceed

times

and at

alism

January

until

correspondence

no effect;

for

the

the

end of

the masses for

of

fully

mass struggle

combining

at the

"mobilisation

Though Cooke never

relationship tation

but

process,

reconciled in Argentina remained Portantiero

but also, nationwhere indep-

-58saw Cuba as "the

writes, itable ism".

the fusion

process: I

It

was also the

for

support Peronist

bureaucracy

enabled

the Peronist

claiming

to remain In his

Comandante

Apuntes

sobre

of the Andes",

recently

killed

of the Bolivian

failure that

which

believe

that

modification

we live praxis

of

Cooke admitted not

prepared

theories. factors,. that

the

the

which

the need to study that

to conclude

prisingly,

since

espousing

different

the revolution

is

at

guerrilla

one victory preceded

strategies

being

prevent this

defeats.

defeat, the

he was guerrilla

He could

claim sur-

those

could

successful

in Latin

point

de Cooke, "

Reportaje a John William cubana: (8th September 1961), 22 no. pp. (Buenos Aires), 'Che', " Compromiso

y la revoluciön (Buenos Aires),

(October 1973). 3 no.

Though

'foguismo'

"El Peronismo Cooke, " Che

el

3

it,

whereas

2.

sobre

and the

to back them up (not

"Introducci6n Juan Carlos Portantiero, a un inedito Pasado y Presente, Pp. 369-372. op. cit.

Cooke, "Apuntes

"We

on praxis

1.

3.

mature

was due to contingent

the theory)

and rejecting

strategies of their

depends

for

"we are

conditions"....

any way invalidated

Cooke were all

the practice

to no such example

which

the defeat

had at least

theories

was unshaken that

the reasons in

theses

military

present

"our

as an exemplary

Cooke writing

therefore,

Implicitly, as too for

it

,

Cooke eulogised

in Bolivia,

explosion

conditions

"orthodoxy".

the objective

can accelerate

(revolutionary)

the

of

2

still

while

with

'foco',

an epoch in

in

Though the

orientations

Che

el

Guevara's

with

of

the revolutionary

of

the vague frontiers

within

social-

Cuba "has our same mark",

Guevarist

to adopt

Identification

and in

that

with

Argentina.

dislike

its

unfinished

"New Man".

convinced

hidden

of an inev-

Cooke and a source

inside

Left

by commenting Left

for

refuge

Peronist

had not

Per6n himself,

by the

a political

synthesis nationalism

of revolutionary

embryonic

regime,

and prefiguring

perfect

8-9.

-59America.

Guevarist

theory

guerrilla

Argentina,

but was rather

the

with

of

country,

same basic late

idea

through

the struggle.

that

and recognised in

feeling

to that

ideal".

This

large

numbers

ification

snit-,

of the

initiating

armed struggle,

as a concrete 'foquismo

,

possibility far

more than

mass struggle

with

was the main revolutionary

class

class

feeling

of moral

1

Cooke argued, oppressors

Peaceful

violence,

revolutionary

was not

violence

or the violence

El Peronismo

y el

against

of radical

op.

the

cit.

right

is

which

desirable a regime

in

them-

prepared

alternative,

the violence

a dichotomy

oppressed,

the literature

golpe.....,

but

just-

the affirm-

The real

or non-violence, of the

is

violence,

though

threats.

Cooke's

asserting

reactionary

victory

"We

one was to get

but

war,

which

means of struggle,

of achieving

if

was vital

humanist,

patently

of man, against

was soon to become common in

Cooke,

superiority

use revolutionary

against

literature:

and

by the revolutionary

men united

to wage a revolutionary

was also

were incapable

to use violence

of heroic

of people

of the hero

the same cult

writings

common to mast guerrilla

superiority

of violence

negation".

Cooke's

in

of the humanity

selves,

1.

the

could

consciousness

of armed struggle

the working

new world

the masses "to

ation

the

finds

of moral

belong

its

coordination

Yet

would have broad

actions

Cooke's

However,

character

Argentina.

One also

of

their

the masses see revolution

emphasised

urban

number of people

fighters

guerrilla

and thus Cuevara's,

a small

to

mechanically

the predominantly

the collective

raise

would

applied

based in Buenos Aires.

that

struggle,

Cooke argued, join

that

was present

and would

Only

nasses.

to

adapted

the ARP being

a revolutionary

repercussions

was not

Catholic

P. 108.

of

which circles.

-60In

the

face

of repression,

- "Ye are Peronists,

gentlemen

apostles

in

sacrifice

reordering

and bravado

killed

for

the Left

ditions.

Cuba and the

Bolshevik

type

the

including consideration Cooke's

its

and triumph 3

of

absence

with

being

the background

why he never

would

is

that

develop

own revolutionary of international Cuba being

appears

one of his its

methodology. revolutionary the

one Latin

reform-

revolutionary

con-

method, belief.

to have considered nationalist

That

form is

models, American

Pera

assumptions of socialism,

why there save the

Cooke, La luchs (Buenos Aires:

2.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid. Vittorio Codovilla P. 105. was General-Secretary Argentine Communist Party (PC1) for four decades.

is

no

Cuban,

success

1.

por la liberacibn Granica Editor,

Vittorio

or timid

to this

own national

or

was the altern-

This

Cooke was the revolutionary

for

warfare

"objective"

a matter

warfare

to be defeated

much happier".

is

just

to guerrilla

"Better

the

after

was the romant-

as seen by Cooke - armed struggle

of strategy

writings,

the guerrilla

in

there

itself

to be correct

"a free

order:

morality

Finally,

in

personal

Guevara and Cooke was not

to attract

it

'Resistencia

each region

social

found

qualities

by Cooke himself:

haps one of the reasons

was that

tends

by an alleged Guerrilla

a superior

of society.

In particular,

ism justified

in

like

Cooke lay

in his

and country,

a new revolutionary

both

Che Guevara than

with

Codovilla. native

which

was voiced

for

for

- socialism

and which

The moral

be the basis

an economic

icism

2

for

for

fighter

guerrilla

people

and dying

land".

would

revolution of

behave

not

Cooke reminded

gentlemen",

the

of

to his

fighting

a free

fighter

superiority

dedication

selfless

man in

not

could

of pacifism. The moral

his

revolutionaries

story.

2d ed. nacional, 1973. P. 74.

P. 32. of the

-61 Though Cooke only for

useful

Argentina,

specified

which

country

differences

between

the

his they

strategic

of grafting

example,

seeking

than

mass workers'

devising

conditions,

a strategy and which

bearing

while

providing

a sure

national

in

for -

homeland - rather for

suitable

with

Argentine

experiences the former

only

of the international

experien-

ces were significant. Cooke's in

Castro

in

they -

were not

their

This

important of

the road

argument

the advocacy

and their

rejection

objective

conditions

about

that

Two basic of broad

objective

of revolutionary it

were not

of this

National

the

were discussed: fronts

and the

Cooke disagreed

conditions.

present.

against

by most of the Latin

anti-imperialist

struggle

for the party

against

rather

held

elements

by the PCA of a "Broad

for

but -

to socialism

developed

(PCA) written

directed

specifically

enough for

on the formation

were further

strategy

Communist Party

was not

Communist Parties.

views

perennial with

1961.

conception

American

on revolutionary

of the Argentine

a critique

general

ideas

the

was a

conditions

in his

conditions,

as to which

guideline

the

national

It

drew on international

secondarily

in mind those

place

was primarily

which

that

and the much more

'foguismo

taking

his

of development

to Argentine

Argentine

onto

his

in

were somewhat abstract

between

struggles

at least

Cuba than Argentina.

the Cuban model

for

Cooke argued

regard

conceptions

compatibility

discuss,

and levels

with

he never

were suitable

even though

had more to do with

question

he ever

structure.

Thus,

Cuban model as

as a prototype,

Cuban strategy

had to be qualified

specificities,

important

in social

it

seeing

Nor did

two countries.

Cuban "lessons"

that

of the

were not.

of the

guidelines

than

rather

elements

and which

writings,

sense

saw the general

.

Democratic

on the basis

both

Front" that

the

62-

The popular an "alliance

the worst

with

as the usufruct

serve

1

whims". who only

Nothing

PCA still

as a "single,

capital. they

In

also this

sense,

were termed

who would

linked

to imperialism

but it

then,

even the

1.

Cooke,

"Aportes

2.

Cooke,

E1 Peronismo

3.

Cooke,

"Aportes

timid

a la

golpe...,

critica...,

for ties

of the

PCA.

cit.

P. 386.

op.

cit.

p. 98.

cit.

pp.

foreign

forces",

objective

op.

op.

class

with

"democratic with

with

or a bourgeois

liberation

due to economic

"

the

coinciding

bourgeoisie,

proposals

In a

and social

term also

with

not

of the bourgeoisie:

the national

an alliance

a la critica..., y el

could

PCA strategies.

in

oppose social

liberation

revol-

and social

or the dictatorship

only

that

consistently

the bourgeoisie

by the PCA, meant an alliance

side-track

the only

national

the short

could

"on condition

only is

3

undertaking

gone as

most that

was posed by him as either

of the national

national

"the

the

which

of private

not

since

and in

would not

which

but

sacrif-

structure

as was implied

government

interests

had achieved

process",

of the proletariat

of the country,

of the day,

Cooke viewed

Since

the alternative

a workers'

reasons

the

and socialise

order

the process,

struggle,

manner,

government

the bourgeoisie

process

indivisible

liberation

objective

from

bourgeoisie

of the

class".

liberation

be expected

the basic

modifying

leads

revolutionary

either

progressive

which

the revolutionary

proletariat

dictatorship

with

the lucre

Peronism

under

only

politicians

as having

could

the. working

would

to be on the

in

Leninist

feasible,

considered

participate

the

Cooke could

if

which,

from

tasks,

Sectors

the

for

the- party

Cooke saw bourgeois-democratic

property".

lead

front

of bourgeois

be done without

could

isolating

by Cooke as

Basically,

as they

ution

by the PCA was described

forces",

to "privatise

wanted

2

ices".

the

desired

and as "a superstructural

class,

far

front

386 & 399.

as

enemies

63.. Moreover, vote

could

the PCA strategy

not

held

parties,

the real

of revolutionary

ions

for

will

the Armed Forces,

which

lack

it

the fighting

express

in

a situation

was electoralist

Cooke the

that

in

especially

the political

PCA excuse for

the

Cooke argued

present.

than

rather

on the basis

activity

were not

the people,

of

Countering

power.

for

while

its

the objective

own condit-

that:

"opportunities to seize power do not fall from the sky but have to be created; rather on and to focus one's efforts is to conspire the creation elections against of insurrect(already)". ional don't these if conditions, exist The PCA confused in

appear

a wholly

Cooke saw the in

cation.

"conditions"

prospects

with

completed'form

difference

of success,

nothing

-

could

be initiated,

never

- whereas and a sit-

situation

immediate

lacking

though

struggle,

"Conditions

missing"

between a revolutionary

insurrectionary

which

"opportunities"

with

blurred

a distinction

in

PCA formulae.

Instead on the basis

of determined

and emphasised him,

the PCA stance

imitating

of

for

conditions

factors

is

to increase

force,

it

a way out,

the PCA in

more, goal that for

from

their

eulogised its

achieved

Cooke's strategy:

bourgeois.

realisation". within

in the revolutionary

insurrectional

the vanguard offer

2

existing

1.

Ibid.

p. 380.

2.

Ibid.

pp. 381 & 385.

Cooke went to the

conditions,

subjective

struggle

them,

to give

to discover eyes,

existed cohesion

democratic

is

other

and "the

role

revolution

Furthertheir between

contradiction and the methods

Classical

bourgeois

tasks

Argentine

structures,

but

of

to the popular

of divorcing

an insoluble

extreme for -

process

the means of struggle".

committed the sin

"There

inactivity

of revolutionary

could only

not

offered

be

as part

of a

64

permanent beyond

revolution

them.

undertake

those

tasks

PCA, Cooke saw that

there

was a sector

which

Like

the

bourgeoisie

whose interests

imperialism,

but whereas

this

support

only

the

consistently

support

in

those

they

had to in

class,

the PCA

bourgeoisie

would

hegemonised,

they

which

of

position

In one sense,

the national

front

an anti-imperialist

to

their

the

whereas

the anti-imperialist

limitations

of

Cooke was even stricter

regarding

the

regarding

class. Later

of the national

that

alliances

should

With

strategy. the

old

there

of free

cession

about

in

its It

order. agonal

but

measures,

was an all

or nothing

vital.

subvert

situation

2

Again

1.

Cooke,

La lucha

2.

Cooke,

El Peronismo

revolutionary though,

vor...., y el

Cooke's

op.

cit.

golp e...,

struggle practical

p.

the existing

since

class

was not

118.

it

was

social the Pent-

forces

only

conclusion

p.

necess-

even if

which,

103.

op. cit.

The con-

he argued,

Cooke ("Either

for

feeling

he argued,

would,

government, would

Cooke felt

democracy.

bourgeois

or the power of the people")

and therefore

polarised,

to stable

liberation

had become outmoded 1

permanent",

of a Peronist

governmental

military

is

circum-

national regime,

conditions

by the praetorians

elections

timid

them in exceptional

to a general

objective

be no return

mean the election

with

arguing

struggle,

of the Onganfa military

situation

arily

the liberation

subordinated

the onset

arguments

could

in

be forged

only

"now the revolutionary that

1967,

bourgeoisie

as a mere tactic

stances,

that

in

on, writing

role

ible

that

go

of

to the working

force. that

also

that

conclusion

had to be subordinate

considering

but

antagonistic

Cooke argued

anti-imperialist

Cooke was more realistic that

PC.I drew the

sector,

front

was more realistic only

were objectively

"progressive"

the anti-imperialist the

would

were

permisswas a call

65 to arms which

ignored

alternative

because

of the

failure

of the revolutionary

in

Latin

of Cuba and partly

success

Left

the

end of his

Movement became much more internal

the

explaining

ism and other defects

with

the workers

the

remained

of weakness", of positive

2

that

Argentine

to the regime

internCooke

up,

prosperity,

post-war

had

government

the anti-imperialist

as if 1

on-imperial-

broke

the Peronist

problem

in reality,

whereas,

only

In such circum-

as a class.

an amalgam of diverse

forces,

of irreconcilable

an alliance

became a interests,

class

policies. the

he accused

the

phenomena into

ean experiences.

but

In

ones.

upon the

The 1945 alliance

existed"

early

as "a bourgeois-democratic

same sin fit

but rather

struggle;

front,

original

In characterising terms,

defeat

country's

loyal

as external

of the

of Argentina's

the

and emphasised

was no longer

1945 still

of

of the Peronist

analysis

(class-based)

Movement.

class

"posing

"the

incapable

formulae

alternative

stress

disappearance

polyclassist'front

source

partly

of the historical

Cooke's

causes

external

intensifying this,

Cooke's

clasista

of the Peronist

this

stances,

who espoused

life,

1955 debacle,

due to the

ignored

because

of the Movement as well

contradictions

argued,

strategies,

America.

Towards

al

revolutionary

For while

Peronist

3 'Cooke

revolution", traditional

Left

in

the

trying

to

on the basis

was "bourgeois

democratic"

(Buenos Aires:

general

committed

of - namely,

schemas articulated Perbnism

at least

phase,

of Europin

the

1.

Cooke, A untes Editor, 1973),

2.

Cooke, quoted in Rodolfo Ortega Pena & Eduardo L. Duhalde, "Peronismo Revolucionario en el tercer ano de la muerte de John W. Cooke, " Nuevo Hombre, no. 9 (15th-21st September 1971).

3.

Cooke,

"Aportes

para la militancia p. 100.

a la

critica...,

"

op.

cit.

Schapire

P. 385.

that

sense

it

imperialist period it

interests,

basic

neglected

this

mistake

the

bourgeois

20th:

was not

step

in

writers was to final

terms

for

crucial

it

had taken

revolution

the next

was a bourgeois

it

In

evaluating

Peronist

history

have

the line

that

taken

"deepen" years

that

was not in

place

revol-

by the

of vital

importance

the

century

19th

1960's

whether

or mid-

revolution. of the Peronist Whereas many

clear.

quite

the only

the nature

moreover,

however,

Peronism

for

solution

and arm the working

the revolution

realised

revolution;

of strategy,

is

a long

over

Cooke and the mainstream

between

against

bourgeois-democratic

the socialist

was still

some measures

of capitalism

of the. "classical"

reform.

The difference Left

that

tasks

such as land

took

which

the pre-existence

the claim

negated

ution

force

was a national

of the regime

in

1955

Cooke in his

class, permitted

no such

solution: for me are "all the posthumous laments about workers militias the Because fantasies. just arm working one cannot speculative class in order to defend your regime and the next day tell fine, my son, hand back the arms and go and produce workers: 1 value for the bosses". surplus In described of

the Peronist

Movement as "the

status

bourgeois

institutions". thus

quo, elections,

governmental

2

measures

could

1.

Cooke,

Apuntes...,

op.

2.

Cooke,

El Peronismo

y el

not

general

crisis

the social

represents

within

Cooke

1966,

of the

the framework

was made up of classes

Peronism would

it

in

, written

expression

be satisfied

It

the regime since

since

system,

whose demands cannot

existing

free

y el

the Argentine

classes

Golpe de Estado

El Peronismo

which

opposed the

itself

institutionalise

of the

and allow

would win and even the most timid

upset

the social

cit.

p. 102.

gol pe...,

op.

order.

cit.

The seizure

p. 54.

of

_67_ power by Onganfa removed between the

thecontending

battle

for

ise

itself

forces,

power,

yet

between

was a stalemate but

with

the intermediate creating

the

two forces:

sufficient

material

enough to submit

to overthrow

I

it".

The basic tionary

but

It

to check

was able

"Regime",

not

but

it.

plant

adequately

it

leaving

"a regime

to stabil-

and destroy

lacked

to his

every

friend

"Peronism

attempted

methods with

Salvador

Allende,

but not

is

and myopic

strategem

there

revolu-

tasks",

revolutionary

in

and a mass

harassment

a "boneless

the revolutionary

As he wrote

unable

power to survive

for it

situation out,

to constant

organised

inorganicity

revolutionary

it

legality

as Cooke pointed

as seen by Cooke was that

problem

not

an all-or-nothing

paradoxically,

movement powerful

of bourgeois

ground

its giant".

2

by the to sup-

which

Peronism

was

structured: "as a truly party for the seizure of power; it is revolutionary on many fronts which fights a movement of popular rebellion and bureaucracy which, though led by a reformist and collaborating potential ever ready to compromise, has a revolutionary which is being constantly 3 refined".

The problem olutionary

posed was to move from

social

reality, Cooke's

based

on his

which

that

1.

Cooke, Apuntes...,

2.

Cooke, La lucha

3.

Cooke, "Carta pp. 46-49.

4.

Cooke, Apuntes...,

5.

Cooke,

La lucha

these

that

conviction view

its

conditions

since

por...,

a Salvador op. por...,

op.

p.

cit. op.

without

count-

limitations

of a determined 5

could

was a multiclass

be overcome was movement,

it

29. pp. "

73 & 54.

Cuadernos

p. 33. Cit.

to one of rev-

had serious

limitations

limitations

cit.

Allende,

enough;

composition".

Peronism

op. cit.

not

Peronism

seen as "the

force,

as a revolutionary

of rebellion

is

4

can be no victory".

there

er-attack

"Resistance

since

offensive,

a state

p. 47.

de Crisis,

op.

cit.

_68-

the

be immune to

not

could

inconsistency

In other

the bourgeois

to society.

The major

of

sky but

the Movement. of the

part and

the

from

fall

regime

It

bases"

of

reactive,

reformist

pressures

from

balancing

activities

ers

that

maintain indeed

exists".

of

was "an intermediary

the Movement. leadership

below

in

order

motivated

confidence 3

to

Cooke,

Apuntes...,

op.

Perlin

2.

Cooke,

El Peronismo

y el

who had

1

the Movement"

was

(electoralism the

which from

surge

this

the

pragmatic, to

the

hence its -

credibility

by the need "to

the power-hold-

convince

quo and the need to

status

that

that

danger

P. 34.

golpe...,

op.

not

weakness

composition,

through

Nevertheless,

did

which

'polyclassist'

which

its

the enemy.

and serve

class

(as it

be reduced

had to make some concessions

Cit.

theory,

individuals

of

structure

the social

due to

the Movement

of

not

of the masses by demonstrating

1.

to the Movement

and strategies

to maintain

applied

had a mass working-

could

impulses 2

nature,

of revolutionary

due to its values

Peron-

potential.

of the

was a reflection

sharing

off

be dismissed

also

to betray

of leadership

we are no danger the

it

latter

the revolutionary

sterilises

popular

order

its

in writing

not

not

to a series

The bureaucracy,

system,

golpiam).

the

Leftists)

was "a system

it

He exposed

was the dominance

For Cooke,

the Movement in

infiltrated

but

revolutionary

of activity

Peronist

was by other

its

struggle.

multi-class

to the development

obstacle

by the bureaucracy.

Rather

lay

and forms

organisation

who,

as a whole

leadership;

of its

base and therein

class

Left

the Movement could

words,

nature

class

due to its

revolutionary

analysis

itself.

the

of

of the non-Peronist

ism as potentially dialectical

the dynamic

cit.

p. 32.

Apuntes..., Cooke, 3. op. cit. p. 37. leadership Here Cooke was mainly dealing with the political than the trade union bureaucracy. ism in Argentina, rather

of Peron-

_69-

Cooke wrote

At most, bureaucracy gaining

would

position,

truce

negotiations".

early

years

duros.

liners

duros

superficial

actions,

sought

to change

They did

not

to develop duros,

voiced

Cooke's

who claimed

Peronism

utionary

mantle,

lack but

1.

This

nor

is

his

of vital

conception

and moreover

a crude

seek of the

criticism

of the Peronist

sectors

who reduced

in

general

with

the

Ibid.,

p.

arguing

it

a product

that

the

importance left

of revolfoguismo

methodology

of the fact

that

the people

bureaucratic

bureaucrats'

limits

and theoretical

was seen as a product

enemy than with

35.

of the

CoolaTs explanation

of a revolutionary

the Movement, ties

yet

they

which

div-

the mass movement.

from

was weak and circular,

ing,

of those

to mere foouismo,

Occasionally,

their

through

de Per6n,

El Retorno

the orthodoxy

belies

it

since

by Cooke in his

the neo-

voluntaristic

to the workers

organisation.

revolutionary

amass

theory

a revolutionary

present

as

and become the new vanguard.

of forces

balance

the

revolutionary

from

their

tremendismo,

from the mass movement,

divorced

violent

their

through

bureaucracy

Peronist

hard-

was now regarded

themselves

distinguished

only

the

the

with

between

between

antinomy

the

as the solu-

was not but

in since

himself

strategy

and blandos,

bar-

power -

way politically

alternative

The duro-blando

duros

the -

for

combat become the vanguard

insurrectional

the real

the

a strong

policy

Then he identified

hard-liners'

and reformism.

to gain

order

Cooke had come a long

and soft-liners,

politics

during

rearguard

now Cooke saw that

tion;

orced

of a. revolutionary

of the Resistencia.

seeing

in

not

as part

la Militancia,

para

struggle

1

the

Apuntes

use violent

who were the

"those

his

in

of the

many leaders they

phenomenon were due to understand-

'polyclassism'

of

had closer

class

misrepresented.

-70However, Cooke felt class

did

this that

for

Cooke meant the

the

while

class

Peronism

with (rural

as its

workers,

bourgeoisie

not

being

policy

except

dependent

on imperialism,

existing from

social

PCA, both tasks they

will order"

in

with

would

stages

of popular

to which

1.

Cooke,

2.

Cooke,

social

a progressive

had only benefit

social

La lucha

Por...,

for

cit.

it

role tasks

cit.

This

by the and its because

to play

-

of the initial

as a class

as the

open the question

p. 25. op.

the

Cooke the national

Cooke left

quoted in Ortega Pena & Duhaide, Cooke, El Peronismo y el golpe..., op,

mobil-

indivisible 3

were included

but were to be destroyed

op.

is

advocated

transitional

advanced.

which

nationalism".

the anti-imperialist

revolution

the

class),

of changing

is, to lead

class;

classes

the industrial

of

class

to that

class

a short-term

from

of the revolution,

simultaneous

front

Front,

"national"

task

no bourgeois

For the PCA the bourgeoisie

sectors only

is

1

Liberation

liberation

national

'dictator-

can be no nationalistic

of the working

and "since

type

were seen as still

they

2

the

and the working "there

since

ideological

Front".

the part

the revolutionary

there

regard

power.

bourgeois

behind

revolution,

a different

clearly

force

the leadership

under

social

bourgeoisie

petty

the

of

for

to the working

of a National

students,

the national

ises

idea

it

Liberation

composed socially

axis,

the hegemonic

latter

the

Cooke promoted

Instead,

of the

just

rendered

"To reduce

utopian:

the defeat

be to ensure

would

country

a concep-

Clasismo for

class

of the

state

formula

Revolution.

the working

of

economic

the proletariat'

of

3.

isolation

based on working-

strategy

power - was too narrow

workers'

of the Argentine

success

'polyclassism. of

rejection

revolutionary

-a

and seeking

the

reasons

to an outright

clasismo

struggle

tion

lead

not

cit. P. 38.

is

-71-

of whether

a speedy

transition

or whether

a period

of co-existence

necessary,

but

between

the

example

one way or the

recognising very

little

tion

which

the

in

long

sooner

would

they

run:

or later

Peronist'polyclassism'was tactically

he accepted

ity

would

classes

as was clear

sectors,

he felt the

in

that

three

the

all

while them

offered

a revolu-

Cooke,

a real-

"national"

What he did

revolution.

the

from

for

reality

not

accept

of the Movement by bour-

domination

and ideological

was the practical geois

some role

play

tend

them.

an existing since

and thus

asked to join

were being

devour

solutions

Cooke strategy,

bourgeoisie,

national

be

would

intermediate unstable

the

Thus,

other. of the

limitations

the

that

inherently

are

forms

capitalist

with

in Argentina

was possible

of Cuba suggests

and capitalism

socialism

to go either

to socialism

questions

R1

he posed in

de Perlin':

Retorno

"Who says that because Peronism has a polyclassist social composSince we have said is also polyclassist? its ideology ition, ideology that there is no 'no man's land' between bourgeois and have does Peronism to itself theory, resign why revolutionary ideology? Why to a polyclassism orientated around bourgeois does it have to submit to the schemas of thought of its minorthe least ity sector, especially combative, when that ideology the problems of the Argentine is incapable commof resolving ". Nation State? the sovereign as a of unity and the predominant

Opposing ity

bourgeois

ideology

Cooke advocated

of a genuinelpolyclassist'ideology,

ideology

and refuting

the possibilrevolutionary

as:

not only for the "the only one which will solutions, provide for those bourgeoisie but also of sectors our class working the to in transhave role play constructive stages of a who forms of society". 1 towards new organisational ition

Again,

1.

Cooke,

the

problem

La lucha

lay

por....,

in

getting

op.

cit.

those

bourgeois

p. 56.

sectors

to

- 72 theory

revolutionary

accept

that

which

implied.

dilemma between 1

escapism",

in his

element

in

to attain

the proletariat However,

Cooke's

a future

envisaged

army is

appear not

but

struggle working

class

tionary

party,

Apuntes

revolutionary

Movement for

an important

play

they

this

"Aportes

the

into

kind

their

a la critics...,

2.

Cooke, quoted in Ortega Cooke, La lucha vor....,

op.

cit.

of it,

the revolu-

"for

without

attitude

op. cit.

p.

the

of the rank-and-file

revolution,

Peiia & Duhalde,

of

Class

by Cooke in his

to be possible.

"

i. e.

a synthesis". potential

dis-

not

the

The non-Peronist

sectarian

of cooperation

Cooke,

out

Left". the

in

role

will

2

independently

Peronist

something

progression,

was recognised

not

had to drop

1.

3.

and Peronism

develop

they

"The revolu-,

such a development;

would

vanguard

is

for

which

Is Militancia,

but

into

process:

a dialectical itself

the basis

of the Movement,

Peronists,

develop

banners

by integrating

the need for

para

could

its

through

and left-wing

Left

would

a dialectical

around but

provided

were

change were

Rather,

static.

the Movement and the revolutionary

within

in his

with

of the class

would not

were not

Peronism

through

grouped

by negating

is

a change in the class

composition

conceptions

in which

by substitution

the

the

hegemony.

different

qualitatively tionary

as if

evade

the rtontoneros

1973,

for

Front

and weakest

acceptance

calling

while

the front,

hegemonising

dealt

adequately

In

"to

the bourgeoisie

with

fashion:

similar

of the Front

composition

Peronism.

revolutionary

to pose the formula

was never

that

was the most unsatisfactory

schema and it

alliances

or compromise

dilemma

this

hegemony of the

Cooke had remarked

Elsewhere,

revolution

yet

and the proletarian

op. 91.

P. 379. cit.

becoming

towards

the

73

-

Cooke's his

life.

In 1964,

Peron as the cracy ing

great

Cooke was still

but

occupations, immediate

as a tactical

rather

'La Revoluci6n

By 1967, ,

of

the

bureau-

he was returnby

the workers recognised

however,

factory that

Cooke finally

came to

"Peron is the main asset of bourgeois-democratic in politics Argentina, who, through intelligence a pre-Marxist and general knowledge, follows the evolution of history and sympathises that represent the future, which does not mean with the forces time the man destined to say that he is at the present to out" 1 line a revolutionary policy... While

among the masses, ed the positive

at

proletariat"

time

his

of formulations

ship";

it

class

It

was of crucial

in

somewhat belatedvery

"revolutionary in which

of Per6n,

offer that

importance,

much alive

the myth represent-

the worker

due to a superleader-

of political

to rectify of Per6n, for

spring

Cooke saw that

the consciousness

alongside

to the methodology

Pp. 50-51 & 92.

period

capacity

Cooke could

of new myths

only

be "supplanted

not

or due to the

that

the

importance

and the best

the latter.

Ibid.

and "the

could

because

symbolised

imbedded

Peron was no obstacle

1.

but

was a myth firmly

was the development with

It

symbolic

leadership

iority

ing

of Per6n.

Due to this

was happy".

of ignorance

out

side

of the Argentine

that

not

limitations,

the myth of Per6n was still

that

Cooke realised

ly,

Per6n's

recognising

publicly

of the

of armed struggle.

the worksituation

compatible

example,

an

one of his

in

of Peron:

judgement

make a class

that

which

Peronismo

y el

that

to restrain

attitude

years

was interpreted

example,

was impossible.

insurrection

writings,

for

last

game of presenting

old

statement

he was coming

that

as meaning

his

the

and arguing

"Perbn's

"pacification",

the aim of

Cooke not

leader

him.

in

changed

playing

revolutionary

was misinterpreting

with

last

of Peron also

evaluation

that Moreover,

74the

old

of Peronism

symbols

to the

so as to correspond

his

ed under

the

leadership

justice,

social

forms

banners

in

was that

process"

synthesis.

It

and its

final

there

to express

ceased

movement;

synthesis, strength

has not yet

possessed

both

the Peronism

Peronism it

nor

be re-

would

into

a

one can make hypoof Cooke's of the

alter-

1973-6 in

prestige

by a new mass national

has evolved

towards

a new

the numerical

attained

Movement in

destiny

soon to speak of

demands and lost

to be replaced

reached

by the old

At best

through

"to

evolution too

and

initial

ceased

case it

perhaps

towards

popular

revolutionary

it

if

which

outcome.

but has yet

eyes of workers,

but

still

Peronism,

orthodox

in

of

of the

view

dialectical

have been tendencies

destinies:

and popular

is

2

initiat-

today the

final

either

was "a

sovereignty,

to develop

Cooke's

disappear

would

or through

governments, the

1

there

the banners

with

and integrating

retaining

movement,

but

native

beginning

by another

theses,

1945,

up to date

the process

and political

demands"

end of Peronism

between

October

and popular

new revolutionary the

For Cooke,

national

express placed

but

it

the hour.

of

is

which

a synthesising

of Peronism

and brought

independence

process

of struggle

be redefined

continuity

on 17th

economic

revolutionary

other

tasks

historical

and necessary

clear

could

1973.

CONCLUSION

political

thought

developed

to militant

Peronism

and from

Cooke's Radicalism Marxism.

He articulated Peronism

revolutionary his

thought

1.

Ibid.

2.

Cooke,

and political

pp.

the most mature and nearly

always

activity.

His

throughout

his

y el

golpe...,

from

Peronism

to Cuban-moulded

theoretical

expression

maintained limitations

a unity

op.

cit.

p. 72.

of

between

were the

92-94.

El Peronismo

life,

- 75 limitations

of a whole

the need to struggle

with

This

Movement. the

in

to Per6n,

least

that

sition,

yet for

tionary nal in

in

of

early

main point

class.

came to see its he wrote

remained

compo-

it

"the

they

served

revoluinter-

for

of his

time

a favourable

as a warning

to

in mind that His

nationalist.

liberation,

even after

he

On one occas-

revolution.

social

was

would be resolved

must be borne

national

it

aware of the

of a bourgeois

from

indivisibility

acceptance,

in

He had

all

the precedent

but also

was that

development

his

Cooke was a product

Cuba provided

Moreover,

staying

came to Peronism:

and hoped that Here,

for

multiclass

Cooke was fully

yet

contradictions,

of departure

was its

movement to group

class.

bourgeoisies.

was

ideas

independence.

'polyclassism. of

when it

them,

between

these

limitation

the moment,

society,

background.

American

Cooke's

the working

and popular

of the working

and personal

ion,

1

classes"

resolution

requirement

he was more ambiguous

a national

favour

was a basic

of Yrigoyenism

one weakness

up their

damaged their

seriously

faced

a bourgeois-led

in

them to dress

required

fundamental

and for

contradictions

Latin

with

the

case,

the workers

which

example,

staying

tactically

written

right

for

Cooke's

In

compromise

for

Peronists

of revolutionary

alongside

of Peronism,

Movement,

at

vital

apparel

Loyalty the

generation

that:

"the anti-imperialist struggle revolu- which we said is social for tion at the same time - is 'communism' or 'castrocommunism' that Castroism, does Peronism, not understand regime which a forms taken by a Caama:Kism, etc., Brizolism, are the national dimensions". 2 process of Latin American and universal single Socialism

for

processes

being

Cooke was the form intimately

1.

Cooke,

La lucha

2.

Cooke,

El Peronismo

interrelated.

por...., y el

op.

for

of liberation

cit.

golpe...,

Latin

Yet conceptually,

p. 53. op.

cit.

p.

111.

America,

both

he always

76

with

started Argentine

the problematic

posing

analyses Argentina

and Cuba.

with

behave

in

reason

for

from

his

to Marxism,

After

geoisie. liberation

could

of itself

national underlies

Cooke's

and secondary confusion

Moreover, the light

only

acceptance with

class

one must dispute

way to make the revolution

'revolutionary

methods

that

guerrilla

impregnate

view

lead

a national

the national

one.

for

his

conversion

and it

process,

Nation-

Such a contra-

hegemonic

whether

bour-

struggle

of the

old view

or not,

for

this

which

is

of Peronist'polyclassism; analysis,

and making class

the

of

bour-

of the

words, despite his

he took

route

a worker-led

ones might

from Cooke's

urban

feel

(i. e. antagonistic)

(non-antagonistic)

of successive

could

the fundamental

the liberation

tactical

and ambiguity

in

they

behind

some part,

fundamental

between

left

being

in

"Cubanised"

slightly

of sectors

In other

quite

starting

analysis

role

liberation.

suggests

bourgeoisie

not

fundamental

nationalist

potentialities

a subordinate

contradiction

the

did

how classes

with

Cooke came to an over-optimistic

he did

and social

in

especially Marxist,

is

through

bourgeois

but

Imperialism

tinction

the

to victory,

Cooke never

Marxist

at Peronism

that

play

his

rather

and this

felt

to Marxism,

diction

but

1959, he never

process

national

of

and nationalist

progressive

emerged from

of polyclassism.

because

and partly

the

a classical

structures

he looked

because

in

movements,

unlike

struggle

acceptance

Peronism

geoisie

of class

an anti-imperialist

Partly glasses

liberation

Hence Cooke,

an analysis

conclusions

socialist

national

of practical

begin

his

semi-colony;

liberation

of national

the

A dis-

a clear

contradictions

have removed this

area

of

theory.

Cooke's

view

in Latin failures.

that

armed struggle

America,

especially

Cooke argued

the masses with

revolutionary

that

is in

the

I

?7 I

theory",

yet

Cooke's

of a combined Guerrilla

in practice.

strated

expressed their

ordinate

Cooke maintained

that

can only

be demonstrated

he never

applied

of his

failures

could

dicate

his

triumph

not

that

the

It

to break

through

strategy.

the near It

alternative

the

criticism

insurrectional

The influence

critics

from for

foquista' and debate,

'foco

Cooke,

"Aportes

a la crftica...,

2.

Cooke,

La luchs

tor....,

" op.

op* cit.

p.

that

not

do that.

even

vinthe

More-

could

only

revolutionaries by Cooke around

Peronist

Left

but

by a successful

106.

be

engaged in armed

erected

cit.

of

since

only

could

strategy.

1.

1959,

Only

them.

Perlin

of Cooke on the alternativista

in

Success would

non-guerrilla

defences

in

correct

would

those

but

faith

He argued

invalidate

practice

impregnable

meant that

won over by political

hard

very

His

Che's Bolivian

to criticise

right

struggle

2 (sic),

maxim.

factors.

not

in

strategy

was thereore

struggle.

his

prove

would

action.

of the Uturuncos

1963-64,

combat and was inadmissible

in

to this

1968 in Argentina.

of

and failure

of an alternative

earned

his

group

to sub-

of struggle,

struggle"

failures

Army in

despite

of revolutionary

be due to contingent

always

Cooke declared

over,

by the

mass

to be demon-

guerrilla

revolutionary

own ARP would

theories

two forms

of success

Guerrilla

1967 and the Taco Ralo the defeat

through

with

have tended,

"possibility

criterion

People's

Masetti's

the

was unshaken

has yet

for

the

and furthermore,

strategy

to recruitment

mass activity

armed struggle

the

to postpone

armed actions

organisations,

to coordinate

wish

the

involved,

upon coordinating

the feasibility

struggle,

their

of the activists

emphasis

tended

has in fact

warfare

development

theoretical despite

guerrilla

tendency

P. 383.

of

not

be

78 Peronism,

Revolutionary reviews, stream

Left,

Peronist

for

Left

though, with

Cooke's

the

only

analysis the

triumphing

a mare independent

undertaken

The "alternativista" tendency its strategy, "alternativismo" to Chapter Four.

system

by sectors

that

were hard

Despite

his

the

of

prospects

were poor,

which

of Peronism leading

lirait-

by many sectors

Peronist

revolutionary

to ortho-

closer

must be said

and abroad.

played

towards being

it

and all-embracing

He therefore

still

remained

in Peron,

illusions

Marxist-orientated

Left

though

the main-

whereas

The revolutionary

formula

opposition

consistent

the Peronist

Montoneros,

1960's,

on the pages of their

'De Frente',

foquismo.

revolutionary

Cooke was the

Movement.

a process

by the

of workers'

a fairly

developed

1.

during

he was in

mine while

second

through

above to Cooke were shared

a more clearly

the strength

led

adopted

attributed

Peronist

was to shine

and the

"Militancia'

doxy and only ations

1

given to under-

limitations,

to provide of ideas,

the Left the only

to emerge inside

theoretical

role

and socialist of the Peronist

the

in moving alternative, Left

is analysed in Chapter Six and is discussed in the introduction

today.

TT

npAP'r

NATIONALIST AND CATHOLIC INFLUENCES UPON THE PERONIST LEFT

has been devoted

Though attention theorist,

olutionary

and leading

strategist

upon the Peronist

gical

influences

ation

of any one man or woman.

Nevertheless,

it

and their

ents Left",

is

and,

be examined

of how these

Left

cannot

Oh the

contrary,

to discern

is

the

subject

of

(3rd

tercermundista of course,

the writings

separately

and then

strands

the

as rev-

ideoloto the

be reduced

such influences in

has left

nature

possible

analysis

the radical

Catholicism fore

whose hybrid

ideas

of

eration

formative

cadre,

and were to be drawn together

many and diverse

Cooke,

to John William

a loose

only

inspirwere

confed-

many an academic

puzzled.

influential

curr,

principal

this

The "National

chapter.

World-orientated)

wing of

of Per6n and Evita

be followed

will

there-

discussion

by a final

were drawn together.

THE NATIONAL LEFT

Paternity

by Juan Jos& Hernfindez

claimed predated

by some two years

1955 when Dickmann's the

slogan,

Arregui, context

"National

of the term

"For

however,

and its

Socialist

a New National was the first

of dependent

Arregui

countries,

Party

(Izquierda Left" Nacional) was 1 but in fact his 1957 usage was

origins

of the National

and Latin

American

to define

"National

as referring

to April

least

go back at

Revolution

Left". Left;

2

coined

Hernändez in

the

to:

to a concrete theory applied "general case, which national the of contents national-defensive and revolutionary analyses (seen Marxism light the history in the economy, of and culture

de la Conciencia Plus Ultra, 1973),

1.

La Formaci6n Juan Josh Hernändez Arregui, 3d ed. (Buenos Aires: Editorial Nacional, p. 475, footnote.

2.

II De la El Socialismo Jorge Enea Spilimbergo, en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: 2d ed. la Iz uierda Nacional. Iz uierda Ci eaa Ediciones Octubre, 1974), p. 101.

80 -

into account reality, as a method of interpreting and taking the peculiarities primarily of each country) and development with the and which combines such a theoretical analysis imperialism, practical struggle of the masses against at nationAmerican and World levels, I al, Latin and in that order". As a tendency

operating

the National

ment,

used the

and publicly

Ramos's

Abelardo 2-

FIP) current

but

includes

Front

exclusively.

It

although

to

tendencies

socialist

socialist

centre

Rejecting

the

or party

idea

its

or not,

is

olution

must be primarily than

rather

in

al

trends

to

socialism'

general.

"lessons"

which

the need for

each country,

component

groups

of other

socialist

of Argentine

rev-

society

and internation-

of different

'national

of the National

countries

may be of use in determining

fundamental

espouse Marxism

internationally

sections

as

to it.

Left's

of the Argentine

the idea though

understood an international

the National

and strategy

upholds

presents

themselves

subordinate

of capitalism

It

Popular

and political

socialism",

argue

Jorge

internationalist,

verbally

and which

draw upon the experiences

also

an ideological

"international which

like -

de la Izguierda

based upon an analysis

upon analyses

for

is

Move-

have consciously

which

definition

(Frente

heterogenous

the theory

that

parties

of an International,

whether

proposition,

least

at

as an alternative

those

those

Left

the Peronist

and outside

term as a political

Popular

not

which,

itself

Left

within

in

an attempt

the Argentine

roads Left to learn

revolutionary

model. These definitions

Arregui,

unite

an otherwise

diverse

group

of

1.

Hernändez

2.

Party The genealogy of the FIP goes back through the Socialist (Partido National Left de is Izquierda Nacional the Socialists of PSIN), founded Party National in Socialist the 1962, the of and (PSRN), Revolution created by Dickmann in 1954, to a small TrotRamos and Ernesto Säbato, formed group which included skyist the 1930's. during See "La Izquierda, sus grupos y tendencias", op. cit.

op.

cit.,

p. 475.

81 -

Juan Jost

Cooke,

Rodolfo

imbergo,

of their

ity

Arregui,

Puiggros,

Esteban

traversed

Party

Radical

Most,

however,

of it

part

or not,

and all

former

made by their

if

Left,

and early

though

it

It

provided in

faith ing

a critique

consciousness

1.

but

which

referred

lacks

In fact,

of the

1930's

to the

A tendency within of C6rdoba.

often

of Peronism More-

of fascism.

influence made the very

collectively

the

to re-orientate

de la Conciencia

since

first

it

by a profound of humanity"

a love the

became a

the mass movement. Nacional Left

of

was

of the

Argentine

Left

which

Radical

and lack-

has national

cr so the author's

overstated

fascist

1960.

country

consciousness"

was considerably

the Uniion Civica

"the

in

Left,

of the

love

of the people",

"national

dominant

appeared

nationalism

and right-wing

consciousness

claimed.

nationalists author

destiny

the rational

national

prologue

"inspired

or

emerged,

the key work of the National

and arguably

has become somewhat dated

Left

they

whether

helped

and-thus

Communist

traditional

books read by the Peronist

1970's

the

and more direct

they

others,

La Formaci6n

influential the most of one 1960's

from

as a form

a stronger

towards

parties,

Arregui's

Hernändez

than

thinkable

Left

the

not

it

had their

of Radicalism

the characterisation

who viewed

Left

Left

of a Peronist

light

Ramos

Arregui

when Peronism

conceptions

rejecting

parties,

Peronist

on the recent idea

old

some of them exerted

though

over,

their

who revised

The divers-

lines

road

were men of the

the new Movement in a positive

viewing

1

lonely

the

Spil-

backgrounds:

political

Cooke and Hern&ndez

origins,

and Puiggros

to Peronism.

Party

Rivera.

Rey and Enrique diverse

John William

Ramos, Jorge

the FORJA and Sabattinista

in

baptisms

being

read

Abelardo

Jorge

their

reflects

had Trotskyist

respectively

all

Hernandez

works

and Rivera political

known and widely

the most well

theoreticians,

influences

of the though -

Argentine the

on these

(UCR) based in

the

city

82 nationalists theless

from

emanating their

asserted

failure

political

failed

because most

origin

or were middle-class

1930's,

and these

building

of its

class

for

popular

and Germany,

On the other

loading

hand,

Right

exponents

intellectuals

were either

ties

the early

prevented

evolving

explanation

for

economic of the

regimes

from

nationalists a political

In Hernändez

It

of oligarchic

who were forced on the oligarchic

participation.

his

he never-

was persuasive.

as bureaucrats

base and from

a mass popular

viding

Spain

of the nationalist

dependency

into

Italy,

Argontinity.

of the

reasons

France,

project

Arregui's

pro-

words,

"If Argentine its national image nationalism could not reconcile system of the masses, it was because the realwith a political idea which they proposed, to ization of the national carried implied the liquidation its ultimate consequences, of the 1 as a class". oligarchy From the nationalist along

Argentine history

country.

throughout

conflict

constant

by their

supported

forces

and the national designs

erialist

oligarchic

1.

