Richard Gillespie - The Peronist Left

THE PERONIST LEFT

Thesis

submitted

requirements for

the

Richard

in

accordance

of Doctor

Henry Charles

June 1979

in

the

of Liverpool

of the University

degree

with

Philosophy

Gillespie

by

ABSTRACT

thesis

This

Movement during

Peronist

the of

Cuban Revolution, the

in

and exclusion

studied.

of external

such as the

events

the political

(especially

system

of the

bourgeoisie

this

However,

in

is

argued

period. of these in

has demonstrated and sustained

that

it

by those

the

great

forms.

bourg-

of leading

a signif-

problems

revolutionary

an alternative

bourgeoisie

and petty

class

different

national

capable

and

the evidence

assumed very

process,

to forge

attempting

from

clear

no longer

is

liberation"

"national

is

petty

the Argentine

that

thesis

the

it

fractions

class

composed of the working

alliance

guerrilla

of sectors

of military

years

the radicalism

encountered

and the

the radicalisation

working

icant

the political

to have been major

class

eoisie

the

were found

in

Though it

to examine

rule)

1966-73

factors

that

tendencies,

organisations

from

emerged within

Peronism,

within

the impact

decline,

Socio-economic

was designed

Left

employed by most of the

methods

which

Based upon 16 months

period.

the project

Peronist

of the major

performance

1955-76

to radicalisation

gave rise

which

tendencies

left-wing

the

in Buenos Aires,

research

factors

the

examines

are

also

illustrated.

The investigation onent

the urban their

Left

of the Peronist by radical

influenced

tended

to practise

theory al

struggle.

While

of revolutionary

liberation

to practise

of Marxism,

the

petty-bourgeois

stages,

and socialism,

temporally

the proletarian

(ii)

though politics,

typical

not

were far

and used collective element divorcing sectors

be

the methods

and employ

sectors,

comp-

politics,

reformist

ideologists,

revolutionary

influence

the petty-bourgeois

whereas

the working-class

indirect to the open class

tended

nationalist

guerrilla,

class,

that

revealed

tended

of

of more

methods

of

to embrace the

struggles tended

for

nation-

to see the

two goals

and the struggle

pondence between became evident, notion

ideology,

though

the study

labour

of Peronist

of urban

This

movement. organisations

ist

of urban

nature

grew,

struggles

of

the

labour

guerrilla

methods

isations,

with

experience

let

corresthus

of struggle

of the

questioning

overcome their

to the

itself.

that

scale

of elit-

of urban the mass

In some cases the adoption

of urban

of Peronist

overshadowing

decision-making. countries

guerrilla

actions

can be used by the Right

draconian

methods

of political

repression.

(iii)

composition

remote

militarisation

of other

on from

and ultimately As the

an

from

considerations

and tactical

isolati:

of the social

became increasingly

total

revealed

fatal

the individualistic

warfare

they

initiatives

guerrilla

movement.

military

confirmed

to a critical

was a product

guerrilla

actions

strategic

to

and of

guerrilla

in

Left

guerrillas

guerrilla

and forms

politics led

A clear

"prolgtarianisation".

of petty-bourgeois

inability

them as inseparable.

class,

Examination

the

for

Finally, in

organ-

judgement

political the recent

Argentine

how urban

illustrating

as a pretext

Left

for

introducing

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE

v

INTRODUCTION

.......

i

.........

Chapter I.

II.

III.

JOHN WILLIAM COOKEAND EARLY PERONIST LEFT IDEOLOGY

16

NATIONALIST AND CATHOLIC INFLUENCES UPON THE PERONIST LEFT ..............

79

THE FIRST 'TENDENCIA REVOLUCIONARIA'

IV.

'MOVIMIENTISMO':

THE MILITARY FRONT

V.

'MOVIMIENTISMO':

THE POLITICAL FRONT

VI.

.....

160

.....

249

.....

329

'ALTERNATIVISMO' AND 'ALTERNAATIVISTAS

....

CONCLUSION

413

496

.......................

ARGENTINE GUERRILLA SOCIAL AND OCCUPATIONAL BACKGROUNDS ...........

509

APPENDIX B:

EARLY RADICAL PERONIST PROGRAMMES

514

APPENDIX C:

SOURCES

APPENDIX A:

BIBLIOGRAPHY'

....

516

.............

519

...............

GLOSSARYOF SPANISH TERMSAND ABBREVIATIONS

(iv)

.....

543

PREFACE

Existing pre-1955

period

followed.

Yet

tine

the

about cal long the

to be misplaced;

proved

run

Movement and nationally, tine

Peronism

since

Peronist

Left

and is

thus

ing

development

to account

despite

a definitive figures

for

Left

the were

Argen-

question

can be brought Left

will

about

in

developments

the emergence of the at least,

potency.

of the Peronist

have to reveal

far

(v)

Moreover,

Latin

more than

the

America,

change

America.

thesis,

this

Left

ambitions

for

within

and political

of how social

No claims Left,

seen in Latin

Peronist its

is

the Montoneros,

scholars

and in writing

order

of it

Analysis

yet

the perennial

numerical

history

kind

of its

in

own right

organisation,

guerrilla

of why, so far its

its

trends.

political

students,

Peronist

the

an explanation

leading

with

in

of those

to all

of interest

In studying

thwarted,

radi-

in

score

mark on recent

of more general

became the strongest

and national

aims were

for

the Peronist

were abortive.

1955 and of national

who grapple

activists

gest

hopes and fears

spawned an urban

rapidly

which

to be studied

deserves

to an understanding

essential

also

to speculate

Peronist

inside

made their

and certainly

Left

why these

explain

on this the

both

struggles

had arrived

a force

becoming

once again

a num-

history.

political

The Peronist to

in Argen-

left-wing

a strong

nevertheless,

of spectacular

protagonists

force

political

Hopes and fears

change in Argentina.

social

two decades which

and led many commentators

1960's

of Peronism

possibility

the

of Per6n and experienced

In particular,

late

scene by the

on the

to say about

1955 overthrow

changes.

on the

concentrated

as a vibrant

survived

the

after

important

of

have mainly

and have had little Peronism

politics

ber

of Peronism

studies

my main

and to sughave been

are made to providkey activists they

and

have to date

before limitation

and the

crucial

areas

the rendering ist

becomes feasible.

euch a project

inadequacy

economy,

enough material

of competent

analyses

of the rise

same time,

this

of guerrilla

urban

the novel

phases,

ode was the

leaves

theories

much premature, faith

in

The basic' initial

chapters

A third

tendency

is

for

available

of the Peron-

of this

are devoted

early

appeared,

they

along below.

Argentine

guerrilla

epis-

guerrilla

methods

urban

demonstrated

below,

of a cul-de-sac.

at

attempt, something

of recent

and

however,

are very still

campaigns

retain

is

quite

to the multifarious

treatment

of which the

examines 1960's

thesis

ideological

has been totally of the

emergence

and the reasons three

and military

for

the

chapters

organisations

Two

straightforward.

influences ignored

to

Peronist

Left

collapse

of the the perform-

evaluate

Peronist

of the

as a

Left

1960's.

the Argentine

Party

Left

rural

Requiems,

concerned.

the

examining

of the armed man of combat.

efficacy

political

and not

in

with

to fuse

of this

warfare

must be emphasised

(Socialist

ially

such

gone through

of the recent

and the remaining

the late

It Left

is

this

in

works

and fall

concerned

Having

many protagonists

structure

initiative;

ance of the since

for

chapter

the

in

of guerrilla

Left,

on the Peronist date.

feature

The failure

the

is

success.

as Argentina

as far

thesis

by some organisations

attempt

mass struggles.

with

first

published

as political

possibilities

their

of existing

despite

Left.

At the

least

Nevertheless,

Left

this

due to their

the Argentine

A comparative

thesis

had declined

open hostility

"New Left" study

features

Peronist

the

towards dealt

of the Argentine

Left

are

Left

before

only

(vi)

the

The traditional

generally.

and Communist Party) partly

with

that

Peronist

Peronism,

with might

and

tangentwell

be

if

fruitful

the future,

in

undertaken

was embarked upon a detailed ial

is

forces

left-wing

(on the People's

Revolutionary

Party.

three

of all

1955 Argentine

were the

est

value

the

Peronist

Left

volumes

Left

of those ential about

been Anglicized Tation

when they

in brackets the

readers

throughout

organisations

first the

through

based upon but

copies

and indeed

as a number of interviews

and guerrilla

organisations.

work in

to construct

order

of speeches

for

texts

two chapters.

in Appendix

organisations a jungle

after

using

text

for

those

initials.

(vii)

with Much a chron-

and other in

the

of the Further

case infludetails

C.

are referred

to in

the

of initials,

their

names have

the Spanish

Initials

mentioned.

thought

political

by

over dusty

poring

books were valuable

the first

with

Of greatissued

publications

Diary

in

on post-

time.

the present

at

of the

their

were largely

spent

where possible are

is

Socialist

Argentina,

Left

Left

and other

Finally,

one hundred

present

as Pierce-as-It

weeks were also

to be found

are

sources

than

to newspaper

discussed

ideologists

More than Rather

political

illustrations

providing

exist

as well

interventions.

parliamentary

Argentine

An Obituary?

outlines

for

the Peronist

reviews

Congressional

of the

to my departure

general

and several

of events,

was an essent-

of other

not

tentative

on the Peronist

themselves,

devoted

was also

ology

in

political

members of Peronist

is

project

upon request.

works

politics

Left

and The Argentine

only

used in researching

few other

very

two are prior

are available

The sources primary;

Communist Party);

written

sources,

secondary

when this

The ERP:

papers:

"The Lion

Army);

The latter

1896-1958.

time

in my estimation

to my three

(on the Argentine

Painted"

time

interested

referred

the

at

of the Peronist

analysis

Anybody

prerequisite.

but

name plus

are periodically

monotony,

transrepeated

who are more acquainted To avoid

text.

with

however,

is

to its

abbreviated

a list

deals

section

where a whole

Spanish is

of abbreviations

terms

right

deserve

ent

ment of impeccable his

he gave me that

periodic

Danny James for

the

labour

ical

his

formations

be regarded

Thanks are also

not

have been possible. and Institutions

Theory

ment of Politics thanked the ions

for

project.

as mutually

in

providing Several

on technical Unfortunately,

number of Argentines

In addition,

discussions

text,

Left,

deals

in

mainly

with

on the

polit-

Research

of Liverpool

Council this

which

the Department

of Newcastle during

Newcastle

colleagues

for

study

and the Depart-

the writing-up made valuable

to be phase of suggest-

questions.

who helped

to mention

me in

(viii)

by name a considerable

so many ways.

would

of Political

upon Tyne are

facilities

able

to

our work should

without

both

the University

I am not

to

of Companero and a

fruitful

Science

the University

former

my thanks

my own concentrates

studentship,

me with

when one

complementary.

due to the Social

in

so important

the

Peronist

of the

a research

me with

providing

1955, whereas

and

comments on my work,

collection

in

establish-

ideas

to express

as several

contri-

his

stimulating

is

like

mentioned

way,

to be an excell-

proved

his

which

precious

and their

go to him for

for

also

as well

work,

movement since

and military

some extent

of his

Little

many valuable

I would

documents,

Since

Buenos Aires.

from

their

of Spanish

a glossary

project

thanks

encouragement

loan

the

of scarce

couple

Apart

name

the bibliography.

this

standards,

on a "Long March".

out

sets

My sincere

academic

with

Walter

do lose

readers

after

me with

Dr.

suggestions.

useful

along

thesis,

recognition.

supervisor.

research

If

provided

helped

A number of people butions

initials.

end of the

the

at

its

one particular-organisation,

with

They range

from

academics illas

to personal Argentine

present

from

to journalists,

political

conferment

of a death

dispensable,

whether

but

discussions,.

informed

risks

in my work, they

which Finally,

ient ful

work,

took

it

the form

the

took

and the

my typist

her magnificent

Apart

Mrs.

like

to express

from

the

they

confidence

which

E. Wallace

deserves

informal material

time which

for

her

and her

cooperation.

Gillespie

Department

of Politics

The University-of Newcastle

upon Tyne.

June 1979.

(ix)

the

in me.

placed

thanks

Richard

they

to them for

to meet my dead-line

efforts

in-

political

my thanks

the

amount to. tbe

interviews,

of underground

guerr-

In

was absolutely

of personal

provision

urban

contacts.

contribution

contacts.

I would

and from

them would

naming

Their

sentence..

lawyers,

me to establish

situation,

to further

or introductions invested

who helped

friends

to

authors

efficcheer-

INTRODUCTION

The term

"Peronist

Peronists

those

sense - i. e.

those

It

itself

is

leaders,

and has only

ally, indirect

the aid

of popular

votes

through

mechanisms

was less

Peronist

Left

and vice

versa.

Under the

Peronists

of militant

in

to the methods which

government

fervour of the

of their term,

only

1960's

for

nationalism.

several

and early

years

1970's

with

that

it

-1-

was Peronist

of forms,

mainly

com'De

on the review

They were militant for

the defence

Left,

in

the late

1950's

tendency

in

re-emerged

the growth

the

one can speak more accurately

The Peronist

it

or

a left-wing

of 1946-55,

from more conservative

before

introduced

one can say that

Left.

a revolutionary

in

participation

of the State

collaborators

in

rhetoricin an

has never

so,

proposed

developed

really into

and crystallized declined

differed

and also

of Peron and

except

popular

control

group,

they

was or

have come to power with

the most embryonic

than a Peronist

as

is

Peronism

sovereignty

to the extent

that

Peronism"

Peronism

Peronism

being

Cooke and his

In characterising

Frente'.

Socialism

capitalism,

governments

in

present

was only

This

Peronist

early

who posited

the

popular

"leftist"

posed of John William

regard

direct

be exercised.

Movement could

tendency

which

and modern sovereignty

governments

income,

power and national

political

original

orthodox

and have extended

to denote

of popular

to popular

Though Peronist

sense.

that

challenged

been committed

thesis

"Left-Wing

goal.

Peronism,

has never

the

those

all

inference

Official

this

proponents

embraces

possible

left-wing.

Peronist

in both

or long-term

due to its

in

employed

who were both

an immediate

avoided

is

who were left-wing

and anti-capitalist. either

Left"

of Peronism in

sectors the fullest

strongly

1960's

It in

then

the

Youth

the sense

and early

1963-64.

of the Peronist

with

late

and

-2-

Peronist

politico-military

Peronist

Left

steady

was thus

irregular

to be found the

in

theoretical

the

principal

however,

duction

is

discuss

will

geoisie

history with

labour

research

into

one can at though

least

clarify

not

definitive,

of research constrained

political one's

projects by the

of the national

thesis

This

on which bourgeoisie

in

broad

in present

they

a

as an introintroductbourthe radic-

1955,

of it,

economy and social

evidence

1

after

and cite

are,

than

of the national

Each could,

assumptions

the

history

has characterised decades.

There

The reader,

sources.

or sectors

is

linked

to what follows

force

national

bourgeoisie,

subject

Argentine

The weakening

another

thesis

introduction.

potted

independent

them one is

In discussing

of this

yet

the decline

movement for

be the

hoped will,

underpin

Argentina.

themes:

three

of the petty

Argentine

which

of post-war

background.

and the economism which

period

falls.

matter

to existing

as a strong,

alisation

subject

this

thesis

as an introduction

be presented referred

assumptions

the

are

truncated

than

rather

1.

by

directly

themselves,

the

which

in

contained

chapters

theoretical

and they

derivative,

discussion

into

They seem more pertinent

ing,

and by no means characterised

substantive

sections

certain

as a whole

ion

the

of

growth. Most of the

to

The development

organizations.

same

sectors

and it their

the

is

the

of

to be

own right.

inadequacies structures some of the

of but exist-

are based.

as an independent

For an outline history, political of the background see Angel (Buenos Aires: Peronismo Ediciones Cairo, Centro de claves Estudios Ernesto Aporte, Gonzalez, 1975; ue fue ue es el Ediciones Pluma, (Buenos Aires: 1974); & Donald C. peronismo 76. National Hodges, 1 The Argentina Revolution and Reeist-1 Press, 1976). On economic trends, of New Mexico ance(University M6nica Peralta Ramos, Eta as de acumulacib see particularly ny de clases (Buenos Aires: 1930-1970 en is Argentina, alianzas Siglo XXI Argentina Editores, 1972).

-3-

political

of foreign

tration industry

data

cites

which

national

companies

times the

during

50,

for

from

49 to 29 over

U. S. companies

The stake

16 in

from

towards

by IZiosi's The number of

1957 to 8 by 1966;

21 in

1957 to

1

grew at a rate

in

enterprise

1955 and 1972,

foreign

13 by

the same period.

in Argentina

of foreign

70% of new direct

"denat-

industries

of nationally-owned

growth

pene-

industrial U. S. capi-

with

the decade

in

investment

1959-1969.3

capital

sector,

a decline

indirect

control

clearly which

appears

and influence

120 companies,

or controlled

by foreign

private)

capital

corporations,

and 18 were clearly

of the national

even more pronounced into

using

of companies

control

the decline

reveal

the leading

Argentine

and direct

on ownership

foreign

2.

from

to the average

1960's.

growing

of manufacturing

100 companies.

25 fell

superior

Statistics

1.

top

Cepeda,

accounting

from

ally

leading

grew from 8% to 40% between

production tal

the

to Ramil

2

areas

of the tendency

of 25 companies,

group

and among the final

According 3-5

for

of the

economy has been provided

among the

among the following 1966;

Evidence

1950's.

of the Argentine

ionalisation" study

key dynamic

into

capital

the

since

has been a product

force

and economic

account.

1971 data, and that

private

when one takes

N. A. C. L. A. 's study showed that

to foreign

of

66 were owned'

of the remaining

10 were state-owned, linked

by

54

2 were mixed 4 interests.

form(state-

Lou em resarios 1955-1969 Jorge Niosi, y el estado ar entino (Buenos Aires: Editores, Siglo XXI Argentina 1974), p. 215. (Buenos de una burguesfa dependiente Carlos Ramil Cepeda, Crisis de la Rosa Blindada, Ediciones 1972), p. 26. Aires:

3.

(North American N. A. C. L. A. in the Hour of the Furnaces

4.

Ibid.,

p. 29.

Congress on Latin America), Argentina (U. S. A.: N. A. C. L. A., 1975), p. 24.

-4National

technology,

40% devaluation, local

generated

from

(valued

2,982 proved

9 of them being

both

weak and short-lived,

of

top

1968 to companies

of the multiby

were purchased

120 companies

oper-

of the

promotion did not

links

always

economic

ties

operating

boycott

Ibid.,

bourgeoisie

p. 24.

with

were far commercial

diversified.

However,

and "Socialist"

countries

instance,

to by-pass

the

The establish-

significance.

Cuba, for

in Argentina

years

enabled

the U. S. car

the official

U. S.

of Cuba.

What the recent national

World

have an anti-imperialist

ment of commercial subsidiaries

Third

with

trade

1973-76

Seven important

1940's.

and foreign

banks were renationalised of trade

late

the

market,

to buy up local

profits in

measures

on profit

the domestic

to stimulate

were

1973 initiat-

restrictions

to use their

"national"

those

than

more limited

Illia's

trend

this

to resist

1963 and Peronist

years.

corporations

Peronist

companies.

Illia

of an attempt

part

foreign

led

the

three

in just

collapsing

expatriations,

1.

among the

in

as national

companies

bourgeoisie

by the national

Attempts

only

1970,

technology

Argentine

1963-71,53

and purchases

new pesos)

in

advanced

Vasena's

in Argentina.

ating

ives

the

Krieger

to N. A. D. L. A. bankrupcies

million

new pesos)

to compete with

interests,

foreign

324.7

at

1.15 billion

Between

nationals.

According

for

capital

The pro-mono-

and sales.

of bankrupcies

a spate

and small-sized

on foreign

especially

government,

(valued

1,647 at

unable

purchases

by multinationals.

companies

increased

Ongania

of the

medium-

dependent

credits,

patents,

policies

poly

operating

has become increasingly

enterprises, its

now generally

capital,

Peronist to improve

experience its

demonstrated

position

vis-ä-vis

was that foreign

for

the

capital

-5during

a period

working

class

and other

popular

postponed

until

the national

being

tradiction that,

ases in

team of in

be seen,

1973-74

monopolistic rebel

foreign

against

Left

Left

ment is al

the questions

to be incorporated

is

geoisie the

in

resides

and whether

as a class

to late

of the middle

leading

foreign

is

into

Given

1940's,

some major

capital

in

to reduce

its

of its to

strength)

of the nationin

and

"golden

to expect

this

the advanced

general

the

no reason

by

develop-

capitalist

the weakening

participation

bour-

supported

of alliances

to emerge from

crisis

but

the national

economy as compared with appears

economic

of the Peronist

of the bourgeoisie

there

In

businessmen.

or not

a system

interests

fraction.

greater

a phase of independent

nationalism

and consistent there

of whether

fraction

of the Argentine

the decline

possibly,

or not

(though

to an analysis

in Argentina.

viable

still

bourgeoisie

strong

discussion

of this

The relevance

the

bourgeoisie

concerns,

than had small

incre-

the Peronist

in

non-monopolistic

capital

minimal

and petty

as a class

the national

cause

improve

in

of

had less

which

elite

figures

the fact

least

or at

of the workers

representative

operating

in

needed both

own weakness

the leading

lay

redistribution

and the support

were not

mainly

general,

bourgeoisie income

The main con-

project

development

independent

its

income distribution

with

Peronist

of the

were required

cake grew larger.

1973-76

to make up for

as will

sacrifices

sectors,

and minimal

accumulation

bourgeoisie

crisis,

the national

consumption

of capital

the

to promote

order

own position,

fact,

in

present

in

its

of economic

sector

years" a

unless,

metropolis, in

the Argentine

economy. In courting Peronist

Left

the national

was to look

bourgeoisie,

to its

real

a major

or imaginery

sector

of the

"national"

status

_6. down its

bourgeois

while

playing

Youth

and Montoneros

accepted

including

the bourgeois

in

1973,

in

evident

their

of Socialism

postulation on the

calls latter

in

must proceed

this

Peronist

Left

position

to its

logical

of

to initially

were

foreign lead

cess where a vigourous

of

members, data

lack

class

in

between

ingly

and loosely

intermediate

dealing

class

All

as "the

strata", structure.

this

This

specifically

is

to lead.

too

important

this

class "the

classes",

the

its

is

literature

total

lack

of the

this

group and

studies

of

intermediate referred

middle

specific

of

a result

with

sociological

Nowhere in

the road

and theradicalisation

class.

discussing

would

the Cuban pro-

hampered by the almost

and working

that

bourgeoisie

from

of theoretical

middle

without

learnt

Youth

down wages

along

made the national

often

their

of industry

programme was likely

greatly

appeal

and Peronist

reforms

having

revol-

potential

to hold

sectors

re-

that

They considered

strikes.

bourgeoisie

with

the bourgeoisie

class

overall

dealing

general.

only

nationalist

one is

designed

nationalist

it

project,

Taking

class.

the

the name

Left

the

reduced

of dynamic

nationalism,

of the infancy

a reflection this

outlaw

statistics

of official

Pact

that

on the grounds

the Nontoneros

a Social

the petty

When examining

Socialism

conclusion,

to these

in

position

Peronist

to the working

sector

In fact, in its

even more timid

published

of stages,

and control

Socialism.

some of its

a series

Movement seeking

a Peronist

towards

for

and practically

ownership

class

the majoritarian

support

two years

for

their

the Movement and

demonstrated

only

being

only

Resistance

goal.

Peronists

struggle

radicalism

hegemony in

ultimate

of Peronism

composition

their

class

to sacrifice

an immediate

class

sectors,

as the

The Peronist

membership.

given

working

Moreover,

of nationalism.

ution

the

of bourgeois

part

were unwilling

nouncing

for

calls

class

to fleet-

sectors" role

within

on Argentina

or "the the does

-7bourgeoisie

the petty

adequate

"proletarianisation"

the

about

receive

of this

attention

and glib

class

left

are

assertions

as articles

of

faith.

In analysing the

between

iate

independent in

traditional

the epoch of monopoly

role

Though differentiated,

they

a social

Members of this

proletarian. not

constitute

wage labour

exploit

On the

of wage labour.

ation capital

and exploited

working

class

workers.

class

or are not

for

which

Marx at

hand,

least

is

which

has argued

that

in in

nor

they

do

the exploit-

employees

mainly do not

clearly

that

bourgeois

neither

involved while

this

and administrative

bourgeois,

primarily

they

) etc. - the

who grow in numbers in

are not

other

by capital,

bourgeoisie

Poulantzas

class

traders,

or disappear

workers

of the economic

of the State.

together

(small

bourgeoisie

and service

workers

the expansion

with

especially

epoch,

to different-

and the new petty

office

sector

important

is

doomed to decline

is

capitalism,

or tertiary

it

petty

which

and bank employees,

collar

white

form

part

of of the

was composed of productive

I

More work

be done on what constitutes

could

fractions,

and new petty-bourgeois to the new petty membership this

or old

), etc.

craftsmen,

(commercial

bourgeoisie,

the petty

bourgeoisie

of Peronist

fraction

which the

Left

1960's

during

1.

Classes Nicos Poulantzas, Verso, 1978), Part 3.

2.

See below, backgrounds

organisations involved 1970's.

and early

chapters 4,5 of Argentine

here

what data

for

was mainly

ion

but

in

discussion there

strongly in 2

is

of the

on the

class

suggests

that

Appendix

it

radicalisat-

The most numerous

Capitalism

old

be limited

will

petty-bourgeois

Contemporary

6 plus and guerrillas.

the unity

petty..

(London:

A on the social

is

-8bourgeois

component

students

representing,

even greater

is

bureaucratised

of

the

in

be remembered

bourgeois.

the working

They tend

letarianisation". than This,

the working however,

erse class-. certain ially

is

often

not

applicable

is

entering in

crisis

class

to all

into

does not

rem-

non-

bourgeoisie

or otherwise

them-

regard

are not

have a tremendous

fear

identical "pro-

of

to and more intelligent

contempt fractions working

has

hope to become

interests

superior

displaying

can and do adopt

circumstances, when society

to feel

class,

Sectors

the new petty

and they

class

to levels

from

productive

members generally

Their

standards

activity.

do become bourgeois

occasionally

of

that

its -

aspirations

as already

mental

this

''it

of the new

conditions

but

strata

as a

capitalism,

standards

certain

petty

when crushed

Living

separating

must also

bourgeois,

to those

barrier

and manual from

social

vertical

working-class

class

traditional

class

living

conflicts.

must be treat-

of the

"proletarianisation".

labour

productive

the

in

the

and ideas

in class

the era of monopoly

cases and under

certain

fundamental

It

its

with

sectors

of the working in

and non-

by the behaviour strengths

degree

class,

"proletarianisation"

major

a decline

by privileged

experienced ove the

that

concentration

bourgeoisie

may be reduced

relative

the ranks

to equate

a mistake

and their

true

may join

of capital

result

influenced

class

revolutionary

and when the labour

of

how-

of the

as an intermediate

greatly

of petty-bourgeois While

care.

bourgeoisie

selves

is

bourgeoisie

bourgeoisie, terms

with

element

bureaucratised

into

Moreover,

employees,

bourgeois

in

explicable

subdivisions

etc.

two main classes

ed with

petty

the new petty

sectors,

The notion

is

Even amongst

experienced,

of exploitation

new petty

a pre-petty

heterogeneity,

great

to have been the

appear

in most cases,

magnitude.

there

ever,

here would

for

manual labour.

of this

highly

positions alliances,

div-

under espec-

movement appears

-9and inspires

strong

Employees

in

confidence

and self-employed

of a fairly

evidence

to the rest-of

relative

number of-state State from

and then

There was a 3% fall

between

At a more general

level,

socio-economic

comparing

the

61,

have

period,

the

it

demise

3

"upper

"middle

the

Obviously,

seems

less

the

of

the

top

sector"

empirical

traditional

bankrupcies,

as has

been

of

in

Argentina their

needs to

the

bourgeoisie.

Ongania's-deflationary

seen

above,

rising

of this

trend.

of pettyN. A. C. L. A., between

share

and

doing

a very

the

lowest

here.

Peronist The latter policies,

1953-

this

in

suffered

a 1.2% cut work

sectors

indications 1950's.

relation

petty

1955-66

2

(71-90ö)

sector"

in

the

early

income

(21-70f)

important

as a result

the

10% increased

middle

more

particularly

from family

static

of "rationalisation"

as a result

one can detect

of

only

the

whereas

a 5% cut. though

that

shown

cut,

slight

distribution

as the

relatively

by the reversal

The

years.

period,

50-65% in

the railways.

decline

There employees

of petty-bourgeois

1966-1970

especially

bourgeois

by between

like

1960.1

forty

1945-50

remained

be provided

enterprises,

state

the past

the

the radicalisation

may well

in

the number of state

over

activities,

grew again

for

in

society.

something

population

grew by 45% in

1960's

in

the late

increase population

economic

One reason

years. in

its

extended 1950-55

the

employees

represented

Argentine

rapid

to transform

capacity

persons

25,'-' of the economically-active is

its

20ö

and,

Left,

on

suffered with

sharply.

1.

(Centro de Investigaciones O. S. Sociales) C. I. C. Los en Ciencias Composici6n social izatives orientaciones or asalariados. (Buenos Aires: C. I. C. S. O., n. d. ), p. 124.

2.

Ibid.

3.

N. A. C. L. A.,

p. 223. op. cit.

p. 28.

10Radicalisation the ban on party

the State

to turn

sectors

towards

the

force

and rebellion.

The provincial

being

sectors

of the

"Argentine

bourgeoisie,

ests

ly

individualism,

ations

1.

(at

significant only

of protest

of 1969-72

with

saw

the support

in

of

1966-73

in urban

sub-ensemble",

of a certain

type

he argues,

op cit.,

the

case,

pp.

and sectors

but

their

did

inter-

most of the

positions.

working-class situation

guerrilla

warfare,

participation of the

examined pointing

content

at work and

in elitist

as it

small

was minimal. of the

at a general

"petty-bour-

level,

is high-

does to the limit-

radicalism.

of "reformist

287-299.

The

case of the non-bureaucratised

of petty-bourgeois

to be full

really

bourgeoisie.

be seen,

isolated

discussion

to the Argentine

Poulantzas,

their

this

of protest

workers

as will adopt

working-class

Poulantzas'

ideological

in

whether

methods

Nor,

least

expression in which

actions

a tendency,

in

- the

the aims of the

combative

sectors

rooted

market

found

relevant

led

as a form

of the petty

with

alliance

petty-bourgeois

Here, geois

the streets

resisting

become identical.

not

on the labour

group

in

to militant

resorted

a loose

into

sectors)

This

and revolts

a mass "proletarianisation"

radicalised Their

expropriated

participation

action

one must question

once again,

bourgeoisie

did

risings

petty

politically

parties.

direct

to

Revolution".

represented

entered

capital,

effected'by

attempting

movement and Peronism

- and towards

by students

However,

petty

The military,

and other

joined

was also

institutionalised

labour

mass opposition

workers

it

the. Radicals

through

sectors

1966.

denying

bourgeoisie,

petty

from

activity

the hegemony of monopoly

consolidate the

of petty-bourgeois

illusions"

I

It

displays

because

the

- 11 -

petty

bourgeoisie

form,

the structure

hidden

from

of the While

it.

without

rather

than

labour

justice"

it

"a family radicals

rather

than

with

renovate

This of major and in type

ional

1.

general

society motive.

they,

or their

it, it

the

imagines

attitudes the structure

leadership

rejuvenation"

p. 292.

of its

of the

were very

Peronist in

thereby.

"does not

As

want to

1

of the Peronist

be seen,

in

faith

evidence

in

their

hope of

their

in

Left

the above stereo-

Movement through their

is

some of the key attitudes

much in

of the State,

personnel,

can rise

component As will

structures,

the State

that

can climb".

portrays

wants

Many petty-bour-

bourgeoisie it

it

of England

and educational

progeny,

petty

accurately

even though vision

assuming

is

radicalism

control".

the State

of the Montoneros.

to question

Ibid.,

seeks a

technocracy

petty-bourgeois

of the petty-bourgeois

sectors

the

that

theory

petty-bourgeois

inheriting

it

by the profit

of Orwell's

reminded

them completely,

by which

particular

failure

distri-

a more meritocratic

the wrong members in

puts

ladders

the

division,

to hierarchy,

seek to democratise

Poulantzas-succinctly break

of

Moreover,

more than a left-wing

attachment

One is

and feeling

neutral

income

globally.

be constrained

not

for

labour

desiring

comments that

by its

limited

geois

system

economic

means little

Poulantzas

to be reordered.

being

the idea

defends

it

radicals.

Finally, generally

"rich",

demands to calls

labour, will

often

to petty-bourgeois

remaining

the mental/manual

of mental

mental

"Social

the

the wage

mode of production

to the its

challenging

questioning

re-evaluation in which

hostile

in

mainly

exploitation

capitalist

limiting

wage differentials, bution

its

experiences

a "generat-

the efficacy

12-

-

of urban

guerrilla

struggle

for

Socialism

been completed.

until

of short-term

self-interest, in

than

a social

of the

of the

1970's

than

labour

did

in

in

not

and even against

that

alternative

to the

their

as a class

while

the

the radical-

with these around

stopping

Socialist years

goals

demonstrated

economic

issues

of offering

short

They did

of Argentine

future

of the

minority

bourgeoisie.

petty

bearing

That

small

in

struggle

the economic

in a more unequivocal

and proselytizing

militant

and early

a key explanatory

class.

class

the fullest

from

treatment,

a fairly

only

regime,

to the latter

appear

which

a political

1960's

Apart

embrace Socialism

the military

Socialist

a clear

for

and capacity

the late

have assumed.

of the working

Broad sectors

a readiness

not

society

hands.

The economistic the Argentine exclusively the

bourgeoisie,

petty

specialised

movement was organising

in mind.

terms

sectors

from

extensive

writers

to the fact

manner owed a lot

in

less

require

which

bourgeoisie

petty

in

objectively,

had more to gain

here was the economism of the working

factor ised

many radical

of this,

aspects

was far

term,

Left

revolution.

"Proletarianisation" sense

Left

had

adopted

many of the petty-bourgeois

Peronist

the

Peronist

who genuinely that

the

Reconstruction"

to individual

has to be said

it

postures,

rather

of "National

a stage

to postpone

preparedness

class, membership

working-class

participated

their

Though one can point

of petty-bourgeois

cadres

and in

warfare

"natural"

labour Argentine ideology

trait

which

movement over phenomenon.

has characterised recent

decades

a large is

class

when left

of

by no means an

Economism was regarded

of the working

part

by Lenin

to its

as

own devices,

13 a spontaneous

to industrial

response

of the weakness

cause and effect

indicates

movement and also processes.

In Argentina,

trade

bureaucracy,

union

but

conquests

with

healthy

economic

classes

briefly

conditions

to

has pointed there

was the

partly class

which

in

left

the

be successful,

for

economic

to negotiate

to reconcile

to the early

the

Peronist

interests when the

period

between

such cooperation

did for

its

but

to tolerate unions

simply

the

also

their

industrial

as the principal

regardless

itself

Ramos

Firstly,

politically

-

of non-working

1955 and the failure political

party,

organisational

being

of ideological

have to be as broad

2

influence.

have never role

conciliat-

Peralta

of the desertion

a vibrant

essential

of class

disappear.

continued

Trade unions

1955.

of labour they

not

the Movement in and before

trade

after

the ideology

subsided,

of repression

instruments,

interests

reformist

leaders

of Peronism: to structure

government the

of Peronism

reasons

inability

from

sectors

political

leaders

three

a product

Peronism

conditions

by labour

upheld

for

the labour

existed.

Once these ion

goes back

and capital,

a

The "participationism"

of their

of the day and to attempt

both

socialisation

of a strong

objectives.

the readiness

is in

when pushed to fight

political

unions,

governments

of labour

the rise

aided

It

influence

of bourgeois

success

prepared

for

rarely

the Argentine

of

it

exploitation. of left-wing

the

I

of of

all bastions

been revolutionary to defend

and promote

differentiation.

and as legally-tolerated

To as

1.

to the worker only "Class political can be brought consciousness the economic struggle, that is, from outside from without, outside between the workers and the employers. the sphere of the relations to extract this knowledge from which it is possible The only field to the state is the field of all classes and strata of relations the field between all of interrelationships and government, (London: What to be Done? " V. I. Lenin, is Panther classes. Books, 1970), p. 123.

2.

Peralta

Ramos, op. cit.,

pp.

58-63 & 163-170.

14 possible,

the narrow,

unlike

quite

Leninist

clandestine

revolutionary

party.

Secondly, the

labour

failure

of Peronism

rise

Party's

fascist

the working

of its Peralta

areas

workers

were better

of

the

ated

workers,

an important of

the

being

1960's, its

However, stratum paid

1.

Ibid.

both

the

in

workers

the

with

The Communist contributed

heterogeneity in dynamic

unskilled

other

of industin

metal-

sectors

of pro-

of the skill

a question

of

of the dynamism and vitality

he or she worked. The well-remunera "labour

aristocracy"

"participationist"

trade

or not,

Union

this

relatively

became

bureaucracy

union

(U. O. M. ) not

Workers

surprisingly

1

be seen,

reformist

monolithically

car workers under

of

them from workers

By 1966,

became less

the Metal

as will

was never

Cördoban

policies,

base for

main axis.

skilled

considered

whether

with

to the growing

separating

in which

significance

as "peronazis"

workers

and more a question

sector

the Socialist

it

and 1930's.

increased.

than

Wage differentials

productive

identifying

1955 as the wages of workers

paid

worker

the

Left's

base.

Ramos points

of production

individual

in

1920's

grew and differentials

declining

duction.

of the

working-class

class after

sectors

Liberals

of Peronist

characterisation

Finally,

the

,

Both

had misinterpreted

joining

movements

the decline

rial

Party

Communist

traditional

of the

to Peronism.

alternative

and economism in

of reformism

strength

movement can be seen as a product

and the

European

to

continued

to pose a real

Party the

the

the

led

important

1966-73

military

labour

privileged

The well-

or economistic. battles regime

against

government

and again

in

fighting

- 15Peronist

to resist

Many of these for

the

both

Peronist

is

aristocracy"

All in

of

this

underpin

of

the

research

thesis valid

conditionally this

of

three

themes, detailed

in

evidence

suggested.

theoretical for

present

the the

light

only of

assumptions referred

to

less

the

the

above

absence merely

and fruitful

"labour

phenomenon. latter and

two,

of

areas

which

considered

contrary been

are

empirical

assumptions but

this

Argentine

with

the

in

worker

international

suggestive

have

high

privileged

militant,

period.

and support

situation,

elaboration

the

1973-76

was certainly

particularly

and

evidence

is-at

introduction, existing

to this

an exception

more

than

can be exceedingly

The supportive

research.

In

these

need

urgent

being

not

car workers

Left

hit

the

connotations

in a wage freeze harder

relatively

and the response

sectors

political

and non-Peronist

be argued,

As will

sector.

had overt

struggles

down wages in

to hold

attempts

evidence.

clarified, for

future

some

CHAPTER I JOHN WILLIAM COOKEAND EARLY PERONIST LEFT IDEOLOGY

When one examines figure

stands

William

out

Cooke.

the

Lesser

theoretical

militants

like

Whereas in ideology-, is

approach

Cooke's there tation

Radical along 1945. Radical

1.

turks"

with

most

fell

possessed

See Chapter

which

a powerful

four in

and Gustavo

debts

is

to Cooke. Left

a biographical

currents,

considered

suitable

to Peronist

Left

nationalist Jauretche

the deviations

mass base,

Six.

16

lacked inherited

Orien-

Radical

de la

organisation in

allegiance

intellectual

which

of Radical

de Orientacion

his

Firstly,

main phases.

the Force

transferred

but

by

years

of Peronist

elements

by Arturo

challenged

principles

into

the militant

forjistas

Cooke

role.

(Fuerza

Youth

founded

Left,

Movement (Movimiento

contribution

spent

FORJA was a middle-class Party

- FAR),

Revolutionary

individual

John

of the Revolutionary

Such an approach

life

FORJA), -

"young

leader

major

political

of the Argentine

national-popular which

leading

Peronist

one

and most comprehensive.

as ideological

youthful'years

Joven Argentina

of the

men owed ideological

other

here.

political

were his

Olmedo,

both

but

outstanding

and his

ideology

and elaborator:

ideology,

were to be made in later

October

17th

chapter

employed

due to Cooke's

inspiration

Armadas Revolucionarias

be examined

will

Left

most important

Enrique

of the

the next

of Peronist

ideologist

only

contributions

? 217), -

17 de Octubre

principal

earliest,

Carlos

founder

origins

the

not

(Fuerzas

Armed Forces Rearte,

as its

If

was certainly

the

1935, before

he

to Peronism the

movement within of party

of

leaders

a mass base. many Radical

from

Peronism, ideas,

in

1

-17-

leading

forjistas

many

Radical

Party

Radicals

were historically

towards

Peronism

the latter's

of

Cooke,

principles

into

the moderately

Radical

ideas,

analyses these

years

the

1946-55

not

a Peronist

Socialist in

is

1950's

by Enrique but

some of the

staffing

converts,

to democratic

failed

and then

De Frente

review stage,

Peronist

A small

Cooke's

Dickmann, to win

that

joined

support

period by some

during

but

the old Argentine

the Peronist

for

in

what existed

led by Cooke,

from

of

to accept

activism

chiefly

splinter

This

.

beginning

years

as editor

influenced

still

but

Peronism,

to his

corresponded

so as to demonstrate

tendency.

led

Party,

only

implications.

was a militant

Left

to the

regard

government

a transitional

below

studied

period

the early

Peronist

had socialist

which

The movement of

with

development

Peronist

a fervent

already

and the

camp.

the first

through

I

own tendency

them a commitment

with

phase of Cooke's

influential

saw Cooke going

but

apparatus

the Peronist

under

their

redundant.

were to carry

The second

that

was important

political

including

as a deputy

to consider

Movement ideas

socialist

2

there.

In

the third

Cooke remained

the

phase, leading

that

of the

early

representative

Resistencia of militant

3

years

Peronism.

He

1.

For the ideas of FORJA, see Arturo A. Pena Lillo infame (Buenos Aires: were, of course, FORJA members.

Jauretche, FORJA la decada Editor, 1962). Forjistas

2.

For an account of this 1953 splinter, which became known as the (Partido Revolution Party of the National Socialist Socialista de la Revoluclon Nacional PSRN), Izquierda, "La see sus grupos (Buenos Aires), " Poder August 1972, pp. 3-24. Cuarto y tendencias,

3.

"La Resistencia" to the Peronist resistance movement and refers during the period between the 1955 military coup and struggles the 1959 General Strike, though some writers use the term in to the whole 1955-1973 period of Peronist referring opposition.

18became Peron's and leader direct

of the National

resistance tory,

resistance

effective

bombings,

the

of clandestine

Cuban Revolution,

and its

ideas,

strategic

ditions.

Cooke's

Peronist

convergence

Argentine

Left

Since

briefly

will

and written mentary his

55,

of

examine

early

the

latter

lacked

of

Peronist

1968 death,

Cuban revolution to Argentine

Marxism

earliest

a key Peronist

influence

con-

retaining

while

of the Peronist-

example

feature

his

life

his

Cooke's

leader

of the

and the most important Left,

upon the Peronist and then

the with

will

works were,

in

and became most influential

the main, then,

chapter speeches

to his

lastly,

parliaof 1954-

editorials

Peron and,

strategy

this

political

refer

De Frente

characterisation

on revolutionary

his

analyse

latter

of the

correspondence

Peron and views

1970's

the

to Cuban-style

of 1946-51,

in which

that

engaged

was this

earliest

of the

cause

adapting

Treatment

works.

published

Though true

It

his

1959 until

which was to be an important

Cooke was both

interventions

and articles

which

in

a decade later.

ideological

individual

while

represented

Guevarist

lay

by the impact

reinforced

from

embraced the

conversion

affiliation

authority

warfare.

Cooke openly

which

the

but which

etc.,

Cooke to become the

were the years

there

Finally,

led

guerrilla

of urban

proponent

during

which

groups

independently.

later

and

more concilia-

and Cooke's

on walls,

operated

warfare,

in

- other,

clandestine

slogans

and often

to coordinate

His main support

movement.

the small

daubing

coordination

experience

labour

in Argentina

influence

by Perbn

endorsed

comandos,

sabotage,

Cooke's

be exaggerated

not

the

weak in

"delegate")

attempted

However,

activities.

had credentials

was generally

in

Command which

movement should

leaders

the

representative

official

resistance

(or

to the books

of Peronism, were further

estimation developed.

published

only

Cooke's

ideas

in

the

were

a

- 19 known to activists before tant

then

via

clandestine to the

and were crucial Peronist

of the

sectors

and personal

publications

contact

development

ideological

of impor-

Left.

COOKE'S POLITICAL LIFE John William a family John's

of Irish

nomad,

Jorge

a total

friendship

Conservatives

in

Eguren

for

ation

those

,

the new regime. of Foreign battle was his

his

but

father's

coup was viewed

in

Dr.

father, 1945,

closest

the rise

Juan Isaac

engaged in Spruille

At the time

Nation-

Revolution".

another

of Perön within

a diplomatic

was Minister and political

and John William

advisor

of the decisive

in

resisting

the

pressures

1.

Alberto Opini6n

2.

de John, " Eguren de Cooke, "Notas pars una biografia Alicia (15th-21st September 1971), 9 Nuevo Hombre (Buenos Aires), no. p. 10.

Szpunberg, Cultural

the

admir-

October

Cooke,

Braden,

the

Cooke's

as "Radical,

by Cooke as just

and most revolutionary

latter.

through

death,

great

began

against

and contradictory

changed with

attitude

fighting

politics

the name of the

the US ambassador,

of the

early

a close

Cooke himself

his

and

John William's

at university

After

of a secret

in

Cooke's

Relations

against

full

struggling

The 1943 military cuartelazo

his

described

For ista,

Popular,

and then (FUA).

of his

and maintained

Balbin.

that

of bohemian

During

as a Radical

1930's

Federation

heritage

mixture

Radical

Ricardo

school

secondary

University

widow Alicia

the

Irish

1

politics".

Radical,

during

life

political

alist,

him as "a rare

was ardently

leading

with

on 14th November 1920 into

the key features

attributed

for

passion

family

his

upbringing,

Argentine

Cooke,

when he described

with

La Plata

in

was due to this

It

origin.

brother,

personality

his

Cooke was born

popular

" La "El pensamiento vivo de un militante, (Buenos Aires), 9th September 1973, p. 2.

2

-20-

of October

mobilisation immediately Cards

the

Congressmen

Congress ication

by being

In a firmly argued national

acts

and material

counterpart

former". of

clashed

with

Cooke's member of the he refused being

Minister

in material

inequality

which

Cooke showed himself

his

who was not deep-felt

Congressional

to be quiescent. yet

re-adopted,

his

dissidence,

latter

practical

were a

juridical

by

measures

For Cooke,

that

sophism:

Cooke

be defended

movements.

tends

Charter.

by inter-

the only

ratif-

of the

equality to outweigh

has the

to be a man of principle, to toe

prepared

the

party

line

a man when it

convictions.

training

legal

Nations

through

liberation

other

because

Here,

at

mark in

out against

United

could

a sophism

integrity

great

which

and Foreign

made his

he declared,

is

It

as a deputy

be guaranteed

not

dangerous "a based upon were

of States.

2

In fact,

with

solidarity

agreements

equality

could

sovereignty,

President

the Argentine

its

explaining

to Argentine

challenge

the

speech

and charters.

he commented.

to Perbn demanded

to stand

and the

sovereignty

national

deputy

of Chapultepec

anti-imperialist

that

loyalty

He immediately

Peronist

the only

the Treaty

of

that

of Peronists.

on the part

servility

the notion

and rejected

predicted

he was one of the most vehement

From the start,

age of 25.

He

on Martin

a few days",

Cooke was elected

1946 elections,

ensuing

detention

12th and accurately

"They are going, to see within

the

as a lawyer.

of Perbn's

on October

was announced

the response: In

the importance

recognised

when it

Cooke was graduating

1945,

him to play

enabled Committee In

1951,

the following

an important Matters,

on Constitutional he paid

year

again

for

his

stood

dissidence out,

this

role

as a but by not

time

p. 2.

1.

Szpunberg,

2.

del voto de John W. Cooke contra Is aprobaci6n del "Fundamentaci6n de Acta de Chapultepec y la Carta de las Naciones Unidas, " Diario (Argentina: C&mara de Diputados, 1946), III, Sesiones p. 580.

op.

cit.,

1

-21-

by opposing

as an antecedent

Pact

1973 Social

the

to

as the key

to

productivity

Eguren,

he had been "a young solitary the seen as

Cooke did

William

not

liamentary

life,

ptations.

He later

(Theatre)

Cooke the

ing

his

bridle

myself

that

of the contract

his

out

of world

witness trade with

science

of the )Iovement,

ible.

Cooke himself

within

Peronism, time

1.

Eguren,

op.

2.

Szpunberg,

3.

Ibid.

but

cit. op.

living

up to its

became a figurehead

not

ism at that

became the moral

De Frente

For many Peronists,

cit.

challenging adopting

claim of the

the political

a hard

line

seeing

that

economy, "incorr-

self-styled his

critique

signing

Oil

it

taking

after

political

Perbn's

Colon

want to end up fight-

he initiated

of Standard

to the

Per6n offered

Instead,

De Frente,

and opposed

branch

the Argentine

in

In it

reality".

bureaucracy

union

3

lectureship

it,

don't

"I

tem-

2

Evita

he rejected

par-

era as "as-

They went

of office,

John

seductive

of that

the world".

but

own publication,

1

leaving

at

and its

regime.

of obsequiousness".

of Buenos Aires

up a University

uptible

kind

dismayed

deputies

independence:

political

with

Cooke brought

term

of Democracia

editorship

the

were men of

second Peronist

the

During

would

they

to show that

Peronist

into

themselves

and heterogen-

of the mass movement.

limitations

its

spoke of the

to integrate

piring

he saw both

upon in-

For Alicia

a timid

to be particularly

appear

for

in

Peronists

emphasis

salvation.

Jacobin

"rearguard"

left

due to its

economic

creased

ous parliament"

by later seen -

Congress

the Productivity

of a

of California. con-

and political to being

incorrupttendency

more militant objectives

on how to defend

of Peronthe

22 -

-

government

first

Cooke was the

for

Technical

but

for

1

Peronist'Party

in

Cooke found

a corrupt

his

aroused

Cooke's

of popular

Freute force

.

which

idea

backed up by popular essential the idea

1. 2.

3.

since

and

could

be

not

basicas,

to win support

for

This

and the Peronist his

widow,

the coming

unidades

an attempt

for

of the

to his

and armed resistance.

to

this

experience a friend

a military

mobilisations

popular

3

one writer,

was to organise

the Superior

of creating

2

bureau-

even before

arrest

the

coup.

defeat

would

technology

Interventor

which

the

as Secretary

for

structure

unions

called

Abraham Guill&n,

The basic

time

according

among the military

to Franco,

War veteran

the

not

There,

in

units,

mobilisation

according

plan,

a job

the means to defeat

trade

Party

opposition

Resistance

Spanish

for

visiting

1955 military

September

Civil

Capital.

both of which apparently

cracy,

is

was appointed

He searched

Peronist

strong

("It

and bureaucratic

intervention,

strategy

When offered

1955.

and instead

the Federal

changed overnight.

the base-level

to be summoned by Peron after

person

he refused

Affairs,

politics")

military

grew.

of June 16th

bombardment

aerial

it

to

as opposition

militias,

reaching

through

and support. of

him through

and collaborator

a clandestine

revolt

Council

was based upon the

on

urban

guerrilla

guerrilla

actions

Clandestinity

the Peronist

due to a firm

Party veto

De

was had rejected

from

even the

Ibid. Here, "Interventor" by the Peronist means a trustee appointed to take over the running leadership The same of a party branch. to trustees by the federal term is used to refer appointed to trustees to provincial authorities and replace sent government to replace local union officials. trade union leaderships by national 6 The National 1 Donald C. Hodges, Argentina Revolution and -1 (USAs University Resistance of New Mexico Press, 1976 pp. 191-196.

23 "Peronist"

Despite

structure. go behind

This

was also

to extend

seeking

between

distinction

a sharp opposition.

co-existence

between "1

Peronist

that

was opening but

critically

national

problems". the

"truce"

tember

period

favour

of the masses seeking

his

after

parties: norms that

"While they

they

adhere

" in

legality

must be fought".

3

2.

Cooke, De Frente (Buenos Aires), 1955), editorials. (29th August 1955), 77 Ibid. no.

3.

Ibid.

1.

no.

78 (5th

September

for

stage

parties

the solution own zig-zags ended,

and violent

to legal

in mid-1955

in

norms,

in which

is

nos.

70 & 71 (11th

editorial.

partici-

of the great of the June-SepCooke spoke in

according

rebellion,

editorial.

could

to the

relation it

methods";

measures"

Violent

1955),

drew

peaceful

"by revolutionary

was officially

to constitutional

commitment

of the

and violent

end of the

Per6n's

time,

end of the revolution,

opposition

"drastic

that

is

based upon "reciprocal

the

meant the

Following

legal

with

as it

dimensions

Cooke called

announced

up in which

Cooke, at

De Frente

parties

constructively, 2

that

in

how to deal

this

but

by Peron,

be confused,

and social

were to be achieved

objectives

a new stage pate,

Perön

by September,

not

should

political

the political

After

Cooke was to argue

the

guerrilla

when adopted

the view

with

organise

practice

to

were prepared

1956.

the June 16 events,

After

concessions.

January

The editorials

Revolution".

"Peronist

in

came to fruition

Left,

Peronist

by the

today

and secretly

of Cooke to fight

readiness

command

Cooke and Guill6n

leaders

in

exclusively,

of a dual

creation

had been achieved

subsequently

not

the

rejection,

of the

Little

strategy

though

this

the backs

contingents. the

who feared

generals

but

showed

opposition to these

however,

was

& 18th July

24 -

something his

leave

else.

During

refuge

in

take

over

personally military After the

the

golpe

leader

only

position

from

on October

in

Leloir

fined

in

for

wall

the face

a simulated

Cooke ended up in imprisonment, though directing sent

Command) in to receive

in

the

forced the

Cooke his

of the

by a police

the Rio Gallegos

Cooke continued

to lead

by circumstance

to delegate

Comando de Lucha. full

recognition

Jost

writer Plaza

in

in

and organise the

Caracas

and arrested

task

Cooke

Maria

Rosa

While

his

courage

conby

up against

several

the South.

to Lagomarsino from

to

Hotel.

when put put

by

and tried

Significantly,

officer

prison

led

a

Cooke created

agent

travel.

being

took

the resistance

he demonstrated

After

Cooke was

a tendency

for

orders

commanding

execution.

"Doctor

Buenos Aires

luxurious

by radio,

one who openly

While

the nationalist

the Las Heras Penitentiary, in

spitting

was arrested

that

the new regime,

to

He was betrayed

the home of

1

".

itself

order

only

to

Buenos Aires.

wrote

me and the

the day he was due to

20th,

was captured whereas

Peron.

exile

to Peron

and install

resistance

of Greater

intransigence....

in

to Paraguay

directly

Peron from

(Struggle

Comando de Lucha

of the

'.plazas'

to accommodate

sought

travel

,

speak to the people

leadership

who contacted

of absolute

Leloir

the

Cooke appealed

coup,

the War Ministry,

the public

in

units

the September

a

prisons,

Despite

his

the resistance, of practically

and Marcos.

2

Perlin

on November 2nd:

him as the only leader who has my mandate to preside "I recognise the Peronist forces in the the totality of organised over decisions his have the force same and as abroad and country

1.

Cooke, " Peronismo Socialismo de John William "Alrededor (September (Buenos Aires), 1973), pp. 10-13. 1 no.

2.

Comando Tactico The Comando de Lucha became known as the Command and, more commonly, as the Comando Aacional Tactical Command). National

a

-25In

mine.

to direct

Cooke was able his

after his

escape from

release

leading

Jost

detention

Apart

eration workers

union).

by the

accompanied walked

of the

out

rejected released,

and external

was also

in

hit

opposed

a breathing

space in

about

the nationalist

Politica.

3.

flew

He therefore

agreement

2.

Buenos Aires

3.

Arturo Raigal,

Herald,

Frondizi, 1955).

the

his to

Peronist

Associations

Cuadernos 5

y Politica

forces to

dubious

Petrbleo

Per6n's

final

de Crisis

19th March 1957.

Petr6leo

1958

At the same time,

book,

gain

It

which would

and was especially in

the

from Fron-

for

support

movement.

to Caracas

Letter from Perlin to Cooke of 2,11.56, (March (Buenos Aires), 5 1974), p. no.

Cooke was

emissaries

to reorganise

which

courts

of the Resistance.

to a tactical

1.

Chilean

and developed

Peronist

contained

promises

Confed-

extradition,

at

the first

in Frondizi

illusions

he had no political

Labour

were reportedly

the

structures

hegemony of the labour

Peronist

legalise

After

and to use a Law of Professional

by repression

- ALN),

Jose Ocampo, and simply

transmitter

seeking

Cooke was not

Peronism

give

Rojo,

they

government

Cooke received

Ricardo

frequently

2

passes.

organisational

that

Chile

help,

the prison,

radio

up a clandestine

set

of

financial

Jose G6mez (head of the petroleum

by the Aramburu

attempts

elections.

using

prison

internal

dizi,

guard

chief

other

Alliance

General

the

of

five

former

Liberating

to outside

In addition

Cooke,

and after

the Chamber of Deputies),

of

General-Secretary

Andres J. Pedro CGT) and -

Chile,

(Per6n's

the Nationalist

more personally

Arenas,

from

Antonio

Cämpora (er-President

(former

Espejo

out - Jorge

(head of

Kelly

there.

command to him".

struggle

to Punta

got

Hector

Patricio

the resistance

from Rio Gallegos

Peronists

advisor),

I delegate

case of my death,

the

I

(Buenos Aires:

Editorial

y word

-26-

and in

on the matter Per6n,

with

to set

general During

to Argentina. for

Peronist

1958,

Cooke made several

meetings

as leader

to promote

worker

cadres

leadership

for

and detained

airport

general

the

into

and to consolidate

oil

period

Cooke constantly

and to provide

In November 1958,

workers'

on a prison

he went to

was arrested

peak in

Cooke was again

the

issued

the

at year.

"revolutionary" to provide

present

proclamation

sought

a political

the end of that

until its

reached

1959,

but

strike

ship

The strike

leadership.

political

and hard-liners

of January

strike

Frondizi

proximity

trips

secret

of the Resistance,

struggles.

Resistencia'

When the

stated

labour

to support

with

to Montevideo

of its

advantage

along

structures.

role

Argentina

taking

the Pact

he flew

this,

there,

organisational

In his

After

staff

clandestine

to

1958 was a signatory

and Frigerio.

Frondizi

up his

Argentina

February

by Cooke boldly

that: in that it has broader and more transris political "This strike than fixing the day. working rise or a wage a of motives cendent is being Here the future of the working class and the nation 1 fought for".

The strike

was political

because

went sale

of Frigorifico

Lisandro

government

but

persecution politicians, ers,

1.

the height

the moment was short-lived. but

also

Leloir,

who joined

was in

internal Bramuglia

together

being

this

seen as a

and the oligarchy.

of his

influence

Not only opposition and Albrieu,

in a pincer

"La proclama de la huelga De Frente, second series,

to the govern-

opposition

de Is Torre,

to imperialism

surrender

Cooke was at

it

in

did from

the

labour

he suffer

government

the

line"

"soft

and some trade

movement to demand his

del frigorifico (27th 8 no.

movement,

Lisandro June 1974),

union

lead-

ouster.

de la Torre, p. 30.

"

27 Alicia

may have been correct

Eguren

"The first

unofficially,

demanded by Frigerio the Pact

"The image

1957 Per6n,

November

pursuing

two tendencies, in

arrived

would

his

action.