World

Argentine

led

its

worst

expressions,

heroes

off

their

pedestals

to offer

Hernändez

heroes

nationalist

Arregui,

op.

cit.,

between

such as Rosas,

to promote

and shattered

the

19 & 278-279.

oligarchy, imp-

resisting

development

revisionism liberal

and myths as an alternative.

pp.

to a

imperialist

the independent

historical

spread-

pointed

fundamentally

allies,

by caudillos

and attempting

force, "barbarian"

school

history

imperialist

viewing

and civilising

the revisionist

internal

of Argentine

to a previously

In

of Argentina.

only

to it,

In opposition

for

was rejected

Rosa,

and popular

interpretation

modernising

of the Western

Arregui,

Maria

of national

Liberal

and others

as a progressive,

the benefits

such as Jost

"line"

The orthodox

by Mitre

written

powers

of a historical

caudillos.

penetration ing

idea

the

resurrected

Hernändez

1930's,

nationalists

more conservative

with

of the

works

knocked

myths, This

83 -

made good cinema but to relate

attempted as in

the National

historians

history

to the

stuck

between

being

Perlin

for

in Left

by its

vided the

of the

subservience

the Argentine

Democracy;

was seen by both between

parties,

Peronism

with

workers'

to oppose protectionism. Socialist

Party

and often

better

Ibid.,

pp.

colleagues quality

273-278.

It

by the

material trade

goods than

that (the

German SPD and Social

characteristics

as a war of the

due to the refusal

the allied

camp until

meant,

in

a protectionist

its

led

and this by Justo

the short policy

1943

victory

of fascism.

Party

interests

of.

instance,

of Russia,

invasion

was advocated it

was pro-

and parties

The 2nd World War, fcr

the Nazi

because

Left

by the CPSU and Stalinism)

of the Socialist

Free

uncritical

has maintained

ideologies

came to be seen as a variant

immediate

was inherited

Peronist

of the specific

and partly

orientations

social-democratic

1.

Party

to enter

regime

military

was assured,

after

the

posing

of their

to the

influenced

Communist

and fascism

democracy

nationalist

ation

being

and Peronism.

development

Argentine

in Argentine

viewpoint

Left.

to foreign

them from an understanding

divorced

than

rather

contribution

traditional

latter

Party

Socialist

Argentine

of

leader.

Left

of the

critique

list

such as Yrigoyen,

conflict

This

However,

the

extended

of the bed-rock

as part

1

of the nationalist

figures

terms.

class

as a national

The second National

ideas

and also

and imperialism

structures,

of Rosas.

of the fundamental

nation

by much of the Peronist

respect

more popular

idea

of imperialism

problematic

support

this

to include

caudillos

still

in

to social

evaluation the cruder

it

expressions,

conflict

Arregui's

discarded

1930's

better

In its

imperium-nation

Left

of the

national they

the

case of Hern{ndez

the

though

history.

poor

The

to a preoccupin

turn

led

and his term, could

cheaper offer,

it

84 -

this

yet this

the

involved

to mother the War in

during

by the traditional

it

"the

of

them.

democratic

ist

Party

jibe

at

many who have followed

in recent

years

ously

close

Here,

writers

dangerous for

and Marx into

death

Left

the National

ions,

to charging

path

for

which

should

movements and failed on numerous

pointing

national

itself

is

be rejected.

forces

because

Left

occas-

a

opponents

true

to say that

Social

opposed national

role,

it

plane.

traditional

Left

has never

presented

with

is

also

true

have been While regard anything

correctto the more

1.

del Stalinismo See Jorge Abelardo Ramos, Historia en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Editorial Rancagua, 1974), pp. 145-184; and El Peronismo: Sus Causas, 4th ed. (Buenos Aires: Rodolfo Puiggrös, Cepe, 1974), pp. 35-56. Ediciones

2.

Hernändez

Arregui,

op.

cit.,

pp.

113 & 121.

to

an anti-Argentine

have historically

on the international

the National

is

into

method of analysis,

Democracy and Stalinism

of the

Arregui's

"foreign". was

it

political

import,

one

has come peril-

and Ramos have trodden

a revolutionary

Social

on several

Left

failed

Though it

in Argentina

occasions

However,

make

of the Commun-

a dead dogma, Stalin

to employ a Marxist

a "foreign"

did

Hernändez

towards

been used by their

to the weaknesses question,

latter Arregui

to perform

counter-revolutionary ly

the

have often

Democracy and Stalinism

that

that

2

concern

or rather

the behaviour

into

to

Party's

tame socialism

of the traditional

critique

men who claim

Marxism

that

doctrine

a mummy".

such as Hernändez

such arguments

suggest

has been converted

"Lenin

the Socialist

be sympathetic

will

1

them prone

in Argentina",

of conservatism

shield

due to its

provisioned.

rendered

increasingly

Moreover,

them,

a living

Left

power on

activities

war effort

Indeed,

and its

objectives

short-term

with

"anti-national".

of being

hand,

strike-breaking

to keep. the allied

order

the imperial

of

on the other

had encouraged

Russia,

Such behaviour charges

the policy

sharing

The Communist Party,

question.

devotion

Party

-85-

than

a rudimentary

Democracy

and Stalinism

National while

Left

ficial, the

of

Argentine

its

olution

the

comes onto

position

is,

even for

would-be

of

that

down the need to develop

the

early

which

hardly

is

Peronist

orientated

fell

for

Peron the

trade

not

union the

defending

committed

imagination

1.

demise,

Ibid.,,

to which,

in

the

stage

of revfor

of struggling

The importance

of this

legitimacy

on Peronism,

great

a basis

provides

for

revolution

Socialism,

then

that

Hernändez

of his

least

at

that

seeing

and plays

1955 defeat national but

to no more than

from

apart

Per6n's

links

Arregui's

the

while

treatment

with

labour

the weak,

the port

the nature

the old the workers

1

the apologist

He maintained resolutely

of those

errors

of

foreign-

anarchic,

city",

of Peronism. independence

to be

propagating

base being

of

an apologia

by no means untypically,

Quite

movement of

that

was Peron

enough and that was left

to

readers.

to analyse

the weaknesses

such an analysis,

P. 395.

amounted

writer,

about

"errors",

By failing to its

according

for

"Left".

"without

to explain

unable

of the modern era:

a struggle

Left

destroyed, origin

provincial

It

Governments

than

more "National" since

postulate

of national-democratic

surprising

showed a National

myths,

has been so super-

of it

the stage

confers

Stalinism

lasts.

"stage"

It

it

and other

denounced

verbally

the day.

of

revolutionaries.

Movement as the instrument

present

before

order

course,

Arregui

be a national-democratic

must first

of Social

nature

Hernbndez

analysis

the revolution,

of

there

their

strategic

must be completed

which

Socialism

because central

stages

case,

Indeed,

can be seen as having

same time,

accepting theory

in general.

authors

the

at

of the non-revolutionary

critique

or rather

of Peronism lack

which

of analysis,

contributed helped

to

86

foster

illusions

least

progressive the Left

ward for

It

but

harked

rather

a revolutionary

by no means provided

movement.

Thus Hernändez

formulae.

as a whole being

Peroniam

in

back to old

Arregui's

or at way for-

a viable

Peronist

exhausted

by 1960 was still

position

that:

"the struggle their internal of the masses against and external through the establishment enemies can only be resolved of regimes, with control of exports authoritarian and the means of propaganda, with state support for the popular movement and in this national defence policy". army participation Even by 1970,

of the former

a renewal

footnote

5-line his

of it!

Arregui

his

he retained

the idea

while

the

and a belief

in

least

the

of his

radicalism

Peronism

against

kept

of the Peronist such a call

by a

qualified lived

up to

not

of the

the

old

(at

Since

for

fact

capitulation

The limits

Overnight,

the Peronist

and were in

lasted)

army-people 2

the same as Lanusse's")

a total

the early

revolution

demands and called

leadership

in

as a whole was revolutionary

1974 when Perbn died.

socialist

signified

Left

the nation-imperialism

of resuscitating

masked by the weak argument

Right

for

call

exactly

Peronist

of

stage

imperialism.

unity

secuted,

that

the

conceptions

army is

national out

former

desirability

all

was only

the Army had not

supported

were seen in

dropped

dez Arregui

Arregui's

work,

alliance

"bourgeois-democratic"

("Carcagno's

alliance

that

major

1

Though Hernändez

contradiction,

"Army-People"

to the effect

expectations

1970's,

of his

the 2nd edition

in

Hernän-

Peronist Left

already

and

were being being

per-

to the Peromist

of the need to unite

against

the

evil:

greater

disputes "The ideological conceptions about the differing of Peronism - moving towards independent capitalism or towards

pp. 38-39 & 490.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

Hernändez Arregui, (September 1973), I~

Peronismo y Socialismo p. 5, editorial.

(Buenos Aires),

no.

1

87

important, though important, extremely socialism must be temporarily postponed because the mandate of the hour is not dramatic history in this particular to moment of Argentine over scholastic words while the enemy is beating quarrel on the door". 1 HernAndez

Arregui

"scholastic

(Peronism

y Socialismo (Peronisri

Argentina

2

the

of both

However,

there the

factors are

same old Peronism

with

axis

of anti-imperialist

armed with

Argentine subordinate against

this

guide being

two major

national itself all

about front

being

in

weaknesses

in

this

struggle.

Firstly,

bourgeoisie

to working-class

the evidence

movement,

force

of the

class

under

the

- theory,

is

totally

of power.

is

of years,

and indeed

history

the

of creating

an

bour-

national

of the

leadership

Secondly,

of

the

abstract.

has shown no propensity

hegemony.

of Argentine

1955 loss

the

the idea

alliance

historically

elaboration

Communist Party

early

as a national

a revolutionary,

the

of

working-

schema which

recognised

and working

those

the need for

and for,

seen as crucial

libera-

than

anti-imperialist

schema of Puiggr6s's

classes

middle

written

revolution

of national

apparel,

to be more radical

liberation

and anti-imperialist

anti-oligarchic geoisie,

having

that

assumption

of bourgeois-democratic

glance

a national

only

if

at first

theory'to

a revolutionary

latter,

y Liberaci6n

the basic

share

in nationalist

Puiggr6s

Arregui,

absence

Puiggr6s

same idea

hegemony in

course

Peronismo

from

review

to Peronismo

Perbn began a stage

They appear

Hernandez class

the name of his

and Socialism)

of Rodolfo

under

to dress

tion.

as a war over

and Liberation).

The works

or,

by changing

words"

what he viewed

in

surrendered

The to

one has to ask,

the working

class

1.

board, "Aclarac16n Hernandez Arregui and editorial sobre el cambio (Buenos " Peronismo y Liberaci6n de nombre de nuestra revista, (August 1 1974), p. 5. Aires), no.

2.

Puiggrös, See in particular El Proletariado en is Revoluci6n (Buenos Aires: Nacional Sudestada, Editorial 1968), passim.

-88-

leading

came to power through the working

whether

of the whole

mockery implement why they

socialist

is

fold

Peronism

for

is

How appropriate revolutions

successfully experiences.

The idea

In the of production out

are

Argentina

Most people

see the need for

structures

exist

cratic

schemas is

only

1.

feudalism

as to

exists,

The idea

it

logical, for

reform

countryside. and not

as Laclau

and social

undermined

is

by the.

the predominant

bourgeois-democratic in

interested

who are

can be

countries.

where capitalism generations,

the struggle

international

national

has been seriously

1

bourgeois

stage,

various

separating

agrarian

in the

with

un-

Stalinism.

with

and distinct

he

credit,

would

of national world,

of

the mass working-

of international

and many other

and has been for

feudal

where

stages

To his

of how the revolution

view

to a later

case of Argentina,

of place.

his

of temporally

Cuba, Angola

in

to

conception

members to recognise

by confronting

fatalistic

into

but

postponed

challenged

revolutions

make a

no arguments

Puiggr6s's

in the underdeveloped

place

being

socialism

not

immediately

any way national.

to Argentina?

this

taking

liberation

in

not

that

of the handbooks

out

came straight

for

is

revolution

support

to merely

Would they

has offered

to underline

the few Communist Party

was one of

itself

by proceeding

Puiggr&s

policies?

necessary

also

the Argentine

to restrict

measures?

of stages

by Puiggr&s,

outlined

not.

should

It

theory

of alliance

be likely

would

and anti-imperialist

anti-oligarchic

class

class

the kind

yet

mode

schemas

the development

few would

claim

of

that

To employ bourgeois-demo-

necessarily

has correctly

politically stated,

sensible, othe

has explicitly the Communist Party termThough Puiggr6s rejected (El inology Peronismo...., this associated with op. cit., question have remained unchanged since conceptions p. 44), his underlying the Communist Party. leaving

89 -

of

the democratic

of feudalism

and to place

task

fundamental remains

I

geoisie".

of historical of the

national

specificities

and this

has been a major

A modified

of the

2

Ramos.

Due to the Trotskyist

approach

has been verbally

revolution

counterposed

support

though

they

expulsion

through

some progress Socialists

this

road,

it

from

to support

it

falters.

to

the social

though

along

though

Thus,

in a modified

The problem

with

a critical

the national

workers'

it

approach

fully

party,

can still is

and independent revolution

and incor-

be achieved

bourgeoisie that

(the

revolution

can only

national

For

Peronism.

revolution

agrarian

and have argued

the stages

revolution,

for

by an independent

the Argentine

have assumed that

they

led

revolution

a socialist

of permanent

the Ramos tendency

of the national

unity,

the stages

theory

support"

"civilization")

into

of the Indian

poration

national

of imperialism,

Abelardo

has been used to theoretic-

which

the tasks

the

in

by Jorge

group,

however,

of "critical

that

have argued

led

and Trotsky's

position

line

a political

of this

In practice

to it.

an intermediate

has occupied ally

dismissed

of the

structures,

has appeared

tendency

ancestry

more on

weakness.

of stages

political

bour-

on an analysis

and economic

of analytical

the

out

has rested

than

social

theory

Left

of the National

literature

Argentine

source

version

Left

forces

national

to wipe

the hands of the

power in

of the National

The nationalism

the vindication

is

revolution

the

make

duty

of until

position

has been related

has still

here

been present,

form.

this

line

of argument

is

that

" Latin 125.

due to the

takeover

1.

"Peronism and Revolution, Ernesto Laclau, (London and Leeds: 1973), Books p. of

2.

Ramos's La Luchs Revolucionario See in particular or un Partido (Buenos Aires: Plus Ultra, Editorial 1964) and El Marxismo de (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, Indias 19,63).

American

Review

go-

of much of the

the State

out

tion.

An older

tinction

is

is

there

between

are

of secondary

land

distribution

geoisie

latter being

the national Movement, force

during

the final

the Left

path

their

bourgeoisie, despite

all

months of the

promoted

of vital

posed,

to

revenue press-

the bour-

the common enemy. and Trotsky

past role

implications 1973-76

and

has regarded

It

is

order

and vituperative the Argentine

mechanical

the limitations

of when the. progressive The practical

has not

seen as represented

the

land-

these

when popular

mapped out for

over

of

of interest

conflicts

bourgeoisie

has been a highly

has demonstrated

provided

to be exhausted.

of Lenin

con-

or disagreements

a provider

existing

the

dis-

this

no tension

by the State.

against

citations

by the National

the Peronist

to the

are

between

is

bourgeois

to itself,

to unite

tends

there

means that

is

and business-owning

In moments of crisis,

of Stalinism,

denunciations

to support

it

revolu-

to the existence

antagonism

mean that

The national

imports.

frequent

interests

expropriation

and a threat

Despite

class

Rather,

or its

as a whole

their

and agrarian

importance.

industrial

are felt

tion

industrial

bourgeoisie

social

This

valid,

and national

businessmen

does not

this

and social

but no less

particular

with-

to when

were referring

the national

no fundamental

as complementary

oligarchy

ures

Due in

in practice

policy.

economic

finance

comes to

blurred.

Of course,

classes.

the

when it

numbers of land-owning

owners,

over

oligarchy

monopolies

of the economy.

sectors

Peronists of

the mid-1950's,

since

the foreign

the Ramos thesis,

to the

although

rather

significant

rivalry

dynamic

"indissolubility"

distinct,

ceptually

the

capital

against

revolutionary

objection

that

argument

the

in

what Cooke and other spoke of the

ing

to proceed

intervening

they

by foreign

sector

has become impossible

it

is

industrial

Peronist

one.

decades,

with

of this

class

this

It

has

historically

and vacillations

of all

work-

by which

no indicais

likely

were seen

Government when Ramos's

-91Left

Popular

by calling, not

of the probability

the defence

for

to the Right

itself

stationed

the face

in

only

for

Front

of democratic

The weaknesses of the Ramos tendency to a great

extent

accordance

with

from a failure

being

with

the only

socialist

grouping

to

the labour

upon the works of Yarn,

variant

of bonapartism

both

a historical

Engels

is also

champion of the working

Peronism

and his

Left

slightly

since

modified

Argentina's

most of its administrations

time.

by the early

came to maintain resolve

that

political

social

to carry

Nacional

However, his

that

in Argentina,

during

(September

3

1975),

1. 2.

del Bona artismo, Ramos, Im Er Plus Ultra, 1973), passim.

3.

(November Nacional, 41 For example, Ramos's call in Itauierda no. Government to implement "the 1975), p. 4, for the Peronist (still) to it October 1945", referring as a programme of 17th "revolutionary programme".

5th

ed.

to

the 1973-76

prompting

Irauterda

no.

been

the Ramos tendency

measures.

39

as

of economic decline,

gras geared towards

Aires),

of

Peronism would not be able

out national-democratic

(Buenos

evaluation

Government and have only

in a period

be

and a con-

were formulated

Though verbally

1970's

problems

activity

bourgeoisie

theoreticians,

the 1946-55 Peronist

after

regime,

how Perlin could

of the revolution

on the nature

ideas

the case of most Rational

and immediately

class.

the ben-

as an Argentine

and Trotsky,

2

in

must be

of the Peronist

of the national

representative

derive

movement through

in explaining

useful,

ditional

in

support

from the

to recognise

Ramos's characterisation

drawing

Left

As an offshoot

the Ramos tendency

1930's,

to accrue

Peronism.

supporting

for

echemgs and analyses

developments.

of the

groups

which were likely

efits

but also

of the National

to modify

socio-economic

Trotskyist

credited

intervention,

of military institutions

Left

1

Isabel.

tiny

of the Poroniat

(Buenos

Aires:

p.

Editorial

4.

- 92 -

This Argentine focus ly

failure

is

society

to analyses

Puiggr6s

of pre-1955

history,

Hernändez

intellectual

against

imperialist

history

the full

stretch

to leading

representation with

started

he dealt

with

an analysis

one nothing

the history

about

Though each of the above authors none of them have based their

analysis,

of modern social,

adequate

analysis

Instead,

their

analyses

of the revisionist

ed the

old

between

oppressor

present

in a subordinate

the nation

with social from

classes

all which

when he characterised bourgeoisie

I.

Ramos,

too

role often

compose it. bourgeois it

La Era.....,

Class

of the

op. cit.

I

of Marxist upon an

structures.

being

has retainthe key to tendency,

political

distinction has only

analysis

of these

three

for

and provisional

been

authors to the

reference

Peronist

corresponding

for

the historical

to Lenin's

evoked without

as "an unstable

and proletariat.....

in

Left

Thus Puiggr6s,

nature

period,

and political

the writings

being

nor has

recommendations

dichotomy

nations. in

1943-73

even when modified,

by reference

and oppressed

the ultimately

the

final

In the case of the National

view was to be reinforced

this

in history,

structures

have used elements

of the Nation-Imperialism

idea action.

political

and,

attributing

and forces

has been rooted

school

though

of the Resistencia.

economic

on strategy

advice

culture

has mainly

though

on the

volume

pen main-

work,

history,

of socio-economic

His

his

of national

figures

limited

was concerned

historical

The latter,

political

history.

labour

tells

example,

and Ramos's

level.

by the

Arregui

defence

in

of changes

has dedicated

of post-Independence

at a superstructural

has never

and the

deformations,

light

to be explained

partially

school.

with

operated

the

Left

chiefly

embracing

in

conceptions

least

at

the National

of

class

to revise

example,

drew back

State

1946-55

of

balance

to a transitional

between

93 1

stage".

idea

Another was that

Patric

the

of

which Latin

American

the North

American

erstwhile

mentor

America,

made in

by Debray,

replace

it

3

Marxist"

America

her

Peron after in

the

1.

Puiggr6s,

2.

Ramos, 1949),

but

General

didn't

Strike

in

it".

is

centuries

of

in any-

argument,

put and

was strictly geography

about The old

and new which

in

and to make Latin

by the Argentine

Isabel working

of mid-1975. Left

has made of Marxism

op. cit.,

Un Pais

(Buenos

op.

cit.,

pp.

was neatly

p. 87. Aires:

273 & 295.

an

of his

call

Ramos to support

led

passim.

Ramos, El Marxismo...,

America

Marxism"

Marxism

had been repudiated

the National

Latina:

know anything

practice

El Proletariado....,

Am6rica

reply

the name of "Bolivarian

which

intellectuals.

balkanisation

eradicate

to teach

try

this

Latin

of Latin

after

with

Ramos's

American

come together

can ever

cannot

the

States that

unlikely

Latin-Americanize

government

The use which

3.

"to

has attempted

theory

United

nation,

they'd

in

rejected

beyond

When faced

American

that

Latin

states

the French

imagined

were both

highly

is

one simply

Latin a

with

we never

class

that

of Ramos that

a Socialist

American

"We knew that

racist:

Left

It

Left

seem

con-

a strong

National

goes far

which

a confederation.

forward

but

for

1934.

more than

thing

view

Trotsky

the Latin

balkanisation

the view

is

open to challenge 2a nation, unconstituted

What is

Latin

too,

would

envisages

of developing

attracted

America

reasons,

which

Culturally

colossus.

has particularly

culture

project

left

as Manuel Ugarte.

such

and economic

common and the idea

have much in

countries

military

National

of Latin

nationalists

any liberation

American

by the

the unification of ,

for

in

item

Left

Peronist

by previous

both

unity,

to be an essential

the

Grande

had been pioneered

fronting

to

imparted

Editorial

Octubre,

-94-

summed up in a manifesto ideological

I

by it".

ated

Secondary

In

1964.

the Marxist

to adopt

going

in

centre

by Hernändez

written

and subsidiary

he announced

it

"without

method

In practice

the

Left

the

weakness

of HernAndez be nationalist

origins.

in

years,

recent

favourable

of that

Ongania

under

to the strong

Moreover,

any significant

the

even after is

because

reminded that

of

reserved it

having Thus most

past.

to the military

an appeal

is

has tied

have always

in

class

to a

turn

movement,

and Videla,

competitors

interests.

monopolic

to discover

however,

The reality,

both

rather

foreign

years

2

It

liberation

Ramos has continually

while

! rartinian

role.

projected

to be domin-

in

a "progressive"

books ended up with

Arregui's

This

Left

was

revisionism

bourgeoisie,

interests

the industrial

promoted

the

their

centre

to a historical

the National

Condor

Marxism

to the national

that

latter

of the

the army in

for

a place

to play

the

the

itself

contradiction.

politically

has ceased

latter

that

allowing

subordinate

based upon. the nation-imperialism the National

for

has meant relegating

this role,

Arregui

it

to

San

of its

the Argentine

army

has shown itself

of the national

to be

bourgeoisie,

one has to go back many factions

anti-imperialist

the

within

army. influences,

Such ideological 1960's years

and early in

National

searching Left

evaluation fundamentals

for

the model

schemas derived

of the national have remained

1.

Hernändez Arregui, Ediciones Aires:

2.

Ramos, Eiercito 1968), passim.

to lead

tended

1970's

received

in

1946-55,

their

y Semicolonia

(Buenos Aires:

For but

schemas which

thought

Nacionalismo Liberacibn, Corregidor, 1973), p. 354.

critical

in

Editorial

the

positive in

and impervious

3d ed.,

the

back 20

Peronists revolution.

a more or less

movement of static

the radical

of the Argentine

from

Left

by the Peronist

their to

(Buenos Sudestada,

95 the face

in

revision

The most important the

Peronist

contribution

Left

was the

leadership

broad

sectors

however,

These criticisms, Left

perspective

wards

the

challenging

"antinational"

National

Party the

nearly

will

to

politics

and

the polarisation the

after

Peronist

lies

in Argentina. analysis

be essential

All cited Nacional

themselves

its

the be

could if

only

historical

re-

genre have based their

of this

Left

has made a partially

expose of the non-socialist

party

historical

to the avoidance Puiggr6s

were,

The latter but

or

publications.

a strong

of the

of history.

how "national"

to original

and the non-communist If

school

perspective

the National

in

Liberal

also.

the national

the

some useful

movements and personages are present

in which

Party

Ramos, Spilimbergo,

1.

a lot

has gone some way to-

examining

the writers

all

it

dogmas of the

historical

contribution

future,

revisionism

committed

upon existing

the Socialist

historical

history

authors

A second area positive

for

has produced

for

abandoning

without Left

analyses

did

class

be used to dismiss

not

should

historical

of a social

date to -

search

working

class

shortly

completely

official

various

beginnings developed

alliance

to be unidimensional,

tends

Though this

of

its

In particular,

work.

them unprepared

of a nation-

This

against

to

of 1973.

restoration

National

left

the Peronist

began to shatter

which

whether

left

society.

presented

nature

was demanded or not.

it

Moreover,

ideas.

bourgeoisie,

the Peronist

of

Left

of the revolutionary

of such an alliance

vaccinate Marxist

idea

in Argentine

the National

which

the national

movement including

al

developments

of subsequent

failure of past

and Hernfindez

of the Communist

aspects

of the Left

is

to be built

in

traditional

Left

The volumes

by

of the

mistakes. Arregui

above except Puiggr6s, La Iz uierdas (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Cepe, 1973).

aspects

1

contain

el

a

Problema

96 critique inability

to gain

Left

its

with

distance

ideological

pursued

an electoral

(only

enfranchised. by 1914,

Province

devotion democracy

1

0.99ö).

to the

Soviet

regime

the National

However, ure

has been significantly

the

ideology

parties'

research.

the

bases

of

their

failure

but

Socialist

its

Party

condemned it

the majority

in

to politic-

of Buenos Aires and thus

population

was naturalized

being

2nd War being

dis-

and for

2.371

Buenos

Communist Party,

a battle

between

the non-interventionist to Per6n being

the

of

unnaturalized

Capital

stance

branded

2

of these but

all

by its

parties

and their

for

parties

It

focus.

of

and his

a nazi

to examine

towards

the more practical

have thought

would require that

Left

fail-

specific aspects

genuine

investigation

would be fundamental

the National

old Left's has criticized

attitudes

such an analysis

One would

that

of the

understanding

limited

has failed

histories,

historical

Left

Left

those

of

and regimes

social

Left:

case of the Argentine

with

certainly

as "peronazis".

supporters

these

metropoli

traditional

which

the immigrant

led

as a satellite

due to the influence

largely

of the

coupled

military

post-1943

that

In the

view

and fascism

fact

the Federal

for

the figure

of the

example,

origin,

1.4% of

external

strategy

due to the

were of immigrant

workers

in

their

explaining

Left

The Argentine

for

century,

ineffectiveness

events

the Argentine

foundations

realities.

of this

Bernstein,

the

Depicting

power.

from national

years

early

Aires

goes some way towards

which

one of the main shortcomings

reveals

al

Left

the old

of

into

to a discussion

have offered

in

this

1.

"European Immigrants in Argentine Oscar Cornblit, Industry and (ed. ), The Politics " in Claudio Veliz Politics, of Conformity (21ew York: Oxford University Press, 1970)-, p. 232. in Latin America

2.

historical is Richard J. The best example of a researched analysis (USA: InstParty of Argentina, The Socialist 1890-1930 Walter, The University itute of Latin American Studies, of Texas at Austin, 1977).

of

97 respect

the many problems in which

society

concentrated

facing

that

appears

to YriPovenismo further

Left

National

for

the nascent

the Left

posture,

failing

through

would to offer

for

Left

what the National

Left

confrontations

have gone no expression With

it

actually

It

is

have grown through

would

has ignored,

between

than

through

dimension,

the labour

Left,

subordination

a "weak"

to Yrigoyen.

on the national-antinational

concentration industrial

have been weaker

any alternative the

to total

interests.

and national

arguably

to assume that

fallacious enismo

bourgeoisie

industrial

only

stance.

traditional

of Yrigoyen

he represented

that

than maintaining

"criticisms"

Left

have

should

of the

have amounted

un-

National

an independent

the shoes

a

generally

the

and Communists

been in

Left

weak,

that

and from

would

attitude

All

with

Argentina,

century

was numerically.

"critically"

albeit

this

20th

early

the Socialists

that

come to grips

analyses

heterogenous.

had the National

In fact,

in

class

and culturally

Yrigoyen,

supported

have these

the Left

the working

has recommended is

it

Never

are assertions.

such a was,

totally pro-Yr

single-minded are the

important

movement and the Yrigoyen

governments. Despite years,

the occasional rose

strikes

133,000

in

1918 to 309,000

out,

when faced

class

defection

labour

rapidly

with in

movement.

2

pro-labour from in

24,000

1919.1 from

pressures

Party,

Hundreds

of striking

Semana TrAgica

(Tragic

in

1916 to 136,000

Moreover,

the Right

the Radical

of Yrigoyen's

policies

workers

1917,

as Rock has pointed

and the

Yrigoyeii

early

in

turned

threat his

of middle-

back on the

were massacred

Week) of January

during

the

infamous

1.

Vittorio Anteo,

2.

David Rock, "Machine Politics in Buenos Aires and the Argentine Radical Party, 1912-1930 " Journal of Latin American Studies, vol. 4, part 2 (November 19725, pp. 233-274.

Codovilla, Trabaios 1972), P. 96.

Escogidos

1919.

(Buenos Aires:

of

Moreover,

Editorial

98 the

Radical

"radical" that

Governments terms

in

the Radicals

livestock that

during during

rates

amental

Though they of Radicalism

responsible

for

anti-popular

wing

Party

ist

of

Repetto

noire

the

Smith

has shown

favouring

Scobie

has pointed

lowest

levels

4

out

for

50

was significon the fund-

therefore

and

as the national of his

method. Left

party

caudillo while and

involves

abandon-

Personalisation

as the only of their

true

national-

own tendency.

hand have been vilified interest)

who collaborated

Left's

(a word

the British

has come to mean "imperialist

the National

as

and cipayos with

tendency

of

of the Social-

critiques

precursor

open

contradictions

the anti-national

presented

of the national

To reject

Yrigoyen

achievements

on the other

and which

least is

to evade the

National

being

Indians

at

protectionism,

Marxist

infected

denoted

authorities

Party,

Party

such personalisation

professed

also

(betrayers

the Radical

representing

of Radicalism,

and Chioldi

originally

Argentina).

versus

and as ideological

the Party

that

by portraying

Manuel Ugarte

with

vendepatrias

2.

Peter

particularly

601'o of the bills

while

reached

have attempted

Left's

analyses

ist

trade

as the bete

the National

political

1.

period

the progressive

all

Alvear

painting

in

1

the Socialist

than

limitations

imperial

that

were not

strategy.

Congress

contention

of free

question

doubt.

which

into

the 1920's

Left

more "national"

antly

Justo,

1930 period

2

The National

ing

1916 to

development

their

introduced

producers

tariff

years.

to

of

of the

lackeys" to personalise

in Peter G. Snow, "The Class Basis of Argentine Peter Smith, cited Science Review, 63 Parties, " American Political Political (March 1969), pp. 163-167. A City and a Nation, James R. Scobie, Ar entina. 2d ed. (Oxford Press, 1972 University 182. p. ,

3.

Left work on Ugarte The major National (Buenos Aires: Editorial Ugarte, 2 vols. Aires, 1973).

4.

Words first used by Arturo Jauretche of FORJA in the 1930's. National Left ideological debt to FORJA was considerable.

is

Norberto Galasso, Manuel Universitaria de Buenos The

-99the history that

of the Socialist leaders'

party's

'National the

A final

though nature

made an ideological its

critique

its

attempt

to unite

progressive

cloak

imperialist

centres

Argentine that

which

served

Though the dispelling

al

to the Left

his

of Great

national attentions

In an attempt

to present

and socialist,

Ernesto

to discovering

of Perbn,

alists.

While

anti-Marxists,

Evita,

Jauretche,

acknowledging Goldar

Corbiere, Emilio (Buenos Aires),

bases

that

has sustained

regular 1975-76.

the

Britain

an ideology for

is

Nation-

at

materialism Ortiz

the same

has devoted

example,

and other

nationalists

in op.

prerequi-

have been less

many "bourgeois

articles published See also Walter,

the

ideology,

which

of dialectical

that

of

Argentina".

and socialism

many Argentine

to

to such an extent

revolutionary

Scalabrini

country

harnessing

myths has been a vital

Goldar,

as a

Progressive-

in

to as "British

nationalism

to it.

the superiority

tools

in

and for

of

allies.

and myths about

as ideological

lies

has served

oligarchy,

has

and in

opposition

Constitution

oligarchic

of liberal

to marry

attempts

writings

1.

trade

Left

domination

in

the

as clear-

defined,

of the

the subordination

of an alternative

elaboration

successful. time

local

referred

was often

country

in

not

generically

and socialism

that

1

of neo-colonial

to hide

is

implies.

Left,

of

of the

suggest

leaders

to the development

economy to the requirements

the

site

the National

embodied

and their

civilization

Socialist

of the dominant

such as free

ideas

Western

with

researches

literature

nationalism

the main ideology

sounding

Left

a defence

understanding

Corbiere's

as a form

how liberalism,

and poor

the old

contribution

of liberalism

explains

decades

Emilio of

in which

area

in no way necessitates

reformism

as the National

an issue

This

timid

Question',

"anti-national"

cut

Party

in

nationhave been

nationalists"

Cuestionario cit.

the

have in

fact

national his

bridge

thought

national

between

nationalism

Goldar

presentable

prime

of dialectics

ar's

in

between

Indeed, to establish

attempting

materialist,

utility this

to build

order Peronism

However,

is

in

found

a

and the irev-

pre-Marxists

in

the Peronist

Left

for

society

in

the armoury

in

only

bourgeois

as a whole

in

of trying

Marxists

the

general

and

of Per6n.

More-

to reveal

Gold-

serve

his

Overall,

the argument

Peronism

that

of

empiricism.

to justify

order

the writings

that

is

a materialist

Argentine

to portray

seen as an attempt

the study

with

of materialism

in

what he has ignored,

Left,

no place

to Perbn being

references

of dialectics

to the Marxist

they

respect

equation

to traces

organization.

to make Per6n

over,

Inter-

Trotskyist").

towards

and socialism,

has even pointed

Perön on political

in

is

as the 4th

Left.

olutionary

that

an "unconscious

has been directed

onterprise

Argentine

materialists"

Castro

once considered

whole

that

been "unconscious

1 (just

can be

work

nationalist

writers

of the majoritarian

was revolutionary

as

wing of

and could

become even more so. The National which

of it

analysis

it

upholding against

bourgeois

by Hernfindez as a force

for

aspects

nationalism

filled

essentialism

("In

in

in

up the concept intellectual

Arregui liberation

Hernändez synthesis,

of Marxist this

as national its

with

ideological

combat

and ultimately

the

ca

not

of The

contradictions.

him to reject

Ideolb

and development,

origins

is

1960's.

and the

and expressions

analysis

told

the early

culture

The tension,

the ser nacional

Ernesto Goldar, La Descolonizaci6n Pena Lillo Editor, 1973), p. 14.

in

to be used in

analysis

Arregui

of the ser nacional

circles

explored

literature.

between

element

took

can be interpreted

foreign-influenced

antagonism,

1.

it

speaking,

also

discussed

became widely

Broadly

Marxist

Left

national

one but

(Buenos

multiple"),

Aires:

A.

-101to argue of

different

that

the national

the

the

bourgeoisie,

the national

As argued

in

no way arrived

at a synthesis

al

Left

Rather,

writers.

between

antagonisms of

this

school

temporary,

of

in

class

and,

nations

being

and

Nation-

and other

in

as

and socialism

has been subordinated the

to the

conceptions at

an acceptance,

In the words

conciliation.

of'class

of this

that

capital

nationalism

works

conflict

the result

thought,

classes

foreign

against

above,

the

used this

the thesis

middle

and oppressed

oppressor

for

of support

can unite

classes".

conceptions

the same work the author

nationalized

proletariat

anti-national

have different

example,

basis

as a cultural

same ser nacional

pivot,

Yet in

question.

"The industrial

for

classes,

of Hernandez

least Arregui,

historical in is "since situations specific oppression colonial than internal social opposition, class concilmore critical iation is a dialectical of national moment in the development 1 consciousness". Left

Though the National and oppressed

oppressor

of the

ations alliances ial

come as a surprise

Ramos and his

National

Isabel

might

Perbn,

Left

group,

between

of conflict ignored

they

his

spoke of the need for bourgeoisie

national mergers,

2

Movement in when supporting

have been reminded

that

Lenin

the

in

himself 1940's.

qualific-

temporary,

something

considered

who still

the Peronist

after

Lenin,

warned against

to Puiggr6s,

joining

of Lenin

from

and the

Communists

he strongly

world,

up the idea

Though Lenin

thesis.

between

nations

took

the

which

might

a disciple Similarly,

the Government had also

colon-

argued

of that

Communists:

Quub es el Arregui, Plus Ultra, 1973),

Ser Nacional?, 3d ed. (Buenos Aires: & 289-290. PP. 19,288

1.

Hernändez Editorial

2.

Draft "Preliminary Y. I. Lenin, of Theses on the National Questions, " Lenin on the National Colonial and Colonial (Peking: Languages Press, 1970), Foreign p. 27.

and Questions

102 -

-

"should and will liberation support bourgeois movements in the revolutionary, colonies only when they are genuinely and when their the exponents do not hinder our work of educating in a revolutionpeasantry and the broad mass of the exploited do not exist, If these conditions the Communists ary spirit. bourgeoisie... in these countries " 1 must combat the reformist Despite ideas

the ideological

were attractive

Left.

They presented history,

Argentine past

Peronist

than

those

radicals

of the Montonero

Peronist

The Ramos tendency

cita

rather

Marxist

from

ating

as imported al er's

Left

Catholic

political

implacable

terrorism"

(Marx-citers

alienated

those

the fact

that

Puiggrbs

and Artists

Peronista

tendency opposition

Peronist the and

Mont-

forces

forms to justify

1.

Idem, "The Report of the ibid. Questions, " (1920),

2.

Ramos, La Era....,

of action greater

Commission p. 33.

opo cit.

pp.

ra-

formations'

considered

with

likely

repression. on the National

2

eman-

the Nation-

was the

though

their

bonapartism

like

were charged

298-301.

being

Left

wedge between Left

the

over

than Marxists),

concepts

to the armed 'special which

for

writers

of the Peronist

sectors

A more critical

Left

influence

rather

who viewed

schemes.

and blanguism,

by conservative

party.

(Movimiento

its

criticise

Marxistas

of the Peronist

organisations)

Left

an indirect

only

exercised

nationalism,

leftist

became Peron-

Intellectuals

Movement's

the

a National in

reflected

the

to be more influential

tended

who formed

in in

who actually

Professionala,

Though some might

terminblogy

had failed

of

Council.

Superior

than

view

participation

writers

is

group

of the

Left.

their

their

Peronist

a national

with

and Puiggrbs,

Secretary

zpx) -

Left

The National

of the former

First

today

Peronist

for

Left,

of the evolving

of why the Left

Ramos and Spilimbergo

like

The importance

onero

the youthful

Hern. ndez Arregui

like

Branch

sectors

justification

Movement.

ists,

is

to important

an explanation

and a socialist

of the National

weaknesses

form-

(guerrilla "individual to be used

Nevertheless,

and Colonial

103 -

-

Ramos's read,

Left

Peronism that

from a position

the impossibility

70,000

ed almost soared

these

of

faced, Left

time,

impact

than

on workers

Working-class

ideas

industrial

which

of

of

this

the

during

poll,

gainvote

though

confusion

many

when

Per6n on a Popular

for

given

banning

of

1956 and the foundation

left

in

1962.

1.

Ramos, Revoluci6n (Buenos Aires: ed.

2.

Ramos,

La Era...,

Moreover,

the main emphasis

Contrarevoluci6n Plus Editorial op.

cit.

pp.

the

priority

sense,

its

work Force

Party

of the Socialist the formation

upon intellectual

en la Argentina, Ultra, 1973).

306-308.

from

apart

the Socialist

even after

was placed

than

No political

1940's.

and early

rhetoric

Orientation

by the Radical

in

party,

sectors.

Quite

In this

work.

the

made far

monopolies

Nacional.

was inevitable

played

1930's

forms,

foreign

with

Revolution

of the National

the latter

nominal

owed more to Per6n's

Conciencia

work was done between

the National

Party

de la

the role

with

Youth

organisational

Its

and generic

was,

to intellectual

assigned

has some parallels of Argentine

it

in which

and petty-bourgeois

conflict

Left,

of the National

the latter

party

on students

of La Formaci6n

to readings

its

in

such as it

nationalism,

and to experience--of

the

both

Left,

The National less

the

of the strength

of voters'

to vote

for

called

2

ticket.

Front

from within

1973 presidential

an opportunity

with

to support

and who considered

independently.

a result

undoubtedly

were

votes

this

the September

in

to 889,000

who wanted

March 1973 elections

when standing

votes

those

An indication

party.

by the

was supplied

party

The Popular

Peronism

of changing

of a new revolutionary

this

of many students.

independence

of critical

was widely

to a positive

a home for

by Ramos provided

led

formation

part

of Argentina

and contributed

circles,

on the

of Peronism

Front

history

readable

in university

especially

reevaluation

of

and highly

popular

1

5 vols.

5th

104 production

"nationalising"

the university

a consistent

to Peronism

during

conceptions

which

them for

pare argued

minimally tine

of the

analyses

to take

reformulated

Even by 1973,

society.

struggle

Socialism

of further

was capable

The lack

of National

become more radical and others

illusion

Left

the

surrendering that

analysis the

early

demonstrating

could

that

they

to pre-

Left

were and are

based

Left

and were only

changes in Argen-

post-1955

that

considered before This

behaviour

inherit were the

of

a stage

an independent led

them to an over-

bourgeoisie, belief

the

illusion

that

18 years that

Failure

years.

the helm to them,

they

failed

to un-

Peronism

reforms.

in his

to analyse

the ideological

As

the misplaced

to undermine

than

but

sectors

the national

of

least

at

Government.

way.

the way in which he used the

especially without

get under

radical

did nothing

opposition

Left

could

adopting

young recruits

Governments

account

the National

Per6n and to

for

support

critical

into

of the anti-imperialism

estimation

Peronist

at

Peronist

change was inevitable

of national-democratic for

Left

1973-76

1946-55

movement,

1970's

of the National

the conceptions

than

much to attract

and early

the

of

been directed

rather

labour

on Peronist

bestowed

it

the

did

ideas 1960's

the realities

above,

upon their

the late

has thus

bourgeoisie in

work

Its

decade.

Left

petty

towards

attitude

the present

years.

several

of the National

Most of the work

until

for

and proselytism

Per6n himself

for

encouraged

the Movement's most active

had

by the National

of Perbn during left-wing

of Peronist

his

these

years,

own purposes

the Peronist leadership

Left

through

and numerous Peronist

ten-

dency.

Though bitter al

Left

helped

critics

of the Argentine

to pass on to the Peronist

left

Communist Party, a view

of the

the Nation-

- 105 -

revolutionary Stalinism

clothed

geoisie

was still even in

ature,

leadership ine

in national

dress.

progressive

was propagated

the more radical

of a national

alliance

Stalinism

itself

dichotomy

of historical

same - the

Left

(the

in

icipating

type.

revisionism,

struggle,

or accompanying

become well-known a left-wing ment in left-wing

for

shield

its

the Peronist role

view

that

may well

consider

of the interests

the

Left

not

one could

views

liter-

imag-

in a workerin

originated

the nation-imperialism were the

implications

bourgeoisie

the present

in

in national

terms

Movement in

the belief

The National

to perform.

of the Argentine

shield

Argentina

these

bour-

working-class

bourgeoisie

strategy

which

National for

for

or in

the

the national

all

called

had to accompany the national

had a progressive

still

in

national Whether

of international

that

alliance,

case of Puiggr6s)

of anti-imperialist

stage

which

multi-class

of this

that

The idea

works

by a conservative

participation

dominated

it

which was fundamentally

process

Left

traditional

oligarchy; the National of the national

a future Left

meant part-

Left

that has

constituted Socialist

move-

to have been a

bourgeoisie.

CATHOLIC RADICALISM "Why do we sit in a locked room debating whether the soul is immortal are mortal? and wretchedness when we know that poverty in mortal is living "The Catholic who is not a revolutionary sin" Camilo Torres Restrepo.

In a country

1.

where 9V

of the people

are baptised

and 70% reach

Camilo Torres Restrepo, quoted in "Words and Deeds j, " Church Times (London), 24th June 1977; and in John Gerassi (ed. Revolutionary (Great Britain: Penguin, 1973), Priest p. 9.

"

lob -

-

the

of first

stage

Catholic

ideas

former

of the

conceptions

who formed

and social

them in

the direction

The spread

1950's,

though

Emmanuel Mounier,

it

Another

the

prophet

"before

up by Camilo

Torres

Such ideas did

for

of the new school

him with

This

without

the blessing

mindful

of the fact

that

America

and fearful

of the

1.

P. Carlos riuý ca, Peronismo Merlin, 1973), P. 81.

2.

Gerassi,

3.

Abbot

op. cit.,

Pierre,

a roof

pp.

quoted

one of

over

like

Pierre

his

after

who in

2

it.

1954 sustained

over his 3

head,

an idea

taken

politics. impact

which The latter,

lived

millions

(Buenos Aires:

the

philosopher

armed resistance

followers

p. 84.

way in

of a worker-priest

head",

13-14.

was

of the

the French

a roof

impoverished

op. Cit.,

It

got under

of the Vatican.

of its

y Cristianismo

produce

Elorrio.

have had the dynamic

of the

in Mugica,

she did

really

revolutionary

one-third

loss

and pointed

of

dialogue

and promotion

over

social

with

Church was not,

had supported

was Abbot

not however

would

those

young men,

action

the development

1962 to justify

in

these

conservatism

social

God to a man without

about

the

especially

For

of Juan Garcia

Marxist-Christian

for

provide

though

traditional

who had called

talking

Catholic

to Argentina

the

figures,

to a concern

had been precursors

there

and appealed

one must first

they

in

to the German occupation,

movement prior during

that

the

in

role

Movement.

the persona

in

Left

radical

which' radicalised

revolutionary

of the Peronist ideas

ideas

led

Church

the

formative

the Montoneros.

legitimised

of radical

that

surprising

was these

Church began to be challenged.