However,

parallel

leadership

'mistake'

the middle

in

Council, through

increasingly

ambivalent.

When Frigerio

1959 general

strike

ship

Communism, the communique ised

1.

op.

cit.

and Supervisory

congruent

what was happening

Eguren,

tried

with

this

On that

'soft

occasion,

Cooke on his

Cooke's

two new

National

of Peronism Council

interpretation.

and the

strategic

to present

to the Movement as a result

explain-

the

recognising

clandestine

which

the Movement.

Command Delegation

as the work of a sector

Coordinating

(28.1.59)

the

on,

in

confusion

Peron created

making

Resistencia

the

to pass it

and congratulated of 1958,

between

to Bramuglia

rank-and-file.

the Superior

organs,

and Supervisory

Coordinating

the

In

of balancing

policy

create

to a

of individuals.

was implicitly

dishearten

for

apologised

of

that

them as a challenge

refused

would

the Leader

thus

and would

Perlin

purge:

my eyes in

message addressed

The latter

hands.

that

appear

seeing

a pendular

such a tape

that

to Perbn

line',

of

a "crypto-

Stalinist

before

until

persecution

of him being

a question

a taped

sent

Cooke's

than

rather

policy

revolutionary

It

compared the

appeared

head on,

Cooke met the attacks

ing

he was not sacked

1

period".

the

head,

although

to the first

etc.,

invariably

of Trotsky

John's

(was)

the accusations

a "trotskyist",

that,

the Pact

She, furthermore

old.

the Movement,

communist",

of

and Frondizi;

was a year

Cooke Within

clause

later

when she wrote

leader-

Command the January

allied

issued

with

a Cooke real-

of Frondizi's

- 28integrationist ion.... for

But there those

will

The trade legal

the

Resistance, ly

Throughout

Conintes

ressive

who briefly

operated

was also

involved

in

in

the

and Argentina

People's

Masetti's EGP) of

in Salta.

operated

Persecution

time.

was quite found close

1.

natural

a coherent personal the

Tucumän in

late

but

were not

under

the

creation

of guerrilla

Army (Ej6rcito guerrilla

forced

in Argentina

overall friendship

Cuban Revolution

which

Left-Guevarist

Peronist

his

his

haven should

framework with

Guevara.

and its

"Apuntes pars una historia (2a Parte), revolucionario 1974). to no. 15 (April

in

the at

Cooke's He Cuba

upon Ricardo del

Pueblo

Peronists

and

dates

from

convergence exile

in

-

this

1960 and it

There, Cooke's

ideas

and he developed

He became totally

revolutionary

Cuban

camps in

Guerrillero

Cuban Marxism

rep-

leadership.

training

be Cuba.

its

the Uturuncos,

personal

Cooke into

the Movement.

society

came under

included

sufficient-

to resolve

warfare

and was an influence

1960's

Guerrilla

that

1959,

of the

triumphant

initiative,

guerrilla

The

unleashed

by the recently

in

a Guevarist

1963-4,

government

Movement and Argentine

rural

early

not

base in

to guerrilla

the Peronist

influence,

political

as the

looked

Argentine

The first

and heroism

political

a solid

Influenced

plan.,

within

contradictions large.

Cooke with

he increasingly

Revolution,

the militancy

and

Albrieu Strike.

the Movement was still

of

conciliation

while

the General

after

Cooke was hunted

1959,

seeking

silent

remained

shortly

"hard-line"

to provide

strong

tendencies

despite

of Cooke showed that

tall

with

dismissal

Cooke's

I

the government".

with

Perlin

triumphed.

activity

organised

involved

and political

union

be much more repress-

will

be more money and many more opportunities

also

to get

who wish

there

"From now on,

policies:

strategy

identified and was soon

de la resistencia y del peronismo (Buenos Aires), " En Lucha supplement

a

-29both

there

active

Cuban army operations the Sierras

Cuban aid

Movement (Movimiento

of Cooke's

foQuista

erences

with

Perbn's

overall

his

Perlin

Cooke's

definition

appear

he were not

Taking

Perlin would

capable

up an offer

to Cuba, making

written

for

dispute

with

foquismo

he never

repeated

it

the

.2

acknowledge

he never in

to its

ultimate

latter

his

the Latin

diff-

challenged to fight

to Per6n to make

a key role

Cooke repeatedly

Fidel

The strength

explicitly

appeals

to show that

play

of leading

by Castro,

MRP) in 1964, 1 Moreover,

movements.

him to openly

led

viewed

paved the way

the Movement and he continued

return.

leader's

gave up hope that if

of

Peronista

over

completely

the revolution,

even

conclusion.

urged Peron

to transfer base of

his

residence

1.

in the MRP, though he never publicly Cooke did not participate to have been due to His it. appears non-involvement criticised the fact that he was in Cuba during the immediate pre-history )RP leaders because IMP the were not many also and possibly of revolutionary. really del reformismo Cooke "Aportes en la Ar entina, " a Is critica (Buenos Aires), (1961 2-3 (JulyPresents Pasado nos. , December 1973T, pp. 373-401. theses on revolutionary to the Guevara-Debray "Foquismo" refers impact the the of operations catalytic emphasised which warfare, the 'focos', maturing of revolutionon or groups, of guerrilla ary conditions.

2.

to

the Revolutionary

with

in his

However,

1962.

leadership

a revolutionary

latter

convictions in

starting

1960's

the early

CP's during

American

into

explaining

generally

He therefore

liberation

the

influenced

then

until

Communist Party,

the Argentine

probably

Cuba was in

Revolucionario

national

with

of

critique

Castro,

for

Peronists,

to left-wing

in

of fascism.

as a variant

seen as solidarity

role

of Peronism,

the nature

Argentina

Peronist

his

most important

Cooke's

the Cuban leaders

for

the

infiltrated

counterrevolutionaries

against

man in

and militia

of Escambray.

Perhaps

outside

instructor

as revolutionary

revolutionary

- 30-

operations. Cooke was only a state

of neige

to this

last

Peronismo

in

able

to return

October

1963.

his 1

de Estado,

golpe

y el

Most of his

in Argentina,

period

to Argentina

the most mature

represented ideology

to emerge in

combined

his

unity

theoretical

between

theory

a revolutionary

1966-67,

Cooke led

tions.

and attempted

to work within

tional Tacuara

stages

the Peronist

prototype

Tacuara

the Peronist

to

Movement,

Cooke always

Movement Luis

politico-military organisations

and

his

revolutionary

war

own organisation, Peronista

its

ARP) -

revolutionary

can be seen, (Moviemento Nell

In

in Argentina,

went beyond the preparatory it

organ-

by member organisa-

and prolonged

warfare,

He sought

the Tricontinental

Revolucionaria

MNRT) Jost of -

first

Peronist

activity.

committees

developing

below,

analysed

methodology.

elected

Cooke created

(Acci6n

Nationalist

of the more recent

the ARP was one of the

1.

them.

of revolutionary

Revolutionary

Revolucionario

delegations

of armed struggle

Action

However,

El of the

of a revolutionary

OLAS and Tricontinental

Though the ARP never

tendency.

the unity

belong

1966 coup,

political

he was unanimously

to implement

Revolutionary

of the

These works,

with

of

book being

and a revolutionary

the Argentine

the. theses

he promoted

Peronist

theory

head of the

As

works

of a revolutionary

contributions

after

published

and mid 1960's.

and practice,

isation,

OLAS Conferences,

tasks.

articulation

the early

the lifting

most influential

an analysis

Peronis t Movement and revolutionary

after

along

and agitawith

Nacionalista

and Joe Baxter, organisations.

to work for

the

as a

Moreover,

the unity

of

and non-Peronist

Cooke, (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Accibn Revolucionaria Peronmovimiento), Also published ista, 1966). under the name Peronismo y Revoluci6n (Buenos Aires: Granica Editor, 1971). All quotations from this work cite the former text as the reference and use its pagination.

31 -

Left.

revolutionary

of Cooke came in

The'death

began to get

guerrilla

groups

left-wing

Peronism

His

major

works

his

death

although

his

By 1973,

some of his

the best

selling

fighting

like

of an incurable

on 19th September

"It

does not

go forward

matter;

and will

His

to

quirk

the

before

those

these win".

comrades

have fallen

alive.

of Perbn in wish was to die

personal

he died

in bed he

and materialist, his

of history,

but

skin

and

Cooke died group

guerrilla

Cooke commented:

the undismayed

end,

after

while

and donated

will

tendency.

Ideologically,

Instead

atheist

germs of

years

influence

the same day as the Taco Ralo

1968,

Shortly

in his

By a strange

bank.

only

Torres.

As a confirmed ceremony

eyes to a transplant

was captured.

his

1

book league.

cancer.

any religious

rejected

than

Che Guevara and Camilo

three

were available.

articles

was greater

Peronist

the

revolutionary

least

at

books had become second

Cooke's

and before

a powerful until

the important

before

a year ground

into

published

influence

posthumous

the

off

crystallized

were not

1968,

the guerrilla

will

2

COOKE'S IDEOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT

Cooke's

Peronist,

showed him to be a militant Movement - economic justice

- with

libros

great

independence,

upholding

political

" La Opinion

1.

"Los

2.

Cooke, quoted in "Seguir& de Pueblo) (Buenos Aires),

vivo no.

the

1946-51

Peronism

Cultural,

period

the 3 "Banners"

sovereignty

For Cooke,

conviction.

peronistas,

during

interventions

parliamentary

of the

and social had taken

August

19th

over

1973.

(Es luchan, los Ya " Tiempo en que September 1973, pp. 10-12. 13,20th

before going into action The Taco Ralo guerrillas were captured but their was reorganised urban support apparatus and developed the Peronist into an important Armed guerrilla organisation, Forces - FAP. See Chapter Six.

_..

} .,

32 from a degenerate

banners

these logical

reforming,

influence

strict

Nevertheless, as a democrat,

of economic

this

in

present

general the

as part

revisionist

questions.

emerges from

this

the

Constitution. of Cooke

period is

influence,

a valid

one, in his

especially

one can say that

many of the

to Marxism

conversion

Cooke saw himself of the national

and the

and popular

school.

liberal

to the

Peronist

historical

were already

Movement in line

interpretation

The popular

as an alternative

presented

later

defending

period.

early

Historically,

in

Indeed

speeches

firmly

and anti-imperialist

Cooke's

bases for

theoretical

parliamentary

norms embodied

of Marxist

a degree

here

finds

treatment

reformer

social

a

the Yrigoyenist

and constitutionalist,

the image which

while

from

in his

to the democratic

adherence

one also

lawyer

them to their

the programme for

Apart

one finds

Peronism,

of the

them into

Movement.

anti-imperialist

of Cooke's

roots the

transforming

conclusions,

and had taken

Radicalism

upheld

of history

interpretation

by

was

of the

oligarchy: its own or foreign interests, "Which only represents covering 'democratic' this with the cloak of historical and 'civilising' that national "We believe dogmas".... can economic liberation destruction those through the falsely be of achieved only dogmas". historical fabricated The revisionist popular

stance, "the

eulogised heroes.

1.

focussed caudIllos

Thus Cooke,

identification

viewed

school

with

history

from

and national

on popular who represent

though

not

a

an idealised

national

Rosista

the Rosas heritage:

and romantic

struggles sentiments"

shared , "We defend

and 1

as their

the revisionists' Rosas because we

(Argentina: de Diario Sesiones Cämara Cooke, parliamentary speech, Future references to Cooke's 1949, IV: 3139. de Diputados). the Diario in de Sesiones, interventions, recorded as parliamentary to "DS", limited be year, volume and page(s). will

-33-

the

in his

that

consider

country,

in

condensed

the

Due to his

identification

ical

and to his

familial

orientations

of my political

referred

to the

Radical

ialist,

him for

and even criticised

democracy

political Radicalism

for

based on respect

Cooke's to his

liberal-democratic arguments

stood which for

rather

out in provided

purely

favour

in

than being

for

Though Cooke often

the

"disused" upon

emphasis

enist

the more authorit-

of asylum

rights

1.

DS, 1948, 11: 1644-

2.

DS, 1946,

3.

DS, 1946, XI: 232-239.

4.

DS, 1949, 1: 844-847.

11: 293-

for

to free

of Fascist

parties

ideological and Marxist

it

or it

exists

Moreover,

by opposing

1949,

one can look

were seen as

terms.

in

of

shades of political

individual

of political

"a threat

time,

all

eEsential

As evidence

either

class

Speaking

3

this

at

of the

parliament

democratic

present

and upon the

indivisible:

posed in

reasons.

expression

"the

of man".

views

the exclusion

ideological

the free

defended

political

Peronist

the first

a bar as "intolerable"... Defending

so many

as an anti-imper-

him from

dignity

is to "The asylum right activist 4 does not,. The democratic rights universal,

in

from Yrigc

human personality

Christian the up make

bases which

legality

Cooke staunchly

In parliament, regime

and

legislators.

Peronist

arian

2

much of his

was to differentiate

and this

Capital

Cooke owed a

bogged down, in

getting

and constitutional

of

histor-

"who inspires

"limitations"

derived

he clearly

1853,

of

constitution

background,

activity".

leader's

opinion

the revisionist

with

to Yrigoyen,

ways the

early

masses of the

political

debt

intellectual

considerable

federal

great

Interior: current

the democratic

moment he represented

Cooke

legislation from

activity

he referred

to such

expression". ideas

alike

as

34beneficial

the

for

and the

Right

extreme

because

people

nationalism

they

2

monsters", Conservative

Communists

our best

the

the

Argentine 1

"the

amongst

line

of democratic

our

fauna

strange

Socialist,

defeated

of the

opinions

root

"That

Communist,

be best

could

opposition,

take

tradition".

as he described

that

can never

with

conflict

is

which

Cooke maintained

country,

Radical

through

of

and-

clean

elections

methods:

and constitutional

"We think that only one way is open for the integral realisation the way of legislative revolution, realisation of the national instruments by means of juridical which the Constitution for". 3 provides This

should

prepared its

with

face

did

it

not

always

but

he did not

forms

to play

means being

the

was

Peronism democratic

game. in

silence

occasional

the

used against

in reconciling

succeed

always

opposition

of opposition,

afford

force

repressive the

while

do so and Cooke's

of extra-constitutional

shows that

ition

could

support

mass popular

Of course,

to legal

itself

full

its

using

Cooke argued,

opposition,

to restrict

from

the State

prevent

violent

against

the

not

oppos-

theory

with

practice. In contrast

faire

economics.

in its

was a liberal

"myth"

"political

1.

D5,1949,

V: 4233.

2.

DS,

1951,

IV: 2382.

3.

Ds,

1946,1:

views

is

very

the

that

relative

to laissez-

the realisation

capitalist

the

demo-

of political

liberalism,

denied

undermining

due to the existence

liberty

299.

phase,

with

Cooke argued

and freedom.

equality

in practice

The latter

monopolistic

and liberal

opposed to economic

Cooke maintained,

ideals,

liberal

while

Radical

Cooke was strongly

cracy,

ially

to his

of

system,

the liberal 'equality'

espec-

values

of opportunies'

of economic

inequality,

because

rtaing

the

of

class

in

-35is

economics

the ruling

here between

this

a contradiction

belief

Planning

to partially

counteract

capitalism.

Though he did

for

called

the

"social

function

State monopoly process

in

general

ing

small

ing

"the

economic ensure

"Free

industrialists nationalisation sectors

1.

DS,

order

to

of the

which of

Cooke des-

upholding

the

in

favour

lay

general

possible

and traders was only

as the and for

con3umers"

deemed necessary

of the economy "when a certain

1946, XI: 232-239.

parameters

rais-

number of independent in

was defended,

or

(area

this

way,

of national

of protection

and desirable

service

the

to the monopolistic

and,

and

of develop-

through

well-being

distribution form

tendencies.

Cooke supported

themselves

"best

of monopoly

capitalist

counterposing

greatest

anti-

the

of

monopolistic

domination.

"attain

forms

the opposition

as reflecting

and individualised

competition"

within

an excellent

cognizance

to curb

compete between

which

his

the different

standards",

a more equitable

income".

with

through

"intervention

by Cooke in

demonstrated

to monopoly

living

existence

entities

machinery",

-

dis-

as such,

and dignity

and practising

attempts

can be viewed

law in

the people's

order

which

industrialists

anti-monopoly

idea

consequences

war on capital

capitalist

to the monopolies

terms

instrument

was proposed

legislative

hostility

as the practical

concentration,

and the world-wide

Marxist

constitutionalism

1

of capitalist

Yet his

of this

1946,

of

latter

declare

not

interventionism

speech

as the

was advocated

the State"

the needy class".

of

liberal

of human personality

"mechanisms of

later

early

the anti-liberal

the defence

troying

There was a contradiction

politics".

and Cooke's

resolved

only

the former.

placed

in

class

in of)

for

small

while the basic production

36.. 1

needs non-competition". the State

which free

enterprise

He was acutely by the

Cooke felt

and to

decent

guarantee

that

the alternative

leave

Where does this his

ion

Engels,

of capitalism,

In his

of the

solution

Hilferding accepting

in

Soviet

Union

on

the

system,

ideals

people. praised

practice,

of socialisation

in

yet

mind,

to economic

history

on economic

their

on the

analyses Plan

in

1947,

not

is

that

questions

development

but

It

clear he had

and tenden-

their

conclusions.

Cooke opined

in relat-

thats

the process best. Although their have studied "The Marxists it is that the evident not accepted, analysis are conclusions to see the full flourishing Marx never lived is correct. of the monopoly but he intuitively saw it at its birth and was 2 in his predictions". correct From Marx and Engels of

he

inevitably

to Marxism?

relation

and Lenin

Economic

on the Ist

speech

Cooke in

interventions

parliamentary

read Marx, cies

capitalist

liberal

model

for

standards

the

which

restrictions

totalitarianism.

entailed

from

the

living

was one in

project

combat monopolistic

fundamental

' With

system.

way in

Cooke's

words,

to

negated

that

other

was to intervene

aware of the

liberals,

defended

In

came Cooke's

understanding

of some basic

features

capitalism: that "Marx demonstrated, and in my judgement he was correct, (... ) the problem of cycles is inherent in the essence of the system" 3 "Marx was wrong on many things but not capitalist in his presentation of the problem of the concentration of in the capitalist is inherent Crisis system and so capital. becomes imperialism. The Sooner or later, is war. capitalism the hand, brings, the for on one colonisation markets struggle the between on other, peoples and, war weak of economically the great powers for the first place in the producer markets 4 raw materials". of

1.

DS, 1946, V: 454-492.

2.

DS, 1946,

3.

DS, 1949, V: 3479-3489-

4.

D5, 1950,

XI: 232-239. 1: 614-621.

-37Here

the Influence

therefore,

even in

Marxist

brought

increase ers". ists,

2

multitude

leftism

While

of class

international

macy of what is

Cooke argued

stood

in

terms

to politics. to economic nised

that

what

were not

short in

the Argentine

of two principles:

some excesses

when in

-

is

social

equality,

"they

he

of the

by the

Communist

affirm in

national,

the

suprelater

order

More inconsistency

problems

State -

of contradictions.

favour situation

of nationalism could

the predominance and the

factors;

over national 4

ultra-left-

character

internationalism

where

factors

ideas

early

rejects

wage-earn-

"We are not

or rather

over

system

a few hands and the

dependent

towards

of

to

3

become imperialisms".

quotation

in

and the dictatorship

vanguard,

international

of wealth

advance"

struggle

by the

to a capitalist

it

with

degree

a considerable

economically

carries

Cooke,

crucial.

hostility

solutions:

a "major

seeking

due to their

Cooke's

Marxist

also

"exercised

proletariat

his

of

was also

accepted

"accumulation

the

great

the ideas

rejected

Party",

years

early

But he rejected

because

power".

these

about

of the

1

Imperialism

and demonstrated

analysis

which

of Lenin's

primacy

and planning

but

else-

be under-

of international

of economics

was to be seen in

intervention

only

The, above

Cooke's

in relation solution

- when he recog-

thatt State cannot, by means "the bourgeoisie capitalist and liberal interventionism, of amount minimum which preserves of a simple its essential some restrictions realise an economic structure, is the very essence of the capitalist disequilibrium freedom: logical is its imperialism consequence and the monoposystem; the logical the lies consequence of process of the also are 5 of production". concentration

1.

Ibid.

2.

DS, 1946, 1: 299.

3.

Ds, 1951, I1: 1025.

4.

DS, 1946, V: 454-

5.

Ds, 1950,

1: 614-621.

-38This

in doubt

places

but

in

these

due to

the adequacy

democratic

of his

the strength

many saw the authoritarian

interests

of the Soviet

dictory

was possible

make in

we could

isation

of the contemporary

colony

Nation

and Imperialism.

social

reform.

his

Yet some elements

later

Cooke's

especially

The next

which

Peronist the review

ation

1.

that his

radical in

which

is'of

of the

1955'image

DS, 1951,

days.

a "deepening"

was attributed

the picture militant

IV: 2382.

dichotomy

the for

in

Cooke, the

counterposing favour

in his

present

of

thought politics,

capitalism. Cooke's

"good

ideological

There was absolutely Peronist

which but

later

and more to the

no sign

by sectors a reading

orthodox

owes more to the methodology

radically

Revolution,

emerges from fairly

1954-5,

had not

society"

of the

development in

' published

to him 18 years

of the government,

and organ-

and revolutionary

De Frente

his

an extremely

defence

of

in

Rather,

Left.

struggle

indication

Congressional

alter-

revolution

structure

was rejected

were already

of monopoly

vision

that

struggle

editorials

of Cooke advocating

something

His

available

revealed

changed since here

analysis

by his

was provided

to class

conversion

socialist only

The basic

was therefore Class

.

the

and contra-

we have made the revolution-of 1

of

by Stalinist

uneasy

no viable

within

power".

Peronists,

the other

with

century

world;

the imperialist

against

along

for

20th

this

Cooke's

that

form

movements to the

"We have made the

time:

that

at

feeling

was the

in which

a period

was offended

Behind

solutions

practical

only

revolutionary

power.

great

there

position,

native that

international

to subordinate

efforts

as the

nationalism

ardent

socialist

in

convictions

Union

Soviet

his

Moreover,

socialism.

solutions,

Cooke was to draw back from

years

early

of any capitalist-based

of the of

Peronist.

of mass mobilisopportunism

of

- 39 Peronist

other

own ideological

dictatorship

the rises

society"

was still

a social

the

as "combating, Instead,

Position'

not

a totally

different

involved

latter not

not

privileged vance

the political structure"

2. 3.

a new injustice,

class

under

Peronism

command positions social national

political

force

peaceful

develop-

as

the

with

State,

"The Nation

the defence

workers to reform

In fact, for

the

by the adhad access

to

the State

though

the first

is

of the

labour time

" De Frente, de los precios Cooke, "El equilibrio y salarios, (18th 4. March 1954), 2 p. no. " ibid. de los trabajadores, Cooke, "Capitalizaci6n no. 48 (7th February 1955), editorial. (2nd 60 " ibid. May 1955), Cooke, "Patria no. y proletariado, editorial.

'3rd but

of capitalism

was argued,

and were able 3

of

and socialism.

for it

injustices

capitalism

"The Argentine -

equilibrium.

by the trans-

Cooke saw the

instrument:

as was demonstrated,

classes",

2

Cooke

was explicitly

"the

form

superstructure

I

economy by a

old

enable

for

turn

hands and supported

union

the

from

role

was

capitalist

and enlightened

interventionist

in

exemplified

class".

equidistant

wage

collectivism

the 3rd way was to

a bourgeois

became an important 1.

with

the

while

1954 that

which

into

both

composing

as employee.

economy",

of a crudely

as an inevitable

to create

as well

Socialist

system,

in

argument

economy".

as a reformed

viewed

of labour

"social

classes

productivity

of the working

a major

necessarily

to Cooke's

the proletariat

of

the various

employer

replacement

ment and capitalisation

It

rejecting

of the Bemberg Trust

socially-progressive

capitalism".

of

of the

idea

"progressive

rejected

Position",

be based upon increased

of the breweries

as the

a "3rd

from Cooke's

was clear

deemed the responsibility

fer

than

between

equilibrium

This

should

propagated

behaviour,

and the dictatorship

of capital

Nation.

to his

contrast

development.

The "good

seeking

in

leaders

under

40-

Per6n,

its

ments

and other

ex-Radicals than

numerous

Revolution

rejected

Argentine

stood

for

patrimony

of natural

agency, support

for

of foreign

things,

but

Cooke's

differentiation expansionism revolution:

present

of its

Russian

epigones

between

which

he called

leaders".

Stalinism.

2

No longer

used by Cooke against

deal

for

Cooke did

legislation.

and as a new imperat

this

time

was

He argued

that

conception

at the hands of

Marxism.

Cooke, "Paneslavismo, comunismo e imperialismo (22nd November 1954), pp. 18-21. 37 ibid. no.

as

firms.

car

were the ideas

2.

so long

government

the Marx-Engels

Ibid.

State

oppose the

not

and Marxism.

1.

to

oil

and for

development

Marxism

national

the State

of foreign

of

as a threat

here

role

as totalitarian towards

for

provided

Marxism has suffered

"Genuine

Oil

deposits.

to do with

had nothing

He

oil

the entry

advance

US.

of national

40 and respected

rejected

the

against

Cooke

conferen-

Standard

general,

he favoured

an important

ialism,

continental

with

in Argentine

Article

with

Communism was still

the

unity

the main exploitative

capital

1

dealings

though

in

the

neither

Cooke saw the

sources,

capital

national

was compatible

of world

more

to a rejection

nationalism".

US-promoted

of the

critic

synthesis, simply

American

However,

YPF, to perform

Soviet

in

Latin

energy

sovereignty.

Among other

govern-

were always

was extended

40 of the Constitution,

Article

participation

July....

14th

the exploitation

regarding

national

Position' "In

participation

Upholding

it

the

nor

out as a vociferous

California

'3rd

affiliations:

instead

calling

Peronist

politicians

professional

this

US and Soviet

Russian

ces,

the

and within

were workers.

Internationally, of both

indirect

power was only

rojo,

"

and actions

-41While Frente

strongly

University

ranged

from

sion")

and the

jockeys

of a Latin

which

the National

ratas!

" -a

much of its

in

bureaucracy, ism,

there

ated". as well

1

to

"together

with

to this

workers".

was that

Some labour

"E1 sabotaje editorial

1.

Cooke, 1955),

2.

"El futuro Cooke, (11th July 1955),

leaders

of

favour

of

pars

alimentar to

access

the State patriot-

the bureaucracy,

De Frente

to the lost

no. ibid.

wrath.

of the

critique

trade

union

too quickly

or due

"fingering"

prin-

contact

had become corrupted

destino de la CGT, " pp. 4-5.

in

determined

happened

" ibid.

Still

that

within

of

quickly

develop-

political

who must be extermin-

rats

according.

papelero,

in

Bureaucracy".

by elements

some leaders

del

later

Cooke argued

everything

leaders

of choosing

the fact 2

because

perver-

the way in

have easier

"the

came the embryo of Cooko's

"Whether

(a "moral

students.

were targets

enormous size,

General

issues

campaign

many men who work with

and sabotage

(the

union

"cultura

rats

a number of opportunist

Parasitism

the mistake

ciple,

preoccupations,

thrive

bureaucracy:

of

rodential

as its

Parallel

critique

unsuccess-

and against

to Cooke's

relation

went were the seeds of his his

that

such as the

campaigned

run:

than have research

material

More important

pursuing

boxing

to the fact

reference

review

news agency, to the starving

(and is) was

Library

campaigning

of usury

De Frente

of professional

anisatioil"

Other

American

De

and the appointment

students

the vice

shortage,

orthodoxy,

students

as lecturers.

to make them competitive.

"hi

the

the housing lack

policies,

CGU) the upon -

dogmatists

party

was a mildly

to impose an official

attempt

Confederation

of mediocre

It

many Peronist

criticised

government

Peronist

from

radically

was by no means servile.

which ful

departing

not

the

by the spoils

45 (17th no.

with

70

January

of

- 42-

saw this

on the

position Six

above.

the military

further

criticism"

the regime.

The editor

but

now from

His review

"empty

the

denying

Despite

that

attempts

desirable

the less

the

with

hard-liners

was closed

the arrest It

down.

of a left-wing

than rarely

more radical took

because

it

leaders

used it

people" After

of editor

had been the Peronism. than Peronist

Peron's for

of the

the military.

within

reported

which

enemies

their

rhetoric

hardly

own opportunistic

1.

"Nuestra Linea insobarnable, Cooke, (3rd October 1955), editorial.

2.

Ibid.

system-

of

forces,

always

the

Cooke,

last

appearing many other

no. 81

one of

De Frente

Peronism

purposes.

ready

Cooke to the

endeared

often

" ibid.

for

criticism

and ideologically,

while

"fauna

"We believe

of militant

orthodoxy,

econ-

like

85 editions,

Politically

seriously

the

while

statements

John William organ

to defend

by reiterating

2

the

I

the reactionary

from

to

portrayed

and freedom,

practice.

objective

of Peronism,

aspects

can be expected

nothing

to ally

to appear

of

the illegalisation

against

liberalisms"

in

sovereignty

popular

had never

chastised Cooke

of decadent

formulae

line

to judge

continued

democracy

preaching

monsters"for

of political

and fought

to appear

of opposition

authority

In particular,

Movement.

the Peronist

traditional

'De Frente

that

has been dis-

-golpe

a standpoint

the moral

claimed

independence

omic and political

atically

so much as

were however

the

maintaining

on the basis

government

invoking

Cooke

years

and not

September

of the review

numbers

the deposed Per6n as infallible.

of

these

individuals

impending

intervention,

"constructive

military

in

system.

Cooke's

after

members, but

as a phenomenon of self-seeking

a bureaucratic

cussed

their

to represent

and failed

office

rather it

was

radical Peronist

As in the

case

43

of Evita'a

plan

lay

in

mainly

his

Peronism

(though

his

thwart

that

coup.

was in

Cooke's

former's

In

post-Cuban.

in

which

indicated

radicalising

the that

his

of joint great

impact

the regular

or electoral

1.

looking one:

from

in Cooke's

life,

struggle

with

the

and

of being direct-

was the decisive initially

especially

"soft-liners",

which

pre-

Cuba in a manner

revolutionary This

The

for

his the impossand then

Cooke

demonstrated

invincible..

up to 1959,

Cooke urged

to an insurrectional "Intransigence

leader.

to Peron's

reflecting

of the Cuban experience, army was not

his

the

time

sections:

general

struggle,

possibly

was a long

the authority

to Guevarism.

of the Resistance

political

In the period Peronism,

in

mainly

conversion

experience experience

practical ibility

he wrote

it with

with

and in

1955 that

after

two distinct

Cooke wrote

could

and

to con-

reform

parameters)

Perbn

differences

into

neatly

social

class

though

violent

achievements

social

with

commander, obedient

the latter

ives;

falls

his

for

working

became patent,

the former,

Resistencia

existing

the mobilised

Cooke was to acknowledge I

desire

correspondence

first

radicalism

Correspondencia

the

only

a military It

before

and within

gradually

recognition

his

time

golpistas.

revolutionary

produced in

this

at

the

to confront

armed contingents

only

militancy

the masses against

to mobilise

readiness

1955 lay

in

Cooke's

militias,

Cooke had already,

for

militancy

tinue

workers'

to create

reaction,

his

for

an intransigent

solution

maintains

rather

and increases

line

than a

for of ista

our power

Cooke, Correspondencia Juan Domingo Peron and John William (Buenos Aires: Granica Editor, 2d. 2 vols. Peron-Cooke, ed. to letters in this collection Future references 1973). contained date letter to "CPC", be limited when available, of volume will and page.

-44transactions

while

initiate

revolutionary ry dynamic ynamis of Yrigoyenism gained

the road

In

of persecution,

Cooke wrote

it

tending

of the danger other

for

not

'comandos

wing,

hoping

that

During himself

these

of Peronism,

were not

adequate

to that

as "the

andos were described the movement"

time

"the

but

commandos with

of exaggerating

to try

1.

Mc,

1: 230.

2.

CPC, August

3.

CPC, 5th June 1957,1:

4.

CPC, 14th November 1957,11:

1957,1:

266.

14524.

internal

Cooke described 3

the true

disunited forces".

comm-

devotees

of

and uncoordinated, 4

Cooke used his

and to link

trade

that

apparatus,

The clandestine

fighters,

defects

He saw that

of Per6n but

the political

the

clandes-

the right-

the

resolve

but

intransigents.

combativity.

their

the

against

the return

totally

deal

leaders

behind

organisation".

for

to recover

the

Resistencia-,

idea:

to combat these

the struggle

28th

of the

authentic

they were almost

defect

as leader

of

dynamic

he was equally

for

weight

would

particularly

level

(Peronism),

of a negotiated

leaders,

union

fighting

However,

his

of the

a single

were militantly

organisations

having

years

as "a maniac with

the workers the

early

case for

purified

solutions

threw

in favour

of Peronism

contradictions

2

insurrection

a popular

denial

1955 coup and two years

moderates

provide

trade

and militant

Party

combat and a revolutionary task".

He therefore

the masses.

the Radical

the

the

reminiscent

governmental

"The misfortune of

would

which

the

to the

by the

presented

parties

tine

a mystique

was highly

strengthened

1957, referring that

and destroy

before

aware that

the insurrectional

towards

aware with

to create

This

century,

to the Peronists

rights

insurrectionalism.

allowed

of the

Cooke was fully

of political

1

of the Movement".

at the turn

office.

to annihilation

unions,

up the to organise

-45the

base of the Movement so as to weaken the self-seeking

popular

While

politicians. and failed the

to develop

political

a brake

of struggle

people

of

of orders,

often

Cooke from

being

protestations a lack

this

Cooke recognised wrong - an appeal

in line

("The

Cooke's

"misinterpreting"

pene-

view him,

that

1.

CPC, 11: 120.

2.

CPC, 5th February

3.

CPC, August

4.

CPC, 3rd November 1956,

1957,1:

own personal

responsible

greater

assertion

of his

the

political

they

1959,11:

were not

148.

272. I: 35.

line,

the

3

and played

leaders

he got the disfor

while

still

Naturally,

the insurrectional

emphasised 4)

other

authority.

for

freedom".

on, between

authority,

and strategic

of doctrinal

Cooke's early

Peronism,

affecting

the better"

prevented

one when the

partly

we are that

his

number

of balancing

policy

supporting

Perbn himself

to Cooke,

more violent

mistaken

corruption

which

to Per6n,

liberty

"a certain

letters

his

of the

seem to reveal,

pendular

the doctrinal

of

clarification

allowing

part

of Per6n.

voice

of affairs

disease

the

Perön,

single

to maintain

for

and factionalism,

for

state

in order

Thus while

firmer

as

of being

and the excessive

from

of the movement,

wings strong,

unity

act

of the Movement was the

of unity

contradictory,

of Perbn's

of understanding

cure

lack

to speak as the

able

became too

the

(being)

oligarchy,

of authorisation

against

different

the

letters

with

would

"instead

by way of which

road

the

of the problem

proliferation of

against

Party,

that

2

Peronism".

Part

the

jungle"

was the danger

were strong,

the Justicialist

and "the

mechanism"

there

"soft-liners"

on the Movement with

oligarchic

forns,

revolutionary

"a giant

remained

organisation

where the

wing,

an instrument

trates

Peronist

along

with

were in some way

other

aspect

of the

_46_ pendular

strategy

electoral

and military

Of course,

Cooke's

standable,

for

in the

basis

and the

to Per6n,

appeals

Perbn's

of Cooke's

Cooke wrote

on the situation,

coup solutions

exclusive

the Resistance

which

depending

which,

though

threat

possibly

to

of insurrection. naive,

are under-

of Cooke was the

endorsement

have become unified

could

looked

also

only

and structured

way

on

strategy.

that:

"A revolution requires a revolutionary party, revolutionary leaders myth, on the one hand, and the and a revolutionary "We have the revolutionary leader occasion on the other"... Peron. Through unification myth: and revolutionary and the revolutionary force. organisational work we are creating Afterwards take advantage of the occasion". I we will Cooke viewed

the insurrection

but

to take

of

Cooke at

in

the signing

this

advantage time,

of the pact

Frondizistas.

"blank

vote"

negotiated

I.

with

apparently

with

the

the Frondizi

November

tactic,

1957,11:

In 1957,

Jauretche

arose

9-10.

by his

the

it

could

the

since

Frondizi

not

role

not maintain political

immediate He therefore

to gain

felt

courted

successful

of a positive

initially while

emphasis

Cooke was strongly

open to the Movement.

Radicals, for

that

that

1958 elections,

would

when the latter

he felt

some kind

a date

process

contradicted

be repeated,

was not

alternative

but as a delaying

CPC114th

for

when it

situation

Frondizi.

with

not

fix

not

Such was the revolutionary

of it.

and broke

1957 could

of the

and extension could

the

against

the revolutionary

accelerate

At the same time,

was required

insurrectional

ment

could

of the movement and that

the unity strategy

of

restoration organisation

an emphasis

opposed to such a deal the

the

for

the revolutionary,

and by recognising be able

war"

The revolutionary

of 1946-55.

gains

movement fighting

as a revolutionary

in a "prolonged

system

for

Peronism

that

an agreean

-47deal

electoral

Perbnism

with

Radical

was possible,

disunity

would

prevail.

Cooke was a reluctant to take

refused for

Perk

there

in

Peronist

if

votes;

Cooke was an intransigent he still

to Perlin

appealed but

his

goal

to transplant historical but

leftisms

contrary

and geographical

"soft-line",

the

Cuba for

reservations. point

of departure

first

successful

bastion

the unity

for

Latin

of world

to

2

for

of praise

who want

His

by militant

by Perön and the

ouster

letters

Cuba, praise

`Resistencia`

American

"those afforded

in Havana.

He

"loyalists",

with

Cooke was always his

after

strat-

leader

to Pertn

without

any

became the new

revolutionaries,

offering

the

in

adjacent

to the

the

continent

imperialism.

Cooke's self-designated of Peronism

same as

of the Movement.

leaders

conditions".

former

won

have done the

to the possibilities

revolution

socialist

had Frondizi

and he criticized

when he became an exile

1960 onwards were full

to

alternative

an insurrectional

promoting

became socialist-orientated

only

from

Justicialist

off

on a tactic-

to pose as a popular 1 It shows that while of Cooke.

the political

remained

Frondizi,

the Radical

with

decision

Frondizi

defended

to replace

for

voting

reasoning

time

was something

of the leader's

had won, he'd

Peronist

this

at

Pact and

To Cooke, it

have been worse

enabling

Such was the

alternative.

that

Balbin

thereby

in power,

it.

acceptance

way of dealing

the Movement would

Frondizi

egy,

his

recognition

was the best

Peronism: without

but

tacit

was also

for

responsibility

to decide,

basis,

al

sole

to the Perrin-Frondizi

signatory

the

I.

CPC, 30th

2.

CPC, 28th August

mission

leadership

Fidelista

September

1962,11:

1957,1:

in

271.

255-

Cuba was to explain and to encourage

the nature a close

-48-

ideological

and practical While

regime.

leadership ations for

Perbn's

praising

Cooke strongly

the

decried

own personal

the Cuban Revolution.

against

that,

in

of the

Cuban process,

of the Movement's

Framini

Against

Cooke argued

communist,

grasp

like

the revolutionary

with

position

anti-communist Even militants

in Argentina.

being

of Peronism

alignment

those

had made declarwho attacked

the Argentine

Cuba

context:

"we are the communists, in the last analysis, because we are not but a concrete threat 1... "We are the possibility" a theoretical because Yankee imperialism is not communists in Argentina declarations but by practical guided by philosophical events; social order and the mass movement which endangers investments, "security", that is communism". 2 and hemispheric To attack

Cuba was therefore

persecuted

as a communist

of

and therefore

not

The fact guise implies but

independence

not

by Soviet

former

gave up his Soviet

Peronism, other

aid

changes in

internal

that

3

equidistance";

influenced

the

vis-A-vis

Union to the

allegiance

was politically

due to the anti-communism

national

1.

CPC224th

July

2.

CPC, 18th

October

3.

Ibid.

p. 276.

that

two blocs but

1961,11:

183-

1962,11:

274.

and

- capitalism

following "two

of the

the death

than leaders

the

"Tercerismo and communism Cooke,

movements and by the

imperialisms"

rather

in

cloaked

concept:

not neutrality.

movements at a time

liberation

nature

world.

Cuba and the liberation

to

"true"

to Cuba was being

independence

the Soviet

expansion

its

effects

of the social

solidarity

Cooke to redefine

led

was being

the adverse

all

declaring

openly

hostility

Peronist

Tercerismo`

of

was not

movements of the

that

Peronism

stance.

was suffering

the valuable

gaining

liberation

national

threat,

but

movements,

communist

a suicidal

of Stalin, thesis,

economically was isolated

when "the

now

arguing motivated. from

new forms

being

-49assumed by the division peoples

coincide

did

call

not

for

disassociation

For

the Movement from

of

Cooke,

socialist

the main "lesson"

1

world",

to become communist

Peronism

of national

ility

of the

that

with

(.. ) make the fate

of the world

but

of the

dominated

Cooke claimed. for

rather

He

a clear

anti-communism. learnt

from

Cuba was the

indivisib-

liberation:

and social

"Nowadays, nobody thinks that national liberation can be achieved the struggle is also of revolution social without and therefore the rich".... the poor against 2 "The national is revolution socialist, always a step towards socialism, always partly more or less in accordance with the objective, concrete circumin the country".... "I believe that Latin stances that exist being Socialist, America will that Peronism, emancipate herself lead the Argentine liberation, be Socialist". 3 will which will seen by Cooke as a national

Peronism, utionary the

Cuban movement but

liberation

as belonging

was regarded

potential,

they

of each country

liberation

as identical,

assume its

own national

"Peronism and Castroism are national variations struggle and it is as artificial revolutionary transferable their solutions are automatically 4 their dialectical relationship". thinking

There was more wishful ation tion -

of Peronism

Castroism,

with for

qualification,

not

characteristics

of Peronism

of how Peronism

could

the

early

the future

change in

movement.

1.

CPC, 24th

July

2.

Ibid.

203.

3.

CPC, 15th

4.

CPC, 18th October

p.

1961,11:

June 1962,11:

199.

233 & 240.

1962,11:

262.

is 1960's into

physiognomy:

of the continental to pretend that as it is to deny

Cooke's

a national

possessed not

identific-

in

varia-

bourgeoisie

to be found

but

as the

since

the national

withstanding

identification in

behind

reality

Cuba had never

the key to this

however,

than

revol-

to the same tradition

viewed

were not would

movement with

Cooke's

an anti-capitalist

in

the

vision

50 Cooke's Movement in

letters

were therefore

accordance base.

mass working-class thought

in

thing

like

Yesterday's

the Army had become part

camp:

"the

of

continental

communism; and the national

ism against

times,

by some-

the enemy

police

the Church was siding

war and communism";

revolutionary

the

who still

were now in

allies

by its

given

leaders

"behind

were

the

restructuring

potential,

the Peronist

1945 alliance

years".

sixteen

with

revolutionary

For Cooke,

of the

terms

its

with

concerned

imperial-

with

had turned

bourgeoisie

the

against

back

its

on Peronisms "as it always does in semi-colonial countries the pioneering, enterprising and progressive but rather centres, a class which capitalist to imperialism". subjected and culturally Due to this

of the

reestablishment

the raison

renouncing

However,

there

leadership

but

alliance.

After

and decidedly

that

multi-class classes command.

of Peronism

remained

the

possible,

that

the

would mean

"anti-imperialism -

and social

line

fronts

- workers,

peasants,

And however

July

they

1961,11:

1.

CPC, 24th

2.

CPC, 3rd March 1962,

could

but

intellectuals, begin,

they

191-195.

II: 213.

Thus,

with petty

will

bourgeois

a more revolutionary

possible,

act,

of

in a multi-class

the Movement,

in some form.

was no longer

conciliation

class

he urged

for

a degree

position

national

that

Cuban Revolution,

polyclassism

Cooke's

rejecting

to include

anti-capitalist

national

in

always

alliances,

hoping

still

Peronist

class

were that

alliance,

d'etre

class

regarding

accepting

old

Cooke concluded

1

revolution".

ambiguity

forces,

of class

realignment

because it is not class of the is economically

while

still

while

stating

he argued

that

"now

the revolutionary bourgeoisie

end in Socialism"

in 2 This

_51_ assumed that

the

would

accept

the hegemony of those

thing

which

to

this

diverse

historical

experience

classes

composed the anti-Batista

Cooke realised

in

in not

naive tine

the victory

that

a direct

not

by the

Parallel his

for

call

to Cooke's

the basis

"lessons"

he was certainly

America,

of the Argen-

sectors from

the Cuban experience least

movement,. ox at

of the Peronist

reformulation

Feeling

that

Cooke now advocated To Perlin,

alliance

came

had

Peronism

and anti-imperialism

the Movement.

for

Though

wing.

an anti-imperialist

reform

of capitalism, policy

of Latin

reformulation.

a policy

culmin-

whose hegemony Cooke promoted.

classes

as much social

achieved

amental

support

again

in which

of the Cuban revolutionary

emulation

learnt

The key

movement and which

the more nationalistic

had also

never

one led

that

some-

unlikely.

process

of the revolutionary

the rest

for

seeing

bourgeoisie

and would

Cuban revolutionary

the

in

model was unrealistic

highly

is

suggests

lay

Peronism

within

deemed revolutionary,

classes

paradox

ultimately

ated

deemed non-revolutionary

classes

as was possible as the

socialisation

on fund-

he wrote:

"We must take away the '! We must have government by the people"... from the landowners, big industry from the big estancia foreign trade and financial management from the oligarchs, The measures of 1945-55 of foreign capital. representatives not be enough; we must go further, as you have declared. will At the same time, one cannot talk of socialising everything, the productive because we must maintain structures which aid though we must socialise " development, a lot..:... In

the final 1

"childish", of national for

this

capital,

This

European-style

not

the

open for his

complementing did

of total

description

the door

Cooke left

the Movement.

Western

1.

sentence

and in his

mean that

mixed economy,

CPC, 15th June 1962,11: 233 & 236.

but

socialisation

survival

acceptance

of some sectors of'polyclassism

Cooke envisaged rather

as

some kind

one in which

small

of and

52capital

medium national in

economy in which

a socialist

ive forces

the

in ideology

turn

problem

cardinal

basic

as being

the bureaucracy,

leadership

undermine

its

direct the

doctrinal

the

idea

For

line the

that

that

he did

communism, as some bureaucrats failed ists

would

do so.

to Peron.

that

the

of those

(Fidel-Perbn, less

publicly

arguments

1

yet

it

coincides in

general

was a barrier that

if

felt

the

commun"the

unrecog-

that

the 2

our principles" terms,

to

Peronism

was an orthodoxy

with

being

Cooke claimed

was one which

was

Per6n.

revolution,

to the bureaucrats,

criticising the

who coined a single

slogan

Ist

and

be the manifesto

1.

CPC, 24th

July

2.

CPC, 11th

September

3.

CPC, 3rd March 1962,11:

1961,11:

Cuba, Peron encouraged

the illus-

'Fidel-Perön,

corazbn'

His political

heart).

He stayed

equivocal.

of

of

3

the new liberation".

ions

a clarification

among his

but rather

to

of the

a reassertion

Peronism

and social

"orthodoxy"

"will,

2nd Declaration

By never

mean that

maintained,

of Havana "totally

Declaration

not

orthodoxy",

Cooke's

He attempted

when Per6n spoke of the alternative

opposition

Peronist

most rigorous nisable

In

and at best

some way "misinterpreting"

the national

through

to carry

left-

Cooke saw the

pragmatic

Argentina.

Paramount

was in

bureaucracy

"us or the communists",

the

to Per6n for

the Movement.

of

with-

product-

and the

the Movement.

and at the same time

relationship

Cooke argued

example,

changes in

by appealing

authority

leader-mass

alliance

the Movement within

of

operating

own the major

would

Peronist

required

reformist

hands,

sector.

of the

restructuring

in private

the State

the private

and control

Both

be left

would

in Madrid

196.

1960,11: 222.

170-

and turned

una cola actions,

though,

down Castro's

were far offer

of

53 Cuba, never

in

residence the move.

The example

of Per6n experiencing revolutionary

the

first

camp" ideal

Madrid

Castro's

himself

a role

playing

in developing

as a fundamental

one foot

for

necessary

not

that

but also

in

only

2

Cooke relied

than

to

is"

as much as it 4

forms";

ment of a perfected

you begin 3

America"; "a national proposes

form

of the

old

he called liberation the

to Peron for

clandestine

on Perlin

to of

to Argenif

you put

the era of our recovered

to replace

and he appealed

return

"My General,

direction:

theory,

restructuring

a revolutionary

will

of Latin

the Movement "as it Left

this

in

step

in Argentina,

socialist

organs

His

revolutionary

He saw a move by Perön to Cuba or his

with

de

had

Spain

to Franco's

the Movement.

extreme

in

of the Puerta

"prisoner".

a reluctant

changes

cribe

there

Eisenhower

make the major

freedom

a

a German concentration

from

to action",

"guide

Marxism now as his

tina

in

What was unrealistic

as if

different,

possibility

conversion,

prisoner

is

the

favour

Cuba.

While with

was hardly though

was closer,

society

- "It

in

of Per6n going

was any chance Per6n was "the

fact

nat

unrealistic.

residence)

in

shows that if

the Normandy landing

Peron

yet

Cooke,

ten arguments

shift,

totally

there

For

and planned 1-

in Peking

that

(Per6n's

directed

of Sihanouk

was not

belief

place.

Hierro"

to Cooke's

an ideological

centre

was Cooke's

replying

on Peron to desmovement of the capitalist the

' comandos

system

reestablishas the basic

of the IMiovement. This

reliance

the Movement is

upon definitions from

even clearer

October

1962,11:

1.

CPC, 18th

2.

CPC, 15th June 1962,

3.

CPC, 11th August

4.

CPC, 3rd March 1962,11:

Cooke's

267-9-

Ir: 239.

1964,11:

and actions

297. 222.

of Perlin

insistence

upon

to transform 'yerticalismo

of

t

-54(a

vertical

of command descending

chain in

personalism

to be at his Per6n's

from

that

he thought that

ism was ambiguous,

flattery,

through

America; ist

workers without

Perlin

The latter

the

to Per6n, was always in

that

alternative tion

from

Having letters

then

Left,

in

however, definition

revolutionary differences

Perlin

with

in July

him,

class

while

1961 declared

and documents,

successive

down their

playing his

then having

full

to gain

with

Peronist

only

impotence.

a real

forced

fundamental

agreement

criticised

Yet the was isola-

political

attempts

illusions

workers'

Cooke was finally

Perlin,

The danger

discussion,

and consequential

from

and loyalty

hegemony.

under

with

of the admission with

to strengthen

the period

after

those -

independence.

his

and

the Movement grouping

identification

to undermine

leader,

cohesiveness.

Left

escape payment

were more likely

they

the

not

political

complete

the working

By 1962,

could

or*synthetic

of real

a revolutionary for

they

its

the Peronist

through

Peron-

militant

as their

lose

saw the need to work in but

the same

at

of Latin

Liberator

rapidly

coming

revolution-

ego of Perlin

Castro

Cooke

in

some role

that

to

of Perlin,

horses

than

for

that

on several

of the fact

problem

firstly

Per6n's

him as the great

rather

loyalty

that

seeing

the Movement would

losing

thus

least

at

this

"left-turn"

to the revolutionary

upon Perlin

class,

some kind

fee:

play

a recognition

orientations

working

would

of more

where Cooke appeared

Behind

supposed

and

the democratic

reasons:

he was gambling

was a perennial

socialist

1960's

secondly,

portraying

looked

that

the

to appeal

and thirdly,

is

fundamental

Leader

that

Cooke wanted

This

for

as a Peronist.

developments;

revolutionary

-time,

perhaps

in the

designation

below..

were three

have some illusions

did

the

than

most "orthodox"

leadership

for

Per6n as leader)

by Per6n rather

leaders

of leaders

election

He called

the Movement.

"representative"

from

Per6n's

to admit

nature. latest

behaviour

in

-55the

1962 elections,

Cooke in

ences with

Per6n for

than

areas

their

the

October

first

1962 explicitly

time.

of agreement,

These,

he claimed,

and were partly

differ-

mentioned

were fewer

a question

timing:

of

"Essentially, what is at *stake is a problem of timing, of how to act upon the action guidelines you have drawn up for the MoveYou see the need for gradual development towards ment. positions which build up our strength and will enhance the battles final the oligarchy. I consider that that against decisive improvement in our strategic position requires of us it neither combinations complicated nor long-term policies: is within decisive decisions our reach and drastic, and a few time and categoric measures by you are enough to eliminate dealings". It

was also

Peron in Madrid Argentina, ary

Cooke was in

"concrete

and immediate"

In other

Cooke's

words,

was nearer

on basic

ectionary

pose his

al

it

that to its

consequences".

confirmed,

Per6n

with

Per6n

fullest 2

in his

writings,

sided

with

1.

CPC 118th October

2.

CPC, January 1966, 11: 341.

1962,11:

final

but

victory

Per6n's

insurr-

a basic

rather

tried

own ideas: but

yours

rather

and organisation-

presidency

when it

he

Peron should

admit

methodological

the Left

263-

from

contradict

as Peron's

In fact,

only

explicitly

ideological,

that

of an immediate

not

does not

my reasoning

of the

due to his

felt

therefore

in favour

development

as a logical

new views

believe

extends

difference

tactics

revolution-

was that

he,

that

links,

that

in

I

argument

but

issues,

that

had a grasp

insurrection.

revolutionary

Cooke did

Still

struggle.

ideological

"I

and legal

the

with

was claimed,

at hand than Perön realised; electoral

contact

for

being

developments

all

"Time and Place"

and his

to Argentina

proximity

it

possibilities

and Per6n were in agreement

relegate

permanent

in Havana and therefore,

world

the argument

not hope to understand

could

whereas

location,

of

seen as a question

suited

ultimately his

purpose;

to

_56_ his

final

definition

political

Cooke and the Peronist If a lot for

one judges

of his

apparent

his

isational

or Isabelist them this

was an inter-bureaucratic

a tactical

basis,

legal

next

period

seeing

ideas argued

between 1

For

1965-6. group

a revolutionary electoral

activity

regarded

on

as an

in preparation

apparatus

for

true

after

gaining

legal-

Guevara became a key influence

upon

that

opposite apparatus

that

those

vided

for

"the

a small

guerrilla

than

how to wage the struggle,

about

warfare

power.

modern revolutionary

Guevara's

of Marighela

CPC, 18th

October

1962,11:

his

and for

286.

is

of Perlin

less

expert the

confront-

army without

to an urban

way to confront

were far

and Debray:

the use of guerrillas

struggle

'foguismo

as the best

His writings

the guerrilla

many arms and a great

army with

Cooke adapted

armed State

1.

group,

being

who dismantled

the Cuban Revolution,

After

arms".

in

Frondizi.

from

ation

of

neither

with

Cooke,

the Vandorist

either

him were always

the exact

of

and organHis

dispute

for

the clandestine

of illegality,

and the bureaucracy

having

disallowed for

periods

to strengthen

opportunity

Peronist

words,

polyclassism,

tendency.

wrangle,

Though Cooke never

true

the theoretical

to favour

whom

than

rather

of the masses and presenting

the will

alternative.

Leader.

Peronist

at

refused

the internal

in

sectors

representing

Cooke's

Action,

to the

actions

of the revolutionary

Revolutionary

sectors

The same is

accept

were aimed solely

development

Peronist

ity

to verbally

efforts

to his

disappears.

ambiguity

to those

of treachery

accused

Perbn according

he continued

while

practice

the

Left

was much closer

the

militaristic,

setting, problem

of

however,

insurrectional

strategy

them to play

an acceleratory

pro-

-57in

role Cooke, of

the

revolutionary

there

was to be the 1

power".

between

towards

dated

the

ists

his

views

and armed struggle,

his

two aspects

thinking

strategic

developed

in an overall

Latin

of other

the

seizure

on the key basic

strategy

American

for

process,

orienpre-

theor-

guerrilla

by a decade. It

of his

was not

produced

a totally

a clear

political

factor

were never indeed,

the

February

crucial

that

present

Latin

the

it

and political

America Left,

socialism, Left

of national

1.

CPC, January

2.

Ibid.

3.

CPC, 21st

p.

of the

further with

analysis.

a practical

it

provided

this

being

had always

mavements.

1966,11:

February

1966,11:

defeat

for

opposed or at

which

least

of

3

Cooke, was so

that

revolution

imperialism

Cooke, as Juan Carlos

367.

them -

"feelings

Correspondencia, did

an

dated

Perlin.

of key importance

341.

letters

on John William

a new line

343-

Cooke's

his

Not only

never

being

surrounding

with

of the Cuban Revolution

this

still

Correspondencia,

solidarity"

have

I recommend,

However,

strategy.

Cooke reaffirming

ended with

merits

traditional

endent

of the

item

above examination

the Peronist with

cloud

2

that

the latter

of ambiguity

published

the

in

Perlin,

with

of the

last

The influence

manner".

the futility

unfortunately,

manner to

Left

free

1966,

different

the Peronist

in

friendship

evident

break

Cooke realised

"My arguments,

antithetical

totally

21st,

personal

in a very

in

indispensable

1966 that

Perlin:

with

you proceed

times

and at

alism

January

until

correspondence

no effect;

for

the

the

end of

the masses for

of

fully

mass struggle

combining

at the

"mobilisation

Though Cooke never

relationship tation

but

process,

reconciled in Argentina remained Portantiero

but also, nationwhere indep-

-58saw Cuba as "the

writes, itable ism".

the fusion

process: I

It

was also the

for

support Peronist

bureaucracy

enabled

the Peronist

claiming

to remain In his

Comandante

Apuntes

sobre

of the Andes",

recently

killed

of the Bolivian

failure that

which

believe

that

modification

we live praxis

of

Cooke admitted not

prepared

theories. factors,. that

the

the

which

the need to study that

to conclude

prisingly,

since

espousing

different

the revolution

is

at

guerrilla

one victory preceded

strategies

being

prevent this

defeats.

defeat, the

he was guerrilla

He could

claim sur-

those

could

successful

in Latin

point

de Cooke, "

Reportaje a John William cubana: (8th September 1961), 22 no. pp. (Buenos Aires), 'Che', " Compromiso

y la revoluciön (Buenos Aires),

(October 1973). 3 no.

Though

'foguismo'

"El Peronismo Cooke, " Che

el

3

it,

whereas

2.

sobre

and the

to back them up (not

"Introducci6n Juan Carlos Portantiero, a un inedito Pasado y Presente, Pp. 369-372. op. cit.

Cooke, "Apuntes

"We

on praxis

1.

3.

mature

was due to contingent

the theory)

and rejecting

strategies of their

depends

for

"we are

conditions"....

any way invalidated

Cooke were all

the practice

to no such example

which

the defeat

had at least

theories

was unshaken that

the reasons in

theses

military

present

"our

as an exemplary

Cooke writing

therefore,

Implicitly, as too for

it

,

Cooke eulogised

in Bolivia,

explosion

conditions

"orthodoxy".

the objective

can accelerate

(revolutionary)

the

of

2

still

while

with

'foco',

an epoch in

in

Though the

orientations

Che

el

Guevara's

with

of

the revolutionary

of

the vague frontiers

within

social-

Cuba "has our same mark",

Guevarist

to adopt

Identification

and in

that

with

Argentina.

dislike

its

unfinished

"New Man".

convinced

hidden

of an inev-

Cooke and a source

inside

Left

by commenting Left

for

refuge

Peronist

had not

Per6n himself,

by the

a political

synthesis nationalism

of revolutionary

embryonic

regime,

and prefiguring

perfect

8-9.

-59America.

Guevarist

theory

guerrilla

Argentina,

but was rather

the

with

of

country,

same basic late

idea

through

the struggle.

that

and recognised in

feeling

to that

ideal".