Catholic

that

Catholic

change,

in Europe

principally

not

an important

It

embryo of

bearers

principal

is

key Peronist

a phenomenon peculiar

course,

late

Left.

the

within

it

played

of several

problems

their

1960's

the original

new ideas

the

communion,

of the Peronist

evolution

I

in Latin to the

Editorial

107 -

rival itself

the lot

with

Moreover,

ly.

dialogue in

of the poor

(1963),

terris

elements,

growing

Marxists

with

The 2nd Vatican

condemned as results

ians

were urged,

This

its

that

the most important

but

nations violence tyranny

was ruled

out

for

for

among its

"True

fear

of becoming

racism

"save where

the Vatican

Gerassi,

the

the words is

of Vatican

and the

there

evils is

a full

'Church

its

of Patriarch Christian

progressio, It

attacked

of the richer

selfishness

were to be vanquished manifest

2

equality".

II.

-

long-standing

personal

rights

and danger-

3

of a good many of the limited

Christ-

and exploiters.

oppressors in

radicalism

of the Poor'.

"exploiters" in

this

way for

To some,

17.

I.

Quoted in

2.

Camilo Maximos IV, quoted in Dorothy Day (Preface), Patriarch (London: Sheed & Ward, 1968) p. Torres: priest and revolutionary

3.

Quoted in

Gerassi,

op. cit.,

op. cit.,

p.

it

men, to struggle

of Populorum

of the ideas

over how these

exclusively

"good

and exploitation

socialism

proclamation

of the existence

brethren,

Pacem

emanated from

which

fellow

on the

ous harm to the common good of the country". Conscious

in

power and wealth.

their

do damage to fundamental

would

which

struggles,

contained

of goods and fundamental

sharing

motive,

equivocated

class

John XXIII,

Marxism

expression

1965:

synthesis

the profit

inequality,

in

came Paul XI's

later

in

injustice

greed

most radical

a just

involves

Two years

Poverty,

meant taking

the Council

to Rome.

previous-

and Paul VI and in

of Catholics

and the documents

of man's

this

message gained

life

John XXIII

the name of love

even if

Maximos IV at

of both

way than

1

the new orientations.

equality

more radical

as to say that

Council

were

for

a far

became acceptable

went so far

in

began to see the need to concern

participation

of approval".

worthy

formalised

in

the papacies

under

of the

recognition

Marxism,

of atheistic

attraction

p. 45.

16.

- los Populorum

proiressio

implied

that

repressive

political

regimes

but

maintain

the existence

violence

of the oppressed

long-standing

fest

interpretation tionary

this

in

the unity

different

of Populorum II

the dotes

document

for

was "less "evil"

its

in

ordinating This American

Mundo) in

in

of 1.

the Latin

of course,

Priests

this

in

revolu-

regimes.

Church,

vital

only

as different

people

and became polarised

into

Episcopate

op.

than

cit.,

to the proclamation

prior

the

practice

their

and sharing

political

by a Third

in highly

of the

ideas

Movement (Movimiento

heralded

1967,

experwith

de Sacer-

World

Bishops'

terms:

positive

the appearance among humanless alien to the ethics

capitalism

was firmly

which man to

condemned

the economy and sub-

considerations.

received

who submitted

Quoted in Mugica,

"mani-

with

violence,

Church,

the poor

of. subjecting

to economic

American

variant,

became specifically

to Socialism

document rapidly

priests

the

however,

non-involvement

Argentina

only

World

characteristics

social

justifying

To others,

encyclical

amongst

however,

referred

alien"

this

of political

"The Church can only rejoice at seeing ity of another social system which is 1 of the prophets and the Gospel". It

and

heterogeneous

foreshadowing

of the Third

which

dehumanise

factions.

vrogressio,

Para el Tercer

issue

on the

documents. by working

creation

which

to dictatorial

the Argentine

were active

The movement,

iences.

in

of

political

opposition

of a socially

and radical

Worker-priests

the for

on the

vagueness

interpretations

conservative

Vatican

timid

a question

with

World.

Third

meant only

division

to generate

poverty,

a justification

movements and only

served

the

tyranny"

Paradoxically,

put

in

just

was not

of systems

also

of widespread

providing

maintaining

tyranny

the support

a manifesto in

to the Medellin

1968, which

p. 89.

of nearly

clearly

1,000

Latin

Conference

demarcated

the

- log "unjust

violence This

oppressed". by

tionalized

ally,

2

have

broad

through

swept

for

up to

a point

blaming

inatitu-

America's

the

against

ideological

("gen©r-

revolution Marxism

criticized

as well

as

dignity

of

which

revolution

Church

on many young

the

of

Latin

an armed

Catholic

effect

radicalising

a profound

while

"militate

the the

of

sectors

of

and

both

violence

entertained who,

idea 1

Nevertheless,

just

structures

the

that

claiming

capitalism,

human person".

the

social

opposed

only

)edellfn

new injustices")

engenders

liberal

was

in

meeting

categorically

it

view

and unjust

violence

problems,

roots

grass

"the

from

oppressors"

hierarchs

Church

the

the

of

the

in

did

1960's

least

not

people,

in

Argentina.

Populorum

After irate

poverty,

action?

".

Torres

in arguing

atory

though,

The most radical

all

to follow

for

example

4

for

shared

Mugica's

stance

1.

Quoted in

Gerassi,

op.

2.

Quoted in Peter Strafford, 2nd December 1977.

Torres, ibid.,

individual

to this is

not

3

("I

philanthropy

only

permitted

Few priests into

takeover

of political

was that

the most effective

it

of going "the

question

to elim-

action

was "What kind

unanswered

of Camilo

but

is

oblig-

way of making

were prepared,

the mountains

to die

as a

of power by the people,

no

most of the Church radicals

In Argentina,

Carlos

4.

for

men".

all

what the cost".

Torres,

appeals

reply

matter

3.

political

who see in

love his

for

"Revolution

the struggle

in

guerrilla

that

Christians

a greater

possible

left

the question

failed,

had called

traditional

and with

having

for

progressio

am prepared

to be killed

but

I am not

p. 49.

cit.,

"The Church of Change, " Times

"A Message to Christians, "Message to the United p. 109.

" (3.8.65) Front

(London),

in Day, op. cit., p. 73. (25.11.65), the People, " of

-

to kill")

prepared

that

sustain

ideas'of

firmer

with

Marxist

ature,

views.

his

It

Torres

The duty

Cristianismo

1967.

It

reflected

ments.

of Christian "The duty

that of every

Y Revolucibn

their

in Mario Peronista

literin

the

of Buenos Aires)

in

1965

Ongania's

their

to be a revolu-

for

Eduardo Firmenich, (Buenos Aires),

for

the liberation

3

in

the

feature

the

who from

poor

moveof the

"Nuestras Diferencias (21st May 1974). 5 no.

2.

(Obituary), Cristianismo Elorrio" Garcia "Juan (April (Buenos Aires), 28 1971), p. 23. no

3.

Torres,

p. 9.

force

of the bishops

concern

Mundo became a regular

cit.,

the mess-

of bishops

and handful

priests

Movement and that

op.

is

in Sep-

to justify

became a decisive

and support

out

to make the revolution".

is

Nugica, quoted " El Politicas,

in Gerassi,

Cristianismo

attempt

Catholic

1.

quoted

Peronist

and to propagate

of every

rapidly

Marxists

with

which he brought

tercermundismo,

del Tercer

Cuban revolutionary

revolutionary

ideas,

Torres,

to estab-

order

was the review

revolutionary

of the 3rd World

The Boletin

his

by

contact

dialogue

evolution

of the 400 Argentine

and oppressed

in

fam-

class

There he came into

with

and Revolution)

to the 3rd World Priests

adhered

age of 21 in

world.

to expose

middle

and Camilo

(University

of his

was designed

on the basis

an upper

Pope John XXIII

in

and Letters

(Christianity

radicalisation

did

armed struggle

Influenced

acquaintance

The end product

age of Camilo tionary;

temporal

Cooke and adopting

meeting

1966.

regime

through

Elorrio

seminary.

the

at

to Cuba, participation

of Philosophy

2

Council,

training

through

into

the San Isidro

in

the

with

ideas

y Revoluci6n tember

life

priesthood

links

and through

by Juan Garcia

come about

been born

2nd Vatican

the

a trip

Faculty

having

adult

he gave up his lish

only

could

Elorrio,

began his

the

inspired

a minority

had to participate.

Garcia ily,

but

revolution

priests

which

1

110 -

Y Revoluci6n

111 -

-

review,

providing

world.

Garcia

Left,

the

news and analysis Elorrio's

and thus

review

provided

Initials

a mouthpiece.

JAEN, JOC, JEC, JUC, etc., and documents Revoluci6n

Camilista

interpretation,

Catholics

that

they

had to opt

be "at That of

times

from

apart on the

was not

man.

theological

a matter

cler-

Left.

them a

Church and giving

to convince

sought

that

side-lines, "the

command-

the revolution

hearts

are the

of changing

man and in

y

Church,

radical

way of realizing

because'some

structures"

would 1

so callous".

social 2

order

but

and here,

of Guevara's

the influence

considerations,

y Revoluci6n

Church,

Catholic

a 'Church

become "the Church

the

even though

solidarity"

communiqu&s

ideas

'New Man' was crucial. Cristianismo

into

with

of Cristianismo

review

as the only

simply

end of the

on the political

stand

had to be "in

It

Catholic

Elorrio's

violent,

necessarily

revolution

changing

not

the

for

and Peronist

Garcia

through

of

armed organisations

the role

reflect

of the

revolution

ment of fraternity

at

meeting-place

could

for

appeared

contained,

up the new ideas

Taking

they

which

the Marxist

with

the whole

FAR., FAP, FAL, MRA, MRP, MNRT, ENR, ERP,

as a journalistic

and laymen,

ics

it

which

pages to

the underground

all

like

opened its

also

the underdeveloped

in

of events

of those

within

which

Elorrio,

would,

to give

distribute

Cristianismo

1. 2.

"Alienacion Rub&n R. Dri, y Liberacion, December 1970), pp. 59-64.

3.

Helder

in Mugica,

so as to convert

3

Cämara's

privileges

no.

" ibid.,

op. cit.,

it

words,

Somewhat naively, and influential

and live

Church property

y Revoluciön,

the

changes within

in Helder

up their

Garcia p. 23.

Camara, quoted

radical

who have no voice".

were requested the State,

urged

deinstitutionalisation

its

of the Poor',

voice

leaders

position

seeking

also

I (September no.

p. 90.

among the

1966)

26 (November-

-

In

poor.

1967,

Aramburu,

Garcia

Archbishop

Elorrio

112 -

a beautiful

wrote

of Tucumän, which

letter

to Monsenor

read:

"We beg you urgently to share in the life of the poor and to open the doors of your churches to the 'plebs', so that they may at least feel that the house of-the Lord is their own house too. May God enlighten His Lordship the Bishop". 1 Needless his

did

Devoto,

to say,

the reverend

colleagues,

With

Dist&fano,

Angelini,

their

Meanwhile, the Argentine

consecrated

the immaculate

In fact, of

liberation'

with

behind

rallied ence nor

Church hierarchy's a 'theology

Cristianismo

understanding

response rather

fact

cases

1969,

"protection

"prolonged

of

"lead

would

General

condemned

to

Ongania

and divine

invocation

2

of Mary".

of violence'

it.

of the rebels'

equation

Y Revoluc16n

in mast cases practise

inevitable

oppressive

the

heart

to the

as

Church hierarchy

and in

argued,

on November 31st

nation

the -

in

Caggiano

palace,

Monsenores such as -

Priests

was condemned except Cardinal

his

to retain

and Nevares

of the 3rd World

"Terrorism",

totalitarianism".

decided exceptions

Cafferata

Violence

activities.

dictatorships".

of

some notable

ideas

the radical

rejected

gentleman

Rather,

to institutionalized than the denunciation

Those who

was unjust.

did

not they

violence, which

favour

political

viol-

it

as an

considered sinful they

'theology

yet

reserved

demanding for

violence:

believing "We Christians that violence is bad and sinful continue but our theological leads us to clearly distinguish reflection between two kinds of violence: the primordial and originating power imposes on society which an oppressive violence and which is generally expressed in the socio-economic sphere, and derived violence",

1.

Garcia Elorrio, "Open Letter to MGR. J. C. Aramburu, Archbishop of Tucumhn, " in Alain Gheerbrantt The Rebel Church in Latin America (Great Britain: Penguin, 1974), pp. 311-314.

2.

Buenos Aires Herald, October 1970.

28th

June 1969,

Ist

December 1969 & 15th

113 -

-

resorted

to by the

radicals

legitimised

poor

as a means of survival.

"liberating"

violence

Finally,

Cristianismo

y Revolucibn

who were to become practitioners outlook.

iced

their

the

review,

military

lives

for

in

from

life

Referring

"the

which

death

to the deaths while

review

claimed:

would

the promise

after

killed

people",

to prepare .

short

of

in

the form

of heavenly

for

of Camilo

for

in

their

lives.

the future

fallen

whom they

fought.

were

(a Paz Catholic Zamora and

Torres

the Bolivian

sacrif-

a means of politicoclaim

solace,

the people

an eschatol-

of homages published

probability

all

with

Catholics

who heroically

young radicals

amongst

for

fighting

the young

of armed struggle of militants

helped

apart

promised

the

sense, just

stopping

provided

The glorification

struggle

Quite

while

In this

it.

advocating

ogical

I

National

Liberation

Army),

the

live for ever in the rifle "They will of that anonymous guerrilla everywhere in Latin America, in the rebel machete of who fights the peasants or in the avenging fire 2 of mining dynamite". Moreover, 3

Justes,

is

being

that

an agent

in a sense legitimate,

indeed life

was the idea,

there

as a result no greater

what better

of violence

was not so sinful,

if

of love

giving

than

Les

and was one's

For a Christian,

path. one's

in Camus's

to sacrifice

one was prepared a violent

life

for

other

was preached

armed struggle

by Father

personally,

Carlos

sustained

Mugica who, while

that:

2.

Jose MarEa Gonzalez Ruiz, "Cristo o Cristo guerrillero rey? " (June Revoluciön. 29 1971), pp. 39-41. Cristianismo no. y (April 28 Ibid., 1971), P. 81. no.

3.

Albert

1.

Camus, The Just

(England:

Penguin,

1970).

own

there

men - and

of atonement?.

The same idea rejecting

dramatised

of undertaking

proof form

brilliantly

114 -

-

"The Christian this being may or may not be disposed to kill information for reasons of conscience, or ideology - or in other to the violence he suffers. words to respond or not with violence But what he must-always remember is that he must be disposed to die and that is very clear". I influence,

This heroic

important

man, was crucially Catholics

young

the magnetism

combined with

to participate

to make a tremendous

in

the

the

sacrifice,

level

a personal

at

idealised

of Guevara's

of the armed organisations,

creation

offered

in persuading

rewards

personal

for

which

were spiritual.

and 3rd World

Movement,

Garcia

Mugica's

Elorrio. II

Vatican

For him,

had been Pope Pius XII's

Divino

Afflante

temporal

the

was largely

for

political surrounding

group

by the ideas

to the Bible increased

signified of Christ's

of

interpretation

the new ideas

for

a return

Christians

the radical-

from his

derived

this

in

about

influenced

of departure

call

and reminded

world

reservations

though

1943, for

of

a key role

of the more radical

a key point

Church

Spiritu

his

Order

a member of the Jesuit

played

militancy,

Torres,

and Camilo

the Bible.

those

than

were greater

violence

also

though

of young Catholics,

isation

of

Priests

Mugica,

Carlos

From the priesthood,

attitude

in

the

in his interest to

society. Christ's

For Mugica, from

unjust

message was the

structures

social

but also

all

to the Catholic

ing

the dimension

of the son of God" ...

nising that

1.

man's

environment

his

capacity

Mugica,

op. cit.,

in

is

"the

a conditioning

as a man of God:

p. 32.

from himself

Church have "the

men according

that

liberation

of man, not as sinful possibility

divine factor,

dimension".

only

man, for of acquirRecog-

Mugica argued

in

115 -

"I have to love human beings and the structures which help them to realise themselves as men, to live creatively. And I must try to destroy or modify structures which prevent one from living in this manner". 1 His

man to material

ating

Basing

ever,

history

since

their

a human face

Church

to live

A vital

throw

of Peron,

to identify

and shared

property

all

"it

is

could

and the

Catholic

discovery

to both

conversion in

explaining

including

their

the

with

a realisation

29-30.

2.

Ibid.,

pp.

51-52.

3.

Ibid.,

p. 84.

2

them to

Socialism

the only

lives,

the oligarchy

that

with

socialism type

of

their

enabling

he get This

viewpoint.

and Peronism

in

participation this

to

was the key at the age

of Mugica,

experience

that

closer

of the radical

convergence

the personal

coupled

pp.

as being

Christianity

the Church's

Ibid.,

to help

them".

creative

to

have no propensity

as demanding

at

1.

How-

of Christ.

of guilt

the Church with

were

revolution".

necessary

oppress

lead

as a priest

role

Mugica argued

community,

the rich

was embraced by Mugica

element

feeling

that

among them and adopt

and Peronism,

intense

references

as opposed to the bureaucratic

roots,

individuals

saw his

concurrent

of 26.

in its

themselves

the goods which

from

Union,

which

Mugica the poor,

private

who call

voluntarily,

wealth

development

spiritual

to his

our country

and national

Soviet

society

the Bible,

Christian

had demonstrated

themselves

in

seen as subordin-

would be no need to make a social

there

of the

rejected

on the original

in

Christians,

liberate

in

was rooted

goods,

himself

everyone

surrender

structures,

collectively.

possessions

"if

the existing

and the Apostles

to how Christ

that

to

alternative

socialist

was an

the 1955 over-

had led many people

and oppressive

forces.

3

jib

-

Perhaps

this

and those

sense

Peronism

Another

factor

fection

from

goes some way towards

his

adopted

an exceedingly

to join

the camp of the

which

the

is

both

Perön's

socialismo

Mugica,

that

due to its

why rlugica naive

as a man of God, did

social

welfare

enjoyed

embraces Christian

claims

explaining

attitude

people.

not

expect

per-

of men.

the poor reputedly

totally

wanted"

decided

creations

as "a Movement which accepted

evolution

when they

here

Peronism, dignity

of guilt

who shared

towards

-

his

about

uncritically,

under values

government

while

also

and the

policies it,

was viewed

in a specific "only

doing

by Mugica He

epoch".

what the people

Perön's

swallowing

sense of

promises

of

nacional:

"I believe that the process towards 'national' socialism, with a human face, which doesn't seek to eliminate ownership of consumer began in Argentina on 17th goods but to give them to everybody, October 1945". 1 did Such an attitude , from a desire rather allegiance as Peronism

not

stem from

to be with

any real

the people,

to Peron and an assumption had at

Any defects

least

to have socialist

of Peronism by Mugica's

to be explained

that

with

regard

acceptance

of Peronism

analysis a faith

in

the

a popular-based

but

people's movement such

implications.

to socialist

of the stages

credentials approach

were

to revolu-

tion: that the first for the liberation "I think personally struggle of dependency or liberation. in this option: our people is contained there need not necessarily liberation In this national struggle It can be joined not only by workers and be class struggle. but also by national-minded I believe entrepreneurs. students there will between entrethat later, come the business certainly, In other words, a in a second period. preneurs and workers, in which Christian be a values are fully realised society will 2 without entrepreneurs". society

35 & 55.

1.

Ibid.,

pp.

2.

Ibid.,

p. 40.

117-

-

Christian

through

Finally,

primacy

of

? ugica,

despite

were presented, the

begged to differ.

entrepreneurs

combined

course

the

all

of politics

the

over

Catholic

icing,

socialist

contact

with

In Mugica's

economics.

the primacy

with

in

youth

of religion

Per6n's

view this

writings,

over

him

with

of was

politics:

"I as a Christian think that although there must be a disappearance to sustain the total of classes, equality of men is to ignore the For me, a Christian, full reality of sin. only come will equality I think that this is where when Christ comes and not before. Marxism and Marxists They emphasise economic man are mistaken. political man. That is why they find it hard to and forget Peronism which stresses the political understand more than the economic" 1 Before icipants

in

examining

World

Priests'

Concatti

of Peronism proletariat, a "historic

being struggle

dispensing with

opci6n

being with

Peronism".

Peronism

in

the present

This

discussion

examining

argument

that

is worth

Rolando for

written

It

outlined being

popular

is

in Argentina",

versus

anti-Peronism

there

Firstly,

to represent

the lines

within

dichotomy,

the Peronist

were "anti-Peronist

Peronisn

was supported

for

being

this

of class

Movement

factors

2

Secondly,

3rd

"The objective

involved

conflict

jest

the Mendozan

threefold.

country

part-

Concatti's

the bases for

because

and what is

of class

statement

it

of the

the Peronism

with

Left,

support

history

fact".

Catholic

these

deserved

national

came to the

literature:

Movement.

what is

ideas

peronismo,

to Peronism,

that

equated

the ridiculous

por el

Priests

commitment

argued

Catholic

radical

of the 3rd World

region

the

of the

of Nuestra

explanation

role

of the Peronist

the building

one more example

how these

exactly

a Movement and thus

p. 36.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

"Nuestra opciön por el Peronismo, " Pbro. Rolando Concatti, (September Revoluci6n, 1971), pp. 28-36. Cristianismo 30 y no.

in

118 -

-

more dynamic

allegedly

the bureaucratic

While

ness which

nature

needed criticism

bureaucratic

equally

to Peronism

adhesion political

being

provided

level

reasons

as a "liberal-democratic present

in

in life'

Though Peronism

its

all

Because Peronism

it

for

Clearly

Ibid.,

the

derived

tasks

in

step

these

defects

Priests

"a social

box'

but

'equal-

and political". revolutionary in

were relegated

capable

stage. of change, force:

most important

be reformed

exper-

....

of the earlier

movement,

objectively

of the modern stage.

that process",

of an ideology,

them to the Peronism as a dynamic

ballot

cultural

all

from within

in

order

1

began with

of

the exper-

Peronist

democracy"

at the

and methods,

the 3rd World

were

had paved the way for

which

economic,

from

the evolutionary the early

'equality

to the

not

was a view

teaches

"History

lack

was loyal

pp. 30-33.

Peronists,

a "militant

the Movement could

the proletariat",

for

its

was regarded

"Peron

and because

Peronism

for

by attributing

importance

not

aspects:

was criticised

organisation

project,

is

whose objective

though

No guidelines

supporting

revolution" for

and

to date,

for

countries.

of struggling

stage

consciousness,

of consciousness class"

on to characterise

going

one must base

that

was to be transcended.

an indispensable

is

Finally,

sound.

consciousness.

surprisingly,

maintained,

democracy

1.

these

level

of the

structures

of workers'

working

working-class

all

democracy

Concatti ience

highest

as "the

of some of the metropolitan

liberal

equip

the opinion

by the Argentine

development

ience

ity

in

party.

was seen as a weak-

the

as basically

level

a political

Party

and rectification,

as to how the existing

Underlying national

the Peronist

of

was grounded

the peak of potential

than

CGT were viewed

regarded

reached

combativity

bureaucratic

on the existing

activity

Peronism

the

and less

a recognition

that

the

to

119 movement was largely

workers' progressive

force

of Peronism

as a whole

For

though their

of

in society

on a highly

endent

electoral

being

did

always

to illustrate

ary

of the

years

Firmenich,

Colegio

Nacional

Catholic

the

a branch

roles

in

than

Carlos

According Christianity

1.

of Catholic

the school

for

and this

branch.

Left

was dephistory. the sense

in

they

enjoyed,

who were influenced the underlying

stages,

in

which

as being

turn

en-

the limitations

the myth that

adopted

Peronism belief

to their

was crucial

become a revolutionary

ideas

instrument

Carlos

that

of

they

(Acci6n

Above all,

necess-

the

attended together

Estudiantil

spiritual

is

Gustavo Ramus and Mario

AC), -

the new ideas

the branch's

it

participated

Cat6lica

of the

In the early

of the Montoneros,

(Juventud

Youth

the ideology

was imparted.

Medina,

There

Action

in

by analysts

influence

founders

Student

came to them through

Church

uted

future

Abal

de Buenos Aires.

Secondary

JEC),

other

all

they

inherited

of Peronism

Catholic

how the

Fernando

1960's,

Eduardo

but

has been so neglected

exactly

the latter

nacional.

of radical

Left

Peronist

an interpretation

political

support

distinct

they

wanted

to socialismo

The importance recent

the defects

had become or could

the transition

in

unfolding

what the people

Peronism

that

saw this

as the most

class

were democratic

governments

Furthermore,

stage.

of Argentine

vision

conceptions

them to consider

of a former

However,

Those on the Peronist

of the revolution

abled

developed

and the popular

origins

were in no way "liberal".

vision

there

progressive.

Peronist

Catholic

saw the working

and from

unrealistic

the early

by radical

Peronist,

Cat6lica

-

leading

playing

of the

advisor

in

Catholic

who was none

Nugica.

to Firmenich,

was impossible defending

justice

it

was Mugica who "taught

without and for

love fighting

"Mi Afecto y Agradecimiento Firmenich, El Peronista, no. 5. op. cit.

for

the poor, against al

us that for

those

injustice".

Padre Carlos

persec1

Mugica, "

He

120 -

-

had also,

than

rather

peace and that

arms but

rather I

Montoneros

town dwellers

of Retiro,

him on a trip

to Tartagal,

the

and preach

with

poor

of Camilo

basic In

problem

just

morally

he now rejected

cases

Mugica

So while where it

os broke

with

cda Elorrio

1.

Mugica,

2.

Firmenich,

their

op.

pp.

"

op.

violence

when in

hand,

of

began to

violence,

in

except

and helped

organisation

Elorrio

viol-

the proto-Montoner-

of the Montoneros.

cit.

had

to institutionalised

and denounced

That

was

Tartagal,

the example

went underground

16 & 66.

"Mi Afecto....,

with

2

revolution"

solution

on the other

on 1st May 1967, when Garcia

cit.,

only

im-

"the

Though Mugica

agreement.

Torres.

the

that

political

by the mass of the people,

the formation

went with

to work

order

was political

response

a priest

the Comando Camilo

The

practice.

to conclude

of whether

Church organisations,

towards

occurred

remained

have

work combined with

as incompatible

as a legitimate

was employed

form

stepping-stone action

solution

gun as the

warfare

into

be

might

however,

1966 in

the missioners

to reach

the machine

guerrilla

social

problem

but failed

to armed struggle

ence.

"the

they

that

to

of the Church.

Ramus, Abal Medina and Firmenich,

Christ. look

led

and its

debated

advocated

supposedly

death

ä call

was not

and Ramus also

in February

the new ideas

was political

or not"

Fe,

this

to work amongst the shanty-

Firmenich

of evangelical

Torres's

1967 the group

Mugica

Buenos Aires.

These experiences pact

to put it

went with

Santa

it

followers

sword

rejected

by Mugica would not,

had he not attempted frequently

that

the

the exploiters

he later

arguing

to his

The message preached

made such an impact

towards

In fact,

passage,

by Christ

a warning

had come to bring

sword was pointed

of the Biblical

persecuted.

future

this

Christ

of human dignity.

of man and violators interpretation

that

maintained

apparently,

Its

Gar-

was only only

and two others

a

public broke

121 -

-

by General

up a mass attended Buenos Aires. a defender

The intention the military

of

struggle"

the

against

Other Catholic

key early

Catholic

Jose Sabino

in

Catholic

the

Navarro

Secondary

reunited

with

one of their

while

occasion

said

Benitez "were

them"

murdered

received

a 2-year

suspended communiques

tlany other the

1966-73 military

ation

of guerrilla sugar mill

1.

Buenos Aires

2.

Ibid.,

World

Third

Evita's

Benitez

regime,

was later

abductors for

sentence

the

in

Medina

took

the to

as "an example on the did not

same know how

two young men.

and Father the

They

of providing Alberto

Carbone

typewriter

with

were written. Priests

participated

though

few actually

groups.

Parish

closures

in Tucumän province

Herald,

Cat6lica

of Abal

accused

supplying

out

Mugica

which

these

started

the Nontonero

confessor)

by the nation,

worn by one of Aramburu's

Montonero

prevent

2

for

Aramburu.

"Thank you Lord for

...

hunts

police

centre

life

the deaths

after

youth

were momentarily

to the deceased

(formerly

at

Obrera

political

The Mantoneros

during

1970,

student

who both

(Juventud

of ex-President

choose an easy road".

a cassock

which

they

Gustavo Rossi

mentors

in

Integraiista

who began his

he referred

in which

Father

to understand didn't

7th

of the

organisation

former

and executioners

service

youth"

and Jorge

Youth.

Student

and Ramus on September

funeral

and leader

1

place

took

Angel Maza, a medical

Capuano Martinez

Catholic

"revolutionary

Vasena government"

whose radicalisation

were Emilio

Church as

was made for

and a call

Montoneros

Young Workers

JOC); and Carlos

kidnappers

regime

University

there;

Cathedral,

was to expose the institutional

"Alsogaray-OnganIa-Krieger

organisations

Cbrdoba's

Ongania in the Metropolitan

priests

2nd May 1967.

12th and 15th September

1970.

in

the

struggles in

assisted

participated and also

in in

against

the form-

the fight

to

the Cordobazo.

122 -

-

of their

An indication transfer

of a radical

protest

they

they

refused

of Aramburu,

of the

questioning

Peronist

guerrilla

infant

the

it"

(Fuerzas

that 3

man and life".

God",

the brutal

who confront Finally,

radical

itancy

of printing

call

for

of-the

armed revolution Torres

we must take

July

Church ...

in

the Revolutionthat:

FAR) sustained -

to cease suffering

Armed Forces as "people

of the

the vanguard

people

behind

was a revolutionary"

up arms and defend

4

the mil1970, to

de Padua, Avellaneda,

of San Antonio

of

of love".

the violence force

"love

of

out

themselves

the driving

"like

... 5

our brothers".

1969.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

"Hablan los Montoneros, " Cristianismo (November-December 1970), pp. 11-14.

3.

Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias, (September 1970), p. 59.

4.

"Carta de las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas Mundo, " ibid., no. 26, pp. 15-20.

5.

Raimundo Ongaro,

24th

Likewise

claim:

illiteracy,

Raimundo Ongaro who, in January

"Christ

a

an everyday

of the Peronist

of egoism with

leader

is

poverty,

decided

the line

was also

for

were to

as Guevara said,

"present

violence

workers'

to the pulpit

Camilo

but

Catholicism

took

2

FAP) described who -

by desire

violent

fight,

was also

Armadas Peronistas

not

hunger,

we have simply would

1

in many of the

violence

Armadas Revolucionarias

they This

is

repression".

chosen violence,

Fe.

calling

The Montoneros

rather,

Violence

exploitation,

and announced

(Fuerzas

communiques.

to the system.

instead

Church were present

radical

to a 24-hour

to such violence.

gave rise

ones who seek violence;

mortality,

"We have not

for

Left

Armed Forces

ary

the

of

belonging

thing

which

led

such as the killing

actions

to condemn them openly,

system

1969 when the

Canada de G6mez, Santa

in

to support

refused.

The arguments

"We are not

by the Church hierarchy

priest

though

was seen in July

success

and mass demonstrations

strike

In general,

early

localized

quoted

in

y Revoluci6n,

"Comunicado

26

No. 2, " ibid.,

a los

the Buenos Aires

no.

Sacerdotes

Herald,

7th

no. del

January

25

Tercer 1970.

123 -

-

The Third

of the

years

early political the sion

the

at

The latter

his

ed at

the

main

Mugica,

return

flight

job

the

Welfare

Social

dwellers

the

hands of the Argentine

Lopez Rega,

violations,

it

in

of its

L6pez Rega.

the

an attempt in

many of them from

the villas

that

his

time,

a 'Church

and its

entourage he took

a key

doing

battle

himself

resignto help

effective

His reward

was death

(AAA) directed

miseries,

them. joined

at

by the

was made to implicate to discredit

on the

Around his

funeral

burial.

while

the Argentine

order

Perbn's

The outcome was his

Alliance

cell

in the

church

supported

to do anything

Anti-Communist time

his

Presidency,

whom he worked.

with

of a prison

leader's

soon found

the assassination

of violence into

at

and attended Since

tion

though

people,

cort4ge

inside

had fully

Mugica

of the Ministry

the failure

shanty-town

4,000

a while

deprived

was thus

known what the

but

Ministry Jost

minister

the

Montoneros

in

when she was arrest-

was suppressed

Under Cämpora's

from Madrid.

right-wing over

of

Elorrio.

early

on for

soldiered

was a member of his

1973 and indeed

return

ation

who had also

of Buenos Aires.

district in

with

for revul-

probably,

and,

circumstances

Catholicism

-

to the imprisonment

May he left down in 1974 as gunned was

like,

in

the

of influence.

Carlos

Materdos

in mysterious

Militant

1971.

led

of Mugica

Ahumada, it

Cassiana

end of

lives

moral

probably,

quite

y Revoluciön

Cristianismo

wife,

organ

looked

by a car

was killed

and,

Repression

the

and claimed

1970 and though under

authority

violence.

escalating

priests

several

their

to accept

during

Church hierarchy

of the

on the part

pressure

in Argentina

demise was due to a number of factors

Its

1970's.

repression,

rebels

Movement declined

Priests

World

still

occasionally

Church has become more united practitioners.

of. the Poor'

failed

human rights

criticizing

in its

Those who attempted and paid

a high

price

repudiato convert

for

their

124 -

-

In Latin

attempt. imprisoned,

America

tortured,

theology

into

kidnapped I

practice

some 800 clerics

as a whole,

or deported

and Argentina's

in

to put

trying of this

share

have been killed,

toll

liberation has been

substantial. Nevertheless, ers

the radical

of armed struggle

fluence

in

Left

ist

the

and non-violent

the

of young Catholics

science, them with

Undoubtedly,

question

of the morality

make the revolution fundamental

but

tries ution',

it

become part

1. 2.

also

overriding Thirdly,

of

to provide

a naive

did

tend

of the

Garcia Elorrio, pp. op. cit.,

and strategy.

Left

with

"The Third had said to isolate

2

the conception

view

of

a 3rd World

World

is

and this

the

the

Left

industrial

'national

counrevol-

struggle.

the people's

struggles, in

Peronism.

Again,

Garda

Pope on Latin America's contending (London), 17th September 1978.

bishops,

and adopt attitude

their towards

standpoint

"The Sign of the Revolution, 304-307.

be-

view

the Peronist

of anti-imperialist

of the need to join

ignoring

militated

people

and uncritical

"Key test for Sunday Times

organisation

the

of how to

issue,

movements of the advanced

strengthened

the idea

it

through

with

discussion

single

situation. Elorrio

and labour

a class

this

of con-

providing

of atonement

the Peronist

Garcia

Not only

left-wing

the

around

of revolutionary

of revolutionaries",

came predominant. from

had revolved

Peron-

the level

at

preoccupation

the whole

in-

the

violence,

promise

Christian

of violence,

helped

towards

nationalists

and the

on the international

perspective world

it

promot-

actual

were a decisive

revolutionary

due to its

problems it

Secondly,

for

both

eased the passage,

towards

a justification

sacrifice.

other

It

1960's.

Church,

militants,

of Catholic

orientation

during

of the

wing

" in

"

Gheerbrant,

to favour

125 -

-

Elorrio: "I had to fight the people, with the slaves, as they fought, not (I teacher, had to be) "a genuine participant as an elitist with them and not for them, in their their failings, their misery, 1 violence" one might

- and, disdain in

for

add,

Finally,

and revolutionary in

the

(Rafael

Catholics

element

was a crucial

but also

change.

Radical

not

towards

"militias"

role

a vital

played

a 'reverend

sports

Left.

father' 2

a number of priests.

contain

young

of socialism

of the Peronist

cadres

Council

to Christthose

directed

vague notions thus

from

received

was central only

Catholicism

of leading

Superior

Left

justice

social influence

Peronism

and its

Iaccuzzi)

Lenin

of the Peronist

the message that

the lontonero

Even today

for

to a

praxis.

development

intellectual

led

Such an approach

which

way the Catholic

towards

militants

theory

the active

In this

ianity.

illusions.

of revolutionary

Church

the radical

their

revolutionary

dialectic

the

in

ORTHODOXPERONISM

to the already

In addition Peronist

the

ideological strate

that

Left

incorporated

baggage and cited they

discussed many ideas

them frequently

were the most "orthodox" it

is

first

Peron and Evita

from

in

an attempt

of Peronistas. to clarify

thought,

of ideological

currents

their

into

to demonBefore

and briefly

these

ideas,

1.

Idem,

Interview

2.

in Montoneros the influence confirmed Catholic was Radical upon July 1978 when Montonero Army Comandante , Horacio Mendizäbal, had established "army" his Vatican that the a inform to wrote take to Adur Padre Jorge had charge of appointed and chaplaincy (August 5 Federal, Estrella Montonero, no. See Ejercito it. 1978), passim.

with

John Gerassi,

Gerassi,

op.

cit.,

status

examin-

ing

necessary

their

pp.

41-42.

126 -

-

discuss

use of the we lack "grey

Peronism

whether

as its

Peronism's

2

as in

his

which

in

"Peronist

is

with

"the

forms

necessary

a system

Peronism view

an overall

of ideology

or even attitudes, ument that late

to only

ideological. series

1. 2.

ideologies a part In its

being

"a set

one accepts

of closely

related

most impoverished

of dogmas enshrined

in

the

to design-

3

Finally,

Left

it in

writers

4

"Twenty

beliefs

Truths

def-

or ideas, and his

of ideas

consisting

expressions

provid-

Plamenatz's

or community"

Justicialism

a new

ideology"

Yet if

then

equate

the world

offered a "total

produced

can be "partial", of reality,

of

theory.

of a group

characteristic

idea

would

ideology".

supporters

has not

speeches

his

used it

made by some'Peronist

revolutionary

of the world.

La Comunidad Organ-

most people

Peron at times

or

interchange-

Nor is

1949.

a

unhelpful

drawn from his

(Justicialista)

the mistake with

whereas

Perbn nor any of his

Weltansschauung.

inition

of

totally

is

of his

in

is

there.

and "ideology"

piece

Congress

of beliefs,

of execution

to avoid

Neither

ing

a philosophical

of much use for

ideology

identifying

is

there

deposited

own ideas

of the contents

today

and still

Clearly

generally

of its

Philosophy

Doctrine"

"doctrine" ate

description fact

is

called,

used "philosophy"

often

National

at the First

are

The

meet and Peronism,

and ideology

characterisation

Peron himself 1

izada

ideas

time

the term.

of

thought

where political

Justicialismo

ably,

definition

a commonly-accepted

to have an ideology.

claim

has changed through

of ideology

concept

area"

here.

can reasonably

which

argre-

can be considered it

is

composed of a

of Justicialism".

See, for example, Juan Domingo Per&n, La Hora de los Pueblos (Buenos Aires: Norte, Editorial 1968), pp. 153 & 172. (Buenos Cepe, Organizada Aires: Ediciones La Comunidad Perlin, 1974). La Hora...,

3.

Peron,

4.

John Plamenatz,

p. 153. op. cit., (Great Britain: Ideolo

Macmillan,

1971),

pp.

15-18.

-

There

one finds

than

another

Peronist"

It

was also

people". does what

and "In asserted

the people

Stronger principal

land,

that

"A Peronist

will

ing

Perön's

radical-sounding

role

played

by Eva PerSn.

the best

is

better

nothing

that

we have is

Government

is

-can be made for

status

of Justicialism,

which

there

this

to ideological

claims

Banners"

a Peronist

the

one which

1

want".

components

"Three

as "For

such claims

127 -

its

be examined

"Third

in

this

of the

rhetoric

the

Position"

1960's

and its before

chapter,

two

analys-

and finally

the

Per6n

"I know that industrialists

the

defence of the interests of businessmen, is the defence of the State itself" and traders Juan Domingo Per6n, 2 Speech in the Chamber of Commerce, 1944

Before be pointed matist the

Though he once referred tury"

and said

prefer

by the political,

he encountered

4

spoken and written

that

Peron's

to Mussolini

options as "the

"follow

in

his

fascism

versus

and economic which

they

greatest footsteps

deeds were guided

must

he was a supreme pragdebate 3

mistakes",

1.

Far a iiontonero of the "Twenty summary and analysis (Buenos Descamisado Aires), El icialism", nos. see

2.

Perön, Aires:

His

situations offered.

man of this but

also

cenavoid

3.

Peron, quoted de la Politica

4.

Peron, quoted in John Barnes, Collins, 1978), P. 37.

Truths of Just21-25,1973.

Per6n Hoy Nadra Aver 1971-1943 in Fernando Y quoted Pol mica, 1972), p. 57. Editorial

(Buenos

la Primacia El Peronismo Cimarron, 1974), p. 58. Eva Peron (Great Britain: Fontana/

in Jose Pablo Feinmann, (Argentina: Editorial

of

more by opportunism,

his

political

it

words,

to be more empirical". social

and the practical

he would

Rather

the democracy

with

commented "I

1940's, were guided

actions

early

he was no ideologue.

that

out

at Per6n's

who, when confronted

early

which

looking

128-

-

in

the

non-pejorative

of

his

ideas

were only

Perlin

"English

to

the

oligarchy the

whereas of

and, for

in

colony"

course,

the

neo-colonialism". both

to

the

"Third

instead

Position"

Rosas,

Junta,

was behind

his

and the dilemma has

becoming

being

Yrigoyen

who had fought

liberation

was presented

each condemned for

referred

interests

forces

political

have become redundant

His

systems,

Ist

Such a rationale

independence.

2

The former

to imperialist

included

to be communism or capitalism,

ceased

tive

linked

sectors

denoted

"The ideologies

that

line".

as an

had been be-

conflicts 1

in

revisionists

independence

national

and a Hispanic

which

himself,

national

genuine

claim

line

and many

to power.

coming

the main historical

which

line,

by any ideolocy

of the historical

her formal

and other

latter

than

after

perspective

following

"an Anglo-Saxon

tween

enunciated

the

adopted

Argentina

seeing

of the word,

sense

or

as an alternaand imper-

exploitative

ialistic.

the

Internationally, the

to be "as distinct the

as from

3

other".

Though Perlin

claimed

consortium

great

without

from

Position"

imperialisms",

one of

the dominant

In practice,

4

truces",

of foreign there

imperialisms

Peronist

to have attacked

foreign

by bowing "the

and purported of

policy

that lost

time its

to US pressures.

international

exploitation"

were in fact

to

was posed as a response red and yankee,

way on a number of occasions

national

the

"two

of the

existence

"Third

...

"without

capitalism

of

quarter

and

once the economy began

"truces"

were made to US oil

to decline

in

1.

Peron,

quoted

2.

Peron, quoted in Gonzalo Cärdenas, "El Peronismo y la Curia Neoimp(Buenos Peronismo, 2d El Aires: " Cardenas in ed. et al, erial, Cepe, 1973), p. 45. Ediciones

3.

Peron, Aires:

quoted in Enrique Pav6n Pereyra, Macacha Güemes, 1973), Editorial

4.

Peron,

quoted

the early

1950's,

in Feinmann,

in Feinmann,

when concessions

op.

op.

cit.,

cit.,

p.

p.

11.

Peron tal p. 225. 115.

(Buenos como es

129 -

-

Moreover,

companies. ing

that

major

the

he won the

if

that

claration future

Position"

powers - Perbn's

world

that

"Third

one can cite

of Rio and affiliation 1948,

both

would form

linked

"Third

and harmony.

Justicialism

and communist

systems,

had eliminated

would

September

took

purporting

or would eliminate

the form

was clothed

in humanist

arguments

a

of the Treaty in March

States

class

which

of class from

both

a new social

Peron's

conciliation capitalist

system which For Perbns

struggle.

"social problems have never been resolved capital and labour but through harmony. propose ... agreement between them, both which emanate from authority and justice This

in

de-

1950.1

to offer the

two

promising

front"

1947 signing

independence

claimed

"western

of American

in

the

the US; his

with

to the USA; and finally

in Korea

Position"

side

of the

part

Argentina

US intervention

At home the

Argentina

reveal-

from

1946 message to Truman,

to the Organisation

of which

for

support

January

communism; the

war against

instances

was by no means equidistant

elections,

Argentina

diplomatic

several

through struggle between And that is why we under the tutelage of the State". 2

tolerated&

"neither the exploitation of man in the name of capital nor in We want man, while retaining the name of the State. his freedom, to be a human being, principal and end in himself and not of capital an instrument of the appetites or of the State".... "Peronism is humanism in action". 3 This it "the

1. 2.

3.

could

"humanism"

be "humanised"

workers

will

was applied

to

capital

as a means of arriving

progressively

acquire

direct

in Per6n's

argument

at a single ownership

class of the

that of men: capital

Nadra,

op. cit., pp. 79-81. Peron (28.6.44), Pena, El Peronismo, quoted in Milciades (Buenos Aires: de Documentos Para la Historia Ediciones 1973), P. 99. Peron, Doctrina Peronista, 2d ed. Güemes, 1973y-, pp. 69 & 241.

(Buenos Aires:

Ediciones

Seleccibn Fichas, Miacacha

130 -

-

goods

that'only

and gradual" the workforce "solutions

cause we are it

of course

the relative

prosperity, upon that ialism.

prosperity Perbn's

belief

in

the

tinued

Argentine

with

and then textile

factors

workers,

of the former

tions

The failure

by the railwaymen,

Perön,

quoted

2.

Per6n,

Doctrine...,

3.

Per6n,

far

calls fear

op.

in Nadra,

his

war,

in

idea and

hopes for her

enabling

reserves

the early

con-

combined 1950's

sugar workers,

began to show the artificial-

harmony,

class

struggle

p.

op. cit., cit.,

op. cit.,

p.

55. p. 79.

one finds and social

144.

clear

once

through

harmony.

of class

in Feinmann,

3

selection"

bank workers,

and others

class

relative

1.

quoted

workers

by the Nazi

to materialise

decline

of Justic-

was based upon a

exchange

economic

alliance

was premised

merits

Influenced

of this

but

of economic

was achieved

on another

2

the new indus-

years

early

strategy

of foreign

huge stocks

metal

of a bourgeois

both

of biological

ascendancy

in producing

Per6n's

that

be-

to assume that

of the Peronist

of the Cold War, Per6n pinned

the strikes

Behind

economic

as "a process

the combatants.

other

the

to

to offer

fatherland",

naive

than upon any intrinsic

rather

financial

to accumulate

supplying

from

coming of a 3rd World War.

the escalation

again

true

harmony which

class

war was inevitable

of the

classes

while

benefited

whole long-term

seeing

ity

Moreover,

and the workers

Perbn claimed

and exceedingly by the

to be so "slow

out

commerce and industry,

the wellbeing

in

received

any way equal.

trialists

I

benefits

turned

pro-

to have been handed over

appears

the workers,

be fallacious

would

the material

benefit

interested

only

it

the evolutionary

As a bonapartist,

1946-55!

equally

but

In fact,

one brewery

between

which

were in

1

be slow and gradual".

cess will

that

commerce and industry,

of production,

indica-

revolution:

131 -

-

"If

we don't

ent

make a peaceful 1

revolution".

labour

was not

base for Left

imperative Perbn

avoid

a resurgence

to "give

in

3O

intentions friend

of sleeping

time

benefits

also

lose

a solid

to

mass

by a fear

of the

he considered

everything

it 2

later".