This

large

numbers

ification

snit-,

of the

initiating

armed struggle,

as a concrete 'foquismo

,

possibility far

more than

mass struggle

with

was the main revolutionary

class

class

feeling

of moral

1

Cooke argued, oppressors

Peaceful

violence,

revolutionary

was not

violence

or the violence

El Peronismo

y el

against

of radical

op.

the

cit.

right

is

which

desirable a regime

in

them-

prepared

alternative,

the violence

a dichotomy

oppressed,

the literature

golpe.....,

but

just-

the affirm-

The real

or non-violence, of the

is

violence,

though

threats.

Cooke's

asserting

reactionary

victory

"We

one was to get

but

war,

which

means of struggle,

of achieving

if

was vital

humanist,

patently

of man, against

was soon to become common in

Cooke,

superiority

use revolutionary

against

literature:

and

by the revolutionary

men united

to wage a revolutionary

was also

were incapable

to use violence

of heroic

of people

of the hero

the same cult

writings

common to mast guerrilla

superiority

of violence

negation".

Cooke's

in

of the humanity

selves,

1.

the

could

consciousness

of armed struggle

the working

new world

the masses "to

ation

the

finds

of moral

belong

its

coordination

Yet

would have broad

actions

Cooke's

However,

character

Argentina.

One also

of

their

the masses see revolution

emphasised

urban

number of people

fighters

guerrilla

and thus Cuevara's,

a small

to

mechanically

the predominantly

the collective

raise

would

applied

based in Buenos Aires.

that

struggle,

Cooke argued, join

that

was present

and would

Only

nasses.

to

adapted

the ARP being

a revolutionary

repercussions

was not

Catholic

P. 108.

of

which circles.

-60In

the

face

of repression,

- "Ye are Peronists,

gentlemen

apostles

in

sacrifice

reordering

and bravado

killed

for

the Left

ditions.

Cuba and the

Bolshevik

type

the

including consideration Cooke's

its

and triumph 3

of

absence

with

being

the background

why he never

would

is

that

develop

own revolutionary of international Cuba being

appears

one of his its

methodology. revolutionary the

one Latin

reform-

revolutionary

con-

method, belief.

to have considered nationalist

That

form is

models, American

Pera

assumptions of socialism,

why there save the

Cooke, La luchs (Buenos Aires:

2.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid. Vittorio Codovilla P. 105. was General-Secretary Argentine Communist Party (PC1) for four decades.

is

no

Cuban,

success

1.

por la liberacibn Granica Editor,

Vittorio

or timid

to this

own national

or

was the altern-

This

Cooke was the revolutionary

for

warfare

"objective"

a matter

warfare

to be defeated

much happier".

is

just

to guerrilla

"Better

the

after

was the romant-

as seen by Cooke - armed struggle

of strategy

writings,

the guerrilla

in

there

itself

to be correct

"a free

order:

morality

Finally,

in

personal

Guevara and Cooke was not

to attract

it

'Resistencia

each region

social

found

qualities

by Cooke himself:

haps one of the reasons

was that

tends

by an alleged Guerrilla

a superior

of society.

In particular,

ism justified

in

like

Cooke lay

in his

and country,

a new revolutionary

both

Che Guevara than

with

Codovilla. native

which

was voiced

for

for

- socialism

and which

The moral

be the basis

an economic

icism

2

for

for

fighter

guerrilla

people

and dying

land".

would

revolution of

behave

not

Cooke reminded

gentlemen",

the

of

to his

fighting

a free

fighter

superiority

dedication

selfless

man in

not

could

of pacifism. The moral

his

revolutionaries

story.

2d ed. nacional, 1973. P. 74.

P. 32. of the

-61 Though Cooke only for

useful

Argentina,

specified

which

country

differences

between

the

his they

strategic

of grafting

example,

seeking

than

mass workers'

devising

conditions,

a strategy and which

bearing

while

providing

a sure

national

in

for -

homeland - rather for

suitable

with

Argentine

experiences the former

only

of the international

experien-

ces were significant. Cooke's in

Castro

in

they -

were not

their

This

important of

the road

argument

the advocacy

and their

rejection

objective

conditions

about

that

Two basic of broad

objective

of revolutionary it

were not

of this

National

the

were discussed: fronts

and the

Cooke disagreed

conditions.

present.

against

by most of the Latin

anti-imperialist

struggle

for the party

against

rather

held

elements

by the PCA of a "Broad

for

but -

to socialism

developed

(PCA) written

directed

specifically

enough for

on the formation

were further

strategy

Communist Party

was not

Communist Parties.

views

perennial with

1961.

conception

American

on revolutionary

of the Argentine

a critique

general

ideas

the

was a

conditions

in his

conditions,

as to which

guideline

the

national

It

drew on international

secondarily

in mind those

place

was primarily

which

that

and the much more

'foguismo

taking

his

of development

to Argentine

Argentine

onto

his

in

were somewhat abstract

between

struggles

at least

Cuba than Argentina.

the Cuban model

for

Cooke argued

regard

conceptions

compatibility

discuss,

and levels

with

he never

were suitable

even though

had more to do with

question

he ever

structure.

Thus,

Cuban model as

as a prototype,

Cuban strategy

had to be qualified

specificities,

important

in social

it

seeing

Nor did

two countries.

Cuban "lessons"

that

of the

were not.

of the

guidelines

than

rather

elements

and which

writings,

sense

saw the general

.

Democratic

on the basis

both

Front" that

the

62-

The popular an "alliance

the worst

with

as the usufruct

serve

1

whims". who only

Nothing

PCA still

as a "single,

capital. they

In

also this

sense,

were termed

who would

linked

to imperialism

but it

then,

even the

1.

Cooke,

"Aportes

2.

Cooke,

E1 Peronismo

3.

Cooke,

"Aportes

timid

a la

golpe...,

critica...,

for ties

of the

PCA.

cit.

P. 386.

op.

cit.

p. 98.

cit.

pp.

foreign

forces",

objective

op.

op.

class

with

"democratic with

with

or a bourgeois

liberation

due to economic

"

the

coinciding

bourgeoisie,

proposals

In a

and social

term also

with

not

of the bourgeoisie:

the national

an alliance

a la critica..., y el

could

PCA strategies.

in

oppose social

liberation

revol-

and social

or the dictatorship

only

that

consistently

the bourgeoisie

by the PCA, meant an alliance

side-track

the only

national

the short

could

"on condition

only is

3

undertaking

gone as

most that

was posed by him as either

of the national

national

"the

the

which

of private

not

since

and in

would not

which

but

sacrif-

structure

as was implied

government

interests

had achieved

process",

of the proletariat

of the country,

of the day,

Cooke viewed

Since

the alternative

a workers'

reasons

the

and socialise

order

the process,

struggle,

manner,

government

the bourgeoisie

process

indivisible

liberation

objective

from

bourgeoisie

of the

class".

liberation

be expected

the basic

modifying

leads

revolutionary

either

progressive

which

the revolutionary

proletariat

dictatorship

with

the lucre

Peronism

under

only

politicians

as having

could

the. working

would

to be on the

in

Leninist

feasible,

considered

participate

the

Cooke could

if

which,

from

tasks,

Sectors

the

for

the- party

Cooke saw bourgeois-democratic

property".

lead

front

of bourgeois

be done without

could

isolating

by Cooke as

Basically,

as they

ution

by the PCA was described

forces",

to "privatise

wanted

2

ices".

the

desired

and as "a superstructural

class,

far

front

386 & 399.

as

enemies

63.. Moreover, vote

could

the PCA strategy

not

held

parties,

the real

of revolutionary

ions

for

will

the Armed Forces,

which

lack

it

the fighting

express

in

a situation

was electoralist

Cooke the

that

in

especially

the political

PCA excuse for

the

Cooke argued

present.

than

rather

on the basis

activity

were not

the people,

of

Countering

power.

for

while

its

the objective

own condit-

that:

"opportunities to seize power do not fall from the sky but have to be created; rather on and to focus one's efforts is to conspire the creation elections against of insurrect(already)". ional don't these if conditions, exist The PCA confused in

appear

a wholly

Cooke saw the in

cation.

"conditions"

prospects

with

completed'form

difference

of success,

nothing

-

could

be initiated,

never

- whereas and a sit-

situation

immediate

lacking

though

struggle,

"Conditions

missing"

between a revolutionary

insurrectionary

which

"opportunities"

with

blurred

a distinction

in

PCA formulae.

Instead on the basis

of determined

and emphasised him,

the PCA stance

imitating

of

for

conditions

factors

is

to increase

force,

it

a way out,

the PCA in

more, goal that for

from

their

eulogised its

achieved

Cooke's strategy:

bourgeois.

realisation". within

in the revolutionary

insurrectional

the vanguard offer

2

existing

1.

Ibid.

p. 380.

2.

Ibid.

pp. 381 & 385.

Cooke went to the

conditions,

subjective

struggle

them,

to give

to discover eyes,

existed cohesion

democratic

is

other

and "the

role

revolution

Furthertheir between

contradiction and the methods

Classical

bourgeois

tasks

Argentine

structures,

but

of

to the popular

of divorcing

an insoluble

extreme for -

process

the means of struggle".

committed the sin

"There

inactivity

of revolutionary

could only

not

offered

be

as part

of a

64

permanent beyond

revolution

them.

undertake

those

tasks

PCA, Cooke saw that

there

was a sector

which

Like

the

bourgeoisie

whose interests

imperialism,

but whereas

this

support

only

the

consistently

support

in

those

they

had to in

class,

the PCA

bourgeoisie

would

hegemonised,

they

which

of

position

In one sense,

the national

front

an anti-imperialist

to

their

the

whereas

the anti-imperialist

limitations

of

Cooke was even stricter

regarding

the

regarding

class. Later

of the national

that

alliances

should

With

strategy. the

old

there

of free

cession

about

in

its It

order. agonal

but

measures,

was an all

or nothing

vital.

subvert

situation

2

Again

1.

Cooke,

La lucha

2.

Cooke,

El Peronismo

revolutionary though,

vor...., y el

Cooke's

op.

cit.

golp e...,

struggle practical

p.

the existing

since

class

was not

118.

it

was

social the Pent-

forces

only

conclusion

p.

necess-

even if

which,

103.

op. cit.

The con-

he argued,

Cooke ("Either

for

feeling

he argued,

would,

government, would

Cooke felt

democracy.

bourgeois

or the power of the people")

and therefore

polarised,

to stable

liberation

had become outmoded 1

permanent",

of a Peronist

governmental

military

is

circum-

national regime,

conditions

by the praetorians

elections

timid

them in exceptional

to a general

objective

be no return

mean the election

with

arguing

struggle,

of the Onganfa military

situation

arily

the liberation

subordinated

the onset

arguments

could

in

be forged

only

"now the revolutionary that

1967,

bourgeoisie

as a mere tactic

stances,

that

in

on, writing

role

ible

that

go

of

to the working

force. that

also

that

conclusion

had to be subordinate

considering

but

antagonistic

Cooke argued

anti-imperialist

Cooke was more realistic that

PC.I drew the

sector,

front

was more realistic only

were objectively

"progressive"

the anti-imperialist the

would

were

permisswas a call

65 to arms which

ignored

alternative

because

of the

failure

of the revolutionary

in

Latin

of Cuba and partly

success

Left

the

end of his

Movement became much more internal

the

explaining

ism and other defects

with

the workers

the

remained

of weakness", of positive

2

that

Argentine

to the regime

internCooke

up,

prosperity,

post-war

had

government

the anti-imperialist

as if 1

on-imperial-

broke

the Peronist

problem

in reality,

whereas,

only

In such circum-

as a class.

an amalgam of diverse

forces,

of irreconcilable

an alliance

became a interests,

class

policies. the

he accused

the

phenomena into

ean experiences.

but

In

ones.

upon the

The 1945 alliance

existed"

early

as "a bourgeois-democratic

same sin fit

but rather

struggle;

front,

original

In characterising terms,

defeat

country's

loyal

as external

of the

of Argentina's

the

and emphasised

was no longer

1945 still

of

of the Peronist

analysis

(class-based)

Movement.

class

"posing

"the

incapable

formulae

alternative

stress

disappearance

polyclassist'front

source

partly

of the historical

Cooke's

causes

external

intensifying this,

Cooke's

clasista

of the Peronist

this

stances,

who espoused

life,

1955 debacle,

due to the

ignored

because

of the Movement as well

contradictions

argued,

strategies,

America.

Towards

al

revolutionary

For while

Peronist

3 'Cooke

revolution", traditional

Left

in

the

trying

to

on the basis

was "bourgeois

democratic"

(Buenos Aires:

general

committed

of - namely,

schemas articulated Perbnism

at least

phase,

of Europin

the

1.

Cooke, A untes Editor, 1973),

2.

Cooke, quoted in Rodolfo Ortega Pena & Eduardo L. Duhalde, "Peronismo Revolucionario en el tercer ano de la muerte de John W. Cooke, " Nuevo Hombre, no. 9 (15th-21st September 1971).

3.

Cooke,

"Aportes

para la militancia p. 100.

a la

critica...,

"

op.

cit.

Schapire

P. 385.

that

sense

it

imperialist period it

interests,

basic

neglected

this

mistake

the

bourgeois

20th:

was not

step

in

writers was to final

terms

for

crucial

it

had taken

revolution

the next

was a bourgeois

it

In

evaluating

Peronist

history

have

the line

that

taken

"deepen" years

that

was not in

place

revol-

by the

of vital

importance

the

century

19th

1960's

whether

or mid-

revolution. of the Peronist Whereas many

clear.

quite

the only

the nature

moreover,

however,

Peronism

for

solution

and arm the working

the revolution

realised

revolution;

of strategy,

is

a long

over

Cooke and the mainstream

between

against

bourgeois-democratic

the socialist

was still

some measures

of capitalism

of the. "classical"

reform.

The difference Left

that

tasks

such as land

took

which

the pre-existence

the claim

negated

ution

force

was a national

of the regime

in

1955

Cooke in his

class, permitted

no such

solution: for me are "all the posthumous laments about workers militias the Because fantasies. just arm working one cannot speculative class in order to defend your regime and the next day tell fine, my son, hand back the arms and go and produce workers: 1 value for the bosses". surplus In described of

the Peronist

Movement as "the

status

bourgeois

institutions". thus

quo, elections,

governmental

2

measures

could

1.

Cooke,

Apuntes...,

op.

2.

Cooke,

El Peronismo

y el

not

general

crisis

the social

represents

within

Cooke

1966,

of the

the framework

was made up of classes

Peronism would

it

in

, written

expression

be satisfied

It

the regime since

since

system,

whose demands cannot

existing

free

y el

the Argentine

classes

Golpe de Estado

El Peronismo

which

opposed the

itself

institutionalise

of the

and allow

would win and even the most timid

upset

the social

cit.

p. 102.

gol pe...,

op.

order.

cit.

The seizure

p. 54.

of

_67_ power by Onganfa removed between the

thecontending

battle

for

ise

itself

forces,

power,

yet

between

was a stalemate but

with

the intermediate creating

the

two forces:

sufficient

material

enough to submit

to overthrow

I

it".

The basic tionary

but

It

to check

was able

"Regime",

not

but

it.

plant

adequately

it

leaving

"a regime

to stabil-

and destroy

lacked

to his

every

friend

"Peronism

attempted

methods with

Salvador

Allende,

but not

is

and myopic

strategem

there

revolu-

tasks",

revolutionary

in

and a mass

harassment

a "boneless

the revolutionary

As he wrote

unable

power to survive

for it

situation out,

to constant

organised

inorganicity

revolutionary

it

legality

as Cooke pointed

as seen by Cooke was that

problem

not

an all-or-nothing

paradoxically,

movement powerful

of bourgeois

ground

its giant".

2

by the to sup-

which

Peronism

was

structured: "as a truly party for the seizure of power; it is revolutionary on many fronts which fights a movement of popular rebellion and bureaucracy which, though led by a reformist and collaborating potential ever ready to compromise, has a revolutionary which is being constantly 3 refined".

The problem olutionary

posed was to move from

social

reality, Cooke's

based

on his

which

that

1.

Cooke, Apuntes...,

2.

Cooke, La lucha

3.

Cooke, "Carta pp. 46-49.

4.

Cooke, Apuntes...,

5.

Cooke,

La lucha

these

that

conviction view

its

conditions

since

por...,

a Salvador op. por...,

op.

p.

cit. op.

without

count-

limitations

of a determined 5

could

was a multiclass

be overcome was movement,

it

29. pp. "

73 & 54.

Cuadernos

p. 33. Cit.

to one of rev-

had serious

limitations

limitations

cit.

Allende,

enough;

composition".

Peronism

op. cit.

not

Peronism

seen as "the

force,

as a revolutionary

of rebellion

is

4

can be no victory".

there

er-attack

"Resistance

since

offensive,

a state

p. 47.

de Crisis,

op.

cit.

_68-

the

be immune to

not

could

inconsistency

In other

the bourgeois

to society.

The major

of

sky but

the Movement. of the

part and

the

from

fall

regime

It

bases"

of

reactive,

reformist

pressures

from

balancing

activities

ers

that

maintain indeed

exists".

of

was "an intermediary

the Movement. leadership

below

in

order

motivated

confidence 3

to

Cooke,

Apuntes...,

op.

Perlin

2.

Cooke,

El Peronismo

y el

who had

1

the Movement"

was

(electoralism the

which from

surge

this

the

pragmatic, to

the

hence its -

credibility

by the need "to

the power-hold-

convince

quo and the need to

status

that

that

danger

P. 34.

golpe...,

op.

not

weakness

composition,

through

Nevertheless,

did

which

'polyclassist'

which

its

the enemy.

and serve

class

(as it

be reduced

had to make some concessions

Cit.

theory,

individuals

of

structure

the social

due to

the Movement

of

not

of the masses by demonstrating

1.

to the Movement

and strategies

to maintain

applied

had a mass working-

could

impulses 2

nature,

of revolutionary

due to its values

Peron-

potential.

of the

was a reflection

sharing

off

be dismissed

also

to betray

of leadership

we are no danger the

it

latter

the revolutionary

sterilises

popular

order

its

in writing

not

not

to a series

The bureaucracy,

system,

golpiam).

the

Leftists)

was "a system

it

He exposed

was the dominance

For Cooke,

the Movement in

infiltrated

but

revolutionary

of activity

Peronist

was by other

its

struggle.

multi-class

to the development

obstacle

by the bureaucracy.

Rather

lay

and forms

organisation

who,

as a whole

leadership;

of its

base and therein

class

Left

the Movement could

words,

nature

class

due to its

revolutionary

analysis

itself.

the

of

of the non-Peronist

ism as potentially dialectical

the dynamic

cit.

p. 32.

Apuntes..., Cooke, 3. op. cit. p. 37. leadership Here Cooke was mainly dealing with the political than the trade union bureaucracy. ism in Argentina, rather

of Peron-

_69-

Cooke wrote

At most, bureaucracy gaining

would

position,

truce

negotiations".

early

years

duros.

liners

duros

superficial

actions,

sought

to change

They did

not

to develop duros,

voiced

Cooke's

who claimed

Peronism

utionary

mantle,

lack but

1.

This

nor

is

his

of vital

conception

and moreover

a crude

seek of the

criticism

of the Peronist

sectors

who reduced

in

general

with

the

Ibid.,

p.

arguing

it

a product

that

the

importance left

of revolfoguismo

methodology

of the fact

that

the people

bureaucratic

bureaucrats'

limits

and theoretical

was seen as a product

enemy than with

35.

of the

CoolaTs explanation

of a revolutionary

the Movement, ties

yet

they

which

div-

the mass movement.

from

was weak and circular,

ing,

of those

to mere foouismo,

Occasionally,

their

through

de Per6n,

El Retorno

the orthodoxy

belies

it

since

by Cooke in his

the neo-

voluntaristic

to the workers

organisation.

revolutionary

amass

theory

a revolutionary

present

as

and become the new vanguard.

of forces

balance

the

revolutionary

from

their

tremendismo,

from the mass movement,

divorced

violent

their

through

bureaucracy

Peronist

hard-

was now regarded

themselves

distinguished

only

the

the

with

between

between

antinomy

the

as the solu-

was not but

in since

himself

strategy

and blandos,

bar-

power -

way politically

alternative

The duro-blando

duros

the -

for

combat become the vanguard

insurrectional

the real

the

a strong

policy

Then he identified

hard-liners'

and reformism.

to gain

order

Cooke had come a long

and soft-liners,

politics

during

rearguard

now Cooke saw that

tion;

orced

of a. revolutionary

of the Resistencia.

seeing

in

not

as part

la Militancia,

para

struggle

1

the

Apuntes

use violent

who were the

"those

his

in

of the

many leaders they

phenomenon were due to understand-

'polyclassism'

of

had closer

class

misrepresented.

-70However, Cooke felt class

did

this that

for

Cooke meant the

the

while

class

Peronism

with (rural

as its

workers,

bourgeoisie

not

being

policy

except

dependent

on imperialism,

existing from

social

PCA, both tasks they

will order"

in

with

would

stages

of popular

to which

1.

Cooke,

2.

Cooke,

social

a progressive

had only benefit

social

La lucha

Por...,

for

cit.

it

role tasks

cit.

This

by the and its because

to play

-

of the initial

as a class

as the

open the question

p. 25. op.

the

Cooke the national

Cooke left

quoted in Ortega Pena & Duhaide, Cooke, El Peronismo y el golpe..., op,

mobil-

indivisible 3

were included

but were to be destroyed

op.

is

advocated

transitional

advanced.

which

nationalism".

the anti-imperialist

revolution

the

class),

of changing

is, to lead

class;

classes

the industrial

of

class

to that

class

a short-term

from

of the revolution,

simultaneous

front

Front,

"national"

task

no bourgeois

For the PCA the bourgeoisie

sectors only

is

1

Liberation

liberation

national

'dictator-

can be no nationalistic

of the working

and "since

type

were seen as still

they

2

the

and the working "there

since

ideological

Front".

the part

the revolutionary

there

regard

power.

bourgeois

behind

revolution,

a different

clearly

force

the leadership

under

social

bourgeoisie

petty

the

of

for

to the working

of a National

students,

the national

ises

idea

it

Liberation

composed socially

axis,

the hegemonic

latter

the

Cooke promoted

Instead,

of the

just

rendered

"To reduce

utopian:

the defeat

be to ensure

would

country

a concep-

Clasismo for

class

of the

state

formula

Revolution.

the working

of

economic

the proletariat'

of

3.

isolation

based on working-

strategy

power - was too narrow

workers'

of the Argentine

success

'polyclassism. of

rejection

revolutionary

-a

and seeking

the

reasons

to an outright

clasismo

struggle

tion

lead

not

cit. P. 38.

is

-71-

of whether

a speedy

transition

or whether

a period

of co-existence

necessary,

but

between

the

example

one way or the

recognising very

little

tion

which

the

in

long

sooner

would

they

run:

or later

Peronist'polyclassism'was tactically

he accepted

ity

would

classes

as was clear

sectors,

he felt the

in

that

three

the

all

while them

offered

a revolu-

Cooke,

a real-

"national"

What he did

revolution.

the

from

for

reality

not

accept

of the Movement by bour-

domination

and ideological

was the practical geois

some role

play

tend

them.

an existing since

and thus

asked to join

were being

devour

solutions

Cooke strategy,

bourgeoisie,

national

be

would

intermediate unstable

the

Thus,

other. of the

limitations

the

that

inherently

are

forms

capitalist

with

in Argentina

was possible

of Cuba suggests

and capitalism

socialism

to go either

to socialism

questions

R1

he posed in

de Perlin':

Retorno

"Who says that because Peronism has a polyclassist social composSince we have said is also polyclassist? its ideology ition, ideology that there is no 'no man's land' between bourgeois and have does Peronism to itself theory, resign why revolutionary ideology? Why to a polyclassism orientated around bourgeois does it have to submit to the schemas of thought of its minorthe least ity sector, especially combative, when that ideology the problems of the Argentine is incapable commof resolving ". Nation State? the sovereign as a of unity and the predominant

Opposing ity

bourgeois

ideology

Cooke advocated

of a genuinelpolyclassist'ideology,

ideology

and refuting

the possibilrevolutionary

as:

not only for the "the only one which will solutions, provide for those bourgeoisie but also of sectors our class working the to in transhave role play constructive stages of a who forms of society". 1 towards new organisational ition

Again,

1.

Cooke,

the

problem

La lucha

lay

por....,

in

getting

op.

cit.

those

bourgeois

p. 56.

sectors

to

- 72 theory

revolutionary

accept

that

which

implied.

dilemma between 1

escapism",

in his

element

in

to attain

the proletariat However,

Cooke's

a future

envisaged

army is

appear not

but

struggle working

class

tionary

party,

Apuntes

revolutionary

Movement for

an important

play

they

this

"Aportes

the

into

kind

their

a la critics...,

2.

Cooke, quoted in Ortega Cooke, La lucha vor....,

op.

cit.

of it,

the revolu-

"for

without

attitude

op. cit.

p.

the

of the rank-and-file

revolution,

Peiia & Duhalde,

of

Class

by Cooke in his

to be possible.

"

i. e.

a synthesis". potential

dis-

not

the

The non-Peronist

sectarian

of cooperation

Cooke,

out

Left". the

in

role

will

2

independently

Peronist

something

progression,

was recognised

not

had to drop

1.

3.

and Peronism

develop

they

"The revolu-,

such a development;

would

vanguard

is

for

which

Is Militancia,

but

into

process:

a dialectical itself

the basis

of the Movement,

Peronists,

develop

banners

by integrating

the need for

para

could

its

through

and left-wing

Left

would

a dialectical

around but

provided

were

change were

Rather,

static.

the Movement and the revolutionary

within

in his

with

of the class

would not

were not

Peronism

through

grouped

by negating

is

a change in the class

composition

conceptions

in which

by substitution

the

the

hegemony.

different

qualitatively tionary

as if

evade

the rtontoneros

1973,

for

Front

and weakest

acceptance

calling

while

the front,

hegemonising

dealt

adequately

In

"to

the bourgeoisie

with

fashion:

similar

of the Front

composition

Peronism.

revolutionary

to pose the formula

was never

that

was the most unsatisfactory

schema and it

alliances

or compromise

dilemma

this

hegemony of the

Cooke had remarked

Elsewhere,

revolution

yet

and the proletarian

op. 91.

P. 379. cit.

becoming

towards

the

73

-

Cooke's his

life.

In 1964,

Peron as the cracy ing

great

Cooke was still

but

occupations, immediate

as a tactical

rather

'La Revoluci6n

By 1967, ,

of

the

bureau-

he was returnby

the workers recognised

however,

factory that

Cooke finally

came to

"Peron is the main asset of bourgeois-democratic in politics Argentina, who, through intelligence a pre-Marxist and general knowledge, follows the evolution of history and sympathises that represent the future, which does not mean with the forces time the man destined to say that he is at the present to out" 1 line a revolutionary policy... While

among the masses, ed the positive

at

proletariat"

time

his

of formulations

ship";

it

class

It

was of crucial

in

somewhat belatedvery

"revolutionary in which

of Per6n,

offer that

importance,

much alive

the myth represent-

the worker

due to a superleader-

of political

to rectify of Per6n, for

spring

Cooke saw that

the consciousness

alongside

to the methodology

Pp. 50-51 & 92.

period

capacity

Cooke could

of new myths

only

be "supplanted

not

or due to the

that

the

importance

and the best

the latter.

Ibid.

and "the

could

because

symbolised

imbedded

Peron was no obstacle

1.

but

was a myth firmly

was the development with

It

symbolic

leadership

iority

ing

of Per6n.

Due to this

was happy".

of ignorance

out

side

of the Argentine

that

not

limitations,

the myth of Per6n was still

that

Cooke realised

ly,

Per6n's

recognising

publicly

of the

of armed struggle.

the worksituation

compatible

example,

an

one of his

in

of Peron:

judgement

make a class

that

which

Peronismo

y el

that

to restrain

attitude

years

was interpreted

example,

was impossible.

insurrection

writings,

for

last

game of presenting

old

statement

he was coming

that

as meaning

his

the

and arguing

"Perbn's

"pacification",

the aim of

Cooke not

leader

him.

in

changed

playing

revolutionary

was misinterpreting

with

last

of Peron also

evaluation

that Moreover,

74the

old

of Peronism

symbols

to the

so as to correspond

his

ed under

the

leadership

justice,

social

forms

banners

in

was that

process"

synthesis.

It

and its

final

there

to express

ceased

movement;

synthesis, strength

has not yet

possessed

both

the Peronism

Peronism it

nor

be re-

would

into

a

one can make hypoof Cooke's of the

alter-

1973-6 in

prestige

by a new mass national

has evolved

towards

a new

the numerical

attained

Movement in

destiny

soon to speak of

demands and lost

to be replaced

reached

by the old

At best

through

"to

evolution too

and

initial

ceased

case it

perhaps

towards

popular

revolutionary

it

if

which

outcome.

but has yet

eyes of workers,

but

still

Peronism,

orthodox

in

of

of the

view

dialectical

have been tendencies

destinies:

and popular

is

2

initiat-

today the

final

either

was "a

sovereignty,

to develop

Cooke's

disappear

would

or through

governments, the

1

there

the banners

with

and integrating

retaining

movement,

but

native

beginning

by another

theses,

1945,

up to date

the process

and political

demands"

end of Peronism

between

October

and popular

new revolutionary the

For Cooke,

national

express placed

but

it

the hour.

of

is

which

a synthesising

of Peronism

and brought

independence

process

of struggle

be redefined

continuity

on 17th

economic

revolutionary

other

tasks

historical

and necessary

clear

could

1973.

CONCLUSION

political

thought

developed

to militant

Peronism

and from

Cooke's Radicalism Marxism.

He articulated Peronism

revolutionary his

thought

1.

Ibid.

2.

Cooke,

and political

pp.

the most mature and nearly

always

activity.

His

throughout

his

y el

golpe...,

from

Peronism

to Cuban-moulded

theoretical

expression

maintained limitations

a unity

op.

cit.

p. 72.

of

between

were the

92-94.

El Peronismo

life,

- 75 limitations

of a whole

the need to struggle

with

This

Movement. the

in

to Per6n,

least

that

sition,

yet for

tionary nal in

in

of

early

main point

class.

came to see its he wrote

remained

compo-

it

"the

they

served

revoluinter-

for

of his

time

a favourable

as a warning

to

in mind that His

nationalist.

liberation,

even after

he

On one occas-

revolution.

social

was

would be resolved

must be borne

national

it

aware of the

of a bourgeois

from

indivisibility

acceptance,

in

He had

all

the precedent

but also

was that

development

his

Cooke was a product

Cuba provided

Moreover,

staying

came to Peronism:

and hoped that Here,

for

multiclass

Cooke was fully

yet

contradictions,

of departure

was its

movement to group

class.

bourgeoisies.

was

ideas

independence.

'polyclassism. of

when it

them,

between

these

limitation

the moment,

society,

background.

American

Cooke's

the working

and popular

of the working

and personal

ion,

1

classes"

resolution

requirement

he was more ambiguous

a national

favour

was a basic

of Yrigoyenism

one weakness

up their

damaged their

seriously

faced

a bourgeois-led

in

them to dress

required

fundamental

and for

contradictions

Latin

with

the

case,

the workers

which

example,

staying

tactically

written

right

for

Cooke's

In

compromise

for

Peronists

of revolutionary

alongside

of Peronism,

Movement,

at

vital

apparel

Loyalty the

generation

that:

"the anti-imperialist struggle revolu- which we said is social for tion at the same time - is 'communism' or 'castrocommunism' that Castroism, does Peronism, not understand regime which a forms taken by a Caama:Kism, etc., Brizolism, are the national dimensions". 2 process of Latin American and universal single Socialism

for

processes

being

Cooke was the form intimately

1.

Cooke,

La lucha

2.

Cooke,

El Peronismo

interrelated.

por...., y el

op.

for

of liberation

cit.

golpe...,

Latin

Yet conceptually,

p. 53. op.

cit.

p.

111.

America,

both

he always

76

with

started Argentine

the problematic

posing

analyses Argentina

and Cuba.

with

behave

in

reason

for

from

his

to Marxism,

After

geoisie. liberation

could

of itself

national underlies

Cooke's

and secondary confusion

Moreover, the light

only

acceptance with

class

one must dispute

way to make the revolution

'revolutionary

methods

that

guerrilla

impregnate

view

lead

a national

the national

one.

for

his

conversion

and it

process,

Nation-

Such a contra-

hegemonic

whether

bour-

struggle

of the

old view

or not,

for

this

which

is

of Peronist'polyclassism; analysis,

and making class

the

of

bour-

of the

words, despite his

he took

route

a worker-led

ones might

from Cooke's

urban

feel

(i. e. antagonistic)

(non-antagonistic)

of successive

could

the fundamental

the liberation

tactical

and ambiguity

in

they

behind

some part,

fundamental

between

left

being

in

"Cubanised"

slightly

of sectors

In other

quite

starting

analysis

role

liberation.

suggests

bourgeoisie

not

fundamental

nationalist

potentialities

a subordinate

contradiction

the

did

how classes

with

Cooke came to an over-optimistic

he did

and social

in

especially Marxist,

is

through

bourgeois

but

Imperialism

tinction

the

to victory,

Cooke never

Marxist

at Peronism

that

play

his

rather

and this

felt

to Marxism,

diction

but

1959, he never

process

national

of

and nationalist

progressive

emerged from

of polyclassism.

because

and partly

the

a classical

structures

he looked

because

in

movements,

unlike

struggle

acceptance

Peronism

geoisie

of class

an anti-imperialist

Partly glasses

liberation

Hence Cooke,

an analysis

conclusions

socialist

national

of practical

begin

his

semi-colony;

liberation

of national

the

A dis-

a clear

contradictions

have removed this

area

of

theory.

Cooke's

view

in Latin failures.

that

armed struggle

America,

especially

Cooke argued

the masses with

revolutionary

that

is in

the

I

?7 I

theory",

yet

Cooke's

of a combined Guerrilla

in practice.

strated

expressed their

ordinate

Cooke maintained

that

can only

be demonstrated

he never

applied

of his

failures

could

dicate

his

triumph

not

that

the

It

to break

through

strategy.

the near It

alternative

the

criticism

insurrectional

The influence

critics

from for

foquista' and debate,

'foco

Cooke,

"Aportes

a la crftica...,

2.

Cooke,

La luchs

tor....,

" op.

op* cit.

p.

that

not

do that.

even

vinthe

More-

could

only

revolutionaries by Cooke around

Peronist

Left

but

by a successful

106.

be

engaged in armed

erected

cit.

of

since

only

could

strategy.

1.

1959,

Only

them.

Perlin

of Cooke on the alternativista

in

Success would

non-guerrilla

defences

in

correct

would

those

but

faith

He argued

invalidate

practice

impregnable

meant that

won over by political

hard

very

His

Che's Bolivian

to criticise

right

struggle

2 (sic),

maxim.

factors.

not

in

strategy

was thereore

struggle.

his

prove

would

action.

of the Uturuncos

1963-64,

combat and was inadmissible

in

to this

1968 in Argentina.

of

and failure

of an alternative

earned

his

group

to sub-

of struggle,

struggle"

failures

Army in

despite

of revolutionary

be due to contingent

always

Cooke declared

over,

by the

mass

to be demon-

guerrilla

revolutionary

own ARP would

theories

two forms

of success

Guerrilla

1967 and the Taco Ralo the defeat

through

with

have tended,

"possibility

criterion

People's

Masetti's

the

was unshaken

has yet

for

the

and furthermore,

strategy

to recruitment

mass activity

armed struggle

the

to postpone

armed actions

organisations,

to coordinate

wish

the

involved,

upon coordinating

the feasibility

struggle,

their

of the activists

emphasis

tended

has in fact

warfare

development

theoretical despite

guerrilla

tendency

P. 383.

of

not

be

78 Peronism,

Revolutionary reviews, stream

Left,

Peronist

for

Left

though, with

Cooke's

the

only

analysis the

triumphing

a mare independent

undertaken

The "alternativista" tendency its strategy, "alternativismo" to Chapter Four.

system

by sectors

that

were hard

Despite

his

the

of

prospects

were poor,

which

of Peronism leading

lirait-

by many sectors

Peronist

revolutionary

to ortho-

closer

must be said

and abroad.

played

towards being

it

and all-embracing

He therefore

still

remained

in Peron,

illusions

Marxist-orientated

Left

though

the main-

whereas

The revolutionary

formula

opposition

consistent

the Peronist

Montoneros,

1960's,

on the pages of their

'De Frente',

foquismo.

revolutionary

Cooke was the

Movement.

a process

by the

of workers'

a fairly

developed

1.

during

he was in

mine while

second

through

above to Cooke were shared

a more clearly

the strength

led

adopted

attributed

Peronist

was to shine

and the

"Militancia'

doxy and only ations

1

given to under-

limitations,

to provide of ideas,

the Left the only

to emerge inside

theoretical

role

and socialist of the Peronist

the

in moving alternative, Left

is analysed in Chapter Six and is discussed in the introduction

today.

TT

npAP'r

NATIONALIST AND CATHOLIC INFLUENCES UPON THE PERONIST LEFT

has been devoted

Though attention theorist,

olutionary

and leading

strategist

upon the Peronist

gical

influences

ation

of any one man or woman.

Nevertheless,

it

and their

ents Left",

is

and,

be examined

of how these

Left

cannot

Oh the

contrary,

to discern

is

the

subject

of

(3rd

tercermundista of course,

the writings

separately

and then

strands

the

as rev-

ideoloto the

be reduced

such influences in

has left

nature

possible

analysis

the radical

Catholicism fore

whose hybrid

ideas

of

eration

formative

cadre,

and were to be drawn together

many and diverse

Cooke,

to John William

a loose

only

inspirwere

confed-

many an academic

puzzled.

influential

curr,

principal

this

The "National

chapter.

World-orientated)

wing of

of Per6n and Evita

be followed

will

there-

discussion

by a final

were drawn together.

THE NATIONAL LEFT

Paternity

by Juan Jos& Hernfindez

claimed predated

by some two years

1955 when Dickmann's the

slogan,

Arregui, context

"National

of the term

"For

however,

and its

Socialist

a New National was the first

of dependent

Arregui

countries,

Party

(Izquierda Left" Nacional) was 1 but in fact his 1957 usage was

origins

of the National

and Latin

American

to define

"National

as referring

to April

least

go back at

Revolution

Left". Left;

2

coined

Hernändez in

the

to:

to a concrete theory applied "general case, which national the of contents national-defensive and revolutionary analyses (seen Marxism light the history in the economy, of and culture

de la Conciencia Plus Ultra, 1973),

1.

La Formaci6n Juan Josh Hernändez Arregui, 3d ed. (Buenos Aires: Editorial Nacional, p. 475, footnote.

2.

II De la El Socialismo Jorge Enea Spilimbergo, en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: 2d ed. la Iz uierda Nacional. Iz uierda Ci eaa Ediciones Octubre, 1974), p. 101.

80 -

into account reality, as a method of interpreting and taking the peculiarities primarily of each country) and development with the and which combines such a theoretical analysis imperialism, practical struggle of the masses against at nationAmerican and World levels, I al, Latin and in that order". As a tendency

operating

the National

ment,

used the

and publicly

Ramos's

Abelardo 2-

FIP) current

but

includes

Front

exclusively.

It

although

to

tendencies

socialist

socialist

centre

Rejecting

the

or party

idea

its

or not,

is

olution

must be primarily than

rather

in

al

trends

to

socialism'

general.

"lessons"

which

the need for

each country,

component

groups

of other

socialist

of Argentine

rev-

society

and internation-

of different

'national

of the National

countries

may be of use in determining

fundamental

espouse Marxism

internationally

sections

as

to it.

Left's

of the Argentine

the idea though

understood an international

the National

and strategy

upholds

presents

themselves

subordinate

of capitalism

It

Popular

and political

socialism",

argue

Jorge

internationalist,

verbally

and which

draw upon the experiences

also

an ideological

"international which

like -

de la Izguierda

based upon an analysis

upon analyses

for

is

Move-

have consciously

which

definition

(Frente

heterogenous

the theory

that

parties

of an International,

whether

proposition,

least

at

as an alternative

those

those

Left

the Peronist

and outside

term as a political

Popular

not

which,

itself

Left

within

in

an attempt

the Argentine

roads Left to learn

revolutionary

model. These definitions

Arregui,

unite

an otherwise

diverse

group

of

1.

Hernändez

2.

Party The genealogy of the FIP goes back through the Socialist (Partido National Left de is Izquierda Nacional the Socialists of PSIN), founded Party National in Socialist the 1962, the of and (PSRN), Revolution created by Dickmann in 1954, to a small TrotRamos and Ernesto Säbato, formed group which included skyist the 1930's. during See "La Izquierda, sus grupos y tendencias", op. cit.

op.

cit.,

p. 475.

81 -

Juan Jost

Cooke,

Rodolfo

imbergo,

of their

ity

Arregui,

Puiggros,

Esteban

traversed

Party

Radical

Most,

however,

of it

part

or not,

and all

former

made by their

if

Left,

and early

though

it

It

provided in

faith ing

a critique

consciousness

1.

but

which

referred

lacks

In fact,

of the

1930's

to the

A tendency within of C6rdoba.

often

of Peronism More-

of fascism.

influence made the very

collectively

the

to re-orientate

de la Conciencia

since

first

it

by a profound of humanity"

a love the

became a

the mass movement. Nacional Left

of

was

of the

Argentine

Left

which

Radical

and lack-

has national

cr so the author's

overstated

fascist

1960.

country

consciousness"

was considerably

the Uniion Civica

"the

in

Left,

of the

love

of the people",

"national

dominant

appeared

nationalism

and right-wing

consciousness

claimed.

nationalists author

destiny

the rational

national

prologue

"inspired

or

emerged,

the key work of the National

and arguably

has become somewhat dated

Left

they

whether

helped

and-thus

Communist

traditional

books read by the Peronist

1970's

the

and more direct

they

others,

La Formaci6n

influential the most of one 1960's

from

as a form

a stronger

towards

parties,

Arregui's

Hernändez

than

thinkable

Left

the

not

it

had their

of Radicalism

the characterisation

who viewed

Left

Left

of a Peronist

light

Ramos

Arregui

when Peronism

conceptions

rejecting

parties,

Peronist

on the recent idea

old

some of them exerted

though

over,

their

who revised

The divers-

lines

road

were men of the

the new Movement in a positive

viewing

1

lonely

the

Spil-

backgrounds:

political

Cooke and Hern&ndez

origins,

and Puiggros

to Peronism.

Party

Rivera.

Rey and Enrique diverse

John William

Ramos, Jorge

the FORJA and Sabattinista

in

baptisms

being

read

Abelardo

Jorge

their

reflects

had Trotskyist

respectively

all

Hernandez

works

and Rivera political

known and widely

the most well

theoreticians,

influences

of the though -

Argentine the

on these

(UCR) based in

the

city

82 nationalists theless

from

emanating their

asserted

failure

political

failed

because most

origin

or were middle-class

1930's,

and these

building

of its

class

for

popular

and Germany,

On the other

loading

hand,

Right

exponents

intellectuals

were either

ties

the early

prevented

evolving

explanation

for

economic of the

regimes

from

nationalists a political

In Hernändez

It

of oligarchic

who were forced on the oligarchic

participation.

his

he never-

was persuasive.

as bureaucrats

base and from

a mass popular

viding

Spain

of the nationalist

dependency

into

Italy,

Argontinity.

of the

reasons

France,

project

Arregui's

pro-

words,

"If Argentine its national image nationalism could not reconcile system of the masses, it was because the realwith a political idea which they proposed, to ization of the national carried implied the liquidation its ultimate consequences, of the 1 as a class". oligarchy From the nationalist along

Argentine history

country.

throughout

conflict

constant

by their

supported

forces

and the national designs

erialist

oligarchic

1.

World

Argentine

led

its

worst

expressions,

heroes

off

their

pedestals

to offer

Hernändez

heroes

nationalist

Arregui,

op.

cit.,

between

such as Rosas,

to promote

and shattered

the

19 & 278-279.

oligarchy, imp-

resisting

development

revisionism liberal

and myths as an alternative.

pp.

to a

imperialist

the independent

historical

spread-

pointed

fundamentally

allies,

by caudillos

and attempting

force, "barbarian"

school

history

imperialist

viewing

and civilising

the revisionist

internal

of Argentine

to a previously

In

of Argentina.

only

to it,

In opposition

for

was rejected

Rosa,

and popular

interpretation

modernising

of the Western

Arregui,

Maria

of national

Liberal

and others

as a progressive,

the benefits

such as Jost

"line"

The orthodox

by Mitre

written

powers

of a historical

caudillos.

penetration ing

idea

the

resurrected

Hernändez

1930's,

nationalists

more conservative

with

of the

works

knocked

myths, This

83 -

made good cinema but to relate

attempted as in

the National

historians

history

to the

stuck

between

being

Perlin

for

in Left

by its

vided the

of the

subservience

the Argentine

Democracy;

was seen by both between

parties,

Peronism

with

workers'

to oppose protectionism. Socialist

Party

and often

better

Ibid.,

pp.

colleagues quality

273-278.

It

by the

material trade

goods than

that (the

German SPD and Social

characteristics

as a war of the

due to the refusal

the allied

camp until

meant,

in

a protectionist

its

led

and this by Justo

the short policy

1943

victory

of fascism.

Party

interests

of.

instance,

of Russia,

invasion

was advocated it

was pro-

and parties

The 2nd World War, fcr

the Nazi

because

Left

by the CPSU and Stalinism)

of the Socialist

Free

uncritical

has maintained

ideologies

came to be seen as a variant

immediate

was inherited

Peronist

of the specific

and partly

orientations

social-democratic

1.

Party

to enter

regime

military

was assured,

after

the

posing

of their

to the

influenced

Communist

and fascism

democracy

nationalist

ation

being

and Peronism.

development

Argentine

in Argentine

viewpoint

Left.

to foreign

them from an understanding

divorced

than

rather

contribution

traditional

latter

Party

Socialist

Argentine

of

leader.

Left

of the

critique

list

such as Yrigoyen,

conflict

This

However,

the

extended

of the bed-rock

as part

1

of the nationalist

figures

terms.

class

as a national

The second National

ideas

and also

and imperialism

structures,

of Rosas.

of the fundamental

nation

by much of the Peronist

respect

more popular

idea

of imperialism

problematic

support

this

to include

caudillos

still

in

to social

evaluation the cruder

it

expressions,

conflict

Arregui's

discarded

1930's

better

In its

imperium-nation

Left

of the

national they

the

case of Hern{ndez

the

though

history.

poor

The

to a preoccupin

turn

led

and his term, could

cheaper offer,

it

84 -

this

yet this

the

involved

to mother the War in

during

by the traditional

it

"the

of

them.

democratic

ist

Party

jibe

at

many who have followed

in recent

years

ously

close

Here,

writers

dangerous for

and Marx into

death

Left

the National

ions,

to charging

path

for

which

should

movements and failed on numerous

pointing

national

itself

is

be rejected.

forces

because

Left

occas-

a

opponents

true

to say that

Social

opposed national

role,

it

plane.

traditional

Left

has never

presented

with

is

also

true

have been While regard anything

correctto the more

1.

del Stalinismo See Jorge Abelardo Ramos, Historia en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Editorial Rancagua, 1974), pp. 145-184; and El Peronismo: Sus Causas, 4th ed. (Buenos Aires: Rodolfo Puiggrös, Cepe, 1974), pp. 35-56. Ediciones

2.

Hernändez

Arregui,

op.

cit.,

pp.

113 & 121.

to

an anti-Argentine

have historically

on the international

the National

is

into

method of analysis,

Democracy and Stalinism

of the

Arregui's

"foreign". was

it

political

import,

one

has come peril-

and Ramos have trodden

a revolutionary

Social

on several

Left

failed

Though it

in Argentina

occasions

However,

make

of the Commun-

a dead dogma, Stalin

to employ a Marxist

a "foreign"

did

Hernändez

towards

been used by their

to the weaknesses question,

latter Arregui

to perform

counter-revolutionary ly

the

have often

Democracy and Stalinism

that

that

2

concern

or rather

the behaviour

into

to

Party's

tame socialism

of the traditional

critique

men who claim

Marxism

that

doctrine

a mummy".

such as Hernändez

such arguments

suggest

has been converted

"Lenin

the Socialist

be sympathetic

will

1

them prone

in Argentina",

of conservatism

shield

due to its

provisioned.

rendered

increasingly

Moreover,

them,

a living

Left

power on

activities

war effort

Indeed,

and its

objectives

short-term

with

"anti-national".

of being

hand,

strike-breaking

to keep. the allied

order

the imperial

of

on the other

had encouraged

Russia,

Such behaviour charges

the policy

sharing

The Communist Party,

question.

devotion

Party

-85-

than

a rudimentary

Democracy

and Stalinism

National while

Left

ficial, the

of

Argentine

its

olution

the

comes onto

position

is,

even for

would-be

of

that

down the need to develop

the

early

which

hardly

is

Peronist

orientated

fell

for

Peron the

trade

not

union the

defending

committed

imagination

1.

demise,

Ibid.,,

to which,

in

the

stage

of revfor

of struggling

The importance

of this

legitimacy

on Peronism,

great

a basis

provides

for

revolution

Socialism,

then

that

Hernändez

of his

least

at

that

seeing

and plays

1955 defeat national but

to no more than

from

apart

Per6n's

links

Arregui's

the

while

treatment

with

labour

the weak,

the port

the nature

the old the workers

1

the apologist

He maintained resolutely

of those

errors

of

foreign-

anarchic,

city",

of Peronism. independence

to be

propagating

base being

of

an apologia

by no means untypically,

Quite

movement of

that

was Peron

enough and that was left

to

readers.

to analyse

the weaknesses

such an analysis,

P. 395.

amounted

writer,

about

"errors",

By failing to its

according

for

"Left".

"without

to explain

unable

of the modern era:

a struggle

Left

destroyed, origin

provincial

It

Governments

than

more "National" since

postulate

of national-democratic

surprising

showed a National

myths,

has been so super-

of it

the stage

confers

Stalinism

lasts.

"stage"

It

it

and other

denounced

verbally

the day.

of

revolutionaries.

Movement as the instrument

present

before

order

course,

Arregui

be a national-democratic

must first

of Social

nature

Hernbndez

analysis

the revolution,

of

there

their

strategic

must be completed

which

Socialism

because central

stages

case,

Indeed,

can be seen as having

same time,

accepting theory

in general.

authors

the

at

of the non-revolutionary

critique

or rather

of Peronism lack

which

of analysis,

contributed helped

to

86

foster

illusions

least

progressive the Left

ward for

It

but

harked

rather

a revolutionary

by no means provided

movement.

Thus Hernändez

formulae.

as a whole being

Peroniam

in

back to old

Arregui's

or at way for-

a viable

Peronist

exhausted

by 1960 was still

position

that:

"the struggle their internal of the masses against and external through the establishment enemies can only be resolved of regimes, with control of exports authoritarian and the means of propaganda, with state support for the popular movement and in this national defence policy". army participation Even by 1970,

of the former

a renewal

footnote

5-line his

of it!

Arregui

his

he retained

the idea

while

the

and a belief

in

least

the

of his

radicalism

Peronism

against

kept

of the Peronist such a call

by a

qualified lived

up to

not

of the

the

old

(at

Since

for

fact

capitulation

The limits

Overnight,

the Peronist

and were in

lasted)

army-people 2

the same as Lanusse's")

a total

the early

revolution

demands and called

leadership

in

as a whole was revolutionary

1974 when Perbn died.

socialist

signified

Left

the nation-imperialism

of resuscitating

masked by the weak argument

Right

for

call

exactly

Peronist

of

stage

imperialism.

unity

secuted,

that

the

conceptions

army is

national out

former

desirability

all

was only

the Army had not

supported

were seen in

dropped

dez Arregui

Arregui's

work,

alliance

"bourgeois-democratic"

("Carcagno's

alliance

that

major

1

Though Hernändez

contradiction,

"Army-People"

to the effect

expectations

1970's,

of his

the 2nd edition

in

Hernän-

Peronist Left

already

and

were being being

per-

to the Peromist

of the need to unite

against

the

evil:

greater

disputes "The ideological conceptions about the differing of Peronism - moving towards independent capitalism or towards

pp. 38-39 & 490.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

Hernändez Arregui, (September 1973), I~

Peronismo y Socialismo p. 5, editorial.

(Buenos Aires),

no.

1

87

important, though important, extremely socialism must be temporarily postponed because the mandate of the hour is not dramatic history in this particular to moment of Argentine over scholastic words while the enemy is beating quarrel on the door". 1 HernAndez

Arregui

"scholastic

(Peronism

y Socialismo (Peronisri

Argentina

2

the

of both

However,

there the

factors are

same old Peronism

with

axis

of anti-imperialist

armed with

Argentine subordinate against

this

guide being

two major

national itself all

about front

being

in

weaknesses

in

this

struggle.

Firstly,

bourgeoisie

to working-class

the evidence

movement,

force

of the

class

under

the

- theory,

is

totally

of power.

is

of years,

and indeed

history

the

of creating

an

bour-

national

of the

leadership

Secondly,

of

the

abstract.

has shown no propensity

hegemony.

of Argentine

1955 loss

the

the idea

alliance

historically

elaboration

Communist Party

early

as a national

a revolutionary,

the

of

working-

schema which

recognised

and working

those

the need for

and for,

seen as crucial

libera-

than

anti-imperialist

schema of Puiggr6s's

classes

middle

written

revolution

of national

apparel,

to be more radical

liberation

and anti-imperialist

anti-oligarchic geoisie,

having

that

assumption

of bourgeois-democratic

glance

a national

only

if

at first

theory'to

a revolutionary

latter,

y Liberaci6n

the basic

share

in nationalist

Puiggr6s

Arregui,

absence

Puiggr6s

same idea

hegemony in

course

Peronismo

from

review

to Peronismo

Perbn began a stage

They appear

Hernandez class

the name of his

and Socialism)

of Rodolfo

under

to dress

tion.

as a war over

and Liberation).

The works

or,

by changing

words"

what he viewed

in

surrendered

The to

one has to ask,

the working

class

1.

board, "Aclarac16n Hernandez Arregui and editorial sobre el cambio (Buenos " Peronismo y Liberaci6n de nombre de nuestra revista, (August 1 1974), p. 5. Aires), no.

2.

Puiggrös, See in particular El Proletariado en is Revoluci6n (Buenos Aires: Nacional Sudestada, Editorial 1968), passim.

-88-

leading

came to power through the working

whether

of the whole

mockery implement why they

socialist

is

fold

Peronism

for

is

How appropriate revolutions

successfully experiences.

The idea

In the of production out

are

Argentina

Most people

see the need for

structures

exist

cratic

schemas is

only

1.

feudalism

as to

exists,

The idea

it

logical, for

reform

countryside. and not

as Laclau

and social

undermined

is

by the.

the predominant

bourgeois-democratic in

interested

who are

can be

countries.

where capitalism generations,

the struggle

international

national

has been seriously

1

bourgeois

stage,

various

separating

agrarian

in the

with

un-

Stalinism.

with

and distinct

he

credit,

would

of national world,

of

the mass working-

of international

and many other

and has been for

feudal

where

stages

To his

of how the revolution

view

to a later

case of Argentina,

of place.

his

of temporally

Cuba, Angola

in

to

conception

members to recognise

by confronting

fatalistic

into

but

postponed

challenged

revolutions

make a

no arguments

Puiggr6s's

in the underdeveloped

place

being

socialism

not

immediately

any way national.

to Argentina?

this

taking

liberation

in

not

that

of the handbooks

out

came straight

for

is

revolution

support

to merely

Would they

has offered

to underline

the few Communist Party

was one of

itself

by proceeding

Puiggr&s

policies?

necessary

also

the Argentine

to restrict

measures?

of stages

by Puiggr&s,

outlined

not.

should

It

theory

of alliance

be likely

would

and anti-imperialist

anti-oligarchic

class

class

the kind

yet

mode

schemas

the development

few would

claim

of

that

To employ bourgeois-demo-

necessarily

has correctly

politically stated,

sensible, othe

has explicitly the Communist Party termThough Puiggr6s rejected (El inology Peronismo...., this associated with op. cit., question have remained unchanged since conceptions p. 44), his underlying the Communist Party. leaving

89 -

of

the democratic

of feudalism

and to place

task

fundamental remains

I

geoisie".

of historical of the

national

specificities

and this

has been a major

A modified

of the

2

Ramos.

Due to the Trotskyist

approach

has been verbally

revolution

counterposed

support

though

they

expulsion

through

some progress Socialists

this

road,

it

from

to support

it

falters.

to

the social

though

along

though

Thus,

in a modified

The problem

with

a critical

the national

workers'

it

approach

fully

party,

can still is

and independent revolution

and incor-

be achieved

bourgeoisie that

(the

revolution

can only

national

For

Peronism.

revolution

agrarian

and have argued

the stages

revolution,

for

by an independent

the Argentine

have assumed that

they

led

revolution

a socialist

of permanent

the Ramos tendency

of the national

unity,

the stages

theory

support"

"civilization")

into

of the Indian

poration

national

of imperialism,

Abelardo

has been used to theoretic-

which

the tasks

the

in

by Jorge

group,

however,

of "critical

that

have argued

led

and Trotsky's

position

line

a political

of this

In practice

to it.

an intermediate

has occupied ally

dismissed

of the

structures,

has appeared

tendency

ancestry

more on

weakness.

of stages

political

bour-

on an analysis

and economic

of analytical

the

out

has rested

than

social

theory

Left

of the National

literature

Argentine

source

version

Left

forces

national

to wipe

the hands of the

power in

of the National

The nationalism

the vindication

is

revolution

the

make

duty

of until

position

has been related

has still

here

been present,

form.

this

line

of argument

is

that

" Latin 125.

due to the

takeover

1.

"Peronism and Revolution, Ernesto Laclau, (London and Leeds: 1973), Books p. of

2.

Ramos's La Luchs Revolucionario See in particular or un Partido (Buenos Aires: Plus Ultra, Editorial 1964) and El Marxismo de (Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, Indias 19,63).

American

Review

go-

of much of the

the State

out

tion.

An older

tinction

is

is

there

between

are

of secondary

land

distribution

geoisie

latter being

the national Movement, force

during

the final

the Left

path

their

bourgeoisie, despite

all

months of the

promoted

of vital

posed,

to

revenue press-

the bour-

the common enemy. and Trotsky

past role

implications 1973-76

and

has regarded

It

is

order

and vituperative the Argentine

mechanical

the limitations

of when the. progressive The practical

has not

seen as represented

the

land-

these

when popular

mapped out for

over

of

of interest

conflicts

bourgeoisie

has been a highly

has demonstrated

provided

to be exhausted.

of Lenin

con-

or disagreements

a provider

existing

the

dis-

this

no tension

by the State.

against

citations

by the National

the Peronist

to the

are

between

is

bourgeois

to itself,

to unite

tends

there

means that

is

and business-owning

In moments of crisis,

of Stalinism,

denunciations

to support

it

revolu-

to the existence

antagonism

mean that

The national

imports.

frequent

interests

expropriation

and a threat

Despite

class

Rather,

or its

as a whole

their

and agrarian

importance.

industrial

are felt

tion

industrial

bourgeoisie

social

This

valid,

and national

businessmen

does not

this

and social

but no less

particular

with-

to when

were referring

the national

no fundamental

as complementary

oligarchy

ures

Due in

in practice

policy.

economic

finance

comes to

blurred.

Of course,

classes.

the

when it

numbers of land-owning

owners,

over

oligarchy

monopolies

of the economy.

sectors

Peronists of

the mid-1950's,

since

the foreign

the Ramos thesis,

to the

although

rather

significant

rivalry

dynamic

"indissolubility"

distinct,

ceptually

the

capital

against

revolutionary

objection

that

argument

the

in

what Cooke and other spoke of the

ing

to proceed

intervening

they

by foreign

sector

has become impossible

it

is

industrial

Peronist

one.

decades,

with

of this

class

this

It

has

historically

and vacillations

of all

work-

by which

no indicais

likely

were seen

Government when Ramos's

-91Left

Popular

by calling, not

of the probability

the defence

for

to the Right

itself

stationed

the face

in

only

for

Front

of democratic

The weaknesses of the Ramos tendency to a great

extent

accordance

with

from a failure

being

with

the only

socialist

grouping

to

the labour

upon the works of Yarn,

variant

of bonapartism

both

a historical

Engels

is also

champion of the working

Peronism

and his

Left

slightly

since

modified

Argentina's

most of its administrations

time.

by the early

came to maintain resolve

that

political

social

to carry

Nacional

However, his

that

in Argentina,

during

(September

3

1975),

1. 2.

del Bona artismo, Ramos, Im Er Plus Ultra, 1973), passim.