In many ways his

of, Rosas who once confided

to a

durability:

of his

secret

but

the workers).

to those

here were similar the

of

make a viol-

material

communism",

than

rather

will

to construct

development

(champion

was no obrerista

of important

by a desire

motivated

a programme of national "to

-

His concession

only

the people

revolution,

"I know and respect the talents of many of the men who have but it to that iae seems governed the country all committed ... they governed very well for the cultured people a great error; I believe important to but scorned the lower classes it'is ... it and over this class to contain establish a major influence have I this influence. I am a gaucho direct it, acquired and do. I talk they I protect them. I am their as gauchos. among I care for their interests". 3 attorney. It

of an independent

spectre

into

class

conciliation

1950's. be formed labour

resisted

to prevent

a military

to repeatedly

justify

the his

Perlin

that

Though in

refusal

to resist

with

integrato preach

him in

the early

workers'

coup and made no attempt

1955 revolt.

like

entrepreneurs

deserted

suggestions

all

resisted

the

with

leaders

continued

industrial

had myopically

He staunchly

movement against

4

Party.

Laborista

when they

cost

many of the

even after he promoted

whose interests

as the

class,

to their

Peronist

the official

when Perbn was faced

matter

working

Reyes were to find

Cipriano tion

different

was an entirely

later

the claim

militias

to mobilise years that

the

he was it

was

1.

Peron, quoted ismo Nacional

SocialPeronismo in Conrado Eggers Lan, Iz uierda (Buenos Aires: Büsqueda, 1972), p. 107. Ediciones

2.

Peron,

in Nadra,

3.

Rosas,

4.

quoted

in Barnes,

op. op.

cit., cit.,

p.

57.

p. S.

quoted "Party and State in Peronist See Walter Little, Review, American Historical 55, " Hispanic vol. (November 1973), PP- 644-662.

Argentina, 53, no. 4

1945-

- 132 -

to avert

bloodshed,

thought,

"think

arsenals

over

in

while

what would to

of Justicialism

and Social

Justice

main orientations

of Peronist

policy,

the Peronist

of

sectors

to be acceptable

vague

industry,

even if

of a judicious

lined

these

that

turn

had gained

FORJA leader "economic

Arturo

Moreover, ward internationally

llels

of their in

by other

countries.

the San Min Chu I

by the Chinese principles

combinations

similar

in

conceding

should

and they

and Hays, de la

in

Torre.

that

be the indispensable

will 2

for

have been put dependent

at the

concerned

The 3 Banners, (Three

be underhad been

the mid-1930's

of principles

writers

to appeal

of the new

The 3 Banners

in

the

sufficiently

sides

It

Ugarte

justice

independence".

of-political

justice.

had sustained

and social

emancipation

counterparts

tion

Jauretche

designed

showed reluctance

Yrigoyen,

the

Econ-

symbolised

of FORJA a decade earlier

from

inspiration

which

to both

were unoriginal.

principles

scared

Sovereignty,

They were left

dose of social

the

"

were similarly

attractive

by the young intellectuals

raised

- slogans

some entrepreneurs

the merits

them...

- Political

alliance.

and indeed

Perbn released

I had handed arms from

if

to grasp

ready

omic Independence

to all

a tired

have happened

the workers

The Three Banners

Paraguay

example,

find

close

Principles

of

the People)

in

1905.3

nationalist

leader

Sun Yat-sen

of nationalism,

people's

democracy

and people's

forsituapara-

outlined

Though his livelihood

1.

5th October 1955; reproduced Peron, quoted in El Dia (Montevideo), (Buenos Aires: Frondizismo Editorial Peronismo in Enrique Rivera, Grande, 1958), pp. 84-92. Patria

2.

Jauretche, p. 307.

3.

"The Enigma of Sun Yat-sen, " in Mary ClaSee Harold Z. Schiffin, (ed. ), China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 baugh Wright (USA: Yale University Press, 1968), pp. 443-474; and Franz Schurmann (eds. ), (Great Republican China Orville Schell 1911-1949 and Penguin, Britain, 1968), pp. 95-97 & 138-139.

quoted in Hernändez Arregui,

La Formaci6n

...,

op. cit.,

133 -

identical

not

are

in

vagueness

fact

their

them with

as a justification Pragmatist

and the

political

is

Moracha

did is

not

take

nacional depatria,

1.

Rivera,

took

its

op.

cit.,

after

in Peron's referring

p. 35.

from

in

when left

to in-

of the Escuela

Superior

prosper

free

Nor was it

did,

to be inculcated

Peronist

discuss-

ideology

as being

the Patio

Capitana,

it

of

intellectual

(editor

Barrios"

metamorphosis,

to Cooke, it

he was still

as a

interest

as doctrines

Evita

Rivera

political

place

than

man, to the raising

to dismiss

his

he urged more militant

letters

not

by

de Is.

of the official

was certainly

exceeding-

shallow.

immediately

place

in his

ially

ideas

of Ambrico

alleged

rather

Peron had little

could

emerging

unfair

as Enrique

to say that

true

than

and exceedingly

Peron's

in-

while

propounded

house Mundo Peronista.

he viewed -

and the articles

partial

and left-wings

banners,

policies

as a military

attitude,

slightly

Democracia),

paper

which

Muchachos Peronistas,

no more thanoLos

the fascist

Justicialist

his

for

publishing

minds rather

Though it

in

them to legitimise

Raul Mend&, director

official

consciousness

people's

today

reflection

of Justicialism

as he was,

like

by Per6n's

engendered

ideas

development

mediocrities

Peronista

the

political

own interpretations.

generally

tellectual

both

deliberate

to diverse

finds

invoke

their

shared

appeal

still

regimes

forward

were the early

ideological

their

in Argentina

These then

genuine

ly

their

they

respect

the Chinese

of

Similarly,

to action.

ion.

this

Movement have carried

Peron,

into

both

that

scribing

guide

to maximise in

success

behaviour.

the

of

of Justicialism,

an endeavour

Their

currents. the

to those

took

his

displacement tactics

in than

a decade before

pronouncements. to Justicialism

'left

so-called

While

1955. previously,

talk

By 1958, as a "social

turn', it

espec-

of socialismo in

Los Ven-

revolution"

135 -

20 years

misunderstood World

Third

"the

-

had now become the banner

previously, World

Third

is

were the precursors

and we have paid

Of course

of the Third

"Third

this

bears

World",

liberation

Soviet

to lean,

tend

the general was just

a position

of equidistance

or

powers, 'in

two great themselves the

at

or lesser

that

the first tage

Castro

Fidel

of left-wing

the latter'.

sympathies

s death

for

between

them

Movement,

in

accordance

with

a bloodless

"Justicialism -

form,

He even went so far the

in

Another

Cuba was his

towards

a

as to claim

he would have become

1940's,

4

America!

countries,

one of the major

had become Socialist

3

backing

of Latin

his

in

the

durable.

particularly

transition,

Soviet

had, he received

towards

from

policies.

to balance

tried

that

support

international

extents,

have seriously

Socialism".

receive

of the underdeveloped

governments

of the world,

an indispensable

fact

Soviet

with

way Peron maintained

and humanistic

national

of a

from adopting

which

evolution

idea

far

have been few in number and not In this

the very

ploy

eulogy

to take

advan-

of Guevara after

in Bolivia:

figure by the Latin Ameri"Today, the most extraordinary offered His death-rends has fallen as a hero in struggle. can revolution He is an example of conduct, of disinterestedness, my soul. of ' 5 the spirit of sacrifice, of renouncement... The irony

is

that

Guevara in his

youth

1.

Per6n, Letter pp. op. cit.,

to HernAndez Arregui 187 & 292.

2.

Perlin,

quoted

in Nadra,

op* cit.,

3.

Perlin,

quoted

in Eggers

Lan,

4.

Nadra,

op.

5.

Perön,

quoted

cit.,

had considered (10.12.69), p. 25.

op* cit.,

p. 44.

p. 85. in Mugicay

op.

cit.,

2

pay".

main

to greater

Governments

powers.

and indeed

precursors

Most of the

one looks

if

which

"We

to reality.

Union and align

Moreover,

World,

price

Position"....

resemblance

the

from

the

I

little

movements,

independence

they

view

the Third

now in

of the

p. 38.

Perlin

a dictator.

in Pav6n Pereyra,

136 -

Nacional

Socialismo

by Josh L6pez Rega as "national

preted

I

Nazism and Fascism, Socialism", power,

and by the

respecting

to cite,

interpretation, he said

Per6n's

that

during

were also

(1968)

Perlin

in which

Italy

"all

eliminated

and traditions.

as supportive

evidence

to a passage that

argued

momentary

2

the world".

in

The their

for

which

he had encountered

to Italy,

in

the Allied possibilities

"the

To back this

'La Hora de los defeat

to

road

Luna in

to Felix

of

and popular

conditions

to appear

to refer

able

brother

socialization

1969 statement

1937 trip

his

nacional

socialismo

they

January

to be inter-

as a "national

of economic

national

specific

Left

it

a blood

socialism",

Peronist

as a system

understood

L6pez Rega wing were able

first

vague for

was sufficiently

up,

Pueblos

of Germany and nacional

of a socialismo

3

hand,

On the other statements

"the

that

4

his..

ialism

Velasco's

Peru and Allende's

for

the French

students

in May '68 and his

is

solution

to liberate

was that

The truth

his

was Socialist,

on social

recognised

nobody

at

the

Peron's

only

reply

if

the time

one points considered

promoted

social

"Socialist",

if

Las Bases (Buenos Aires),

I. 2.

Peron, quoted in Felix Luna, El 45,7th 1975), P. 58. ial Sudamericana,

3.

Per6n,

La Hora...,

4.

Peron,

in

op.

cit.,

p.

the Buenos Aires

"it

one examines

(Buenos Aires:

7th

July

which

of a governall

18th March 1972, ed.

pivots

regime,

174. Herald,

was de-

can be immed-

as an example

In fact,

justice.

freed

why Justic-

was because

it

his

declaration

exactly

Justicialist

early

Jose Lopez Rega,

quoted

to state

of such a definition

to the

Chile,

nacional

use of socialismo

was that

sympathetic

the way Fidel

in

country

When obliged

The inadequacy

justice".

iately

ment which

to Peron's

point

to China,

broad and varied.

liberately

could

relating

support

public

the Left

1970.

the

p. 46. Editor-

- 137 -

ways in which ing

theme that

examples

nacional

socinlismo emerges is

preached

Quite

he was to include

regimes,

"like

monarchies".... a Socialist

Mitterand

term with countries

his

Party

blanket

"a great -

only

unify-

to fascist

a monarchy

there

Socialist

was deemed to be a "Marxist"

"socialist

their

Wilson),

1

though

with the

was also

movement" 2

whereas in

still

which

"Socialist"

which

fall

interviews

into

kinds

three

in which

1955 was an error

among the mainstream

Firstly,

Per6n appeared

which

definitions

of political

in

1969,

repeat

Perlin

as to were soon

made by their

there

to confess

he would not

Left

Peronist

of such imprecision

as a result

categories.

paper Arriba

Falangist

arose

integrity

away by other

that again.

were numerous his

leader, press

when interviewed

He was more certain the following

1955 events million

year,

Interviewed

by the

commented:

people,

1.

Peron,

quoted

in

2.

Peron,

La Hora...,

3.

Peron, quoted July 1970.

in

by the Cuban news agency

when he declared "I would

more clearly,

if

Pavön Pereyra,

cit.,

cit.,

p.

the Buenos Aires

op.

to kill

needed".

pp.

post-

the necessary

3

215-216.

158. Herald,

23rd April

I

Prensa

had he foreseen

that:

have decided

or even a million,

op.

in

non-resistance

"Perhaps I did wrong ... in not giving arms to the people ..... those who were to succeed me would be so antinever thought If I had to decide today, perhaps I would think patriotic. twice".

half

the

camp.

swept

Latina

It

or not.

reference

term,

as

has been elimin-

with

(under

at present

Within

Democratic

Any doubts Peron's

England

in France

"national"

the Nordic

government".

German Social

use of the

it

practised

capitalism

where

the

and movements offered

they

whether

to countries

from his

apart

the regimes

all

justice,

social

was by no means limited ated.

that

by Peron,

was employed

1969 & 7th

-138-

ful

Peronist

al

rejuvenation

his

devotees

window

every

cadres

into

Left

Peronist their

that

this

did

day"

but

rather

leading

just

50".

youth

the

guerrilla

outlined

his

formations"

and "special

isations

formations"

The "special

received

"youth"

the wonderful

the minds

in

of many Peroninter-

war,

In a message to the youth 'revolutionary

as elements

which

war',

both

as including in

in

surface

here

only

supported

"gradual

preponderance

tactical

independence

1.

Perlin,

La Hora...,

2.

Per6n,

in

quoted

as the violent

by Peron but

struggle

due to the impracticality

pp.

171-172.

the Buenos Aires

Herald,

op. cit.,

develops"

1971,

dated

an "integral

but praise

and eulogised

and,

2

back

organstrategy".

-

"We have a marvellous youth which every day unequivocally "I have its capacity greatness" absolute and strates ... to die for their ideals". in our lads who have learnt They were not

of

to a

attracted

of revolutionary

nothing

was

up our banners

take

to victory".

of the Resistance,

years

early

of

that

of

due to

to play

were greatly

or later,

warfare.

conception

contin-

the alienation

be of some use "to

authorisation

young

old men of 20 and youths

are

most importantly

and perhaps

as urban

there

sooner

them forward

was Per6n's

Leftists,

had a role

the young radicals

carry

Thirdly,

Perlin

"for

of age,

best

of

of the

out

the historical

Per6n avoided

still

he hoped he could

that

will

they

person

wisdom and prudence, and in arguing

we have and who will,

we hope,

preted

that

of generationmore zestful

of the

promotion

same time,

to the

an old

so as to safeguard

At the

Nevertheless,

man who said

a gradual

positions

a question

1

paean "throwing

not

by saying

elders

out

to the youth-

out

a kind

generacional, He pointed

Movement.

of his

experience,

not

to

of

Perbn held

which

frasvasamiento

of the movement.

uity

ist

was the promise

there

Secondly,

also

demonfaith

promised

and given

of direction

from

16th February

1972.

total

139 1

Madrid.

Most of the letters

Peronist

guerrilla from

of congratulation late

communication it

ment until

in

2

falls",

you in

with

their

ranks".

made up for

nacional.

Not only

but

egy and tactics itself. ist

those

who do not,

words,

and ideological being

doxy is

combat".

Peron's

2. 3. 4.

in

for

Luis

Lozada's

definition

in

somebody who tries

to work

change of difference

this

rather,

warfare' In other

ideas.

them was not

and

so much a political this

question,

attitude

"The only

statement:

ortho-

4

of urban

definition

who realised

that

guerrilla

warfare

by most of the Peronist it

was nothing

was thus Left,

of the sort

a la juventud, " Cristianismo pp. 8-10. Peron, quoted in the Buenos Aires Herald, Cristianismo "Carta a las FAP, " (12.2.70), (September 1970), p. 20. "Perrin habla (June 1971),

strat-

a reform-

their

immortal

such

define

'revolutionary

as a methodological

to

between

revolution;

how revolutionary

earlier

on their

difference

between

who undertake

of revolutionary

promotion

a revolutionary minority

those

question

synthesised

that

violent

no matter

the meaning

the

govern-

a year

and somebody who seeks a total

system

between

was seen as that

legitimacy

confer

guerrillas,

an inevitably

through

system

the

it

the

guerrillas,

seen as a revolutionary

was not

and a revolutionary within

did

"hit

to really

reluctance

one such

can be proud

people

For many Peronist

Perbn's

was also

For many Argentine

peacefully

1.

it

...

to

Armed Forces

"the

personal

received

intention

their

comrades" 3

received

The Montoneros

the Peronist

whereas

messages more than socialismo

Perrin.

1971 supporting

were commended as "valient count

organisations

viewed the

while

felt

v Revoluc16n,

that

Peron's

29

no.

22nd December 1971. Y Revoluci6n,

in C6rdoba newspaper, 20th February Luis Lozada, Interview in ibid., 1971), pp. 14-18. no. 28 April reproduced

as

no.

25

1971,

140 tactical advantage the

until written 1973,

The majority,

late

1960'a

for

pursued

On one occasion, strategy

pendular

left,

to urge

to maintain

if

felt

that

was in-

it

In

struggle. line

1955,

since

nor had he consist-

of his

this

Move-

of the

tendencies

the unity

movement and temporar-

involved

enough to pre-

became strong

the other

no before

revolutionary

tactically

with

opposition

guerrilla

and bourgeois

though

experience

in

Movement illustrated,

possible,

to Perön's

of Peronism

a consistent

one tendency

with

a threat

sent

if

it

sought

Peroniet

and who were provided

or non-Peronist

Peronist

He had always

siding

period

the bureaucratic

supported

even broaden ily

post-55.

a non-revolutionary

as the Revolutionary

ment.

1970's

be taken

should

the main lacked

who in

by the Peronist

either

method of struggle

or early

of the

analyses

Peron had not

ently

their

of.

conceivable fact,

towards

attitude

plans. Peron,

in

a very

cynical

way,

laid

bare his

to an interviewer:

I wanted to include the Justicialist "Within score, all the that led An this different was experience example of melodies. thing was for there to "The important by Vendor and Framini" ... between the the Movement coexistence be within and cooperation but with me at the two currents, only in appearance, counterposed Father. I assigned to Vendor the top in the role of the Eternal leadership evolutionary and conservative of the negotiating, the only ones which the regime would tolerate; while currents, the revolutionary, the leadership Framini aggressof assumed ... Both helped to bring the system. ive wing, permanently attacking to the role assigned to them in the strategy together, according the Command, the Superior shades and currents which conall of to our labourto give a national tributed content and Christian them to clash, When the dynamic of events forced ing masses. taking they had to do it without care not making too much noise, Anyway, they had injuries to cause irreparable or resentments. 1 in me an arbiter and moderator par excellence". Unfortunately, which harass

1.

time

this

interview

Per6n had successfully

and pressurise

Peron,

only

quoted

in

the military

Pav6n Pereyra,

gained

broad

used his

"special

government

op* cit.,

circulation

into

in

formations" allowing

p. 271.

1973,

by

to his

return.

141 -

In fact,

for

"good

1

soldier",

weeks before

power in

seized

festo,

one finds

in his

towards Argentine national

through

population"

based,

reconstruction

Germany being

presented

the revolution,

never

in

became a problem

objectives

ment and his as the

claiming

were his

period

less

4

quoted

in Nadra,

Other

progressed.

govern-

to socialismo

nacional

His new theme then

of Latin American Unity: 5 Above all, it or dominated". the merits

p. 84.

4.

& 132. 19,43 (Buenos Aires), Plana Primera in Peron, Interview 1971, quoted in Nadra, op, cit., p. 15.

5.

Peron,

op. cit.,

communism

the, Lanusse

3.

La Hora...,

West

of Perön's

Tiempo de Tragedia, Perlin, quoted in Andrew Graham-Yooll, (Buenos Ediciones Aires: Argentina Revoluciön la de lo a Flor, 1972), p. 30.

op* cit.,

cit.,

the

involve

with

that

2.

op,

pacify

as a fireman

Peron,

La Hora...,

This

1971 in which

1.

Peron,

of

heading

would

indicators

with

rule

us united

in

supporters

references

expounding find

Plana

frequent

of military

2000 will

"The

support.

which

"made sure

policies

to negotiate

preparedness

became 'Continentalism', "The year

his

our country".

increasingly

1966-73

bourgeois

to potential that

for

on hard work,

partly,

2

the Communist Mani-

as the man "to

to Primera

the statements

himself

like

as a country

solution"

several

3

as an example.

cited

There were also Perlin

least

at

lasted

The government

sectors

himself

a "national

a

statements

of Argentina

Perbn presenting

with

an abyss,

when Onganla,

and "reactionary".

be more at home in

portrait

There

which

has ended.

to bourgeois

appeals

attitude

alongside

to see.

not

an attitude

intentions

real

as "gorila"

the world

which would

was seen particularly

1966,

Pueblos

over

clear

and see"

was characterised

La Hora dehn

his

begins",

peoples

"wait

initial

of the bourgeoisie

reign

of

had to be somewhat blinkered

the regime

in

Moreover,

the

his

example,

of Perön's

indications

were other Left

the Peronist

which was,

there

Cronode Is

pp.

p.

119.

7th

September

-142-

demanded a high

level

a man who chose. to reject

utionary

take

stead

Jimenez's

in

refuge

Venezuela,

Franco's

Peronist in

rooted Benitez

lack

their

of anti-Peronist

Peron

the Nicaragua

Republic

in the

and Francisco

of its

the

governments.

post-1955 these

regimes

reasons,

was massively that

that

3 (After

but

and this

to analysing

be surprising, those

in Pavön Pereyra,

Peron,

2.

Padre Hernän Benitez, Cristianismo Aramburu", PP. 5-11.

3.

Per6n,

quoted

Peronist

op.

p.

who will through

not

against

for

economic

factor

are

in

obvious

it

their diffi-

level

but

could

be

op.

cit.,

it

and had the

194.

"Causas y responsable s de la 'ejecuciön' (September Revoluci6n, 25 1970), no. y

in Pavbn Pereyra,

de

of opposition

myths most easily

cit.,

In this

; "Deträs

a revolt

if

exper-

myths.

at a collective

and by no means illogical,

who swallowed

1.

quoted

motivations

2

unpopular

come those

was a major There

do not

cognitive

mainly

As

within".

the main force

movement which,

Per6n was

"they

saying

through

of

in power.

from

me will

They saw that

pro-Peron

in

came to Peronism

youths

and demerits

labour

faith

whose frequent

the Spanish

recite

activists

of Peronist

Peron had to be a revolutionary.

attached not

merits

was the

naive

the

executioners,

strengthening

For many Peronist

an evaluation

that

of Peronism

governments

que bueno me harän"

make me good).

proven

and in-

Marcos Perez

1950 and their

or after

justifiably

could

los

Their

experience

before

were a factor

mi vendrän

would

I

They know anti-Peronism

from within.

ience

measures

to suggest

naive.

of personal

slightly

culties

Stroessner,

Dominican

commented of Aramburu's

succinctly

was that

wish

were innately

Most were born

belief

to view as revol-

of hospitality

offer

of Alfredo

Trujillo's

one does not

left

know Peronism

to

Left

Spain.

By naivety,

sense,

Peronist

amigo de ideales"),

viejo

Rafael

the Castro's

the Paraguay

Somoza ("mi

of Anastasio

the

for

of naivety

p. 327.

de

143 -

illusions

greatest ly

participated

of

guilt

in in

hostility

past

who had previous-

and were full

organisations

anti-Peronist

their

about

Per6n were those

a revolutionary

towards

the

popular

of feelings

movement.

Evita

"Se siente, se eiente, Evita est& presente. Evita presente, en cada combatiente. Si Evita viviera seria Montonera" Montonera, Evita from Left chant. a Peronist Evita Left

was not

as a battle

Historia

any other

"traitors"

Peronist

Left that

within

1.

2.

for

her

cited

content hatred

a tremendous

traditional

the Movement. political

Evita

were alive

today,

intellect

del

Peronismo,

was unashamedly

emotive

perhaps

and worship for

attraction

opponents

her actual

"if

two highly

of the rich

She became a cult

more than

Evita's expressed:.

those

than

of Peron.

but

for also

figure

for

in no way justified

she would

the

works,

the Left

of Peronism

record

as

of revolutionary

source

2

was to serve

was no more sophisticated

though

In her Historia dain

the

out at

ed the

claim

held

rhetoric hit

only

their

of the poor,

love

Her radical not

but

author

Her contribution

and La Raz6n de mi Vida,

Peronismo

del

preaching

Left

on the Peronist

influence

and a plentiful

standard

The Peronist

phraseology.

of

to offer.

she had no ideology

for

a myth,

an ideological

strictly

she attackthe the

be a Montonero".

appeal "Here

to emotion

and dis-

we don't

need many

Pinedo, Jorge Consi Lucba in Montonera", "Evita reproduced as Argentino. 1955-1973 (Buenos Popular en el Proceso Revoluclonario Freeland, 1974), p. 110. Translation: "We can feel Aires-, Editorial Evita is present in each that Evita is with us, Evita is among us. today, she would be a Montonero". If Evita were alive fighter. (Buenos Presidencia Aires: de la del Peronismo Historia Eva Perön, 1953); La Raz&n de mi Vida Naci6n, Subsecretar a de Informaciones, (Buenos Aires: Relevo, 1973). Editorial

-144-

but

heart

with

than

why Peron not

"to

Perrin with

love

hope and the vellous soul

Evita

language, in,

of his

the merits

to the in

encuentro

someone to lead

out having thing

until

Though the is

the

to their remained view

leader,

was an essentially 1.

Eva Peron,

2.

Eva Peron,

3. ' Eva Perlin,

a person to

"the

marthe and

to believe

be judged

on

alludes

that

one is

conductor,

theory

advance

in history

revolutionary

op.

cit.,

to achieve

theory

the people

de Crisis, p.

129.

3

want")

of the people

gave rise

the conductor-pueblo formula.

any-

them.

them was unquestioned

Pen-a, op. cit.,

Cuadernos

with-

and the people

was upon loyalty

that

Left

what

of the

to direct

leader

providential

to

the al-

the famous

arrives

"does

what

around

The masses are unable

The encuentro

Goldar,

Though it

revolves

cannot

commitment

in Milciades

quoted (Buenos Aires:

This

people

the

Perdn's

Argentine

quoted

the

the nerve,

have adorned

so romanticised

writings

by the Peronist

in

work.

conductor

of faith.

an article

inherited

(the

in Evita's

whereas

a historical

tale.

the

between

reciprocal

emphasis

leader

them".

leader,

relationship

purportedly

the whole

great

was

such religious

a political

are

"the

to which

according

With

and the masses,

of Perlin

meeting

most magical

these a fairy

is

with

fact

in

is not

presented

did

this

actions.

of Peronism,

origins

fact

than

but

and moreover, which

2

as to

she wrote,

soul,

Peron as a god,

presented

political

The Historia

1

virtues

by humanity.

rather

"the

people"

and highest

offered

genii

to have faith

in,

he is

for

argument

her descamisados

a Peronist,

for

of the Argentine

of the best

the

of all

thing

the

more with

no rational

myth and exhorting

ones soul"

all

reality

epitome

emotional

his

learnt

of the masses,

support

The most important

him.

to love

the uncritical

from building

her

is

She offered

the intellect".

deserved

prevent

Justicialism

because

many hearts

intellects

It

pp.

and

to the symbiosis

depended on the 107-108.

1974),

p. 31.

c

- 145 -

idea

of a "dialogue"

a dialogue

in

ogue"

The idea reality

does not

on numerable

Evita

down the requests

the

the

in

Peronist

Left

encouraged

faith

on May Ist

1974 that

the

in

he had no respect

Evita's

want".

independent

condemnation

of Marxism

ignored

by the

Peronist

workers

of the world

Left.

to unite

"dial-

was

the

theory

by

any nearer.

It

who was to demonstrate and was not

At the same time,

it

pre-

helped

on revolutionary

steer

organisation

of Per6n. in

the

Marx received but

for

of this

"dialogue"

views

truly

any forms

and indeed

for

1

Leninist

away from

left

Peronist

people

leader

the

1951 when

the revolution

on the

Plaza

not,

to stand

Acceptance

bring

not

and dependency

"do what the

to

pared

did

certainly

than

in August

of a mass CGT rally

in

that -

more often

coming elections.

mass following,

the mass rallies

least

not

occasions,

and his

consideration

a. "monologue",

constituted

Vice-Presidency

through serious

merit

demonstrated turned

the leader

made operative

supposedly

de Mayo.

between

existing

his

ideas

same work was studiously

in

his

for

praise

general

call

to the

were rejected

as:

humane sentiments to the profoundly "contrary of the people"... "He denies religious sentiment of God"... and the existence Marxism is materialist "Moreover, and. this also makes it unbecause it "On the other hand, it is unpopular popular"... human right the so profoundly to property". 2 suppresses Though few members of the Peronist and most saw Marxism

supporting

a political

property.

The Left

their

"a useful

for them to see Evita

congruous

taining

as only

era,

that

which

they

as Marxists

themselves it

method of anlaysis",

implied

the

limitations

were as revolutionary

at

objection

were the

See below,

p.

2.

Eva Perlin,

quoted

in Milciades

Pena,

pp.

by main-

limitations

as was possible

op. cit.,

same time

of private

in

290.

1.

was in-

the

elimination this

to circumnavigate

and Peron's

Evita's

that

described

as a revolutionary'while

project attempted

Left

110-1t1.

of the

early

146Peronist

Such an ardent

period.

on the most timid

attire

The Peronist a plebeian though

and revolutionary

himself.

harmony "the

fundamental

of the

"to

between

the

tury,

"the

balance

privileged

are

privilege happy with

under

scale.

Her radicalism

over

the

Peronist

her

role

in

Left.

the issue

For though

and some improvement

in

their

is

where machismo was and still women would

she didn't

family. to

It

surrender

subordination was worthy needed

not

the

have been out

strong,

of place Evita

have one herself,

was a natural herself

out

thing, of love"

of women's movements of them.

Whereas men could

company which

only

for

a home-life

system

could

ideas

be

could

on the

Union. defender

she claimed,

offer

of

by for

in Argentina

collectively,

alone,

cen-

the

role

of

Maybe beof the give

herself,

she urged

the cause of a man" so long Live

due

organisation

a women "to

to a man while, "to

that

as progressive

the Mothers'

she argued,

the

with

a bour-

the past

especially

gras a great

it

been overstated

political

many of her in

being

that

can be regarded

condition,

social

presented

no revolutionary

of women, their

the enfranchisement

of class

in which

century

of women has also

Evita

idea

Evita

over

reveal

Furthermore,

than

she argued

privileged

by another

but

and replace

that

of

to the workers'

of course

true

is

such statements

attack.

her-time

this

by the

must be restored

the workers",

was not

it

the

Here,

disappear

and labour",

of the workers

exploitation

both

in relation

struggle

While

Movement,

no more radical

imperialisms".

make class

capital

fact

one finds

of Justicialism

dream internationally.

geois

cause

"two

has offered.

Peronist

early

she was in

origin

revolutionary

Eva Per6n as a representative

of the

wing

objective

as being

cooperation

history

In La Raz6n de mi Vida,

and the notion

movement"

to

was to present

ehe was of plebeian

Peron

that

reformists

Left

be used to bestow

could

as he

women

and to be a wife

- 147 "profession".

was woman's natural It

ist

Left

and facilitated

of

future,

ions, it

life,

short

however,

of Evita's

rhetoric

with

coherent

if

a loss

the

agricultural

economic

the

changes

enemy within

within

than

the landed

within

1.

Eva Peron,

La Raz6n de...,

2.

Eva Peron,

quoted

in

land

and "the

Goldar,

op.

op.

the

only

be

not

to a belief did not

that

the

represent

a.

restoration had signif-

of income

from the

eliminated

Evita

more afraid

pp. p.

turned

her

guns

of the oligarchy She warned against

17th".

Peronist

Cit.,

that

words pertained

oligarchic

dead,

cit.,

occas-

expropriations.

oligarchs'for

on October

through-

out

had not

it

the

carried

Though Peronism

sector,

"I'm

for

dead,

could

really

power and a transfer

the Movement...

our cause"

by the

through

the one we defeated

but

Peronism

1955 coup.

political

base of the oligarchy left

ideas

revolutionary

That

to the industrial

on the

Pilots

social

through

of oligarchic

Having

"the

future

cen-

of revolutionary

had already

was to be demonstrated

prominence

ied

Evita's

in progress.

was already

political

sense,

this

was the key to

blend

uneasy

the

On other

was already

and this

1945,

the

in

a promise

and deep-felt.

oligarchy

Peronism

that

one considered

revolution

was only

and even some conservative

so much to the need for

social

For

writings.

In this

revolution

October

on 17th

reformist

a revolution.

the

die

who had snubbed her

genuine

that

she maintained

this

Peron-

the Jacobin. bloodshed,

undoubtedly

oligarchs,

was certainly

had been defeated

paradox

that

impassioned

her to the

endeared

or without

of man, will

of the

her hatred

really

"With

be underlined

and her

oligarchy

the myth of Evita

of

growth

exploiters

should

though

her

out

It

the

which

to the oligarchs:

oligarchs, 2

tury".

death

the

against

injustice

of social

She preached race

diatribes

was Evita's

condemnations

1

leaders

who develop

95-96 & 193-199. 135.

to

148personal

circles

For me they truth,

is

a lot

on Per6n's

were helped

the

reader

"vanity,

in

2

graphic

In this

release

Eva Perlin, Evita

life

"serve

1945 workers'

did

indeed

a part

performed

in

historical

these

events,

by labour

leaders

developed

mobilisation

research it

was far

since

her writings

are full

de Crisis,

rallying

resulted a

the work-

than

important

Reyes. up with

3 At the that

of

of her husband.

Ibid.,

3.

See "La CGT y el 17 de Octubre de 1945, " Todo es Historia (February 1976), pp. 70-90. 105 Aires), no.

pp.

claimed.

less

2.

cit.,

dis-

if

Eva Perön,

op.

not

has shown that

deification

of nauseating

a saintly

she presented

1.

p.

Cuadernos

which

such as Cipriano

her. myth was no inextricably-linked

by'a Evita

In her Historia,

yet

the

mit fatherland

my people,

gone round

She

a modest heroine

In particular,

of how she had supposedly

play

the message which

cause of the people,

death.

her

her writings.

she was really

the to

speak out from

fills

woman" yet

from imprisonment.

ers

Per6n,

be

have been maintained

not

way her myth was being

to the cause of Perlin,

same time,

own van-

of way, but

sort

which

was that

her

17th October

the

account

the role

a "humble

even before

party

Peron's

his

some justification

and ambition"

humility

tb receive

who had dedicated

for

but

Yet in

to serve

the Fundacibn

could

alone

was bound up with

life

and Perbn".

credit

with

charity,

egoism

false

as only

was supposed

interested

could

idols".

station

the people

a paternalistic

pride,

of that

covers

whose whole figure

clay

ambition.

salary.

herself

presented

in

oligarchs,

serve

her

Her wardrobe

herself.

Moreover, under

Through

herself.

of people helped

also

He does not I

excessive

who uses his

official

egoism and ambition",

to Evita

and their

egoism They are

as "the

an oligarch.

pride,

applied

their

are not Peroniats.

such statements

himself ity,

(serving)

16-18.

W. (Buenos

Eva

149 The latter among the

clouds

2

the masses,

blind

self-image

plebeian

taking

yet

the jewels

the whole tury",

from

right

was to gain

and "like from

adulation

based upon

a reaction

and the people, Cindarella"

since

bureaucratic of

Spain,

receiving

the

funds

years

of Evita

in

her

"one day"

Party.

Eva Peron, quoted el Peronismo, " in

Eva Perlin,

4.

Tim Rice,

quoted Lyrics

climber

as a

fgscist

visiting

from Franco

and

her death

and after

many facets

of

Peronist

Left.

were dismissed

Indeed,

so strong

hid

Stories

did

Evita

lies

the myth become that

to discuss

on the basis

about

as malicious

the merits

of empirical

and

evidence.

Simbolos y H6roes en in Pedro Geltman, "Mitos, Cärdenas et al, El Peronismo, op. Cit., p. 134.

The Woman with Eva Peron, quoted in Mary Main, Evita: (Great Britain: Corgi, 1977), pp. 230-235.

3.

of

at mass events.

the later

a Peronist

social

Catholic

the

has become near impossible with

cen-

servant

up as a revolutionary,

of Isabel

the Pundacibn

inherit

of an ever-expanding

herself

salutes

am

this

and selfless

had no qualms about

Grand Cross

or "in

greatest

the acquisition

yet

from

as "the

"I

one day you'll

you....

in Barnes, of the rock

a

and glamor-

to her descamisados, for

career

She adopted

the most expensive

was always

up by Evita

from

it

it

And she set

by the Radical

weakspots

but

involved

and politics

recent

the oligarchs

the falangist

The myth built

pocketing

explaining

the proletariat,

reciprocating

life

weakly

yet

empire.

banner

to dress

hypocritical.

She posed as a dedicated

now.

4

loved

3

collection",

not

Per6n

2.

and sure

incarnate"

than

rather

was totally

writing

and jewels,

ous minks

1.

as an "ideal

of course,

and devotion

faith

Much of Evita's

in

I

high

judgement.

critical

spread

The aim,

who flies

condor

to God",

and close

a god to Argentines".

her

as a "giant

was portrayed

ope cit., opera

p.

Evita,

126. 1976.

the Whin

-150-

left,

The Peronist close

for

pro-Nazi

It

of Buenos Aires

Even more ironic

author

the

of

the Peronist

from

the

and junior

unions.

the

for did

which

arrive,

the plan

was shelved.

utionary

image,

justifiably

Nevertheless,

though,

from

The Montonero

so.

scheme of armed defence

"the

the defence

a basically

defend icies

of what?

of income

ination

of

seems highly

distribution,

capitalism. doubtful

It

but

of the

5,000

the episode

helped

the militia for

structure, rather

all

from

its

plan

progressive

with is

pol-

based upon the elim-

of the militia that

un-

quite

have been used to

the information

available,

1.

" La Causa Peronista Dardo Cabo, "La milicia peronista, (30th July 1974), p. 29. 4 Aires), no.

it

would have been

Eva or even the

put

probable

before

the key question

would

than a system

the direction

hands and highly

but

45 .

her revol-

build

we have,

information

action

the Dutch

with

were distributed

by the Cubans",

the

members were to come

into

proletarian

in

militia

who were to go into

1

was

was also

Dardo Cabo was to compare Eva's

Furthermore, that

Its

1952.

Left

one hundred

the scanty

In Argentina,

capitalist

the Peronist

of her militia about

sung by

happily

Eva made an arms deal

only

the

was also

a Peronist

army officers

provisioning

out

of Isabel

rhetoric.

of creating in

Left

parentage.

had for

Evita

by Perön

a coup seemed likely.

Family

pistols

idea

vetoed

a plan

its

quasi-revolutionary

radical-sounding

trade

whenever Royal

attraction

a result

1950's,

early

which

for

Ivan

of recognised

Peronist

Ivanissevich

the

and Dr.

figure, the

Evita's

rather

the administration

that

a thought

of her

latter

Los Muchachos Peronistas,

song,

without

The magnetic

due to her

Cooke but

to drive

during fact

the

is

Peronist Youth

simply

the

that

ironic

was the man chosen

sympathies,

Perön.

not

highly

is

the University

of

like

that

of the Movement such as Hernän Benitez

elements

Ivanissevich.

to accept

refused

simply

the few militants

were not

associates

right-wing

example,

(Buenos

151 -

young

NCO's would

have kept

worth

emphasising

that,

tation

ism and to describe

it

the

to her

attributed

ving

for

credit

thoroughly a banner

certainly

Left

would

were,

in

myth must to some extent Her death

from

economic

1946-

of the feminine heroine. a banner

paving

have found

the way for ",

future

Eva had said.

much in

and deserthus

became a

Her myth was taken which

common with

up as

by implication

pre-

Movement as more

illusions.

"I

will

She was correct, the

armed struggle

the

for

the most

with

and the Peronist

governments

at the

problems

Evita

vote,

be

cancer

some ways progressive

thousands while

but of

believing

thats "Eva Perön embodied more than anyone the energy and motor of "The the proletarian rebellion which Peronism signified"... is projected in the numerous armed true image of Evita... 1 bear her name". which comandos

THE IDEOLOGICAL COMPOUND

The three gredients

1.

"Si no.

ideological

of mainstream

Evita Viviera 30 (September

currents Peronist

Left

examined above were the main inideology

- i. e.

Sera Montonera, " Cristianiemo 1971), p. 2.

is

mechan-

of the

acceptance

of serious

onset

who were to embrace revolutionary

youths

it

interpre-

a defence

was purely

entails

1952.

struggle,

be millions... not

it

revolutionary

Peronist

they

and I will

return

promotion

of Peronist

than

radical

scheme,

Though in

years.

her

early

the most revolutionary

so her image came to be identified

undeserving

the

sented

the

with

the golden

of

Again,

one put

of Evita's

death

timely

government,

golden

leadership.

as revolutionary.

strength

age of 33 coincided

on its

grip

as revolutionary

governments

Finally,

Peronist

even if

on the militias

possible

55 Peronists

a firm

of the

y Revolucibn,

- 152-

tendency

movimientista to

a lesser

did

extent

is

cy which

Cooke though

historical

loose

but

ideological

postures

those

which

divided

while

looking

All

three

to

related

tradiction"

involved

the

old

the

main beneficiaries

However, tion"

after

1930's the

popular the rise

and 1940's

dynamic

historical that

for

the national

it

of the national

but was dated. bourgeoisie

(by

1955, many industrialists

1.

See below, pp. 249-257.

The

than is

worth-

to two works

referring

that

conviction dilemma

This

had deeply

over

ver-

make-up

interests

contradicin

the

penetrated

conflict experience

had showed

anti-imperialist

to the opposition

of

were Britain.

with

"principal

Peronist

conditionally

had passed

social

relations

of Argentine

The 1946-55 was only

as "Oligarchy

bourgeoisie

capital

con-

of imperialism

to the

the

which

"principal

and commercial

industrial

view

the

expressed

remained

foreign

outlook

was that

dependent

country's

nationalists

sectors.

1

it

section

historical

when landed

and even after

industrial roots

of the

briefly

was more relevant

Argentina,

agro-export

influences,

more important

concluding

and socially

Such a dichotomy

sus People".

was only

unity

of formative

a revisionist

shared

domestically

the nation,

this

in

the Argentine

in

ideological

and

themselves.

shared their

provided

one to speak of a tendency.

through

Left

currents

was closely

versus

diversity

that

at

though

them,

of

tercermundismo

them were far

united

which

by the Peronist

produced

to enable

coherent

their

the diversity

despite

nevertheless,

Peronism

the two tendencies,

Movimientista

revisionism.

tenden-

The latter

chapter.

revolutionary

between

Only

chapters.

alternativista

substantive

of Peronism,

evaluations

was sufficiently

"

of the final

was some overlap

positive

later

in

the smaller

by the Marxist-mediated

there

their

be analysed

will

influence

they

the subject

was more inspired

by their

which

camp)

-153-

and that (hence

its the

contradiction lack

In all the

tain

its

this

hegemonic

it

within

position

as the Argentine

national

ing

its

"social

for

capacity

of the socialismo

reverse

side

refusal

to examine

and learn

national

and social

liberation

"Third

World"

important Finally,

three

all

the view

with,

through

unfold

historically

than

the

The limitations

ed that Left. Left

Since, tendency

national

national

can be easily

be seen,

as will lay

in

the petty

was far

bourgeoisie

works,

and

from view one.

inevitably

world those

who recognisof them as

an acceptance

in

though order

anti-imperialist

were attempts

nationalism, but

identified

than

one can point to demonstrate

idea

in

the

be emphasis-

to the Peronist of the main Peronist of a multi-class

one largely to the

to reconcile

must also

strength the

bourgeoisie,

alliances,

it

stronger.

especially

attractive

most of the

more appealing

was a far

nationalism

was tremendously

Moreover,

of multi-class

of other

or were compatible

leading

into

was a

continental

to obscure

upon,

The

currents

such as the Soviet

this

with

of multi-class

nationalism

alliance

proletariat.

tasks.

experiences

the underdeveloped

even where there

socialism,

period, this

disagree-

tended

agreed

of Peronism

above cited

influence

post-1955

movement while

inevitable.

In many of'the

two.

in

of stages,

a series

ed some of the limitations being

either

revolutions

Each viewed

National,

examples

to re-

Movement.

the international

cases

of

were diff-

progressive

of many of these

nacional

revolutionary

there

or socialist

struggles.

influences

that

the Peronist

liberation",

from

evaluation

though

was sufficiently

liberation

in all

perspectives

successful

antagonistic

to a positive

force,

as a progressive

Peronism over

was not

led

antinomy

as to whether

of opinion

oligarchy

reform).

cases,

bourgeoisie

national

erences

of agrarian

three

the

with

decline

the historical

based on the of the redundancy

one has to bear in mind that

-154Argentina, through

a vibrant

the national

than

having

of the

al

those

certain

Catholic

oppressive

being

chosen

and resorted

rather

than

ing

man also,

Lastly,

they

the

Peronist

be seen from Juan Pablo

1.

life

for

general

the highly

Franco

It in

role

was natur-

the

of love

The two

of revolutionary

panorama,

however,

of the early

too,

system

and than

freely

fellow

there Peronist

men

the revolubut

of chang-

and personal of the heroic

a common glorification cause.

one's

influences

a structural

the popular

rather

for

a social

case of

some important

to institutionalised

For both

at both

evaluation

were more in-

others.

were here

upon people

of changing

operating

were to share

Left's

forced

of the enemy.

this

there

as a response

viewed

than

justification

a similar

a question

this

Within

was now

on the more secular-minded.

to out of feelings

just

his

sacrificing

more persuas-

such behaviour

an important

played

influences

something

hatred

was not

by

of the national

of thought

and groups

However,

offered

violence,

tion

that

suggested

hegemonised

way was far

and schools

only

persuasion.

currents this

violence,

writers

Guevarist

with

ideological

which

radicalism

of Catholic

parallels

a "progressive"

individuals

upon certain

that

the experience

passed

past.

Obviously, fluential

in

analyses

had actually

countries,

phase of development

For many,

behaved

economic

a thing

American

anti-imperialist

bourgeoisie.

bourgeoisie ive

many Latin

unlike

level. militant

was some variation governments,

as can

works of Jose Pablo Feinmann and 1 Feinmann, following the line Alvarez.

influential

and Fernando

in

Juan Pablo Franco and Fernando Alvarez, "PeronFeinmann, op. cit.; ismo, antecedentes y gobierno, " Cuadernos de Antro olo a del Ter(Buenos Alberti's 1June Blas 1972). Aires), Mundo no. critcer had than the itself, text this ical unforrather of work, summary to be relied tunately of the originupon due to the unavailability (for for this thesis was reasons) when the research political al done.