3.

(November Nacional, 41 For example, Ramos's call in Itauierda no. Government to implement "the 1975), p. 4, for the Peronist (still) to it October 1945", referring as a programme of 17th "revolutionary programme".

5th

ed.

to

the 1973-76

prompting

Irauterda

no.

been

the Ramos tendency

measures.

39

as

of economic decline,

gras geared towards

Aires),

of

Peronism would not be able

out national-democratic

(Buenos

evaluation

Government and have only

in a period

be

and a con-

were formulated

Though verbally

1970's

problems

activity

bourgeoisie

theoreticians,

the 1946-55 Peronist

after

regime,

how Perlin could

of the revolution

on the nature

ideas

the case of most Rational

and immediately

class.

the ben-

as an Argentine

and Trotsky,

2

in

must be

of the Peronist

of the national

representative

derive

movement through

in explaining

useful,

ditional

in

support

from the

to recognise

Ramos's characterisation

drawing

Left

As an offshoot

the Ramos tendency

1930's,

to accrue

Peronism.

supporting

for

echemgs and analyses

developments.

of the

groups

which were likely

efits

but also

of the National

to modify

socio-economic

Trotskyist

credited

intervention,

of military institutions

Left

1

Isabel.

tiny

of the Poroniat

(Buenos

Aires:

p.

Editorial

4.

- 92 -

This Argentine focus ly

failure

is

society

to analyses

Puiggr6s

of pre-1955

history,

Hernändez

intellectual

against

imperialist

history

the full

stretch

to leading

representation with

started

he dealt

with

an analysis

one nothing

the history

about

Though each of the above authors none of them have based their

analysis,

of modern social,

adequate

analysis

Instead,

their

analyses

of the revisionist

ed the

old

between

oppressor

present

in a subordinate

the nation

with social from

classes

all which

when he characterised bourgeoisie

I.

Ramos,

too

role often

compose it. bourgeois it

La Era.....,

Class

of the

op. cit.

I

of Marxist upon an

structures.

being

has retainthe key to tendency,

political

distinction has only

analysis

of these

three

for

and provisional

been

authors to the

reference

Peronist

corresponding

for

the historical

to Lenin's

evoked without

as "an unstable

and proletariat.....

in

Left

Thus Puiggr6s,

nature

period,

and political

the writings

being

nor has

recommendations

dichotomy

nations. in

1943-73

even when modified,

by reference

and oppressed

the ultimately

the

final

In the case of the National

view was to be reinforced

this

in history,

structures

have used elements

of the Nation-Imperialism

idea action.

political

and,

attributing

and forces

has been rooted

school

though

of the Resistencia.

economic

on strategy

advice

culture

has mainly

though

on the

volume

pen main-

work,

history,

of socio-economic

His

his

of national

figures

limited

was concerned

historical

The latter,

political

history.

labour

tells

example,

and Ramos's

level.

by the

Arregui

defence

in

of changes

has dedicated

of post-Independence

at a superstructural

has never

and the

deformations,

light

to be explained

partially

school.

with

operated

the

Left

chiefly

embracing

in

conceptions

least

at

the National

of

class

to revise

example,

drew back

State

1946-55

of

balance

to a transitional

between

93 1

stage".

idea

Another was that

Patric

the

of

which Latin

American

the North

American

erstwhile

mentor

America,

made in

by Debray,

replace

it

3

Marxist"

America

her

Peron after in

the

1.

Puiggr6s,

2.

Ramos, 1949),

but

General

didn't

Strike

in

it".

is

centuries

of

in any-

argument,

put and

was strictly geography

about The old

and new which

in

and to make Latin

by the Argentine

Isabel working

of mid-1975. Left

has made of Marxism

op. cit.,

Un Pais

(Buenos

op.

cit.,

pp.

was neatly

p. 87. Aires:

273 & 295.

an

of his

call

Ramos to support

led

passim.

Ramos, El Marxismo...,

America

Marxism"

Marxism

had been repudiated

the National

Latina:

know anything

practice

El Proletariado....,

Am6rica

reply

the name of "Bolivarian

which

intellectuals.

balkanisation

eradicate

to teach

try

this

Latin

of Latin

after

with

Ramos's

American

come together

can ever

cannot

the

States that

unlikely

Latin-Americanize

government

The use which

3.

"to

has attempted

theory

United

nation,

they'd

in

rejected

beyond

When faced

American

that

Latin

states

the French

imagined

were both

highly

is

one simply

Latin a

with

we never

class

that

of Ramos that

a Socialist

American

"We knew that

racist:

Left

It

Left

seem

con-

a strong

National

goes far

which

a confederation.

forward

but

for

1934.

more than

thing

view

Trotsky

the Latin

balkanisation

the view

is

open to challenge 2a nation, unconstituted

What is

Latin

too,

would

envisages

of developing

attracted

America

reasons,

which

Culturally

colossus.

has particularly

culture

project

left

as Manuel Ugarte.

such

and economic

common and the idea

have much in

countries

military

National

of Latin

nationalists

any liberation

American

by the

the unification of ,

for

in

item

Left

Peronist

by previous

both

unity,

to be an essential

the

Grande

had been pioneered

fronting

to

imparted

Editorial

Octubre,

-94-

summed up in a manifesto ideological

I

by it".

ated

Secondary

In

1964.

the Marxist

to adopt

going

in

centre

by Hernändez

written

and subsidiary

he announced

it

"without

method

In practice

the

Left

the

weakness

of HernAndez be nationalist

origins.

in

years,

recent

favourable

of that

Ongania

under

to the strong

Moreover,

any significant

the

even after is

because

reminded that

of

reserved it

having Thus most

past.

to the military

an appeal

is

has tied

have always

in

class

to a

turn

movement,

and Videla,

competitors

interests.

monopolic

to discover

however,

The reality,

both

rather

foreign

years

2

It

liberation

Ramos has continually

while

! rartinian

role.

projected

to be domin-

in

a "progressive"

books ended up with

Arregui's

This

Left

was

revisionism

bourgeoisie,

interests

the industrial

promoted

the

their

centre

to a historical

the National

Condor

Marxism

to the national

that

latter

of the

the army in

for

a place

to play

the

the

itself

contradiction.

politically

has ceased

latter

that

allowing

subordinate

based upon. the nation-imperialism the National

for

has meant relegating

this role,

Arregui

it

to

San

of its

the Argentine

army

has shown itself

of the national

to be

bourgeoisie,

one has to go back many factions

anti-imperialist

the

within

army. influences,

Such ideological 1960's years

and early in

National

searching Left

evaluation fundamentals

for

the model

schemas derived

of the national have remained

1.

Hernändez Arregui, Ediciones Aires:

2.

Ramos, Eiercito 1968), passim.

to lead

tended

1970's

received

in

1946-55,

their

y Semicolonia

(Buenos Aires:

For but

schemas which

thought

Nacionalismo Liberacibn, Corregidor, 1973), p. 354.

critical

in

Editorial

the

positive in

and impervious

3d ed.,

the

back 20

Peronists revolution.

a more or less

movement of static

the radical

of the Argentine

from

Left

by the Peronist

their to

(Buenos Sudestada,

95 the face

in

revision

The most important the

Peronist

contribution

Left

was the

leadership

broad

sectors

however,

These criticisms, Left

perspective

wards

the

challenging

"antinational"

National

Party the

nearly

will

to

politics

and

the polarisation the

after

Peronist

lies

in Argentina. analysis

be essential

All cited Nacional

themselves

its

the be

could if

only

historical

re-

genre have based their

of this

Left

has made a partially

expose of the non-socialist

party

historical

to the avoidance Puiggr6s

were,

The latter but

or

publications.

a strong

of the

of history.

how "national"

to original

and the non-communist If

school

perspective

the National

in

Liberal

also.

the national

the

some useful

movements and personages are present

in which

Party

Ramos, Spilimbergo,

1.

a lot

has gone some way to-

examining

the writers

all

it

dogmas of the

historical

contribution

future,

revisionism

committed

upon existing

the Socialist

historical

history

authors

A second area positive

for

has produced

for

abandoning

without Left

analyses

did

class

be used to dismiss

not

should

historical

of a social

date to -

search

working

class

shortly

completely

official

various

beginnings developed

alliance

to be unidimensional,

tends

Though this

of

its

In particular,

work.

them unprepared

of a nation-

This

against

to

of 1973.

restoration

National

left

the Peronist

began to shatter

which

whether

left

society.

presented

nature

was demanded or not.

it

Moreover,

ideas.

bourgeoisie,

the Peronist

of

Left

of the revolutionary

of such an alliance

vaccinate Marxist

idea

in Argentine

the National

which

the national

movement including

al

developments

of subsequent

failure of past

and Hernfindez

of the Communist

aspects

of the Left

is

to be built

in

traditional

Left

The volumes

by

of the

mistakes. Arregui

above except Puiggr6s, La Iz uierdas (Buenos Aires: Ediciones Cepe, 1973).

aspects

1

contain

el

a

Problema

96 critique inability

to gain

Left

its

with

distance

ideological

pursued

an electoral

(only

enfranchised. by 1914,

Province

devotion democracy

1

0.99ö).

to the

Soviet

regime

the National

However, ure

has been significantly

the

ideology

parties'

research.

the

bases

of

their

failure

but

Socialist

its

Party

condemned it

the majority

in

to politic-

of Buenos Aires and thus

population

was naturalized

being

2nd War being

dis-

and for

2.371

Buenos

Communist Party,

a battle

between

the non-interventionist to Per6n being

the

of

unnaturalized

Capital

stance

branded

2

of these but

all

by its

parties

and their

for

parties

It

focus.

of

and his

a nazi

to examine

towards

the more practical

have thought

would require that

Left

fail-

specific aspects

genuine

investigation

would be fundamental

the National

old Left's has criticized

attitudes

such an analysis

One would

that

of the

understanding

limited

has failed

histories,

historical

Left

Left

those

of

and regimes

social

Left:

case of the Argentine

with

certainly

as "peronazis".

supporters

these

metropoli

traditional

which

the immigrant

led

as a satellite

due to the influence

largely

of the

coupled

military

post-1943

that

In the

view

and fascism

fact

the Federal

for

the figure

of the

example,

origin,

1.4% of

external

strategy

due to the

were of immigrant

workers

in

their

explaining

Left

The Argentine

for

century,

ineffectiveness

events

the Argentine

foundations

realities.

of this

Bernstein,

the

Depicting

power.

from national

years

early

Aires

goes some way towards

which

one of the main shortcomings

reveals

al

Left

the old

of

into

to a discussion

have offered

in

this

1.

"European Immigrants in Argentine Oscar Cornblit, Industry and (ed. ), The Politics " in Claudio Veliz Politics, of Conformity (21ew York: Oxford University Press, 1970)-, p. 232. in Latin America

2.

historical is Richard J. The best example of a researched analysis (USA: InstParty of Argentina, The Socialist 1890-1930 Walter, The University itute of Latin American Studies, of Texas at Austin, 1977).

of

97 respect

the many problems in which

society

concentrated

facing

that

appears

to YriPovenismo further

Left

National

for

the nascent

the Left

posture,

failing

through

would to offer

for

Left

what the National

Left

confrontations

have gone no expression With

it

actually

It

is

have grown through

would

has ignored,

between

than

through

dimension,

the labour

Left,

subordination

a "weak"

to Yrigoyen.

on the national-antinational

concentration industrial

have been weaker

any alternative the

to total

interests.

and national

arguably

to assume that

fallacious enismo

bourgeoisie

industrial

only

stance.

traditional

of Yrigoyen

he represented

that

than maintaining

"criticisms"

Left

have

should

of the

have amounted

un-

National

an independent

the shoes

a

generally

the

and Communists

been in

Left

weak,

that

and from

would

attitude

All

with

Argentina,

century

was numerically.

"critically"

albeit

this

20th

early

the Socialists

that

come to grips

analyses

heterogenous.

had the National

In fact,

in

class

and culturally

Yrigoyen,

supported

have these

the Left

the working

has recommended is

it

Never

are assertions.

such a was,

totally pro-Yr

single-minded are the

important

movement and the Yrigoyen

governments. Despite years,

the occasional rose

strikes

133,000

in

1918 to 309,000

out,

when faced

class

defection

labour

rapidly

with in

movement.

2

pro-labour from in

24,000

1919.1 from

pressures

Party,

Hundreds

of striking

Semana TrAgica

(Tragic

in

1916 to 136,000

Moreover,

the Right

the Radical

of Yrigoyen's

policies

workers

1917,

as Rock has pointed

and the

Yrigoyeii

early

in

turned

threat his

of middle-

back on the

were massacred

Week) of January

during

the

infamous

1.

Vittorio Anteo,

2.

David Rock, "Machine Politics in Buenos Aires and the Argentine Radical Party, 1912-1930 " Journal of Latin American Studies, vol. 4, part 2 (November 19725, pp. 233-274.

Codovilla, Trabaios 1972), P. 96.

Escogidos

1919.

(Buenos Aires:

of

Moreover,

Editorial

98 the

Radical

"radical" that

Governments terms

in

the Radicals

livestock that

during during

rates

amental

Though they of Radicalism

responsible

for

anti-popular

wing

Party

ist

of

Repetto

noire

the

Smith

has shown

favouring

Scobie

has pointed

lowest

levels

4

out

for

50

was significon the fund-

therefore

and

as the national of his

method. Left

party

caudillo while and

involves

abandon-

Personalisation

as the only of their

true

national-

own tendency.

hand have been vilified interest)

who collaborated

Left's

(a word

the British

has come to mean "imperialist

the National

as

and cipayos with

tendency

of

of the Social-

critiques

precursor

open

contradictions

the anti-national

presented

of the national

To reject

Yrigoyen

achievements

on the other

and which

least is

to evade the

National

being

Indians

at

protectionism,

Marxist

infected

denoted

authorities

Party,

Party

such personalisation

professed

also

(betrayers

the Radical

representing

of Radicalism,

and Chioldi

originally

Argentina).

versus

and as ideological

the Party

that

by portraying

Manuel Ugarte

with

vendepatrias

2.

Peter

particularly

601'o of the bills

while

reached

have attempted

Left's

analyses

ist

trade

as the bete

the National

political

1.

period

the progressive

all

Alvear

painting

in

1

the Socialist

than

limitations

imperial

that

were not

strategy.

Congress

contention

of free

question

doubt.

which

into

the 1920's

Left

more "national"

antly

Justo,

1930 period

2

The National

ing

1916 to

development

their

introduced

producers

tariff

years.

to

of

of the

lackeys" to personalise

in Peter G. Snow, "The Class Basis of Argentine Peter Smith, cited Science Review, 63 Parties, " American Political Political (March 1969), pp. 163-167. A City and a Nation, James R. Scobie, Ar entina. 2d ed. (Oxford Press, 1972 University 182. p. ,

3.

Left work on Ugarte The major National (Buenos Aires: Editorial Ugarte, 2 vols. Aires, 1973).

4.

Words first used by Arturo Jauretche of FORJA in the 1930's. National Left ideological debt to FORJA was considerable.

is

Norberto Galasso, Manuel Universitaria de Buenos The

-99the history that

of the Socialist leaders'

party's

'National the

A final

though nature

made an ideological its

critique

its

attempt

to unite

progressive

cloak

imperialist

centres

Argentine that

which

served

Though the dispelling

al

to the Left

his

of Great

national attentions

In an attempt

to present

and socialist,

Ernesto

to discovering

of Perbn,

alists.

While

anti-Marxists,

Evita,

Jauretche,

acknowledging Goldar

Corbiere, Emilio (Buenos Aires),

bases

that

has sustained

regular 1975-76.

the

Britain

an ideology for

is

Nation-

at

materialism Ortiz

the same

has devoted

example,

and other

nationalists

in op.

prerequi-

have been less

many "bourgeois

articles published See also Walter,

the

ideology,

which

of dialectical

that

of

Argentina".

and socialism

many Argentine

to

to such an extent

revolutionary

Scalabrini

country

harnessing

myths has been a vital

Goldar,

as a

Progressive-

in

to as "British

nationalism

to it.

the superiority

tools

in

and for

of

allies.

and myths about

as ideological

lies

has served

oligarchy,

has

and in

opposition

Constitution

oligarchic

of liberal

to marry

attempts

writings

1.

trade

Left

domination

in

the

as clear-

defined,

of the

the subordination

of an alternative

elaboration

successful. time

local

referred

was often

country

in

not

generically

and socialism

that

1

of neo-colonial

to hide

is

implies.

Left,

of

of the

suggest

leaders

to the development

economy to the requirements

the

site

the National

embodied

and their

civilization

Socialist

of the dominant

such as free

ideas

Western

with

researches

literature

nationalism

the main ideology

sounding

Left

a defence

understanding

Corbiere's

as a form

how liberalism,

and poor

the old

contribution

of liberalism

explains

decades

Emilio of

in which

area

in no way necessitates

reformism

as the National

an issue

This

timid

Question',

"anti-national"

cut

Party

in

nationhave been

nationalists"

Cuestionario cit.

the

have in

fact

national his

bridge

thought

national

between

nationalism

Goldar

presentable

prime

of dialectics

ar's

in

between

Indeed, to establish

attempting

materialist,

utility this

to build

order Peronism

However,

is

in

found

a

and the irev-

pre-Marxists

in

the Peronist

Left

for

society

in

the armoury

in

only

bourgeois

as a whole

in

of trying

Marxists

the

general

and

of Per6n.

More-

to reveal

Gold-

serve

his

Overall,

the argument

Peronism

that

of

empiricism.

to justify

order

the writings

that

is

a materialist

Argentine

to portray

seen as an attempt

the study

with

of materialism

in

what he has ignored,

Left,

no place

to Perbn being

references

of dialectics

to the Marxist

they

respect

equation

to traces

organization.

to make Per6n

over,

Inter-

Trotskyist").

towards

and socialism,

has even pointed

Perön on political

in

is

as the 4th

Left.

olutionary

that

an "unconscious

has been directed

onterprise

Argentine

materialists"

Castro

once considered

whole

that

been "unconscious

1 (just

can be

work

nationalist

writers

of the majoritarian

was revolutionary

as

wing of

and could

become even more so. The National which

of it

analysis

it

upholding against

bourgeois

by Hernfindez as a force

for

aspects

nationalism

filled

essentialism

("In

in

in

up the concept intellectual

Arregui liberation

Hernändez synthesis,

of Marxist this

as national its

with

ideological

combat

and ultimately

the

ca

not

of The

contradictions.

him to reject

Ideolb

and development,

origins

is

1960's.

and the

and expressions

analysis

told

the early

culture

The tension,

the ser nacional

Ernesto Goldar, La Descolonizaci6n Pena Lillo Editor, 1973), p. 14.

in

to be used in

analysis

Arregui

of the ser nacional

circles

explored

literature.

between

element

took

can be interpreted

foreign-influenced

antagonism,

1.

it

speaking,

also

discussed

became widely

Broadly

Marxist

Left

national

one but

(Buenos

multiple"),

Aires:

A.

-101to argue of

different

that

the national

the

the

bourgeoisie,

the national

As argued

in

no way arrived

at a synthesis

al

Left

Rather,

writers.

between

antagonisms of

this

school

temporary,

of

in

class

and,

nations

being

and

Nation-

and other

in

as

and socialism

has been subordinated the

to the

conceptions at

an acceptance,

In the words

conciliation.

of'class

of this

that

capital

nationalism

works

conflict

the result

thought,

classes

foreign

against

above,

the

used this

the thesis

middle

and oppressed

oppressor

for

of support

can unite

classes".

conceptions

the same work the author

nationalized

proletariat

anti-national

have different

example,

basis

as a cultural

same ser nacional

pivot,

Yet in

question.

"The industrial

for

classes,

of Hernandez

least Arregui,

historical in is "since situations specific oppression colonial than internal social opposition, class concilmore critical iation is a dialectical of national moment in the development 1 consciousness". Left

Though the National and oppressed

oppressor

of the

ations alliances ial

come as a surprise

Ramos and his

National

Isabel

might

Perbn,

Left

group,

between

of conflict ignored

they

his

spoke of the need for bourgeoisie

national mergers,

2

Movement in when supporting

have been reminded

that

Lenin

the

in

himself 1940's.

qualific-

temporary,

something

considered

who still

the Peronist

after

Lenin,

warned against

to Puiggr6s,

joining

of Lenin

from

and the

Communists

he strongly

world,

up the idea

Though Lenin

thesis.

between

nations

took

the

which

might

a disciple Similarly,

the Government had also

colon-

argued

of that

Communists:

Quub es el Arregui, Plus Ultra, 1973),

Ser Nacional?, 3d ed. (Buenos Aires: & 289-290. PP. 19,288

1.

Hernändez Editorial

2.

Draft "Preliminary Y. I. Lenin, of Theses on the National Questions, " Lenin on the National Colonial and Colonial (Peking: Languages Press, 1970), Foreign p. 27.

and Questions

102 -

-

"should and will liberation support bourgeois movements in the revolutionary, colonies only when they are genuinely and when their the exponents do not hinder our work of educating in a revolutionpeasantry and the broad mass of the exploited do not exist, If these conditions the Communists ary spirit. bourgeoisie... in these countries " 1 must combat the reformist Despite ideas

the ideological

were attractive

Left.

They presented history,

Argentine past

Peronist

than

those

radicals

of the Montonero

Peronist

The Ramos tendency

cita

rather

Marxist

from

ating

as imported al er's

Left

Catholic

political

implacable

terrorism"

(Marx-citers

alienated

those

the fact

that

Puiggrbs

and Artists

Peronista

tendency opposition

Peronist the and

Mont-

forces

forms to justify

1.

Idem, "The Report of the ibid. Questions, " (1920),

2.

Ramos, La Era....,

of action greater

Commission p. 33.

opo cit.

pp.

ra-

formations'

considered

with

likely

repression. on the National

2

eman-

the Nation-

was the

though

their

bonapartism

like

were charged

298-301.

being

Left

wedge between Left

the

over

than Marxists),

concepts

to the armed 'special which

for

writers

of the Peronist

sectors

A more critical

Left

influence

rather

who viewed

schemes.

and blanguism,

by conservative

party.

(Movimiento

its

criticise

Marxistas

of the Peronist

organisations)

Left

an indirect

only

exercised

nationalism,

leftist

became Peron-

Intellectuals

Movement's

the

a National in

reflected

the

to be more influential

tended

who formed

in in

who actually

Professionala,

Though some might

terminblogy

had failed

of

Council.

Superior

than

view

participation

writers

is

group

of the

Left.

their

their

Peronist

a national

with

and Puiggrbs,

Secretary

zpx) -

Left

The National

of the former

First

today

Peronist

for

Left,

of the evolving

of why the Left

Ramos and Spilimbergo

like

The importance

onero

the youthful

Hern. ndez Arregui

like

Branch

sectors

justification

Movement.

ists,

is

to important

an explanation

and a socialist

of the National

weaknesses

form-

(guerrilla "individual to be used

Nevertheless,

and Colonial

103 -

-

Ramos's read,

Left

Peronism that

from a position

the impossibility

70,000

ed almost soared

these

of

faced, Left

time,

impact

than

on workers

Working-class

ideas

industrial

which

of

of

this

the

during

poll,

gainvote

though

confusion

many

when

Per6n on a Popular

for

given

banning

of

1956 and the foundation

left

in

1962.

1.

Ramos, Revoluci6n (Buenos Aires: ed.

2.

Ramos,

La Era...,

Moreover,

the main emphasis

Contrarevoluci6n Plus Editorial op.

cit.

pp.

the

priority

sense,

its

work Force

Party

of the Socialist the formation

upon intellectual

en la Argentina, Ultra, 1973).

306-308.

from

apart

the Socialist

even after

was placed

than

No political

1940's.

and early

rhetoric

Orientation

by the Radical

in

party,

sectors.

Quite

In this

work.

the

made far

monopolies

Nacional.

was inevitable

played

1930's

forms,

foreign

with

Revolution

of the National

the latter

nominal

owed more to Per6n's

Conciencia

work was done between

the National

Party

de la

the role

with

Youth

organisational

Its

and generic

was,

to intellectual

assigned

has some parallels of Argentine

it

in which

and petty-bourgeois

conflict

Left,

of the National

the latter

party

on students

of La Formaci6n

to readings

its

in

such as it

nationalism,

and to experience--of

the

both

Left,

The National less

the

of the strength

of voters'

to vote

for

called

2

ticket.

Front

from within

1973 presidential

an opportunity

with

to support

and who considered

independently.

a result

undoubtedly

were

votes

this

the September

in

to 889,000

who wanted

March 1973 elections

when standing

votes

those

An indication

party.

by the

was supplied

party

The Popular

Peronism

of changing

of a new revolutionary

this

of many students.

independence

of critical

was widely

to a positive

a home for

by Ramos provided

led

formation

part

of Argentina

and contributed

circles,

on the

of Peronism

Front

history

readable

in university

especially

reevaluation

of

and highly

popular

1

5 vols.

5th

104 production

"nationalising"

the university

a consistent

to Peronism

during

conceptions

which

them for

pare argued

minimally tine

of the

analyses

to take

reformulated

Even by 1973,

society.

struggle

Socialism

of further

was capable

The lack

of National

become more radical and others

illusion

Left

the

surrendering that

analysis the

early

demonstrating

could

that

they

to pre-

Left

were and are

based

Left

and were only

changes in Argen-

post-1955

that

considered before This

behaviour

inherit were the

of

a stage

an independent led

them to an over-

bourgeoisie, belief

the

illusion

that

18 years that

Failure

years.

the helm to them,

they

failed

to un-

Peronism

reforms.

in his

to analyse

the ideological

As

the misplaced

to undermine

than

but

sectors

the national

of

least

at

Government.

way.

the way in which he used the

especially without

get under

radical

did nothing

opposition

Left

could

adopting

young recruits

Governments

account

the National

Per6n and to

for

support

critical

into

of the anti-imperialism

estimation

Peronist

at

Peronist

change was inevitable

of national-democratic for

Left

1973-76

1946-55

movement,

1970's

of the National

the conceptions

than

much to attract

and early

the

of

been directed

rather

labour

on Peronist

bestowed

it

the

did

ideas 1960's

the realities

above,

upon their

the late

has thus

bourgeoisie in

work

Its

decade.

Left

petty

towards

attitude

the present

years.

several

of the National

Most of the work

until

for

and proselytism

Per6n himself

for

encouraged

the Movement's most active

had

by the National

of Perbn during left-wing

of Peronist

his

these

years,

own purposes

the Peronist leadership

Left

through

and numerous Peronist

ten-

dency.

Though bitter al

Left

helped

critics

of the Argentine

to pass on to the Peronist

left

Communist Party, a view

of the

the Nation-

- 105 -

revolutionary Stalinism

clothed

geoisie

was still even in

ature,

leadership ine

in national

dress.

progressive

was propagated

the more radical

of a national

alliance

Stalinism

itself

dichotomy

of historical

same - the

Left

(the

in

icipating

type.

revisionism,

struggle,

or accompanying

become well-known a left-wing ment in left-wing

for

shield

its

the Peronist role

view

that

may well

consider

of the interests

the

Left

not

one could

views

liter-

imag-

in a workerin

originated

the nation-imperialism were the

implications

bourgeoisie

the present

in

in national

terms

Movement in

the belief

The National

to perform.

of the Argentine

shield

Argentina

these

bour-

working-class

bourgeoisie

strategy

which

National for

for

or in

the

the national

all

called

had to accompany the national

had a progressive

still

in

national Whether

of international

that

alliance,

case of Puiggr6s)

of anti-imperialist

stage

which

multi-class

of this

that

The idea

works

by a conservative

participation

dominated

it

which was fundamentally

process

Left

traditional

oligarchy; the National of the national

a future Left

meant part-

Left

that has

constituted Socialist

move-

to have been a

bourgeoisie.

CATHOLIC RADICALISM "Why do we sit in a locked room debating whether the soul is immortal are mortal? and wretchedness when we know that poverty in mortal is living "The Catholic who is not a revolutionary sin" Camilo Torres Restrepo.

In a country

1.

where 9V

of the people

are baptised

and 70% reach

Camilo Torres Restrepo, quoted in "Words and Deeds j, " Church Times (London), 24th June 1977; and in John Gerassi (ed. Revolutionary (Great Britain: Penguin, 1973), Priest p. 9.

"

lob -

-

the

of first

stage

Catholic

ideas

former

of the

conceptions

who formed

and social

them in

the direction

The spread

1950's,

though

Emmanuel Mounier,

it

Another

the

prophet

"before

up by Camilo

Torres

Such ideas did

for

of the new school

him with

This

without

the blessing

mindful

of the fact

that

America

and fearful

of the

1.

P. Carlos riuý ca, Peronismo Merlin, 1973), P. 81.

2.

Gerassi,

3.

Abbot

op. cit.,

Pierre,

a roof

pp.

quoted

one of

over

like

Pierre

his

after

who in

2

it.

1954 sustained

over his 3

head,

an idea

taken

politics. impact

which The latter,

lived

millions

(Buenos Aires:

the

philosopher

armed resistance

followers

p. 84.

way in

of a worker-priest

head",

13-14.

was

of the

the French

a roof

impoverished

op. Cit.,

It

got under

of the Vatican.

of its

y Cristianismo

produce

Elorrio.

have had the dynamic

of the

in Mugica,

she did

really

revolutionary

one-third

loss

and pointed

of

dialogue

and promotion

over

social

with

Church was not,

had supported

was Abbot

not however

would

those

young men,

action

the development

1962 to justify

in

these

conservatism

social

God to a man without

about

the

especially

For

of Juan Garcia

Marxist-Christian

for

provide

though

traditional

who had called

talking

Catholic

to Argentina

the

figures,

to a concern

had been precursors

there

and appealed

one must first

they

in

to the German occupation,

movement prior during

that

the

in

role

Movement.

the persona

in

Left

radical

which' radicalised

revolutionary

of the Peronist ideas

ideas

led

Church

the

formative

the Montoneros.

legitimised

of radical

that

surprising

was these

Church began to be challenged.

Catholic

that

Catholic

change,

in Europe

principally

not

an important

It

embryo of

bearers

principal

is

key Peronist

a phenomenon peculiar

course,

late

Left.

the

within

it

played

of several

problems

their

1960's

the original

new ideas

the

communion,

of the Peronist

evolution

I

in Latin to the

Editorial

107 -

rival itself

the lot

with

Moreover,

ly.

dialogue in

of the poor

(1963),

terris

elements,

growing

Marxists

with

The 2nd Vatican

condemned as results

ians

were urged,

This

its

that

the most important

but

nations violence tyranny

was ruled

out

for

for

among its

"True

fear

of becoming

racism

"save where

the Vatican

Gerassi,

the

the words is

of Vatican

and the

there

evils is

a full

'Church

its

of Patriarch Christian

progressio, It

attacked

of the richer

selfishness

were to be vanquished manifest

2

equality".

II.

-

long-standing

personal

rights

and danger-

3

of a good many of the limited

Christ-

and exploiters.

oppressors in

radicalism

of the Poor'.

"exploiters" in

this

way for

To some,

17.

I.

Quoted in

2.

Camilo Maximos IV, quoted in Dorothy Day (Preface), Patriarch (London: Sheed & Ward, 1968) p. Torres: priest and revolutionary

3.

Quoted in

Gerassi,

op. cit.,

op. cit.,

p.

it

men, to struggle

of Populorum

of the ideas

over how these

exclusively

"good

and exploitation

socialism

proclamation

of the existence

brethren,

Pacem

emanated from

which

fellow

on the

ous harm to the common good of the country". Conscious

in

power and wealth.

their

do damage to fundamental

would

which

struggles,

contained

of goods and fundamental

sharing

motive,

equivocated

class

John XXIII,

Marxism

expression

1965:

synthesis

the profit

inequality,

in

came Paul XI's

later

in

injustice

greed

most radical

a just

involves

Two years

Poverty,

meant taking

the Council

to Rome.

previous-

and Paul VI and in

of Catholics

and the documents

of man's

this

message gained

life

John XXIII

the name of love

even if

Maximos IV at

of both

way than

1

the new orientations.

equality

more radical

as to say that

Council

were

for

a far

became acceptable

went so far

in

began to see the need to concern

participation

of approval".

worthy

formalised

in

the papacies

under

of the

recognition

Marxism,

of atheistic

attraction

p. 45.

16.

- los Populorum

proiressio

implied

that

repressive

political

regimes

but

maintain

the existence

violence

of the oppressed

long-standing

fest

interpretation tionary

this

in

the unity

different

of Populorum II

the dotes

document

for

was "less "evil"

its

in

ordinating This American

Mundo) in

in

of 1.

the Latin

of course,

Priests

this

in

revolu-

regimes.

Church,

vital

only

as different

people

and became polarised

into

Episcopate

op.

than

cit.,

to the proclamation

prior

the

practice

their

and sharing

political

by a Third

in highly

of the

ideas

Movement (Movimiento

heralded

1967,

experwith

de Sacer-

World

Bishops'

terms:

positive

the appearance among humanless alien to the ethics

capitalism

was firmly

which man to

condemned

the economy and sub-

considerations.

received

who submitted

Quoted in Mugica,

"mani-

with

violence,

Church,

the poor

of. subjecting

to economic

American

variant,

became specifically

to Socialism

document rapidly

priests

the

however,

non-involvement

Argentina

only

World

characteristics

social

justifying

To others,

encyclical

amongst

however,

referred

alien"

this

of political

"The Church can only rejoice at seeing ity of another social system which is 1 of the prophets and the Gospel". It

and

heterogeneous

foreshadowing

of the Third

which

dehumanise

factions.

vrogressio,

Para el Tercer

issue

on the

documents. by working

creation

which

to dictatorial

the Argentine

were active

The movement,

iences.

in

of

political

opposition

of a socially

and radical

Worker-priests

the for

on the

vagueness

interpretations

conservative

Vatican

timid

a question

with

World.

Third

meant only

division

to generate

poverty,

a justification

movements and only

served

the

tyranny"

Paradoxically,

put

in

just

was not

of systems

also

of widespread

providing

maintaining

tyranny

the support

a manifesto in

to the Medellin

1968, which

p. 89.

of nearly

clearly

1,000

Latin

Conference

demarcated

the

- log "unjust

violence This

oppressed". by

tionalized

ally,

2

have

broad

through

swept

for

up to

a point

blaming

inatitu-

America's

the

against

ideological

("gen©r-

revolution Marxism

criticized

as well

as

dignity

of

which

revolution

Church

on many young

the

of

Latin

an armed

Catholic

effect

radicalising

a profound

while

"militate

the the

of

sectors

of

and

both

violence

entertained who,

idea 1

Nevertheless,

just

structures

the

that

claiming

capitalism,

human person".

the

social

opposed

only

)edellfn

new injustices")

engenders

liberal

was

in

meeting

categorically

it

view

and unjust

violence

problems,

roots

grass

"the

from

oppressors"

hierarchs

Church

the

the

of

the

in

did

1960's

least

not

people,

in

Argentina.

Populorum

After irate

poverty,

action?

".

Torres

in arguing

atory

though,

The most radical

all

to follow

for

example

4

for

shared

Mugica's

stance

1.

Quoted in

Gerassi,

op.

2.

Quoted in Peter Strafford, 2nd December 1977.

Torres, ibid.,

individual

to this is

not

3

("I

philanthropy

only

permitted

Few priests into

takeover

of political

was that

the most effective

it

of going "the

question

to elim-

action

was "What kind

unanswered

of Camilo

but

is

oblig-

way of making

were prepared,

the mountains

to die

as a

of power by the people,

no

most of the Church radicals

In Argentina,

Carlos

4.

for

men".

all

what the cost".

Torres,

appeals

reply

matter

3.

political

who see in

love his

for

"Revolution

the struggle

in

guerrilla

that

Christians

a greater

possible

left

the question

failed,

had called

traditional

and with

having

for

progressio

am prepared

to be killed

but

I am not

p. 49.

cit.,

"The Church of Change, " Times

"A Message to Christians, "Message to the United p. 109.

" (3.8.65) Front

(London),

in Day, op. cit., p. 73. (25.11.65), the People, " of

-

to kill")

prepared

that

sustain

ideas'of

firmer

with

Marxist

ature,

views.

his

It

Torres

The duty

Cristianismo

1967.

It

reflected

ments.

of Christian "The duty

that of every

Y Revolucibn

their

in Mario Peronista

literin

the

of Buenos Aires)

in

1965

Ongania's

their

to be a revolu-

for

Eduardo Firmenich, (Buenos Aires),

for

the liberation

3

in

the

feature

the

who from

poor

moveof the

"Nuestras Diferencias (21st May 1974). 5 no.

2.

(Obituary), Cristianismo Elorrio" Garcia "Juan (April (Buenos Aires), 28 1971), p. 23. no

3.

Torres,

p. 9.

force

of the bishops

concern

Mundo became a regular

cit.,

the mess-

of bishops

and handful

priests

Movement and that

op.

is

in Sep-

to justify

became a decisive

and support

out

to make the revolution".

is

Nugica, quoted " El Politicas,

in Gerassi,

Cristianismo

attempt

Catholic

1.

quoted

Peronist

and to propagate

of every

rapidly

Marxists

with

which he brought

tercermundismo,

del Tercer

Cuban revolutionary

revolutionary

ideas,

Torres,

to estab-

order

was the review

revolutionary

of the 3rd World

The Boletin

his

by

contact

dialogue

evolution

of the 400 Argentine

and oppressed

in

fam-

class

There he came into

with

and Revolution)

to the 3rd World Priests

adhered

age of 21 in

world.

to expose

middle

and Camilo

(University

of his

was designed

on the basis

an upper

Pope John XXIII

in

and Letters

(Christianity

radicalisation

did

armed struggle

Influenced

acquaintance

The end product

age of Camilo tionary;

temporal

Cooke and adopting

meeting

1966.

regime

through

Elorrio

seminary.

the

at

to Cuba, participation

of Philosophy

2

Council,

training

through

into

the San Isidro

in

the

with

ideas

y Revoluci6n tember

life

priesthood

links

and through

by Juan Garcia

come about

been born

2nd Vatican

the

a trip

Faculty

having

adult

he gave up his lish

only

could

Elorrio,

began his

the

inspired

a minority

had to participate.

Garcia ily,

but

revolution

priests

which

1

110 -

Y Revoluci6n

111 -

-

review,

providing

world.

Garcia

Left,

the

news and analysis Elorrio's

and thus

review

provided

Initials

a mouthpiece.

JAEN, JOC, JEC, JUC, etc., and documents Revoluci6n

Camilista

interpretation,

Catholics

that

they

had to opt

be "at That of

times

from

apart on the

was not

man.

theological

a matter

cler-

Left.

them a

Church and giving

to convince

sought

that

side-lines, "the

command-

the revolution

hearts

are the

of changing

man and in

y

Church,

radical

way of realizing

because'some

structures"

would 1

so callous".

social 2

order

but

and here,

of Guevara's

the influence

considerations,

y Revoluci6n

Church,

Catholic

a 'Church

become "the Church

the

even though

solidarity"

communiqu&s

ideas

'New Man' was crucial. Cristianismo

into

with

of Cristianismo

review

as the only

simply

end of the

on the political

stand

had to be "in

It

Catholic

Elorrio's

violent,

necessarily

revolution

changing

not

the

for

and Peronist

Garcia

through

of

armed organisations

the role

reflect

of the

revolution

ment of fraternity

at

meeting-place

could

for

appeared

contained,

up the new ideas

Taking

they

which

the Marxist

with

the whole

FAR., FAP, FAL, MRA, MRP, MNRT, ENR, ERP,

as a journalistic

and laymen,

ics

it

which

pages to

the underground

all

like

opened its

also

the underdeveloped

in

of events

of those

within

which

Elorrio,

would,

to give

distribute

Cristianismo

1. 2.

"Alienacion Rub&n R. Dri, y Liberacion, December 1970), pp. 59-64.

3.

Helder

in Mugica,

so as to convert

3

Cämara's

privileges

no.

" ibid.,

op. cit.,

it

words,

Somewhat naively, and influential

and live

Church property

y Revoluciön,

the

changes within

in Helder

up their

Garcia p. 23.

Camara, quoted

radical

who have no voice".

were requested the State,

urged

deinstitutionalisation

its

of the Poor',

voice

leaders

position

seeking

also

I (September no.

p. 90.

among the

1966)

26 (November-

-

In

poor.

1967,

Aramburu,

Garcia

Archbishop

Elorrio

112 -

a beautiful

wrote

of Tucumän, which

letter

to Monsenor

read:

"We beg you urgently to share in the life of the poor and to open the doors of your churches to the 'plebs', so that they may at least feel that the house of-the Lord is their own house too. May God enlighten His Lordship the Bishop". 1 Needless his

did

Devoto,

to say,

the reverend

colleagues,

With

Dist&fano,

Angelini,

their

Meanwhile, the Argentine

consecrated

the immaculate

In fact, of

liberation'

with

behind

rallied ence nor

Church hierarchy's a 'theology

Cristianismo

understanding

response rather

fact

cases

1969,

"protection

"prolonged

of

"lead

would

General

condemned

to

Ongania

and divine

invocation

2

of Mary".

of violence'

it.

of the rebels'

equation

Y Revoluc16n

in mast cases practise

inevitable

oppressive

the

heart

to the

as

Church hierarchy

and in

argued,

on November 31st

nation

the -

in

Caggiano

palace,

Monsenores such as -

Priests

was condemned except Cardinal

his

to retain

and Nevares

of the 3rd World

"Terrorism",

totalitarianism".

decided exceptions

Cafferata

Violence

activities.

dictatorships".

of

some notable

ideas

the radical

rejected

gentleman

Rather,

to institutionalized than the denunciation

Those who

was unjust.

did

not they

violence, which

favour

political

viol-

it

as an

considered sinful they

'theology

yet

reserved

demanding for

violence:

believing "We Christians that violence is bad and sinful continue but our theological leads us to clearly distinguish reflection between two kinds of violence: the primordial and originating power imposes on society which an oppressive violence and which is generally expressed in the socio-economic sphere, and derived violence",

1.

Garcia Elorrio, "Open Letter to MGR. J. C. Aramburu, Archbishop of Tucumhn, " in Alain Gheerbrantt The Rebel Church in Latin America (Great Britain: Penguin, 1974), pp. 311-314.

2.

Buenos Aires Herald, October 1970.

28th

June 1969,

Ist

December 1969 & 15th

113 -

-

resorted

to by the

radicals

legitimised

poor

as a means of survival.

"liberating"

violence

Finally,

Cristianismo

y Revolucibn

who were to become practitioners outlook.

iced

their

the

review,

military

lives

for

in

from

life

Referring

"the

which

death

to the deaths while

review

claimed:

would

the promise

after

killed

people",

to prepare .

short

of

in

the form

of heavenly

for

of Camilo

for

in

their

lives.

the future

fallen

whom they

fought.

were

(a Paz Catholic Zamora and

Torres

the Bolivian

sacrif-

a means of politicoclaim

solace,

the people

an eschatol-

of homages published

probability

all

with

Catholics

who heroically

young radicals

amongst

for

fighting

the young

of armed struggle of militants

helped

apart

promised

the

sense, just

stopping

provided

The glorification

struggle

Quite

while

In this

it.

advocating

ogical

I

National

Liberation

Army),

the

live for ever in the rifle "They will of that anonymous guerrilla everywhere in Latin America, in the rebel machete of who fights the peasants or in the avenging fire 2 of mining dynamite". Moreover, 3

Justes,

is

being

that

an agent

in a sense legitimate,

indeed life

was the idea,

there

as a result no greater

what better

of violence

was not so sinful,

if

of love

giving

than

Les

and was one's

For a Christian,

path. one's

in Camus's

to sacrifice

one was prepared a violent

life

for

other

was preached

armed struggle

by Father

personally,

Carlos

sustained

Mugica who, while

that:

2.

Jose MarEa Gonzalez Ruiz, "Cristo o Cristo guerrillero rey? " (June Revoluciön. 29 1971), pp. 39-41. Cristianismo no. y (April 28 Ibid., 1971), P. 81. no.

3.

Albert

1.

Camus, The Just

(England:

Penguin,

1970).

own

there

men - and

of atonement?.

The same idea rejecting

dramatised

of undertaking

proof form

brilliantly

114 -

-

"The Christian this being may or may not be disposed to kill information for reasons of conscience, or ideology - or in other to the violence he suffers. words to respond or not with violence But what he must-always remember is that he must be disposed to die and that is very clear". I influence,

This heroic

important

man, was crucially Catholics

young

the magnetism

combined with

to participate

to make a tremendous

in

the

the

sacrifice,

level

a personal

at

idealised

of Guevara's

of the armed organisations,

creation

offered

in persuading

rewards

personal

for

which

were spiritual.

and 3rd World

Movement,

Garcia

Mugica's

Elorrio. II

Vatican

For him,

had been Pope Pius XII's

Divino

Afflante

temporal

the

was largely

for

political surrounding

group

by the ideas

to the Bible increased

signified of Christ's

of

interpretation

the new ideas

for

a return

Christians

the radical-

from his

derived

this

in

about

influenced

of departure

call

and reminded

world

reservations

though

1943, for

of

a key role

of the more radical

a key point

Church

Spiritu

his

Order

a member of the Jesuit

played

militancy,

Torres,

and Camilo

the Bible.

those

than

were greater

violence

also

though

of young Catholics,

isation

of

Priests

Mugica,

Carlos

From the priesthood,

attitude

in

the

in his interest to

society. Christ's

For Mugica, from

unjust

message was the

structures

social

but also

all

to the Catholic

ing

the dimension

of the son of God" ...

nising that

1.

man's

environment

his

capacity

Mugica,

op. cit.,

in

is

"the

a conditioning

as a man of God:

p. 32.

from himself

Church have "the

men according

that

liberation

of man, not as sinful possibility

divine factor,

dimension".

only

man, for of acquirRecog-

Mugica argued

in

115 -

"I have to love human beings and the structures which help them to realise themselves as men, to live creatively. And I must try to destroy or modify structures which prevent one from living in this manner". 1 His

man to material

ating

Basing

ever,

history

since

their

a human face

Church

to live

A vital

throw

of Peron,

to identify

and shared

property

all

"it

is

could

and the

Catholic

discovery

to both

conversion in

explaining

including

their

the

with

a realisation

29-30.

2.

Ibid.,

pp.

51-52.

3.

Ibid.,

p. 84.

2

them to

Socialism

the only

lives,

the oligarchy

that

with

socialism type

of

their

enabling

he get This

viewpoint.

and Peronism

in

participation this

to

was the key at the age

of Mugica,

experience

that

closer

of the radical

convergence

the personal

coupled

pp.

as being

Christianity

the Church's

Ibid.,

to help

them".

creative

to

have no propensity

as demanding

at

1.

How-

of Christ.

of guilt

the Church with

were

revolution".

necessary

oppress

lead

as a priest

role

Mugica argued

community,

the rich

was embraced by Mugica

element

feeling

that

among them and adopt

and Peronism,

intense

references

as opposed to the bureaucratic

roots,

individuals

saw his

concurrent

of 26.

in its

themselves

the goods which

from

Union,

which

Mugica the poor,

private

who call

voluntarily,

wealth

development

spiritual

to his

our country

and national

Soviet

society

the Bible,

Christian

had demonstrated

themselves

in

seen as subordin-

would be no need to make a social

there

of the

rejected

on the original

in

Christians,

liberate

in

was rooted

goods,

himself

everyone

surrender

structures,

collectively.

possessions

"if

the existing

and the Apostles

to how Christ

that

to

alternative

socialist

was an

the 1955 over-

had led many people

and oppressive

forces.

3

jib

-

Perhaps

this

and those

sense

Peronism

Another

factor

fection

from

goes some way towards

his

adopted

an exceedingly

to join

the camp of the

which

the

is

both

Perön's

socialismo

Mugica,

that

due to its

why rlugica naive

as a man of God, did

social

welfare

enjoyed

embraces Christian

claims

explaining

attitude

people.

not

expect

per-

of men.

the poor reputedly

totally

wanted"

decided

creations

as "a Movement which accepted

evolution

when they

here

Peronism, dignity

of guilt

who shared

towards

-

his

about

uncritically,

under values

government

while

also

and the

policies it,

was viewed

in a specific "only

doing

by Mugica He

epoch".

what the people

Perön's

swallowing

sense of

promises

of

nacional:

"I believe that the process towards 'national' socialism, with a human face, which doesn't seek to eliminate ownership of consumer began in Argentina on 17th goods but to give them to everybody, October 1945". 1 did Such an attitude , from a desire rather allegiance as Peronism

not

stem from

to be with

any real

the people,

to Peron and an assumption had at

Any defects

least

to have socialist

of Peronism by Mugica's

to be explained

that

with

regard

acceptance

of Peronism

analysis a faith

in

the

a popular-based

but

people's movement such

implications.

to socialist

of the stages

credentials approach

were

to revolu-

tion: that the first for the liberation "I think personally struggle of dependency or liberation. in this option: our people is contained there need not necessarily liberation In this national struggle It can be joined not only by workers and be class struggle. but also by national-minded I believe entrepreneurs. students there will between entrethat later, come the business certainly, In other words, a in a second period. preneurs and workers, in which Christian be a values are fully realised society will 2 without entrepreneurs". society

35 & 55.

1.

Ibid.,

pp.

2.

Ibid.,

p. 40.

117-

-

Christian

through

Finally,

primacy

of

? ugica,

despite

were presented, the

begged to differ.

entrepreneurs

combined

course

the

all

of politics

the

over

Catholic

icing,

socialist

contact

with

In Mugica's

economics.

the primacy

with

in

youth

of religion

Per6n's

view this

writings,

over

him

with

of was

politics:

"I as a Christian think that although there must be a disappearance to sustain the total of classes, equality of men is to ignore the For me, a Christian, full reality of sin. only come will equality I think that this is where when Christ comes and not before. Marxism and Marxists They emphasise economic man are mistaken. political man. That is why they find it hard to and forget Peronism which stresses the political understand more than the economic" 1 Before icipants

in

examining

World

Priests'

Concatti

of Peronism proletariat, a "historic

being struggle

dispensing with

opci6n

being with

Peronism".

Peronism

in

the present

This

discussion

examining

argument

that

is worth

Rolando for

written

It

outlined being

popular

is

in Argentina",

versus

anti-Peronism

there

Firstly,

to represent

the lines

within

dichotomy,

the Peronist

were "anti-Peronist

Peronisn

was supported

for

being

this

of class

Movement

factors

2

Secondly,

3rd

"The objective

involved

conflict

jest

the Mendozan

threefold.

country

part-

Concatti's

the bases for

because

and what is

of class

statement

it

of the

the Peronism

with

Left,

support

history

fact".

Catholic

these

deserved

national

came to the

literature:

Movement.

what is

ideas

peronismo,

to Peronism,

that

equated

the ridiculous

por el

Priests

commitment

argued

Catholic

radical

of the 3rd World

region

the

of the

of Nuestra

explanation

role

of the Peronist

the building

one more example

how these

exactly

a Movement and thus

p. 36.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

"Nuestra opciön por el Peronismo, " Pbro. Rolando Concatti, (September Revoluci6n, 1971), pp. 28-36. Cristianismo 30 y no.

in

118 -

-

more dynamic

allegedly

the bureaucratic

While

ness which

nature

needed criticism

bureaucratic

equally

to Peronism

adhesion political

being

provided

level

reasons

as a "liberal-democratic present

in

in life'

Though Peronism

its

all

Because Peronism

it

for

Clearly

Ibid.,

the

derived

tasks

in

step

these

defects

Priests

"a social

box'

but

'equal-

and political". revolutionary in

were relegated

capable

stage. of change, force:

most important

be reformed

exper-

....

of the earlier

movement,

objectively

of the modern stage.

that process",

of an ideology,

them to the Peronism as a dynamic

ballot

cultural

all

from within

in

order

1

began with

of

the exper-

Peronist

democracy"

at the

and methods,

the 3rd World

were

had paved the way for

which

economic,

from

the evolutionary the early

'equality

to the

not

was a view

teaches

"History

lack

was loyal

pp. 30-33.

Peronists,

a "militant

the Movement could

the proletariat",

for

its

was regarded

"Peron

and because

Peronism

for

by attributing

importance

not

aspects:

was criticised

organisation

project,

is

whose objective

though

No guidelines

supporting

revolution" for

and

to date,

for

countries.

of struggling

stage

consciousness,

of consciousness class"

on to characterise

going

one must base

that

was to be transcended.

an indispensable

is

Finally,

sound.

consciousness.

surprisingly,

maintained,

democracy

1.

these

level

of the

structures

of workers'

working

working-class

all

democracy

Concatti ience

highest

as "the

of some of the metropolitan

liberal

equip

the opinion

by the Argentine

development

ience

ity

in

party.

was seen as a weak-

the

as basically

level

a political

Party

and rectification,

as to how the existing

Underlying national

the Peronist

of

was grounded

the peak of potential

than

CGT were viewed

regarded

reached

combativity

bureaucratic

on the existing

activity

Peronism

the

and less

a recognition

that

the

to

119 movement was largely

workers' progressive

force

of Peronism

as a whole

For

though their

of

in society

on a highly

endent

electoral

being

did

always

to illustrate

ary

of the

years

Firmenich,

Colegio

Nacional

Catholic

the

a branch

roles

in

than

Carlos

According Christianity

1.

of Catholic

the school

for

and this

branch.

Left

was dephistory. the sense

in

they

enjoyed,

who were influenced the underlying

stages,

in

which

as being

turn

en-

the limitations

the myth that

adopted

Peronism belief

to their

was crucial

become a revolutionary

ideas

instrument

Carlos

that

of

they

(Acci6n

Above all,

necess-

the

attended together

Estudiantil

spiritual

is

Gustavo Ramus and Mario

AC), -

the new ideas

the branch's

it

participated

Cat6lica

of the

In the early

of the Montoneros,

(Juventud

Youth

the ideology

was imparted.

Medina,

There

Action

in

by analysts

influence

founders

Student

came to them through

Church

uted

future

Abal

de Buenos Aires.

Secondary

JEC),

other

all

they

inherited

of Peronism

Catholic

how the

Fernando

1960's,

Eduardo

but

has been so neglected

exactly

the latter

nacional.

of radical

Left

Peronist

an interpretation

political

support

distinct

they

wanted

to socialismo

The importance recent

the defects

had become or could

the transition

in

unfolding

what the people

Peronism

that

saw this

as the most

class

were democratic

governments

Furthermore,

stage.

of Argentine

vision

conceptions

them to consider

of a former

However,

Those on the Peronist

of the revolution

abled

developed

and the popular

origins

were in no way "liberal".

vision

there

progressive.

Peronist

Catholic

saw the working

and from

unrealistic

the early

by radical

Peronist,

Cat6lica

-

leading

playing

of the

advisor

in

Catholic

who was none

Nugica.

to Firmenich,

was impossible defending

justice

it

was Mugica who "taught

without and for

love fighting

"Mi Afecto y Agradecimiento Firmenich, El Peronista, no. 5. op. cit.

for

the poor, against al

us that for

those

injustice".

Padre Carlos

persec1

Mugica, "

He

120 -

-

had also,

than

rather

peace and that

arms but

rather I

Montoneros

town dwellers

of Retiro,

him on a trip

to Tartagal,

the

and preach

with

poor

of Camilo

basic In

problem

just

morally

he now rejected

cases

Mugica

So while where it

os broke

with

cda Elorrio

1.

Mugica,

2.

Firmenich,

their

op.

pp.

"

op.

violence

when in

hand,

of

began to

violence,

in

except

and helped

organisation

Elorrio

viol-

the proto-Montoner-

of the Montoneros.

cit.

had

to institutionalised

and denounced

That

was

Tartagal,

the example

went underground

16 & 66.

"Mi Afecto....,

with

2

revolution"

solution

on the other

on 1st May 1967, when Garcia

cit.,

only

im-

"the

Though Mugica

agreement.

Torres.

the

that

political

by the mass of the people,

the formation

went with

to work

order

was political

response

a priest

the Comando Camilo

The

practice.

to conclude

of whether

Church organisations,

towards

occurred

remained

have

work combined with

as incompatible

as a legitimate

was employed

form

stepping-stone action

solution

gun as the

warfare

into

be

might

however,

1966 in

the missioners

to reach

the machine

guerrilla

social

problem

but failed

to armed struggle

ence.

"the

they

that

to

of the Church.

Ramus, Abal Medina and Firmenich,

Christ. look

led

and its

debated

advocated

supposedly

death

ä call

was not

and Ramus also

in February

the new ideas

was political

or not"

Fe,

this

to work amongst the shanty-

Firmenich

of evangelical

Torres's

1967 the group

Mugica

Buenos Aires.

These experiences pact

to put it

went with

Santa

it

followers

sword

rejected

by Mugica would not,

had he not attempted frequently

that

the

the exploiters

he later

arguing

to his

The message preached

made such an impact

towards

In fact,

passage,

by Christ

a warning

had come to bring

sword was pointed

of the Biblical

persecuted.

future

this

Christ

of human dignity.

of man and violators interpretation

that

maintained

apparently,

Its

Gar-

was only only

and two others

a

public broke

121 -

-

by General

up a mass attended Buenos Aires. a defender

The intention the military

of

struggle"

the

against

Other Catholic

key early

Catholic

Jose Sabino

in

Catholic

the

Navarro

Secondary

reunited

with

one of their

while

occasion

said

Benitez "were

them"

murdered

received

a 2-year

suspended communiques

tlany other the

1966-73 military

ation

of guerrilla sugar mill

1.

Buenos Aires

2.

Ibid.,

World

Third

Evita's

Benitez

regime,

was later

abductors for

sentence

the

in

Medina

took

the to

as "an example on the did not

same know how

two young men.

and Father the

They

of providing Alberto

Carbone

typewriter

with

were written. Priests

participated

though

few actually

groups.

Parish

closures

in Tucumän province

Herald,

Cat6lica

of Abal

accused

supplying

out

Mugica

which

these

started

the Nontonero

confessor)

by the nation,

worn by one of Aramburu's

Montonero

prevent

2

for

Aramburu.

"Thank you Lord for

...

hunts

police

centre

life

the deaths

after

youth

were momentarily

to the deceased

(formerly

at

Obrera

political

The Mantoneros

during

1970,

student

who both

(Juventud

of ex-President

choose an easy road".

a cassock

which

they

Gustavo Rossi

mentors

in

Integraiista

who began his

he referred

in which

Father

to understand didn't

7th

of the

organisation

former

and executioners

service

youth"

and Jorge

Youth.

Student

and Ramus on September

funeral

and leader

1

place

took

Angel Maza, a medical

Capuano Martinez

Catholic

"revolutionary

Vasena government"

whose radicalisation

were Emilio

Church as

was made for

and a call

Montoneros

Young Workers

JOC); and Carlos

kidnappers

regime

University

there;

Cathedral,

was to expose the institutional

"Alsogaray-OnganIa-Krieger

organisations

Cbrdoba's

Ongania in the Metropolitan

priests

2nd May 1967.

12th and 15th September

1970.

in

the

struggles in

assisted

participated and also

in in

against

the form-

the fight

to

the Cordobazo.

122 -

-

of their

An indication transfer

of a radical

protest

they

they

refused

of Aramburu,

of the

questioning

Peronist

guerrilla

infant

the

it"

(Fuerzas

that 3

man and life".

God",

the brutal

who confront Finally,

radical

itancy

of printing

call

for

of-the

armed revolution Torres

we must take

July

Church ...

in

the Revolutionthat:

FAR) sustained -

to cease suffering

Armed Forces as "people

of the

the vanguard

people

behind

was a revolutionary"

up arms and defend

4

the mil1970, to

de Padua, Avellaneda,

of San Antonio

of

of love".

the violence force

"love

of

out

themselves

the driving

"like

... 5

our brothers".

1969.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

"Hablan los Montoneros, " Cristianismo (November-December 1970), pp. 11-14.

3.

Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias, (September 1970), p. 59.

4.

"Carta de las Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas Mundo, " ibid., no. 26, pp. 15-20.

5.

Raimundo Ongaro,

24th

Likewise

claim:

illiteracy,

Raimundo Ongaro who, in January

"Christ

a

an everyday

of the Peronist

of egoism with

leader

is

poverty,

decided

the line

was also

for

were to

as Guevara said,

"present

violence

workers'

to the pulpit

Camilo

but

Catholicism

took

2

FAP) described who -

by desire

violent

fight,

was also

Armadas Peronistas

not

hunger,

we have simply would

1

in many of the

violence

Armadas Revolucionarias

they This

is

repression".

chosen violence,

Fe.

calling

The Montoneros

rather,

Violence

exploitation,

and announced

(Fuerzas

communiques.

to the system.

instead

Church were present

radical

to a 24-hour

to such violence.

gave rise

ones who seek violence;

mortality,

"We have not

for

Left

Armed Forces

ary

the

of

belonging

thing

which

led

such as the killing

actions

to condemn them openly,

system

1969 when the

Canada de G6mez, Santa

in

to support

refused.

The arguments

"We are not

by the Church hierarchy

priest

though

was seen in July

success

and mass demonstrations

strike

In general,

early

localized

quoted

in

y Revoluci6n,

"Comunicado

26

No. 2, " ibid.,

a los

the Buenos Aires

no.

Sacerdotes

Herald,

7th

no. del

January

25

Tercer 1970.

123 -

-

The Third

of the

years

early political the sion

the

at

The latter

his

ed at

the

main

Mugica,

return

flight

job

the

Welfare

Social

dwellers

the

hands of the Argentine

Lopez Rega,

violations,

it

in

of its

L6pez Rega.

the

an attempt in

many of them from

the villas

that

his

time,

a 'Church

and its

entourage he took

a key

doing

battle

himself

resignto help

effective

His reward

was death

(AAA) directed

miseries,

them. joined

at

by the

was made to implicate to discredit

on the

Around his

funeral

burial.

while

the Argentine

order

Perbn's

The outcome was his

Alliance

cell

in the

church

supported

to do anything

Anti-Communist time

his

Presidency,

whom he worked.

with

of a prison

leader's

soon found

the assassination

of violence into

at

and attended Since

tion

though

people,

cort4ge

inside

had fully

Mugica

of the Ministry

the failure

shanty-town

4,000

a while

deprived

was thus

known what the

but

Ministry Jost

minister

the

Montoneros

in

when she was arrest-

was suppressed

Under Cämpora's

from Madrid.

right-wing over

of

Elorrio.

early

on for

soldiered

was a member of his

1973 and indeed

return

ation

who had also

of Buenos Aires.

district in

with

for revul-

probably,

and,

circumstances

Catholicism

-

to the imprisonment

May he left down in 1974 as gunned was

like,

in

the

of influence.

Carlos

Materdos

in mysterious

Militant

1971.

led

of Mugica

Ahumada, it

Cassiana

end of

lives

moral

probably,

quite

y Revoluciön

Cristianismo

wife,

organ

looked

by a car

was killed

and,

Repression

the

and claimed

1970 and though under

authority

violence.

escalating

priests

several

their

to accept

during

Church hierarchy

of the

on the part

pressure

in Argentina

demise was due to a number of factors

Its

1970's.

repression,

rebels

Movement declined

Priests

World

still

occasionally

Church has become more united practitioners.

of. the Poor'

failed

human rights

criticizing

in its

Those who attempted and paid

a high

price

repudiato convert

for

their

124 -

-

In Latin

attempt. imprisoned,

America

tortured,

theology

into

kidnapped I

practice

some 800 clerics

as a whole,

or deported

and Argentina's

in

to put

trying of this

share

have been killed,

toll

liberation has been

substantial. Nevertheless, ers

the radical

of armed struggle

fluence

in

Left

ist

the

and non-violent

the

of young Catholics

science, them with

Undoubtedly,

question

of the morality

make the revolution fundamental

but

tries ution',

it

become part

1. 2.

also

overriding Thirdly,

of

to provide

a naive

did

tend

of the

Garcia Elorrio, pp. op. cit.,

and strategy.

Left

with

"The Third had said to isolate

2

the conception

view

of

a 3rd World

World

is

and this

the

the

Left

industrial

'national

counrevol-

struggle.

the people's

struggles, in

Peronism.

Again,

Garda

Pope on Latin America's contending (London), 17th September 1978.

bishops,

and adopt attitude

their towards

standpoint

"The Sign of the Revolution, 304-307.

be-

view

the Peronist

of anti-imperialist

of the need to join

ignoring

militated

people

and uncritical

"Key test for Sunday Times

organisation

the

of how to

issue,

movements of the advanced

strengthened

the idea

it

through

with

discussion

single

situation. Elorrio

and labour

a class

this

of con-

providing

of atonement

the Peronist

Garcia

Not only

left-wing

the

around

of revolutionary

of revolutionaries",

came predominant. from

had revolved

Peron-

the level

at

preoccupation

the whole

in-

the

violence,

promise

Christian

of violence,

helped

towards

nationalists

and the

on the international

perspective world

it

promot-

actual

were a decisive

revolutionary

due to its

problems it

Secondly,

for

both

eased the passage,

towards

a justification

sacrifice.

other

It

1960's.

Church,

militants,

of Catholic

orientation

during

of the

wing

" in

"

Gheerbrant,

to favour

125 -

-

Elorrio: "I had to fight the people, with the slaves, as they fought, not (I teacher, had to be) "a genuine participant as an elitist with them and not for them, in their their failings, their misery, 1 violence" one might

- and, disdain in

for

add,

Finally,

and revolutionary in

the

(Rafael

Catholics

element

was a crucial

but also

change.

Radical

not

towards

"militias"

role

a vital

played

a 'reverend

sports

Left.

father' 2

a number of priests.

contain

young

of socialism

of the Peronist

cadres

Council

to Christthose

directed

vague notions thus

from

received

was central only

Catholicism

of leading

Superior

Left

justice

social influence

Peronism

and its

Iaccuzzi)

Lenin

of the Peronist

the message that

the lontonero

Even today

for

to a

praxis.

development

intellectual

led

Such an approach

which

way the Catholic

towards

militants

theory

the active

In this

ianity.

illusions.

of revolutionary

Church

the radical

their

revolutionary

dialectic

the

in

ORTHODOXPERONISM

to the already

In addition Peronist

the

ideological strate

that

Left

incorporated

baggage and cited they

discussed many ideas

them frequently

were the most "orthodox" it

is

first

Peron and Evita

from

in

an attempt

of Peronistas. to clarify

thought,

of ideological

currents

their

into

to demonBefore

and briefly

these

ideas,

1.

Idem,

Interview

2.

in Montoneros the influence confirmed Catholic was Radical upon July 1978 when Montonero Army Comandante , Horacio Mendizäbal, had established "army" his Vatican that the a inform to wrote take to Adur Padre Jorge had charge of appointed and chaplaincy (August 5 Federal, Estrella Montonero, no. See Ejercito it. 1978), passim.

with

John Gerassi,

Gerassi,

op.

cit.,

status

examin-

ing

necessary

their

pp.

41-42.

126 -

-

discuss

use of the we lack "grey

Peronism

whether

as its

Peronism's

2

as in

his

which

in

"Peronist

is

with

"the

forms

necessary

a system

Peronism view

an overall

of ideology

or even attitudes, ument that late

to only

ideological. series

1. 2.

ideologies a part In its

being

"a set

one accepts

of closely

related

most impoverished

of dogmas enshrined

in

the

to design-

3

Finally,

Left

it in

writers

4

"Twenty

beliefs

Truths

def-

or ideas, and his

of ideas

consisting

expressions

provid-

Plamenatz's

or community"

Justicialism

a new

ideology"

Yet if

then

equate

the world

offered a "total

produced

can be "partial", of reality,

of

theory.

of a group

characteristic

idea

would

ideology".

supporters

has not

speeches

his

used it

made by some'Peronist

revolutionary

of the world.

La Comunidad Organ-

most people

Peron at times

or

interchange-

Nor is

1949.

a

unhelpful

drawn from his

(Justicialista)

the mistake with

whereas

Perbn nor any of his

Weltansschauung.

inition

of

totally

is

of his

in

is

there.

and "ideology"

piece

Congress

of beliefs,

of execution

to avoid

Neither

ing

a philosophical

of much use for

ideology

identifying

is

there

deposited

own ideas

of the contents

today

and still

Clearly

generally

of its

Philosophy

Doctrine"

"doctrine" ate

description fact

is

called,

used "philosophy"

often

National

at the First

are

The

meet and Peronism,

and ideology

characterisation

Peron himself 1

izada

ideas

time

the term.

of

thought

where political

Justicialismo

ably,

definition

a commonly-accepted

to have an ideology.

claim

has changed through

of ideology

concept

area"

here.

can reasonably

which

argre-

can be considered it

is

composed of a

of Justicialism".

See, for example, Juan Domingo Per&n, La Hora de los Pueblos (Buenos Aires: Norte, Editorial 1968), pp. 153 & 172. (Buenos Cepe, Organizada Aires: Ediciones La Comunidad Perlin, 1974). La Hora...,

3.

Peron,

4.

John Plamenatz,

p. 153. op. cit., (Great Britain: Ideolo

Macmillan,

1971),

pp.

15-18.

-

There

one finds

than

another

Peronist"

It

was also

people". does what

and "In asserted

the people

Stronger principal

land,

that

"A Peronist

will

ing

Perön's

radical-sounding

role

played

by Eva PerSn.

the best

is

better

nothing

that

we have is

Government

is

-can be made for

status

of Justicialism,

which

there

this

to ideological

claims

Banners"

a Peronist

the

one which

1

want".

components

"Three

as "For

such claims

127 -

its

be examined

"Third

in

this

of the

rhetoric

the

Position"

1960's

and its before

chapter,

two

analys-

and finally

the

Per6n

"I know that industrialists

the

defence of the interests of businessmen, is the defence of the State itself" and traders Juan Domingo Per6n, 2 Speech in the Chamber of Commerce, 1944

Before be pointed matist the

Though he once referred tury"

and said

prefer

by the political,

he encountered

4

spoken and written

that

Peron's

to Mussolini

options as "the

"follow

in

his

fascism

versus

and economic which

they

greatest footsteps

deeds were guided

must

he was a supreme pragdebate 3

mistakes",

1.

Far a iiontonero of the "Twenty summary and analysis (Buenos Descamisado Aires), El icialism", nos. see

2.

Perön, Aires:

His

situations offered.

man of this but

also

cenavoid

3.

Peron, quoted de la Politica

4.

Peron, quoted in John Barnes, Collins, 1978), P. 37.

Truths of Just21-25,1973.

Per6n Hoy Nadra Aver 1971-1943 in Fernando Y quoted Pol mica, 1972), p. 57. Editorial

(Buenos

la Primacia El Peronismo Cimarron, 1974), p. 58. Eva Peron (Great Britain: Fontana/

in Jose Pablo Feinmann, (Argentina: Editorial

of

more by opportunism,

his

political

it

words,

to be more empirical". social

and the practical

he would

Rather

the democracy

with

commented "I

1940's, were guided

actions

early

he was no ideologue.

that

out

at Per6n's

who, when confronted

early

which

looking

128-

-

in

the

non-pejorative

of

his

ideas

were only

Perlin

"English

to

the

oligarchy the

whereas of

and, for

in

colony"

course,

the

neo-colonialism". both

to

the

"Third

instead

Position"

Rosas,

Junta,

was behind

his

and the dilemma has

becoming

being

Yrigoyen

who had fought

liberation

was presented

each condemned for

referred

interests

forces

political

have become redundant

His

systems,

Ist

Such a rationale

independence.

2

The former

to imperialist

included

to be communism or capitalism,

ceased

tive

linked

sectors

denoted

"The ideologies

that

line".

as an

had been be-

conflicts 1

in

revisionists

independence

national

and a Hispanic

which

himself,

national

genuine

claim

line

and many

to power.

coming

the main historical

which

line,

by any ideolocy

of the historical

her formal

and other

latter

than

after

perspective

following

"an Anglo-Saxon

tween

enunciated

the

adopted

Argentina

seeing

of the word,

sense

or

as an alternaand imper-

exploitative

ialistic.

the

Internationally, the

to be "as distinct the

as from

3

other".

Though Perlin

claimed

consortium

great

without

from

Position"

imperialisms",

one of

the dominant

In practice,

4

truces",

of foreign there

imperialisms

Peronist

to have attacked

foreign

by bowing "the

and purported of

policy

that lost

time its

to US pressures.

international

exploitation"

were in fact

to

was posed as a response red and yankee,

way on a number of occasions

national

the

"two

of the

existence

"Third

...

"without

capitalism

of

quarter

and

once the economy began

"truces"

were made to US oil

to decline

in

1.

Peron,

quoted

2.

Peron, quoted in Gonzalo Cärdenas, "El Peronismo y la Curia Neoimp(Buenos Peronismo, 2d El Aires: " Cardenas in ed. et al, erial, Cepe, 1973), p. 45. Ediciones

3.

Peron, Aires:

quoted in Enrique Pav6n Pereyra, Macacha Güemes, 1973), Editorial

4.

Peron,

quoted

the early

1950's,

in Feinmann,

in Feinmann,

when concessions

op.

op.

cit.,

cit.,

p.

p.

11.

Peron tal p. 225. 115.

(Buenos como es

129 -

-

Moreover,

companies. ing

that

major

the

he won the

if

that

claration future

Position"

powers - Perbn's

world

that

"Third

one can cite

of Rio and affiliation 1948,

both

would form

linked

"Third

and harmony.

Justicialism

and communist

systems,

had eliminated

would

September

took

purporting

or would eliminate

the form

was clothed

in humanist

arguments

a

of the Treaty in March

States

class

which

of class from

both

a new social

Peron's

conciliation capitalist

system which For Perbns

struggle.

"social problems have never been resolved capital and labour but through harmony. propose ... agreement between them, both which emanate from authority and justice This

in

de-

1950.1

to offer the

two

promising

front"

1947 signing

independence

claimed

"western

of American

in

the

the US; his

with

to the USA; and finally

in Korea

Position"

side

of the

part

Argentina

US intervention

At home the

Argentina

reveal-

from

1946 message to Truman,

to the Organisation

of which

for

support

January

communism; the

war against

instances

was by no means equidistant

elections,

Argentina

diplomatic

several

through struggle between And that is why we under the tutelage of the State". 2

tolerated&

"neither the exploitation of man in the name of capital nor in We want man, while retaining the name of the State. his freedom, to be a human being, principal and end in himself and not of capital an instrument of the appetites or of the State".... "Peronism is humanism in action". 3 This it "the

1. 2.

3.

could

"humanism"

be "humanised"

workers

will

was applied

to

capital

as a means of arriving

progressively

acquire

direct

in Per6n's

argument

at a single ownership

class of the

that of men: capital

Nadra,

op. cit., pp. 79-81. Peron (28.6.44), Pena, El Peronismo, quoted in Milciades (Buenos Aires: de Documentos Para la Historia Ediciones 1973), P. 99. Peron, Doctrina Peronista, 2d ed. Güemes, 1973y-, pp. 69 & 241.

(Buenos Aires:

Ediciones

Seleccibn Fichas, Miacacha

130 -

-

goods

that'only

and gradual" the workforce "solutions

cause we are it

of course

the relative

prosperity, upon that ialism.

prosperity Perbn's

belief

in

the

tinued

Argentine

with

and then textile

factors

workers,

of the former

tions

The failure

by the railwaymen,

Perön,

quoted

2.

Per6n,

Doctrine...,

3.

Per6n,

far

calls fear

op.

in Nadra,

his

war,

in

idea and

hopes for her

enabling

reserves

the early

con-

combined 1950's

sugar workers,

began to show the artificial-

harmony,

class

struggle

p.

op. cit., cit.,

op. cit.,

p.

55. p. 79.

one finds and social

144.

clear

once

through

harmony.

of class

in Feinmann,

3

selection"

bank workers,

and others

class

relative

1.

quoted

workers

by the Nazi

to materialise

decline

of Justic-

was based upon a

exchange

economic

alliance

was premised

merits

Influenced

of this

but

of economic

was achieved

on another

2

the new indus-

years

early

strategy

of foreign

huge stocks

metal

of a bourgeois

both

of biological

ascendancy

in producing

Per6n's

that

be-

to assume that

of the Peronist

of the Cold War, Per6n pinned

the strikes

Behind

economic

as "a process

the combatants.

other

the

to

to offer

fatherland",

naive

than upon any intrinsic

rather

financial

to accumulate

supplying

from

coming of a 3rd World War.

the escalation

again

true

harmony which

class

war was inevitable

of the

classes

while

benefited

whole long-term

seeing

ity

Moreover,

and the workers

Perbn claimed

and exceedingly by the

to be so "slow

out

commerce and industry,

the wellbeing

in

received

any way equal.

trialists

I

benefits

turned

pro-

to have been handed over

appears

the workers,

be fallacious

would

the material

benefit

interested

only

it

the evolutionary

As a bonapartist,

1946-55!

equally

but

In fact,

one brewery

between

which

were in

1

be slow and gradual".

cess will

that

commerce and industry,

of production,

indica-

revolution:

131 -

-

"If

we don't

ent

make a peaceful 1

revolution".

labour

was not

base for Left

imperative Perbn

avoid

a resurgence

to "give

in

3O

intentions friend

of sleeping

time

benefits

also

lose

a solid

to

mass

by a fear

of the

he considered

everything

it 2

later".

In many ways his

of, Rosas who once confided

to a

durability:

of his

secret

but

the workers).

to those

here were similar the

of

make a viol-

material

communism",

than

rather

will

to construct

development

(champion

was no obrerista

of important

by a desire

motivated

a programme of national "to

-

His concession

only

the people

revolution,

"I know and respect the talents of many of the men who have but it to that iae seems governed the country all committed ... they governed very well for the cultured people a great error; I believe important to but scorned the lower classes it'is ... it and over this class to contain establish a major influence have I this influence. I am a gaucho direct it, acquired and do. I talk they I protect them. I am their as gauchos. among I care for their interests". 3 attorney. It

of an independent

spectre

into

class

conciliation

1950's. be formed labour

resisted

to prevent

a military

to repeatedly

justify

the his

Perlin

that

Though in

refusal

to resist

with

integrato preach

him in

the early

workers'

coup and made no attempt

1955 revolt.

like

entrepreneurs

deserted

suggestions

all

resisted

the

with

leaders

continued

industrial

had myopically

He staunchly

movement against

4

Party.

Laborista

when they

cost

many of the

even after he promoted

whose interests

as the

class,

to their

Peronist

the official

when Perbn was faced

matter

working

Reyes were to find

Cipriano tion

different

was an entirely

later

the claim

militias

to mobilise years that

the

he was it

was

1.

Peron, quoted ismo Nacional

SocialPeronismo in Conrado Eggers Lan, Iz uierda (Buenos Aires: Büsqueda, 1972), p. 107. Ediciones

2.

Peron,

in Nadra,

3.

Rosas,

4.

quoted

in Barnes,

op. op.

cit., cit.,

p.

57.

p. S.

quoted "Party and State in Peronist See Walter Little, Review, American Historical 55, " Hispanic vol. (November 1973), PP- 644-662.

Argentina, 53, no. 4

1945-

- 132 -

to avert

bloodshed,

thought,

"think

arsenals

over

in

while

what would to

of Justicialism

and Social

Justice

main orientations

of Peronist

policy,

the Peronist

of

sectors

to be acceptable

vague

industry,

even if

of a judicious

lined

these

that

turn

had gained

FORJA leader "economic

Arturo

Moreover, ward internationally

llels

of their in

by other

countries.

the San Min Chu I

by the Chinese principles

combinations

similar

in

conceding

should

and they

and Hays, de la

in

Torre.

that

be the indispensable

will 2

for

have been put dependent

at the

concerned

The 3 Banners, (Three

be underhad been

the mid-1930's

of principles

writers

to appeal

of the new

The 3 Banners

in

the

sufficiently

sides

It

Ugarte

justice

independence".

of-political

justice.

had sustained

and social

emancipation

counterparts

tion

Jauretche

designed

showed reluctance

Yrigoyen,

the

Econ-

symbolised

of FORJA a decade earlier

from

inspiration

which

to both

were unoriginal.

principles

scared

Sovereignty,

They were left

dose of social

the

"

were similarly

attractive

by the young intellectuals

raised

- slogans

some entrepreneurs

the merits

them...

- Political

alliance.

and indeed

Perbn released

I had handed arms from

if

to grasp

ready

omic Independence

to all

a tired

have happened

the workers

The Three Banners

Paraguay

example,

find

close

Principles

of

the People)

in

1905.3

nationalist

leader

Sun Yat-sen

of nationalism,

people's

democracy

and people's

forsituapara-

outlined

Though his livelihood

1.

5th October 1955; reproduced Peron, quoted in El Dia (Montevideo), (Buenos Aires: Frondizismo Editorial Peronismo in Enrique Rivera, Grande, 1958), pp. 84-92. Patria

2.

Jauretche, p. 307.

3.

"The Enigma of Sun Yat-sen, " in Mary ClaSee Harold Z. Schiffin, (ed. ), China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 baugh Wright (USA: Yale University Press, 1968), pp. 443-474; and Franz Schurmann (eds. ), (Great Republican China Orville Schell 1911-1949 and Penguin, Britain, 1968), pp. 95-97 & 138-139.

quoted in Hernändez Arregui,

La Formaci6n

...,

op. cit.,

133 -

identical

not

are

in

vagueness

fact

their

them with

as a justification Pragmatist

and the

political

is

Moracha

did is

not

take

nacional depatria,

1.

Rivera,

took

its

op.

cit.,

after

in Peron's referring

p. 35.

from

in

when left

to in-

of the Escuela

Superior

prosper

free

Nor was it

did,

to be inculcated

Peronist

discuss-

ideology

as being

the Patio

Capitana,

it

of

intellectual

(editor

Barrios"

metamorphosis,

to Cooke, it

he was still

as a

interest

as doctrines

Evita

Rivera

political

place

than

man, to the raising

to dismiss

his

he urged more militant

letters

not

by

de Is.

of the official

was certainly

exceeding-

shallow.

immediately

place

in his

ially

ideas

of Ambrico

alleged

rather

Peron had little

could

emerging

unfair

as Enrique

to say that

true

than

and exceedingly

Peron's

in-

while

propounded

house Mundo Peronista.

he viewed -

and the articles

partial

and left-wings

banners,

policies

as a military

attitude,

slightly

Democracia),

paper

which

Muchachos Peronistas,

no more thanoLos

the fascist

Justicialist

his

for

publishing

minds rather

Though it

in

them to legitimise

Raul Mend&, director

official

consciousness

people's

today

reflection

of Justicialism

as he was,

like

by Per6n's

engendered

ideas

development

mediocrities

Peronista

the

political

own interpretations.

generally

tellectual

both

deliberate

to diverse

finds

invoke

their

shared

appeal

still

regimes

forward

were the early

ideological

their

in Argentina

These then

genuine

ly

their

they

respect

the Chinese

of

Similarly,

to action.

ion.

this

Movement have carried

Peron,

into

both

that

scribing

guide

to maximise in

success

behaviour.

the

of

of Justicialism,

an endeavour

Their

currents. the

to those

took

his

displacement tactics

in than

a decade before

pronouncements. to Justicialism

'left

so-called

While

1955. previously,

talk

By 1958, as a "social

turn', it

espec-

of socialismo in

Los Ven-

revolution"

135 -

20 years

misunderstood World

Third

"the

-

had now become the banner

previously, World

Third

is

were the precursors

and we have paid

Of course

of the Third

"Third

this

bears

World",

liberation

Soviet

to lean,

tend

the general was just

a position

of equidistance

or

powers, 'in

two great themselves the

at

or lesser

that

the first tage

Castro

Fidel

of left-wing

the latter'.

sympathies

s death

for

between

them

Movement,

in

accordance

with

a bloodless

"Justicialism -

form,

He even went so far the

in

Another

Cuba was his

towards

a

as to claim

he would have become

1940's,

4

America!

countries,

one of the major

had become Socialist

3

backing

of Latin

his

in

the

durable.

particularly

transition,

Soviet

had, he received

towards

from

policies.

to balance

tried

that

support

international

extents,

have seriously

Socialism".

receive

of the underdeveloped

governments

of the world,

an indispensable

fact

Soviet

with

way Peron maintained

and humanistic

national

of a

from adopting

which

evolution

idea

far

have been few in number and not In this

the very

ploy

eulogy

to take

advan-

of Guevara after

in Bolivia:

figure by the Latin Ameri"Today, the most extraordinary offered His death-rends has fallen as a hero in struggle. can revolution He is an example of conduct, of disinterestedness, my soul. of ' 5 the spirit of sacrifice, of renouncement... The irony

is

that

Guevara in his

youth

1.

Per6n, Letter pp. op. cit.,

to HernAndez Arregui 187 & 292.

2.

Perlin,

quoted

in Nadra,

op* cit.,

3.

Perlin,

quoted

in Eggers

Lan,

4.

Nadra,

op.

5.

Perön,

quoted

cit.,

had considered (10.12.69), p. 25.

op* cit.,

p. 44.

p. 85. in Mugicay

op.

cit.,

2

pay".

main

to greater

Governments

powers.

and indeed

precursors

Most of the

one looks

if

which

"We

to reality.

Union and align

Moreover,

World,

price

Position"....

resemblance

the

from

the

I

little

movements,

independence

they

view

the Third

now in

of the

p. 38.

Perlin

a dictator.

in Pav6n Pereyra,

136 -

Nacional

Socialismo

by Josh L6pez Rega as "national

preted

I

Nazism and Fascism, Socialism", power,

and by the

respecting

to cite,

interpretation, he said

Per6n's

that

during

were also

(1968)

Perlin

in which

Italy

"all

eliminated

and traditions.

as supportive

evidence

to a passage that

argued

momentary

2

the world".

in

The their

for

which

he had encountered

to Italy,

in

the Allied possibilities

"the

To back this

'La Hora de los defeat

to

road

Luna in

to Felix

of

and popular

conditions

to appear

to refer

able

brother

socialization

1969 statement

1937 trip

his

nacional

socialismo

they

January

to be inter-

as a "national

of economic

national

specific

Left

it

a blood

socialism",

Peronist

as a system

understood

L6pez Rega wing were able

first

vague for

was sufficiently

up,

Pueblos

of Germany and nacional

of a socialismo

3

hand,

On the other statements

"the

that

4

his..

ialism

Velasco's

Peru and Allende's

for

the French

students

in May '68 and his

is

solution

to liberate

was that

The truth

his

was Socialist,

on social

recognised

nobody

at

the

Peron's

only

reply

if

the time

one points considered

promoted

social

"Socialist",

if

Las Bases (Buenos Aires),

I. 2.

Peron, quoted in Felix Luna, El 45,7th 1975), P. 58. ial Sudamericana,

3.

Per6n,

La Hora...,

4.

Peron,

in

op.

cit.,

p.

the Buenos Aires

"it

one examines

(Buenos Aires:

7th

July

which

of a governall

18th March 1972, ed.

pivots

regime,

174. Herald,

was de-

can be immed-

as an example

In fact,

justice.

freed

why Justic-

was because

it

his

declaration

exactly

Justicialist

early

Jose Lopez Rega,

quoted

to state

of such a definition

to the

Chile,

nacional

use of socialismo

was that

sympathetic

the way Fidel

in

country

When obliged

The inadequacy

justice".

iately

ment which

to Peron's

point

to China,

broad and varied.

liberately

could

relating

support

public

the Left

1970.

the

p. 46. Editor-

- 137 -

ways in which ing

theme that

examples

nacional

socinlismo emerges is

preached

Quite

he was to include

regimes,

"like

monarchies".... a Socialist

Mitterand

term with countries

his

Party

blanket

"a great -

only

unify-

to fascist

a monarchy

there

Socialist

was deemed to be a "Marxist"

"socialist

their

Wilson),

1

though

with the

was also

movement" 2

whereas in

still

which

"Socialist"

which

fall

interviews

into

kinds

three

in which

1955 was an error

among the mainstream

Firstly,

Per6n appeared

which

definitions

of political

in

1969,

repeat

Perlin

as to were soon

made by their

there

to confess

he would not

Left

Peronist

of such imprecision

as a result

categories.

paper Arriba

Falangist

arose

integrity

away by other

that again.

were numerous his

leader, press

when interviewed

He was more certain the following

1955 events million

year,

Interviewed

by the

commented:

people,

1.

Peron,

quoted

in

2.

Peron,

La Hora...,

3.

Peron, quoted July 1970.

in

by the Cuban news agency

when he declared "I would

more clearly,

if

Pavön Pereyra,

cit.,

cit.,

p.

the Buenos Aires

op.

to kill

needed".

pp.

post-

the necessary

3

215-216.

158. Herald,

23rd April

I

Prensa

had he foreseen

that:

have decided

or even a million,

op.

in

non-resistance

"Perhaps I did wrong ... in not giving arms to the people ..... those who were to succeed me would be so antinever thought If I had to decide today, perhaps I would think patriotic. twice".

half

the

camp.

swept

Latina

It

or not.

reference

term,

as

has been elimin-

with

(under

at present

Within

Democratic

Any doubts Peron's

England

in France

"national"

the Nordic

government".

German Social

use of the

it

practised

capitalism

where

the

and movements offered

they

whether

to countries

from his

apart

the regimes

all

justice,

social

was by no means limited ated.

that

by Peron,

was employed

1969 & 7th

-138-

ful

Peronist

al

rejuvenation

his

devotees

window

every

cadres

into

Left

Peronist their

that

this

did

day"

but

rather

leading

just

50".

youth

the

guerrilla

outlined

his

formations"

and "special

isations

formations"

The "special

received

"youth"

the wonderful

the minds

in

of many Peroninter-

war,

In a message to the youth 'revolutionary

as elements

which

war',

both

as including in

in

surface

here

only

supported

"gradual

preponderance

tactical

independence

1.

Perlin,

La Hora...,

2.

Per6n,

in

quoted

as the violent

by Peron but

struggle

due to the impracticality

pp.

171-172.

the Buenos Aires

Herald,

op. cit.,

develops"

1971,

dated

an "integral

but praise

and eulogised

and,

2

back

organstrategy".

-

"We have a marvellous youth which every day unequivocally "I have its capacity greatness" absolute and strates ... to die for their ideals". in our lads who have learnt They were not

of

to a

attracted

of revolutionary

nothing

was

up our banners

take

to victory".

of the Resistance,

years

early

of

that

of

due to

to play

were greatly

or later,

warfare.

conception

contin-

the alienation

be of some use "to

authorisation

young

old men of 20 and youths

are

most importantly

and perhaps

as urban

there

sooner

them forward

was Per6n's

Leftists,

had a role

the young radicals

carry

Thirdly,

Perlin

"for

of age,

best

of

of the

out

the historical

Per6n avoided

still

he hoped he could

that

will

they

person

wisdom and prudence, and in arguing

we have and who will,

we hope,

preted

that

of generationmore zestful

of the

promotion

same time,

to the

an old

so as to safeguard

At the

Nevertheless,

man who said

a gradual

positions

a question

1

paean "throwing

not

by saying

elders

out

to the youth-

out

a kind

generacional, He pointed

Movement.

of his

experience,

not

to

of

Perbn held

which

frasvasamiento

of the movement.

uity

ist

was the promise

there

Secondly,

also

demonfaith

promised

and given

of direction

from

16th February

1972.

total

139 1

Madrid.

Most of the letters

Peronist

guerrilla from

of congratulation late

communication it

ment until

in

2

falls",

you in

with

their

ranks".

made up for

nacional.

Not only

but

egy and tactics itself. ist

those

who do not,

words,

and ideological being

doxy is

combat".

Peron's

2. 3. 4.

in

for

Luis

Lozada's

definition

in

somebody who tries

to work

change of difference

this

rather,

warfare' In other

ideas.

them was not

and

so much a political this

question,

attitude

"The only

statement:

ortho-

4

of urban

definition

who realised

that

guerrilla

warfare

by most of the Peronist it

was nothing

was thus Left,

of the sort

a la juventud, " Cristianismo pp. 8-10. Peron, quoted in the Buenos Aires Herald, Cristianismo "Carta a las FAP, " (12.2.70), (September 1970), p. 20. "Perrin habla (June 1971),

strat-

a reform-

their

immortal

such

define

'revolutionary

as a methodological

to

between

revolution;

how revolutionary

earlier

on their

difference

between

who undertake

of revolutionary

promotion

a revolutionary minority

those

question

synthesised

that

violent

no matter

the meaning

the

govern-

a year

and somebody who seeks a total

system

between

was seen as that

legitimacy

confer

guerrillas,

an inevitably

through

system

the

it

the

guerrillas,

seen as a revolutionary

was not

and a revolutionary within

did

"hit

to really

reluctance

one such

can be proud

people

For many Peronist

Perbn's

was also

For many Argentine

peacefully

1.

it

...

to

Armed Forces

"the

personal

received

intention

their

comrades" 3

received

The Montoneros

the Peronist

whereas

messages more than socialismo

Perrin.

1971 supporting

were commended as "valient count

organisations

viewed the

while

felt

v Revoluc16n,

that

Peron's

29

no.

22nd December 1971. Y Revoluci6n,

in C6rdoba newspaper, 20th February Luis Lozada, Interview in ibid., 1971), pp. 14-18. no. 28 April reproduced

as

no.

25

1971,

140 tactical advantage the

until written 1973,

The majority,

late

1960'a

for

pursued

On one occasion, strategy

pendular

left,

to urge

to maintain

if

felt

that

was in-

it

In

struggle. line

1955,

since

nor had he consist-

of his

this

Move-

of the

tendencies

the unity

movement and temporar-

involved

enough to pre-

became strong

the other

no before

revolutionary

tactically

with

opposition

guerrilla

and bourgeois

though

experience

in

Movement illustrated,

possible,

to Perön's

of Peronism

a consistent

one tendency

with

a threat

sent

if

it

sought

Peroniet

and who were provided

or non-Peronist

Peronist

He had always

siding

period

the bureaucratic

supported

even broaden ily

post-55.

a non-revolutionary

as the Revolutionary

ment.

1970's

be taken

should

the main lacked

who in

by the Peronist

either

method of struggle

or early

of the

analyses

Peron had not

ently

their

of.

conceivable fact,

towards

attitude

plans. Peron,

in

a very

cynical

way,

laid

bare his

to an interviewer:

I wanted to include the Justicialist "Within score, all the that led An this different was experience example of melodies. thing was for there to "The important by Vendor and Framini" ... between the the Movement coexistence be within and cooperation but with me at the two currents, only in appearance, counterposed Father. I assigned to Vendor the top in the role of the Eternal leadership evolutionary and conservative of the negotiating, the only ones which the regime would tolerate; while currents, the revolutionary, the leadership Framini aggressof assumed ... Both helped to bring the system. ive wing, permanently attacking to the role assigned to them in the strategy together, according the Command, the Superior shades and currents which conall of to our labourto give a national tributed content and Christian them to clash, When the dynamic of events forced ing masses. taking they had to do it without care not making too much noise, Anyway, they had injuries to cause irreparable or resentments. 1 in me an arbiter and moderator par excellence". Unfortunately, which harass

1.

time

this

interview

Per6n had successfully

and pressurise

Peron,

only

quoted

in

the military

Pav6n Pereyra,

gained

broad

used his

"special

government

op* cit.,

circulation

into

in

formations" allowing

p. 271.

1973,

by

to his

return.

141 -

In fact,

for

"good

1

soldier",

weeks before

power in

seized

festo,

one finds

in his

towards Argentine national

through

population"

based,

reconstruction

Germany being

presented

the revolution,

never

in

became a problem

objectives

ment and his as the

claiming

were his

period

less

4

quoted

in Nadra,

Other

progressed.

govern-

to socialismo

nacional

His new theme then

of Latin American Unity: 5 Above all, it or dominated". the merits

p. 84.

4.

& 132. 19,43 (Buenos Aires), Plana Primera in Peron, Interview 1971, quoted in Nadra, op, cit., p. 15.

5.

Peron,

op. cit.,

communism

the, Lanusse

3.

La Hora...,

West

of Perön's

Tiempo de Tragedia, Perlin, quoted in Andrew Graham-Yooll, (Buenos Ediciones Aires: Argentina Revoluciön la de lo a Flor, 1972), p. 30.

op* cit.,

cit.,

the

involve

with

that

2.

op,

pacify

as a fireman

Peron,

La Hora...,

This

1971 in which

1.

Peron,

of

heading

would

indicators

with

rule

us united

in

supporters

references

expounding find

Plana

frequent

of military

2000 will

"The

support.

which

"made sure

policies

to negotiate

preparedness

became 'Continentalism', "The year

his

our country".

increasingly

1966-73

bourgeois

to potential that

for

on hard work,

partly,

2

the Communist Mani-

as the man "to

to Primera

the statements

himself

like

as a country

solution"

several

3

as an example.

cited

There were also Perlin

least

at

lasted

The government

sectors

himself

a "national

a

statements

of Argentina

Perbn presenting

with

an abyss,

when Onganla,

and "reactionary".

be more at home in

portrait

There

which

has ended.

to bourgeois

appeals

attitude

alongside

to see.

not

an attitude

intentions

real

as "gorila"

the world

which would

was seen particularly

1966,

Pueblos

over

clear

and see"

was characterised

La Hora dehn

his

begins",

peoples

"wait

initial

of the bourgeoisie

reign

of

had to be somewhat blinkered

the regime

in

Moreover,

the

his

example,

of Perön's

indications

were other Left

the Peronist

which was,

there

Cronode Is

pp.

p.

119.

7th

September

-142-

demanded a high

level

a man who chose. to reject

utionary

take

stead

Jimenez's

in

refuge

Venezuela,

Franco's

Peronist in

rooted Benitez

lack

their

of anti-Peronist

Peron

the Nicaragua

Republic

in the

and Francisco

of its

the

governments.

post-1955 these

regimes

reasons,

was massively that

that

3 (After

but

and this

to analysing

be surprising, those

in Pavön Pereyra,

Peron,

2.

Padre Hernän Benitez, Cristianismo Aramburu", PP. 5-11.

3.

Per6n,

quoted

Peronist

op.

p.

who will through

not

against

for

economic

factor

are

in

obvious

it

their diffi-

level

but

could

be

op.

cit.,

it

and had the

194.

"Causas y responsable s de la 'ejecuciön' (September Revoluci6n, 25 1970), no. y

in Pavbn Pereyra,

de

of opposition

myths most easily

cit.,

In this

; "Deträs

a revolt

if

exper-

myths.

at a collective

and by no means illogical,

who swallowed

1.

quoted

motivations

2

unpopular

come those

was a major There

do not

cognitive

mainly

As

within".

the main force

movement which,

Per6n was

"they

saying

through

of

in power.

from

me will

They saw that

pro-Peron

in

came to Peronism

youths

and demerits

labour

faith

whose frequent

the Spanish

recite

activists

of Peronist

Peron had to be a revolutionary.

attached not

merits

was the

naive

the

executioners,

strengthening

For many Peronist

an evaluation

that

of Peronism

governments

que bueno me harän"

make me good).

proven

and in-

Marcos Perez

1950 and their

or after

justifiably

could

los

Their

experience

before

were a factor

mi vendrän

would

I

They know anti-Peronism

from within.

ience

measures

to suggest

naive.

of personal

slightly

culties

Stroessner,

Dominican

commented of Aramburu's

succinctly

was that

wish

were innately

Most were born

belief

to view as revol-

of hospitality

offer

of Alfredo

Trujillo's

one does not

left

know Peronism

to

Left

Spain.

By naivety,

sense,

Peronist

amigo de ideales"),

viejo

Rafael

the Castro's

the Paraguay

Somoza ("mi

of Anastasio

the

for

of naivety

p. 327.

de

143 -

illusions

greatest ly

participated

of

guilt

in in

hostility

past

who had previous-

and were full

organisations

anti-Peronist

their

about

Per6n were those

a revolutionary

towards

the

popular

of feelings

movement.

Evita

"Se siente, se eiente, Evita est& presente. Evita presente, en cada combatiente. Si Evita viviera seria Montonera" Montonera, Evita from Left chant. a Peronist Evita Left

was not

as a battle

Historia

any other

"traitors"

Peronist

Left that

within

1.

2.

for

her

cited

content hatred

a tremendous

traditional

the Movement. political

Evita

were alive

today,

intellect

del

Peronismo,

was unashamedly

emotive

perhaps

and worship for

attraction

opponents

her actual

"if

two highly

of the rich

She became a cult

more than

Evita's expressed:.

those

than

of Peron.

but

for also

figure

for

in no way justified

she would

the

works,

the Left

of Peronism

record

as

of revolutionary

source

2

was to serve

was no more sophisticated

though

In her Historia dain

the

out at

ed the

claim

held

rhetoric hit

only

their

of the poor,

love

Her radical not

but

author

Her contribution

and La Raz6n de mi Vida,

Peronismo

del

preaching

Left

on the Peronist

influence

and a plentiful

standard

The Peronist

phraseology.

of

to offer.

she had no ideology

for

a myth,

an ideological

strictly

she attackthe the

be a Montonero".

appeal "Here

to emotion

and dis-

we don't

need many

Pinedo, Jorge Consi Lucba in Montonera", "Evita reproduced as Argentino. 1955-1973 (Buenos Popular en el Proceso Revoluclonario Freeland, 1974), p. 110. Translation: "We can feel Aires-, Editorial Evita is present in each that Evita is with us, Evita is among us. today, she would be a Montonero". If Evita were alive fighter. (Buenos Presidencia Aires: de la del Peronismo Historia Eva Perön, 1953); La Raz&n de mi Vida Naci6n, Subsecretar a de Informaciones, (Buenos Aires: Relevo, 1973). Editorial

-144-

but

heart

with

than

why Peron not

"to

Perrin with

love

hope and the vellous soul

Evita

language, in,

of his

the merits

to the in

encuentro

someone to lead

out having thing

until

Though the is

the

to their remained view

leader,

was an essentially 1.

Eva Peron,

2.

Eva Peron,

3. ' Eva Perlin,

a person to

"the

marthe and

to believe

be judged

on

alludes

that

one is

conductor,

theory

advance

in history

revolutionary

op.

cit.,

to achieve

theory

the people

de Crisis, p.

129.

3

want")

of the people

gave rise

the conductor-pueblo formula.

any-

them.

them was unquestioned

Pen-a, op. cit.,

Cuadernos

with-

and the people

was upon loyalty

that

Left

what

of the

to direct

leader

providential

to

the al-

the famous

arrives

"does

what

around

The masses are unable

The encuentro

Goldar,

Though it

revolves

cannot

commitment

in Milciades

quoted (Buenos Aires:

This

people

the

Perdn's

Argentine

quoted

the

the nerve,

have adorned

so romanticised

writings

by the Peronist

in

work.

conductor

of faith.

an article

inherited

(the

in Evita's

whereas

a historical

tale.

the

between

reciprocal

emphasis

leader

them".

leader,

relationship

purportedly

the whole

great

was

such religious

a political

are

"the

to which

according

With

and the masses,

of Perlin

meeting

most magical

these a fairy

is

with

fact

in

is not

presented

did

this

actions.

of Peronism,

origins

fact

than

but

and moreover, which

2

as to

she wrote,

soul,

Peron as a god,

presented

political

The Historia

1

virtues

by humanity.

rather

"the

people"

and highest

offered

genii

to have faith

in,

he is

for

argument

her descamisados

a Peronist,

for

of the Argentine

of the best

the

of all

thing

the

more with

no rational

myth and exhorting

ones soul"

all

reality

epitome

emotional

his

learnt

of the masses,

support

The most important

him.

to love

the uncritical

from building

her

is

She offered

the intellect".

deserved

prevent

Justicialism

because

many hearts

intellects

It

pp.

and

to the symbiosis

depended on the 107-108.

1974),

p. 31.

c

- 145 -

idea

of a "dialogue"

a dialogue

in

ogue"

The idea reality

does not

on numerable

Evita

down the requests

the

the

in

Peronist

Left

encouraged

faith

on May Ist

1974 that

the

in

he had no respect

Evita's

want".

independent

condemnation

of Marxism

ignored

by the

Peronist

workers

of the world

Left.

to unite

"dial-

was

the

theory

by

any nearer.

It

who was to demonstrate and was not

At the same time,

it

pre-

helped

on revolutionary

steer

organisation

of Per6n. in

the

Marx received but

for

of this

"dialogue"

views

truly

any forms

and indeed

for

1

Leninist

away from

left

Peronist

people

leader

the

1951 when

the revolution

on the

Plaza

not,

to stand

Acceptance

bring

not

and dependency

"do what the

to

pared

did

certainly

than

in August

of a mass CGT rally

in

that -

more often

coming elections.

mass following,

the mass rallies

least

not

occasions,

and his

consideration

a. "monologue",

constituted

Vice-Presidency

through serious

merit

demonstrated turned

the leader

made operative

supposedly

de Mayo.

between

existing

his

ideas

same work was studiously

in

his

for

praise

general

call

to the

were rejected

as:

humane sentiments to the profoundly "contrary of the people"... "He denies religious sentiment of God"... and the existence Marxism is materialist "Moreover, and. this also makes it unbecause it "On the other hand, it is unpopular popular"... human right the so profoundly to property". 2 suppresses Though few members of the Peronist and most saw Marxism

supporting

a political

property.

The Left

their

"a useful

for them to see Evita

congruous

taining

as only

era,

that

which

they

as Marxists

themselves it

method of anlaysis",

implied

the

limitations

were as revolutionary

at

objection

were the

See below,

p.

2.

Eva Perlin,

quoted

in Milciades

Pena,

pp.

by main-

limitations

as was possible

op. cit.,

same time

of private

in

290.

1.

was in-

the

elimination this

to circumnavigate

and Peron's

Evita's

that

described

as a revolutionary'while

project attempted

Left

110-1t1.

of the

early

146Peronist

Such an ardent

period.

on the most timid

attire

The Peronist a plebeian though

and revolutionary

himself.

harmony "the

fundamental

of the

"to

between

the

tury,

"the

balance

privileged

are

privilege happy with

under

scale.

Her radicalism

over

the

Peronist

her

role

in

Left.

the issue

For though

and some improvement

in

their

is

where machismo was and still women would

she didn't

family. to

It

surrender

subordination was worthy needed

not

the

have been out

strong,

of place Evita

have one herself,

was a natural herself

out

thing, of love"

of women's movements of them.

Whereas men could

company which

only

for

a home-life

system

could

ideas

be

could

on the

Union. defender

she claimed,

offer

of

by for

in Argentina

collectively,

alone,

cen-

the

role

of

Maybe beof the give

herself,

she urged

the cause of a man" so long Live

due

organisation

a women "to

to a man while, "to

that

as progressive

the Mothers'

she argued,

the

with

a bour-

the past

especially

gras a great

it

been overstated

political

many of her in

being

that

can be regarded

condition,

social

presented

no revolutionary

of women, their

the enfranchisement

of class

in which

century

of women has also

Evita

idea

Evita

over

reveal

Furthermore,

than

she argued

privileged

by another

but

and replace

that

of

to the workers'

of course

true

is

such statements

attack.

her-time

this

by the

must be restored

the workers",

was not

it

the

Here,

disappear

and labour",

of the workers

exploitation

both

in relation

struggle

While

Movement,

no more radical

imperialisms".

make class

capital

fact

one finds

of Justicialism

dream internationally.

geois

cause

"two

has offered.

Peronist

early

she was in

origin

revolutionary

Eva Per6n as a representative

of the

wing

objective

as being

cooperation

history

In La Raz6n de mi Vida,

and the notion

movement"

to

was to present

ehe was of plebeian

Peron

that

reformists

Left

be used to bestow

could

as he

women

and to be a wife

- 147 "profession".

was woman's natural It

ist

Left

and facilitated

of

future,

ions, it

life,

short

however,

of Evita's

rhetoric

with

coherent

if

a loss

the

agricultural

economic

the

changes

enemy within

within

than

the landed

within

1.

Eva Peron,

La Raz6n de...,

2.

Eva Peron,

quoted

in

land

and "the

Goldar,

op.

op.

the

only

be

not

to a belief did not

that

the

represent

a.

restoration had signif-

of income

from the

eliminated

Evita

more afraid

pp. p.

turned

her

guns

of the oligarchy She warned against

17th".

Peronist

Cit.,

that

words pertained

oligarchic

dead,

cit.,

occas-

expropriations.

oligarchs'for

on October

through-

out

had not

it

the

carried

Though Peronism

sector,

"I'm

for

dead,

could

really

power and a transfer

the Movement...

our cause"

by the

through

the one we defeated

but

Peronism

1955 coup.

political

base of the oligarchy left

ideas

revolutionary

That

to the industrial

on the

Pilots

social

through

of oligarchic

Having

"the

future

cen-

of revolutionary

had already

was to be demonstrated

prominence

ied

Evita's

in progress.

was already

political

sense,

this

was the key to

blend

uneasy

the

On other

was already

and this

1945,

the

in

a promise

and deep-felt.

oligarchy

Peronism

that

one considered

revolution

was only

and even some conservative

so much to the need for

social

For

writings.

In this

revolution

October

on 17th

reformist

a revolution.

the

die

who had snubbed her

genuine

that

she maintained

this

Peron-

the Jacobin. bloodshed,

undoubtedly

oligarchs,

was certainly

had been defeated

paradox

that

impassioned

her to the

endeared

or without

of man, will

of the

her hatred

really

"With

be underlined

and her

oligarchy

the myth of Evita

of

growth

exploiters

should

though

her

out

It

the

which

to the oligarchs:

oligarchs, 2

tury".

death

the

against

injustice

of social

She preached race

diatribes

was Evita's

condemnations

1

leaders

who develop

95-96 & 193-199. 135.

to

148personal

circles

For me they truth,

is

a lot

on Per6n's

were helped

the

reader

"vanity,

in

2

graphic

In this

release

Eva Perlin, Evita

life

"serve

1945 workers'

did

indeed

a part

performed

in

historical

these

events,

by labour

leaders

developed

mobilisation

research it

was far

since

her writings

are full

de Crisis,

rallying

resulted a

the work-

than

important

Reyes. up with

3 At the that

of

of her husband.

Ibid.,

3.

See "La CGT y el 17 de Octubre de 1945, " Todo es Historia (February 1976), pp. 70-90. 105 Aires), no.

pp.

claimed.

less

2.

cit.,

dis-

if

Eva Perön,

op.

not

has shown that

deification

of nauseating

a saintly

she presented

1.

p.

Cuadernos

which

such as Cipriano

her. myth was no inextricably-linked

by'a Evita

In her Historia,

yet

the

mit fatherland

my people,

gone round

She

a modest heroine

In particular,

of how she had supposedly

play

the message which

cause of the people,

death.

her

her writings.

she was really

the to

speak out from

fills

woman" yet

from imprisonment.

ers

Per6n,

be

have been maintained

not

way her myth was being

to the cause of Perlin,

same time,

own van-

of way, but

sort

which

was that

her

17th October

the

account

the role

a "humble

even before

party

Peron's

his

some justification

and ambition"

humility

tb receive

who had dedicated

for

but

Yet in

to serve

the Fundacibn

could

alone

was bound up with

life

and Perbn".

credit

with

charity,

egoism

false

as only

was supposed

interested

could

idols".

station

the people

a paternalistic

pride,

of that

covers

whose whole figure

clay

ambition.

salary.

herself

presented

in

oligarchs,

serve

her

Her wardrobe

herself.

Moreover, under

Through

herself.

of people helped

also

He does not I

excessive

who uses his

official

egoism and ambition",

to Evita

and their

egoism They are

as "the

an oligarch.

pride,

applied

their

are not Peroniats.

such statements

himself ity,

(serving)

16-18.

W. (Buenos

Eva

149 The latter among the

clouds

2

the masses,

blind

self-image

plebeian

taking

yet

the jewels

the whole tury",

from

right

was to gain

and "like from

adulation

based upon

a reaction

and the people, Cindarella"

since

bureaucratic of

Spain,

receiving

the

funds

years

of Evita

in

her

"one day"

Party.

Eva Peron, quoted el Peronismo, " in

Eva Perlin,

4.

Tim Rice,

quoted Lyrics

climber

as a

fgscist

visiting

from Franco

and

her death

and after

many facets

of

Peronist

Left.

were dismissed

Indeed,

so strong

hid

Stories

did

Evita

lies

the myth become that

to discuss

on the basis

about

as malicious

the merits

of empirical

and

evidence.

Simbolos y H6roes en in Pedro Geltman, "Mitos, Cärdenas et al, El Peronismo, op. Cit., p. 134.

The Woman with Eva Peron, quoted in Mary Main, Evita: (Great Britain: Corgi, 1977), pp. 230-235.

3.

of

at mass events.

the later

a Peronist

social

Catholic

the

has become near impossible with

cen-

servant

up as a revolutionary,

of Isabel

the Pundacibn

inherit

of an ever-expanding

herself

salutes

am

this

and selfless

had no qualms about

Grand Cross

or "in

greatest

the acquisition

yet

from

as "the

"I

one day you'll

you....

in Barnes, of the rock

a

and glamor-

to her descamisados, for

career

She adopted

the most expensive

was always

up by Evita

from

it

it

And she set

by the Radical

weakspots

but

involved

and politics

recent

the oligarchs

the falangist

The myth built

pocketing

explaining

the proletariat,

reciprocating

life

weakly

yet

empire.

banner

to dress

hypocritical.

She posed as a dedicated

now.

4

loved

3

collection",

not

Per6n

2.

and sure

incarnate"

than

rather

was totally

writing

and jewels,

ous minks

1.

as an "ideal

of course,

and devotion

faith

Much of Evita's

in

I

high

judgement.

critical

spread

The aim,

who flies

condor

to God",

and close

a god to Argentines".

her

as a "giant

was portrayed

ope cit., opera

p.

Evita,

126. 1976.

the Whin

-150-

left,

The Peronist close

for

pro-Nazi

It

of Buenos Aires

Even more ironic

author

the

of

the Peronist

from

the

and junior

unions.

the

for did

which

arrive,

the plan

was shelved.

utionary

image,

justifiably

Nevertheless,

though,

from

The Montonero

so.

scheme of armed defence

"the

the defence

a basically

defend icies

of what?

of income

ination

of

seems highly

distribution,

capitalism. doubtful

It

but

of the

5,000

the episode

helped

the militia for

structure, rather

all

from

its

plan

progressive

with is

pol-

based upon the elim-

of the militia that

un-

quite

have been used to

the information

available,

1.

" La Causa Peronista Dardo Cabo, "La milicia peronista, (30th July 1974), p. 29. 4 Aires), no.

it

would have been

Eva or even the

put

probable

before

the key question

would

than a system

the direction

hands and highly

but

45 .

her revol-

build

we have,

information

action

the Dutch

with

were distributed

by the Cubans",

the

members were to come

into

proletarian

in

militia

who were to go into

1

was

was also

Dardo Cabo was to compare Eva's

Furthermore, that

Its

1952.

Left

one hundred

the scanty

In Argentina,

capitalist

the Peronist

of her militia about

sung by

happily

Eva made an arms deal

only

the

was also

a Peronist

army officers

provisioning

out

of Isabel

rhetoric.

of creating in

Left

parentage.

had for

Evita

by Perön

a coup seemed likely.

Family

pistols

idea

vetoed

a plan

its

quasi-revolutionary

radical-sounding

trade

whenever Royal

attraction

a result

1950's,

early

which

for

Ivan

of recognised

Peronist

Ivanissevich

the

and Dr.

figure, the

Evita's

rather

the administration

that

a thought

of her

latter

Los Muchachos Peronistas,

song,

without

The magnetic

due to her

Cooke but

to drive

during fact

the

is

Peronist Youth

simply

the

that

ironic

was the man chosen

sympathies,

Perön.

not

highly

is

the University

of

like

that

of the Movement such as Hernän Benitez

elements

Ivanissevich.

to accept

refused

simply

the few militants

were not

associates

right-wing

example,

(Buenos

151 -

young

NCO's would

have kept

worth

emphasising

that,

tation

ism and to describe

it

the

to her

attributed

ving

for

credit

thoroughly a banner

certainly

Left

would

were,

in

myth must to some extent Her death

from

economic

1946-

of the feminine heroine. a banner

paving

have found

the way for ",

future

Eva had said.

much in

and deserthus

became a

Her myth was taken which

common with

up as

by implication

pre-

Movement as more

illusions.

"I

will

She was correct, the

armed struggle

the

for

the most

with

and the Peronist

governments

at the

problems

Evita

vote,

be

cancer

some ways progressive

thousands while

but of

believing

thats "Eva Perön embodied more than anyone the energy and motor of "The the proletarian rebellion which Peronism signified"... is projected in the numerous armed true image of Evita... 1 bear her name". which comandos

THE IDEOLOGICAL COMPOUND

The three gredients

1.

"Si no.

ideological

of mainstream

Evita Viviera 30 (September

currents Peronist

Left

examined above were the main inideology

- i. e.

Sera Montonera, " Cristianiemo 1971), p. 2.

is

mechan-

of the

acceptance

of serious

onset

who were to embrace revolutionary

youths

it

interpre-

a defence

was purely

entails

1952.

struggle,

be millions... not

it

revolutionary

Peronist

they

and I will

return

promotion

of Peronist

than

radical

scheme,

Though in

years.

her

early

the most revolutionary

so her image came to be identified

undeserving

the

sented

the

with

the golden

of

Again,

one put

of Evita's

death

timely

government,

golden

leadership.

as revolutionary.

strength

age of 33 coincided

on its

grip

as revolutionary

governments

Finally,

Peronist

even if

on the militias

possible

55 Peronists

a firm

of the

y Revolucibn,

- 152-

tendency

movimientista to

a lesser

did

extent

is

cy which

Cooke though

historical

loose

but

ideological

postures

those

which

divided

while

looking

All

three

to

related

tradiction"

involved

the

old

the

main beneficiaries

However, tion"

after

1930's the

popular the rise

and 1940's

dynamic

historical that

for

the national

it

of the national

but was dated. bourgeoisie

(by

1955, many industrialists

1.

See below, pp. 249-257.

The

than is

worth-

to two works

referring

that

conviction dilemma

This

had deeply

over

ver-

make-up

interests

contradicin

the

penetrated

conflict experience

had showed

anti-imperialist

to the opposition

of

were Britain.

with

"principal

Peronist

conditionally

had passed

social

relations

of Argentine

The 1946-55 was only

as "Oligarchy

bourgeoisie

capital

con-

of imperialism

to the

the

which

"principal

and commercial

industrial

view

the

expressed

remained

foreign

outlook

was that

dependent

country's

nationalists

sectors.

1

it

section

historical

when landed

and even after

industrial roots

of the

briefly

was more relevant

Argentina,

agro-export

influences,

more important

concluding

and socially

Such a dichotomy

sus People".

was only

unity

of formative

a revisionist

shared

domestically

the nation,

this

in

the Argentine

in

ideological

and

themselves.

shared their

provided

one to speak of a tendency.

through

Left

currents

was closely

versus

diversity

that

at

though

them,

of

tercermundismo

them were far

united

which

by the Peronist

produced

to enable

coherent

their

the diversity

despite

nevertheless,

Peronism

the two tendencies,

Movimientista

revisionism.

tenden-

The latter

chapter.

revolutionary

between

Only

chapters.

alternativista

substantive

of Peronism,

evaluations

was sufficiently

"

of the final

was some overlap

positive

later

in

the smaller

by the Marxist-mediated

there

their

be analysed

will

influence

they

the subject

was more inspired

by their

which

camp)

-153-

and that (hence

its the

contradiction lack

In all the

tain

its

this

hegemonic

it

within

position

as the Argentine

national

ing

its

"social

for

capacity

of the socialismo

reverse

side

refusal

to examine

and learn

national

and social

liberation

"Third

World"

important Finally,

three

all

the view

with,

through

unfold

historically

than

the

The limitations

ed that Left. Left

Since, tendency

national

national

can be easily

be seen,

as will lay

in

the petty

was far

bourgeoisie

works,

and

from view one.

inevitably

world those

who recognisof them as

an acceptance

in

though order

anti-imperialist

were attempts

nationalism, but

identified

than

one can point to demonstrate

idea

in

the

be emphasis-

to the Peronist of the main Peronist of a multi-class

one largely to the

to reconcile

must also

strength the

bourgeoisie,

alliances,

it

stronger.

especially

attractive

most of the

more appealing

was a far

nationalism

was tremendously

Moreover,

of multi-class

of other

or were compatible

leading

into

was a

continental

to obscure

upon,

The

currents

such as the Soviet

this

with

of multi-class

nationalism

alliance

proletariat.

tasks.

experiences

the underdeveloped

even where there

socialism,

period, this

disagree-

tended

agreed

of Peronism

above cited

influence

post-1955

movement while

inevitable.