-155-

of

orthodox

of

politics.

Peronism,

determinism,

economic

the

window with

it

Moreover,

politics". ed impossible to explain

terms

explanation

banner

the

political

great

strategic

the

"true

historic

"the

mean that

working

the process".

masses"

not

so easily

in

"did

not

has always

Feinmann,

op.

said,

cit.,

pp.

that

power"

practised

& 196.

some new of

he never

the

hegemonic baton

Peronism

politics,

not con-

at the of the

lost

For his property

did

and is

and "government

possible".

when he

meaningless

of contradictions.

it

46,51

1

"hegemonised

why the masses supposedly

of the

our

origins".

However,

conductor's

capitalist

the art

the notion

and the Movement expressed

to suppress things,

do absurd is

full

around

synthesis

class

was and is

allegation

"popular

to explain

failure

has-the

the

at

views"

its

since

class".

class

look

"because

most profound

Peronism

possible

was not

nacional

the word was rendered

Feinmann's

1955 but was also of the

explanation Peronism

only

"the

it

erected

of opponents'

Peron and the working

today

class

failed

interests,

socialismo

the working

that

up to 1955 represented

period

bourgeois

of the working

and in fact

is

should

defence

is

was render-

to even discuss

of the process"

interests

to claim

that

analysts

refusal

has animated

instances

"hegemony"

all

Poronism

A third

rather

he argued,

start,

the

ducting

but

which

project

From the very

argued

was that

argument

from

to a negation

be confined

of Justicialismo

4th

by his

represented

ultimately cannot

"only

own categories.

was provided

Feinmann's

1.

of its

thesis

Peronism

that

of

(factor)

of Peronism

criticism

and the demand that

Peronism"

Feinmann's

defined

any fundamental

out

descriptive

are merely

the explanatory

since

of

Marxism

flew

analysis

classes

social

the assertion

with

Movement in

Perlin

...

us,

sociological

primacy

by equating

man" was vanquished

and all

"for

of the

case on an assertion

and in no way explanatory,

concepts

that

"straw

A-Marxist

with

his

rested

power only

was that which,

Likewise,

as

according

- 156to Feinmann,

our history

confuse

Perbn

to say that

had power between

the masses really been no constraints

imposed

hand,

did

if

the

latter

Nacional

"equivalent

way between

al

By backdating

the never

Peronism pected stages

However,

to achieve

approach

was in

imperialist upon a strict

Ibid.,

posture division

is

serving

since

nacional

that

the

fact

more in

also

at

argued

in his

between

pp. 79,91,110,179,185

capitalism

the

time

then? "

to the

rejected

bourgeoisie"

was

of early

and clearly

version

ez--

of the

work.

consistent

anti-

whole argument

and imperialism.

& 218.

choice "historic-

years

limitations

his

anti-capitalist",

third

"Why '3rd'

the

"every

that

the

Here,

explicitly

1973, a modified

implicit

Feinmann

expressed

"national

he explained

the

nor with

of recent

Feinmann

Per6n's

by asserting

above,

rather

of what was "practical"

though

the

with

distorted

One must ask,

.

regime,

and claimed

Peronism

Finally,

1.

Peronist

in fact

the revolution".

of socialismo

terms

in

for

the talk

national.

govern-

and Socialismo

Justicialismo

but

on a new meaning

of stages

power and hege-

to the early

conciliation,

took

of the early

theory

class

road

and autonomous

revisionism"

must

"objectively

examined

and socialism,

capitalism

a national

practice

Position",

to do with

"had nothing

it

it

was dismissed

were

Feinmann

concepts", "Third

of the

own definition

that

to demonstrate

attempt

are

workers

On the other

both

opposition strike

have

surely

changes,

lacked

had

1

interests".

In his

of

the masses in fact

the striking

that

would

structural

workers'

the form

anti-worker

prevent

of the railway

ment in

claim

fact

was "to

However,

of forces".

"balance

Workers'

the Peronist

nonsensical

by the

film".

there

1946-55,

Movement.

mony in

that

in

have been because

surely

or Eisenstein

a western

with

have armed the workers

should

relied

For his

- 157-

premise

of the

erialist

movement any capitalist (...

politically

"in

wonder how Peronism anti-imperialist this

geois

sectors

of the alliance.

Alvarez,

on the other

would

represent

the

given

the

early

His

argument

Peronism into

ism's

stage

was that

been swallowed

Socialism.

However,

bourgeois

and military

Apart

capitalist

imperialist

movement hegemonised

"creating

as Blas ties

his

rot

"3rd

originally

Position",

this

deemed

being

By

him terminated. bourgeoisie

enabling

by the working

had

reducing

penetration,

its

conversPeron-

class.

movement was explain-

whose ultimate

has commented,

completely

of the bour-

of our country".

to socialist

Alberti

a Per6n in

the

and thus

constituency

did

national

economic

argu-

previous

had for

stage

one to

any "consistent

the State",

1955 the Argentine

Perbn as a revolutionary

ed by presenting

Peronism

and

leads

on the part

development

from a bourgeois

convertibility

image of Fidel

since

proletarian

a socialist

of Alvarez

the

unity

only

to adopt

occupied

with

for

This

suicide

rather

of capitalist

up through

to its

but

Peronism

Feinmann's

that

the anti-imp-

supported

1

with

felt

collaboration

however,

1970's,

line

social

hand,

nacional

by "class

characterised "correct

surely

socialismo

in

in

criterion

be expected

involve

ment,

the

political").

can possibly for,

which

nation,

a subject

posture"

him to include

sectors

must be above all.

organisation

ion

led

of politics

primacy

this

aim was always ignored

Perbn's

and was no more than a question

own image"

2

or at least

in

the

Castro.

from

reliance

pp. 79,194

on the notion

of a revolutionary

Per6n,

& 229.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

"De como se puede llegar Alvarez, quoted in Bias Manuel Alberti, las fundamentos vicisitudes o antiperonistas; con peronista a ser de dos ideol6gicos perdidos en el oc6ano de la confusiön, " Peron(Buenos Nacional Aires: Ediciones Burguesia RanBurocracia ismo y cagua, 1974), pp. 42 & 46.

- 158Alvarez

that

maintaining

"the

ment does not

only

permanent

working

class

existence

of an early

capitalist

Peronist

Movement.

one would

need to demonstrate

benefited

the workers

that

the

product

expand

the

domestic

and that

as a class

market.

Likewise,

become socialist

by the early

1970's

the more radical

pronouncements

"Stages" ist

were also

there

was "major

transformation period ist

of Argentine

and the

transition

ownership

of Socialism".

construction

as those

as far

quite

those

maintained prior

1.

as merely

years

that

to but

Ibid.,

p.

"the

also

55.

indispensable

Peronism

had

citing

in

years

of government

and in

For him,

of the

specific

Franco's

system

national fantasies for

the

1940's,

towards

such a state

of capital-

not

than

of the go

seeing

he depicted

consciousness

to the formation

the

the

forms did

rather

back in

of a people's

Peron-

Peronist

the early

exercise

towards

of the

presentation

of Feinmann and Alvarez,

formation

were not base and

that

by the workers".

However,

transitional

however,

more than merely

the dissolution

hegemony as existing

working-class

the

society

towards

of the

gains

to demonstrate

that

in

saw "a tendency

to have

a mass political

requires

"hege-

overwhelmingly

working-class

in Franco's

present

participation

of

sector

policies

if

of Perön.

He maintained

transformation.

assertion

largest

need to create

of Peron's

solely

Peronist

for the

hegemony to be proven,

For working-class

The argu-

one explain

the

the

from

logic,

hegemony appears

were by far

the workers

that

Again

stage?

1

class".

how could

For Alvarez,

mony" was the main weakspot. meant merely

by the working

by

(Peronism)

that

is

element

was hegemonic,

really

transformation

social

of the most elementary

the test

withstand

for

capacity

now has been hegemonised

1945 until

the

Peronism's

explained

of affairs is

not

of a consciousness

and only of

159 -

the hegemonic

If

the

ests

the

but -

Peronism

writers

to that

for

books

assertion

had changed with

Cordobazo

Yet

today,

in mind,

with

so much fantasy

which

manner appears illusions

thousands

which

ment and the way in which socialist later

alternative

chapters

the

divers-

social

than

during

of opposition Peronist

It

1970's

felt

that

in

helped

to Peronism

is

one of the

such as

events

was near.

the way in

and systematic however,

had in Perlin

to prevent-the

like

be remembered that

hindsight,

These,

Their

as an

Per6n,

Liberation"

such a serious

bizarre.

viewed

when, with "the

were the

and his

emergence

Move-

of a

themes developed

on Movimientismo.

75 & 83.

Franco,

2.

"Towards a Theory of Populism, Ernesto Laclau, (London: New Left in Marxist Theory Ideology 143-198.

in ibid.,

pp.

what

which

Movement.

that

should

1.

quoted

inter-

in working-

illusions

were convinced

of movimientistas they

not the

their

of more historical

less

reflected

regarding

times.

was presented

as little

comprised

of Per6n was not

they

many people

the benefit

the

which

due to its

of the

the early

in

were written

consciousness"?

own definitions

18 years

to the strategy

the

in

probability

subordination

Movement,

these

real

Per6n's

accepted In all

up and develop-

sector.

were the main organisations

objection his

dominant

had become.

unions

general

ideology

as a whole - impossible

of its

these

their

surely

"people's

forces

social

taken

an idea

Yet what is

the

hegemony were based on the

class the

then

2

on.

to all

alliance

that

All

later

refers

Movement,

of

ity

I. aclau

"people"

Peronist

of the workers",

necessity

ed by Ernesto

1

" in Politics Books, 1977),

and pp.

CHAPTER III THE FIRST 'TENDENCIA REVOLUCIONARIA'

The term Tendencia Peronism)

has in recent

has been used loosely differentiation,

out

been applied,

to refer

ed in

1964 with

ical

change,

a left-wing

towards

orientation

back to the

several

was reach-

Movement

social

ideology;

a revolutionary

permeated

which

to the

in

was revolutionary

radical

a revolutionary

embodied in

was not

the term

Peronist

It

for

a programme and strategy

and groped it

ERP). -

has also

collateral

1955 and whose zenith

the Revolutionary

and polit-

it

party

it

with-

and it

dates

whose gestation

after

Peronista

Left,

and their

to apply

apposite

Left

of

Revolucionario

that

equally

Peronista

the creation

espoused

dency in

is

Peronist

early

of the Resistencia

it

it

1960's,

to the Montoneros

within

two phenomena:

of the Peronist

the late

since

tendency

to denote

the whole

the period

However,

years

that

to

more specifically,

nowadays forgotten

(Movimiento

been employed

years

in

organisations.

(revolutionary

Revolucionaria

was a tenbut rather

was

of the broader

sectors

mass movement of Peronism. of the

Though the Tendencia of

the

later

Its

did

a loud

find

the former

political

conceptions

echo in

ated

but

with

the work of John William

ive also

offered

youth,

secondary

ermore,

possessing

utionary

Nationalist

Tacuara

MNRT). -

left

an armed expression

student in

Movement (Movimiento Though these

organisations

-

16o-

the strength

gained

was an influential fully

were not

In this

produce

ideology.

to come, being

and university

never

tendency.

helped

it

Peronist

an embryo of things school

the later

Cooke,

of more recent

elaboration

period

tendency,

revolutionary

of the latter.

runner

1958-66

foreelabor-

way, along

the early,

tentat-

Structurally,

it

composed of trade organisations

the form

lacked

and, furth-

of the Tacuara

Revolucionario

union,

Revol-

Nacionalista

the organic

161 -

and degree

cohesiveness dency, this

they

were sufficiently in

was reflected

as the

organ

through

tendency union is

of

the former,

the

alliance

ests

of

the

union

smaller

The rise

many salary-earners, ist

governments

the

rural

general,

sector. social

the reasons

tenand

Compan"ero

of the Movement, revolutionary

this

between

revolutionaries

behaved

as it

did.

tendency

in

the case

decline,

the

the polit-

the latter

case,

of the rise

was a result

failed

it and re-

In

from

exclusion

of the Cuban Revolution;

trade

radicalisation,

of socio-economic

which

of the

section

for

government,

bureaucracy

to represent

the

of

inter-

unions.

of the first

of declining

ground

a reformist

with

the revolutionary

with trade

a powerful

1958-62

and the impact

of the weekly

Movement the early

was a product

of Frondizi's

system

Peronist

why each sector

radicalism

a tendency,

among the youth

mainly

to differentiate

and to explain

experience

place

When examining

important

Montonero

P.eronism.

tactically

itself

movement.

therefore

ical

took

later

to be considered recognition

mutual

the Revolutionary

allied

formists

their

of the

unity

united

of revolutionary

Radicalisation but

of conceptual

living

Peronist

for

standards

a product-of

which were designed While

Left

economic

and economic

has to be seen against the mass of workers,

the devaluation to effect

conditions

a transfer

favoured

policies for

policies

workers

a back-

and even for

of post-Peronof income

towards

owners of capital

in

became grim:

below that of "In 1963 GNP again dropped by 5 to a figure 1958. Private consumption was also down by 10% in comparison with 1958, terms it Again 15%. the per in approached capita workers and and as before this helped to uphold their were most affected, below 1958, and In 1963 real wages were 15PI'bf loyalties. Peronist unemployment, which was mainly marked in textiles and

1.

first Compafiero, a weekly paper edited by Mario Valotta, appeared organ of the MRP in August on 7th July 1963 and became the official 1964.

162 -

-

metallurgical production, The cost ant five years. by 4O. " I

In response strike year

action

which

witnessed

Torre.

especially

following

the

through

hours

devaluation",

decline

to economic

federation

(CGT) launched

the

Taken in radical

ivists

isolation,

alternative

were radicalised

omic crises

of the Peronist

to blossom trends

help

Firstly,

into

such events

hours

were

number of Further

services.

this

Labour which

four

Conin-

million

However,

1.

David Rock, "The Survival Century in the Twentieth

2.

Peralta

Ramos, op.

cit.,

out

that

and the

process labour

actecon-

and led

conjunctural, oligarchy

the new left-wing

why the radicalisation

must be pointed

of Peronist

the persistent

movement and here

a mass revolutionary

it

than

rather

to imperialism

Movement.

ample raw material

a minority

To them,

period.

capitalism

to explain

suggest

Yet only

politics. in

might

to be structural

appeared

them to add monopoly foe

same year,

working

by almost

it

2

workers.

for

of the

of Struggle)

workplaces

"rev-

dimensions

1964 when the General

(Plan Plan de Lucha a .

of some 11,000

occupation

insurrectional

and the public

came in

as the

5% of the average

over

industry

Lisandro

history

some 73 million

representing

resistance

Frigorffico

In September

of that

to the decision

opposition

labour

due to the near

per month in

1959. * January

to denationalise

Buenos Aires.

in

"great

in

strike

to militant

resorted

peak in

was to pass into

strike

strikes,

worked

volved

general

strike

general

workers

a periodic

administration

attained,

lost

situation,

reached

That

olutionary"

this

a powerful

of the Frondizi de la

to

It had been an 'Unpleas. had risen in monetary terms

reached of living

as a

tendency again

economic

was truncated.

resistance

to the

(ed. ), " in Rock Peronism, Argentina of (London: Duckworth, 1975), p. 205. p.

166.

failed

163 -

of post-1955

plans in

combativity

it

in

was reasserted before

1960's did

the offensive

days lost

through

Peronist

first

Left

1955 (5 million in

battles

major

268,000

in

but

of

the

1962).

left

resting

ý.

already not

in

for

just

decline

after

6 million

over

being

of the

here

upswing

the the

after

1960 and 1961,

on the sufferance

that

ended in

defeat.

unionists

was futile.

seen under

direct

the fact

and only

all

began to feel

sindical, the

opposition

1946-55

was in

These defeats,

that

these

the powerful Peronist

to rank-and-file

of a temporarily

of

and black-listing,

victimisation

It

was not

practically

There was a marked fall-off

the burocracia

the phenomenon of

appeared,

which

and life

1957,

by a dramatic

unemployment,

and many trade to governments

bureaucracy

year

demoralised.

many workers

opposition

1970's

as Danny James has commented,

1959 but

of that

initiatives

participation

the mid-

by the number of

in

in

in

of allowing

figures

days lost

million

here,

by even greater

followed

these

was followed

seen in

the militancy labour

1959,

it

1

What was important only

and early

of gestation

3.6 million

before

decline

be illustrated

the years

over

in

(1.5 1959

1960's

a highly

greatly

There was an important

1956,

it

late

can best

during

11 million

Capital),

Federal

After off

rise

have sugg-

analyses

of the advisability

tendency.

days in

1958 and over

of the

pattern

strikes

fell

opposition

the military

This

return.

Left

There was then another

1963-64.

much to persuade

Per6n's

labour

period,

by a gradual

characterised

by irregularity.

was characterised

1955-59

combative

was not

as many Peronist

and strength,

Rather,

ested.

governments

defeated

in

union

intransigent that

conditions trade

union

governments, sentiment

but

rerather

and cowed labour

Trade Unions, " Daniel James, "Power and Politics in Peronist Studies and World Affairs, Journal of Interamerican vol. 20, (February 1 1978), pp. 21-22. no.

164-

movement.

1

though

Secondly,

years

of history

on the stage

appearance term upturn

in

the economy,

Consumption

levels

(39.1% in grew

as opposed

41.1% in

2

1966).

increasing

The Illia

internal

structured,

than

al,

the workers'

Peronism

was thus

of the domestic

to

1965;

of

a policy

power of

In

market.

other

of some activin

of the workers

militancy Support

for

and hopes of advancement

undermined

of GNP

Movement been formally

Peronist

improved.

situation

share

industrialists

of the radicalisation

by the economistic

and encouraged

the

purchasing

and middle-order

on the health

as a result

partially

pursued

the

raising

small

had the Revolutionary

no sooner

39.1% in

of 1963-66

through

were affected.

as a percentage 1964;

its

of a short-

1964 and 1965 while

36.9% in

government

to benefit

depended

whose prospects

in

as workers

to capital,

1963;

consumption

the aim being

workers,

ists

37.2% in

1962;

so far

wages rose

and real

of wages and salaries,

in

1964,

the start

with

the

preceded

Movement in August

coincided

least

at

hardship

economic

Peronist

of the Revolutionary

creation

words,

of severe

gener-

revolutionary the

within

system

strengthened. Moreover, at

least

iod

though

in

clarity

1964, in

by economic the

sharp

Plan de Lucha,

the powerful feeble

Return

ations

Per6n's

return.

Left's

post-mortem

report

Ibid.,

2.

Peralta

need. contrast

produced Here,

Cit.,

This

150.

by its

little

in fully

failure

this

per-

particular

the relative

economistic

leaders

throughout

was seen with

between

on the miserable

p.

was-seen

of strikes

one cannot

passim. Ramos, op.

strike

majority

an entirely

Campaign which

for

1.

1959 general

the vast

as political,

were motivated

the

strengths

campaign,

and the

the way of mass mobilisaccept

the

Peroniet

of the latter,

which

of

165

it

ascribed

to

solely

the failure

Had there

been mass potential

struggle,

as opposed

to mount a massive

of the bureaucracy

to provide

support

for

a revolutionary

to a wage claim,

the

Left

Campaign of its

Return

Peronist been able

surely

would

a lead.

the bureau-

own, sidestepping

cracy. this

In workers

union

iences,

does not

from

or to be more accurate,

paradox

vanguard

of this

ically

militant

issues

without

changes in means unique

labour

political

decline

daily

struggles political

becomes easier

Of course,

the USA perhaps a factor

in

rev-

and exper-

experien-

of these

by a con-

to understand

the

and period-

over

workers,

economic

translated

the paradox

providing

that

workers'

to do battle

consciousness.

tended

vanguard

of a well-organized

case of most

was thus

organisation

one accepts

between

the

to Argentina,

Economic

in

that

whose leaders

generalization

existence

only

of the

If

were.

movement prepared

being,

political

revolutionary

it

exhibited

was the fact

unions

interaction

then the

period:

this

the

national

emerge from

and theoretical

ces and the analysis political

there

most

on the basis

structured

from an external

rather

here

Peronist

organs

of activists,

as having

key factor

was fundamentally

consciousness but

scious

2A

what political

group

be described

terms,

the power of the

to

counterpose

olutionary

Leninist

a smallish

There was no coherent

movement.

to dominate

from

apart

consciousness".

Peronism

post-1955 labour

in

could,

"trade

to

period,

is

the classic

into

by no example.

the emergence of the first

1.

Congress of For example, the resolution approved by the National Youth Rank-andMovement and Peronist Peronist the Revolutionary (6th-7th in Companero, no. 77. February 1965), published File (2nd fortnight 1965), p. 3. of February

2.

for fight"... the conviction of the need for combining in unions, to prevail the employers, ing against upon the and for trying etc. " - Lenin, government to pass laws necessary for the workers, What is to be Done? op. cit., p. 80.

1

166 _

revolutionary

tendency

new radicals

were also

59 Resistencia

idual

by their

termed

anti-Peronists

the

and militant

union

fatal,

proved provide in

for

a rapid

erships ing

were back in labour's

against This

it

emerge though in

its

quest

for

feeling

1.

union

tasks

hands,

economic

decline.

meant that

late

struggle,

1950's,

new political

but

they

axis

Command to of resistance fought

movement which

task

its

succCommando

control.

but more commonly

and direct

mainly

strength

The

action.

and weakness:

concentrated

initiatives

if

could

would be rivalled

power of leading in

lead-

upon fight-

organisation

such an organisation

young Peronists

but

Once the union

a new political

by the entrenched

The defeats

factors

National

of the Movement.

Peronist

leadership

the need for

was to advance. trade

also

By the

bureaucrats.

was both

a vacuum in which

created

this

accept-

of the main unions, by the Peronists

reconquest

the political

these

from military

propaganda

of the Resistance

basis

limited

also

in

as auxiliaries of sabotage,

operations

union

enabled

acted

had

years

When resistance

The principal labour

Rev-

of a generally

1959 strike,

of the unions

the recovery

times

at

engaged in

it

had been the Peronist

years

essfully

trade

leadership.

1955-

of indiv-

these

struggles,

of the Peronist 1

the

"Liberating

were full

uncertainty.

the January

the efforts

despite

some makeshift

those

units

a peak in

reached

during

the

the absence

command and programmatic

struggles

following

The

of activists.

experiences

1955 coup)

been marked by a lack, of coordination, ed national

a minority

Though the years

of resistance

acts

influenced

only

influenced

period.

(as

olution"

but

particular

the

Peronist

labour were Movement

of 1959 seemed to show the inadequacies

their

response

was not

solely

political.

For an account of the strike and the role of the Peronist de la Command in it, National see "Apuntes para una historic (Ia " Parte), En Lucha, del revolucionario y peronismo resistencia (February 1974). to 14 no. supplement

of

- 167 Military

or politico-military

Peronist

Youth members who saw guerrilla

development

of the

had ideological primitive in

lessons

to by the Tacuara

Justicialist

Secondary

Estudiantes

Secundarios

of

the relative

in

the

the

freedom

unions,

ensive

could

structures forms

advantage

of the new conditions

seriously

challenge

were necessary

for

At -the same time,

toral

for

elections, Professional labour

movement)

ation"

of

Left.

(Juven-

advantage

politically the

after

the reconquest

with

that

militants

of def-

New organ-

Movement was to take Frondizi

In return

Intransigent

Frondizi's

Associations

took

organise

and begin

of the Frondizi

the experience

on the incipient

the Peronists

under

de

Youth

the Movement forward.

offered

of

such as the

In general,

Peroniat

the

these

to

power.

marked impact support

take

if

forms

groups

among many Peronist

no longer

isational

to

in

Nationalist

University

were achieved,

was a feeling

up

exper-

Justicialista

The latter

respectively.

Resistencia the of aims there

(Agrupacibn

Frondizi

under

allowed

and universities

schools

immediate

JUP). -

taking

of struggle

semi-legal

the Peronist AJES) and -

Peronistas

Universitarias

tudes

in

particular.

Youth,

Grouping

Students'

This

guerrilla

by new organisations

were more common, practised

and

as methodological

Revolutionary

by the Peronist

Movement and to an extent activity

in

as well

the main form

was not

armed struggle

Though resorted

years.

ideas

Cuba and Algeria

were drawn from However,

began to study

and left-wing

countries,

other

for

by

mainly

period.

implications,

young militants

to,

as a continuation

of the Resistance

as methodological

guerrillerismo,

iences

struggle

commando activities

as well

looked

was also

organisation

were conceded (providing

and a 60% wage rise.

the CGT was delayed

until

for

for

amnesty,

a national However,

their

decisive

(UCRI) in

Radicals a general

government

the

the

elec1958

a new Lax of

reorganisation promised

1961 and legalisation

had a

of the

"normalis-

of the

- 168 -

Peroniat

Party

tracts

Lisandro

ico

foreign

eight

with

individual

terrorism

introduced

first

tion

del

people

In

action

generated,

military

provided

labour in

as an upsurge

and

pressures

1960,

the

CONINTES (CON-

for

military

jurisdic-

to Berisso,

and led

the intervenci6n

by Frondizi,

position,

Jostled

between

Frondizi

was obliged,

in

"betray"

the Peronist

Movement.

Peronist

demands without

by becoming

him.

ousting

Peronist

La Plata

and

of unions

and

Left

ing

romance with

foreign

foreign

for

major

role

which

he resorted

investors

demanded.

stability

could

also

not

to him was

other

with

were viewed of the

(developmentalist) in

capital

Despite

development not

the early

be ensured

hitting

on the other

reasons by the

for

incip-

counter-revolutionto its

and as related

those

project

develop-

a result

the

"stability"

concessions

by placating industrialists

involved

a

The repression

plans.

solely

of the need to create

but

and

capital.

to was therefore

pressures

not without

policies

pressures,

placate

opposition

the military

bourgeoisie

desarrollista

Frondizi's

popular

demonstration

industrial

of the

ary

repressive

-

an unenviable

do enough to satisfy

not

deposed by the military;

provide

as a clear

to both

office,

He could

he was in

and Peronist

military

puppet,

and thus

though

to retain

order

being

Prondizi's

nature

contending

a military

bound to increase

least

This

zones,

betrayed

felt

Peronists

.

ient

as well

in

Frigorff-

powerful

bowed to military

of terrorism

accused

of the

con-

of strikers.

arrests

hand,

the face

and then,

Plan.

EStado)

declared

Ensenada being

1959.

nation-

by signing

1958,

and by denationalising

companies

of Seige

on his

reneged

and during

1959, Frondizi

in

a State

INTerna

over

in

the latter

which

moci6n

oil

de la Torre

resistance

Frondizi

made before

of intent

statements

alist

In addition,

1962.

until

to

the labour

of military foreign

which labour,

that

movement,

who were Frondizi's

at main

- 169due to the

backers, in

policy

the

fiercely

while

overpowering,

combination but

in

reflection

isations,

taking

ground

armed groups,

hostile

the early

united

Peronism

legalise

tions

it

committing

the unforgivable

sanctioned

Peronist

finally

Frondizi tions,

his

Capital Jujuy

but

where they

successfully

won in

4 provinces

Peronists

trade

where militant Through tary

Per6n's

realized

backed

Andr6s

election

results that

prediction 1

we lose

everything".

gain

power by legal

means in

1962,

ists

felt

were left

with

if

for

we win,

that

they

intended

the

many leaders

to

They were forced but

this

1.

Per6n, quoted (Buenos Aires:

stance

challenge

should

and deposing we lose,

in

of that

direct

direct

participation

the system which for

1962 elec-

and official

of Buenos Aires governor. the miliAnd

we win nothing.

then proscribed but

elec-

When

Frondizi,

their

not be mistaken

in Fb1ix Editorial

province-, was elected

no option

in

one includes

Democrat)

a Christian

movement.

the Federal

(5 if

in

function

the

plus

of 4 provinces

Framini

labour

of winning. for

1963, many Peroneven if

action,

to their

a conversion

to re-

attempt

action

denied

the

remained

to participate

10 provinces

"If

organ-

and under-

the

in

sin

Frustrated

to concede legal

to compel the regime

it

the decisive

plus

unionist

the

annulling

in

surface

Peronism

participation

won control

neo-Peronists

because

and allow

was successful

own party

unviable

were created.

force

to

Due to

Frondizi's

proved

both -

a dual

national

dura.

concessions,

majoritarian

He was unable without

Left

failed

eventually

and reasonably

ultimately

political

its

government,

to repression,

a response

project

on his

Peronist

of his

pursued

linea

combative

and repression

advantage

Frondizi's

its

pressures

-conflicting

Frondizi

to domesticate

attempting

repressing

of assimilation

gained

the economy.

of

state

to Peronism,

relation

leadership

poor

was just Movement.

them participation, of the

Luna, De Perlin a Lanusse 1943-1973 Planeta Argentina, 1973)v p. 138.

170-

to revolutionary

leadership to lead,

in

rise

in

factor

to terms

the

with Both

ation.

demoralisation of the

leaders)

increased

the political

union

leaders,

and stark

class

classical not

mean a total

its

subordination

Growing

towards shake-up

in

associated

current

was the dominant

long

cratic at

least

Peronist

trousers)

tendency its

in

challenge the slogan

at which

was coined. increasingly

leaders,

governments,

within instead

to trade

gave way to the Though this it

action,

between

the

did mean

making

them down.

"soft"

and "hard"

the January

lines

by the

were affected

(the

did

into

governments

to bring

Metalworkers'

with

and the

tendency led

1959 strike

Peronist

of

labour

to a

grouping),

such as Amado Olmos, by 1963 Vandorism,

militants

influence

was to openly

Congress, got

for

color-

return

acting".

seeking

Although

political

1959 defeats

industrial

62 Organisations

the Peronist

and to promotion

Vandor

demands.

moderating

to come

prepared

strategies while

even some "hard-liners"

though

Peronism,

developed

subscribed

of the more conciliatory

of pressurising

than

was the

which

complete

weight

of militant

rather

Left

its

the

confrontation

to a strategy

conflict

followed

or help

direction.

whatever

of "negotiate

abandonment

concessions,

partial

the

tactic

day,

lead,

the Peronist

of

1961 (i. e. its

union

Vandorist

that

i. e. those -

which

CGT in

however

movements of currents

of the

government

the

"normalisation"

emergence

or "integrationism"

"participationism"

to

the

and labour

the Peronist

in

number of activists

a significant

A further

did

It

strategies.

the

Union

leader

CGT leadership.

the authority

Augusto

sought

of Perbn at the Avellaneda

1960's

a place

the institutional of a return

later,

Two years

(Now we've

Ya tenemos iantalones'largos As the

Vandor,

for

progressed, the labour order

of

this

movement,

established

Peronism

bureauor

by non-

and Per6n to

-171I

power.

In order it

should

cases

the union

had assassinated

they

after

and often

for

concessions and it

bureaucrats,

corrupt

their

seem that

would

were the top priority tants, ive

it

leftism"

of Vandorism

1.

2.

3.

in

before

the

typical

" though

his a few days

privileged

had to win some material

rather

their than

Even for

most workers.

fairly

reputations

posts

the return

over

time,

of Perlin

the minority

of mili-

of the formerly

combat-

became sullied.

To some extent, "reflex

for

Jos6 Rucci,

becoming

after

to retain

such concessions

was some time

bureaucrats

leaders

order

were in many

by the Montoneros,

Moreover,

union

members in

it.

bureaucrat,

recognised

him.

for

CGT, was another

today's -

2

1960's

Even Vandor had been a

1950's.

of the

belatedly

of the

imprisonment

militant

was only

record

early

Secretary

"yesterday's

of

late

and suffered

activist

to be General

example

the bureaucrats

the of

militants

to Vandor was not stronger,

why opposition

be remembered that

Resistencia later

to understand

the advent

i. e. a response the Peronist

of the Peronist and reaction

Movement.

3

Per6n's

Left

was an example

to the growing initial

of

threat

patronage

of

left-wing tendencies Some non-Peronist gave this trend their critPalabra Obrera, of Trotskyist ical orientation, support. saw it as independence. Though this political a move towards working-class it was seen by many Peronists support was "critical", as left-wing Vandor Left's and yet another example of the classical of approval , See Ernesto Gonzfilez, to Perbn. hostility op. cit., p. 107. "Ante la muerte de Jose Rucci, " El Descamisado, no. 20 (2nd October he was not a bad type. He 1973), pp. 2-3: "Rucci was a good lad... The same editorial had his history of resistance, of prison". also to the militant records of Vandor and Coria during the referred they had arrived "They were loyal, Resistencia in the years: the union rank-andand they represented unions through elections by pre-Montoneros Vendor was assassinated in 1969 and Rucci file". El Descamisado was the Montonand Coria by Montoneros in 1973-4. ero weekly of 1973-4. discussion For further see Daniel James, "The of this notion, Left, Peronist 1955-1975, " Journal of Latin American Studies, (1976), 8. 2 no. pp. 273-296. vol.

-172-

his

left-wing

threat

was certainly

to establish that

to discover

for

account

the rise

he did

enge and Perbn's the

least

in

of the Left;

growth

form

embryonic

explanations

itical

exclusion "Reflex

these

became dominant,

fight

conscientiously

the small workers,

which

small

unions

union

struggle

dominated

lead

Pharmaceutical Union.

the

Due to by the

in his

Workers,

The younger

the mid-

20's

in the

cold,

demands led bureaucracy that

batallions,

and Ricardo

leaders

were less

hardship,

in

pol-

the case

political

leader

such young failed of

leaders

of

of trade leadership elected

to

the age of 25, Jorge of the Association

de Luca of the Naval affected

to.

the Metal-

the

a radical

at

Merely

which

like

limitations

Workers

sindical

the interests

the

when elected

and as

to late-1950'x,

here were Gustavo Rearte,

of Soap and Perfume

at

arose,

the CGT and 62 Organisations,

Cases in point

also

conflict

out

the fact

to recognise

both

had been present,

basic

big

chall-

it

As the burocracia

dominant

and to see the need for

the Federation

Di Pasquale,

with

suddenly

were more important.

unions.

members'

How-

Vandor's

such as economic

were left

their

were well-placed

and organisation.

Left

Per6n-Vandor

the smaller

were ignored

unions

latter

who emerged in

interests.

their

the

leaders

confrontations

to represent

the

tactical

important.

to have been most important

for

support-

to counter

and militants

inspiration

militants

than

Perbn's

appears

leading

those

was soon

became troublesome.

factors

and international

leftism"

into

birth

of its

of the new young union especially

the

did

nor

Left

to satisfactorily

was momentarily

however

before

the

rather

fails

Left,

to the Left

resort

causal

leaders

the Peronist

create

but

tendency.

to the Left

the sky as soon as Vandor

drop from

aided

leftism"

of the revolutionary

adhesion

not

Per6n",

was manipulative

"reflex

by Vandor's

stimulated

action

without

patronage

however,

and opportunistic ever,

a "Peronism this

By itself,

ive.

a reflex

of

Construction

by the demoralisation

and

173 -

Date on the limited

that

fellow

Nationalist largely

of

hit

both

Touth,

(Confederaci6n

and early

between

1960's workers

of devaluation student

to

organisation

was

the Peroniden-

and petty-bourgeois 1

policies. in

General

the

with

Revolutionary

due to a growing

organisation,

Universitaria

which

Tacuara his

a

along

who had moved into

youths and early

possibly

privation

that

so

relating

members,

economic

is

- CGU),

The reappear-

the form

of the

University 2

a small

may also influx

was to become a flood

Confederindicate

of petty-bour-

by the late

1960's

1970's.

Whether

changes in class

ideas

of left-wing emergence

their

Left

statements

a member of the

successor

General

a trickle

recruits,

to. have

Peronist

Youth

Movement was experiencing

the Peronist

geois

1950's

university

University

Peronist

tended

governments,

early

an interview

by the effects

ance of a Peronist

that

in

interest

socio-economic

sectors,

ation

hand,

composed of petty-bourgeois the late

the

of

and suffered

Movement revealed

Movement in

tity

class

On the other

workers.

Peronist

early

Peronist

Several

were working

majority,

though

to make definitive

impossible

is

it

the

of

composition

class

to rädicalisation.

class

ist

the wake of defeats,

was limited.

of which

experience

in

impressions

idealised

rather

in

set

which

cynicism

took

drawn towards of the historical Communist Party

within

place

in

Peronism failure

composition

Peronism this

or not,

Movement.

because

of its

and crisis

had been discredited

contributed it

was no accident

Radical-minded proletarian

of the through

al Movimiento Revolucionario (8th 63 September 1964), no.

to the emergence

its

recruits

constituency

traditional support

Nacionalista p. 4.

that

Left. for

the

were and because The the

1955

Tacuara, "

1.

"Reportaje Compafiero,

2.

The CGU was the old Peronist created in 1950. organisation student by the Juventudes UniversitIt was dissolved in 1962 and replaced (JÜP), not to be confused with the pro-Montonero Peronistas arias (JIJP). Juventud Universitaria Peronista

174-

tegration,

at its

initiated

was an influx

there

Left.

the that

the Socialist

coup whereas

military

traditional

nationalist

nationalist

movement with

Per6n's

many of Perbn's

years,

for

in

2

1962 in

party

and in

enabling

is

no indication

in

Latin

the

American

Left

reasons

In the early

the Left,

Left

were being

direct

value

There

of any

used by Per6n

Per6n's

line.

at face

were accepted

momentar-

Peronists.

Peronist

back into

Grande

Peronist

albeit

and orthodox

they

1960's,

quasi-

by the youthful experience

cognitive

of

power.

Lastly,

jected.

and encouragement

of a revolutionary

that

were

rhetoric

programme of Huerta

most of whose members had little in

as a

the Resistencia

"1

of the first

cadres

Left

contained

goal....

as legitimate

the Vandorists

pronouncements

revolutionary

Peronism

of its

to bring

an attempt

tendency,

part

During

strengthened

the literature

in

on the

building

the

to Peronism

of the Peronist

of resistance.

the

enormously

them to appear

ily,

awareness

for

calling This

1963.

the basic

left-wing

1960's

and early

how reactionary

and directives

the

towards

base.

Cuban example.

being

in approving

he went further

1950's

just

emergence

as mass forms

as well

guerrilla

the

statements

Revolution

"Social

about

in

the same period,

evolved

were and looked

a mass popular

and the

encouragement

the late

realised

organisations

factors

in

who rapidly

was in

of nationalists

group

Two final

it

below,

a phase of disin-

Moreover,

1958 Congress.

of young nationalists

As argued

a small

has entered

Party

Though its stated

in

Cuban revolutionaries' with

a new revolutionary

impact the first

was not chapter,

in

victory

immediately it

did

1959 provided

model to be acclaimed felt gradually

within

CPC,

2.

See Appendix

B on 'Early

Radical

Peronist

Programmest.

or re-

Peronism,

acquire

11: 383-

1.

the

Peronist

for

175 The Cuban experience

sympathisers. the new Peronist

from a struggle

divorced

which for

success

Left

others, instead

that

eration

As in

its

especially

island

trade

contingents,

of

of the Peronist

labour

their

placed

influenced

strongest

other

to predomin-

adapted

by part

the

the

was the possibility

Foouismo,

union

be

had to be

case of Cooke,

more readily

possessed

no longer

could

was adopted

on mass struggles,

persuading

anti-imperialism

the

strategy.

conditions,

Argentina

that

in

role

struggle

the Caribbean

from

emanated

Argentine

while

emphasis

Socialism;

an armed guerrilla

urban

antly

for

to be meaningful.

anti-capitalist influence

the national

that

radicals

a vital

played

by the

considLatin

movement in

America.

All

these

of

Left

Peronist

original

and the need for the behaviour

factors

tendency,

of the

more overtly

came together

Movement.

Analysis

tendency below

before

trade

in

as expressed

of their

an explanation

Movement,

through

were factors

union

of the first

allies

failure

is

in

who conPeronist

Peronist

Youth

and of the views

Comrafero,

the

of Vandorism

the Revolutionary

organization, Nationalist

Revolutionary

decline

economic

reformist

of

the ascendancy

only

to

the Left

with

of that

as a whole

though

the radicalisation

in

a part

response

a militant

ditionally

and Tacuara

played

of the

be presented

will

offered.

THE FIRST PERONIST YOUTH 1 / / ESTOS SON LOS MUCHACHOS DE PERON" "AQUI ESTAN

Little tud

Peronista

analysts, into 1.

JP). -

largely

a mass youth Early lads".

known about the initial

is publicly

Peronist

It

has attracted

due to its

failure

movement.

Moreover,

Youth

chant:

"Here

scant

they

from

attention

to grow from hard

data

are,

Youth (Juven-

Peronist

political

a band of activists is

unavailable

these

are

they,

- no Perbn's

176 -

internal

their

the

Gustavo

to Companero and the press

sent

leading

decided

when a few dozen youths

as the official

themselves

bestowed

the

upon itself

Peronist

youths corner

to stone

the offices

together placing

in

line.

When Perbn ordered

ential

election

leader's stance,

of that

a positive combative

to 24.7% in

protest sectors

the previous

year

to a small

group

of

and occasion-

their

first

than

campaign

to the for

JP, doubting for

They began to act

newspapers.

vote

and attracted

Command of Corr-

"Central

developments

a conditional

rather

had

which

political

1958,

campaigned

order-bearers,

Movement.

Buenos Aires

relation

the

and re-

a group

with

1957

or on a central

camp in

year,

activities

referred

in

a bar

in

of establishment

the dissident

the end of

of the Peronist Caride

demythicized,

JP in

of Caride

of

I

at

their

name of the

the latest

the name of the

them in

existence

previously,

who met regularly to discuss

street

1.

This,

thumb sketches

JP memoirs

section

like

cadres

and communiqu6s

political

coordinate

grandiose

and Esmeralda".

ientes

to

letters

about

one can base

that

to disentangle.

came into

youth

together

Some of them had acted

general,

are hard

Youth

leading All

graves.

and committed

fact

Peronist

The first

gard

their

with

and details

gone with

JP papers,

in

and the brief

militants

myth and historical

which

other

to

on are a few infrequent

an analysis

ally

Caride

and Carlos

Rearte

its

to the frequency

and many memories

have unfortunately

JP experience

first

in marked contrast

were arrested;

editors

seem to exist;

or membership

activities

were infrequent,

publications which

of its

records

the

a blank

vote

the presidof their

This

intransigent

a mere abstention,

when the blank

in

integrity

vote.

9.5% of the

Peronist

official

Frondizi

ironically

total

was shared vote,

was official

by

as opposed Peronist

"Yo la muerte del general Is senti como la muerte Carlos Caride, (9th (Buenos " La Peronista Aires), 1 Causa de un compaEero, no. July 1974), PP. 42-43.

177 for

policy

Peronist

Youth

slogans,

tracks.

More significant, strikes

in

ation unions,

The first

the

unions,

and Naval

of the Movement and the

to his

young supporters Their

tencia. ated

in

true

that

appeared

Perlin,

from

communication

Only in a letter

account

in Tucumän,

of it

1.

Dario Canton, (Buenos Aires:

2.

Caride,

the Youth

in

over

as their

small

some reward.

Youth Execu-

was created. and including

Vegetable in

suit

the

of Di Pasquale's

size

Oil

Workers'

lending

material

to the authority

it

1960 did in which

government, provided

the Youth receive leader

"acted its

first

gave recognition

them on their

role

but was later

grossly

by Caride.

written

it

was operating,

the

of

the disorganisation

given

practice,

in which

Elecciones artidos Siglo XXI Argentina

cit.

contacts,

was subordinate

insignificant

the Prondizi

"during

valuable

Buenos Aires

followed

and congratulated

was not

role

the partisan

op.

conditions

branch".

as an independent

but

Council,

Superior

control

2

Youth

the Peronist

particip-

Peronist

Workers',

unions,

1960's.

early

In theory, Peronist

Telephone

Workers'

was their

where the Peronist

by their

such as on railway

on the premises

Union,

the

petards

facilities

and Greater

Woodworkers',

the

in

acquired

distinguished

Construction

assistance

the

Workers'

generally

Shoemakers',

to reaffirm

JP were held

the Capital

for

small-scale,

they

which

of the

Pharmaceutical

Committee

Other

still

into

activities

and exploding

and the use of union

plenaries

militant tive

through

recruits

young worker

though

themselves

small-scale

leaflets

and the struggles

activities

integrated

through

distributing

painting

elections.

rapidly

activists

of the Resistencia

tasks

general

Convention

the Constituent

I

It

in

the Resisexagger-

is

probably

when the Uturunco

guerrilla

combatants",

politicos Editores,

but

the claim

en la Argentina 1973) p. 73.

that

- 178"worked

Youth

the

Such

tasy.

as its

participated

Peronista),

given Peronist

in

(Uniion

in

following ity

in

literature

as

Andinos)

seems

the

part

took

fact

to as comandos,

tasks

their

even though

in nature,

(guerrilla

operativos guns from

This

hailed

as the prototype

action,

a decade later,

Gustavo

2

Rearte.

were coninteados

ation Peronist

the

In all,

1960-63

Youth.

period

to

else-

Guerrillas" as a guerr-

acted

in "in

led

Torre,

to

the

be

reliabil-

1958,

we also

by Borro",

which

some 30 members, as a result

illustrates

Though the JP, in

than

military armed

of two machinethe start

in Argentina, operativos

of was later

which

outcome was the arrest Rulli,

Hector

of or during

of

and

the execution

weakened the

the numerical to its

Spina

took

the leadership,

including

seriously

addition

were referred

small-scale

base at

kind

of similar

this

rather

seizure air

of its

Jorge

That

units

engaged in

immediate

only

- i. e. arrested

CONINTES Plan.

of Frondizi's in

its

Envar El Kadri,

including

JP leaders

that

political

military

of a multitude but

Andino

themselves

organisational

such as the

the first

possibly

Mendozan

(Ej6rcito

confidence

de la

occasionally

of the Ezeiza

1960.

place

Youth

operations)

a guardpost

have

statement

were primarily

they

the

fan-

of

1959.1

Peronist

Though the basic

the

is

that

Andean

considered

Nor

Lisandro

of

January

in

place

by

boosted

occupation

youths

realm

referred of

to

never

the

Army"

"Union

the

Che.

el

of

account

in

Mendozan

a few

claim

organisation,

chimerical

footsteps

the

Caride's

of

took

Left

to

Andean

"Peronist

that

if

even

the

the

with

that

de Guerrilleros force,

illa

on a par

in

belongs

apparatus"

is

an allegation

JP comrades

where

urban

organis-

weakness

of the first

Buenos Aires

stronghold,

1.

Ibid.

2.

law student Jorge in this period, Envar El Kadri was a university became later journalist, Rearte Rulli a and who veterinary student a Peronist impoverished from leader. Caride trade an came union a boy the family at age of 15. messenger a post-office and was

179 -

had branches

C6rdoba,

in

Santa

and Mendoza by the early

Fe,

to take the

which

full

leaders, slogan, cruitment

the

until

quent

a Peronist

came after

in

Youth-General

attacked

by members of the right-wing

The level tant

determinant

of State

even in years

then

of relative

was resolved

incident,

spent

repression

disunity, political after

the

Carideo allegedly

the next

four

prevented

liberalisation. 1962 elections

for

convicted on the basis

years

to

had been

rising

the of

in prison. was an impor-

however,

substantial

was the growth

Though a first by the expulsion

nal

crisis

1.

to one source, in this the Federal Police period for brigades Youth. persecution of the Peronist special Comisario Inspector Romeo Pepino, was the man commander, de in 1962. See "Soy peronista Caride como se es hincha de Boca, " a homage to Gustavo Rearte, El Descamisado no. July 1973), p. 9. According

1961 as

meeting

time

Even more crucial, which

in

His arrest

military

at any particular

1

of JP fortunes. political

organisation's

the

with

as a common delin-

Confederation

Tacuara.

polit-

were released,

of security.

1956 Peronist

of the

testimonies,

may have had some re-

It

the Executive

University

sixth

her attackers'

the

campaign with

prisoners

in charge

placed

of Norma Melena during

the

Arms! "

had joined

mark the

killing

intermediate-level

1962 and regarded

Caride

anniversary

and re-

seem to have become a significant

jailed

Secretary,

Organisational

canvassing

former

1963 when the political

by the authorities.

was

rump of the JP, now tempor-

into

Box or with

Youth

and the opportunit-

political

and other

does not

but

of Carideo

exception

legal

enthusiastically

the Ballot

success,

force

Caride

itself

"Through

for

the Peronist

1962 elections

the non-coninteado

by Carlos

launched

the

of

offered

occasion

directed

ical

advantage

Nevertheless,

cruitment. arily

Tucumän, La Roja

have had more than a handful

cannot

öf key members,

Due to the imprisonment

ies

it

1960's,

Corrientes,

in most places.

of activists

unable

Chaco,

interof a

had Their to arrest Gardel o 8 (10th

ISO-

"participationist" iately

National

an intended which

by a more obscure

followed

The first

Peronist

of the

only

reorganisation, the Peroniet

Peronista

JRP) led -

Movement (Movimiento

de la

Lima,

Brito

Youth,

far

was immed-

Revolutionary by Gustavo

from

crisis.

producing

a second fracture

produced

Juventud

this

more damaging

and certainly

JP into

the

Revolucionaria Youth

Congress

national

broke

by Alberto

led

sector

I

Youth

Rearte,

Peronista

(Juventud Peronist

and the

MJP) led -

by Envar

El Kadri.

the

Although in

JRP was to mation

on this

of these El Kadri's

than

grew there

to the

Prior

in

JP leader,

having

Justicialist

and theoreticians,

1.

Confusion

over

that

even after

that

suggest

only

does appear the

issues

the MJP, either

there

because

because

1963 split,

the

1P had not

Roberto

Viglino,

the

of infor-

the Left's

provided

the split,

or possibly

an interview

to have been

at stake

is

continued

to

for

the

sympathy

JRP members "entered"

combined radical

become bourgeois,

liberation

of liberalism "our

group.

For example,

contradictions.

national

clouded

the MJP on

raids.

recruitment

leaders

Compafiiero, the Left

inside

battle

be a Left-Right JRP line

fact

by the

strengthened

are

the main source

though

events,

split

accurately

Unfortunately,

disputes,

and related

this

in

stake

at

JP offspring

of the MJP.

the Left

interpretation larger

names of the

the

obscurity,

issues

specific

and talk

struggle

and the need for system

calls

and lack

statements trade

revolution",

dismissal

of differentiation

Brito Lima, as leader'of the fascist de Organizaci6n 0), de later was -C Left in the on the Peronist attacks

of political

a Buenos Aires

of capitalist

a "total

of ideas",

for

been free

of

about

union

trade

leadership

crisis, with the Left

between

Provincial union of the

the decline loyalty

to

as talkers

Cuban and

Organizational Command (Comando for terrorist responsible 1973-76 period.

-181I

Venezuelan

"liberation"

ion,,

does seem to have been fairly

there

experiences.

revolutionary ism,

outlined

some sections

leadership,

pursuing

socialist

Northern

Zone Peronist

created

line

ever is

it

clear

It cribed

the abortive

Peronist

Youth

the coup-making

On one occasion,

attacks existence

plans

of Peronist (Centro

held,

was being

on churches

of a communist

1.

Companero,

2.

"Una Estrategia 1963).

no.

3,

"threat"

(21st

However,

members before

the

and Caride,

leanings.

ibid.,

with

the Centre

de Is Resistencia "The Great

some JP assistance in an attempt

no.

COR). -

Mission

(9th

of

organised

to demonstrate in

16

several

had been involved

associated

to the authorities,

"

to

have been des-

the hope that

June 1963).

Revolucionaria,

which1963,

organisation

in November 1960,

called

centres

Move-

"the

had socialist

all

de Operaciones

the COR with

and religious

not

officers

when a religious'festival

to be

also 2

called

united.

Ifiguez

Rulli

including

Operations

of Resistance

clearly

coup of General

activists,

for

nominally

but

Peronists,

as militant

which

and workers,

Youth

party

Capital,

Strategy"

by 1963 most JP members could

that

appear

would

Buenos Aires"

remain

and still

Up until

in

of Peronist

of the

a workers'

enemies but

external

i. e. a of Peron-

was the Federal

was too much diversity

there

that

building

JP for

of CompaFero.

strategy

has become bourgeois".

was most representative

a Congress

hold

which

the line

independently

to eventually

only

the

rank-and-file

organisations

point

confus-

within

alternativista

based on the youth

oppose not

leadership

for

"A Revolutionary

Youth's de Base,

to

order

support

proletarian

A case in

ends.

national

ment's

a view

with

the Orpanizaci6n in

base-level

to develop

Peronist

for

based on the

strategy

seeking

a clear

such ideological

broad

Grande and afterwards

the programme of Huerta Indeed,

Despite

October

the

- 182 -

the

latter

the

anti-Marxism

provided

to Perlin least

of at the falle

after

of the event,

igators report

which

guard

Socialist

Party

Cuban Embassy in

Intelligence

Services'

What is

of interest

charges

through

confuse

Mallese,

Felipe

first

its

a machine

denied

Communist Party Elias

"the

Seman,

Di Pasquale from

was concocted

Delinquents". to

responded

any joint

doctrinal

the

activities

invention

as a police

doubt

Mallese,

in his

He remained for

of the Regional

Police

union

friendship

designed

integrity

to

of their

Gasc6n shootings.

who thus born in

post

of San Martin

Vallese

Alberto died

the Gascbn affair

the JP metropolitan

members.

with

followed

which

and became a: union

won concessions

close

police,

martyr.

operator

few months.

2.

in

a member of

by the

napped and killed

1.

the report

the persecution

was during

It

of his

they

Youth

a

Van-

with

"Who's Who of Subversive the Peronist

invest-

network

the Maoist

the list

was

produced

subversive

of

2

leaders".

with

Police

Cooke, Jorge

probability,

a communiqu6 in which

the masses by placing

Youth

and Gustavo Rearte

John William

that

is

and dismissed

Marxists

that

here

Peronist

were killed,

Norma Kennedy,

Montevideo,

the

indication

1962.

an incredible

Peronist

In all

Another

Padre Hernän Benitez,

members,

celebrities.

of July

two policmen

to discover

and other

with

of the first

sectors

in which

the right-wing

State

salvation.

JP members such as Alberto

linked

members,

for

Gascbn shootout

purported

which

the

look

would

1

after

Youth

1940, had begun work in (delegado)

four

years

His abduction in August Rearte, nine

the Peronist

provided

delegate for

was kid-

executive,

1958 as just

after

and during

that

a time

by the Mobile

Brigades

1962 was probably

a result

sought

by police

for

the

days of unsophisticated

"La Historia de un Peronista, " El Descamisado, no. ruary 1974), pp. 4-7. About Caride. La Raz6n (Buenos Aires), 19th and 22nd July 1962.

40 (19th

Feb-

183 .. became an important

but

interrogation,

and the Movement in was to

took

kidnapping

have revealed

trade

place,

the Metalworkers'

that

The traditional theory

of the

on the

first

JP, but

common sympathy stance

to that

Guevarist

section

Che, a periodical World

and Third Walsh,

2

Left,

who saw it

to the Left

1.

2.

was also

orientation,

on the part for

by sectors

the first

1972,

when the

pedigree in an

mobilise

speaking opened its This

the

probably

Party

the

to links

(Partido

PSV, of both

both youth

as a national

of

of the

Party.

Guevarist Rodolfo

like

a positive

be-

Socialista

Socialist

pages to Peronists

of the former

sectors

was some sub-

referred

old Argentine

represented

time

between

mark

1960's, based on

which

for

made its

obviously

There

Socialist

of the

characteristic

the early

in

from

a splinter

unofficially

fact

in

and red,

Gasc6n report

of the

Left

some convergence

"New Left"

Cooke and Benitez.

ment of Peronism

yankee

and the Vanguard

PSV), -

did

Cuban Revolution.

the

for

tween JP militants de Vanguardia

there

Peronist

of Peronism,

anti-Marxism

two imperialisms,

and the

Peronism

Union

in

established

1

life.

to save Vallese's

attempt

of impeccable

writers

Youth

had done nothing

bureucracy

union

Peronist

the

Though the second JP,

general.

the

that

claim

for

symbol

reassess-

traditional

movement,

and a shift

of Peronism.

) ("To "In this period " la muerte..., Caride wrote that, op cit. Vallese, the Youth lost one of its best cadres, Felipe a comrade fought the delegate his in against metalworkers' capacity as who (Metalworkers' Union). That UOM that led the bureacratic sectors to secure his reappearance, nor defend was why the UOM did nothing today him when the police although accused him of being a communist, That the UOM did in fact they seek to use his name as a banner". in Rodolfo Ortega Pena & Eduardo try to help Vallese is revealed (Buenos Sistema Aires: Proceso Felipe Vallese: L. Duhalde, al (1965) first In fact the Sudestada, Editorial 1967), p. 37. edition by the UOM. of this book was published Rodolfo Walsh, Left Peronist journalist and author of Operaci6n 1972), about the 1956 de la Flor, Masacre (Buenos Aires: Ediciones executions of Peronist rebels, was kidnapped on 25th March 1977 junta. to the military after writing an open letter

184Left-Right

JRP and sections

Rearte's of

antagonisms

MJP appear, In May 1964,

CompaHero published

Command of the MJP which

cial Kadri

for

trying

El Kadri

friends

his

Rearte,

delegates

Another plenary

of the same journal

edition

as an attempt

representative, policy

and to attack

meeting, Iturbe

time

this allegedly

a more moderate Student

League,

force,

also

the Peronist

Grouping,

the

Peronist

Revolutionary

Commands of the Federal

"La Juventud Comyanero,

El Kadri),

Comyanero,

Brito

backing

Students

their

(Envar

in Buenos Aires

ary

declared

care

A second attempt

dissidence.

provincial

loyality

with

It

failed. University

the Tacuara

Capital

provincial

in Rosario

with

at

which

Peronista de Santa Fe Denuncia (26th 48 May 1964). no.

Command

failed

due to

a similar

sham

leader

to convert by the

the JP into Peronist

the Justicialist Nationalist

leadership

a Falsos

SecondMovement,

Command and all

Buenos Aires,

to a new Buenos Aires

the

of the MJP.

National

was repudiated

and Greater

and

the rigged

Peronist

right-wing

9th July

to

leaders

organising

Youth,

Fe,

his

to get a conciliatory

attempts

Revolutionary the

loyalty

of his

Lima in an attempt

Youth,

of the

interpreted

by Vandor,

Elcadre"

him of be-

Santa

their

as national

orthodoxy".

with

rebellion

declared

and Ibarra,

"Elmar

approved

who disagreed

from most provinces.

sections,

Spina

a "stupid

had packed a meeting

authority,

Vandor.

with

Command of El

to accept

a powerful

of the

the Santa Fe Provin-

the National

those

all

with

provincial

other

left-wingers,

Rosario

faced

excluding

while

presumably

accused

and then,

commands against

a communique from

sectors

and the rest

to have aided

account,

denounced

Gustavo

the most dynamic

El Kadri

while

the MJP as a whole

to get

had apparently

Marxists

ing

1.

Movent,

to the Left's

according

1963, with

of the MJP becoming

Peronist

the Revolutionary

the JP in

split

the JP

who in

turn

of Rearte,

Dirigentes,

"

1

185 Spina

and Salvide,

Certainly

then,

Ibarra,

sisted

the

after

MJP) split for

struggle

year

national

the

control

over

would

seem that

the

weight

aid

which

but

banner

organisation

but

faction

gained

being

from

winning

complete Here it by 1964,

a minority

by the material

was qualified trade

pro-Vendor

a maj-

outlook.

was in

dispute

Left-Right

to establish

political

faction

(JRP-

Left-Right

the Left

per-

partisan

by a further

unable

its

and unify

the El Kadri

the

followed

of the FIJP, with

of numbers in the internal that

differences

drawn from

that

suggests

was immediately

control

though

1964.1

The above account,

to their

of activists

ority

in January

and maybe personality

corrobation,

that

of

political

1963 split.

requires

sources,

elected

union

and political

leaders.

Much less

Youth

University that

its

the university

of the Peronist

organisations

sister

ing

known about

is

its

anticipated

Youth

later

and secondary

in

this

The Peronist

period.

pro-Montonero

student

in declar-

egivalent

was to brings

mission

halls "to the lecture of the Liberal, oligarchic and ci aa University, presence - i. e. a national a combative Peronist The raison d'etre presence. revolutionary of such and in a struggle a presence is the need to link the student of the working people". manner to the struggle concrete By June 1964, essed

groups

group

in

Fairly the

in

five

Congress

Students

of the University

of Moron and groups

had been established

received

in

messages of solidarity

Grouping,

"La JP no se presta (14th April 1964).

a National

held

organisation

faculties

the University

new groups

Secondary

1.

when the

al

the Peronist

juego

de los

in

it

of Buenos Aires,

possa

two Santa Fe faculties.

seven

other

from Student

traidores,

Congress,

Moreover,

cities.

the Justicialist League and the

" ibid.,

no.

42

186 -

Apart

shared

to Perön's

their

from

Left

the

they

which

sufficient

dominance

to establish

student

and secondary

versity

flict

which

have been a significant Given

evokes

strategy detect

also

of individual

possibility

militants they

1.

shift

thought

the early

military

expecting

between

during

refusal

but

these

ideas

the vagueness, the

early

coup.

early

one can 1960's. and

out the General

years,

Gradually,

of military

(19th (2nd May June 1964). 47 & 1964) 49 no.

must

on

strikes

even after the

con-

organisations.

of clear

in

it

there

since

JP by no means ruled

a Peronist

by the repeated

of the uni-

of factional

insurrections,

restoration,

occasions

some way towards

especially

despite

of popular

tend-

achieve

available,

the kind

thinking

strategic

terms

On several

became disillusioned

Ibid.,

in

in

could

affairs

not

the absence

However,

terrorism,

were mobilised,

overlap

confusion,

no surprise.

of a Peronist

1956 coup failure.

Youth,

membership

political

an important

Though it acts

the

is

organisations

the way in

of like-minded

the internal

about

the Peronist

debilitated

line

Movement went

they were exempt from

if

be surprising

would

and some co-

Montonero

federation

Peronist

"betray-

of hegemony and political

a crisis

a solid

Information

goal.

later

the

in

Grande,

JP in

the

with.

no one political

the Revolutionary

organisat-

denounced

declarations

united

seem that

would

students'

They also

joint

were unified

such unity:

this

attaining

from

apart

prevented

though

groups,

it

and "popular"

to the programme of Huerta

organically

were never

Here again,

differences

but,

organisations

similar

ency.

devotion

JP's

a "national"

and secondary

and to the Plan de Lucha.

return

operation,

programmes for

the university

by the bureaucracy

als"

Movement.

specific

both

system,

education ions

Nationalist

Revolutionary

Tacuara

I

Valle's

JP however,

officers

to

- 187to their

accede

had not

time ibilities ive

come for

yet

of Tartagal,

A combination

in Salta,

in JP strategic

became central about

firmed

by the military

the viability

between

lationship

defined

never

this

than

abortan

2nd Regi-

erences

within

the

leading

cadres

in

guerrilla with

the Tacuara

able

support

whom there

in

the

Revolutionary JP's

was the

Youth

which

monolithically historical the role

Several

Peronist

Northern

of weapons.

then,

left-wing

but

rather

1.

Personal interview 14th October 1976.

which with

was not

many of its a former

since

heterogeneity,

nor a powerful

importance

Youth

they

of

came to urban

was cooperation had consider-

Buenos Aires,

and with

I

a picture

1958 but

which,

of a due

by 1964 was still

political

so much the early cadres

own diff-

political

what emerges is

had grown and developed own political

crippling

the year

of their

a guerrilla

Movement which

covering

exchange

was

in

armed actions,

Nationalist

evidence

however,

especially

The nearest

period.

re-

due to the imprisonment

and partly

Zone I,

occasional

and its

to repression

due to the

from isolated

From the available Peronist

partly

1960-63

apart

the

The specific

was upon mass insurrection.

organisation

warfare,

the emphasis,

of launching

1962 when

to power seemed con-

results.

the idea

armed actions

after

and mass struggles,

though

materialized,

group

especially return

of the election

years

considered

never

thinking,

armed operations

these

in

also

militants

its

the

after

of the

over

the

coup poss-

got no further

and small

of an electoral veto

of the Plan de Lucha,

it

about

youths,

and the taking

of mass mobilisations

doubts

not

Illusions

by most Peronist

shed,

that

excuse

base in Rosario.

ment's

but

"revolution".

in November 1960, which

of Iniguez

occupation

arms and by the constant

the

were eventually

effort

then

for

requests

force.

What gave

autonomous

were to play

in

years

and after

member of the MNRT, Buenos Aires,

- 188-

1964 as driving Peronist

later his

for

behind

forces Left

to give

forge

icipate

in

a loose

the first Peronist

was to suffer

the general

in

ist

Youth

however,

to play

and this

time

the Peronist

on to create

went

largely

tendency,

(FAP),

and Gustavo

Youth reflecPeron-

again 1960's

and

and El Kadri

Salvide

Rearte

on the Peronist

based initially

the late

Caride

chapters,

Armed Forces Party,

Aut&ntico

the MontoneroS'.

in

part-

left,

when the Left

roles

JP

When the

first

of the

grew spectacularly later

Left.

Peronist

militants

important

be seen in

As will

1970's.

early

in

were, itself

asserted

Several

fragmentation.

political

and thus

the Peronist

1964,

of the

the

enabling

Peronist

after

demise

mid-1960's

hand,

alliance,

of the

Movement declined

Revolutionary

ted

and combative

mass organisation

Movement and

Perbn was momentarily,

a helping

the Left

left-wing

Peronist

In 1963-4,

organisations.

own purposes,

to help

the Revolutionary

re-emerged his

created

Revolutionary

own

Youth.

FROM TACUARA TO MNRT "THE FATHERLANDWILL CEASE TO BE A COLONYOR THE NATIONAL FLAG WILL FLUTTER OVER ITS RUINS" I

Tacuara

a fundamental

MNRT), played Peronist

est also

not

only

because

phases

guerrilla

because

it

through

its

of an important

1. "MNRT: Aires),

Nacionalista

formative

role

organisations. spawned the first political social

the Tacuara

splinter,

Movement (Movimiento

Nationalist

recent

left-wing

and its

Revolucionario

Tacuara

the

of the more

emergence

The parent Argentine

fragmentation

process:

Violencia Revolucionaria, (19th 6 July 1973), no.

in

Revolutionary

it

Tacuara urban

is

of interbut

guerrilla,

reflected

-

the

early

the movement of petty-bourgeois

" Ist May 1964, PP. 35-38.

Militancia

(Buenos

189 Peronism

sectors

towards

It

be stressed

must

dozen

activists

early

history

tended

The-early

in

Tacuara

composition. is

isations

the

nationalism

the

French

to

the

shift

in

beois

youth

in

the

have

of most

Maurras,

of

1930's

to people

during

the

of

the

would

oligarchic

develop-

1950's

organ-

the

topic Whereas and

owed far

to have

displaced

more

been. a

petty-bour-

more lowly

generally

social

by Mussolini

appear

plus

its

in

two periods.

influenced

from

Sensa-

studied

the

of

of

nationalist

seriously

that

subject

ideological

was primarily

there

the

and changes

bases

class

be ex-

to

journalists.

of

1930's

on the

mark

Tupamaros.

ignore

nationalism

Moreover,

composition

social

by

origin

1950's.

history,

school

of

nfindez

Arregui,

family

to

Yrigoyen's

the

many of

Radicals

the

foreign

in

1916.2

among the

it

of

who had lost

petty

bourgeoisie

however, the -

"Para una interpretaciön For example, de Tacuara. (AQui (Buenos GORILAS, " Ocurri6 y en el mundo), 1964, P. 15.

2.

Hernändez

La Formaciön...,

op.

cit.,

to Her-

linked

by to

power

been such a force

1.

Arregui,

were

political

have

activities,

revisionist

According decade

this

not

the

produced

inspiration.

They would

and anti-striker from

though

nationalists

Conservatives

oligarchic

support

1930's,

owed much to

anti-Communist

attracted

1930's

Falange.

Nationalism

their

the

part

a few

was even

has been

to

the

writers-who

Charles

monarchist

Spanish

the late

the

tended

on the

between

make their

Uruguayan

1950's

since

data

available,

of

the

on the

period

to

were

onwards.

involved

only

and MNRT influence

late

the

1960's

and early

initially

to

Plata

nationalism

differentiated

have

the

of

Though

not

Left

of

1950's

they

especially

Argentine 1

process

de la

Rio

magazines

ments

this

Peronist

much misinterpretation, tionalist

late

nevertheless,

the

the

across

the

that

but, of

from

pp.

had they classical

in not

mass

Ante que nada: Aires), Ist April 172-3.

- 190base of fascism.

social

ism were a hankering

for

of aristocratic

merits

The major

characteristics

the past,

an emphasis

national-

upon hierarchy

and virulent

elites,

political

of their

and the

anti-Communism

and anti-Semitism. By the and was still traits

historical

Argentine

orary

genealogy in

splits

the early

ents

the

1955 coup.

headed with national

knives

around

1953.

1.

overthrow,

its

to contempTacuara's

in

of political

the orientations

Legion

Peron

pars-military

See Marysa Navarro GerassiLos Jorge Alvarez, 1; 68), Editorial

Civics) (Alianza

spearfor

under Peron,

IINES was reconstituted grouping,

and then assisted

Nacionalistas p. 225.

de la

the struggle

of inactivity

activity.

of the

used by LINES

to the bamboo lances

nationalist

-

of Tacuara

organisation

supported,

Catholic

(Legion

during

Stud-

Secundarios

had been previously

some years

with

by the Secondary

de Estudiantes

were used by gauchos After

through

changes

parent

and referred

dispute

by some of its

a series

Youth Alliance

The name Tacuara

As a right-wing

ed the Church in his

Nacionalista

had initially

whom the nationalists

but

was provided

and became the

independence.

the main feat-

but

Organisationally,

to profound

of the Nationalist

which

some constants,

was an attempt

1930's,

the past

publications

occasional

ideological

sectors.

(Uni6n

Nacionalista),

Juventud

of course

problems.

led

with

Union

and then

1930's

after

1950's

UNES had been a wing of the Civic

UNES). early

were

back to the

1960's

link

Nationalist

There

dominant

and anti-Semitism,

and its

most dynamic

Tacuara's

of its

so as to make them relevant

ideas

stretched

some of its

of

terms

of the late

society

also

in

revisionism

to reformulate

promoters

had changed considerably

nationalism

composition.

of the nationalism

ure

in

both

changing,

and social

especially

for

Argentine

1950'sß

Feelings

it

support-

in a small of triumph

(Buenos Aires:

way

-191-

which

when Lonardi

arose

when Lonardi

betrayal

Per6n soon gave way to feelings

replaced

was in

turn

by Aramburu

replaced

who had regarded

The young nationalists,

Lonardi

now felt

compelled

to resume the struggle

Tacuara

for

purpose.

After

this

its

foundation,

far

from being

in November 1955.

as a national

bearer,

of

for

standard-

power and created

its

IINES rapidly

parent

disintegrated.

tacuaristas,

The original ed oligarchs, come from Catholic

due to the fact

Uriburu, the

of bourgeois

Ezcurra's

the Tacuara

that

descendant

was a proud

of the right-wing

leader

father

the better

was only

the

were reasonably

years

as much motivated of their more,

parents

militancy.

by family having

they

policy,

While nationalists was also

government

been active

of the different.

battle

1930's,

who was denied and this

views,

In general,

Tacuara

"good families",

from

nationalism,

later

the

may

members in

6n or Alianza.

the Le

being

In fact,

political

during

latter

years

some 1

Further-

of the

1946-

university

unimaginative

anti-Peronist.

was a shift

It

in

the

professor

students

was

Ezcurra

1930.

as by family

and the Peronists'

were staunchly there

well-off

Catholicism

due to the Church-State

55 Peronist

1.

son's

history

due to his

his

composition

Alberto

coup of

a revisionist

have stimulated

anti-Peronist,

social

leader,

to have

appear

of Rosas and Uriburu,

nationalist

in education

posts

early

of their

of land-

progeny

and petty-bourgeois

Misinterpretation

families.

largely

by the sensationalists,

as was suggested

a combination

the nazi

down the

at least

was often

at

social

scale

leadership

incoherent,

compared to the level,

the ideology

composed of a series

of

Ibid., con los j6venes p. 226; Rogelio Garcia Lupo, "Dialogo (Buenos Aires: " in his In Rebel16n de los Generales fascistas, interview Proceso Ediciones, 1962), p. 72; and personal with former MNRT member, op. cit.

-192-

slogans

such as "Long Live

Franco,

Down With

The Bolshies,

the major

though,

ed,

of Jose Antonio

ings

Primo de Rivera;

These synthesisideological

baggage: Falange,

lay

the influence,

State

and the writ-

such ideas

of the Francoist

Rosa;

Long Live

of the Spanish

ideas

Behind

Rosas,

"1

Tacuara

early

the

revisionism

of Josh Maria

historically,

to the Jews!

of the

and anti-Semitism.

anti-Communism

Long Live

the Ring, Death

fragments

historical

Catholicism,

Christ

and the fiercely

anti-Communist

Meinvielle, "spiritual Tacuara's of Julio writings and anti-Semitic 2 They felt to Spain than cultural a stronger attachment advisor". Nazi

Germany or Fascist

Moreover, thing

Germany and Italy

seen as totally

like

Argentina

Chief

where

factor

in

the

posed in

parties, for

during

of falangismo.

to

(in

of

along for

with

Despite

the Argentine

numerical

had shown

terms)

of capitalist

the moral

of the

early

unions

was an important

the experience

the

after

official

became the stated

decadence

was a characteristic

Gerassi,

growth

nacional

The latter,

country

State.

in a corporate

Above all,

"the

some-

Tacuara

of strong

the Per6n period

were seen as responsible

Tacuara

influenced

which

movement based

Sindicalismo

opposition

democracy".

and liberal

which

unions.

the

advocates,

of a national

on the trade

ical

appeal

role

imperialism,

of a dependent

the idea

nacional,

of the State

tutelage

the viability

Tacuara,

of its

of fascist

had to be anti-imperialist.

nationalism ideas

heritage.

colonial

to the problematic

a fundamental

playing

the anti-Peronism the

genuine

were instances

of sindicalismo

unions

under

alien

due to Argentina's

among the falangist

1955 was that trade

Italy

to

goal

of

structures

"complicit" and social Resistencia

largely

politchaos years.

1.

Navarro

2.

(Buenos Julio Meinvielle, El Audio en el misterio de la historic Aires: Ediciones Teoria, 1959; El comunismo en la revoluc16n anti(Buenos Aires: Ediciones Teoria, 1961). cristiana

op. cit.,

p. 226.

- 193Tacuara's

ideology

early

Position"

"Third

of Justicialism,

was a greater class

in

was not

emphasis

totally

fact

though

on a State

at

incompatible

least

there

superficially

based on the unions

the

with

than

rather

on

conciliation: "In the face of liberal indifference and the Marxist negation, Tacuara defends the National Syndicalist State, which will (and) the liberal be an authentic State based replace regime 1 on the unions" had a vague notion

Tacuara

Left,

the

it

and that

1930's

basis,,

they

was still

appealed

that

Fearing

changing.

to potential

had changed

society

lurch

an atheistic on an "It's

supporters

the

since

to

them or us"

that:

arguing

America is in a revolutionary "Latin process of an eminently Either character. social we give this revolution our nationhave the reactionary stamp or it will al and Catholic stamp 2 of Communism". Their

them as "Nazis", products Jewish

anti-Semitism

opposed of already

survived

Peron's

Catholic

nationalists. Equally

it,

as did

the

This

Per6n in

present

in Argentine break

was its

stimulated

with

romantic

violence

as a brand

and struggle

with

a similar

elements

and went in

2.

Ibid.

" Che,

and

which the

in attracting the values

They stressed

"Tacuara juega a la milicia revolucionaria, (2nd June 1961)-, pp. 10-11.

and

the anti-Communism

than ideology

1.

The

of nazism

Church and hence with

appeal.

were

the mid-1940's.

nationalism,

the

more important

to dismiss

European-inspired

Communist Party

the regime.

or perhaps

sacrifice,

as being

as well

romance with

subsequent

to Tacuara

courage,

ideas

en masse saw Peronism

community-almost

characterisation

youth

these

yet

of the nationalists'

so fervently

led many liberals

and anti-Communism

anti-Semitism

for

no.

direct

15

of

action,

- 194-

Maltese iation

their

Cross in

the military

Partly

and in

family

due to their

It

persecution.

more than

photographing

detainees

One story of

the late

that

was said

for

stations

Tacuara

the early

anti-Communism,

for

member, Joe Baxter,

leading

and arranged Baxter

promised

to organise

but with

Ezcurra

the

destruction

free,

Baxter

press,

six

months since

ing

of the location

of clandestine

Tacuara

became widely

Frondizi

Arturo

party

alist stantial

Together

with

1.

in

combative

1958, yet"they

Personal

then

former

relationship another

Chief

of Police

In return

for

bluff

centres!

1958 with

print-

to

Tacuara allied

MNRT member, op.

for

he knew noth1

the

ascendancy

of a new Catholic

moved over

themselves

this,

had to go underground

but such hopes foundered

of Peronism,

soon found

interview-with

police

drew back from

leader.

The idea

leaders

sectors

police

of a Communist Party

known in

the time

of nationalist

in

to see the

CP printing

to the presidency. at

virulent

from

was arrested,

had been sheer

own promises

was floated

sector

vote

only

immunity

Tacuara-police

special

of the Tacuara

ing

his

to their

policemen

went personally

the release

for

interference.

police

remained

of how, when Ezcurra

tells

feasts

open-air

of dismissal. the

reveals

which

1950's

fear

1955 and

house owned by the

great

and that

Care of

cemetery.

and partly

members rarely

24 hours

init-

coshes and knuckle-dusters

without

enjoyed

the

wore

secret

arms since

at a country

respectability

social

for

combined with

Delta

the Paranä

small

carried

were held

discussion,

and folkloric

had possessed

exercises,

always

in uniforms

of the Chacarita

operations

Training

them.

with

and dressed

they

engaged in

The tacuaristas

way.

recesses

and police,

even when not

Ezcurra

lapels

in dark

ceremonies

around

in a big

and ceremonies

uniforms

nationwhen a sub-

the Frondizi advocated

of

camp. a blank

to the new premier,

cit.

- 195for

religious

religious

recognition

the qualifications

and,

spearheaded

the

was in

way that

this

of hundreds

its

success

won, the

Church

ordered

years

which

followed

More important attempts

made by one sector of the hard-line

nationalism

Catholic

authoritarian,

emerged was far

which

an authentic with

the empty nationalist

national

wing Tacuara Peronist

1.

splinter,

labour

from

Tacuara

the

Peronism.

faction

remained

Nell,

began to promote

movement and developing

later

disappointed the

the

of the

with

faction

"discovering"

union

leader

were the

reactionary,

the other with

the

Whereas the

mass trade

the idea links

in

of activists.

of Aramburu and Frondizi, by its

organisa-

of Tacuara

Greatly

was

had been

with

experience.

of

battle

which appeared

and more concerned

influenced

Jose Luis

by Catholic

educational

foreign-inspired,

rhetoric

Peronism,

achievements.

anti-Peronist

nationalist

It

and won control

development

to come to terms

more secular

of it.

than hundreds

rather

subsequent

and largely

Argentine

group reappraised

the

1

de Derecho - SUD),

a tap,

splinters

dozens

contained for

period

to withdraw

Like

The Tacuara

off.

"free

organisations,

temporarily

Universitario

obeyed.

promptly

this

devotees

student

and

the Frondizi

in favour

As soon as the

was short-lived.

on and then

in

(Sindicato

and against

a few dozen to an organisation

promoted

zenith

over

institutions

student

and battles

growth

its

reached

and two-thirds

turned

its

for

defended

Catholic

grew from

controversy

religious

Tacuara other

with

Tacuara

Law Union

the University

Catholic

mobilisations

of students, Tacuara

priests.

tion

street

In the battles

conferred,

along

the

in

reasons,

of private

they

line

education"

political

institutions.

educational

governmental

but

than

rather

of working

base and left-

in the

the Peronist

For details the controversy "Laica of education, over see (January Todo es Historia, 80 1974), pp. 9-23, though no. not deal with the role of Tacuara.

latter

Youth.

o Libre, " it does

196 Contact

the Youth,

with

June

1956 military

istas

sympathetic

El Kadri, with

workers,

between

of Tacuara the

(UOCRA).

technical

Resistencia

nacional

towards

and Baxter

(in

nacional

hegemonic

a decade later).

in

- and also

established conCoria's

with

weaponry

exchanges and examples

actions

to the workers'

struggles

out

stood

drift

towards

the workers'

by supporting due to its

the

of

slogan

Peronism

movement but

acceptable implied,

this

which being

general

strike, with

socialismo

Peronist

and right-wing

What was not

January

compatibility

same way as the

to left-

in

seen publicly

unions,

much the

both

was acceptable

inevitable

the

to the right-wing

palatable

organisations the

like

militants

the naval -

unions

a few joint

given

tacuar-

period.

1959 when Ezcurra

sindicalismo

Youth,

Peronist

when those

were occasional

being

support

The orientation

was mildly

trade

There

and the Peronist

Tacuara

of the

were also

and shoemakers

woodworkers

Union

Construction

1950's

Relations

more militant,

often

time

began to work alongside

Rearte.

and Gustavo

the smaller,

the late

grew in

revolt,

at the

established

to Peronism

Rulli

struction

first

Youth

to the Right Peronism

seen by the Right

was being

as anti-

Catholic.

Left-Right

Growing Tacuara. the

These appear

organisation

of their

parents

now saw their

or night to finance

1.

school their

rapidly

of petty-bourgeois

had risen

socially

these but

standards

under

new tacuaristas had to work during

studies.

Peronist the Peronist

were still the day,

of into

by the recruitment

by the rising

eroded

the unity

destroyed

to have been exacerbated

of youths

living

good number of

tensions

cost

students usually

parentage.

Many

governments

but

of living. at university as employees,

1

Navarro Gerassi, op. cit., p. 228; Personal interview with former MT Appendix A.

Garcia Lupo, op. Cit., p. 73; See also member, op. cit.,

A

197 A few members of the

of the renovated

the pressures

but

definition,

political

old

guard,

Ezcurra,

notably

to make a more radical

rank-and-file

the more reactionary

1960 to form

the Restorationist.

Restauradora

GNR). -

the

broke

Korilitas Guard (Guardia

Nationalist

They accused

to

responded

leftward-moving

away in

Nacionalista

Tacuara

of having

over bys

been taken

1(and

that) Trotskyism "Fidelism, reasserted and Atheism" "ultra-hierarchy is necessary in order to distinguish qualitTacuara has always been a movement of the extreme ies.... of nationality right, a defender of the purity and continuer in 1852 by the fall of the line interrupted of Rösas". was in

Ezcurra

around

tendencies

who reflect

conservatives 1930, "

tions

continued

tants

in

2

to pose a physical

As Joe Baxter,

creasingly commented,

"To opt in favour

Tacuara

trunk

miento

further

Calabrb.

move which

1.

Navarro

2.

Horacio Aires),

3.

Baxter

than

complete

in

found

a law student

mili-

liberation then

was created

integration

still into

themselves

of English cost

had protected

us the

indescent, loss

of

us turned

of the original

the disintegration

the GNR but

the ultra-reactionaries

Gerassi,

organisa-

previously

1962 when the New Argentina

MNA) -

Less extreme

the MNA advocated

who until

step

came around

Nueva Argentina

here

and union

immunity

the latter

of national

The same people us".

right-wing

to left-wing

the police

whereas

persecuted.

against

ceased to be important violent

threat

inherited

by the tacuaristas,

3A

them as "reactionaries,

followed.

which

The GNR overnight

protection.

which

the GNR and similarly

but

the years

possessed

when he dismissed

a way correct

Movement (Movi-

by Dardo Cabo and Edmundo part

of the Catholic

the Peronist

Movement,

Right, a

resisted.

ibid.

Salas, "La Ideologia de la Violencia, " Discusion (3rd-16th 15 April 1975), pp. 14-17. no. interview, Preg6n (Buenos Aires), 1964. Ist April

(Buenos

198-

ure

the ideology

defined

Ezcurra

of Tacuara

the

after

GNR's depart-

as: "Christian, in that it affirms the primacy of the spiritual and Nationalist, in that it permanent values in man and society; the Nation as the-supreme due unit; posits social and Socialist, to its socio-economic, anti-capitalist, revolutionary and 1 conceptions". communitarian

Due to

Ezcurra

anti-capitalism, of Marxism.

religious

and in

convictions

spite

not embrace the materialist

could

however,

Others, than

rather

sis

of his

the- strength

did

Marxism,

adopt

philosophy

as a method of analy-

so ideological

as a philosophy,

of his

unity

denied

was still

to Tacuara.

factor

tacuaristas,

an important

and practice

of armed struggle, employed

methods

action

and there

period 1960,

were also

broken

up by 200 Tacuara

Centre

in

Buenos Aires.

and targets a state

from

direct

struggles

and this

A former

Ezcurra,

youths Violent

their

in

1950's.

clubs

who invaded methods

to organised

Tear gas and

meetings.

Guevara's

mother

exercised

was violently

even after

political

conceptions

guerrilla

Sciences motivamoved

began to evolve

activity,

an ideological

combative revolutionary as well

influence.

member of the MNRT recollected,

quoted

in Garcia

Lupo,

op. cit.,

"We read

p. 77.

that

In November

persisted

read books on international

undoubtedly

during

the Law and Social

elements

theory

direct

and schools

on left-wing

and as the pro-Peronist methods

was the

of the violent

the late

by

of the newer

extraction

radicalisation.

Jewish

As Tacuara's

began to avidly

methodological

into

attacks

changed.

of flux action

tacuaristas

1.

by Tacuara

due to be addressed

a meeting

into

in

social

a continuation

bombs had been thrown

plastic

tions

humbler

the relatively

from

Apart

everything

as

- 199-

did

ideology 1

ism". duct

not

liberation

were national

tacuaristas,

though

these

of

study

national

clusion

that

they

Tacuara

Peronism

sky's

national

on a world content.

influential

upon the

was indicated

In general,

by their

however,

of the

the

relationship

revolution,

and then

evolution

was contact

to the

con-

Vinas.

La Formaci6n

Another

through

de la Conciencia

struggles,

Revolution

of de Liber-

latter

group,

Rosa and also

though

the books lists

it

appears

2 in-

histor-

mainly

reading

of

Nacional,

was particularly

had read little,

book on the Tacuara

of the Russian

the

geria-

was passed on to sectors

writers

of. Jose Maria

appraisal

Movement (Movimiento Partly

and social

between

of the

splinter-products

Liberation

the tacuaristas

such as those Ortiz.

time

a leftwing

with

a more positive

with

nationalist

related

of Raul

was Trotto have had no

influence.

There was something

Even in

groups,

Ismael MLN) of -

Arregui's

History

and their

Left

tendencies

Previously,

works

practical

leftward

this

Hernändez

fluential.

Scalabrini

in

of popular

again

which

two.

and social

such as the National

Tacuara.

the

how to con-

were indivisible.

Party,

influence

often

to an examination

led

National young and

aOiön Nacional

ical

between

factor

Socialist

that

at

immaturity

political

liberation

A further

the

their

experiences

between

struggles,

and romantic-

was learning

attraction

movements were particularly

to differentiate

failure

of infantilism

most such struggles

struggle,

The Cuban and Algerian

tric

the prime

But even though

a guerrilla

scale

There was a lot

matter.

political the -

OAS even stuff -

and clandestine

was subversive

which

reflection the early

1.

Personal

2.

Hernändez

in 1960's,

interview, Arregui,

of a time-lag the practical Baxter

op. cit. op. cit.

between activity

and others

cognition of the

of such ideas

organisation.

engaged in anti-Semitic

200-

-

activities,

Edgardo

anti-Semitic,

ence,

but

Hussein

uneasy marriage

1962 when Nell

and Baxter

Movement (MNRT), though

Pueyrredon, to revive

attempts

Ministry

share

the spoils

was very "to

small

Social

tionism

In

it.

and political

Strike'

ed,

the leadership

Salas,

anti-Zionism

the two positions

only

came to an end in

ope cit.

dropped

Errecalte

for

Ezcurra

Tacuara, Collins

did

the Nation"!

to the

rulers,

in

time,

Tacuara

were defined

the

Moreover,

Int-

an attempt

failure

influences

as the

forgetting

of the

insurrec'Revolution-

1960's

early visibly

to

membership

1

Movement could

and conveniently

the

by Errecalte

` the KURT. Peronist of

1959 with

to

to

opportunistic

as much as international

reality

occur

and then by Patricio

went personally

joining

not

later

linked

despite

By this

of victory.

Nationalist

out of activity,

the new military

the Peronist

strategies

with

disintegrated,

1966,

in

Revolutionary

The official

of January. of

break

organisation

had been defeated

violent

influ-

between

and Right

the definitive

and requirements

ary

1.

the Tacuara

and glory

General

doning

created

gradually

the guerrilla

motivated

Left

macho and to love

be very

were

They developed

into

evolved

between

to congratulate

erior

ideological

to Per6n.

line

headed by Juan Mario

then

name of Ezcurra, Errecalte

dividing

the priesthood.

into

be ordained

and

The young Peronists

anti-Semitism

the

Soloski

of the Arab League in Argentina,

when he finally

later

two years

until

their

Jewish

until

blurred.

a time

the

Ernesto

of fascist

result

the representative

and though

Sarmiento

such attacks.

as

moved to the Left,

when they

them.

.a the Jewish opposition

due to

with

Triki,

was for

no longer

rather

links

to attack

order

were wounded in

Trilnik

still

strong

in

came out

schoolboys

the Colegio

outside

such as waiting

progress-

be seen aban-

the programme of

as

-201-

Huerta

drift

this cracy, for

Guerrilla

Grande.

towards

of Marxism

and in

society,

not

that

writers

have described

tionary

wing

Youth

token

to its

on the moulding

impact

appears

Baxter

the mid-1960's,

recent

revolutionary

up in

the People's within

1.

Garcia

2.

Personal

Lupo,

Left,

in

op.

interview

cit., with

interest

Left.

here,

Though Jose to in all

referred ("Joe

Baxter's

group",

was Jose Luis

leader

2

Nell.

international

travels

Nell

the

importance

actual

in

roles

joining

shaping

the Montoneros

Army (ERP). late

the

1950's

It

which

urged

MNRT member, ON cit.

during

the MNRT. of the more

and Baxter

was Nell

p. 73. former

within

due

the scanty

much publicised his

a

("Joe")

a good public

Revolutionary

Tacuara

the Peronist

with

from being

important

men went on to play

Yet both

as

reputation

from

than

rather

to fight",

the MNRT was given

of prime

organisation

his

gained

man and due to his

relations

is

1957,

and political

operational

that

in

of the

as the leader

) the real etc.

of

was there-

Movement.

latter

is

which

of the Revolutionary

part

1965,

the Peronist

Tacuara

who joined

Baxter,

tendency

Command of the

of the MNRT which

the history

is

and along

In

of

the most revolu-

towards

came to form

and Rearte.

It

who wanted

gravitated

organisations

sister

commentaries

It

the MT,

on the National

seat

1

of living

cost sectors.

Peronists

"young

Movement of Villal6n

It

Luis

the

of Frondizi's

changes in Argentine

spiralling

of the mass movement of Peronism

and its

Peronist

the

rationale

or unreadiness

substantial

and petty-bourgeois

workers

surprising

the inability

about

to halt

particular

both

was affecting fore

to bring

bourgeoisie

bureau-

ideological

been the experience

seemed to demonstrate

which

the national

had. also

There

such a strategy.

became the

rapidly

to

antidote

of the Vandorist

and the rise

neo-Peronism

and elements

government

was seen as the necessary

action

ending

who had led

a positive

the

202-

-

battle

theoretically

ed the

alienation

In

1963,

meeting

with

Philosophy

from

the Communist Party

integration

to break

of event

}N

the working-

with

On leaving

up.

liberated.

We are

starting

and we are

out

in

throwing

off

of

Tacuara

the meeting,

feel

in a

the Faculty

the parent

which

the Second World War; we no longer

of Berlin

maintain-

when the MNRT participated

and Vifias's

the kind

"Now we feel

of)

foguismo,

advocating

real

pressmen were surprised

and Letters,

a reporter, ences

tendency

who had won that

movement,

practice.

have attempted

would

and the labour

but who now, through of his

nnvement in

class

Peronism

towards

orientation

Baxter (the

all

defeated

told

in

influ-

the Battle

The MNRT had come to

on a new road".

that:

realise

"Not only is there a cipayo liberalism but and a ci ao leftism, They are those who think that the. also a cipayo nationalism. battle for Argentine Chancsovereignty was fought in the Berlin in 1945". 1 ellery One of from

the

the clearest

was the Reporta.

organisation

Tacuara,

published

in Compaiiero in

of falandista

ation

Peronist

later

ured society

traces. Left

ments with

Imperialism"

antagonism

between

was viewed

as of cardinal

spread

view

to

a cordon

1.