In many of'the

two.

in

of stages,

a series

ed some of the limitations being

either

revolutions

Each viewed

National,

examples

to re-

Movement.

the international

cases

of

were diff-

progressive

of many of these

nacional

revolutionary

there

or socialist

struggles.

influences

that

the Peronist

liberation",

from

evaluation

though

was sufficiently

liberation

in all

perspectives

successful

antagonistic

to a positive

force,

as a progressive

Peronism over

was not

led

antinomy

as to whether

of opinion

oligarchy

reform).

cases,

bourgeoisie

national

erences

of agrarian

three

the

with

decline

the historical

based on the of the redundancy

one has to bear in mind that

-154Argentina, through

a vibrant

the national

than

having

of the

al

those

certain

Catholic

oppressive

being

chosen

and resorted

rather

than

ing

man also,

Lastly,

they

the

Peronist

be seen from Juan Pablo

1.

life

for

general

the highly

Franco

It in

role

was natur-

the

of love

The two

of revolutionary

panorama,

however,

of the early

too,

system

and than

freely

fellow

there Peronist

men

the revolubut

of chang-

and personal of the heroic

a common glorification cause.

one's

influences

a structural

the popular

rather

for

a social

case of

some important

to institutionalised

For both

at both

evaluation

were more in-

others.

were here

upon people

of changing

operating

were to share

Left's

forced

of the enemy.

this

there

as a response

viewed

than

justification

a similar

a question

this

Within

was now

on the more secular-minded.

to out of feelings

just

his

sacrificing

more persuas-

such behaviour

an important

played

influences

something

hatred

was not

by

of the national

of thought

and groups

However,

offered

violence,

tion

that

suggested

hegemonised

way was far

and schools

only

persuasion.

currents this

violence,

writers

Guevarist

with

ideological

which

radicalism

of Catholic

parallels

a "progressive"

individuals

upon certain

that

the experience

passed

past.

Obviously, fluential

in

analyses

had actually

countries,

phase of development

For many,

behaved

economic

a thing

American

anti-imperialist

bourgeoisie.

bourgeoisie ive

many Latin

unlike

level. militant

was some variation governments,

as can

works of Jose Pablo Feinmann and 1 Feinmann, following the line Alvarez.

influential

and Fernando

in

Juan Pablo Franco and Fernando Alvarez, "PeronFeinmann, op. cit.; ismo, antecedentes y gobierno, " Cuadernos de Antro olo a del Ter(Buenos Alberti's 1June Blas 1972). Aires), Mundo no. critcer had than the itself, text this ical unforrather of work, summary to be relied tunately of the originupon due to the unavailability (for for this thesis was reasons) when the research political al done.

-155-

of

orthodox

of

politics.

Peronism,

determinism,

economic

the

window with

it

Moreover,

politics". ed impossible to explain

terms

explanation

banner

the

political

great

strategic

the

"true

historic

"the

mean that

working

the process".

masses"

not

so easily

in

"did

not

has always

Feinmann,

op.

said,

cit.,

pp.

that

power"

practised

& 196.

some new of

he never

the

hegemonic baton

Peronism

politics,

not con-

at the of the

lost

For his property

did

and is

and "government

possible".

when he

meaningless

of contradictions.

it

46,51

1

"hegemonised

why the masses supposedly

of the

our

origins".

However,

conductor's

capitalist

the art

the notion

and the Movement expressed

to suppress things,

do absurd is

full

around

synthesis

class

was and is

allegation

"popular

to explain

failure

has-the

the

at

views"

its

since

class".

class

look

"because

most profound

Peronism

possible

was not

nacional

the word was rendered

Feinmann's

1955 but was also of the

explanation Peronism

only

"the

it

erected

of opponents'

Peron and the working

today

class

failed

interests,

socialismo

the working

that

up to 1955 represented

period

bourgeois

of the working

and in fact

is

should

defence

is

was render-

to even discuss

of the process"

interests

to claim

that

analysts

refusal

has animated

instances

"hegemony"

all

Poronism

A third

rather

he argued,

start,

the

ducting

but

which

project

From the very

argued

was that

argument

from

to a negation

be confined

of Justicialismo

4th

by his

represented

ultimately cannot

"only

own categories.

was provided

Feinmann's

1.

of its

thesis

Peronism

that

of

(factor)

of Peronism

criticism

and the demand that

Peronism"

Feinmann's

defined

any fundamental

out

descriptive

are merely

the explanatory

since

of

Marxism

flew

analysis

classes

social

the assertion

with

Movement in

Perlin

...

us,

sociological

primacy

by equating

man" was vanquished

and all

"for

of the

case on an assertion

and in no way explanatory,

concepts

that

"straw

A-Marxist

with

his

rested

power only

was that which,

Likewise,

as

according

- 156to Feinmann,

our history

confuse

Perbn

to say that

had power between

the masses really been no constraints

imposed

hand,

did

if

the

latter

Nacional

"equivalent

way between

al

By backdating

the never

Peronism pected stages

However,

to achieve

approach

was in

imperialist upon a strict

Ibid.,

posture division

is

serving

since

nacional

that

the

fact

more in

also

at

argued

in his

between

pp. 79,91,110,179,185

capitalism

the

time

then? "

to the

rejected

bourgeoisie"

was

of early

and clearly

version

ez--

of the

work.

consistent

anti-

whole argument

and imperialism.

& 218.

choice "historic-

years

limitations

his

anti-capitalist",

third

"Why '3rd'

the

"every

that

the

Here,

explicitly

1973, a modified

implicit

Feinmann

expressed

"national

he explained

the

nor with

of recent

Feinmann

Per6n's

by asserting

above,

rather

of what was "practical"

though

the

with

distorted

One must ask,

.

regime,

and claimed

Peronism

Finally,

1.

Peronist

in fact

the revolution".

of socialismo

terms

in

for

the talk

national.

govern-

and Socialismo

Justicialismo

but

on a new meaning

of stages

power and hege-

to the early

conciliation,

took

of the early

theory

class

road

and autonomous

revisionism"

must

"objectively

examined

and socialism,

capitalism

a national

practice

Position",

to do with

"had nothing

it

it

was dismissed

were

Feinmann

concepts", "Third

of the

own definition

that

to demonstrate

attempt

are

workers

On the other

both

opposition strike

have

surely

changes,

lacked

had

1

interests".

In his

of

the masses in fact

the striking

that

would

structural

workers'

the form

anti-worker

prevent

of the railway

ment in

claim

fact

was "to

However,

of forces".

"balance

Workers'

the Peronist

nonsensical

by the

film".

there

1946-55,

Movement.

mony in

that

in

have been because

surely

or Eisenstein

a western

with

have armed the workers

should

relied

For his

- 157-

premise

of the

erialist

movement any capitalist (...

politically

"in

wonder how Peronism anti-imperialist this

geois

sectors

of the alliance.

Alvarez,

on the other

would

represent

the

given

the

early

His

argument

Peronism into

ism's

stage

was that

been swallowed

Socialism.

However,

bourgeois

and military

Apart

capitalist

imperialist

movement hegemonised

"creating

as Blas ties

his

rot

"3rd

originally

Position",

this

deemed

being

By

him terminated. bourgeoisie

enabling

by the working

had

reducing

penetration,

its

conversPeron-

class.

movement was explain-

whose ultimate

has commented,

completely

of the bour-

of our country".

to socialist

Alberti

a Per6n in

the

and thus

constituency

did

national

economic

argu-

previous

had for

stage

one to

any "consistent

the State",

1955 the Argentine

Perbn as a revolutionary

ed by presenting

Peronism

and

leads

on the part

development

from a bourgeois

convertibility

image of Fidel

since

proletarian

a socialist

of Alvarez

the

unity

only

to adopt

occupied

with

for

This

suicide

rather

of capitalist

up through

to its

but

Peronism

Feinmann's

that

the anti-imp-

supported

1

with

felt

collaboration

however,

1970's,

line

social

hand,

nacional

by "class

characterised "correct

surely

socialismo

in

in

criterion

be expected

involve

ment,

the

political").

can possibly for,

which

nation,

a subject

posture"

him to include

sectors

must be above all.

organisation

ion

led

of politics

primacy

this

aim was always ignored

Perbn's

and was no more than a question

own image"

2

or at least

in

the

Castro.

from

reliance

pp. 79,194

on the notion

of a revolutionary

Per6n,

& 229.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

"De como se puede llegar Alvarez, quoted in Bias Manuel Alberti, las fundamentos vicisitudes o antiperonistas; con peronista a ser de dos ideol6gicos perdidos en el oc6ano de la confusiön, " Peron(Buenos Nacional Aires: Ediciones Burguesia RanBurocracia ismo y cagua, 1974), pp. 42 & 46.

- 158Alvarez

that

maintaining

"the

ment does not

only

permanent

working

class

existence

of an early

capitalist

Peronist

Movement.

one would

need to demonstrate

benefited

the workers

that

the

product

expand

the

domestic

and that

as a class

market.

Likewise,

become socialist

by the early

1970's

the more radical

pronouncements

"Stages" ist

were also

there

was "major

transformation period ist

of Argentine

and the

transition

ownership

of Socialism".

construction

as those

as far

quite

those

maintained prior

1.

as merely

years

that

to but

Ibid.,

p.

"the

also

55.

indispensable

Peronism

had

citing

in

years

of government

and in

For him,

of the

specific

Franco's

system

national fantasies for

the

1940's,

towards

such a state

of capital-

not

than

of the go

seeing

he depicted

consciousness

to the formation

the

the

forms did

rather

back in

of a people's

Peron-

Peronist

the early

exercise

towards

of the

presentation

of Feinmann and Alvarez,

formation

were not base and

that

by the workers".

However,

transitional

however,

more than merely

the dissolution

hegemony as existing

working-class

the

society

towards

of the

gains

to demonstrate

that

in

saw "a tendency

to have

a mass political

requires

"hege-

overwhelmingly

working-class

in Franco's

present

participation

of

sector

policies

if

of Perön.

He maintained

transformation.

assertion

largest

need to create

of Peron's

solely

Peronist

for the

hegemony to be proven,

For working-class

The argu-

one explain

the

the

from

logic,

hegemony appears

were by far

the workers

that

Again

stage?

1

class".

how could

For Alvarez,

mony" was the main weakspot. meant merely

by the working

by

(Peronism)

that

is

element

was hegemonic,

really

transformation

social

of the most elementary

the test

withstand

for

capacity

now has been hegemonised

1945 until

the

Peronism's

explained

of affairs is

not

of a consciousness

and only of

159 -

the hegemonic

If

the

ests

the

but -

Peronism

writers

to that

for

books

assertion

had changed with

Cordobazo

Yet

today,

in mind,

with

so much fantasy

which

manner appears illusions

thousands

which

ment and the way in which socialist later

alternative

chapters

the

divers-

social

than

during

of opposition Peronist

It

1970's

felt

that

in

helped

to Peronism

is

one of the

such as

events

was near.

the way in

and systematic however,

had in Perlin

to prevent-the

like

be remembered that

hindsight,

These,

Their

as an

Per6n,

Liberation"

such a serious

bizarre.

viewed

when, with "the

were the

and his

emergence

Move-

of a

themes developed

on Movimientismo.

75 & 83.

Franco,

2.

"Towards a Theory of Populism, Ernesto Laclau, (London: New Left in Marxist Theory Ideology 143-198.

in ibid.,

pp.

what

which

Movement.

that

should

1.

quoted

inter-

in working-

illusions

were convinced

of movimientistas they

not the

their

of more historical

less

reflected

regarding

times.

was presented

as little

comprised

of Per6n was not

they

many people

the benefit

the

which

due to its

of the

the early

in

were written

consciousness"?

own definitions

18 years

to the strategy

the

in

probability

subordination

Movement,

these

real

Per6n's

accepted In all

up and develop-

sector.

were the main organisations

objection his

dominant

had become.

unions

general

ideology

as a whole - impossible

of its

these

their

surely

"people's

forces

social

taken

an idea

Yet what is

the

hegemony were based on the

class the

then

2

on.

to all

alliance

that

All

later

refers

Movement,

of

ity

I. aclau

"people"

Peronist

of the workers",

necessity

ed by Ernesto

1

" in Politics Books, 1977),

and pp.

CHAPTER III THE FIRST 'TENDENCIA REVOLUCIONARIA'

The term Tendencia Peronism)

has in recent

has been used loosely differentiation,

out

been applied,

to refer

ed in

1964 with

ical

change,

a left-wing

towards

orientation

back to the

several

was reach-

Movement

social

ideology;

a revolutionary

permeated

which

to the

in

was revolutionary

radical

a revolutionary

embodied in

was not

the term

Peronist

It

for

a programme and strategy

and groped it

ERP). -

has also

collateral

1955 and whose zenith

the Revolutionary

and polit-

it

party

it

with-

and it

dates

whose gestation

after

Peronista

Left,

and their

to apply

apposite

Left

of

Revolucionario

that

equally

Peronista

the creation

espoused

dency in

is

Peronist

early

of the Resistencia

it

it

1960's,

to the Montoneros

within

two phenomena:

of the Peronist

the late

since

tendency

to denote

the whole

the period

However,

years

that

to

more specifically,

nowadays forgotten

(Movimiento

been employed

years

in

organisations.

(revolutionary

Revolucionaria

was a tenbut rather

was

of the broader

sectors

mass movement of Peronism. of the

Though the Tendencia of

the

later

Its

did

a loud

find

the former

political

conceptions

echo in

ated

but

with

the work of John William

ive also

offered

youth,

secondary

ermore,

possessing

utionary

Nationalist

Tacuara

MNRT). -

left

an armed expression

student in

Movement (Movimiento Though these

organisations

-

16o-

the strength

gained

was an influential fully

were not

In this

produce

ideology.

to come, being

and university

never

tendency.

helped

it

Peronist

an embryo of things school

the later

Cooke,

of more recent

elaboration

period

tendency,

revolutionary

of the latter.

runner

1958-66

foreelabor-

way, along

the early,

tentat-

Structurally,

it

composed of trade organisations

the form

lacked

and, furth-

of the Tacuara

Revolucionario

union,

Revol-

Nacionalista

the organic

161 -

and degree

cohesiveness dency, this

they

were sufficiently in

was reflected

as the

organ

through

tendency union is

of

the former,

the

alliance

ests

of

the

union

smaller

The rise

many salary-earners, ist

governments

the

rural

general,

sector. social

the reasons

tenand

Compan"ero

of the Movement, revolutionary

this

between

revolutionaries

behaved

as it

did.

tendency

in

the case

decline,

the

the polit-

the latter

case,

of the rise

was a result

failed

it and re-

In

from

exclusion

of the Cuban Revolution;

trade

radicalisation,

of socio-economic

which

of the

section

for

government,

bureaucracy

to represent

the

of

inter-

unions.

of the first

of declining

ground

a reformist

with

the revolutionary

with trade

a powerful

1958-62

and the impact

of the weekly

Movement the early

was a product

of Frondizi's

system

Peronist

why each sector

radicalism

a tendency,

among the youth

mainly

to differentiate

and to explain

experience

place

When examining

important

Montonero

P.eronism.

tactically

itself

movement.

therefore

ical

took

later

to be considered recognition

mutual

the Revolutionary

allied

formists

their

of the

unity

united

of revolutionary

Radicalisation but

of conceptual

living

Peronist

for

standards

a product-of

which were designed While

Left

economic

and economic

has to be seen against the mass of workers,

the devaluation to effect

conditions

a transfer

favoured

policies for

policies

workers

a back-

and even for

of post-Peronof income

towards

owners of capital

in

became grim:

below that of "In 1963 GNP again dropped by 5 to a figure 1958. Private consumption was also down by 10% in comparison with 1958, terms it Again 15%. the per in approached capita workers and and as before this helped to uphold their were most affected, below 1958, and In 1963 real wages were 15PI'bf loyalties. Peronist unemployment, which was mainly marked in textiles and

1.

first Compafiero, a weekly paper edited by Mario Valotta, appeared organ of the MRP in August on 7th July 1963 and became the official 1964.

162 -

-

metallurgical production, The cost ant five years. by 4O. " I

In response strike year

action

which

witnessed

Torre.

especially

following

the

through

hours

devaluation",

decline

to economic

federation

(CGT) launched

the

Taken in radical

ivists

isolation,

alternative

were radicalised

omic crises

of the Peronist

to blossom trends

help

Firstly,

into

such events

hours

were

number of Further

services.

this

Labour which

four

Conin-

million

However,

1.

David Rock, "The Survival Century in the Twentieth

2.

Peralta

Ramos, op.

cit.,

out

that

and the

process labour

actecon-

and led

conjunctural, oligarchy

the new left-wing

why the radicalisation

must be pointed

of Peronist

the persistent

movement and here

a mass revolutionary

it

than

rather

to imperialism

Movement.

ample raw material

a minority

To them,

period.

capitalism

to explain

suggest

Yet only

politics. in

might

to be structural

appeared

them to add monopoly foe

same year,

working

by almost

it

2

workers.

for

of the

of Struggle)

workplaces

"rev-

dimensions

1964 when the General

(Plan Plan de Lucha a .

of some 11,000

occupation

insurrectional

and the public

came in

as the

5% of the average

over

industry

Lisandro

history

some 73 million

representing

resistance

Frigorffico

In September

of that

to the decision

opposition

labour

due to the near

per month in

1959. * January

to denationalise

Buenos Aires.

in

"great

in

strike

to militant

resorted

peak in

was to pass into

strike

strikes,

worked

volved

general

strike

general

workers

a periodic

administration

attained,

lost

situation,

reached

That

olutionary"

this

a powerful

of the Frondizi de la

to

It had been an 'Unpleas. had risen in monetary terms

reached of living

as a

tendency again

economic

was truncated.

resistance

to the

(ed. ), " in Rock Peronism, Argentina of (London: Duckworth, 1975), p. 205. p.

166.

failed

163 -

of post-1955

plans in

combativity

it

in

was reasserted before

1960's did

the offensive

days lost

through

Peronist

first

Left

1955 (5 million in

battles

major

268,000

in

but

of

the

1962).

left

resting

ý.

already not

in

for

just

decline

after

6 million

over

being

of the

here

upswing

the the

after

1960 and 1961,

on the sufferance

that

ended in

defeat.

unionists

was futile.

seen under

direct

the fact

and only

all

began to feel

sindical, the

opposition

1946-55

was in

These defeats,

that

these

the powerful Peronist

to rank-and-file

of a temporarily

of

and black-listing,

victimisation

It

was not

practically

There was a marked fall-off

the burocracia

the phenomenon of

appeared,

which

and life

1957,

by a dramatic

unemployment,

and many trade to governments

bureaucracy

year

demoralised.

many workers

opposition

1970's

as Danny James has commented,

1959 but

of that

initiatives

participation

the mid-

by the number of

in

in

in

of allowing

figures

days lost

million

here,

by even greater

followed

these

was followed

seen in

the militancy labour

1959,

it

1

What was important only

and early

of gestation

3.6 million

before

decline

be illustrated

the years

over

in

(1.5 1959

1960's

a highly

greatly

There was an important

1956,

it

late

can best

during

11 million

Capital),

Federal

After off

rise

have sugg-

analyses

of the advisability

tendency.

days in

1958 and over

of the

pattern

strikes

fell

opposition

the military

This

return.

Left

There was then another

1963-64.

much to persuade

Per6n's

labour

period,

by a gradual

characterised

by irregularity.

was characterised

1955-59

combative

was not

as many Peronist

and strength,

Rather,

ested.

governments

defeated

in

union

intransigent that

conditions trade

union

governments, sentiment

but

rerather

and cowed labour

Trade Unions, " Daniel James, "Power and Politics in Peronist Studies and World Affairs, Journal of Interamerican vol. 20, (February 1 1978), pp. 21-22. no.

164-

movement.

1

though

Secondly,

years

of history

on the stage

appearance term upturn

in

the economy,

Consumption

levels

(39.1% in grew

as opposed

41.1% in

2

1966).

increasing

The Illia

internal

structured,

than

al,

the workers'

Peronism

was thus

of the domestic

to

1965;

of

a policy

power of

In

market.

other

of some activin

of the workers

militancy Support

for

and hopes of advancement

undermined

of GNP

Movement been formally

Peronist

improved.

situation

share

industrialists

of the radicalisation

by the economistic

and encouraged

the

purchasing

and middle-order

on the health

as a result

partially

pursued

the

raising

small

had the Revolutionary

no sooner

39.1% in

of 1963-66

through

were affected.

as a percentage 1964;

its

of a short-

1964 and 1965 while

36.9% in

government

to benefit

depended

whose prospects

in

as workers

to capital,

1963;

consumption

the aim being

workers,

ists

37.2% in

1962;

so far

wages rose

and real

of wages and salaries,

in

1964,

the start

with

the

preceded

Movement in August

coincided

least

at

hardship

economic

Peronist

of the Revolutionary

creation

words,

of severe

gener-

revolutionary the

within

system

strengthened. Moreover, at

least

iod

though

in

clarity

1964, in

by economic the

sharp

Plan de Lucha,

the powerful feeble

Return

ations

Per6n's

return.

Left's

post-mortem

report

Ibid.,

2.

Peralta

need. contrast

produced Here,

Cit.,

This

150.

by its

little

in fully

failure

this

per-

particular

the relative

economistic

leaders

throughout

was seen with

between

on the miserable

p.

was-seen

of strikes

one cannot

passim. Ramos, op.

strike

majority

an entirely

Campaign which

for

1.

1959 general

the vast

as political,

were motivated

the

strengths

campaign,

and the

the way of mass mobilisaccept

the

Peroniet

of the latter,

which

of

165

it

ascribed

to

solely

the failure

Had there

been mass potential

struggle,

as opposed

to mount a massive

of the bureaucracy

to provide

support

for

a revolutionary

to a wage claim,

the

Left

Campaign of its

Return

Peronist been able

surely

would

a lead.

the bureau-

own, sidestepping

cracy. this

In workers

union

iences,

does not

from

or to be more accurate,

paradox

vanguard

of this

ically

militant

issues

without

changes in means unique

labour

political

decline

daily

struggles political

becomes easier

Of course,

the USA perhaps a factor

in

rev-

and exper-

experien-

of these

by a con-

to understand

the

and period-

over

workers,

economic

translated

the paradox

providing

that

workers'

to do battle

consciousness.

tended

vanguard

of a well-organized

case of most

was thus

organisation

one accepts

between

the

to Argentina,

Economic

in

that

whose leaders

generalization

existence

only

of the

If

were.

movement prepared

being,

political

revolutionary

it

exhibited

was the fact

unions

interaction

then the

period:

this

the

national

emerge from

and theoretical

ces and the analysis political

there

most

on the basis

structured

from an external

rather

here

Peronist

organs

of activists,

as having

key factor

was fundamentally

consciousness but

scious

2A

what political

group

be described

terms,

the power of the

to

counterpose

olutionary

Leninist

a smallish

There was no coherent

movement.

to dominate

from

apart

consciousness".

Peronism

post-1955 labour

in

could,

"trade

to

period,

is

the classic

into

by no example.

the emergence of the first

1.

Congress of For example, the resolution approved by the National Youth Rank-andMovement and Peronist Peronist the Revolutionary (6th-7th in Companero, no. 77. February 1965), published File (2nd fortnight 1965), p. 3. of February

2.

for fight"... the conviction of the need for combining in unions, to prevail the employers, ing against upon the and for trying etc. " - Lenin, government to pass laws necessary for the workers, What is to be Done? op. cit., p. 80.

1

166 _

revolutionary

tendency

new radicals

were also

59 Resistencia

idual

by their

termed

anti-Peronists

the

and militant

union

fatal,

proved provide in

for

a rapid

erships ing

were back in labour's

against This

it

emerge though in

its

quest

for

feeling

1.

union

tasks

hands,

economic

decline.

meant that

late

struggle,

1950's,

new political

but

they

axis

Command to of resistance fought

movement which

task

its

succCommando

control.

but more commonly

and direct

mainly

strength

The

action.

and weakness:

concentrated

initiatives

if

could

would be rivalled

power of leading in

lead-

upon fight-

organisation

such an organisation

young Peronists

but

Once the union

a new political

by the entrenched

The defeats

factors

National

of the Movement.

Peronist

leadership

the need for

was to advance. trade

also

By the

bureaucrats.

was both

a vacuum in which

created

this

accept-

of the main unions, by the Peronists

reconquest

the political

these

from military

propaganda

of the Resistance

basis

limited

also

in

as auxiliaries of sabotage,

operations

union

enabled

acted

had

years

When resistance

The principal labour

Rev-

of a generally

1959 strike,

of the unions

the recovery

times

at

engaged in

it

had been the Peronist

years

essfully

trade

leadership.

1955-

of indiv-

these

struggles,

of the Peronist 1

the

"Liberating

were full

uncertainty.

the January

the efforts

despite

some makeshift

those

units

a peak in

reached

during

the

the absence

command and programmatic

struggles

following

The

of activists.

experiences

1955 coup)

been marked by a lack, of coordination, ed national

a minority

Though the years

of resistance

acts

influenced

only

influenced

period.

(as

olution"

but

particular

the

Peronist

labour were Movement

of 1959 seemed to show the inadequacies

their

response

was not

solely

political.

For an account of the strike and the role of the Peronist de la Command in it, National see "Apuntes para una historic (Ia " Parte), En Lucha, del revolucionario y peronismo resistencia (February 1974). to 14 no. supplement

of

- 167 Military

or politico-military

Peronist

Youth members who saw guerrilla

development

of the

had ideological primitive in

lessons

to by the Tacuara

Justicialist

Secondary

Estudiantes

Secundarios

of

the relative

in

the

the

freedom

unions,

ensive

could

structures forms

advantage

of the new conditions

seriously

challenge

were necessary

for

At -the same time,

toral

for

elections, Professional labour

movement)

ation"

of

Left.

(Juven-

advantage

politically the

after

the reconquest

with

that

militants

of def-

New organ-

Movement was to take Frondizi

In return

Intransigent

Frondizi's

Associations

took

organise

and begin

of the Frondizi

the experience

on the incipient

the Peronists

under

de

Youth

the Movement forward.

offered

of

such as the

In general,

Peroniat

the

these

to

power.

marked impact support

take

if

forms

groups

among many Peronist

no longer

isational

to

in

Nationalist

University

were achieved,

was a feeling

up

exper-

Justicialista

The latter

respectively.

Resistencia the of aims there

(Agrupacibn

Frondizi

under

allowed

and universities

schools

immediate

JUP). -

taking

of struggle

semi-legal

the Peronist AJES) and -

Peronistas

Universitarias

tudes

in

particular.

Youth,

Grouping

Students'

This

guerrilla

by new organisations

were more common, practised

and

as methodological

Revolutionary

by the Peronist

Movement and to an extent activity

in

as well

the main form

was not

armed struggle

Though resorted

years.

ideas

Cuba and Algeria

were drawn from However,

began to study

and left-wing

countries,

other

for

by

mainly

period.

implications,

young militants

to,

as a continuation

of the Resistance

as methodological

guerrillerismo,

iences

struggle

commando activities

as well

looked

was also

organisation

were conceded (providing

and a 60% wage rise.

the CGT was delayed

until

for

for

amnesty,

a national However,

their

decisive

(UCRI) in

Radicals a general

government

the

the

elec1958

a new Lax of

reorganisation promised

1961 and legalisation

had a

of the

"normalis-

of the

- 168 -

Peroniat

Party

tracts

Lisandro

ico

foreign

eight

with

individual

terrorism

introduced

first

tion

del

people

In

action

generated,

military

provided

labour in

as an upsurge

and

pressures

1960,

the

CONINTES (CON-

for

military

jurisdic-

to Berisso,

and led

the intervenci6n

by Frondizi,

position,

Jostled

between

Frondizi

was obliged,

in

"betray"

the Peronist

Movement.

Peronist

demands without

by becoming

him.

ousting

Peronist

La Plata

and

of unions

and

Left

ing

romance with

foreign

foreign

for

major

role

which

he resorted

investors

demanded.

stability

could

also

not

to him was

other

with

were viewed of the

(developmentalist) in

capital

Despite

development not

the early

be ensured

hitting

on the other

reasons by the

for

incip-

counter-revolutionto its

and as related

those

project

develop-

a result

the

"stability"

concessions

by placating industrialists

involved

a

The repression

plans.

solely

of the need to create

but

and

capital.

to was therefore

pressures

not without

policies

pressures,

placate

opposition

the military

bourgeoisie

desarrollista

Frondizi's

popular

demonstration

industrial

of the

ary

repressive

-

an unenviable

do enough to satisfy

not

deposed by the military;

provide

as a clear

to both

office,

He could

he was in

and Peronist

military

puppet,

and thus

though

to retain

order

being

Prondizi's

nature

contending

a military

bound to increase

least

This

zones,

betrayed

felt

Peronists

.

ient

as well

in

Frigorff-

powerful

bowed to military

of terrorism

accused

of the

con-

of strikers.

arrests

hand,

the face

and then,

Plan.

EStado)

declared

Ensenada being

1959.

nation-

by signing

1958,

and by denationalising

companies

of Seige

on his

reneged

and during

1959, Frondizi

in

a State

INTerna

over

in

the latter

which

moci6n

oil

de la Torre

resistance

Frondizi

made before

of intent

statements

alist

In addition,

1962.

until

to

the labour

of military foreign

which labour,

that

movement,

who were Frondizi's

at main

- 169due to the

backers, in

policy

the

fiercely

while

overpowering,

combination but

in

reflection

isations,

taking

ground

armed groups,

hostile

the early

united

Peronism

legalise

tions

it

committing

the unforgivable

sanctioned

Peronist

finally

Frondizi tions,

his

Capital Jujuy

but

where they

successfully

won in

4 provinces

Peronists

trade

where militant Through tary

Per6n's

realized

backed

Andr6s

election

results that

prediction 1

we lose

everything".

gain

power by legal

means in

1962,

ists

felt

were left

with

if

for

we win,

that

they

intended

the

many leaders

to

They were forced but

this

1.

Per6n, quoted (Buenos Aires:

stance

challenge

should

and deposing we lose,

in

of that

direct

direct

participation

the system which for

1962 elec-

and official

of Buenos Aires governor. the miliAnd

we win nothing.

then proscribed but

elec-

When

Frondizi,

their

not be mistaken

in Fb1ix Editorial

province-, was elected

no option

in

one includes

Democrat)

a Christian

movement.

the Federal

(5 if

in

function

the

plus

of 4 provinces

Framini

labour

of winning. for

1963, many Peroneven if

action,

to their

a conversion

to re-

attempt

action

denied

the

remained

to participate

10 provinces

"If

organ-

and under-

the

in

sin

Frustrated

to concede legal

to compel the regime

it

the decisive

plus

unionist

the

annulling

in

surface

Peronism

participation

won control

neo-Peronists

because

and allow

was successful

own party

unviable

were created.

force

to

Due to

Frondizi's

proved

both -

a dual

national

dura.

concessions,

majoritarian

He was unable without

Left

failed

eventually

and reasonably

ultimately

political

its

government,

to repression,

a response

project

on his

Peronist

of his

pursued

linea

combative

and repression

advantage

Frondizi's

its

pressures

-conflicting

Frondizi

to domesticate

attempting

repressing

of assimilation

gained

the economy.

of

state

to Peronism,

relation

leadership

poor

was just Movement.

them participation, of the

Luna, De Perlin a Lanusse 1943-1973 Planeta Argentina, 1973)v p. 138.

170-

to revolutionary

leadership to lead,

in

rise

in

factor

to terms

the

with Both

ation.

demoralisation of the

leaders)

increased

the political

union

leaders,

and stark

class

classical not

mean a total

its

subordination

Growing

towards shake-up

in

associated

current

was the dominant

long

cratic at

least

Peronist

trousers)

tendency its

in

challenge the slogan

at which

was coined. increasingly

leaders,

governments,

within instead

to trade

gave way to the Though this it

action,

between

the

did mean

making

them down.

"soft"

and "hard"

the January

lines

by the

were affected

(the

did

into

governments

to bring

Metalworkers'

with

and the

tendency led

1959 strike

Peronist

of

labour

to a

grouping),

such as Amado Olmos, by 1963 Vandorism,

militants

influence

was to openly

Congress, got

for

color-

return

acting".

seeking

Although

political

1959 defeats

industrial

62 Organisations

the Peronist

and to promotion

Vandor

demands.

moderating

to come

prepared

strategies while

even some "hard-liners"

though

Peronism,

developed

subscribed

of the more conciliatory

of pressurising

than

was the

which

complete

weight

of militant

rather

Left

its

the

confrontation

to a strategy

conflict

followed

or help

direction.

whatever

of "negotiate

abandonment

concessions,

partial

the

tactic

day,

lead,

the Peronist

of

1961 (i. e. its

union

Vandorist

that

i. e. those -

which

CGT in

however

movements of currents

of the

government

the

"normalisation"

emergence

or "integrationism"

"participationism"

to

the

and labour

the Peronist

in

number of activists

a significant

A further

did

It

strategies.

the

Union

leader

CGT leadership.

the authority

Augusto

sought

of Perbn at the Avellaneda

1960's

a place

the institutional of a return

later,

Two years

(Now we've

Ya tenemos iantalones'largos As the

Vandor,

for

progressed, the labour order

of

this

movement,

established

Peronism

bureauor

by non-

and Per6n to

-171I

power.

In order it

should

cases

the union

had assassinated

they

after

and often

for

concessions and it

bureaucrats,

corrupt

their

seem that

would

were the top priority tants, ive

it

leftism"

of Vandorism

1.

2.

3.

in

before

the

typical

" though

his a few days

privileged

had to win some material

rather

their than

Even for

most workers.

fairly

reputations

posts

the return

over

time,

of Perlin

the minority

of mili-

of the formerly

combat-

became sullied.

To some extent, "reflex

for

Jos6 Rucci,

becoming

after

to retain

such concessions

was some time

bureaucrats

leaders

order

were in many

by the Montoneros,

Moreover,

union

members in

it.

bureaucrat,

recognised

him.

for

CGT, was another

today's -

2

1960's

Even Vandor had been a

1950's.

of the

belatedly

of the

imprisonment

militant

was only

record

early

Secretary

"yesterday's

of

late

and suffered

activist

to be General

example

the bureaucrats

the of

militants

to Vandor was not stronger,

why opposition

be remembered that

Resistencia later

to understand

the advent

i. e. a response the Peronist

of the Peronist and reaction

Movement.

3

Per6n's

Left

was an example

to the growing initial

of

threat

patronage

of

left-wing tendencies Some non-Peronist gave this trend their critPalabra Obrera, of Trotskyist ical orientation, support. saw it as independence. Though this political a move towards working-class it was seen by many Peronists support was "critical", as left-wing Vandor Left's and yet another example of the classical of approval , See Ernesto Gonzfilez, to Perbn. hostility op. cit., p. 107. "Ante la muerte de Jose Rucci, " El Descamisado, no. 20 (2nd October he was not a bad type. He 1973), pp. 2-3: "Rucci was a good lad... The same editorial had his history of resistance, of prison". also to the militant records of Vandor and Coria during the referred they had arrived "They were loyal, Resistencia in the years: the union rank-andand they represented unions through elections by pre-Montoneros Vendor was assassinated in 1969 and Rucci file". El Descamisado was the Montonand Coria by Montoneros in 1973-4. ero weekly of 1973-4. discussion For further see Daniel James, "The of this notion, Left, Peronist 1955-1975, " Journal of Latin American Studies, (1976), 8. 2 no. pp. 273-296. vol.

-172-

his

left-wing

threat

was certainly

to establish that

to discover

for

account

the rise

he did

enge and Perbn's the

least

in

of the Left;

growth

form

embryonic

explanations

itical

exclusion "Reflex

these

became dominant,

fight

conscientiously

the small workers,

which

small

unions

union

struggle

dominated

lead

Pharmaceutical Union.

the

Due to by the

in his

Workers,

The younger

the mid-

20's

in the

cold,

demands led bureaucracy that

batallions,

and Ricardo

leaders

were less

hardship,

in

pol-

the case

political

leader

such young failed of

leaders

of

of trade leadership elected

to

the age of 25, Jorge of the Association

de Luca of the Naval affected

to.

the Metal-

the

a radical

at

Merely

which

like

limitations

Workers

sindical

the interests

the

when elected

and as

to late-1950'x,

here were Gustavo Rearte,

of Soap and Perfume

at

arose,

the CGT and 62 Organisations,

Cases in point

also

conflict

out

the fact

to recognise

both

had been present,

basic

big

chall-

it

As the burocracia

dominant

and to see the need for

the Federation

Di Pasquale,

with

suddenly

were more important.

unions.

members'

How-

Vandor's

such as economic

were left

their

were well-placed

and organisation.

Left

Per6n-Vandor

the smaller

were ignored

unions

latter

who emerged in

interests.

their

the

leaders

confrontations

to represent

the

tactical

important.

to have been most important

for

support-

to counter

and militants

inspiration

militants

than

Perbn's

appears

leading

those

was soon

became troublesome.

factors

and international

leftism"

into

birth

of its

of the new young union especially

the

did

nor

Left

to satisfactorily

was momentarily

however

before

the

rather

fails

Left,

to the Left

resort

causal

leaders

the Peronist

create

but

tendency.

to the Left

the sky as soon as Vandor

drop from

aided

leftism"

of the revolutionary

adhesion

not

Per6n",

was manipulative

"reflex

by Vandor's

stimulated

action

without

patronage

however,

and opportunistic ever,

a "Peronism this

By itself,

ive.

a reflex

of

Construction

by the demoralisation

and

173 -

Date on the limited

that

fellow

Nationalist largely

of

hit

both

Touth,

(Confederaci6n

and early

between

1960's workers

of devaluation student

to

organisation

was

the Peroniden-

and petty-bourgeois 1

policies. in

General

the

with

Revolutionary

due to a growing

organisation,

Universitaria

which

Tacuara his

a

along

who had moved into

youths and early

possibly

privation

that

so

relating

members,

economic

is

- CGU),

The reappear-

the form

of the

University 2

a small

may also influx

was to become a flood

Confederindicate

of petty-bour-

by the late

1960's

1970's.

Whether

changes in class

ideas

of left-wing emergence

their

Left

statements

a member of the

successor

General

a trickle

recruits,

to. have

Peronist

Youth

Movement was experiencing

the Peronist

geois

1950's

university

University

Peronist

tended

governments,

early

an interview

by the effects

ance of a Peronist

that

in

interest

socio-economic

sectors,

ation

hand,

composed of petty-bourgeois the late

the

of

and suffered

Movement revealed

Movement in

tity

class

On the other

workers.

Peronist

early

Peronist

Several

were working

majority,

though

to make definitive

impossible

is

it

the

of

composition

class

to rädicalisation.

class

ist

the wake of defeats,

was limited.

of which

experience

in

impressions

idealised

rather

in

set

which

cynicism

took

drawn towards of the historical Communist Party

within

place

in

Peronism failure

composition

Peronism this

or not,

Movement.

because

of its

and crisis

had been discredited

contributed it

was no accident

Radical-minded proletarian

of the through

al Movimiento Revolucionario (8th 63 September 1964), no.

to the emergence

its

recruits

constituency

traditional support

Nacionalista p. 4.

that

Left. for

the

were and because The the

1955

Tacuara, "

1.

"Reportaje Compafiero,

2.

The CGU was the old Peronist created in 1950. organisation student by the Juventudes UniversitIt was dissolved in 1962 and replaced (JÜP), not to be confused with the pro-Montonero Peronistas arias (JIJP). Juventud Universitaria Peronista

174-

tegration,

at its

initiated

was an influx

there

Left.

the that

the Socialist

coup whereas

military

traditional

nationalist

nationalist

movement with

Per6n's

many of Perbn's

years,

for

in

2

1962 in

party

and in

enabling

is

no indication

in

Latin

the

American

Left

reasons

In the early

the Left,

Left

were being

direct

value

There

of any

used by Per6n

Per6n's

line.

at face

were accepted

momentar-

Peronists.

Peronist

back into

Grande

Peronist

albeit

and orthodox

they

1960's,

quasi-

by the youthful experience

cognitive

of

power.

Lastly,

jected.

and encouragement

of a revolutionary

that

were

rhetoric

programme of Huerta

most of whose members had little in

as a

the Resistencia

"1

of the first

cadres

Left

contained

goal....

as legitimate

the Vandorists

pronouncements

revolutionary

Peronism

of its

to bring

an attempt

tendency,

part

During

strengthened

the literature

in

on the

building

the

to Peronism

of the Peronist

of resistance.

the

enormously

them to appear

ily,

awareness

for

calling This

1963.

the basic

left-wing

1960's

and early

how reactionary

and directives

the

towards

base.

Cuban example.

being

in approving

he went further

1950's

just

emergence

as mass forms

as well

guerrilla

the

statements

Revolution

"Social

about

in

the same period,

evolved

were and looked

a mass popular

and the

encouragement

the late

realised

organisations

factors

in

who rapidly

was in

of nationalists

group

Two final

it

below,

a phase of disin-

Moreover,

1958 Congress.

of young nationalists

As argued

a small

has entered

Party

Though its stated

in

Cuban revolutionaries' with

a new revolutionary

impact the first

was not chapter,

in

victory

immediately it

did

1959 provided

model to be acclaimed felt gradually

within

CPC,

2.

See Appendix

B on 'Early

Radical

Peronist

Programmest.

or re-

Peronism,

acquire

11: 383-

1.

the

Peronist

for

175 The Cuban experience

sympathisers. the new Peronist

from a struggle

divorced

which for

success

Left

others, instead

that

eration

As in

its

especially

island

trade

contingents,

of

of the Peronist

labour

their

placed

influenced

strongest

other

to predomin-

adapted

by part

the

the

was the possibility

Foouismo,

union

be

had to be

case of Cooke,

more readily

possessed

no longer

could

was adopted

on mass struggles,

persuading

anti-imperialism

the

strategy.

conditions,

Argentina

that

in

role

struggle

the Caribbean

from

emanated

Argentine

while

emphasis

Socialism;

an armed guerrilla

urban

antly

for

to be meaningful.

anti-capitalist influence

the national

that

radicals

a vital

played

by the

considLatin

movement in

America.

All

these

of

Left

Peronist

original

and the need for the behaviour

factors

tendency,

of the

more overtly

came together

Movement.

Analysis

tendency below

before

trade

in

as expressed

of their

an explanation

Movement,

through

were factors

union

of the first

allies

failure

is

in

who conPeronist

Peronist

Youth

and of the views

Comrafero,

the

of Vandorism

the Revolutionary

organization, Nationalist

Revolutionary

decline

economic

reformist

of

the ascendancy

only

to

the Left

with

of that

as a whole

though

the radicalisation

in

a part

response

a militant

ditionally

and Tacuara

played

of the

be presented

will

offered.

THE FIRST PERONIST YOUTH 1 / / ESTOS SON LOS MUCHACHOS DE PERON" "AQUI ESTAN

Little tud

Peronista

analysts, into 1.

JP). -

largely

a mass youth Early lads".

known about the initial

is publicly

Peronist

It

has attracted

due to its

failure

movement.

Moreover,

Youth

chant:

"Here

scant

they

from

attention

to grow from hard

data

are,

Youth (Juven-

Peronist

political

a band of activists is

unavailable

these

are

they,

- no Perbn's

176 -

internal

their

the

Gustavo

to Companero and the press

sent

leading

decided

when a few dozen youths

as the official

themselves

bestowed

the

upon itself

Peronist

youths corner

to stone

the offices

together placing

in

line.

When Perbn ordered

ential

election

leader's stance,

of that

a positive combative

to 24.7% in

protest sectors

the previous

year

to a small

group

of

and occasion-

their

first

than

campaign

to the for

JP, doubting for

They began to act

newspapers.

vote

and attracted

Command of Corr-

"Central

developments

a conditional

rather

had

which

political

1958,

campaigned

order-bearers,

Movement.

Buenos Aires

relation

the

and re-

a group

with

1957

or on a central

camp in

year,

activities

referred

in

a bar

in

of establishment

the dissident

the end of

of the Peronist Caride

demythicized,

JP in

of Caride

of

I

at

their

name of the

the latest

the name of the

them in

existence

previously,

who met regularly to discuss

street

1.

This,

thumb sketches

JP memoirs

section

like

cadres

and communiqu6s

political

coordinate

grandiose

and Esmeralda".

ientes

to

letters

about

one can base

that

to disentangle.

came into

youth

together

Some of them had acted

general,

are hard

Youth

leading All

graves.

and committed

fact

Peronist

The first

gard

their

with

and details

gone with

JP papers,

in

and the brief

militants

myth and historical

which

other

to

on are a few infrequent

an analysis

ally

Caride

and Carlos

Rearte

its

to the frequency

and many memories

have unfortunately

JP experience

first

in marked contrast

were arrested;

editors

seem to exist;

or membership

activities

were infrequent,

publications which

of its

records

the

a blank

vote

the presidof their

This

intransigent

a mere abstention,

when the blank

in

integrity

vote.

9.5% of the

Peronist

official

Frondizi

ironically

total

was shared vote,

was official

by

as opposed Peronist

"Yo la muerte del general Is senti como la muerte Carlos Caride, (9th (Buenos " La Peronista Aires), 1 Causa de un compaEero, no. July 1974), PP. 42-43.

177 for

policy

Peronist

Youth

slogans,

tracks.

More significant, strikes

in

ation unions,

The first

the

unions,

and Naval

of the Movement and the

to his

young supporters Their

tencia. ated

in

true

that

appeared

Perlin,

from

communication

Only in a letter

account

in Tucumän,

of it

1.

Dario Canton, (Buenos Aires:

2.

Caride,

the Youth

in

over

as their

small

some reward.

Youth Execu-

was created. and including

Vegetable in

suit

the

of Di Pasquale's

size

Oil

Workers'

lending

material

to the authority

it

1960 did in which

government, provided

the Youth receive leader

"acted its

first

gave recognition

them on their

role

but was later

grossly

by Caride.

written

it

was operating,

the

of

the disorganisation

given

practice,

in which

Elecciones artidos Siglo XXI Argentina

cit.

contacts,

was subordinate

insignificant

the Prondizi

"during

valuable

Buenos Aires

followed

and congratulated

was not

role

the partisan

op.

conditions

branch".

as an independent

but

Council,

Superior

control

2

Youth

the Peronist

particip-

Peronist

Workers',

unions,

1960's.

early

In theory, Peronist

Telephone

Workers'

was their

where the Peronist

by their

such as on railway

on the premises

Union,

the

petards

facilities

and Greater

Woodworkers',

the

in

acquired

distinguished

Construction

assistance

the

Workers'

generally

Shoemakers',

to reaffirm

JP were held

the Capital

for

small-scale,

they

which

of the

Pharmaceutical

Committee

Other

still

into

activities

and exploding

and the use of union

plenaries

militant tive

through

recruits

young worker

though

themselves

small-scale

leaflets

and the struggles

activities

integrated

through

distributing

painting

elections.

rapidly

activists

of the Resistencia

tasks

general

Convention

the Constituent

I

It

in

the Resisexagger-

is

probably

when the Uturunco

guerrilla

combatants",

politicos Editores,

but

the claim

en la Argentina 1973) p. 73.

that

- 178"worked

Youth

the

Such

tasy.

as its

participated

Peronista),

given Peronist

in

(Uniion

in

following ity

in

literature

as

Andinos)

seems

the

part

took

fact

to as comandos,

tasks

their

even though

in nature,

(guerrilla

operativos guns from

This

hailed

as the prototype

action,

a decade later,

Gustavo

2

Rearte.

were coninteados

ation Peronist

the

In all,

1960-63

Youth.

period

to

else-

Guerrillas" as a guerr-

acted

in "in

led

Torre,

to

the

be

reliabil-

1958,

we also

by Borro",

which

some 30 members, as a result

illustrates

Though the JP, in

than

military armed

of two machinethe start

in Argentina, operativos

of was later

which

outcome was the arrest Rulli,

Hector

of or during

of

and

the execution

weakened the

the numerical to its

Spina

took

the leadership,

including

seriously

addition

were referred

small-scale

base at

kind

of similar

this

rather

seizure air

of its

Jorge

That

units

engaged in

immediate

only

- i. e. arrested

CONINTES Plan.

of Frondizi's in

its

Envar El Kadri,

including

JP leaders

that

political

military

of a multitude but

Andino

themselves

organisational

such as the

the first

possibly

Mendozan

(Ej6rcito

confidence

de la

occasionally

of the Ezeiza

1960.

place

Youth

operations)

a guardpost

have

statement

were primarily

they

the

fan-

of

1959.1

Peronist

Though the basic

the

is

that

Andean

considered

Nor

Lisandro

of

January

in

place

by

boosted

occupation

youths

realm

referred of

to

never

the

Army"

"Union

the

Che.

el

of

account

in

Mendozan

a few

claim

organisation,

chimerical

footsteps

the

Caride's

of

took

Left

to

Andean

"Peronist

that

if

even

the

the

with

that

de Guerrilleros force,

illa

on a par

in

belongs

apparatus"

is

an allegation

JP comrades

where

urban

organis-

weakness

of the first

Buenos Aires

stronghold,

1.

Ibid.

2.

law student Jorge in this period, Envar El Kadri was a university became later journalist, Rearte Rulli a and who veterinary student a Peronist impoverished from leader. Caride trade an came union a boy the family at age of 15. messenger a post-office and was

179 -

had branches

C6rdoba,

in

Santa

and Mendoza by the early

Fe,

to take the

which

full

leaders, slogan, cruitment

the

until

quent

a Peronist

came after

in

Youth-General

attacked

by members of the right-wing

The level tant

determinant

of State

even in years

then

of relative

was resolved

incident,

spent

repression

disunity, political after

the

Carideo allegedly

the next

four

prevented

liberalisation. 1962 elections

for

convicted on the basis

years

to

had been

rising

the of

in prison. was an impor-

however,

substantial

was the growth

Though a first by the expulsion

nal

crisis

1.

to one source, in this the Federal Police period for brigades Youth. persecution of the Peronist special Comisario Inspector Romeo Pepino, was the man commander, de in 1962. See "Soy peronista Caride como se es hincha de Boca, " a homage to Gustavo Rearte, El Descamisado no. July 1973), p. 9. According

1961 as

meeting

time

Even more crucial, which

in

His arrest

military

at any particular

1

of JP fortunes. political

organisation's

the

with

as a common delin-

Confederation

Tacuara.

polit-

were released,

of security.

1956 Peronist

of the

testimonies,

may have had some re-

It

the Executive

University

sixth

her attackers'

the

campaign with

prisoners

in charge

placed

of Norma Melena during

the

Arms! "

had joined

mark the

killing

intermediate-level

1962 and regarded

Caride

anniversary

and re-

seem to have become a significant

jailed

Secretary,

Organisational

canvassing

former

1963 when the political

by the authorities.

was

rump of the JP, now tempor-

into

Box or with

Youth

and the opportunit-

political

and other

does not

but

of Carideo

exception

legal

enthusiastically

the Ballot

success,

force

Caride

itself

"Through

for

the Peronist

1962 elections

the non-coninteado

by Carlos

launched

the

of

offered

occasion

directed

ical

advantage

Nevertheless,

cruitment. arily

Tucumän, La Roja

have had more than a handful

cannot

öf key members,

Due to the imprisonment

ies

it

1960's,

Corrientes,

in most places.

of activists

unable

Chaco,

interof a

had Their to arrest Gardel o 8 (10th

ISO-

"participationist" iately

National

an intended which

by a more obscure

followed

The first

Peronist

of the

only

reorganisation, the Peroniet

Peronista

JRP) led -

Movement (Movimiento

de la

Lima,

Brito

Youth,

far

was immed-

Revolutionary by Gustavo

from

crisis.

producing

a second fracture

produced

Juventud

this

more damaging

and certainly

JP into

the

Revolucionaria Youth

Congress

national

broke

by Alberto

led

sector

I

Youth

Rearte,

Peronista

(Juventud Peronist

and the

MJP) led -

by Envar

El Kadri.

the

Although in

JRP was to mation

on this

of these El Kadri's

than

grew there

to the

Prior

in

JP leader,

having

Justicialist

and theoreticians,

1.

Confusion

over

that

even after

that

suggest

only

does appear the

issues

the MJP, either

there

because

because

1963 split,

the

1P had not

Roberto

Viglino,

the

of infor-

the Left's

provided

the split,

or possibly

an interview

to have been

at stake

is

continued

to

for

the

sympathy

JRP members "entered"

combined radical

become bourgeois,

liberation

of liberalism "our

group.

For example,

contradictions.

national

clouded

the MJP on

raids.

recruitment

leaders

Compafiiero, the Left

inside

battle

be a Left-Right JRP line

fact

by the

strengthened

are

the main source

though

events,

split

accurately

Unfortunately,

disputes,

and related

this

in

stake

at

JP offspring

of the MJP.

the Left

interpretation larger

names of the

the

obscurity,

issues

specific

and talk

struggle

and the need for system

calls

and lack

statements trade

revolution",

dismissal

of differentiation

Brito Lima, as leader'of the fascist de Organizaci6n 0), de later was -C Left in the on the Peronist attacks

of political

a Buenos Aires

of capitalist

a "total

of ideas",

for

been free

of

about

union

trade

leadership

crisis, with the Left

between

Provincial union of the

the decline loyalty

to

as talkers

Cuban and

Organizational Command (Comando for terrorist responsible 1973-76 period.

-181I

Venezuelan

"liberation"

ion,,

does seem to have been fairly

there

experiences.

revolutionary ism,

outlined

some sections

leadership,

pursuing

socialist

Northern

Zone Peronist

created

line

ever is

it

clear

It cribed

the abortive

Peronist

Youth

the coup-making

On one occasion,

attacks existence

plans

of Peronist (Centro

held,

was being

on churches

of a communist

1.

Companero,

2.

"Una Estrategia 1963).

no.

3,

"threat"

(21st

However,

members before

the

and Caride,

leanings.

ibid.,

with

the Centre

de Is Resistencia "The Great

some JP assistance in an attempt

no.

COR). -

Mission

(9th

of

organised

to demonstrate in

16

several

had been involved

associated

to the authorities,

"

to

have been des-

the hope that

June 1963).

Revolucionaria,

which1963,

organisation

in November 1960,

called

centres

Move-

"the

had socialist

all

de Operaciones

the COR with

and religious

not

officers

when a religious'festival

to be

also 2

called

united.

Ifiguez

Rulli

including

Operations

of Resistance

clearly

coup of General

activists,

for

nominally

but

Peronists,

as militant

which

and workers,

Youth

party

Capital,

Strategy"

by 1963 most JP members could

that

appear

would

Buenos Aires"

remain

and still

Up until

in

of Peronist

of the

a workers'

enemies but

external

i. e. a of Peron-

was the Federal

was too much diversity

there

that

building

JP for

of CompaFero.

strategy

has become bourgeois".

was most representative

a Congress

hold

which

the line

independently

to eventually

only

the

rank-and-file

organisations

point

confus-

within

alternativista

based on the youth

oppose not

leadership

for

"A Revolutionary

Youth's de Base,

to

order

support

proletarian

A case in

ends.

national

ment's

a view

with

the Orpanizaci6n in

base-level

to develop

Peronist

for

based on the

strategy

seeking

a clear

such ideological

broad

Grande and afterwards

the programme of Huerta Indeed,

Despite

October

the

- 182 -

the

latter

the

anti-Marxism

provided

to Perlin least

of at the falle

after

of the event,

igators report

which

guard

Socialist

Party

Cuban Embassy in

Intelligence

Services'

What is

of interest

charges

through

confuse

Mallese,

Felipe

first

its

a machine

denied

Communist Party Elias

"the

Seman,

Di Pasquale from

was concocted

Delinquents". to

responded

any joint

doctrinal

the

activities

invention

as a police

doubt

Mallese,

in his

He remained for

of the Regional

Police

union

friendship

designed

integrity

to

of their

Gasc6n shootings.

who thus born in

post

of San Martin

Vallese

Alberto died

the Gascbn affair

the JP metropolitan

members.

with

followed

which

and became a: union

won concessions

close

police,

martyr.

operator

few months.

2.

in

a member of

by the

napped and killed

1.

the report

the persecution

was during

It

of his

they

Youth

a

Van-

with

"Who's Who of Subversive the Peronist

invest-

network

the Maoist

the list

was

produced

subversive

of

2

leaders".

with

Police

Cooke, Jorge

probability,

a communiqu6 in which

the masses by placing

Youth

and Gustavo Rearte

John William

that

is

and dismissed

Marxists

that

here

Peronist

were killed,

Norma Kennedy,

Montevideo,

the

indication

1962.

an incredible

Peronist

In all

Another

Padre Hernän Benitez,

members,

celebrities.

of July

two policmen

to discover

and other

with

of the first

sectors

in which

the right-wing

State

salvation.

JP members such as Alberto

linked

members,

for

Gascbn shootout

purported

which

the

look

would

1

after

Youth

1940, had begun work in (delegado)

four

years

His abduction in August Rearte, nine

the Peronist

provided

delegate for

was kid-

executive,

1958 as just

after

and during

that

a time

by the Mobile

Brigades

1962 was probably

a result

sought

by police

for

the

days of unsophisticated

"La Historia de un Peronista, " El Descamisado, no. ruary 1974), pp. 4-7. About Caride. La Raz6n (Buenos Aires), 19th and 22nd July 1962.

40 (19th

Feb-

183 .. became an important

but

interrogation,

and the Movement in was to

took

kidnapping

have revealed

trade

place,

the Metalworkers'

that

The traditional theory

of the

on the

first

JP, but

common sympathy stance

to that

Guevarist

section

Che, a periodical World

and Third Walsh,

2

Left,

who saw it

to the Left

1.

2.

was also

orientation,

on the part for

by sectors

the first

1972,

when the

pedigree in an

mobilise

speaking opened its This

the

probably

Party

the

to links

(Partido

PSV, of both

both youth

as a national

of

of the

Party.

Guevarist Rodolfo

like

a positive

be-

Socialista

Socialist

pages to Peronists

of the former

sectors

was some sub-

referred

old Argentine

represented

time

between

mark

1960's, based on

which

for

made its

obviously

There

Socialist

of the

characteristic

the early

in

from

a splinter

unofficially

fact

in

and red,

Gasc6n report

of the

Left

some convergence

"New Left"

Cooke and Benitez.

ment of Peronism

yankee

and the Vanguard

PSV), -

did

Cuban Revolution.

the

for

tween JP militants de Vanguardia

there

Peronist

of Peronism,

anti-Marxism

two imperialisms,

and the

Peronism

Union

in

established

1

life.

to save Vallese's

attempt

of impeccable

writers

Youth

had done nothing

bureucracy

union

Peronist

the

Though the second JP,

general.

the

that

claim

for

symbol

reassess-

traditional

movement,

and a shift

of Peronism.

) ("To "In this period " la muerte..., Caride wrote that, op cit. Vallese, the Youth lost one of its best cadres, Felipe a comrade fought the delegate his in against metalworkers' capacity as who (Metalworkers' Union). That UOM that led the bureacratic sectors to secure his reappearance, nor defend was why the UOM did nothing today him when the police although accused him of being a communist, That the UOM did in fact they seek to use his name as a banner". in Rodolfo Ortega Pena & Eduardo try to help Vallese is revealed (Buenos Sistema Aires: Proceso Felipe Vallese: L. Duhalde, al (1965) first In fact the Sudestada, Editorial 1967), p. 37. edition by the UOM. of this book was published Rodolfo Walsh, Left Peronist journalist and author of Operaci6n 1972), about the 1956 de la Flor, Masacre (Buenos Aires: Ediciones executions of Peronist rebels, was kidnapped on 25th March 1977 junta. to the military after writing an open letter

184Left-Right

JRP and sections

Rearte's of

antagonisms

MJP appear, In May 1964,

CompaHero published

Command of the MJP which

cial Kadri

for

trying

El Kadri

friends

his

Rearte,

delegates

Another plenary

of the same journal

edition

as an attempt

representative, policy

and to attack

meeting, Iturbe

time

this allegedly

a more moderate Student

League,

force,

also

the Peronist

Grouping,

the

Peronist

Revolutionary

Commands of the Federal

"La Juventud Comyanero,

El Kadri),

Comyanero,

Brito

backing

Students

their

(Envar

in Buenos Aires

ary

declared

care

A second attempt

dissidence.

provincial

loyality

with

It

failed. University

the Tacuara

Capital

provincial

in Rosario

with

at

which

Peronista de Santa Fe Denuncia (26th 48 May 1964). no.

Command

failed

due to

a similar

sham

leader

to convert by the

the JP into Peronist

the Justicialist Nationalist

leadership

a Falsos

SecondMovement,

Command and all

Buenos Aires,

to a new Buenos Aires

the

of the MJP.

National

was repudiated

and Greater

and

the rigged

Peronist

right-wing

9th July

to

leaders

organising

Youth,

Fe,

his

to get a conciliatory

attempts

Revolutionary the

loyalty

of his

Lima in an attempt

Youth,

of the

interpreted

by Vandor,

Elcadre"

him of be-

Santa

their

as national

orthodoxy".

with

rebellion

declared

and Ibarra,

"Elmar

approved

who disagreed

from most provinces.

sections,

Spina

a "stupid

had packed a meeting

authority,

Vandor.

with

Command of El

to accept

a powerful

of the

the Santa Fe Provin-

the National

those

all

with

provincial

other

left-wingers,

Rosario

faced

excluding

while

presumably

accused

and then,

commands against

a communique from

sectors

and the rest

to have aided

account,

denounced

Gustavo

the most dynamic

El Kadri

while

the MJP as a whole

to get

had apparently

Marxists

ing

1.

Movent,

to the Left's

according

1963, with

of the MJP becoming

Peronist

the Revolutionary

the JP in

split

the JP

who in

turn

of Rearte,

Dirigentes,

"

1

185 Spina

and Salvide,

Certainly

then,

Ibarra,

sisted

the

after

MJP) split for

struggle

year

national

the

control

over

would

seem that

the

weight

aid

which

but

banner

organisation

but

faction

gained

being

from

winning

complete Here it by 1964,

a minority

by the material

was qualified trade

pro-Vendor

a maj-

outlook.

was in

dispute

Left-Right

to establish

political

faction

(JRP-

Left-Right

the Left

per-

partisan

by a further

unable

its

and unify

the El Kadri

the

followed

of the FIJP, with

of numbers in the internal that

differences

drawn from

that

suggests

was immediately

control

though

1964.1

The above account,

to their

of activists

ority

in January

and maybe personality

corrobation,

that

of

political

1963 split.

requires

sources,

elected

union

and political

leaders.

Much less

Youth

University that

its

the university

of the Peronist

organisations

sister

ing

known about

is

its

anticipated

Youth

later

and secondary

in

this

The Peronist

period.

pro-Montonero

student

in declar-

egivalent

was to brings

mission

halls "to the lecture of the Liberal, oligarchic and ci aa University, presence - i. e. a national a combative Peronist The raison d'etre presence. revolutionary of such and in a struggle a presence is the need to link the student of the working people". manner to the struggle concrete By June 1964, essed

groups

group

in

Fairly the

in

five

Congress

Students

of the University

of Moron and groups

had been established

received

in

messages of solidarity

Grouping,

"La JP no se presta (14th April 1964).

a National

held

organisation

faculties

the University

new groups

Secondary

1.

when the

al

the Peronist

juego

de los

in

it

of Buenos Aires,

possa

two Santa Fe faculties.

seven

other

from Student

traidores,

Congress,

Moreover,

cities.

the Justicialist League and the

" ibid.,

no.

42

186 -

Apart

shared

to Perön's

their

from

Left

the

they

which

sufficient

dominance

to establish

student

and secondary

versity

flict

which

have been a significant Given

evokes

strategy detect

also

of individual

possibility

militants they

1.

shift

thought

the early

military

expecting

between

during

refusal

but

these

ideas

the vagueness, the

early

coup.

early

one can 1960's. and

out the General

years,

Gradually,

of military

(19th (2nd May June 1964). 47 & 1964) 49 no.

must

on

strikes

even after the

con-

organisations.

of clear

in

it

there

since

JP by no means ruled

a Peronist

by the repeated

of the uni-

of factional

insurrections,

restoration,

occasions

some way towards

especially

despite

of popular

tend-

achieve

available,

the kind

thinking

strategic

terms

On several

became disillusioned

Ibid.,

in

in

could

affairs

not

the absence

However,

terrorism,

were mobilised,

overlap

confusion,

no surprise.

of a Peronist

1956 coup failure.

Youth,

membership

political

an important

Though it acts

the

is

organisations

the way in

of like-minded

the internal

about

the Peronist

debilitated

line

Movement went

they were exempt from

if

be surprising

would

and some co-

Montonero

federation

Peronist

"betray-

of hegemony and political

a crisis

a solid

Information

goal.

later

the

in

Grande,

JP in

the

with.

no one political

the Revolutionary

organisat-

denounced

declarations

united

seem that

would

students'

They also

joint

were unified

such unity:

this

attaining

from

apart

prevented

though

groups,

it

and "popular"

to the programme of Huerta

organically

were never

Here again,

differences

but,

organisations

similar

ency.

devotion

JP's

a "national"

and secondary

and to the Plan de Lucha.

return

operation,

programmes for

the university

by the bureaucracy

als"

Movement.

specific

both

system,

education ions

Nationalist

Revolutionary

Tacuara

I

Valle's

JP however,

officers

to

- 187to their

accede

had not

time ibilities ive

come for

yet

of Tartagal,

A combination

in Salta,

in JP strategic

became central about

firmed

by the military

the viability

between

lationship

defined

never

this

than

abortan

2nd Regi-

erences

within

the

leading

cadres

in

guerrilla with

the Tacuara

able

support

whom there

in

the

Revolutionary JP's

was the

Youth

which

monolithically historical the role

Several

Peronist

Northern

of weapons.

then,

left-wing

but

rather

1.

Personal interview 14th October 1976.

which with

was not

many of its a former

since

heterogeneity,

nor a powerful

importance

Youth

they

of

came to urban

was cooperation had consider-

Buenos Aires,

and with

I

a picture

1958 but

which,

of a due

by 1964 was still

political

so much the early cadres

own diff-

political

what emerges is

had grown and developed own political

crippling

the year

of their

a guerrilla

Movement which

covering

exchange

was

in

armed actions,

Nationalist

evidence

however,

especially

The nearest

period.

re-

due to the imprisonment

and partly

Zone I,

occasional

and its

to repression

due to the

from isolated

From the available Peronist

partly

1960-63

apart

the

The specific

was upon mass insurrection.

organisation

warfare,

the emphasis,

of launching

1962 when

to power seemed con-

results.

the idea

armed actions

after

and mass struggles,

though

materialized,

group

especially return

of the election

years

considered

never

thinking,

armed operations

these

in

also

militants

its

the

after

of the

over

the

coup poss-

got no further

and small

of an electoral veto

of the Plan de Lucha,

it

about

youths,

and the taking

of mass mobilisations

doubts

not

Illusions

by most Peronist

shed,

that

excuse

base in Rosario.

ment's

but

"revolution".

in November 1960, which

of Iniguez

occupation

arms and by the constant

the

were eventually

effort

then

for

requests

force.

What gave

autonomous

were to play

in

years

and after

member of the MNRT, Buenos Aires,

- 188-

1964 as driving Peronist

later his

for

behind

forces Left

to give

forge

icipate

in

a loose

the first Peronist

was to suffer

the general

in

ist

Youth

however,

to play

and this

time

the Peronist

on to create

went

largely

tendency,

(FAP),

and Gustavo

Youth reflecPeron-

again 1960's

and

and El Kadri

Salvide

Rearte

on the Peronist

based initially

the late

Caride

chapters,

Armed Forces Party,

Aut&ntico

the MontoneroS'.

in

part-

left,

when the Left

roles

JP

When the

first

of the

grew spectacularly later

Left.

Peronist

militants

important

be seen in

As will

1970's.

early

in

were, itself

asserted

Several

fragmentation.

political

and thus

the Peronist

1964,

of the

the

enabling

Peronist

after

demise

mid-1960's

hand,

alliance,

of the

Movement declined

Revolutionary

ted

and combative

mass organisation

Movement and

Perbn was momentarily,

a helping

the Left

left-wing

Peronist

In 1963-4,

organisations.

own purposes,

to help

the Revolutionary

re-emerged his

created

Revolutionary

own

Youth.

FROM TACUARA TO MNRT "THE FATHERLANDWILL CEASE TO BE A COLONYOR THE NATIONAL FLAG WILL FLUTTER OVER ITS RUINS" I

Tacuara

a fundamental

MNRT), played Peronist

est also

not

only

because

phases

guerrilla

because

it

through

its

of an important

1. "MNRT: Aires),

Nacionalista

formative

role

organisations. spawned the first political social

the Tacuara

splinter,

Movement (Movimiento

Nationalist

recent

left-wing

and its

Revolucionario

Tacuara

the

of the more

emergence

The parent Argentine

fragmentation

process:

Violencia Revolucionaria, (19th 6 July 1973), no.

in

Revolutionary

it

Tacuara urban

is

of interbut

guerrilla,

reflected

-

the

early

the movement of petty-bourgeois

" Ist May 1964, PP. 35-38.

Militancia

(Buenos

189 Peronism

sectors

towards

It

be stressed

must

dozen

activists

early

history

tended

The-early

in

Tacuara

composition. is

isations

the

nationalism

the

French

to

the

shift

in

beois

youth

in

the

have

of most

Maurras,

of

1930's

to people

during

the

of

the

would

oligarchic

develop-

1950's

organ-

the

topic Whereas and

owed far

to have

displaced

more

been. a

petty-bour-

more lowly

generally

social

by Mussolini

appear

plus

its

in

two periods.

influenced

from

Sensa-

studied

the

of

of

nationalist

seriously

that

subject

ideological

was primarily

there

the

and changes

bases

class

be ex-

to

journalists.

of

1930's

on the

mark

Tupamaros.

ignore

nationalism

Moreover,

composition

social

by

origin

1950's.

history,

school

of

nfindez

Arregui,

family

to

Yrigoyen's

the

many of

Radicals

the

foreign

in

1916.2

among the

it

of

who had lost

petty

bourgeoisie

however, the -

"Para una interpretaciön For example, de Tacuara. (AQui (Buenos GORILAS, " Ocurri6 y en el mundo), 1964, P. 15.

2.

Hernändez

La Formaciön...,

op.

cit.,

to Her-

linked

by to

power

been such a force

1.

Arregui,

were

political

have

activities,

revisionist

According decade

this

not

the

produced

inspiration.

They would

and anti-striker from

though

nationalists

Conservatives

oligarchic

support

1930's,

owed much to

anti-Communist

attracted

1930's

Falange.

Nationalism

their

the

part

a few

was even

has been

to

the

writers-who

Charles

monarchist

Spanish

the late

the

tended

on the

between

make their

Uruguayan

1950's

since

data

available,

of

the

on the

period

to

were

onwards.

involved

only

and MNRT influence

late

the

1960's

and early

initially

to

Plata

nationalism

differentiated

have

the

of

Though

not

Left

of

1950's

they

especially

Argentine 1

process

de la

Rio

magazines

ments

this

Peronist

much misinterpretation, tionalist

late

nevertheless,

the

the

across

the

that

but, of

from

pp.

had they classical

in not

mass

Ante que nada: Aires), Ist April 172-3.

- 190base of fascism.

social

ism were a hankering

for

of aristocratic

merits

The major

characteristics

the past,

an emphasis

national-

upon hierarchy

and virulent

elites,

political

of their

and the

anti-Communism

and anti-Semitism. By the and was still traits

historical

Argentine

orary

genealogy in

splits

the early

ents

the

1955 coup.

headed with national

knives

around

1953.

1.

overthrow,

its

to contempTacuara's

in

of political

the orientations

Legion

Peron

pars-military

See Marysa Navarro GerassiLos Jorge Alvarez, 1; 68), Editorial

Civics) (Alianza

spearfor

under Peron,

IINES was reconstituted grouping,

and then assisted

Nacionalistas p. 225.

de la

the struggle

of inactivity

activity.

of the

used by LINES

to the bamboo lances

nationalist

-

of Tacuara

organisation

supported,

Catholic

(Legion

during

Stud-

Secundarios

had been previously

some years

with

by the Secondary

de Estudiantes

were used by gauchos After

through

changes

parent

and referred

dispute

by some of its

a series

Youth Alliance

The name Tacuara

As a right-wing

ed the Church in his

Nacionalista

had initially

whom the nationalists

but

was provided

and became the

independence.

the main feat-

but

Organisationally,

to profound

of the Nationalist

which

some constants,

was an attempt

1930's,

the past

publications

occasional

ideological

sectors.

(Uni6n

Nacionalista),

Juventud

of course

problems.

led

with

Union

and then

1930's

after

1950's

UNES had been a wing of the Civic

UNES). early

were

back to the

1960's

link

Nationalist

There

dominant

and anti-Semitism,

and its

most dynamic

Tacuara's

of its

so as to make them relevant

ideas

stretched

some of its

of

terms

of the late

society

also

in

revisionism

to reformulate

promoters

had changed considerably

nationalism

composition.

of the nationalism

ure

in

both

changing,

and social

especially

for

Argentine

1950'sß

Feelings

it

support-

in a small of triumph

(Buenos Aires:

way

-191-

which

when Lonardi

arose

when Lonardi

betrayal

Per6n soon gave way to feelings

replaced

was in

turn

by Aramburu

replaced

who had regarded

The young nationalists,

Lonardi

now felt

compelled

to resume the struggle

Tacuara

for

purpose.

After

this

its

foundation,

far

from being

in November 1955.

as a national

bearer,

of

for

standard-

power and created

its

IINES rapidly

parent

disintegrated.

tacuaristas,

The original ed oligarchs, come from Catholic

due to the fact

Uriburu, the

of bourgeois

Ezcurra's

the Tacuara

that

descendant

was a proud

of the right-wing

leader

father

the better

was only

the

were reasonably

years

as much motivated of their more,

parents

militancy.

by family having

they

policy,

While nationalists was also

government

been active

of the different.

battle

1930's,

who was denied and this

views,

In general,

Tacuara

"good families",

from

nationalism,

later

the

may

members in

6n or Alianza.

the Le

being

In fact,

political

during

latter

years

some 1

Further-

of the

1946-

university

unimaginative

anti-Peronist.

was a shift

It

in

the

professor

students

was

Ezcurra

1930.

as by family

and the Peronists'

were staunchly there

well-off

Catholicism

due to the Church-State

55 Peronist

1.

son's

history

due to his

his

composition

Alberto

coup of

a revisionist

have stimulated

anti-Peronist,

social

leader,

to have

appear

of Rosas and Uriburu,

nationalist

in education

posts

early

of their

of land-

progeny

and petty-bourgeois

Misinterpretation

families.

largely

by the sensationalists,

as was suggested

a combination

the nazi

down the

at least

was often

at

social

scale

leadership

incoherent,

compared to the level,

the ideology

composed of a series

of

Ibid., con los j6venes p. 226; Rogelio Garcia Lupo, "Dialogo (Buenos Aires: " in his In Rebel16n de los Generales fascistas, interview Proceso Ediciones, 1962), p. 72; and personal with former MNRT member, op. cit.

-192-

slogans

such as "Long Live

Franco,

Down With

The Bolshies,

the major

though,

ed,

of Jose Antonio

ings

Primo de Rivera;

These synthesisideological

baggage: Falange,

lay

the influence,

State

and the writ-

such ideas

of the Francoist

Rosa;

Long Live

of the Spanish

ideas

Behind

Rosas,

"1

Tacuara

early

the

revisionism

of Josh Maria

historically,

to the Jews!

of the

and anti-Semitism.

anti-Communism

Long Live

the Ring, Death

fragments

historical

Catholicism,

Christ

and the fiercely

anti-Communist

Meinvielle, "spiritual Tacuara's of Julio writings and anti-Semitic 2 They felt to Spain than cultural a stronger attachment advisor". Nazi

Germany or Fascist

Moreover, thing

Germany and Italy

seen as totally

like

Argentina

Chief

where

factor

in

the

posed in

parties, for

during

of falangismo.

to

(in

of

along for

with

Despite

the Argentine

numerical

had shown

terms)

of capitalist

the moral

of the

early

unions

was an important

the experience

the

after

official

became the stated

decadence

was a characteristic

Gerassi,

growth

nacional

The latter,

country

State.

in a corporate

Above all,

"the

some-

Tacuara

of strong

the Per6n period

were seen as responsible

Tacuara

influenced

which

movement based

Sindicalismo

opposition

democracy".

and liberal

which

unions.

the

advocates,

of a national

on the trade

ical

appeal

role

imperialism,

of a dependent

the idea

nacional,

of the State

tutelage

the viability

Tacuara,

of its

of fascist

had to be anti-imperialist.

nationalism ideas

heritage.

colonial

to the problematic

a fundamental

playing

the anti-Peronism the

genuine

were instances

of sindicalismo

unions

under

alien

due to Argentina's

among the falangist

1955 was that trade

Italy

to

goal

of

structures

"complicit" and social Resistencia

largely

politchaos years.

1.

Navarro

2.

(Buenos Julio Meinvielle, El Audio en el misterio de la historic Aires: Ediciones Teoria, 1959; El comunismo en la revoluc16n anti(Buenos Aires: Ediciones Teoria, 1961). cristiana

op. cit.,

p. 226.

- 193Tacuara's

ideology

early

Position"

"Third

of Justicialism,

was a greater class

in

was not

emphasis

totally

fact

though

on a State

at

incompatible

least

there

superficially

based on the unions

the

with

than

rather

on

conciliation: "In the face of liberal indifference and the Marxist negation, Tacuara defends the National Syndicalist State, which will (and) the liberal be an authentic State based replace regime 1 on the unions" had a vague notion

Tacuara

Left,

the

it

and that

1930's

basis,,

they

was still

appealed

that

Fearing

changing.

to potential

had changed

society

lurch

an atheistic on an "It's

supporters

the

since

to

them or us"

that:

arguing

America is in a revolutionary "Latin process of an eminently Either character. social we give this revolution our nationhave the reactionary stamp or it will al and Catholic stamp 2 of Communism". Their

them as "Nazis", products Jewish

anti-Semitism

opposed of already

survived

Peron's

Catholic

nationalists. Equally

it,

as did

the

This

Per6n in

present

in Argentine break

was its

stimulated

with

romantic

violence

as a brand

and struggle

with

a similar

elements

and went in

2.

Ibid.

" Che,

and

which the

in attracting the values

They stressed

"Tacuara juega a la milicia revolucionaria, (2nd June 1961)-, pp. 10-11.

and

the anti-Communism

than ideology

1.

The

of nazism

Church and hence with

appeal.

were

the mid-1940's.

nationalism,

the

more important

to dismiss

European-inspired

Communist Party

the regime.

or perhaps

sacrifice,

as being

as well

romance with

subsequent

to Tacuara

courage,

ideas

en masse saw Peronism

community-almost

characterisation

youth

these

yet

of the nationalists'

so fervently

led many liberals

and anti-Communism

anti-Semitism

for

no.

direct

15

of

action,

- 194-

Maltese iation

their

Cross in

the military

Partly

and in

family

due to their

It

persecution.

more than

photographing

detainees

One story of

the late

that

was said

for

stations

Tacuara

the early

anti-Communism,

for

member, Joe Baxter,

leading

and arranged Baxter

promised

to organise

but with

Ezcurra

the

destruction

free,

Baxter

press,

six

months since

ing

of the location

of clandestine

Tacuara

became widely

Frondizi

Arturo

party

alist stantial

Together

with

1.

in

combative

1958, yet"they

Personal

then

former

relationship another

Chief

of Police

In return

for

bluff

centres!

1958 with

print-

to

Tacuara allied

MNRT member, op.

for

he knew noth1

the

ascendancy

of a new Catholic

moved over

themselves

this,

had to go underground

but such hopes foundered

of Peronism,

soon found

interview-with

police

drew back from

leader.

The idea

leaders

sectors

police

of a Communist Party

known in

the time

of nationalist

in

to see the

CP printing

to the presidency. at

virulent

from

was arrested,

had been sheer

own promises

was floated

sector

vote

only

immunity

Tacuara-police

special

of the Tacuara

ing

his

to their

policemen

went personally

the release

for

interference.

police

remained

of how, when Ezcurra

tells

feasts

open-air

of dismissal. the

reveals

which

1950's

fear

1955 and

house owned by the

great

and that

Care of

cemetery.

and partly

members rarely

24 hours

init-

coshes and knuckle-dusters

without

enjoyed

the

wore

secret

arms since

at a country

respectability

social

for

combined with

Delta

the Paranä

small

carried

were held

discussion,

and folkloric

had possessed

exercises,

always

in uniforms

of the Chacarita

operations

Training

them.

with

and dressed

they

engaged in

The tacuaristas

way.

recesses

and police,

even when not

Ezcurra

lapels

in dark

ceremonies

around

in a big

and ceremonies

uniforms

nationwhen a sub-

the Frondizi advocated

of

camp. a blank

to the new premier,

cit.

- 195for

religious

religious

recognition

the qualifications

and,

spearheaded

the

was in

way that

this

of hundreds

its

success

won, the

Church

ordered

years

which

followed

More important attempts

made by one sector of the hard-line

nationalism

Catholic

authoritarian,

emerged was far

which

an authentic with

the empty nationalist

national

wing Tacuara Peronist

1.

splinter,

labour

from

Tacuara

the

Peronism.

faction

remained

Nell,

began to promote

movement and developing

later

disappointed the

the

of the

with

faction

"discovering"

union

leader

were the

reactionary,

the other with

the

Whereas the

mass trade

the idea links

in

of activists.

of Aramburu and Frondizi, by its

organisa-

of Tacuara

Greatly

was

had been

with

experience.

of

battle

which appeared

and more concerned

influenced

Jose Luis

by Catholic

educational

foreign-inspired,

rhetoric

Peronism,

achievements.

anti-Peronist

nationalist

It

and won control

development

to come to terms

more secular

of it.

than hundreds

rather

subsequent

and largely

Argentine

group reappraised

the

1

de Derecho - SUD),

a tap,

splinters

dozens

contained for

period

to withdraw

Like

The Tacuara

off.

"free

organisations,

temporarily

Universitario

obeyed.

promptly

this

devotees

student

and

the Frondizi

in favour

As soon as the

was short-lived.

on and then

in

(Sindicato

and against

a few dozen to an organisation

promoted

zenith

over

institutions

student

and battles

growth

its

reached

and two-thirds

turned

its

for

defended

Catholic

grew from

controversy

religious

Tacuara other

with

Tacuara

Law Union

the University

Catholic

mobilisations

of students, Tacuara

priests.

tion

street

In the battles

conferred,

along

the

in

reasons,

of private

they

line

education"

political

institutions.

educational

governmental

but

than

rather

of working

base and left-

in the

the Peronist

For details the controversy "Laica of education, over see (January Todo es Historia, 80 1974), pp. 9-23, though no. not deal with the role of Tacuara.

latter

Youth.

o Libre, " it does

196 Contact

the Youth,

with

June

1956 military

istas

sympathetic

El Kadri, with

workers,

between

of Tacuara the

(UOCRA).

technical

Resistencia

nacional

towards

and Baxter

(in

nacional

hegemonic

a decade later).

in

- and also

established conCoria's

with

weaponry

exchanges and examples

actions

to the workers'

struggles

out

stood

drift

towards

the workers'

by supporting due to its

the

of

slogan

Peronism

movement but

acceptable implied,

this

which being

general

strike, with

socialismo

Peronist

and right-wing

What was not

January

compatibility

same way as the

to left-

in

seen publicly

unions,

much the

both

was acceptable

inevitable

the

to the right-wing

palatable

organisations the

like

militants

the naval -

unions

a few joint

given

tacuar-

period.

1959 when Ezcurra

sindicalismo

Youth,

Peronist

when those

were occasional

being

support

The orientation

was mildly

trade

There

and the Peronist

Tacuara

of the

were also

and shoemakers

woodworkers

Union

Construction

1950's

Relations

more militant,

often

time

began to work alongside

Rearte.

and Gustavo

the smaller,

the late

grew in

revolt,

at the

established

to Peronism

Rulli

struction

first

Youth

to the Right Peronism

seen by the Right

was being

as anti-

Catholic.

Left-Right

Growing Tacuara. the

These appear

organisation

of their

parents

now saw their

or night to finance

1.

school their

rapidly

of petty-bourgeois

had risen

socially

these but

standards

under

new tacuaristas had to work during

studies.

Peronist the Peronist

were still the day,

of into

by the recruitment

by the rising

eroded

the unity

destroyed

to have been exacerbated

of youths

living

good number of

tensions

cost

students usually

parentage.

Many

governments

but

of living. at university as employees,

1

Navarro Gerassi, op. cit., p. 228; Personal interview with former MT Appendix A.

Garcia Lupo, op. Cit., p. 73; See also member, op. cit.,

A

197 A few members of the

of the renovated

the pressures

but

definition,

political

old

guard,

Ezcurra,

notably

to make a more radical

rank-and-file

the more reactionary

1960 to form

the Restorationist.

Restauradora

GNR). -

the

broke

Korilitas Guard (Guardia

Nationalist

They accused

to

responded

leftward-moving

away in

Nacionalista

Tacuara

of having

over bys

been taken

1(and

that) Trotskyism "Fidelism, reasserted and Atheism" "ultra-hierarchy is necessary in order to distinguish qualitTacuara has always been a movement of the extreme ies.... of nationality right, a defender of the purity and continuer in 1852 by the fall of the line interrupted of Rösas". was in

Ezcurra

around

tendencies

who reflect

conservatives 1930, "

tions

continued

tants

in

2

to pose a physical

As Joe Baxter,

creasingly commented,

"To opt in favour

Tacuara

trunk

miento

further

Calabrb.

move which

1.

Navarro

2.

Horacio Aires),

3.

Baxter

than

complete

in

found

a law student

mili-

liberation then

was created

integration

still into

themselves

of English cost

had protected

us the

indescent, loss

of

us turned

of the original

the disintegration

the GNR but

the ultra-reactionaries

Gerassi,

organisa-

previously

1962 when the New Argentina

MNA) -

Less extreme

the MNA advocated

who until

step

came around

Nueva Argentina

here

and union

immunity

the latter

of national

The same people us".

right-wing

to left-wing

the police

whereas

persecuted.

against

ceased to be important violent

threat

inherited

by the tacuaristas,

3A

them as "reactionaries,

followed.

which

The GNR overnight

protection.

which

the GNR and similarly

but

the years

possessed

when he dismissed

a way correct

Movement (Movi-

by Dardo Cabo and Edmundo part

of the Catholic

the Peronist

Movement,

Right, a

resisted.

ibid.

Salas, "La Ideologia de la Violencia, " Discusion (3rd-16th 15 April 1975), pp. 14-17. no. interview, Preg6n (Buenos Aires), 1964. Ist April

(Buenos

198-

ure

the ideology

defined

Ezcurra

of Tacuara

the

after

GNR's depart-

as: "Christian, in that it affirms the primacy of the spiritual and Nationalist, in that it permanent values in man and society; the Nation as the-supreme due unit; posits social and Socialist, to its socio-economic, anti-capitalist, revolutionary and 1 conceptions". communitarian

Due to

Ezcurra

anti-capitalism, of Marxism.

religious

and in

convictions

spite

not embrace the materialist

could

however,

Others, than

rather

sis

of his

the- strength

did

Marxism,

adopt

philosophy

as a method of analy-

so ideological

as a philosophy,

of his

unity

denied

was still

to Tacuara.

factor

tacuaristas,

an important

and practice

of armed struggle, employed

methods

action

and there

period 1960,

were also

broken

up by 200 Tacuara

Centre

in

Buenos Aires.

and targets a state

from

direct

struggles

and this

A former

Ezcurra,

youths Violent

their

in

1950's.

clubs

who invaded methods

to organised

Tear gas and

meetings.

Guevara's

mother

exercised

was violently

even after

political

conceptions

guerrilla

Sciences motivamoved

began to evolve

activity,

an ideological

combative revolutionary as well

influence.

member of the MNRT recollected,

quoted

in Garcia

Lupo,

op. cit.,

"We read

p. 77.

that

In November

persisted

read books on international

undoubtedly

during

the Law and Social

elements

theory

direct

and schools

on left-wing

and as the pro-Peronist methods

was the

of the violent

the late

by

of the newer

extraction

radicalisation.

Jewish

As Tacuara's

began to avidly

methodological

into

attacks

changed.

of flux action

tacuaristas

1.

by Tacuara

due to be addressed

a meeting

into

in

social

a continuation

bombs had been thrown

plastic

tions

humbler

the relatively

from

Apart

everything

as

- 199-

did

ideology 1

ism". duct

not

liberation

were national

tacuaristas,

though

these

of

study

national

clusion

that

they

Tacuara

Peronism

sky's

national

on a world content.

influential

upon the

was indicated

In general,

by their

however,

of the

the

relationship

revolution,

and then

evolution

was contact

to the

con-

Vinas.

La Formaci6n

Another

through

de la Conciencia

struggles,

Revolution

of de Liber-

latter

group,

Rosa and also

though

the books lists

it

appears

2 in-

histor-

mainly

reading

of

Nacional,

was particularly

had read little,

book on the Tacuara

of the Russian

the

geria-

was passed on to sectors

writers

of. Jose Maria

appraisal

Movement (Movimiento Partly

and social

between

of the

splinter-products

Liberation

the tacuaristas

such as those Ortiz.

time

a leftwing

with

a more positive

with

nationalist

related

of Raul

was Trotto have had no

influence.

There was something

Even in

groups,

Ismael MLN) of -

Arregui's

History

and their

Left

tendencies

Previously,

works

practical

leftward

this

Hernändez

fluential.

Scalabrini

in

of popular

again

which

two.

and social

such as the National

Tacuara.

the

how to con-

were indivisible.

Party,

influence

often

to an examination

led

National young and

aOiön Nacional

ical

between

factor

Socialist

that

at

immaturity

political

liberation

A further

the

their

experiences

between

struggles,

and romantic-

was learning

attraction

movements were particularly

to differentiate

failure

of infantilism

most such struggles

struggle,

The Cuban and Algerian

tric

the prime

But even though

a guerrilla

scale

There was a lot

matter.

political the -

OAS even stuff -

and clandestine

was subversive

which

reflection the early

1.

Personal

2.

Hernändez

in 1960's,

interview, Arregui,

of a time-lag the practical Baxter

op. cit. op. cit.

between activity

and others

cognition of the

of such ideas

organisation.

engaged in anti-Semitic

200-

-

activities,

Edgardo

anti-Semitic,

ence,

but

Hussein

uneasy marriage

1962 when Nell

and Baxter

Movement (MNRT), though

Pueyrredon, to revive

attempts

Ministry

share

the spoils

was very "to

small

Social

tionism

In

it.

and political

Strike'

ed,

the leadership

Salas,

anti-Zionism

the two positions

only

came to an end in

ope cit.

dropped

Errecalte

for

Ezcurra

Tacuara, Collins

did

the Nation"!

to the

rulers,

in

time,

Tacuara

were defined

the

Moreover,

Int-

an attempt

failure

influences

as the

forgetting

of the

insurrec'Revolution-

1960's

early visibly

to

membership

1

Movement could

and conveniently

the

by Errecalte

` the KURT. Peronist of

1959 with

to

to

opportunistic

as much as international

reality

occur

and then by Patricio

went personally

joining

not

later

linked

despite

By this

of victory.

Nationalist

out of activity,

the new military

the Peronist

strategies

with

disintegrated,

1966,

in

Revolutionary

The official

of January. of

break

organisation

had been defeated

violent

influ-

between

and Right

the definitive

and requirements

ary

1.

the Tacuara

and glory

General

doning

created

gradually

the guerrilla

motivated

Left

macho and to love

be very

were

They developed

into

evolved

between

to congratulate

erior

ideological

to Per6n.

line

headed by Juan Mario

then

name of Ezcurra, Errecalte

dividing

the priesthood.

into

be ordained

and

The young Peronists

anti-Semitism

the

Soloski

of the Arab League in Argentina,

when he finally

later

two years

until

their

Jewish

until

blurred.

a time

the

Ernesto

of fascist

result

the representative

and though

Sarmiento

such attacks.

as

moved to the Left,

when they

them.

.a the Jewish opposition

due to

with

Triki,

was for

no longer

rather

links

to attack

order

were wounded in

Trilnik

still

strong

in

came out

schoolboys

the Colegio

outside

such as waiting

progress-

be seen aban-

the programme of

as

-201-

Huerta

drift

this cracy, for

Guerrilla

Grande.

towards

of Marxism

and in

society,

not

that

writers

have described

tionary

wing

Youth

token

to its

on the moulding

impact

appears

Baxter

the mid-1960's,

recent

revolutionary

up in

the People's within

1.

Garcia

2.

Personal

Lupo,

Left,

in

op.

interview

cit., with

interest

Left.

here,

Though Jose to in all

referred ("Joe

Baxter's

group",

was Jose Luis

leader

2

Nell.

international

travels

Nell

the

importance

actual

in

roles

joining

shaping

the Montoneros

Army (ERP). late

the

1950's

It

which

urged

MNRT member, ON cit.

during

the MNRT. of the more

and Baxter

was Nell

p. 73. former

within

due

the scanty

much publicised his

a

("Joe")

a good public

Revolutionary

Tacuara

the Peronist

with

from being

important

men went on to play

Yet both

as

reputation

from

than

rather

to fight",

the MNRT was given

of prime

organisation

his

gained

man and due to his

relations

is

1957,

and political

operational

that

in

of the

as the leader

) the real etc.

of

was there-

Movement.

latter

is

which

of the Revolutionary

part

1965,

the Peronist

Tacuara

who joined

Baxter,

tendency

Command of the

of the MNRT which

the history

is

and along

In

of

the most revolu-

towards

came to form

and Rearte.

It

who wanted

gravitated

organisations

sister

commentaries

It

the MT,

on the National

seat

1

of living

cost sectors.

Peronists

"young

Movement of Villal6n

It

Luis

the

of Frondizi's

changes in Argentine

spiralling

of the mass movement of Peronism

and its

Peronist

the

rationale

or unreadiness

substantial

and petty-bourgeois

workers

surprising

the inability

about

to halt

particular

both

was affecting fore

to bring

bourgeoisie

bureau-

ideological

been the experience

seemed to demonstrate

which

the national

had. also

There

such a strategy.

became the

rapidly

to

antidote

of the Vandorist

and the rise

neo-Peronism

and elements

government

was seen as the necessary

action

ending

who had led

a positive

the

202-

-

battle

theoretically

ed the

alienation

In

1963,

meeting

with

Philosophy

from

the Communist Party

integration

to break

of event

}N

the working-

with

On leaving

up.

liberated.

We are

starting

and we are

out

in

throwing

off

of

Tacuara

the meeting,

feel

in a

the Faculty

the parent

which

the Second World War; we no longer

of Berlin

maintain-

when the MNRT participated

and Vifias's

the kind

"Now we feel

of)

foguismo,

advocating

real

pressmen were surprised

and Letters,

a reporter, ences

tendency

who had won that

movement,

practice.

have attempted

would

and the labour

but who now, through of his

nnvement in

class

Peronism

towards

orientation

Baxter (the

all

defeated

told

in

influ-

the Battle

The MNRT had come to

on a new road".

that:

realise

"Not only is there a cipayo liberalism but and a ci ao leftism, They are those who think that the. also a cipayo nationalism. battle for Argentine Chancsovereignty was fought in the Berlin in 1945". 1 ellery One of from

the

the clearest

was the Reporta.

organisation

Tacuara,

published

in Compaiiero in

of falandista

ation

Peronist

later

ured society

traces. Left

ments with

Imperialism"

antagonism

between

was viewed

as of cardinal

spread

view

to

a cordon

1.

Baxter,

1964,

of Peron as a revolutionary,

quoted

in Salas,

with there

cit.

therein

prefigin

contradiction Liberation

the working

the

class

seen as the

was the more recently

unable

to play

Move-

the Movement

within

him by the bureaucracy,

op.

the elimin-

of Semi-Colony";

and the workers

process;

around

demonstrated

of the National

importance;

to emerge

Revolucionario

contained

Liberation

"National -

the bureaucracy

established

which

the fundamental

confrontation

of the revolutionary

vanguard

e al Movimiento"N.

Many postulates

stances:

was posed as "the

definitions

and ideological

political

his which

true was

widerole

due

203 -

supposedly foauistA

tain

violence.

privileges

and with

destroy

will

them",

No faith tionary

it

Their

more complex. privileged

in

fear

they

rearguard

of the National

partially

successful

according

to the AMNRT schema,

by workers

but

ture

the MT

governments

"objective"

did

however,

ist

a programme geared

2. 3.

superficial

Movement was examined,

development.

1.

in

sentiment

As with

al Movimiento Compaßero, no. 52 (23rd "

to

labour

3

level,

op.

cit.

This

the

would,

was not

analysis

and experience

By only

struc-

of most of post-1955

The weakspot

in the

examining

the

the MNRT ignored failed

strength to arti-

needs, and demands of workers.

social

later,

N. Revolucionario June 1964).

to a

work was done

and limitation

composition

as the dynamic

and viewed

"vacillating

economy or class

movement and thus

the immediate

the Montoneros

"Reportaje

"Reportaje...,

the

class,

much

the

sections

suitable

forces. one.

into

the

yet

if

political

an analysis

of the working

interests

At a fairly

the struggle

was a crucial

was, however, to rise

offensive,

of political

by the Frondizi

They were subject

struggle".

of Argentine

through

whose non-revolu-

be no more than

to win them over.

and the behaviour

of economistic

and desire

cultural join

classes"

come to see the potential

accurately

analysis,

culate

imperialist

and revolutionaries

quite

classes

their

Liberation

on any deep analysis

based

"middle

could

we

2

bourgeoisie,

of the people

meant that

strata.

of the people

had been demonstrated

of the

role

to the

they main-

violence

violence

stated.

the national

was the urban

as a response

cowardly

creative

was argued,

The future

government.

the

and there

justified

"With

an N11RTmanifesto

was placed

character,

being 1

of official

their

the masses;

violence

with

strategy,

existence

from

him off

cutting

the

of the Peron-

key to its

principal

internal

Tacuara, " op. cit.

future

204-

conflict

life

Peronism

olutionary "to

the extent

1

reformist, the wake of

of the

they

own organisation, hoped, the

"the

other

What bestowed

clasismo

blind

is

sociologists;

Written

in

the year

and strikes)

strengthen ment,

would

the political

as well

is

and his

reality

as produce

mass workers' either

authority

force

Ibid.

2.

Principally Rank-and-File the Peronist Armed Forces Peronism", "Revolutionary ogy of the alternativista chapter.

leaders

Regime".

was its

tentative Peronism,

combin-

leader:

"Peron

material

for

Revolution".

(mainly

factory

leaders

steeled

into

Peronist in

occupline

or

Move-

the campaign.

(Peronismo de Base PB) and Armadas Peronistas FAP). R, refers to the ideolwith a capital organisations analysed in the final Peronism (Fuerzas

of

CGT, the MNRT document

of the Revolutionary

new workers'

1.

this

message is

vacillating

they

leadership

class

he analysis

actions

their

be,

Colonial

revolutionary

of the Plan de Lucha of the

the impressive

assumed that ations

is

nor

con-

attain

would

Capitalist

of Revolutionary

nor of marble,

Perlin

It

yet

2

had to build

on the working

in Peron as the great

faith

the

not

exercises

the system

with

traditions

the worst

made of bronze

not

hasty

in

from

of vanguard

of compromise

they

in

independent

groups.

could

Peronists.

and the

disappear

"the

alternativista

the proletariat

marginated

the attribute

lack was,

ed with

by which

forces

termed

of the Movement:

be resolved

bureaucracy - would

the workers

by revolutionary

aided

social

that

to Rev-

closer

own revolutionary

current

by later

class"

-

possibilities

would

- the

organisation,

understood

instrument

"objective"

of Peronism

structures

existing

its

given

"participationist"

of the working

its

contradiction

is

class

The limitations

Implicitly,

this

that

the new revolutionary

alternative

bureaucracy

But the MNRT were far

the working

neo-Peronist

the

has exhausted

which

class".

in arguing

that

organisation".

trol

front

the working and -

between

confrontation

of a historical

expression of

as "the

was viewed

205 -

-

For this,

the keynote

their

leaders

thing

which

was Perön's

"The masses will

saying,

at their

head or with

more recent

revolutionary

the heads of their Peronists

march with I

leaders",

interpreted

some-

more liter-

ally. Designating

their

Youth, ' the MT

ist

the revolutionary

activity

the unity

emphasised

action

of theory

the Peron-

of

and practices

"It is that theoretical-practical the only guarantee of unity, revolutionary action, which has enabled it to constitute, along germs of the armed organwith other combatant groups, the first Peronism". isation of Revolutionary Due to their ary

own background

they were operating,

in which

milieu

of insurrectionism, J RT meant organising (People's guard

Army),

the masses,

of

especially

the

of

force.

a guerrilla

which

plus

revolutionary

putting

and the world

of armed activities

the aforementioned

theory

into

The Eibrcito

practice del

1962 denial

of objective

of Peronist

for

through

the

armed van-

conditions"

political

victory

defeat

Pueblo

they hoped to become, was to be "the

the product

revolution-

2-

a democratic

process. MNRT combatants rather

than

integrated attitude

the Army itself. part

towards

nativists,

position

revolutionary

as just

saw themselves

They emphasised

of the mass movement, the Movement. (regarding

and thus

seeking

ist

leadership),

at times

1.

"Reportaje...,

" op.

an embryo of this

their

Though they only

statements

a somewhat ambiguous

generally

the worker

to organise

the Army had to be an

that

but adopted

it

Ibid.

adopted

base of Peronism independently

suggested

an alteras truly

of the Peron-

a movimientista

cit.

Clasismo refers to the politics of those Peronist tendencies left-wing which emphasized working-class organisation and struggle. 2.

Army

and non-Peronist revolutionary

206

(viewing

orientation tionary

the Peronist

movement and thus

Thus,

though

need for into

crept

their

Jorge del

Ricardo

Pueblo

illa,

led

demonstration

by people

of with

ignored without

and this

workers

in

1963.

This

avowedly

Cuba (like

was destroyed

as by the

in

Gendarmerfa.

were killed

in that

of Peronist

would

possessing was a sure

factor

in

basis their

the MNRT were highly of China,

Cuba, Algeria

-2

To avoid their

of support

inhospdied

guerrillas

combine

guerr-

and Dävila)

the fate

however, armed among the

d6bäcle.

impressed

and Egypt,

by the 3

but

"marvell-

their

failure

1.

Ibid.

2.

in Argentine, " chapter 7 On Masetti and the EGP, see "Guerrillas (New York: Grove Press, 1968), pp. Friend Rojo, My Che Ricardo of by Rodolfo Walsh to Masetti's book, 147-162; and the introduction (Buenos lloran Aires: los Editorial Jorge Los ue luchan ue 1969), pp. 7-18. Alvarez,

3.

"Reportaje...,

" op.

cit.

of

activities

the MNRT initiated

a political

ineff-

Guevarist

In practice,

workers.

own teachings:

its

totally

Masetti

Several

by

Guerrillero

as much by the

an avalanche. they

had been supplied

isolated,

a small,

Hermes Pena),

Internationally, ous experiences"

occasionally

Army (E: i&rcito

time

the mass struggles

operations

attitudes

who had spent

terrain

organisation

and the

struggles

point

Guerrilla

established

EGP, the }2 RT promised

the

latter

of the

Province

in Salta

and four

starvation

structures).

the revolutionary for achievvehicle The People's Army is its armed vanit, is based on it and is supplied by the, action and seek to replace of the the revolutionary be process will

People's

Masetti's

Salta

as a revolu-

literature:

(like by Cubans and itable

official

movimientista

organisation,

EGP), which -

ectual_foco

entirety

was upon rank-and-file

"The"Peronist Movement is Liberation. ing National guard: it develops out of this it. Those who forget of masses as protagonists defeated". 1

A recent

its

its

through

working

the MNRT stress

base-level

Movement in

the

-207to

differentiate national

erent

underlying

through

ogical

time

terms

rants,

yet

apparent

contradiction

Peronist

workers

their

with their

with

from

was mainly

MNRT saw the indivisibility tion. ure

but

clearly

3rd World,

1

and for

for

the

the

Programme of Huerta

1962 though

never

ramme, despite the from tion, 1.

economy, the fell Ibid.

campaigned

radical state

oligarchy short

Grande adopted

calls

the nationalisation

compensation total

the

liberation

leadership.

the

baurgeo-

only

solution

control

by

represented late

in

the prog-

of key sectors

and workers'.

socialisation.

fail-

was never

In fact,

expropriation

the

revolu-

practical

was considered

for

without

of advocating

in

social

by the 62 Organisations

trade,

that

struggles

by the national

by its

of foreign

in

the need to furnish

from

for

control

integ-

of support

was seen as the

this

the former

organisation.

and social

Argentina

and

of liberation,

was apparent

Socialism"

"Economic

articulated.

In

as has been seen

liberation

of national

than

gesture

about

hegemonised

strategies

the problematic

"leftist"

instrument

of national

of developmentalist

isle,

the latter

of international

the same lesson

In Argentina,

Movimientistas

of the Movement's

convictions

study

fully

homogeneity.

own revolutionary

their

organisation

political

common with

to the Movement as the

an ideol-

was never

Movement and still,

Peronist

being

of the

between

in by Perbn's

taken

were still

referred

It

division

to be

personality

of the potentialities

analysis

than

rather

to achieve

had more in

the Revolutionary

above,

political

Left

Peronist they

their

regarding

its

and their

was a thing

status

diff-

very

immaturity

political

Due to the infancy

members failed

Alternativistas,

for

downfall,

later

of the

their

armed struggle

question.

of its

of these

significance

revolutionary

practising

and its

clarified

indicated

that

and political

the

the political

processes

assumption

acquired

at

between

of

of land of exp orta-

- 208-

The ) RT's, May Day manifesto shed further

light

on the

the liberal

of

and all

the bourgeoisie,

ialism"

on March 18th. 1962, 7th

1963,

capitalist

the

the

given

the MNRT concluded

"treason

to the

capitulated

Revolucionaria,

Given

outlook.

system,

which

Violencia

1964,

organisation's

crisis"

July

for

the

of frondizi-ism and imper-

oligarchy

(electoral)

"shameful

"total

fraud"

of

that:

"the Peronist never have access to power by peaceful masses will means because the privileged sectors are not suicidal and know Movement in power means the perfectly well that the Peronist NATIONAL REVOLUTION which will finish them off". The battle of

small

against

the regime

encounters,

in all

Again,

the stated

gotten

by the vacillating 1 in

designed

arily labour's trade

forms union

genuine

ity

arms and funds,

Whether

of armed struggle

preparatory

stage

foco

pioneered

by Nell

common with in

have attempted once they

a

had

of the guerrilla,

one

speculate.

note

of the urban that

who favoured

there

a role

was opposition

of just

providing

struggle. maintained

fraternal

"NNRT:

prim-

participation

the MNRT would

the

in

and

NNRT

operations,

had nothing

and mass activity

for-

and

Movement,

Their

was no organised

or not

Grande,

mass struggles

Peronist

foouismo.

pure

by Per6n.

mobilisation

for

support

thousands

as ordered

popular

Revolutionary

Such a view was related

1.

through

and there

of activity

times"

all

through

the programme of Huerta

of verbal

spite

passed through

The idea one should

in

removed from

struggles.

successfully

impose

leadership,

to accumulate

marriage

can only

but

and at

the short-lived

was little

activity

parts

aim was "to

armed struggle", participation

was to be won "preferably

Violencia

relations

with

Revolucionaria,

to'the

to this

strategy

technical

aid

ideas

the tendency)

" op.

was adopted,

cit.

from

though a minor-

to workers

of Gustavo Rearte 'of at least

in (who

developing

-209-

a minimum base of workers' tionary

Peronism

before

tured

as an urban

which

the

finance

Guard,

since

was to equip

urban

not

appear

ted,

this

used. burst nerves.

chances

three

months of careful

their

on its time

The banknotes of European

day.

usual

fire

was only

which

the start

of the

that

the

it.

of

the 12RT hardclass.

payroll

operation with

problems

truck

were killed

encountered sent

currency.

did

attemp-

ambulance

to Josh Luis

were therefore hard

acquiring

was again

a hired

attributed

to change the money into

of

went into

1963,. forcibly

two civilians

the press

were marked and emissaries capitals

29th,

terms

the proto-guerrillas

July

the

and was

the choice

least

by the working

to find

was call-

in

which

Union Hospital,

in

after

as it target

as its

preparation,

on August

as the. first

celebrated

armed actions

accepted

they

The money was des-

of organisation

Undeterred,

in which

1963,

Rosaura,

Bancario

only

of expropriations;

2,000,000.

Operaci6n

action

pesos were taken

of machine-gun This

into

purposes,

successfully,

14 million

of being

plans

in

what is

Nation-

mundane leafleting

a series

were made, not

mistakes

their

for

an ambulance

for

from

early

a further

and the degree

to put their

attempted

through

the Bank Employees'

By selecting

After

due to persist-

effective

advance upon previous

Even so, many amateurish

enhanced

apart

of the Policlinico

the amount of planning

ly

task,

operation.

guerrilla

a qualitative

target.

with

guns and ammunition

ed, had the payroll certainly

struc-

of comandos of

the Restorationist

split

themselves

pesos but missed

to provide

Argentine

their

on bus company offices

raid

400,000

tined

least

view

in Argentina

organisation

was the

of Revolu-

The majority

based upon a series

the MNRT's immediate

such as their seized

force,

ideas

controversies.

Lacking

activities,

the

armed warfare.

Comando de Propaganda

ideological

alist

initiating

guerrilla

for

support

and the MNRT became the first

prevailed

ent

political

being by a

Nell's

by the NINRT. to a variety Some of

210-

-

these

by their

required for

did

emissaries

nightclub,

the

Argentine

arrest

assisted

involved

Much of

the

in

by the police.

1964 and spent

a long

from

escape

time

of the

By the standards

there

that

vealed ed from

the

example,

only

the takings.

in

a share

cadres,

ristolero,

Mix

Arcängel

then

collapse ambition

in

ational

1.

up early

in

was a thoroughly

professional

Its

amateurish.

shadow of criminal

learnt

organisation,

to join

Posse,

due to the

for

of the move-

to an MNRT friend

the information Moreover,

deriv-

activity,

Gustavo

to the MNRT.

re-

aftermath

lack

in

re-

of armed

engaged a'professional them in

the

for

operation had "criminal

a re-

so did many good Peronists.

The inexperience of the)

Miloro,

it

who made a dramatic

Other members of the organisation

of 2m. pesos. but

it

with

1

the MNRT reportedly

of its

cords"

of the

money and sold

expertise

fee

linked

Tacuara,

a sympathiser

ment of payroll for

a slight

was still

original

time,

of the

purchased

Nell

except

prison,

totally

of today,

by those

operation;

in

rapid

of the MNRT.

Most members were rounded

(Law Courts).

the Tribunales

the downfall

equipment

by

alerted

to an identification

and to

money and printing

exchanged

a Paris-

in

of pesos and the

eventually

pesos

reportedly

Interpol,

circulation

the operation

were recovered

turn

led

of one money-changer

militants

the

noticed

police,

, im.

paid

activities

"Brigitte"!

by a certain

precautions

basis,

on a contractual

in pleasure-seeking

of the booty

part

ian

the Operaci6n

in

of security

The Posse brothers,

life.

in

the kind

take

exactly

station

participating

invested

not

aiming

infrastructure

the stupidity and some of

RT in Argentina. for

others

They had committed

haul 14m. peso a was poorly

of

at a time

developed

the

led

to the

sin

of over-

whem their

and their

For accounts of Operaci6n Rosaura, see La Raz6n, (police op. cit. and Ocurri6, report)

political

25th

organissupport

March 1964

-211-

base restricted

to a small

(plus

students

invade

the Malvinas

their

New Argentina thing

group,

was visiting

Argentina.

identification

with carried

illustrates

that

its

future

urban

though

and sometimes It

is

important

Rubbn Daniel he got

after

Rodriguez

country

who never

included

Egypt,

Switzerland,

China.

The tour

inevitable displayed

eulogising

ideas, to exercise guerrilla of

Nell,

Rosaura),

Jorge of and -

Cataldo

an

for

to the activities

Operaci6n

Spain,

Italy,

Czechoslovakia,

Caffati

usual but

dexterity

for

went on a world Angola,

Cuba, North

Vietnam in

instruction

an audience

when meeting

the

the MNRT, fled

Algeria,

3 months of military to Madrid

in

and Arab contacts

visits

pilgrimage

Mussolini

of Villal6n to Brazil,

included

his

one foot

had more than

the aid

and with

which

Its

upon subsequent

in

Andres

put

of prison.

out

Baxter,

and Jorge

not

and Uruguay

were also

settled,

to draw attention

(who wasn't

spectrum.

in Argentina

operation.

influence

direct

the invasion

1964 did

in April

bank raids

vague and never

often

rump during

support

example as an inspiration

its

on the Policlinico

modelled

were mainland

of the political

side

behind

and some later

who got away - Baxter

those

latter

left

It

actions

organisations.

Tacuara

other

some-

a Peronist

shared

there

that

of the NNRT in Argentina

embryonic,

an indirect

the

was on the

Cabo's

splinter,

organisation

the MNRT, the fact

it

Though

when the Duke of Edinburgh

at a time

Though Cabo's

influence.

were actually

tour

incident

to

plans

1966 and managed to create

in

out

out by the fascist

The collapse end to

it

carried

had future

Tacuara

another

Instit-

commando attack.

a surprise

by capture,

of an international

operations

through

Islands

the action

for

and

of the National

practitioner

responsible

was thwarted

plan

medical

one senior

of Neuropsychiatry)

ute

The employees

number of activists.

with

Peron.

Baxter.

soon changed to the opposite

tack

Congo,

the and

Hanoi

and

The

He began by when he

212-

-

that

realised At

the

Baxter

end of 1965, Baxter

MNRT-in-exile, Nell

There,

the Argentines

of fafil

formative

Sendic,

influence

Another

influence

Guillen,

a trip

paid

1962,

and his

de la

Guerrilla

been in

Urbana,

the unity

used Montevideo

over,

they

their

brief

in

romance with

War veteran

Abraham

in

Buenos Aires

debt

to

the MNRT's tentative

shared

mass action

with

in

and Estrategia

in a "combined"

by more raids This

1967.

People's

their

after

into

military

an operation including quite

operation

proficiency

with

led that

1966 when persecu-

to a shootout, of Nell

on 15th

MNRT.

and assistance He reportedly

perishing

More-

in an air

Baxter to

the

particcrash

MNRT member, op. cit. Warfare in Latin See James Kohl and John Litt t Urban Guerrilla Teoria de America (USA: MIT Press 19741, p. 187; Abraham Guill6n, (Buenos Aires: Jamcana, 1965); and Donald Editorial la Violencia (New York: h of the Urban Guerrilla C. Hodges (ed. ), Philoso William Morris & Co., 1973), passim. Personal

interview

former

before

Youth,

golpe.

until-December

the end of the

Army back in Argentina.

Sallustro

the Ongania

to pro-

was ended by police

organisation

however was not his

place

Peronist

of the

Tupamaro bank raids

and arrests,

Revolutionary in

MNRT work in Uruguay was devoted

that

investigations

went on to contribute

2.

Guill6n

as a meeting

participated

Police

followed

1.

warfare.

owed a substantial

of the member organisations

which

ipated

1965-66

Tupa-

an important

de Is Violencia

struggle

from discussion,

Apart

July

period.

2

strategy.

tion.

in

and Rodriguez,

guerrilla

Baxter

with

Teoria

In them, guerrilla

Civil

the

the fledgling

with

of urban

days.

old

organise

Cataldo

them and exercised

contact

written

Nell,

contact

Spanish

books on strategy,

to help

the interim

conception

on the Tupas,

of integrating

moting

train

the

since

with

came into

helped

Tupa-MNRT discussions. idea

there

to, China in

on their

had already

politically

moved to Montevideo

and was reunited

having

also

maros

had "evolved"

I

-213-

Orly

at for

in

the

the

raid,

on the

Montoneros split-off

taking

his

own life that

influentially

vene their

lack

of total link

cementing borne

as the major

that

He recalled

period.

monto",

of Marxist ist.

that

meaning

analysis,

According

make pragmatic time.

Baxter

former

colleague,

with

the same time

his -

ship

to any particular

romanticism

the

that

time

Nell

Nell

as

is

regard

pro-

to

had been "muy

ready

was always situation

him with theory,

with

to use elements

were generally

was characterised

revolutionary

early

confirmation

) RT militant

objective

provided

always

was Marxist.

Further

orientations

political

compromises

tic"

self-definition

his

This

methodology.

by members in the

he was occasionally

although

to his

at

even at

of

Guevara and Leon Trotsky

historians.

that

indicative

1963-4 when the most solid

read

Arregui,

of a former

by the recollections

vided

is

revolutionary

literature

revisionist

disillusioned,

politically

back in

by their

Hernändez

included

which

(Loyal-

the Leales

joining

organisations

unity

was provided

influence,

of the MNRT went on to inter-

cadres

political

to

1974.

different

three

by the disparate

out

1960's,

in

in-

of the working

alternative

before

sentence

and helped

have a politico-military

1974 and then,

the leading

his

and political

he joined,

which

1970's

in September

serving

a military

"independent

was to also

in

after

both

Armed Forces

the early

in early

The fact

well

Nell

Caffati,

exercised

of the

conception

Josh Luis

class".

aged 32.1

the Peronist

over

mature

is

1973,

Policlinico

fluence

ists)

July

popul-

prepared

to

at any given

as a "political

roman-

an ephemeral

relation-

his

ultimate

even though

2

1.

Oberdan Sallustro, General Manager of Fiat-Concord, was kidnapped (ERP) in March 1972 and killed Army Revolutionary by the People's had the the the following payprohibited government after month, ment of a ransom by the company.

2.

Personal

interview,

ope cit.

214 -

Tacuara Argentina,

influence

Movement,

upon the Montoneros

a tendency

the Catholic

of

Dardo Cabo, son of the metalworkers' influential

ically

(1973-74)

cemisado

organisation invasion

(Concentraci6n

Concentration

Catholic

was to a great

whose ideologsr

its

maintained

to engage in violent

odological

these

outlines

are

far

alternativista

The basic

divisions

bat

with

itself,

those

urging

Other

1974.

Gustavo

(the

Catholic

independence

the

More important

14.

Catholic

University

echoed by Tacuara

extent

such as

through

organisations

and the

National

Montoneros,

the age of

front

closer

CNU) before -

Ramus, passed at

Youth

influence

which,

Youth)

never-

and freedom

both

close,

of action

politically Peronist

their

and those

motivation

between

strategically, role

for

united ideology.

their

to go Yet

to be denied.

to Marxism,

more preoccupied

those

meth-

and ideologically,

importance

attitudes

a greater

politico-military

linguistically

for

were over members'

an auxiliary

later

of a revolutionary too

exercised

upon the

sufficiently

literature

ideological and,

University

Universitaria

the MNRT undoubtedly

sketch

to recent

those

Malvinas the as

Giovenco, stuck

semi-fascist

Action

They were never

beyond an outline

Rightist

activity.

political

organisations.

at the hands

Catholic

Alejandro

organisational

As an organisation, than

the

El Des-

paper

death

Operation',

1960's

Student

Catholic

Youth,

theless,

the early

were the

though

Working

in

Tacuara

mainstream here

up in

Abal Medina and Carlos

Fernando

his

National

himself

blowing

accidentally

the

and moved into

ideas

member until

Condor team leader,

Another

old

of their

became one of the more leftwing

Cabo never

was christened,

Right.