Baxter,

1964,

of Peron as a revolutionary,

quoted

in Salas,

with there

cit.

therein

prefigin

contradiction Liberation

the working

the

class

seen as the

was the more recently

unable

to play

Move-

the Movement

within

him by the bureaucracy,

op.

the elimin-

of Semi-Colony";

and the workers

process;

around

demonstrated

of the National

importance;

to emerge

Revolucionario

contained

Liberation

"National -

the bureaucracy

established

which

the fundamental

confrontation

of the revolutionary

vanguard

e al Movimiento"N.

Many postulates

stances:

was posed as "the

definitions

and ideological

political

his which

true was

widerole

due

203 -

supposedly foauistA

tain

violence.

privileges

and with

destroy

will

them",

No faith tionary

it

Their

more complex. privileged

in

fear

they

rearguard

of the National

partially

successful

according

to the AMNRT schema,

by workers

but

ture

the MT

governments

"objective"

did

however,

ist

a programme geared

2. 3.

superficial

Movement was examined,

development.

1.

in

sentiment

As with

al Movimiento Compaßero, no. 52 (23rd "

to

labour

3

level,

op.

cit.

This

the

would,

was not

analysis

and experience

By only

struc-

of most of post-1955

The weakspot

in the

examining

the

the MNRT ignored failed

strength to arti-

needs, and demands of workers.

social

later,

N. Revolucionario June 1964).

to a

work was done

and limitation

composition

as the dynamic

and viewed

"vacillating

economy or class

movement and thus

the immediate

the Montoneros

"Reportaje

"Reportaje...,

the

class,

much

the

sections

suitable

forces. one.

into

the

yet

if

political

an analysis

of the working

interests

At a fairly

the struggle

was a crucial

was, however, to rise

offensive,

of political

by the Frondizi

They were subject

struggle".

of Argentine

through

whose non-revolu-

be no more than

to win them over.

and the behaviour

of economistic

and desire

cultural join

classes"

come to see the potential

accurately

analysis,

culate

imperialist

and revolutionaries

quite

classes

their

Liberation

on any deep analysis

based

"middle

could

we

2

bourgeoisie,

of the people

meant that

strata.

of the people

had been demonstrated

of the

role

to the

they main-

violence

violence

stated.

the national

was the urban

as a response

cowardly

creative

was argued,

The future

government.

the

and there

justified

"With

an N11RTmanifesto

was placed

character,

being 1

of official

their

the masses;

violence

with

strategy,

existence

from

him off

cutting

the

of the Peron-

key to its

principal

internal

Tacuara, " op. cit.

future

204-

conflict

life

Peronism

olutionary "to

the extent

1

reformist, the wake of

of the

they

own organisation, hoped, the

"the

other

What bestowed

clasismo

blind

is

sociologists;

Written

in

the year

and strikes)

strengthen ment,

would

the political

as well

is

and his

reality

as produce

mass workers' either

authority

force

Ibid.

2.

Principally Rank-and-File the Peronist Armed Forces Peronism", "Revolutionary ogy of the alternativista chapter.

leaders

Regime".

was its

tentative Peronism,

combin-

leader:

"Peron

material

for

Revolution".

(mainly

factory

leaders

steeled

into

Peronist in

occupline

or

Move-

the campaign.

(Peronismo de Base PB) and Armadas Peronistas FAP). R, refers to the ideolwith a capital organisations analysed in the final Peronism (Fuerzas

of

CGT, the MNRT document

of the Revolutionary

new workers'

1.

this

message is

vacillating

they

leadership

class

he analysis

actions

their

be,

Colonial

revolutionary

of the Plan de Lucha of the

the impressive

assumed that ations

is

nor

con-

attain

would

Capitalist

of Revolutionary

nor of marble,

Perlin

It

yet

2

had to build

on the working

in Peron as the great

faith

the

not

exercises

the system

with

traditions

the worst

made of bronze

not

hasty

in

from

of vanguard

of compromise

they

in

independent

groups.

could

Peronists.

and the

disappear

"the

alternativista

the proletariat

marginated

the attribute

lack was,

ed with

by which

forces

termed

of the Movement:

be resolved

bureaucracy - would

the workers

by revolutionary

aided

social

that

to Rev-

closer

own revolutionary

current

by later

class"

-

possibilities

would

- the

organisation,

understood

instrument

"objective"

of Peronism

structures

existing

its

given

"participationist"

of the working

its

contradiction

is

class

The limitations

Implicitly,

this

that

the new revolutionary

alternative

bureaucracy

But the MNRT were far

the working

neo-Peronist

the

has exhausted

which

class".

in arguing

that

organisation".

trol

front

the working and -

between

confrontation

of a historical

expression of

as "the

was viewed

205 -

-

For this,

the keynote

their

leaders

thing

which

was Perön's

"The masses will

saying,

at their

head or with

more recent

revolutionary

the heads of their Peronists

march with I

leaders",

interpreted

some-

more liter-

ally. Designating

their

Youth, ' the MT

ist

the revolutionary

activity

the unity

emphasised

action

of theory

the Peron-

of

and practices

"It is that theoretical-practical the only guarantee of unity, revolutionary action, which has enabled it to constitute, along germs of the armed organwith other combatant groups, the first Peronism". isation of Revolutionary Due to their ary

own background

they were operating,

in which

milieu

of insurrectionism, J RT meant organising (People's guard

Army),

the masses,

of

especially

the

of

force.

a guerrilla

which

plus

revolutionary

putting

and the world

of armed activities

the aforementioned

theory

into

The Eibrcito

practice del

1962 denial

of objective

of Peronist

for

through

the

armed van-

conditions"

political

victory

defeat

Pueblo

they hoped to become, was to be "the

the product

revolution-

2-

a democratic

process. MNRT combatants rather

than

integrated attitude

the Army itself. part

towards

nativists,

position

revolutionary

as just

saw themselves

They emphasised

of the mass movement, the Movement. (regarding

and thus

seeking

ist

leadership),

at times

1.

"Reportaje...,

" op.

an embryo of this

their

Though they only

statements

a somewhat ambiguous

generally

the worker

to organise

the Army had to be an

that

but adopted

it

Ibid.

adopted

base of Peronism independently

suggested

an alteras truly

of the Peron-

a movimientista

cit.

Clasismo refers to the politics of those Peronist tendencies left-wing which emphasized working-class organisation and struggle. 2.

Army

and non-Peronist revolutionary

206

(viewing

orientation tionary

the Peronist

movement and thus

Thus,

though

need for into

crept

their

Jorge del

Ricardo

Pueblo

illa,

led

demonstration

by people

of with

ignored without

and this

workers

in

1963.

This

avowedly

Cuba (like

was destroyed

as by the

in

Gendarmerfa.

were killed

in that

of Peronist

would

possessing was a sure

factor

in

basis their

the MNRT were highly of China,

Cuba, Algeria

-2

To avoid their

of support

inhospdied

guerrillas

combine

guerr-

and Dävila)

the fate

however, armed among the

d6bäcle.

impressed

and Egypt,

by the 3

but

"marvell-

their

failure

1.

Ibid.

2.

in Argentine, " chapter 7 On Masetti and the EGP, see "Guerrillas (New York: Grove Press, 1968), pp. Friend Rojo, My Che Ricardo of by Rodolfo Walsh to Masetti's book, 147-162; and the introduction (Buenos lloran Aires: los Editorial Jorge Los ue luchan ue 1969), pp. 7-18. Alvarez,

3.

"Reportaje...,

" op.

cit.

of

activities

the MNRT initiated

a political

ineff-

Guevarist

In practice,

workers.

own teachings:

its

totally

Masetti

Several

by

Guerrillero

as much by the

an avalanche. they

had been supplied

isolated,

a small,

Hermes Pena),

Internationally, ous experiences"

occasionally

Army (E: i&rcito

time

the mass struggles

operations

attitudes

who had spent

terrain

organisation

and the

struggles

point

Guerrilla

established

EGP, the }2 RT promised

the

latter

of the

Province

in Salta

and four

starvation

structures).

the revolutionary for achievvehicle The People's Army is its armed vanit, is based on it and is supplied by the, action and seek to replace of the the revolutionary be process will

People's

Masetti's

Salta

as a revolu-

literature:

(like by Cubans and itable

official

movimientista

organisation,

EGP), which -

ectual_foco

entirety

was upon rank-and-file

"The"Peronist Movement is Liberation. ing National guard: it develops out of this it. Those who forget of masses as protagonists defeated". 1

A recent

its

its

through

working

the MNRT stress

base-level

Movement in

the

-207to

differentiate national

erent

underlying

through

ogical

time

terms

rants,

yet

apparent

contradiction

Peronist

workers

their

with their

with

from

was mainly

MNRT saw the indivisibility tion. ure

but

clearly

3rd World,

1

and for

for

the

the

Programme of Huerta

1962 though

never

ramme, despite the from tion, 1.

economy, the fell Ibid.

campaigned

radical state

oligarchy short

Grande adopted

calls

the nationalisation

compensation total

the

liberation

leadership.

the

baurgeo-

only

solution

control

by

represented late

in

the prog-

of key sectors

and workers'.

socialisation.

fail-

was never

In fact,

expropriation

the

revolu-

practical

was considered

for

without

of advocating

in

social

by the 62 Organisations

trade,

that

struggles

by the national

by its

of foreign

in

the need to furnish

from

for

control

integ-

of support

was seen as the

this

the former

organisation.

and social

Argentina

and

of liberation,

was apparent

Socialism"

"Economic

articulated.

In

as has been seen

liberation

of national

than

gesture

about

hegemonised

strategies

the problematic

"leftist"

instrument

of national

of developmentalist

isle,

the latter

of international

the same lesson

In Argentina,

Movimientistas

of the Movement's

convictions

study

fully

homogeneity.

own revolutionary

their

organisation

political

common with

to the Movement as the

an ideol-

was never

Movement and still,

Peronist

being

of the

between

in by Perbn's

taken

were still

referred

It

division

to be

personality

of the potentialities

analysis

than

rather

to achieve

had more in

the Revolutionary

above,

political

Left

Peronist they

their

regarding

its

and their

was a thing

status

diff-

very

immaturity

political

Due to the infancy

members failed

Alternativistas,

for

downfall,

later

of the

their

armed struggle

question.

of its

of these

significance

revolutionary

practising

and its

clarified

indicated

that

and political

the

the political

processes

assumption

acquired

at

between

of

of land of exp orta-

- 208-

The ) RT's, May Day manifesto shed further

light

on the

the liberal

of

and all

the bourgeoisie,

ialism"

on March 18th. 1962, 7th

1963,

capitalist

the

the

given

the MNRT concluded

"treason

to the

capitulated

Revolucionaria,

Given

outlook.

system,

which

Violencia

1964,

organisation's

crisis"

July

for

the

of frondizi-ism and imper-

oligarchy

(electoral)

"shameful

"total

fraud"

of

that:

"the Peronist never have access to power by peaceful masses will means because the privileged sectors are not suicidal and know Movement in power means the perfectly well that the Peronist NATIONAL REVOLUTION which will finish them off". The battle of

small

against

the regime

encounters,

in all

Again,

the stated

gotten

by the vacillating 1 in

designed

arily labour's trade

forms union

genuine

ity

arms and funds,

Whether

of armed struggle

preparatory

stage

foco

pioneered

by Nell

common with in

have attempted once they

a

had

of the guerrilla,

one

speculate.

note

of the urban that

who favoured

there

a role

was opposition

of just

providing

struggle. maintained

fraternal

"NNRT:

prim-

participation

the MNRT would

the

in

and

NNRT

operations,

had nothing

and mass activity

for-

and

Movement,

Their

was no organised

or not

Grande,

mass struggles

Peronist

foouismo.

pure

by Per6n.

mobilisation

for

support

thousands

as ordered

popular

Revolutionary

Such a view was related

1.

through

and there

of activity

times"

all

through

the programme of Huerta

of verbal

spite

passed through

The idea one should

in

removed from

struggles.

successfully

impose

leadership,

to accumulate

marriage

can only

but

and at

the short-lived

was little

activity

parts

aim was "to

armed struggle", participation

was to be won "preferably

Violencia

relations

with

Revolucionaria,

to'the

to this

strategy

technical

aid

ideas

the tendency)

" op.

was adopted,

cit.

from

though a minor-

to workers

of Gustavo Rearte 'of at least

in (who

developing

-209-

a minimum base of workers' tionary

Peronism

before

tured

as an urban

which

the

finance

Guard,

since

was to equip

urban

not

appear

ted,

this

used. burst nerves.

chances

three

months of careful

their

on its time

The banknotes of European

day.

usual

fire

was only

which

the start

of the

that

the

it.

of

the 12RT hardclass.

payroll

operation with

problems

truck

were killed

encountered sent

currency.

did

attemp-

ambulance

to Josh Luis

were therefore hard

acquiring

was again

a hired

attributed

to change the money into

of

went into

1963,. forcibly

two civilians

the press

were marked and emissaries capitals

29th,

terms

the proto-guerrillas

July

the

and was

the choice

least

by the working

to find

was call-

in

which

Union Hospital,

in

after

as it target

as its

preparation,

on August

as the. first

celebrated

armed actions

accepted

they

The money was des-

of organisation

Undeterred,

in which

1963,

Rosaura,

Bancario

only

of expropriations;

2,000,000.

Operaci6n

action

pesos were taken

of machine-gun This

into

purposes,

successfully,

14 million

of being

plans

in

what is

Nation-

mundane leafleting

a series

were made, not

mistakes

their

for

an ambulance

for

from

early

a further

and the degree

to put their

attempted

through

the Bank Employees'

By selecting

After

due to persist-

effective

advance upon previous

Even so, many amateurish

enhanced

apart

of the Policlinico

the amount of planning

ly

task,

operation.

guerrilla

a qualitative

target.

with

guns and ammunition

ed, had the payroll certainly

struc-

of comandos of

the Restorationist

split

themselves

pesos but missed

to provide

Argentine

their

on bus company offices

raid

400,000

tined

least

view

in Argentina

organisation

was the

of Revolu-

The majority

based upon a series

the MNRT's immediate

such as their seized

force,

ideas

controversies.

Lacking

activities,

the

armed warfare.

Comando de Propaganda

ideological

alist

initiating

guerrilla

for

support

and the MNRT became the first

prevailed

ent

political

being by a

Nell's

by the NINRT. to a variety Some of

210-

-

these

by their

required for

did

emissaries

nightclub,

the

Argentine

arrest

assisted

involved

Much of

the

in

by the police.

1964 and spent

a long

from

escape

time

of the

By the standards

there

that

vealed ed from

the

example,

only

the takings.

in

a share

cadres,

ristolero,

Mix

Arcängel

then

collapse ambition

in

ational

1.

up early

in

was a thoroughly

professional

Its

amateurish.

shadow of criminal

learnt

organisation,

to join

Posse,

due to the

for

of the move-

to an MNRT friend

the information Moreover,

deriv-

activity,

Gustavo

to the MNRT.

re-

aftermath

lack

in

re-

of armed

engaged a'professional them in

the

for

operation had "criminal

a re-

so did many good Peronists.

The inexperience of the)

Miloro,

it

who made a dramatic

Other members of the organisation

of 2m. pesos. but

it

with

1

the MNRT reportedly

of its

cords"

of the

money and sold

expertise

fee

linked

Tacuara,

a sympathiser

ment of payroll for

a slight

was still

original

time,

of the

purchased

Nell

except

prison,

totally

of today,

by those

operation;

in

rapid

of the MNRT.

Most members were rounded

(Law Courts).

the Tribunales

the downfall

equipment

by

alerted

to an identification

and to

money and printing

exchanged

a Paris-

in

of pesos and the

eventually

pesos

reportedly

Interpol,

circulation

the operation

were recovered

turn

led

of one money-changer

militants

the

noticed

police,

, im.

paid

activities

"Brigitte"!

by a certain

precautions

basis,

on a contractual

in pleasure-seeking

of the booty

part

ian

the Operaci6n

in

of security

The Posse brothers,

life.

in

the kind

take

exactly

station

participating

invested

not

aiming

infrastructure

the stupidity and some of

RT in Argentina. for

others

They had committed

haul 14m. peso a was poorly

of

at a time

developed

the

led

to the

sin

of over-

whem their

and their

For accounts of Operaci6n Rosaura, see La Raz6n, (police op. cit. and Ocurri6, report)

political

25th

organissupport

March 1964

-211-

base restricted

to a small

(plus

students

invade

the Malvinas

their

New Argentina thing

group,

was visiting

Argentina.

identification

with carried

illustrates

that

its

future

urban

though

and sometimes It

is

important

Rubbn Daniel he got

after

Rodriguez

country

who never

included

Egypt,

Switzerland,

China.

The tour

inevitable displayed

eulogising

ideas, to exercise guerrilla of

Nell,

Rosaura),

Jorge of and -

Cataldo

an

for

to the activities

Operaci6n

Spain,

Italy,

Czechoslovakia,

Caffati

usual but

dexterity

for

went on a world Angola,

Cuba, North

Vietnam in

instruction

an audience

when meeting

the

the MNRT, fled

Algeria,

3 months of military to Madrid

in

and Arab contacts

visits

pilgrimage

Mussolini

of Villal6n to Brazil,

included

his

one foot

had more than

the aid

and with

which

Its

upon subsequent

in

Andres

put

of prison.

out

Baxter,

and Jorge

not

and Uruguay

were also

settled,

to draw attention

(who wasn't

spectrum.

in Argentina

operation.

influence

direct

the invasion

1964 did

in April

bank raids

vague and never

often

rump during

support

example as an inspiration

its

on the Policlinico

modelled

were mainland

of the political

side

behind

and some later

who got away - Baxter

those

latter

left

It

actions

organisations.

Tacuara

other

some-

a Peronist

shared

there

that

of the NNRT in Argentina

embryonic,

an indirect

the

was on the

Cabo's

splinter,

organisation

the MNRT, the fact

it

Though

when the Duke of Edinburgh

at a time

Though Cabo's

influence.

were actually

tour

incident

to

plans

1966 and managed to create

in

out

out by the fascist

The collapse end to

it

carried

had future

Tacuara

another

Instit-

commando attack.

a surprise

by capture,

of an international

operations

through

Islands

the action

for

and

of the National

practitioner

responsible

was thwarted

plan

medical

one senior

of Neuropsychiatry)

ute

The employees

number of activists.

with

Peron.

Baxter.

soon changed to the opposite

tack

Congo,

the and

Hanoi

and

The

He began by when he

212-

-

that

realised At

the

Baxter

end of 1965, Baxter

MNRT-in-exile, Nell

There,

the Argentines

of fafil

formative

Sendic,

influence

Another

influence

Guillen,

a trip

paid

1962,

and his

de la

Guerrilla

been in

Urbana,

the unity

used Montevideo

over,

they

their

brief

in

romance with

War veteran

Abraham

in

Buenos Aires

debt

to

the MNRT's tentative

shared

mass action

with

in

and Estrategia

in a "combined"

by more raids This

1967.

People's

their

after

into

military

an operation including quite

operation

proficiency

with

led that

1966 when persecu-

to a shootout, of Nell

on 15th

MNRT.

and assistance He reportedly

perishing

More-

in an air

Baxter to

the

particcrash

MNRT member, op. cit. Warfare in Latin See James Kohl and John Litt t Urban Guerrilla Teoria de America (USA: MIT Press 19741, p. 187; Abraham Guill6n, (Buenos Aires: Jamcana, 1965); and Donald Editorial la Violencia (New York: h of the Urban Guerrilla C. Hodges (ed. ), Philoso William Morris & Co., 1973), passim. Personal

interview

former

before

Youth,

golpe.

until-December

the end of the

Army back in Argentina.

Sallustro

the Ongania

to pro-

was ended by police

organisation

however was not his

place

Peronist

of the

Tupamaro bank raids

and arrests,

Revolutionary in

MNRT work in Uruguay was devoted

that

investigations

went on to contribute

2.

Guill6n

as a meeting

participated

Police

followed

1.

warfare.

owed a substantial

of the member organisations

which

ipated

1965-66

Tupa-

an important

de Is Violencia

struggle

from discussion,

Apart

July

period.

2

strategy.

tion.

in

and Rodriguez,

guerrilla

Baxter

with

Teoria

In them, guerrilla

Civil

the

the fledgling

with

of urban

days.

old

organise

Cataldo

them and exercised

contact

written

Nell,

contact

Spanish

books on strategy,

to help

the interim

conception

on the Tupas,

of integrating

moting

train

the

since

with

came into

helped

Tupa-MNRT discussions. idea

there

to, China in

on their

had already

politically

moved to Montevideo

and was reunited

having

also

maros

had "evolved"

I

-213-

Orly

at for

in

the

the

raid,

on the

Montoneros split-off

taking

his

own life that

influentially

vene their

lack

of total link

cementing borne

as the major

that

He recalled

period.

monto",

of Marxist ist.

that

meaning

analysis,

According

make pragmatic time.

Baxter

former

colleague,

with

the same time

his -

ship

to any particular

romanticism

the

that

time

Nell

Nell

as

is

regard

pro-

to

had been "muy

ready

was always situation

him with theory,

with

to use elements

were generally

was characterised

revolutionary

early

confirmation

) RT militant

objective

provided

always

was Marxist.

Further

orientations

political

compromises

tic"

self-definition

his

This

methodology.

by members in the

he was occasionally

although

to his

at

even at

of

Guevara and Leon Trotsky

historians.

that

indicative

1963-4 when the most solid

read

Arregui,

of a former

by the recollections

vided

is

revolutionary

literature

revisionist

disillusioned,

politically

back in

by their

Hernändez

included

which

(Loyal-

the Leales

joining

organisations

unity

was provided

influence,

of the MNRT went on to inter-

cadres

political

to

1974.

different

three

by the disparate

out

1960's,

in

in-

of the working

alternative

before

sentence

and helped

have a politico-military

1974 and then,

the leading

his

and political

he joined,

which

1970's

in September

serving

a military

"independent

was to also

in

after

both

Armed Forces

the early

in early

The fact

well

Nell

Caffati,

exercised

of the

conception

Josh Luis

class".

aged 32.1

the Peronist

over

mature

is

1973,

Policlinico

fluence

ists)

July

popul-

prepared

to

at any given

as a "political

roman-

an ephemeral

relation-

his

ultimate

even though

2

1.

Oberdan Sallustro, General Manager of Fiat-Concord, was kidnapped (ERP) in March 1972 and killed Army Revolutionary by the People's had the the the following payprohibited government after month, ment of a ransom by the company.

2.

Personal

interview,

ope cit.

214 -

Tacuara Argentina,

influence

Movement,

upon the Montoneros

a tendency

the Catholic

of

Dardo Cabo, son of the metalworkers' influential

ically

(1973-74)

cemisado

organisation invasion

(Concentraci6n

Concentration

Catholic

was to a great

whose ideologsr

its

maintained

to engage in violent

odological

these

outlines

are

far

alternativista

The basic

divisions

bat

with

itself,

those

urging

Other

1974.

Gustavo

(the

Catholic

independence

the

More important

14.

Catholic

University

echoed by Tacuara

extent

such as

through

organisations

and the

National

Montoneros,

the age of

front

closer

CNU) before -

Ramus, passed at

Youth

influence

which,

Youth)

never-

and freedom

both

close,

of action

politically Peronist

their

and those

motivation

between

strategically, role

for

united ideology.

their

to go Yet

to be denied.

to Marxism,

more preoccupied

those

meth-

and ideologically,

importance

attitudes

a greater

politico-military

linguistically

for

were over members'

an auxiliary

later

of a revolutionary too

exercised

upon the

sufficiently

literature

ideological and,

University

Universitaria

the MNRT undoubtedly

sketch

to recent

those

Malvinas the as

Giovenco, stuck

semi-fascist

Action

They were never

beyond an outline

Rightist

activity.

political

organisations.

at the hands

Catholic

Alejandro

organisational

As an organisation, than

the

El Des-

paper

death

Operation',

1960's

Student

Catholic

Youth,

theless,

the early

were the

though

Working

in

Tacuara

mainstream here

up in

Abal Medina and Carlos

Fernando

his

National

himself

blowing

accidentally

the

and moved into

ideas

member until

Condor team leader,

Another

old

of their

became one of the more leftwing

Cabo never

was christened,

Right.

Armando Cabo, became polit-

as editor

'Condor

the

the New

came via

nationalist

Coming from

1977.

produced

which

Montoneros. to his

and as a leading

in January

of the military

leader

the Montoneros

in

also

preaching

organisation

between with

focuismo in relation

comand to

215 -

-

struggles.

workers'

The strongest

ist

leadership of

in

1962 and with

the MNRT towards

resolve

sults.

This

this

alternativismo, suggested. conceptions

were never

steps

Long Live

King, to

Rosas,

in

for

further

yet

elaborated,

progressing

Long Live

Franco,

to the Left

shifts

re-

revolutionary Left

who

intelligently

their than

naive

the Jews! " to the Programme of Huerta

bases

and mili-

action

only

more influential

of the Peronist

ground

force,

the young

as an almost

Peronist

sense and through

was certainly

fully

development

of ideological

lot

brute

annulment led

1963,

with

of the

1

were far

fopuismo

Their

the

"against

methodological

the MT

with

the masses into

by the more recent

can be effective".

Both in

in

maxim,

turn

was regarded

contradictions,

hope was inherited

to Per6n's

It

galvanise

Peronist

internal

force

applied

would

which

in

proscription

foQuismo.

of Peron-

and consequential

met by the military

results

tarily

subscribed

1950's

reformism,

solution

magical

late

legal

of

the failure

as a background,

towards

election

Peronists

the

in

insurrectionalism

of the MNRT was to armed

commitment

Resistencia

the

With

struggle.

unitary

analysts

both

important

represented

Its

leaders

"Long Live

covered

Christ

the Bolshies,

Down with

have and their

and amateurish,

Left. from

tentative

the, Death

Grande,

and laid

some of the

on the part

of later

Revolutionary

Peronists.

COMPANERO

"..... for

1. 2.

mouthpiece Liberation"

of Revolutionary

Peronism

in

the battle

2

quoted in "Violencia M. R. P. Congress resolution, 1964). Per6n,

" op.

cit.

Companiero, no.

59

Revolucionaria, 1964,

a

(11th

August

- 216 -

Compafiero,

the main publication

dency,

made its

dizi's

former

secretary,

though

rarely

credited

stated

for

first

through

were later

its

Jaime

1

Peronist

editorial

ideas

Rearte.

the

of

more specifically

of

of the

of the

left-wing

this

first

Valotta,

Fron-

importance, be under-

cannot

were propounded the

voiced It

time.

which

views

of

reflected

as

such as Armando

of young activists Study

to any understanding

Mario

Left,

Compafero

of Peronism

conceptions

and Gustavo

central

columns

ten-

revolutionary

theoretical

even by the later

sectors

the

as moulded

well

Its

editor.

to become common currency.

the most radicalised

early

June 1963 with

in

appearance as its

of the

weekly

paper

revolutionary

of the Revolutionary

is

therefore

tendency

and

Peronist

Move-

ment. The starting supporters for

must be its

experiences

of Companero and its

any evaluation

interpretation

of background

developed

journalists

the weekly's

the political

for

point

their

of the Peronist

ideas

political through

events analysis

of

Movement:

"Concrete with its succession of victories action, and defeats the is latter the the principal school of great mainly There, in practice, the revolutionary liberation movements. then enriched through line of Peronism was forged, afterwards that through theoretical experience of and exploranalysis 2 ation". Certain

of the

tions ing

a national

due to

were drawn from analysis

conclusions

"internal

1946-55

Peronist

liberation

governments. but

process

contradictions

within

of

the practical

limita-

They were seen as initiat-

as being

the popular

to

complete it 3 Despite forces".

unable

1.

to 1955 and after Armando Jaime was a Peronist the prior activist He was a member of in Resistance coup participated comandos. Cooke's National Peronist Youth. Command and a founder of the first

2.

"No HabrA Perd6n, " Companero,

3.

"Peronismo

y Revoluci6n,

" ibid.,

no.

71 (3rd No. 17

November 1964), (16th

October

p.

1963),

I. p. I.

217

the

labour,

growing

Movement in

worker-bourgeois

the early

view,

the Movement forward

taken that

many bourgeois

port

the

focused

dox"

Peironists

not

had deserted

but

Indeed,

also the

However,

early

revolutionary,

1

intransigent

the itical

postures

compromise

again

in

his

with

an attempt

to maintain

the use of demagogic

through

Comran`ero maintained Movement had exhausted

Ibid.

myth which analysis

from fulfilling cutting

the Left

their

to total

the unity

his

him off

one-sidedly than his

confrontation of his

from stressed

overall the

and then

Movement and his

polother, back power

acrobatics.

that

the hegemonic

liberation

bourgeois

potential

of

of Per6n as a social

Peron had swung one way and then opponents

bourgeois of the

the class

of Evita

1955 rather

component

Peronist

Per6n"

the presentation

in

early

interpretation

valid

For alongside

illusion,

the

the demands of the

of bureaucrats

of Perlin

course.

zig-zagging

from

this

To maintain

in

"revolutionary

the death

after

by a circle

mission

revolutionary the masses.

by the

decade appeared

prevented

this

as "ortho-

of the Movement. as

economy declined

to satisfy

the weekly.

way into

Peronist

to sup-

of history

subversion,

Movement and erstwhile

was contaminated

its

found

Per6n and the workers

limitations

as the

Peronist

of the

fall

Peronist

have

then of this

the Companero school

on the

also

abandon the government.

did

1.

in recognition

become impossible

classes

social

was partly

on oligarchic-imperialist

solely

did,

did

it

1950's,

and it

the

initiat-

could

measures

of

inside

progressive

revolutionary

1955 defeat,

the

movement.

multi-class

condition

coup.

In explaining thus

further

paralysing only

sectors

1955 military

and the

had become apparent

conflict

1950's,

In Comnanero's

ives.

to industrialisation

regard

made with

advances

in

sectors

the early

of the 1950's.

218-

-

In order

the Movement to maintain

for

momentum, the paper

bourgeoisie,

development

classes,

their

the Left

Peronism,

would have to accept hand,

"the

had passed into

big the

tions

the

a blank

was an inter-bourgeois

to the problems

faced

but

dependent

and financial

this

ones,

Sectors

programme of Huerta

and

of the former.

be won to the project

industrial

commercial, enemy camp.

classes

the

bloc

of

the

of revolu-

Grande,

hegemony in any alliance.

class

working

Compaaero urged cause it

in

epitomised

national

between

buffeted

when in power.

argued,

com-

Illia

1963-66

an independent

ended up as allies

policies

oil

government,

oligarchy-imperialism

were not independent

could,

classes

the

bour-

the

Frondizi

by the

were both

power,

vacillating

1958-62

represented

and had generally

class,

sense they

explaining

for

of

Both the industrial

of office.

they

in

as reflected

by the

considered

contending

the working

other

term

In office

policy.

forces

tionary

capital

on the basis

to the national

pointed

were seen as too weak to pursue

government

In this

it

represented

considered

and the middle

middle

Frondizi's

revolutionary

to be reorganised

foreign

with

made during

promises

major

ties

closer

it

Moreover,

leadership.

working-class geoisie's

for

called

its

or recover

but

On the bourgeoisie"

1

vote

in

contest by the

the

1963 elections

which

popular

could

not

precisely provide

besolu-

movement:

to the oligarchic "the lame bourgeoisie is no threat structures it only aspires to become a urgently; which must be destroyed (of junior in the national partner wealth with impershare-out Its sole motive in seeking popular support is to use ialism). the people's it as a bargaining only to sacrifice counter, later interests on if that becomes and those of the nation their 2 necessary in order to safeguard own interests". It

was in

1.

"Falsa

2.

Ibid.

this

rejection

Opci6n, " ibid.,

of bourgeois

no.

1 (7th

allies

and in

June 1963),

the view

p. 1.

that

only

219 -

the working

could

class

liberation

leading

process,

promised

foreign

with

provide

a front

character,

though

the

ship

were never

made explicit.

was characterised

great

majority

of the working

ially

revolutionary

tures

1

of the Movement".

continued

2

onto

Martian

in

led

the Left

leg

of the non-revolutionary

for

to call

they

opportunist Only

that

insisted

in

this

way will

that

a purge

"old

line struc-

the presence

with

of

elements,

but again

the

later "must

occupy

be an authentic

para la Lucha, " ibid.,

In line

trade

16 (9th

"Reorganizaci6n p. 1.

2.

to an overcoming of contradictions, Superaci6n refers leading to a synthesis. tion of contradictions

3.

"Peronismo

y Revoluci6n,

" op. cit.

no.

left union

it

cleansby cadres

with

this

Keneracional, by the

old

leaders....

revolutionary

1.

the was

terms,

replacement

the places

and the bureaucratised Peronism

the analogy

trasvasamiento

of

of

common with

a thorough

of the Movement. slogan

presented

In practical

and their

the

the Movement devel-

has much in

the leadership,

of

than

rather

The idea

conflicts, level

wing

defect

potential.

development,

the Youth

politicians

being

was not

of the

of this

overcoming

the revolutionary

demand and anticipating

of the

and political

argued

the pages of Compan'ero.

made explicit

expression

structure

paper

(revolutionary)

not

drawn from

Valotta's

of dialectical

notion

leader-

potential

the bureaucratization

Peronist

of internal

a higher

left-

of workers'

"political

this

leadership,

of the Movement's

stifling

a superaci6n oping

the

envisaged

its

com-

weakened the Movement qua revolutionary

bureaucracy

movement but

not

the

and as such was seen as a potent-

However,

movement.

to emerge due to

a conciliatory

as the class"

and a revolutionary

had failed

implications

in

sectors

all

Compnfiero demonstrated

socialist

Peronism

leadership

and unwavering

incorporating

that

capital,

wing

realised

strong

movement".

October

1963),

to a resolu-

3

-220-

Thus the tionary

vanguard

At times, movimientista

analyses,

deficiencies minded

1

the

pointing-an

bourgeois

of

made of the Left

enemy" over in

the

time

of why, if

as it

they

it

"only

get weaker

same time,

to

contributors, acknowledged

immaturity

of the by

apparatus the Left if

only

had

the rev-

no analysis

was

for

why support

claimed,

mistakenly

the

conquest

deduced

the

"Dos Batallas p. 1.

2.

"Un Paso Atras,

2.

"Interesado p. 1.

that

consciousness, of power through

" ibid.,

Confusionismo,

"

no.

" ibid.,

their

positions

their

workplaces

had attained

will

(18th 34 no December 1963), no.

of the

a

had come to realise

a revolution

ibid.,

24 (5th

it

class

Move-

the weekly

the service

occupying

the working

Peronist but

to maintain

the workers that

Fundamentales,

1.

they were "in

had been able

Seeing

political

of the

were no revolutionaries,

no explanation

revolutionary that

at

a number of years.

1964,

its

undermined,

leaders

most of the front-line

ment in Argentina

3

would

of a clear-

bureaucracy,

of the

the

all

of privilege

times

"the

was to be

for

greater.

Certainly,

provided

forces

of economism and the reasons

strength

was not

at the

At the

strength.

the

"domination

The bureaucracy

wing grew in

olutionary

2

the absence

reflected

the

become

of later

scapegoat

other

at

finger

mentality"

to win more support.

"Only

credit,

if

the revolu-

and would

the level

the

has allowed

the bureaucracy and that

line"

revolutionary elements

Movement:

accusing

of

strength

to

la burocracia

to their

into

descamisados.

descended

analyses

leadership

However,

than

and his

making

and consistent

rather

Perön

was to develop

the bureaucracy,

replace

of the Peronist

survive".

that

Compafero

the Left

of

would

which

nexus between

dynamic

the

task

self-assigned

32 (4th

enable

February

it

1964),

p. 1.

February

1964), "

221 -

-

to end with

true

that

dragged

their

is

and misery"

oppression

was holding

the bureaucracy

only

little

in

1964-the

cracy,

under

admittedly

intended

its

from

pressure

and in

finale,

directed

as

suspend-

was the bureau-

it

the rank-and-file,

de Lucha and to some extent

Plan

the

de Lucha before

Plan

the

ing

doing

in

return

projected

it

while

of Peronism

May Day rallies,

Per6n's

to achieve

as possible

leaders

that

not,

However,

back.

the workers

to hold

than

more often

and,

and political

union

in refusing

feet

1

drew up

which

the impressive

occupa-

tions.

The Left

tial

Peronism

coup-mongers,

military

as a revolutionary

a US-backed

through tina would by his

expect

fellow

supposed and the consisted

Per6n would

devised

corrupted

by Frigerio,

sectors

of examples

their

settle

of the

of Vandorist

" op.

1.

"Dos Batallas...,

2.

"Vandor se une a Frigerio: (16th June 1964), 51 no.

Movement,

the Frigerio

however,

with

accounts Frondizi,

trade

workers' government

him;

Vandor

as promised

group,

with

Vandor.

bureaucracy.

to Per6n

the

paper,

Illia

Aramburu,

union

treason

the

back to Argen-

be brought

then

the Peronist

to inherit

then

down the

bring

by

to destroy

to secure

not

from a CIA gun would await

conspirators;

the way, would plot

coup; bullet

where a silver then

ram to help

to

circumstanplot

an alleged

According

by the bureaucracy

as a battering

demands-but

2

of purely

and Vandor

Prigerio

movement.

de Lucha was intended

Plan

On the basis

June 1964 denounced

Compafiero in

the most machiav-

by attributing

paradox

the bureaucracy.

to

evidence,

imperialism,

of

explained

motives

ellian

this

(the

to him Per6n out

Such was the

US imperialism The evidence suppression

by

cit. Pretenden p. 3.

'eliminar'

a Per6n, " ibid.,

delegate in the dealings Frigerio with Perbn which was Frondizi's led to the Peron-Frondizi electoral pact. For his correspondence Corres ondencia Peron-Fri rio 1 8with Peron, see Ramon Prieto, (Argentina: Macacha Güemes, 1975). Editorial

-222-

him of PerEn's tion

and his

Peron

Primera dor's

given

to Vandor

Plana

; meetings

displacement

was pure

being

hard

than

in

tion

to

the

with

its

leadership.

union labour

well

as being

than

be remembered file.

It

worker

policies

could

for

economic

ers

had in

and the

revolutionary, over

allies

the

shared

the idea

government,

being

rather

drawn between

camp and the bourgeoisie

and Peronist

to pressures

that

also

it

not

demands,

directing their

times as in

like

1964.

from

and influences

was compelled

for

from

to lead

its

the motives

more enthusiastically,

re-

Moreover, above,

it

as

must

own rank-andpursuing

workers'

and even though

to a

differences

persistently

Whatever

distor-

although

wage levels.

pressure

bureau-

reduced

have significant

get away with

such a struggle, task

bourgeoisie,

came under

therefore

be crudely

local

did

forces,

and partial

not

it

Peron

pro-imperialist

could

questions

subject

and at

have gone about

The rest

bureaucracy

the Illia

lines

industrial

The bureaucracy

supposed

and Van-

Peron was based on fantasy

revolutionary

of imperialism

rather

political and

officers;

the enemy camp was an oversimplification

mere agent

1.

trade

Peronist

of the battle

oligarchy,

of reality.

formist

the

to assassinate

view

and the masses in

cracy,

from

military

the Que

reviews,

elec-

1

Companero's

the

of Vandor with

the

chosen by

committee

the Movement);

the, pro-Frigerio

army elements

a plot

evidence.

including

in

before

just

until

the four-man

Though the

of right-wing

there

vote

to reorganise

of Framini

speculation.

antipathy

a blank

to recognise

refusal

and headed by Framini

build-up

of

for

1963 order

struggles

Vandorist they

anti-

could

the important

leadsurely fact

On the CGT campaign, see Jorge Correa, Los Jerarcas Sindicales (Buenos Aires: Obrador, 1974), p. 43; and for a Labour Editorial Ministry on it, report see Santiago Sen6n Gonzälez, El Sindical(Buenos Aires: Editorial Galerna, ismo desvues de Perön 1971Y, pp. 78-84.

-

that

is

they

on the

rest

It

lead

did

had tremendous

powers

their

unions,

which

the

their

percentage

of union

the banning union

which

lists

leaders

gained

them to. frequently

Though not Hero's ap

tendency

internal

cratic

for

62 de Pie

Junto

of the bureaucracy example,

elections

as the revolutionary

in

the

Framini

January

the

breadth

and

1.

James,

"Power '

contradictions

and

Politics...,

of

standing totally

was not

of Compafiero and the

perspectives

1964 Textile

latter's the

early

" op.

cit.,

Left.

pp.

Com-

criticise

of

1965 and

unions

and the

inter-bureaudisplaced Andros

camp. later,

secFramini,

was solidly

Workers'

Association

against

the reformist

identified

support

1

late

in

ten years

which

and devoid

to dissident

than

candidate

to

recognise

revolutionary

then

radical

by the Left

passim.

of the

support

rebels.

against

the pro-Vandor than

from

control

of Labour,

apparent

Rather

part

the

as monolithic

CompaAero referred

as part

who was less

However,

between

a Peron.

supported

bureaucracy.

bureaucracy

appeared

as such,

conflicts

the

the

and more commonly

however necessary

is

in

and finally,

impunity

with

These became especially

conflicts.

pro-Peron

it

case,

to regard

1966 when a split

early

tors

the

always

fraud

the Secretary

act

the big

of

bureaucratic

of candidates; from

the expul-

derived

encouraged

to

member sections;

wage rises;

which

procedures,

often

discipline

replace-

particular

structure

of the bureaucracy,

of opposition

enabled

again

concentrated

in negotiated

share

in

facilitated

which

to legally

strength

electoral

statutes,

centralized, leaders

enabled

financial

tremendous

union

once entrenched, democratic

peaceful,

Danny James has pointed

difficult.

of militants;

sion

leaders,

union

their

rendered

which

to interpret

powers

the major

that

to

able

numbers of workers.

of significant

however

ment exceedingly

and were therefore

such mobilisations

sufferance

was true

223 -

for In

3-17;

with

the

him reflected mid-1964,

Coria,

in

the

op.

cit.,

224-

-

way of self-criticism battle

for

control

to departures icant

of this

to his

had himself

the

that

ruling

other

is

of the petty

weekly's

contention

out

emerge arose

bourgeoisie

of both

the

(failing

consciousness,

in

success

1.

short-term

for

any revolutionary

"E1 Fin

for

was the

non-

for

years

be noted

the

de la Farsa, "

situation

here

example)

encouragement

trade

Compan'ero, no.

holds

The

to

was still of revoluunion

and

out no promise

contention,

58 (4th

of large

One cannot

many revolutionary

fallacious

were motiv-

the need to believe

of cadres.

which

indus-

revolution

analysis

and from

though

camp.

for

between

for

shift

the vanguard, of its

enumer-

militant

the revolutionary conditions

was the

were never

were taking

element,

organisation

this

leadership,

was a decisive

to differentiate

to come winning that

there

to rev-

obstacle

the mass of workerd

superficiality

for

only

components

the objective

all

the

must be challenged

towards

the subjective

only

situations

also

even though

of a revolutionary

these

that

that

nor

revolutionary

should

the tendency

tendency

Peronist

and workers

no evidence

that

that

components

even though

ambition,

and that

view

contemporary

were divided

sectors

revolution

only

Framini

after

words,

revolutionary

confessed

the paper

that

behaviour

In other

of the

Companero analysis

there

by political

imagine

the fact

the

the most signif-

of the bureaucracy

oft-expressed

the

classes

action,

tionary

is

1

sectors

was the

all

the

Again,

existed

however,

Framini

Perhaps

consistency.

and zig-zagging

and mature,

were present

ated

apparatus,

to such sins.

in Argentina

assumption

trial

Peronist

in

purposes.

Underlying

the

local

used the support

revolutionary

ated.

by the Vandorists

vacillations

admitted

often

olution

defeated

episode,

to back displaced

prepared latter

the

over

being

from revolutionary

aspect

referred

after

It

recruits. held

August

also

1964),

of

by many

p.

1.

225 -

-

non-Peronist it

artificially

the

fact

that

A final

and frustrated indication

of Perbn as a social

of his

lead

deficient

Perlin

had himself

such

illusions

when other

attempting

committee

a special for

preparation come Vandorist

of the

being

his

into

account.

1960's,

1965 'Message

event"

(i. e. the

which local

2

struggle.

basis

Given

becomes clearer

In 1963, worried

charged

the Vandorists

enemy and had in fact

author-

the Movement in

to reorganise a move which

strategy,

His re-

failed

to over-

successfully.

one can cite early

1

as one of "pacification"# their

by Framini

a more combative resistance

Indeed, Turn'

led

decision

the masses".

though

the

with

many examples the

perhaps

of Perbn's

supposed

'Left item

most revolutionary-sounding

to the Youth':

to substitute "We are by no means trying one man for another but We triumph the for not are seeking system. another one system the but triumph of a majoritarian class, or another, of one man Class". the Working the Argentine people: composed of

1. 2.

'! IIn Desafio "Nuestras

Hist6rico, Consignas,

of

1964 was seen as an

of Defeat"

Per6n had publicly

to come to terms

His

a revolutionary

mission

of Perbn are taken of Vandor,

ascendancy

his

in

liberation

to understand

are hard postures

itself

to a revolutionary described

Compaflero is

against

with

of the Marshalls

to the removal

that

ised

would be "in

argued,

and lead

with

that

ignoring

reflect

revolutionary.

identification

"profound

bureaucracy)

by the

generally

to Argentina

to return

attempt

the Left

would

will

must be levelled

which

criticism

characterisation

turn,

deficiency

the subjective

factors,

subjective

in

unmarxian

conditions.

objective

its

from

objective

separates

is

themselves'Marzist,

considering

groups

" ibid., " ibid.,

no. no.

38 (11th

63 (8th

March 1964),

September

1964),

p. p.

I. I.

226 -

-

He warned

his

the

bourgeoisie,

ing

short

ism"

followers

the

against died

which

upon the, seizure

to "polyclassism"

as opposed

spirit"

of political

and ended with

revolution,

of social

"revolutionary

purported

power,

of

stopp-

of "class-

an assertion thatt

when stating

between oppressed and oppressor "Peaceful co-existence classes We have posed the fundamental task of triumphis impossible. ing over the exploiters, in our even if they are infiltrated own political movement". 1 Peronist

Compafiero and the face

value,

than

a gesture

a bonapartist ogeneity

off

with

Left

to make political

to try

a legitimacy

orthodoxy.

This

the Peronist

movement it the

Caudillo.

of Peron's

1.

legitimacy affiliation

could

out

Left

other

one must question

supporters

at

this

Perön, "Idensaje a la Juventud, " 20th (23rd August 1973), P" 49. 11 no.

if

the

other

was of

than

but

October

that

crucial

importance

in

for they

to claim

it

due

such a personalistic

through

for

authority.

enabled

the political time,

having

his

given

was

provided

was reasonable

of them,

which

of most workers,

be obtained

not

However, left-wing

capital

and orthodoxy

he was always

challenge it

gestures,

on the Peronist

the playing

He therefore

began to

its

arbitra-

when the Vandorists,

support

leftist

heter-

between

Nevertheless,

the Movement.

As

strategy,

through

of one wing

at

rather

the social

or through

side

leadership,

of Perön's

bestowed

to

local

of the

In the light the

on the

dominate

pendular

authority

factions.

of tactical

a degree

control

personal

of warring

by Per6n,

to retain

and reconciliation

conflicts

to completely

threatening

gained

his

maintaining

statements

Movement by balancing

of his

come down strongly

to

Left

Per6n sought

unity

each other

against

definition

of an overall

as part

par excellence,

of internal

prepared

the

to the Left

sectors,

such left-wing

them a revolutionary

and political

component tion

in

seeing

took

Left

they

1965,

the sponsorship sophistication appear

to have

Militancia,

of

227-

-

genuinely

believed

the

early

period

but

of

own image.

believing

Quite

in not

naive

leader

of the Argentine

the strong Perlin"

ism without

Left

but

purposes ed the leftism

to the

the extent

extent they

that,

that

they

a revolutionary

were Peronist,

looked

precisely

they

the fact

in

movement,

multi-class

Yet real

Peronists.

were Peronists they

recruitment

They constituttheir

versa.

to the extent

- To

that

Perbn for

of the

Peronist

faction

within

placed

in

to the rank-and-file

looked

were a Left

"Peron-

Peronist

early

- and vice

superac16n;

a movement which

alternatives

consideration,

followers tionary

the

the Movement for

to the non-revolutionary

they

hosp-

great

they

super-

Left

lay

a broad

emphasis

upon person-

adoration.

alistic

under

that

revolutionary

Movement but were limited

The contradictions

assistance.

were

as the Vandorists

in mind that

entering

were left-wing,

of the Movement for

structural

be kept

of the Peronist

left-wing

their

supporters

the fraternal

alternative,

and revolutionary

were radical

in

of the Movement,

character

a viable

must also

own ends.,,

in Madrid.

personalistic

a body of socialists

was not

these

record,

was accepting

Franco

was hardly It

were to discover.

their

had fashioned

whom they

in

a question

why Juan Domingo Per6n,

proletariat,

Francisco

was not

to use Per6n for

1946-55

questioning

of General Given

trying

from his

It

Turn".

in a "Peron"

apart

surely

itality

"Left

of the Left

Left

the

Per6n's

in

to this

are hard to imagine.

to work in mass workers' their

contradictory

position,

Even Lenin

organisations,

in

the period

had counselled

no matter

how reac-

leaderships:

"If you want to help 'the masses', and to win the sympathy and imperatively 'the of you must.... masses', work wherever support the follow the masses are to be found"(and)"you must soberly the preparedness of consciousness and of class state actual (not Communist the its vanguard), all only of of class whole

his

228-

-

(not masses

toiling The Peronist fell

into

left

sciousness Almost Movement: loyalty? in

of equating

that

with

felt

How to criticise

and put

support this

intent

of major

the form

They were forced the

charges

con-

in

that

laid

the antipathy

"old

still

between'Peronof leftist

dealings

their

later,

due to solid

rhetoric

to a distortion

the

to Per6n

they

postures,

Peronist

in

emphasised

Even when, a little

Peron was innocent

against

the Peronist

alternative

Peron's

Due to

compromises

in

a clear

him?

was bound to lead

they

of working-class

a movement which

in

appeals

to maintain which

levels

forward

Peronism.

ism and Socialism,

often

saw through

socialist for

as has been seen above,

left-wingers

name from

Left

Peronist

a need to couch

working-class

in

faced

obsequiousness

its

elements)".

radicals.

How to avoid

of the

in

but,

problems

took

advanced

existing

of Peronist

insuperable

a Movement which

sectors

to do this

tried

the trap

of their

only

1

Per6n.

with

of any complicity of the

structures"

Movement.

was then

The Companero analysis inter-bureaucratic

over

constitutes between

militancy

Peron.

On the other

and revolutionary

posed a threat

jectively

tionary

propagative

consistent temptations

1.

its

strategic

of foauismo,

in mass workers' even though

for

class

it

struggles.

"Left-Wing" Communism. An Infantile V. I. Lenin, Foreign Languages Press, 1970), pp. 44 & 57.

in ob-

Movement as a

promoted

It

faith

struggle

to be conducted

some of its

of what

to differentiate

and to his too,

tasks,

to gloss

and by blind

support

of strategy

and organisational

participation

failure

leadership

tendency

consideration

consciousness

to Perön's In terms

multi-class-movement.

by its

situation,

hand,

by its

by inadequate

conflicts,

a revolutionary

marred

revoluthrough

resisted

supporters,

Disorder

like

the the

(Peking:

229 -

1I RT, xere ary

not

activity

Indeed,

so resilient.

to small

as opposed

its

emphasis

upon mass revolution-

group armed actions

was strategically

Leninist.

"Individual or small

groups

(referring

terrorism" which

are

divorced

to armed actions

from mass struggles)

by individuals was unequivoc-

repudiated:

ally

"to promote individual isolated acts of violence, without any based on of the masses, is an attitude plan and independently in the best of cases, a lack of underdesperation and reveals, (revolutionary) the standing of process". While regime,

individual

and its

wastage

legitimated

was considered

mass violence

violence

was ruled

out

for

of opportunities

by the violence

of

the

of ineffectiveness

on grounds

mass struggle:

to anticipate transforming "We feel that it is mistaken events, into a policy these actions which can only serve as a provocaby the period tion, instead offered of using the possibilities to in order carry forward work of intense entering we which are of the working around the objectives class. popular mobilisation it leads directly through the road of In the final analysis, defeat to conciliation with the enemy". 1 In but

other

words,

would,

isolated

by default,

were not

armed actions

only

tendencies

the reformist

strengthen

doomed to failure the union

in

leadership.

by the

Though influenced interdependence

mutual foauismo

was clearly

People's

Guerrilla

labour ities

movement, for

surface

two "deviations",

1.

"La Idnea

Cuban Revolution

of national questionable

and social (though

Army) in a highly especially vis-A-vis one rightist

Justa,

"

in

not

urbanised

a period

underground

terms

of seeing

revolution, for

the unfortunate

country

with

a powerful

were great

activity.

Compan'ero pointed

14 (10th

in

the

classical

when there

and one leftist,

Compan'ero, no.

in

the labour

September

1963),

possibilto

movement:

p.

I.

230 -

-

"conciliation is

the

with

enemy and isolated dictum

of Lenin's

reminded

2

ultra-leftism.

It

about

than when denouncing

the

The People's

enemy.

against tine

"nothing

permanent

the

of

real

itarian

the

aged the unite

all

quite

length

Peronism, However,

the

under

Left

the early an ideal still

when he argued

extremely

difficult

1.

"Reorganizaci6n

2.

Lenin, "Left-Wing not infrequently the working-class complementary".

3.

"Un Desaflo

4.

"El Peronismo with Rodolfo

through

that

the major-

felt

that front

deficient

with class".

para

the

the

presence 4

This

la lucha,

little

Compafiero envis-

while

its

desirable

" op.

Peronist

leadersince,

to hypothesise spearhead,

of a vanguard during

which

a great

was thus

role.

a Comraflero

and necessary,

of an independent problem

which would

intended

Puiggr6s

breadth,

Front

was fanciful

it

Movement and

discussion

and incapable

though

that,

Peronist

Liberation

received

liberation

to "combine

of the working

in Argen-

of the mainstream

revolutionary

dilemma was posed by Rodolfo

movement must have,

flows

with

in maintaining

organisation,

National

of the Front

interview

ship

vanguard

forces

anti-imperialist

was itself

firm

of the

a restructuring

of a broader

construction

about

interference

was equally

which

of the Left

was defended

example,

foreign

struggle

of a revolutionary

correctly,

for

with

to make deals

attempts

one

3

The formulation

ship.

treatment

its

can be done outside

and definitive

from proposing

creation

in

represented

of popular

hand-in-hand

going

Army,

the weekly

yet

process

movement". Apart

at

life,

it

and here again

opportunism

Vandorist

Guerrilla

that

allegations

political

violence"

was more fraternal

"deviation"

1

it

was

national

political

leader-

posed by the early

cit.

Communism..., " op. cit., p. 17: "Anarchism was sins of a sort of punishment for the opportunist The two monstrosities movement. were mutually

Histörico,

" op.

cit.

debe darse una Conducc16n Revolucionariat " Interview (11th Puiggr6s, 38 ibid., March 19641. no.

-231-

Peronist

Left

but no real

in which

area later

the first

of any front

insistence

demonstrates,

again

its

This

were suggested.

tendency

revolutionary

though-its

generations,

to it

solutions

had little

upon working for

radicalism

was one

to bestow

to

leadership

class

the period.

THE REVOLÜTIONARTPERONIST MOVEMENT

"...

in

day,

its

of Combative

it

brought

Peronism

together

from

the

over

all

country" Gustavo

Peroniata in

MRP) was created -

the headquarters 2

gates"

fonario,

of the Shoemakers'

Manifesto

documents fairly

ism.

A message sent

ings

who, alarmed

ded to the increase for

It Peronism, ments;

at least

Peronist

Peronist

was a typical there

merely

appears their

the

2.

"5 de Agosto: 1964), p. I.

Historica,

Peron's

official

of Vandorism,

bless-

had respon-

of some activists

with

movement to be structured. In the worst

out by such people

"Por que fracas6 Gustavo Rearte, (September 1974), p. 3. 18 no.

the

the Peron-

Villal6n,

contained

and Left-turn

Congress.

1.

Jornada

by Rector

challenge

"dele-

Revoluc-

of Revolutionary

to have been no democratic

reading

the Decälogo

elaborations

them),.

1964

of Principles,

of Cooke provided

in mass militancy

a revolutionary

2,000

the writings

one of at

on 5th August

a Declaration

to the M. R. P. Congress

(or

of the leader

a call

theoretical

developed

delegate

alongside

Rearte

An estimated

Programme,

1

Revolucionario.

congress

Union.

approve

and 10-point

which

first

personal

at a foundation

to unanimously

gathered

Revolutionary

Movement (Movimiento

Peronist

The Revolutionary

the best

and represented

el

traditions

debate

of the docu-

as Peronist

Revolutionary

M. R. P., " supplement

" Compafiero,

of

no.

59

to En Luc ha, (11th

August

232-

-

Youth

leaders

Gustavo Rearte

show of hands.

This

was surely

disagreements

political

that

techniques

tain

unity

their

a left

validity

to

them,

designed

to paper

way of trying

to overcome

even though

over

the

cracks

Yet the basic

sectors

it

only

created

documents

coherent

re-

expression

the )RP were not

of

presented

demonstrated

events

as the first

even if

as Gustavo Rearte

by a positive

Subsequent

and significance

tendency,

followed

participants,

which was soon to disappear.

Peronist

itted

Salvide,

the best

to outsiders.

of unity

a false

not

among the

an appearance Congress

and Eduardo

fully

of comm-

recognised:

"the formulations the theorof these documents did not represent level etical-practical of the MRP and of hard-line militants; JRP, A. Jaime". 1 most advanced sector: only of their The Declaration the of

task the

anero

of Principles, power in

of reconquering

1946-55

Peronist

analysis,

assumption

the working

Their

failure,

Rearte,

and extend following

of the

was also

were and are revolutionary

posed the work the Comp-

bourgeoisie

and there

criticism

class

by Gustavo

to complete

to the role

was attributed

that

order

governments.

Per6n was exempted from

cracy.

written

and bureauthe implicit at all

times:

"The failure to develop a national to act revolutionary structure as nexus between Per6n and the people, a role filled so well by Evita, enabled the encirclement of the Peronist popular governto imperialism. The latter's capitulating ment by the bourgeoisie ideology anti-national and counter-revolutionary was able to (the Movement) thanks to the complicity penetrate of the concilbureaucracy iatory which from then on., sold out the Movement and its leader". The 1955 defeat geoisie

was thus

seen as the product

and the bureaucracy

extension

of

of the transformations

the armed "workers'

"Por

1.

Rearte,

2.

"Declaraciön pp. 1-2.0

the

the Movement which

militias"

que fracas6...,

" op.

"treason

prevented

by Peron"

promoted encouraged

de Principios,

of

by Evita.

of the bourthe

constant

and the creation

of

2

cit.

" supplement

to En Lucha,

no.

18, op.

cit.

233In addition ysis

to the criticisms of the

and especially was that

analysis

it

leaders

and failed

Talk

"treason"

of

tendency over

level.

The reality

Furthermore,

Labour

base;

only

that

its

This ership

surely

"true"

its

involves

and rank-and-file

was not

diction.

The power and behaviour

ism of

the )IRP lay

ism had exhausted class

1.

had a genuine

existed,

in their

its

interest

in

like

that

any

same

arguing due to its

holding

it

between in

back from

not

of the bureaucracy

reflected

that

the bourgeois and that

revolution,

but

leadThough

contrathe

weak-

The radical-

rank-and-file.

capacity

the

practice.

a political

social

has rev-

has that

potential

distinction

among the union

progressive

year.

always

produce

perception

bourgeois

that

in

rather

so pronounced

did

they

of interest

just

not

class

is

ex-

potential.

a schematic

which

ideology

is

no

at a political

necessarily it

that

though

to go on to argue

leadership

i. e. revolutionary

viewpoint

of socialist

inexact,

reformist

conflicts

ness

the working

has a revolutionary

Party

the fact

conflicts,

tasks

presence

is

way for-

alternative

expression

erroneous

a mass working-class

the British

realising

that

of

Movement as a whole.

and ignored

of revolutionary

one may agree is

of the

class

little

of the

weakness

the Movement as a whole,

was incapable

it

1955,

anal-

and desertions

revolutionary

internal

found

Though the analogy

potential.

worker

a real

issues,

potential,

movement with

that

that

was that

though

fundamental

the weaknesses

to the Movement in

economic

and bureaucrats,

olutionary

myth,

had emerged and that

pressed

1a

upon the vacillations

to analyse

ward was available Left

cerco

centred

implied

made of the Companero

already

sectors only it

of Peron-

the working mistakenly

to a wall or cordon of bureauA cerco, in Peronist usage, refers Peron and denying him direct encircling crats or traitors contact Cercos were accused by the Peronist Left of diswith the masses. Peron's torting to orders and of misinterpreting popular feeling Peronista Peron. view the leader-mass symbiosis as a revolutionhence the importance the in relationship of cerco ary preventing its realisation.

-234confused `

workers'

sciousness

in

in

forms

its

all

their

the early

orientation

that

this

olutionary

in

its

of Per6n and

to win Perbn's

presented

of the working

class

of Principles

belief

in

their

for

support own political

as a whole

and probably

the MRP document

displayed

the people

that

pronouncement

of internal

superacibn emphasis

analysis

when it

came to rev-

Compafiero spoke of mass struggles

While

methodology.

in

Comranero's

shared

a revolutionary

was a difference

there

insurrections,

the return

struggle

was so.

and its

contradictions,

of con-

revolutionary

militants

Though the Declaration of Peronism

In order

level

actual

consider

way of achieving 1.

)P

project,

as the

believed

only

their

with

"they

-

liberation".

political

stance

1960'a

as the

their

conquering

interests

objective

and

tendencies

some militaristic

would:

From now "reply low to reaction blow for with its own weapons. know how to utilise as the supreme armed struggle on, we will "the people must oppose the regime's action"... method of political own armed forces with their and workers' miliarmy of occupation tias, victory which will, enable them to win and defend their afterwards". What form ified

the popular

though

seems that

it

or some kind

struggle

mass struggle,

armed forces

the M. R. P. envisaged

of military

organisation

either

was never

clar-

a mass armed the needs of the

serving

foauismo:

than

rather

to take

were supposed

"The axis of action of the people mobilisation. must be the total " level becomes it reaches where each man militant... a a until be made by the masses and nothing "the revolution will can re2 place them in this action". It

would

faced

seem then

by subsequent

isolation

from

1.

"Declarac16n

2.

Ibid.

that

some MRP militants

practitioners

the labour

envisaged

of armed struggle

movement - but failed

de Principios,

" op.

cit.

the

type

of problems

fundamentally -

to reconcile

their

the need for

235-

a military with

to military

response

militarily

guerrilla

the

with

military

problem

in

movement which,

Revolucionario

associated

general,

saw the need to fuse

also

to overcome

mass struggles,

the

isolation

viewed

level

and general

that

armed

of foauismo but it

of most mass mobilisations,

powerlessness

such an abstract

at

the problems

with

as alien.

The Manifiesto struggles

a labour

organising

warfare

repression

was posed

to this

no solutions

and

critical

were provided: "To create the popular armed forces which will enable us to fight the army of occupation. For this, it on all terrains against integrated must be totally with the Argentine masses and free of " caste interests and privileges...

The MRP itself, ing

to

this

the principles

and digitiemo

"revolutionary

of

meant democratic was not

the Manifesto,

to

according

out.

Among the NRP aims set tives

the assertion

like

internationalist

and the tion to

and social aeneracional

which in

implicitly

they

merit

Perbn's

socialist

in its so that

in

this

doc=ent

sovereignty

such as the desire

slogan

injustice".

version

they

whether

of verticalismo

were nationalist

for

the

"International-of

wish

"to

definitively

give

the Argentine

can contribute

Latin

objec-

imperialism,

vis-ä-vis

öf

The document also

aim "to

though

accord-

2

of national

aspirations for

and support

out

1

centralism",

or a radical

centralism spelt

was to be organised

American

unity

the People", finish

with

trasvasamien-

anticipated youth

exploita-

the battle

to the structural

post

revolution

progress".

1.

"Manifiesto

Revolucionario,

2.

to the Peronist Verticalismo principle refers of authority and to which all Peronists are expected to obey command, according dieitismo to the leader's refers orders emanating from the leader; being officials, powers to nominate lesser as opposed to the latter by the rank-and-file of the Movement. elected

" ibid.,

p. 3.

236 _ -

This

did

not

problems

the

any illusions

signify

of the Peronist

Movement,

Youth

Peronist

of militant

in a purely

but rather

bureaucrats.

challenged.

He was deemed the undisputed

the

to "wrest

struggle

Finally,

sectors ies

Revolutionario.

This

of the economy,

including

upon foreign

of its

prived ject

land,

for

programme provided the

socialisation

further

State. at

the

National level

public complete

for

call

in

to fall

reforms

However,

sector. socialist

over

as it

programme for

reform,

of production.

that

plans

over

be aided but

it

stands, it

of the physiognomy

said

cannot nothing

Ibid.

2.

"Decalogo Revolucionario, " supplement See also Appendix B on'"Early p. 4.

by the State,

and to be further inroads

about

was also conwere to

a decisive

be characterised

as a

the destiny

of

State.

This

of the revolutionary

1.

by the

presumably

Deep State

2

Grande but

of Huerta

in a mixed economy with

old

nor

an urban

concerns,

the

State

and expansion,

production.

resulting

prothe

and indeed

State

was to be de-

Moreover,

to be taken

monopolies

with

compan-

and all

plan.

control

common with

all

key

of all

oligarchy

a State

with

and workers'

line

control

capitalism,

up

of its

and an industrialisation

compensation,

was to remain,

capital

by workers'

be made into

The landed

educational

the form

interests

monopolistic

of medium- and small-sized

to be required strained

its

and "set

classes"

the nationalisation

proposed

in accordance

of medicine

in

older

of the Movement which

programme in

a radical

The Programme had much in went

leader

the privileged

capital.

without

was to be launched

replacing

1

the MRP approved

dependent

the promotion

however, was in no way

own position,

power from

State".

revolutionary

Decälogo

Perbn's

to

solution

envisaged

to the leadership,

activists

conciliatory

would

generational

to-En Lucha, no. Radical Peronist

18, op. cit., Programmes".

237is

question to

the

State

or a new form .

questions

the future

about to

conclude

that

MP

documents,

fully

thought

back

in

included Rearte

as a National

ance with another turn

those

backed

proposed

that

"from

sectors

1.

or forced

and other

were never held

which

conflicts

as Executive

by the Peronist

by Rector

Villal6n

now on, Companero will "updated

members and Gustavo

one of them conto form an alli-

to imperialism), "the

for

struggle Liberation",

to the Congress,

be considered

as the mouthpiece thought

" Companero,

re-

and a third

in his-message

Villalon,

it

by the most revolutionary

linked

of the

selected

though

which,

bureaucracy

and Social

expression

Mensaje del compaßero Hector back. op. cit.,

Leyes,

were passed:

of the

were to

which

the Congress

Secretariat

dominated

resolutions

National

Left,

Nicanor

of the bourgeoisie

and for

documents,

basic

the Plan de Lucha as part

the MRP", and as the

of this

the future

for

general

so one is

orientation

of the Peronist

three

(attempts

of the Leader

one,

three

these

Member, was not

Furthermore,

demned frentismo

in

in particular,

perspectives

by General-Secretary

led

Unfortunately,

else.

the State

about

nation-

of the MRP.

Jaime and Salvide

sectors.

or something

con-

the MRP pro-

whether

as a revolutionary

as socialist,

due to the internal

possibly

of the heritage

a leadership

in determining

of the radical

from approving

become part

a revamped

Such

armed apparatus

spite

the development

Apart

be just

organisations?

the Movement's out,

Would it

State

based upon popular

to say either

of its

the

in

capitalism,

had nothing

control

revolutionaries

be characterised

Decälogo

attributed

with

only

to be crucial

programme of state

the

State

role

who would

be structured?

of State

would appear

gramme should alist

it

of power:

Peronist

of the former

version

due to the predominant

the seizure

after

and how would

apparatus

trol

importance

of vital

of General

no.

59,

stated of Per6n.

1

- 238-

Comoalfero, forward,

step

but

come.

Quite

'within

the

ists

which

looks

not

but not

the radical

with

the rapidly

It

did

not

1965 Avellaneda the

Congress

Vandorists

fearful

rushed

they

returned

utions they

signed

off

those

to Madrid

and jubilantly by Per6n that

explained

due to

outflanked

"divisionist who falsely

1.

"5 de Agosto, " op.

2.

La Raz6n,

25th

could

not

as well

the MRP as

because

they

For

but

did

presented

Peronist In oblique

authorisation.

(as the

On August

references

bring

threat" Parodi

Superior

and

and Car25th,

Command resolto the MRP,

had been necessary

counter-signature manoeuvres"

all

the tactical

temporarily

Iturbe,

Perlin.

Perlin,

short-lived,

once and for

Vandor,

to make peace with

1964.

if

nobody

disauthorisation

prompt

by the new "revolutionary

on the Left,

leaders'

of a wave with

on flesh.

threat

was to demonstrate)

Per6n's

crest

successful,

the Vandor

cit.

August

of Vandorism,

take

and confusionist invoked

backed

it

to the press.

their

Peronists

Per6n's

Alarmed

to heel.

of being

valli

eliminate

bureaucracy

trough:

of the MRP was a brilliantly

creation ploy.

before

it

in

of the

on the

riding

approaching

MRP, aborting

and opportun-

!. RP programme.

saw the Left

The Congress

the

the wheel

I

revolutionaries

with

sectors

hard-line

revolutionary, a spoke in

a means of putting

seeing

Displaced

the conciliat-

reformists

peacefully,

particularly

attit-

objectives".

electoral that

over-

factious

with

was arm-in-arm

to purely

to

contradictions

to "the

and referred

yesterday

IRP has much validity.

identified

to "important

pointed

names were named, the charge

no

as earnest,

of

only

of the ? RP as a great

had many difficulties

still

created"

and which

co-existed,

the

just

the foundation

it

Valotta

structure

bureaucracy

Though

that

warned

correctly,

ude of a sector ory

lauded

turn,

in

and the activities 2

of

239 dated

These resolutions, Party

as the

Peronist

sole

delegate.

the

recognised

of the Peronist leadership

tactical

Command as the

as Perbn's

Iturbe

20th,

organisation

political

Superior

Alberto

August

At the

Jueticialist

Movement,

the

in Argentina their

same time,

and

purpose

was

Novimiento Revolucionario Peronista, "to disauthorise the so-called of Hector Villal6n, who does not set up under the inspiration Movement, and also belong to this mando, nor to the Peronist the weekly Compa$ero". I its mouthpiece, In

this

way,

15 days,

only

immediate

purpose.

latent

losses

organisations,

but

lost

its

refused created

an alternative

Left

Salta, from

at which

a blank

leadership-to

with

10,000

people

leaders

"oligarchs"

gave Peronist

their

the

them by the warmly

in

1965.

thinking

applauded

Ryan and Cornejo

Linares

Left

and rally they

would in

speeches

Armando Jaime and Juan Carlos Toms

Villalon

1964 rally.

revolutionary

Salomon, hostile a

and re-

2

ception.

The Left,

1.

Ibid.

2.

"Salta: 1964),

especially

La Juventud p. 6.

the Peronist

Revolutionary

en Marcha, " Companero,

no.

Youth,

71

with

to exist

the

that

October

17th

to break

continued

such a campaign

union

Peronist

Left

the elections,

for

iP suffertrade

sacred

which

conduct

They were encouraged

The

including

causing

brought

quickly

When in February campaign

vote

militants

Youth

Peronist

to defend

Per6n's

circle.

open.

sectors,

temporised,

significance.

XRP forces.

Peronist

carry

order

himself

political

to organise

the

in

it

the

of the MBP, a rump organisation

was left

what

when many of the reformist

Villal6n

"orthodoxy".

the NRP into

within

abandoned

full

of the MRP and Villalbn

disauthorisation

after

had served

as soon as it

withdrawn

The head of Janus had turned

contradictions

ed heavy

of the YARPwas terminated

existence being

patronage

Per6n's the

"official"

the

(3rd

organised

November

-240

of Revolutionary

a Plenary

hoped that

also

more organic in

feared

to

over

the latter's

The blank

(elected

regime,

by only

bureaucracy,

scheming

Apart Compatero,

the

Conference

they

Valotta utionary substitute list

workers'

1.

2.

gained Youth

seats

the

groupings Peronist

the blank elected

a fraudulent

vote

campaign,

a National

also

Jaime,

Command, and the

However,

the absence

It

by

sponsored

of these

control

if

organs

the

and

Peronist

Revol-

of its the

one examines

of MRP comandos from

was largely

Youth playing

Comm-

Rearte

of three

as Cordoba and Tucumän and the presence

Revolutionary

the masses

Command and a Central

members and two out

and Lafleur).

(agrupaciones).

the

Per6n from

separating

to

giant".

challenge

also

a youth leading

such

three

of only

conference role.

2

de la Hist6rica "Declaracion Asamblea, " ibid., y Resoluciones no. 77 (2nd fortnight of February 1965), p. 3. The decline of the }RP in Companero becoming a fortnightly was reflected early in 1965. Ibid.

to

the Movement

a "sleeping

old MRP leadership.

two of its

one notices

according

1963 attempt

repudiate but

had much firmer the

over

(Salvide members

places

cerco

on the 8-man Central

provided

of participants,

important

with

had exercised

only

of work-

the Left.

for

The Left

it.

and to organise

its

point

launching

from

not

off,

the

a

movement.

advantage

subordinate

to remain

creating

labour

(called

to repeat

supporters,

would

the

involved

be more effect-

would

take

would

25% of the voters)

shatter

a rallying

and provide

than

was hoped,

it

in

authority

and doom it

objectives

vote,

which

the March

those

towards

step

tendency

of victory)

Frigerio's

with

an alliance

first

Plan de Lucha defeat

the

but

took

which

for

vote

purpose

the bureaucracy

was that

when on the brink

the Left, forge

Peronist

the bureaucracy's

frustration

ers'

would be the

revolutionary

Organisations

the blank

tactical

immediate

Plenary

the

challenging

What they

1965 to proclaim

was its

This

elections.

ive

6-7th,

on February

place

and Young Peronist

- 241 -

delegates

Whereas 2,000 the

MRP in

1964, In

ed 118.1

in

the elections,

1957.2

Moreover,

Grouping

delegates

declarations

the

at

It

is

to the

of his

weakness

organic

ing

U-turn,

between

in

(blank

which

the reversal led

electoralist

then,

of most of their

he publicly

vote)

Students and

vote

confer-

of police both

former

re-

the

Youth

groups trade

"We are

(in

weak appeal

powerful

of Peronist

Left

Peronist

and the revolutionary position

with

slogan"...

of the

the

acknowledged

illusions

and hence its

the centrists

the bureaucracy

to the

support

that

to the instructions

factor

The decisive

the blank impact

the

than

Congress

MRP and Peronist

"We have no false this

second-

disclaimer.

of our line",

weakness

when counterposed

Perön's

for

student,

Youth

the

Peronist

Secondary

Clearly

operation.

of Rearte

tendency:

support

quantitative the

credit

attracted

got no further

at

of attract-

official

the youth,

under

desertion

only

only

was the

University

of revolutionary

Per6n's

vote

Movement and Justicialist

weakened by the

following

allies

to unify

disintegrating

MRP rump and the coalition

union

when it

conference

conference

a blank

organisations

the Policlinico

had been greatly

vote

Though represented

of solidarity.

following

pression

to 24. E

1964 Peronist

the MNRT was rapidly

ence,

for

call

attempts

Youth

of Peronist

attendance

the

as opposed

the founding

the blank

and politico-military

student

ary

later

months

six

4.2% of the voters, line

had attended

union

to

the

conscious

of

regard

to workers bureaucracy.

fortunes terms,

line)

of the bureaucracy.

had been those

to shift Rearte

wavertheir denoun-

ced the: "objective collaboration of those who out of weakness, prejudice remain undefined or opportunism and adopt sheep-like positions on the grounds of discipline which they try to justify and unity".

1.

Rearte,

"La Unica Respuesta

2.

Canton,

op.

cit.,

p. 73.

Vfilida,

" ibid.,

p. 3.

242-

-

Yet

did

denunciation

this

not

Rearte

of the bureaucracy.

tion latter

of

All

the Left

that

of consistent

work

"a revolutionary to the forefront weak, vacillating, however

not

temporising leftist ist

arrival still felt

dency, turn

the

the Left

this

day to day mundane Having hope in

less

now placed

of the Movement.

leadership

of

"Peronismo

held

As Rearte

obliged

hostility

One must remember that

on the

(Peronism

that

"our

with

workers

abandon the mass aspiration

discarded

seeing

permanent

"La Unica...,

"

op.

cit.

2

Peron".

towards for

using

of his is

ten-

the re-

revolution afford

to

by Peron,

due

could

backed

some union

of trade

Because

the rest

The Left

the return

of again

Peron).

social

Vandor-

and proclaim

objective

the

was tactically

the weakness

the possibility

with

about

following

trousers

without

along

vacillating,

cards

to don long

Rearte,

cards,

even when it

of militant

Peron himself,

Ibid.

Peron"

by the descamisados

to the

2.

behaviour.

of the Movement to bring

the bureaucracy'

Rearte,

Peron's

were again

to reaffirm

oppose

1.

to question

Congress

sin

trump

the

for

left-wing,

recent

from Madrid

called

not

as politic

the Avellaneda

at

the Chief

of

could

does,

leadership it pushes itself cannot be nominated, during a process and in the struggle against temporising and opportunistic elements".

see it

concessions

Per6n

and still

and organisation.

Leader,

of the

and opportunistic

attempts

the

the present

its

now put

He did

"Only

-

has enabled,

propaganda

agitation,

them a hand up into

him giving

of the Left

of the

strength

do now was resume the

could

a decision

from

suffered

the

repudia-

1

the bureaucracy".

game of

that

recognised

forces

the revolutionary

on a politico-moral

solely

of the weakness

was a product

weakness

rest

leaders,

but

they

of Per6n.

union

support

the Youth

for

the

and MRP

243Left

he opted

stead ed the the

Congress

"adventurist"

Finally,

Youth

Yillal6n

dismissed

since Castro's

representative

involved

in

Luchino fame. which

and a dealer and alignments

as was that

more recent

held

Villal6n

meeting

a short

was replaced

whom, despite it

report

in

a little died

claimed

with

Cuban tobacco,

of the Fiat

that

Admiral

he led

Massera

the MRP leadership in

support

a lingering

and at

in

by Ricardo

other

times

In

1977,

in France,

of Poliolinico

a Peronist Paris

deputation in

early

Peron-

ist

Youth,

1.

Rearte,

2.

Buenos Aires

3.

Guardian,

4.

PInfiltracibn, de los militares, " Denuncia, y fracaso alianzas Organ of the Movimiento Antiirr or el Socialismo erialista en la Argentina, MASA (New York), May 1978, p. 3.

"Por

que fracas6 Herald,

3rd August

in

1978.4

de Luca under

C6rdoba and among the La Plata

death,

been

Right.

chief

Rossi

times

at

the Peronist

of Horacio

have

of'Peronism

he having

with

the kidnapping

with

Revelli-Beaumont, 3A

in

MRP groupings

in May of the following

Most sectors

as an "adventurer",

shady deals

name was linked

his

behaviour".

Revol-

was deposed as General

expelled

2

divis-

The Peronist

The latter

1966 and then

"bad Peronist

for

Villal6n.

out with

I

further

the more reformist

with

practice

el X. R. P., " op.

14th July

Re-

and an alleged-

coup of June 1966 stimulated

completely

in September

Secretary year

fell

turn

who in

broke

move-

of the Peronist

were defeated.

tendency.

had

the March

at

62 de Pie)

the

by Villalön

disintegrating

the already

within

utionary

Ongania

the

in

which

the union

faction line

the

In-

and promot-

by Alonso,

within

the Alonso

participated

put forward

policy

led

from

Tucumän where both

(which

Youth

volutionary

in

bureaucracy

a Perlin,

for

victory

secured

of the

Vandor

to fight

able

of Vandorism.

challenge

sectors

62 de Pie Junto

of the

support

1966 Peronist

ions

displaced

of being

advantage His

the

for

creation

went.

ly

to the Avellaneda

as a counterweight

abandoning

the radical

cit.

1968.

1977.

-24-

MRP documents

of 1964 to the small

Peroniat

Revolutionary

Youth.

WHY THE MRP FAILED

failure

The political has,

somewhat surprisingly,

ly,

these'early

case of those

their

been barely

by their

heirs.

knowledge

with

analysed

At the

of the

in

same time,

this

Obvious-

In

tendency, felt

to present

to them-

is

pretence

do exist

ex-

groupings.

earlier

order

general

political

the need they

in

which

cognitive

Peronist

stems from

why the few critiques

main reasons

Left

or experience

probably

Peronists.

as genuine

the

predated

Peron as a revolutionary

to present

continue

the

left

initiatives

on the matter

silence

selves

Peronist

of most members of the more recent

perience the

left-wing

of the )RP and early

one of

tend to be highly

superficial. It

1965,

isation

after

tions",

"limitations",

sence

of a solid

blemishes

but

still

the

few to

be regarded

learn

and openly

within

sought

to

the

No explanation

"El ARP fija su posicion (April 28 no. oluciön,

written

Revolutionary

as wholly recognise

that

of the existing

regime"

social

a political

whereas

en la hora actual, 1971), p. 49.

"

ab-

undoubted

by Gustavo Rearte

Rearte 1963-4

for

not

the

constit-

had been con-

conflict

Vandor had

system:

return

was one of

call

did

after deeper

penetrated

party

Peron's

contradic-

of these

to Vandorism,

The Per6n-Vandor

organ-

work and the

Movement,

Perbn's

original

"internal

satisfactory.

a counterblast

the Movement into existing

from

rank-and-file

critique,

definition.

the parameters

"transform

under

1

October

cannot

ducted

1.

of intensive

Another

17th

a revolutionary

workers

lack

of the MRP, while

creation

11RPhad suffered

infrastructure.

the

a mere shadow of the

example,

the early

was offered.

he had formed

ute

for

the MRP.rump,

For

to represent and the

Cristianismo

v Rev-

the

- 245 -

of his

implementation gime.

Vandor's

ment's

"hard-line"

both

integrationist

64 and also

inally

why he withdrew control

believed

that

leadership", this

from

also of three

isations

main factions,

created"

unions Union,

Mario

Aguirre

degree

there

Finally,

was a small

"an adventurer

Villalön,

State

of Salta, small

Workers'

Workers'

of indepenand the organRevolution). etc.

unions

Construction

Workers' Atilio

). etc.

Federation,

to international

A sec-

and the

Association,

left-wing

group of vaguely

dedicated

seen as a

and bis-Peronist

from

learnt

develop.

of the hard-line

De Luca of the Naval

of the Rosario

line"

"hard

a fair

leaders

orig-

the

with

each with

Youth

of com-

colleagues

the MP,

Peronist

1963-

a revolutionary

to break

the

in

Having

within

himself

line,

fear

leaders.

disunity

of the Tucumän Sugar Industry

Santillan

1964 for

union

prepared

to let

(Rearte

(Ricardo

Interior

the Left

the need for

militants

was composed of labour

of the

like

politicians dealings",

and Valen-

Luco.

Despite

backed

brought

the MRP while

temporised

Rearte,

revolutionary

a strong

two groups

other

1.

the

were "the

and "soft"

Revolutionary'Youth

was not

Armando Jaime and his

Youth;

ond faction

tin

they

which

"Peron

acknowledged

there

Firstly,

Peronist

he was prepared

although

federation dence.

that

trade

of the Move-

I

in August

support

had understood

and his

a "hard"

why Peron backed

explain

a change of re-

destruction

sectors.

of the dominant

experience

critique

demanded both

that

"Per6n

Rearte

bureaucracy, This

helps

analysis

required the

required

and bureaucratic

losing

pletely

project"

plan

Perön's

while

the revolutionary Rearte's

iry

"own capitalist

it

a strong

reformist

possessed

Per6n's

when he changed tack.

"Por

presence

que fracasö

in

the

influence sponsorship

first into

faction, the MRP.

but withdrew

Most of them went on to support

el M. R. P., " op.

cit.

the They or the

ýý\

246 62 de Pie -a

had its

ment where the bureaucracy why the MRP never

plain

and this

only

ed from

really

unionists

principle

ive

MRP-style

attempt

at building

being

cadres, which

federations

instrumental

the ideas

towards

Peronist

of Revolutionary

The Rearte

critique

NRP but the es of The failure tion

ed explanation

1.

Ibid.

not

people

all

learnin-

in accordance

into

down to the strength

the

of objectthe

life

same way idea

of

to an

Thus the experience

party.

and other

from movimientista as potentially towards

orientated on the basis

Left

MRP

strategies, revolutionthe building

of working-class

of the Movement.

sectors

explanation

in

of his

with

After

development

of Rearte

shift

value

'.

react

trade

militant

He abandoned the

Peronist

organisations

was why reformism

with

the rest

of alternativismo,

as a causal

put

"uneven

Movement as a whole

has its

for

revolutionary

consciousness!

of the

their

of the MRP to develop

was mainly

equal

development

non-bureaucratic

and non-bourgeois,

activity

and devoted

in

on key issues.

and Rearte

"putting

conversions,

a Revolutionary

the Peronist

viewed

political

and saw that

unity

as a Movement,

left-wing, of

ex-

leadership".

experience,

in. the political

was crucial

its

of

to common experiences.

the same time

forming

ary,

1

consciousness",

and at

joint

he began to speak

however,

event,

"equal

of

ideas

to revolutionary

lead

would

1964 documents

of a reformist

had hoped that

Rearte

and strategic

documents

of the

the inadvisability

the hands

into

the

expressed

the MRP failure

tentions

his

up to the radical

lived

move-

These deep divisions

programmatic

the vagueness

the'labour

within

power base.

full

reached in

was reflected

The MRP never they

the Pandorists

means of fighting

in pointing it

tends

a strong

to the main weaknessto be tautological.

revolutionary

of reformism,

was so strong

in

whereas

the Peronist

organisawhat needMovement,

247-

the Vandorist

in

not

only

the

bureaucracy would

tives

and strategies to in

referred

and had the early

lessons

egic

take

trap

of equating

must be said

of Peron,

of this

behaviour.

This

and thus

strengthened

the various

are highly

militant

economistic

fac-

relevant they

to such an analysis,

Rearte

struggles

and the

Left

of his

the

they

by referring

ambivalence

the illusions

their Perlin

portraying

strat-

the

quasi-revolu-

own ideas

and

as a revolutionary

in his

of many workers

unity to

then attempted

to Perbn's

to justify

order

involved

to maintain

attempt

However,

drew part-

only

They came to recognise

Movement.

necessarily

perspec-

ability

to re-

sectors

of

problems.

solve

demonstrated

Peron had certainly the

that

in

Such an explan-

Here,

chapter

of

proletariat.

a result

and gestures

rhetoric

sectors

of realistic

1960's.

to this

the

multi-class

advantage

tionary

the introduction

the MRP experience.

from

diverse

the

in

of a revolutionary

ambivalence

of his

Left

the

more attention

it

Moreover,

to any articulation

paid

the existence

with

the displaced

the 62 de Pie.

in

Left

have avoided

might

ial

for

in

also

expression

seem fundamental

ation

tors

found

which

but

clique

post-MRP Left

them in dishonesty,

involved

(support

(the egy

for

creation

also

shown his

reasons, radical

that

unreadiness argue

conclusions

from

for

the Left

he might for

that

of this

party

between and their

Left

the MRP experience, and therefore

the

long-term.

the short-term long-term

the short-term, to the Left.

shift

the Peronist

in

sectors

strat-

based on the workers).

be used in

a definitive

in an opportunistic

the Left

aids

Per6n)

but

image by these

contradiction

of a revolutionary

one could

as a failure

rarely

a "revolutionary"

Peron had demonstrated

opportunism

revolutionary

which

was a fundamental

there

Moreover,

advantage

of Per6n's

The promotion

fashion.

tactic

to take

tried

his

should

should

should

Though he had For

these

have drawn more

have recognised

have dispensed

with

it their

24g

upon Per6n.

dependence

from

isolation

itical

documents

the

the

of the MRP

was implicit

which

the

milestone

in

the

different

tenden-

these

influenced

it

like

had offered. they

Indeed,

never

documents.

not

they

though

up lessons

took

up

beyond the ideology like

alternativistas,

only

forward

carried

the need for

learnt

took

and tactical

progressed

In turn,

Youth, also

the Montoneros,

the strategic

ignored

Revolutionary

The experience among Peronist

from

support purest Left

for

and this breaking

expressions. history,

a decade later Had they

but could

it

was the

with

him in

major the

and

a class-based

with

was an experience

which

must be emphasised have devoted

done so, numerous

factor

which

left

its

prevented

in

might

Montoneros, 1970), pp.

of its

have been

avoided.

See fOr example, "Documento: Hablan los (November-December Revoluci6n, 26 no. y

its

Peronists

to an analysis

errors

their

mark on Peron-

the left-wing

that

of Perlin

even though

alternativismo

more attention political

authority

1960's,

inconsistent

him was logically It

the tremendous

illustrated

also

activists

alternativistas

1.

of pol-

and organisation.

strategy

failure.

but

the MRP programme but

developed

of

though

nacional, in

Peronist

Rearte's

I

experience

socialismo

slogan

to years

but would have enabled

was a crucial

Movimientistas,

ways.

the earlier

which

Left,

of the Peronist different

in

cies

have led

would

and consistent.

the MRP experience

Nevertheless, evolution

this

the mass of workers,

to be more principled

Loft

ist

Undoubtedly,

" Cristianismo 11-14.

CHAPTERIV. 'MOVIMIENTISMO't

THE MILITARY FRONT

MOVIMIENTISMO. ALTERNATIVISMO AND CLASISMO

The Peronist Its

homogenous. being

ution

Left

tendencies: to that

ientismo

refers

Peronist

Movement almost

independence

national

in its

that

playing

a progressive

"stage"

of the revolution.

the social

all

There were though, their

way into

ment and who would have to be eliminated,

Left,

the movimientista the Peronist

over

this

this

forces

of social

alliance

a number of

leadership

consolidate

would

of the Move-

or military

means,

leadership. hegemony

working-class

whose basic

of

the present

believed,

by political

movimien-

were capable

during

they the

full

view,

the emergence of a more representative

so as to facilitate For

role

the

of the Argen-

of both

of Peronism

sectors

and even revolutionary

who had infiltrated

"traitors"

instrument

to

Movimregarded

which

Those who held

and socialism.

claimed

Left

i. the bearer e. -

revolution

tistas,

but most have adhered

as the

entirety

of the revol-

and alternativismo.

of the Peronist

section

and social

it

movimientismo

from politically

the nature

over

and the means of achieving

sought

national

decade has been far

have differed

supporters

one of two major

tine

of the last

composition

was

accepted. Movimientismo tradiction" to

imperialist

garchy all

during

to join

forces

and imperialism. the

talk

this

about

in

point

the national

There was nothing socialismo

nacional,

step

the view in

con-

imperialism that

an anti-

the revolutionary

correct

bourgeoisie particularly this

"principal

counterposed

followed

was both

the

that

which

indispensable

phase it with

the belief

was that

starting

was the next

stage

the workers

for

From this

and that

roots

Argentina

affecting

the nation.

process

had its

current

and desirable against "national" inherited

for

the

oli-

here ideas

- 250 -

The "national"

decades.

four

identification

dency's

For fully

the

now truly

way they

this

that

least

at

they

that

broad

be obliged

had

Per6n was

that

those

sections

of

to go along

with

the unity

to maintain

seeking

support

whereas

conquer

could

to

of as many

the full

to socialism,

road

Left

control

by evidence

Per6n would

of the way, in

part

ten-

and its

Peronist

Most believed

the Left

if

of the

hoped to gain

of mass mobilisation.

considered

of history

to win

would be impressed

the Movement and key structures, them,

duty

attempting

to an Argentine

committed

doubts

felt

they

powers

greatest

with

In

as possible.

of Per6n whom

was the

the Movement,

in

by this

provided

school

for

Movement.

it

the movimientistas,

participate

positions

the revisionist

the Peronist

by Communist Parties

was rather

element

with

towards

orientation

had been peddled

which

and alliances

on stages

of the

Movement.

Though the

achieved would this for

be truly as the

process, its

until

consolidated

sectors.

This

they

to adapt

ism's

supposed

capacity

being

ascribed

to the fact

major

component

regarded

would be though

revolution of the

latter. they

it

During saw a need

to be changed and adapted by the

revolutionary

as entirely

Peron-

struggle

had always

class

and

possible,

to socialist

from national the working

that

or "backbone"

been the

of the Movement.

were sustained,

and guerrilla

liberation

the arrival

dominated

were seen

the achievement

viewed

socialist

and structures

the Movement was completely

These views

Left

of the Movement were modified,

tasks

leadership

composition,

working-class

political

with

liberation

and social

- national

towards

of the process

as part

only