Armando Cabo, became polit-

as editor

'Condor

the

the New

came via

nationalist

Coming from

1977.

produced

which

Montoneros. to his

and as a leading

in January

of the military

leader

the Montoneros

in

also

preaching

organisation

between with

focuismo in relation

comand to

215 -

-

struggles.

workers'

The strongest

ist

leadership of

in

1962 and with

the MNRT towards

resolve

sults.

This

this

alternativismo, suggested. conceptions

were never

steps

Long Live

King, to

Rosas,

in

for

further

yet

elaborated,

progressing

Long Live

Franco,

to the Left

shifts

re-

revolutionary Left

who

intelligently

their than

naive

the Jews! " to the Programme of Huerta

bases

and mili-

action

only

more influential

of the Peronist

ground

force,

the young

as an almost

Peronist

sense and through

was certainly

fully

development

of ideological

lot

brute

annulment led

1963,

with

of the

1

were far

fopuismo

Their

the

"against

methodological

the MT

with

the masses into

by the more recent

can be effective".

Both in

in

maxim,

turn

was regarded

contradictions,

hope was inherited

to Per6n's

It

galvanise

Peronist

internal

force

applied

would

which

in

proscription

foQuismo.

of Peron-

and consequential

met by the military

results

tarily

subscribed

1950's

reformism,

solution

magical

late

legal

of

the failure

as a background,

towards

election

Peronists

the

in

insurrectionalism

of the MNRT was to armed

commitment

Resistencia

the

With

struggle.

unitary

analysts

both

important

represented

Its

leaders

"Long Live

covered

Christ

the Bolshies,

Down with

have and their

and amateurish,

Left. from

tentative

the, Death

Grande,

and laid

some of the

on the part

of later

Revolutionary

Peronists.

COMPANERO

"..... for

1. 2.

mouthpiece Liberation"

of Revolutionary

Peronism

in

the battle

2

quoted in "Violencia M. R. P. Congress resolution, 1964). Per6n,

" op.

cit.

Companiero, no.

59

Revolucionaria, 1964,

a

(11th

August

- 216 -

Compafiero,

the main publication

dency,

made its

dizi's

former

secretary,

though

rarely

credited

stated

for

first

through

were later

its

Jaime

1

Peronist

editorial

ideas

Rearte.

the

of

more specifically

of

of the

of the

left-wing

this

first

Valotta,

Fron-

importance, be under-

cannot

were propounded the

voiced It

time.

which

views

of

reflected

as

such as Armando

of young activists Study

to any understanding

Mario

Left,

Compafero

of Peronism

conceptions

and Gustavo

central

columns

ten-

revolutionary

theoretical

even by the later

sectors

the

as moulded

well

Its

editor.

to become common currency.

the most radicalised

early

June 1963 with

in

appearance as its

of the

weekly

paper

revolutionary

of the Revolutionary

is

therefore

tendency

and

Peronist

Move-

ment. The starting supporters for

must be its

experiences

of Companero and its

any evaluation

interpretation

of background

developed

journalists

the weekly's

the political

for

point

their

of the Peronist

ideas

political through

events analysis

of

Movement:

"Concrete with its succession of victories action, and defeats the is latter the the principal school of great mainly There, in practice, the revolutionary liberation movements. then enriched through line of Peronism was forged, afterwards that through theoretical experience of and exploranalysis 2 ation". Certain

of the

tions ing

a national

due to

were drawn from analysis

conclusions

"internal

1946-55

Peronist

liberation

governments. but

process

contradictions

within

of

the practical

limita-

They were seen as initiat-

as being

the popular

to

complete it 3 Despite forces".

unable

1.

to 1955 and after Armando Jaime was a Peronist the prior activist He was a member of in Resistance coup participated comandos. Cooke's National Peronist Youth. Command and a founder of the first

2.

"No HabrA Perd6n, " Companero,

3.

"Peronismo

y Revoluci6n,

" ibid.,

no.

71 (3rd No. 17

November 1964), (16th

October

p.

1963),

I. p. I.

217

the

labour,

growing

Movement in

worker-bourgeois

the early

view,

the Movement forward

taken that

many bourgeois

port

the

focused

dox"

Peironists

not

had deserted

but

Indeed,

also the

However,

early

revolutionary,

1

intransigent

the itical

postures

compromise

again

in

his

with

an attempt

to maintain

the use of demagogic

through

Comran`ero maintained Movement had exhausted

Ibid.

myth which analysis

from fulfilling cutting

the Left

their

to total

the unity

his

him off

one-sidedly than his

confrontation of his

from stressed

overall the

and then

Movement and his

polother, back power

acrobatics.

that

the hegemonic

liberation

bourgeois

potential

of

of Per6n as a social

Peron had swung one way and then opponents

bourgeois of the

the class

of Evita

1955 rather

component

Peronist

Per6n"

the presentation

in

early

interpretation

valid

For alongside

illusion,

the

the demands of the

of bureaucrats

of Perlin

course.

zig-zagging

from

this

To maintain

in

"revolutionary

the death

after

by a circle

mission

revolutionary the masses.

by the

decade appeared

prevented

this

as "ortho-

of the Movement. as

economy declined

to satisfy

the weekly.

way into

Peronist

to sup-

of history

subversion,

Movement and erstwhile

was contaminated

its

found

Per6n and the workers

limitations

as the

Peronist

of the

fall

Peronist

have

then of this

the Companero school

on the

also

abandon the government.

did

1.

in recognition

become impossible

classes

social

was partly

on oligarchic-imperialist

solely

did,

did

it

1950's,

and it

the

initiat-

could

measures

of

inside

progressive

revolutionary

1955 defeat,

the

movement.

multi-class

condition

coup.

In explaining thus

further

paralysing only

sectors

1955 military

and the

had become apparent

conflict

1950's,

In Comnanero's

ives.

to industrialisation

regard

made with

advances

in

sectors

the early

of the 1950's.

218-

-

In order

the Movement to maintain

for

momentum, the paper

bourgeoisie,

development

classes,

their

the Left

Peronism,

would have to accept hand,

"the

had passed into

big the

tions

the

a blank

was an inter-bourgeois

to the problems

faced

but

dependent

and financial

this

ones,

Sectors

programme of Huerta

and

of the former.

be won to the project

industrial

commercial, enemy camp.

classes

the

bloc

of

the

of revolu-

Grande,

hegemony in any alliance.

class

working

Compaaero urged cause it

in

epitomised

national

between

buffeted

when in power.

argued,

com-

Illia

1963-66

an independent

ended up as allies

policies

oil

government,

oligarchy-imperialism

were not independent

could,

classes

the

bour-

the

Frondizi

by the

were both

power,

vacillating

1958-62

represented

and had generally

class,

sense they

explaining

for

of

Both the industrial

of office.

they

in

as reflected

by the

considered

contending

the working

other

term

In office

policy.

forces

tionary

capital

on the basis

to the national

pointed

were seen as too weak to pursue

government

In this

it

represented

considered

and the middle

middle

Frondizi's

revolutionary

to be reorganised

foreign

with

made during

promises

major

ties

closer

it

Moreover,

leadership.

working-class geoisie's

for

called

its

or recover

but

On the bourgeoisie"

1

vote

in

contest by the

the

1963 elections

which

popular

could

not

precisely provide

besolu-

movement:

to the oligarchic "the lame bourgeoisie is no threat structures it only aspires to become a urgently; which must be destroyed (of junior in the national partner wealth with impershare-out Its sole motive in seeking popular support is to use ialism). the people's it as a bargaining only to sacrifice counter, later interests on if that becomes and those of the nation their 2 necessary in order to safeguard own interests". It

was in

1.

"Falsa

2.

Ibid.

this

rejection

Opci6n, " ibid.,

of bourgeois

no.

1 (7th

allies

and in

June 1963),

the view

p. 1.

that

only

219 -

the working

could

class

liberation

leading

process,

promised

foreign

with

provide

a front

character,

though

the

ship

were never

made explicit.

was characterised

great

majority

of the working

ially

revolutionary

tures

1

of the Movement".

continued

2

onto

Martian

in

led

the Left

leg

of the non-revolutionary

for

to call

they

opportunist Only

that

insisted

in

this

way will

that

a purge

"old

line struc-

the presence

with

of

elements,

but again

the

later "must

occupy

be an authentic

para la Lucha, " ibid.,

In line

trade

16 (9th

"Reorganizaci6n p. 1.

2.

to an overcoming of contradictions, Superaci6n refers leading to a synthesis. tion of contradictions

3.

"Peronismo

y Revoluci6n,

" op. cit.

no.

left union

it

cleansby cadres

with

this

Keneracional, by the

old

leaders....

revolutionary

1.

the was

terms,

replacement

the places

and the bureaucratised Peronism

the analogy

trasvasamiento

of

of

common with

a thorough

of the Movement. slogan

presented

In practical

and their

the

the Movement devel-

has much in

the leadership,

of

than

rather

The idea

conflicts, level

wing

defect

potential.

development,

the Youth

politicians

being

was not

of the

of this

overcoming

the revolutionary

demand and anticipating

of the

and political

argued

the pages of Compan'ero.

made explicit

expression

structure

paper

(revolutionary)

not

drawn from

Valotta's

of dialectical

notion

leader-

potential

the bureaucratization

Peronist

of internal

a higher

left-

of workers'

"political

this

leadership,

of the Movement's

stifling

a superaci6n oping

the

envisaged

its

com-

weakened the Movement qua revolutionary

bureaucracy

movement but

not

the

and as such was seen as a potent-

However,

movement.

to emerge due to

a conciliatory

as the class"

and a revolutionary

had failed

implications

in

sectors

all

Compnfiero demonstrated

socialist

Peronism

leadership

and unwavering

incorporating

that

capital,

wing

realised

strong

movement".

October

1963),

to a resolu-

3

-220-

Thus the tionary

vanguard

At times, movimientista

analyses,

deficiencies minded

1

the

pointing-an

bourgeois

of

made of the Left

enemy" over in

the

time

of why, if

as it

they

it

"only

get weaker

same time,

to

contributors, acknowledged

immaturity

of the by

apparatus the Left if

only

had

the rev-

no analysis

was

for

why support

claimed,

mistakenly

the

conquest

deduced

the

"Dos Batallas p. 1.

2.

"Un Paso Atras,

2.

"Interesado p. 1.

that

consciousness, of power through

" ibid.,

Confusionismo,

"

no.

" ibid.,

their

positions

their

workplaces

had attained

will

(18th 34 no December 1963), no.

of the

a

had come to realise

a revolution

ibid.,

24 (5th

it

class

Move-

the weekly

the service

occupying

the working

Peronist but

to maintain

the workers that

Fundamentales,

1.

they were "in

had been able

Seeing

political

of the

were no revolutionaries,

no explanation

revolutionary that

at

a number of years.

1964,

its

undermined,

leaders

most of the front-line

ment in Argentina

3

would

of a clear-

bureaucracy,

of the

the

all

of privilege

times

"the

was to be

for

greater.

Certainly,

provided

forces

of economism and the reasons

strength

was not

at the

At the

strength.

the

"domination

The bureaucracy

wing grew in

olutionary

2

the absence

reflected

the

become

of later

scapegoat

other

at

finger

mentality"

to win more support.

"Only

credit,

if

the revolu-

and would

the level

the

has allowed

the bureaucracy and that

line"

revolutionary elements

Movement:

accusing

of

strength

to

la burocracia

to their

into

descamisados.

descended

analyses

leadership

However,

than

and his

making

and consistent

rather

Perön

was to develop

the bureaucracy,

replace

of the Peronist

survive".

that

Compafero

the Left

of

would

which

nexus between

dynamic

the

task

self-assigned

32 (4th

enable

February

it

1964),

p. 1.

February

1964), "

221 -

-

to end with

true

that

dragged

their

is

and misery"

oppression

was holding

the bureaucracy

only

little

in

1964-the

cracy,

under

admittedly

intended

its

from

pressure

and in

finale,

directed

as

suspend-

was the bureau-

it

the rank-and-file,

de Lucha and to some extent

Plan

the

de Lucha before

Plan

the

ing

doing

in

return

projected

it

while

of Peronism

May Day rallies,

Per6n's

to achieve

as possible

leaders

that

not,

However,

back.

the workers

to hold

than

more often

and,

and political

union

in refusing

feet

1

drew up

which

the impressive

occupa-

tions.

The Left

tial

Peronism

coup-mongers,

military

as a revolutionary

a US-backed

through tina would by his

expect

fellow

supposed and the consisted

Per6n would

devised

corrupted

by Frigerio,

sectors

of examples

their

settle

of the

of Vandorist

" op.

1.

"Dos Batallas...,

2.

"Vandor se une a Frigerio: (16th June 1964), 51 no.

Movement,

the Frigerio

however,

with

accounts Frondizi,

trade

workers' government

him;

Vandor

as promised

group,

with

Vandor.

bureaucracy.

to Per6n

the

paper,

Illia

Aramburu,

union

treason

the

back to Argen-

be brought

then

the Peronist

to inherit

then

down the

bring

by

to destroy

to secure

not

from a CIA gun would await

conspirators;

the way, would plot

coup; bullet

where a silver then

ram to help

to

circumstanplot

an alleged

According

by the bureaucracy

as a battering

demands-but

2

of purely

and Vandor

Prigerio

movement.

de Lucha was intended

Plan

On the basis

June 1964 denounced

Compafiero in

the most machiav-

by attributing

paradox

the bureaucracy.

to

evidence,

imperialism,

of

explained

motives

ellian

this

(the

to him Per6n out

Such was the

US imperialism The evidence suppression

by

cit. Pretenden p. 3.

'eliminar'

a Per6n, " ibid.,

delegate in the dealings Frigerio with Perbn which was Frondizi's led to the Peron-Frondizi electoral pact. For his correspondence Corres ondencia Peron-Fri rio 1 8with Peron, see Ramon Prieto, (Argentina: Macacha Güemes, 1975). Editorial

-222-

him of PerEn's tion

and his

Peron

Primera dor's

given

to Vandor

Plana

; meetings

displacement

was pure

being

hard

than

in

tion

to

the

with

its

leadership.

union labour

well

as being

than

be remembered file.

It

worker

policies

could

for

economic

ers

had in

and the

revolutionary, over

allies

the

shared

the idea

government,

being

rather

drawn between

camp and the bourgeoisie

and Peronist

to pressures

that

also

it

not

demands,

directing their

times as in

like

1964.

from

and influences

was compelled

for

from

to lead

its

the motives

more enthusiastically,

re-

Moreover, above,

it

as

must

own rank-andpursuing

workers'

and even though

to a

differences

persistently

Whatever

distor-

although

wage levels.

pressure

bureau-

reduced

have significant

get away with

such a struggle, task

bourgeoisie,

came under

therefore

be crudely

local

did

forces,

and partial

not

it

Peron

pro-imperialist

could

questions

subject

and at

have gone about

The rest

bureaucracy

the Illia

lines

industrial

The bureaucracy

supposed

and Van-

Peron was based on fantasy

revolutionary

of imperialism

rather

political and

officers;

the enemy camp was an oversimplification

mere agent

1.

trade

Peronist

of the battle

oligarchy,

of reality.

formist

the

to assassinate

view

and the masses in

cracy,

from

military

the Que

reviews,

elec-

1

Companero's

the

of Vandor with

the

chosen by

committee

the Movement);

the, pro-Frigerio

army elements

a plot

evidence.

including

in

before

just

until

the four-man

Though the

of right-wing

there

vote

to reorganise

of Framini

speculation.

antipathy

a blank

to recognise

refusal

and headed by Framini

build-up

of

for

1963 order

struggles

Vandorist they

anti-

could

the important

leadsurely fact

On the CGT campaign, see Jorge Correa, Los Jerarcas Sindicales (Buenos Aires: Obrador, 1974), p. 43; and for a Labour Editorial Ministry on it, report see Santiago Sen6n Gonzälez, El Sindical(Buenos Aires: Editorial Galerna, ismo desvues de Perön 1971Y, pp. 78-84.

-

that

is

they

on the

rest

It

lead

did

had tremendous

powers

their

unions,

which

the

their

percentage

of union

the banning union

which

lists

leaders

gained

them to. frequently

Though not Hero's ap

tendency

internal

cratic

for

62 de Pie

Junto

of the bureaucracy example,

elections

as the revolutionary

in

the

Framini

January

the

breadth

and

1.

James,

"Power '

contradictions

and

Politics...,

of

standing totally

was not

of Compafiero and the

perspectives

1964 Textile

latter's the

early

" op.

cit.,

Left.

pp.

Com-

criticise

of

1965 and

unions

and the

inter-bureaudisplaced Andros

camp. later,

secFramini,

was solidly

Workers'

Association

against

the reformist

identified

support

1

late

in

ten years

which

and devoid

to dissident

than

candidate

to

recognise

revolutionary

then

radical

by the Left

passim.

of the

support

rebels.

against

the pro-Vandor than

from

control

of Labour,

apparent

Rather

part

the

as monolithic

CompaAero referred

as part

who was less

However,

between

a Peron.

supported

bureaucracy.

bureaucracy

appeared

as such,

conflicts

the

the

and more commonly

however necessary

is

in

and finally,

impunity

with

These became especially

conflicts.

pro-Peron

it

case,

to regard

1966 when a split

early

tors

the

always

fraud

the Secretary

act

the big

of

bureaucratic

of candidates; from

the expul-

derived

encouraged

to

member sections;

wage rises;

which

procedures,

often

discipline

replace-

particular

structure

of the bureaucracy,

of opposition

enabled

again

concentrated

in negotiated

share

in

facilitated

which

to legally

strength

electoral

statutes,

centralized, leaders

enabled

financial

tremendous

union

once entrenched, democratic

peaceful,

Danny James has pointed

difficult.

of militants;

sion

leaders,

union

their

rendered

which

to interpret

powers

the major

that

to

able

numbers of workers.

of significant

however

ment exceedingly

and were therefore

such mobilisations

sufferance

was true

223 -

for In

3-17;

with

the

him reflected mid-1964,

Coria,

in

the

op.

cit.,

224-

-

way of self-criticism battle

for

control

to departures icant

of this

to his

had himself

the

that

ruling

other

is

of the petty

weekly's

contention

out

emerge arose

bourgeoisie

of both

the

(failing

consciousness,

in

success

1.

short-term

for

any revolutionary

"E1 Fin

for

was the

non-

for

years

be noted

the

de la Farsa, "

situation

here

example)

encouragement

trade

Compan'ero, no.

holds

The

to

was still of revoluunion

and

out no promise

contention,

58 (4th

of large

One cannot

many revolutionary

fallacious

were motiv-

the need to believe

of cadres.

which

indus-

revolution

analysis

and from

though

camp.

for

between

for

shift

the vanguard, of its

enumer-

militant

the revolutionary conditions

was the

were never

were taking

element,

organisation

this

leadership,

was a decisive

to differentiate

to come winning that

there

to rev-

obstacle

the mass of workerd

superficiality

for

only

components

the objective

all

the

must be challenged

towards

the subjective

only

situations

also

even though

of a revolutionary

these

that

that

nor

revolutionary

should

the tendency

tendency

Peronist

and workers

no evidence

that

that

components

even though

ambition,

and that

view

contemporary

were divided

sectors

revolution

only

Framini

after

words,

revolutionary

confessed

the paper

that

behaviour

In other

of the

Companero analysis

there

by political

imagine

the fact

the

the most signif-

of the bureaucracy

oft-expressed

the

classes

action,

tionary

is

1

sectors

was the

all

the

Again,

existed

however,

Framini

Perhaps

consistency.

and zig-zagging

and mature,

were present

ated

apparatus,

to such sins.

in Argentina

assumption

trial

Peronist

in

purposes.

Underlying

the

local

used the support

revolutionary

ated.

by the Vandorists

vacillations

admitted

often

olution

defeated

episode,

to back displaced

prepared latter

the

over

being

from revolutionary

aspect

referred

after

It

recruits. held

August

also

1964),

of

by many

p.

1.

225 -

-

non-Peronist it

artificially

the

fact

that

A final

and frustrated indication

of Perbn as a social

of his

lead

deficient

Perlin

had himself

such

illusions

when other

attempting

committee

a special for

preparation come Vandorist

of the

being

his

into

account.

1960's,

1965 'Message

event"

(i. e. the

which local

2

struggle.

basis

Given

becomes clearer

In 1963, worried

charged

the Vandorists

enemy and had in fact

author-

the Movement in

to reorganise a move which

strategy,

His re-

failed

to over-

successfully.

one can cite early

1

as one of "pacification"# their

by Framini

a more combative resistance

Indeed, Turn'

led

decision

the masses".

though

the

with

many examples the

perhaps

of Perbn's

supposed

'Left item

most revolutionary-sounding

to the Youth':

to substitute "We are by no means trying one man for another but We triumph the for not are seeking system. another one system the but triumph of a majoritarian class, or another, of one man Class". the Working the Argentine people: composed of

1. 2.

'! IIn Desafio "Nuestras

Hist6rico, Consignas,

of

1964 was seen as an

of Defeat"

Per6n had publicly

to come to terms

His

a revolutionary

mission

of Perbn are taken of Vandor,

ascendancy

his

in

liberation

to understand

are hard postures

itself

to a revolutionary described

Compaflero is

against

with

of the Marshalls

to the removal

that

ised

would be "in

argued,

and lead

with

that

ignoring

reflect

revolutionary.

identification

"profound

bureaucracy)

by the

generally

to Argentina

to return

attempt

the Left

would

will

must be levelled

which

criticism

characterisation

turn,

deficiency

the subjective

factors,

subjective

in

unmarxian

conditions.

objective

its

from

objective

separates

is

themselves'Marzist,

considering

groups

" ibid., " ibid.,

no. no.

38 (11th

63 (8th

March 1964),

September

1964),

p. p.

I. I.

226 -

-

He warned

his

the

bourgeoisie,

ing

short

ism"

followers

the

against died

which

upon the, seizure

to "polyclassism"

as opposed

spirit"

of political

and ended with

revolution,

of social

"revolutionary

purported

power,

of

stopp-

of "class-

an assertion thatt

when stating

between oppressed and oppressor "Peaceful co-existence classes We have posed the fundamental task of triumphis impossible. ing over the exploiters, in our even if they are infiltrated own political movement". 1 Peronist

Compafiero and the face

value,

than

a gesture

a bonapartist ogeneity

off

with

Left

to make political

to try

a legitimacy

orthodoxy.

This

the Peronist

movement it the

Caudillo.

of Peron's

1.

legitimacy affiliation

could

out

Left

other

one must question

supporters

at

this

Perön, "Idensaje a la Juventud, " 20th (23rd August 1973), P" 49. 11 no.

if

the

other

was of

than

but

October

that

crucial

importance

in

for they

to claim

it

due

such a personalistic

through

for

authority.

enabled

the political time,

having

his

given

was

provided

was reasonable

of them,

which

of most workers,

be obtained

not

However, left-wing

capital

and orthodoxy

he was always

challenge it

gestures,

on the Peronist

the playing

He therefore

began to

its

arbitra-

when the Vandorists,

support

leftist

heter-

between

Nevertheless,

the Movement.

As

strategy,

through

of one wing

at

rather

the social

or through

side

leadership,

of Perön's

bestowed

to

local

of the

In the light the

on the

dominate

pendular

authority

factions.

of tactical

a degree

control

personal

of warring

by Per6n,

to retain

and reconciliation

conflicts

to completely

threatening

gained

his

maintaining

statements

Movement by balancing

of his

come down strongly

to

Left

Per6n sought

unity

each other

against

definition

of an overall

as part

par excellence,

of internal

prepared

the

to the Left

sectors,

such left-wing

them a revolutionary

and political

component tion

in

seeing

took

Left

they

1965,

the sponsorship sophistication appear

to have

Militancia,

of

227-

-

genuinely

believed

the

early

period

but

of

own image.

believing

Quite

in not

naive

leader

of the Argentine

the strong Perlin"

ism without

Left

but

purposes ed the leftism

to the

the extent

extent they

that,

that

they

a revolutionary

were Peronist,

looked

precisely

they

the fact

in

movement,

multi-class

Yet real

Peronists.

were Peronists they

recruitment

They constituttheir

versa.

to the extent

- To

that

Perbn for

of the

Peronist

faction

within

placed

in

to the rank-and-file

looked

were a Left

"Peron-

Peronist

early

- and vice

superac16n;

a movement which

alternatives

consideration,

followers tionary

the

the Movement for

to the non-revolutionary

they

hosp-

great

they

super-

Left

lay

a broad

emphasis

upon person-

adoration.

alistic

under

that

revolutionary

Movement but were limited

The contradictions

assistance.

were

as the Vandorists

in mind that

entering

were left-wing,

of the Movement for

structural

be kept

of the Peronist

left-wing

their

supporters

the fraternal

alternative,

and revolutionary

were radical

in

of the Movement,

character

a viable

must also

own ends.,,

in Madrid.

personalistic

a body of socialists

was not

these

record,

was accepting

Franco

was hardly It

were to discover.

their

had fashioned

whom they

in

a question

why Juan Domingo Per6n,

proletariat,

Francisco

was not

to use Per6n for

1946-55

questioning

of General Given

trying

from his

It

Turn".

in a "Peron"

apart

surely

itality

"Left

of the Left

Left

the

Per6n's

in

to this

are hard to imagine.

to work in mass workers' their

contradictory

position,

Even Lenin

organisations,

in

the period

had counselled

no matter

how reac-

leaderships:

"If you want to help 'the masses', and to win the sympathy and imperatively 'the of you must.... masses', work wherever support the follow the masses are to be found"(and)"you must soberly the preparedness of consciousness and of class state actual (not Communist the its vanguard), all only of of class whole

his

228-

-

(not masses

toiling The Peronist fell

into

left

sciousness Almost Movement: loyalty? in

of equating

that

with

felt

How to criticise

and put

support this

intent

of major

the form

They were forced the

charges

con-

in

that

laid

the antipathy

"old

still

between'Peronof leftist

dealings

their

later,

due to solid

rhetoric

to a distortion

the

to Per6n

they

postures,

Peronist

in

emphasised

Even when, a little

Peron was innocent

against

the Peronist

alternative

Peron's

Due to

compromises

in

a clear

him?

was bound to lead

they

of working-class

a movement which

in

appeals

to maintain which

levels

forward

Peronism.

ism and Socialism,

often

saw through

socialist for

as has been seen above,

left-wingers

name from

Left

Peronist

a need to couch

working-class

in

faced

obsequiousness

its

elements)".

radicals.

How to avoid

of the

in

but,

problems

took

advanced

existing

of Peronist

insuperable

a Movement which

sectors

to do this

tried

the trap

of their

only

1

Per6n.

with

of any complicity of the

structures"

Movement.

was then

The Companero analysis inter-bureaucratic

over

constitutes between

militancy

Peron.

On the other

and revolutionary

posed a threat

jectively

tionary

propagative

consistent temptations

1.

its

strategic

of foauismo,

in mass workers' even though

for

class

it

struggles.

"Left-Wing" Communism. An Infantile V. I. Lenin, Foreign Languages Press, 1970), pp. 44 & 57.

in ob-

Movement as a

promoted

It

faith

struggle

to be conducted

some of its

of what

to differentiate

and to his too,

tasks,

to gloss

and by blind

support

of strategy

and organisational

participation

failure

leadership

tendency

consideration

consciousness

to Perön's In terms

multi-class-movement.

by its

situation,

hand,

by its

by inadequate

conflicts,

a revolutionary

marred

revoluthrough

resisted

supporters,

Disorder

like

the the

(Peking:

229 -

1I RT, xere ary

not

activity

Indeed,

so resilient.

to small

as opposed

its

emphasis

upon mass revolution-

group armed actions

was strategically

Leninist.

"Individual or small

groups

(referring

terrorism" which

are

divorced

to armed actions

from mass struggles)

by individuals was unequivoc-

repudiated:

ally

"to promote individual isolated acts of violence, without any based on of the masses, is an attitude plan and independently in the best of cases, a lack of underdesperation and reveals, (revolutionary) the standing of process". While regime,

individual

and its

wastage

legitimated

was considered

mass violence

violence

was ruled

out

for

of opportunities

by the violence

of

the

of ineffectiveness

on grounds

mass struggle:

to anticipate transforming "We feel that it is mistaken events, into a policy these actions which can only serve as a provocaby the period tion, instead offered of using the possibilities to in order carry forward work of intense entering we which are of the working around the objectives class. popular mobilisation it leads directly through the road of In the final analysis, defeat to conciliation with the enemy". 1 In but

other

words,

would,

isolated

by default,

were not

armed actions

only

tendencies

the reformist

strengthen

doomed to failure the union

in

leadership.

by the

Though influenced interdependence

mutual foauismo

was clearly

People's

Guerrilla

labour ities

movement, for

surface

two "deviations",

1.

"La Idnea

Cuban Revolution

of national questionable

and social (though

Army) in a highly especially vis-A-vis one rightist

Justa,

"

in

not

urbanised

a period

underground

terms

of seeing

revolution, for

the unfortunate

country

with

a powerful

were great

activity.

Compan'ero pointed

14 (10th

in

the

classical

when there

and one leftist,

Compan'ero, no.

in

the labour

September

1963),

possibilto

movement:

p.

I.

230 -

-

"conciliation is

the

with

enemy and isolated dictum

of Lenin's

reminded

2

ultra-leftism.

It

about

than when denouncing

the

The People's

enemy.

against tine

"nothing

permanent

the

of

real

itarian

the

aged the unite

all

quite

length

Peronism, However,

the

under

Left

the early an ideal still

when he argued

extremely

difficult

1.

"Reorganizaci6n

2.

Lenin, "Left-Wing not infrequently the working-class complementary".

3.

"Un Desaflo

4.

"El Peronismo with Rodolfo

through

that

the major-

felt

that front

deficient

with class".

para

the

the

presence 4

This

la lucha,

little

Compafiero envis-

while

its

desirable

" op.

Peronist

leadersince,

to hypothesise spearhead,

of a vanguard during

which

a great

was thus

role.

a Comraflero

and necessary,

of an independent problem

which would

intended

Puiggr6s

breadth,

Front

was fanciful

it

Movement and

discussion

and incapable

though

that,

Peronist

Liberation

received

liberation

to "combine

of the working

in Argen-

of the mainstream

revolutionary

dilemma was posed by Rodolfo

movement must have,

flows

with

in maintaining

organisation,

National

of the Front

interview

ship

vanguard

forces

anti-imperialist

was itself

firm

of the

a restructuring

of a broader

construction

about

interference

was equally

which

of the Left

was defended

example,

foreign

struggle

of a revolutionary

correctly,

for

with

to make deals

attempts

one

3

The formulation

ship.

treatment

its

can be done outside

and definitive

from proposing

creation

in

represented

of popular

hand-in-hand

going

Army,

the weekly

yet

process

movement". Apart

at

life,

it

and here again

opportunism

Vandorist

Guerrilla

that

allegations

political

violence"

was more fraternal

"deviation"

1

it

was

national

political

leader-

posed by the early

cit.

Communism..., " op. cit., p. 17: "Anarchism was sins of a sort of punishment for the opportunist The two monstrosities movement. were mutually

Histörico,

" op.

cit.

debe darse una Conducc16n Revolucionariat " Interview (11th Puiggr6s, 38 ibid., March 19641. no.

-231-

Peronist

Left

but no real

in which

area later

the first

of any front

insistence

demonstrates,

again

its

This

were suggested.

tendency

revolutionary

though-its

generations,

to it

solutions

had little

upon working for

radicalism

was one

to bestow

to

leadership

class

the period.

THE REVOLÜTIONARTPERONIST MOVEMENT

"...

in

day,

its

of Combative

it

brought

Peronism

together

from

the

over

all

country" Gustavo

Peroniata in

MRP) was created -

the headquarters 2

gates"

fonario,

of the Shoemakers'

Manifesto

documents fairly

ism.

A message sent

ings

who, alarmed

ded to the increase for

It Peronism, ments;

at least

Peronist

Peronist

was a typical there

merely

appears their

the

2.

"5 de Agosto: 1964), p. I.

Historica,

Peron's

official

of Vandorism,

bless-

had respon-

of some activists

with

movement to be structured. In the worst

out by such people

"Por que fracas6 Gustavo Rearte, (September 1974), p. 3. 18 no.

the

the Peron-

Villal6n,

contained

and Left-turn

Congress.

1.

Jornada

by Rector

challenge

"dele-

Revoluc-

of Revolutionary

to have been no democratic

reading

the Decälogo

elaborations

them),.

1964

of Principles,

of Cooke provided

in mass militancy

a revolutionary

2,000

the writings

one of at

on 5th August

a Declaration

to the M. R. P. Congress

(or

of the leader

a call

theoretical

developed

delegate

alongside

Rearte

An estimated

Programme,

1

Revolucionario.

congress

Union.

approve

and 10-point

which

first

personal

at a foundation

to unanimously

gathered

Revolutionary

Movement (Movimiento

Peronist

The Revolutionary

the best

and represented

el

traditions

debate

of the docu-

as Peronist

Revolutionary

M. R. P., " supplement

" Compafiero,

of

no.

59

to En Luc ha, (11th

August

232-

-

Youth

leaders

Gustavo Rearte

show of hands.

This

was surely

disagreements

political

that

techniques

tain

unity

their

a left

validity

to

them,

designed

to paper

way of trying

to overcome

even though

over

the

cracks

Yet the basic

sectors

it

only

created

documents

coherent

re-

expression

the )RP were not

of

presented

demonstrated

events

as the first

even if

as Gustavo Rearte

by a positive

Subsequent

and significance

tendency,

followed

participants,

which was soon to disappear.

Peronist

itted

Salvide,

the best

to outsiders.

of unity

a false

not

among the

an appearance Congress

and Eduardo

fully

of comm-

recognised:

"the formulations the theorof these documents did not represent level etical-practical of the MRP and of hard-line militants; JRP, A. Jaime". 1 most advanced sector: only of their The Declaration the of

task the

anero

of Principles, power in

of reconquering

1946-55

Peronist

analysis,

assumption

the working

Their

failure,

Rearte,

and extend following

of the

was also

were and are revolutionary

posed the work the Comp-

bourgeoisie

and there

criticism

class

by Gustavo

to complete

to the role

was attributed

that

order

governments.

Per6n was exempted from

cracy.

written

and bureauthe implicit at all

times:

"The failure to develop a national to act revolutionary structure as nexus between Per6n and the people, a role filled so well by Evita, enabled the encirclement of the Peronist popular governto imperialism. The latter's capitulating ment by the bourgeoisie ideology anti-national and counter-revolutionary was able to (the Movement) thanks to the complicity penetrate of the concilbureaucracy iatory which from then on., sold out the Movement and its leader". The 1955 defeat geoisie

was thus

seen as the product

and the bureaucracy

extension

of

of the transformations

the armed "workers'

"Por

1.

Rearte,

2.

"Declaraciön pp. 1-2.0

the

the Movement which

militias"

que fracas6...,

" op.

"treason

prevented

by Peron"

promoted encouraged

de Principios,

of

by Evita.

of the bourthe

constant

and the creation

of

2

cit.

" supplement

to En Lucha,

no.

18, op.

cit.

233In addition ysis

to the criticisms of the

and especially was that

analysis

it

leaders

and failed

Talk

"treason"

of

tendency over

level.

The reality

Furthermore,

Labour

base;

only

that

its

This ership

surely

"true"

its

involves

and rank-and-file

was not

diction.

The power and behaviour

ism of

the )IRP lay

ism had exhausted class

1.

had a genuine

existed,

in their

its

interest

in

like

that

any

same

arguing due to its

holding

it

between in

back from

not

of the bureaucracy

reflected

that

the bourgeois and that

revolution,

but

leadThough

contrathe

weak-

The radical-

rank-and-file.

capacity

the

practice.

a political

social

has rev-

has that

potential

distinction

among the union

progressive

year.

always

produce

perception

bourgeois

that

in

rather

so pronounced

did

they

of interest

just

not

class

is

ex-

potential.

a schematic

which

ideology

is

no

at a political

necessarily it

that

though

to go on to argue

leadership

i. e. revolutionary

viewpoint

of socialist

inexact,

reformist

conflicts

ness

the working

has a revolutionary

Party

the fact

conflicts,

tasks

presence

is

way for-

alternative

expression

erroneous

a mass working-class

the British

realising

that

of

Movement as a whole.

and ignored

of revolutionary

one may agree is

of the

class

little

of the

weakness

the Movement as a whole,

was incapable

it

1955,

anal-

and desertions

revolutionary

internal

found

Though the analogy

potential.

worker

a real

issues,

potential,

movement with

that

that

was that

though

fundamental

the weaknesses

to the Movement in

economic

and bureaucrats,

olutionary

myth,

had emerged and that

pressed

1a

upon the vacillations

to analyse

ward was available Left

cerco

centred

implied

made of the Companero

already

sectors only it

of Peron-

the working mistakenly

to a wall or cordon of bureauA cerco, in Peronist usage, refers Peron and denying him direct encircling crats or traitors contact Cercos were accused by the Peronist Left of diswith the masses. Peron's torting to orders and of misinterpreting popular feeling Peronista Peron. view the leader-mass symbiosis as a revolutionhence the importance the in relationship of cerco ary preventing its realisation.

-234confused `

workers'

sciousness

in

in

forms

its

all

their

the early

orientation

that

this

olutionary

in

its

of Per6n and

to win Perbn's

presented

of the working

class

of Principles

belief

in

their

for

support own political

as a whole

and probably

the MRP document

displayed

the people

that

pronouncement

of internal

superacibn emphasis

analysis

when it

came to rev-

Compafiero spoke of mass struggles

While

methodology.

in

Comranero's

shared

a revolutionary

was a difference

there

insurrections,

the return

struggle

was so.

and its

contradictions,

of con-

revolutionary

militants

Though the Declaration of Peronism

In order

level

actual

consider

way of achieving 1.

)P

project,

as the

believed

only

their

with

"they

-

liberation".

political

stance

1960'a

as the

their

conquering

interests

objective

and

tendencies

some militaristic

would:

From now "reply low to reaction blow for with its own weapons. know how to utilise as the supreme armed struggle on, we will "the people must oppose the regime's action"... method of political own armed forces with their and workers' miliarmy of occupation tias, victory which will, enable them to win and defend their afterwards". What form ified

the popular

though

seems that

it

or some kind

struggle

mass struggle,

armed forces

the M. R. P. envisaged

of military

organisation

either

was never

clar-

a mass armed the needs of the

serving

foauismo:

than

rather

to take

were supposed

"The axis of action of the people mobilisation. must be the total " level becomes it reaches where each man militant... a a until be made by the masses and nothing "the revolution will can re2 place them in this action". It

would

faced

seem then

by subsequent

isolation

from

1.

"Declarac16n

2.

Ibid.

that

some MRP militants

practitioners

the labour

envisaged

of armed struggle

movement - but failed

de Principios,

" op.

cit.

the

type

of problems

fundamentally -

to reconcile

their

the need for

235-

a military with

to military

response

militarily

guerrilla

the

with

military

problem

in

movement which,

Revolucionario

associated

general,

saw the need to fuse

also

to overcome

mass struggles,

the

isolation

viewed

level

and general

that

armed

of foauismo but it

of most mass mobilisations,

powerlessness

such an abstract

at

the problems

with

as alien.

The Manifiesto struggles

a labour

organising

warfare

repression

was posed

to this

no solutions

and

critical

were provided: "To create the popular armed forces which will enable us to fight the army of occupation. For this, it on all terrains against integrated must be totally with the Argentine masses and free of " caste interests and privileges...

The MRP itself, ing

to

this

the principles

and digitiemo

"revolutionary

of

meant democratic was not

the Manifesto,

to

according

out.

Among the NRP aims set tives

the assertion

like

internationalist

and the tion to

and social aeneracional

which in

implicitly

they

merit

Perbn's

socialist

in its so that

in

this

doc=ent

sovereignty

such as the desire

slogan

injustice".

version

they

whether

of verticalismo

were nationalist

for

the

"International-of

wish

"to

definitively

give

the Argentine

can contribute

Latin

objec-

imperialism,

vis-ä-vis

öf

The document also

aim "to

though

accord-

2

of national

aspirations for

and support

out

1

centralism",

or a radical

centralism spelt

was to be organised

American

unity

the People", finish

with

trasvasamien-

anticipated youth

exploita-

the battle

to the structural

post

revolution

progress".

1.

"Manifiesto

Revolucionario,

2.

to the Peronist Verticalismo principle refers of authority and to which all Peronists are expected to obey command, according dieitismo to the leader's refers orders emanating from the leader; being officials, powers to nominate lesser as opposed to the latter by the rank-and-file of the Movement. elected

" ibid.,

p. 3.

236 _ -

This

did

not

problems

the

any illusions

signify

of the Peronist

Movement,

Youth

Peronist

of militant

in a purely

but rather

bureaucrats.

challenged.

He was deemed the undisputed

the

to "wrest

struggle

Finally,

sectors ies

Revolutionario.

This

of the economy,

including

upon foreign

of its

prived ject

land,

for

programme provided the

socialisation

further

State. at

the

National level

public complete

for

call

in

to fall

reforms

However,

sector. socialist

over

as it

programme for

reform,

of production.

that

plans

over

be aided but

it

stands, it

of the physiognomy

said

cannot nothing

Ibid.

2.

"Decalogo Revolucionario, " supplement See also Appendix B on'"Early p. 4.

by the State,

and to be further inroads

about

was also conwere to

a decisive

be characterised

as a

the destiny

of

State.

This

of the revolutionary

1.

by the

presumably

Deep State

2

Grande but

of Huerta

in a mixed economy with

old

nor

an urban

concerns,

the

State

and expansion,

production.

resulting

prothe

and indeed

State

was to be de-

Moreover,

to be taken

monopolies

with

compan-

and all

plan.

control

common with

all

key

of all

oligarchy

a State

with

and workers'

line

control

capitalism,

up

of its

and an industrialisation

compensation,

was to remain,

capital

by workers'

be made into

The landed

educational

the form

interests

monopolistic

of medium- and small-sized

to be required strained

its

and "set

classes"

the nationalisation

proposed

in accordance

of medicine

in

older

of the Movement which

programme in

a radical

The Programme had much in went

leader

the privileged

capital.

without

was to be launched

replacing

1

the MRP approved

dependent

the promotion

however, was in no way

own position,

power from

State".

revolutionary

Decälogo

Perbn's

to

solution

envisaged

to the leadership,

activists

conciliatory

would

generational

to-En Lucha, no. Radical Peronist

18, op. cit., Programmes".

237is

question to

the

State

or a new form .

questions

the future

about to

conclude

that

MP

documents,

fully

thought

back

in

included Rearte

as a National

ance with another turn

those

backed

proposed

that

"from

sectors

1.

or forced

and other

were never held

which

conflicts

as Executive

by the Peronist

by Rector

Villal6n

now on, Companero will "updated

members and Gustavo

one of them conto form an alli-

to imperialism), "the

for

struggle Liberation",

to the Congress,

be considered

as the mouthpiece thought

" Companero,

re-

and a third

in his-message

Villalon,

it

by the most revolutionary

linked

of the

selected

though

which,

bureaucracy

and Social

expression

Mensaje del compaßero Hector back. op. cit.,

Leyes,

were passed:

of the

were to

which

the Congress

Secretariat

dominated

resolutions

National

Left,

Nicanor

of the bourgeoisie

and for

documents,

basic

the Plan de Lucha as part

the MRP", and as the

of this

the future

for

general

so one is

orientation

of the Peronist

three

(attempts

of the Leader

one,

three

these

Member, was not

Furthermore,

demned frentismo

in

in particular,

perspectives

by General-Secretary

led

Unfortunately,

else.

the State

about

nation-

of the MRP.

Jaime and Salvide

sectors.

or something

con-

the MRP pro-

whether

as a revolutionary

as socialist,

due to the internal

possibly

of the heritage

a leadership

in determining

of the radical

from approving

become part

a revamped

Such

armed apparatus

spite

the development

Apart

be just

organisations?

the Movement's out,

Would it

State

based upon popular

to say either

of its

the

in

capitalism,

had nothing

control

revolutionaries

be characterised

Decälogo

attributed

with

only

to be crucial

programme of state

the

State

role

who would

be structured?

of State

would appear

gramme should alist

it

of power:

Peronist

of the former

version

due to the predominant

the seizure

after

and how would

apparatus

trol

importance

of vital

of General

no.

59,

stated of Per6n.

1

- 238-

Comoalfero, forward,

step

but

come.

Quite

'within

the

ists

which

looks

not

but not

the radical

with

the rapidly

It

did

not

1965 Avellaneda the

Congress

Vandorists

fearful

rushed

they

returned

utions they

signed

off

those

to Madrid

and jubilantly by Per6n that

explained

due to

outflanked

"divisionist who falsely

1.

"5 de Agosto, " op.

2.

La Raz6n,

25th

could

not

as well

the MRP as

because

they

For

but

did

presented

Peronist In oblique

authorisation.

(as the

On August

references

bring

threat" Parodi

Superior

and

and Car25th,

Command resolto the MRP,

had been necessary

counter-signature manoeuvres"

all

the tactical

temporarily

Iturbe,

Perlin.

Perlin,

short-lived,

once and for

Vandor,

to make peace with

1964.

if

nobody

disauthorisation

prompt

by the new "revolutionary

on the Left,

leaders'

of a wave with

on flesh.

threat

was to demonstrate)

Per6n's

crest

successful,

the Vandor

cit.

August

of Vandorism,

take

and confusionist invoked

backed

it

to the press.

their

Peronists

Per6n's

Alarmed

to heel.

of being

valli

eliminate

bureaucracy

trough:

of the MRP was a brilliantly

creation ploy.

before

it

in

of the

on the

riding

approaching

MRP, aborting

and opportun-

!. RP programme.

saw the Left

The Congress

the

the wheel

I

revolutionaries

with

sectors

hard-line

revolutionary, a spoke in

a means of putting

seeing

Displaced

the conciliat-

reformists

peacefully,

particularly

attit-

objectives".

electoral that

over-

factious

with

was arm-in-arm

to purely

to

contradictions

to "the

and referred

yesterday

IRP has much validity.

identified

to "important

pointed

names were named, the charge

no

as earnest,

of

only

of the ? RP as a great

had many difficulties

still

created"

and which

co-existed,

the

just

the foundation

it

Valotta

structure

bureaucracy

Though

that

warned

correctly,

ude of a sector ory

lauded

turn,

in

and the activities 2

of

239 dated

These resolutions, Party

as the

Peronist

sole

delegate.

the

recognised

of the Peronist leadership

tactical

Command as the

as Perbn's

Iturbe

20th,

organisation

political

Superior

Alberto

August

At the

Jueticialist

Movement,

the

in Argentina their

same time,

and

purpose

was

Novimiento Revolucionario Peronista, "to disauthorise the so-called of Hector Villal6n, who does not set up under the inspiration Movement, and also belong to this mando, nor to the Peronist the weekly Compa$ero". I its mouthpiece, In

this

way,

15 days,

only

immediate

purpose.

latent

losses

organisations,

but

lost

its

refused created

an alternative

Left

Salta, from

at which

a blank

leadership-to

with

10,000

people

leaders

"oligarchs"

gave Peronist

their

the

them by the warmly

in

1965.

thinking

applauded

Ryan and Cornejo

Linares

Left

and rally they

would in

speeches

Armando Jaime and Juan Carlos Toms

Villalon

1964 rally.

revolutionary

Salomon, hostile a

and re-

2

ception.

The Left,

1.

Ibid.

2.

"Salta: 1964),

especially

La Juventud p. 6.

the Peronist

Revolutionary

en Marcha, " Companero,

no.

Youth,

71

with

to exist

the

that

October

17th

to break

continued

such a campaign

union

Peronist

Left

the elections,

for

iP suffertrade

sacred

which

conduct

They were encouraged

The

including

causing

brought

quickly

When in February campaign

vote

militants

Youth

Peronist

to defend

Per6n's

circle.

open.

sectors,

temporised,

significance.

XRP forces.

Peronist

carry

order

himself

political

to organise

the

in

it

the

of the MBP, a rump organisation

was left

what

when many of the reformist

Villal6n

"orthodoxy".

the NRP into

within

abandoned

full

of the MRP and Villalbn

disauthorisation

after

had served

as soon as it

withdrawn

The head of Janus had turned

contradictions

ed heavy

of the YARPwas terminated

existence being

patronage

Per6n's the

"official"

the

(3rd

organised

November

-240

of Revolutionary

a Plenary

hoped that

also

more organic in

feared

to

over

the latter's

The blank

(elected

regime,

by only

bureaucracy,

scheming

Apart Compatero,

the

Conference

they

Valotta utionary substitute list

workers'

1.

2.

gained Youth

seats

the

groupings Peronist

the blank elected

a fraudulent

vote

campaign,

a National

also

Jaime,

Command, and the

However,

the absence

It

by

sponsored

of these

control

if

organs

the

and

Peronist

Revol-

of its the

one examines

of MRP comandos from

was largely

Youth playing

Comm-

Rearte

of three

as Cordoba and Tucumän and the presence

Revolutionary

the masses

Command and a Central

members and two out

and Lafleur).

(agrupaciones).

the

Per6n from

separating

to

giant".

challenge

also

a youth leading

such

three

of only

conference role.

2

de la Hist6rica "Declaracion Asamblea, " ibid., y Resoluciones no. 77 (2nd fortnight of February 1965), p. 3. The decline of the }RP in Companero becoming a fortnightly was reflected early in 1965. Ibid.

to

the Movement

a "sleeping

old MRP leadership.

two of its

one notices

according

1963 attempt

repudiate but

had much firmer the

over

(Salvide members

places

cerco

on the 8-man Central

provided

of participants,

important

with

had exercised

only

of work-

the Left.

for

The Left

it.

and to organise

its

point

launching

from

not

off,

the

a

movement.

advantage

subordinate

to remain

creating

labour

(called

to repeat

supporters,

would

the

involved

be more effect-

would

take

would

25% of the voters)

shatter

a rallying

and provide

than

was hoped,

it

in

authority

and doom it

objectives

vote,

which

the March

those

towards

step

tendency

of victory)

Frigerio's

with

an alliance

first

Plan de Lucha defeat

the

but

took

which

for

vote

purpose

the bureaucracy

was that

when on the brink

the Left, forge

Peronist

the bureaucracy's

frustration

ers'

would be the

revolutionary

Organisations

the blank

tactical

immediate

Plenary

the

challenging

What they

1965 to proclaim

was its

This

elections.

ive

6-7th,

on February

place

and Young Peronist

- 241 -

delegates

Whereas 2,000 the

MRP in

1964, In

ed 118.1

in

the elections,

1957.2

Moreover,

Grouping

delegates

declarations

the

at

It

is

to the

of his

weakness

organic

ing

U-turn,

between

in

(blank

which

the reversal led

electoralist

then,

of most of their

he publicly

vote)

Students and

vote

confer-

of police both

former

re-

the

Youth

groups trade

"We are

(in

weak appeal

powerful

of Peronist

Left

Peronist

and the revolutionary position

with

slogan"...

of the

the

acknowledged

illusions

and hence its

the centrists

the bureaucracy

to the

support

that

to the instructions

factor

The decisive

the blank impact

the

than

Congress

MRP and Peronist

"We have no false this

second-

disclaimer.

of our line",

weakness

when counterposed

Perön's

for

student,

Youth

the

Peronist

Secondary

Clearly

operation.

of Rearte

tendency:

support

quantitative the

credit

attracted

got no further

at

of attract-

official

the youth,

under

desertion

only

only

was the

University

of revolutionary

Per6n's

vote

Movement and Justicialist

weakened by the

following

allies

to unify

disintegrating

MRP rump and the coalition

union

when it

conference

conference

a blank

organisations

the Policlinico

had been greatly

vote

Though represented

of solidarity.

following

pression

to 24. E

1964 Peronist

the MNRT was rapidly

ence,

for

call

attempts

Youth

of Peronist

attendance

the

as opposed

the founding

the blank

and politico-military

student

ary

later

months

six

4.2% of the voters, line

had attended

union

to

the

conscious

of

regard

to workers bureaucracy.

fortunes terms,

line)

of the bureaucracy.

had been those

to shift Rearte

wavertheir denoun-

ced the: "objective collaboration of those who out of weakness, prejudice remain undefined or opportunism and adopt sheep-like positions on the grounds of discipline which they try to justify and unity".

1.

Rearte,

"La Unica Respuesta

2.

Canton,

op.

cit.,

p. 73.

Vfilida,

" ibid.,

p. 3.

242-

-

Yet

did

denunciation

this

not

Rearte

of the bureaucracy.

tion latter

of

All

the Left

that

of consistent

work

"a revolutionary to the forefront weak, vacillating, however

not

temporising leftist ist

arrival still felt

dency, turn

the

the Left

this

day to day mundane Having hope in

less

now placed

of the Movement.

leadership

of

"Peronismo

held

As Rearte

obliged

hostility

One must remember that

on the

(Peronism

that

"our

with

workers

abandon the mass aspiration

discarded

seeing

permanent

"La Unica...,

"

op.

cit.

2

Peron".

towards for

using

of his is

ten-

the re-

revolution afford

to

by Peron,

due

could

backed

some union

of trade

Because

the rest

The Left

the return

of again

Peron).

social

Vandor-

and proclaim

objective

the

was tactically

the weakness

the possibility

with

about

following

trousers

without

along

vacillating,

cards

to don long

Rearte,

cards,

even when it

of militant

Peron himself,

Ibid.

Peron"

by the descamisados

to the

2.

behaviour.

of the Movement to bring

the bureaucracy'

Rearte,

Peron's

were again

to reaffirm

oppose

1.

to question

Congress

sin

trump

the

for

left-wing,

recent

from Madrid

called

not

as politic

the Avellaneda

at

the Chief

of

could

does,

leadership it pushes itself cannot be nominated, during a process and in the struggle against temporising and opportunistic elements".

see it

concessions

Per6n

and still

and organisation.

Leader,

of the

and opportunistic

attempts

the

the present

its

now put

He did

"Only

-

has enabled,

propaganda

agitation,

them a hand up into

him giving

of the Left

of the

strength

do now was resume the

could

a decision

from

suffered

the

repudia-

1

the bureaucracy".

game of

that

recognised

forces

the revolutionary

on a politico-moral

solely

of the weakness

was a product

weakness

rest

leaders,

but

they

of Per6n.

union

support

the Youth

for

the

and MRP

243Left

he opted

stead ed the the

Congress

"adventurist"

Finally,

Youth

Yillal6n

dismissed

since Castro's

representative

involved

in

Luchino fame. which

and a dealer and alignments

as was that

more recent

held

Villal6n

meeting

a short

was replaced

whom, despite it

report

in

a little died

claimed

with

Cuban tobacco,

of the Fiat

that

Admiral

he led

Massera

the MRP leadership in

support

a lingering

and at

in

by Ricardo

other

times

In

1977,

in France,

of Poliolinico

a Peronist Paris

deputation in

early

Peron-

ist

Youth,

1.

Rearte,

2.

Buenos Aires

3.

Guardian,

4.

PInfiltracibn, de los militares, " Denuncia, y fracaso alianzas Organ of the Movimiento Antiirr or el Socialismo erialista en la Argentina, MASA (New York), May 1978, p. 3.

"Por

que fracas6 Herald,

3rd August

in

1978.4

de Luca under

C6rdoba and among the La Plata

death,

been

Right.

chief

Rossi

times

at

the Peronist

of Horacio

have

of'Peronism

he having

with

the kidnapping

with

Revelli-Beaumont, 3A

in

MRP groupings

in May of the following

Most sectors

as an "adventurer",

shady deals

name was linked

his

behaviour".

Revol-

was deposed as General

expelled

2

divis-

The Peronist

The latter

1966 and then

"bad Peronist

for

Villal6n.

out with

I

further

the more reformist

with

practice

el X. R. P., " op.

14th July

Re-

and an alleged-

coup of June 1966 stimulated

completely

in September

Secretary year

fell

turn

who in

broke

move-

of the Peronist

were defeated.

tendency.

had

the March

at

62 de Pie)

the

by Villalön

disintegrating

the already

within

utionary

Ongania

the

in

which

the union

faction line

the

In-

and promot-

by Alonso,

within

the Alonso

participated

put forward

policy

led

from

Tucumän where both

(which

Youth

volutionary

in

bureaucracy

a Perlin,

for

victory

secured

of the

Vandor

to fight

able

of Vandorism.

challenge

sectors

62 de Pie Junto

of the

support

1966 Peronist

ions

displaced

of being

advantage His

the

for

creation

went.

ly

to the Avellaneda

as a counterweight

abandoning

the radical

cit.

1968.

1977.

-24-

MRP documents

of 1964 to the small

Peroniat

Revolutionary

Youth.

WHY THE MRP FAILED

failure

The political has,

somewhat surprisingly,

ly,

these'early

case of those

their

been barely

by their

heirs.

knowledge

with

analysed

At the

of the

in

same time,

this

Obvious-

In

tendency, felt

to present

to them-

is

pretence

do exist

ex-

groupings.

earlier

order

general

political

the need they

in

which

cognitive

Peronist

stems from

why the few critiques

main reasons

Left

or experience

probably

Peronists.

as genuine

the

predated

Peron as a revolutionary

to present

continue

the

left

initiatives

on the matter

silence

selves

Peronist

of most members of the more recent

perience the

left-wing

of the )RP and early

one of

tend to be highly

superficial. It

1965,

isation

after

tions",

"limitations",

sence

of a solid

blemishes

but

still

the

few to

be regarded

learn

and openly

within

sought

to

the

No explanation

"El ARP fija su posicion (April 28 no. oluciön,

written

Revolutionary

as wholly recognise

that

of the existing

regime"

social

a political

whereas

en la hora actual, 1971), p. 49.

"

ab-

undoubted

by Gustavo Rearte

Rearte 1963-4

for

not

the

constit-

had been con-

conflict

Vandor had

system:

return

was one of

call

did

after deeper

penetrated

party

Peron's

contradic-

of these

to Vandorism,

The Per6n-Vandor

organ-

work and the

Movement,

Perbn's

original

"internal

satisfactory.

a counterblast

the Movement into existing

from

rank-and-file

critique,

definition.

the parameters

"transform

under

1

October

cannot

ducted

1.

of intensive

Another

17th

a revolutionary

workers

lack

of the MRP, while

creation

11RPhad suffered

infrastructure.

the

a mere shadow of the

example,

the early

was offered.

he had formed

ute

for

the MRP.rump,

For

to represent and the

Cristianismo

v Rev-

the

- 245 -

of his

implementation gime.

Vandor's

ment's

"hard-line"

both

integrationist

64 and also

inally

why he withdrew control

believed

that

leadership", this

from

also of three

isations

main factions,

created"

unions Union,

Mario

Aguirre

degree

there

Finally,

was a small

"an adventurer

Villalön,

State

of Salta, small

Workers'

Workers'

of indepenand the organRevolution). etc.

unions

Construction

Workers' Atilio

). etc.

Federation,

to international

A sec-

and the

Association,

left-wing

group of vaguely

dedicated

seen as a

and bis-Peronist

from

learnt

develop.

of the hard-line

De Luca of the Naval

of the Rosario

line"

"hard

a fair

leaders

orig-

the

with

each with

Youth

of com-

colleagues

the MP,

Peronist

1963-

a revolutionary

to break

the

in

Having

within

himself

line,

fear

leaders.

disunity

of the Tucumän Sugar Industry

Santillan

1964 for

union

prepared

to let

(Rearte

(Ricardo

Interior

the Left

the need for

militants

was composed of labour

of the

like

politicians dealings",

and Valen-

Luco.

Despite

backed

brought

the MRP while

temporised

Rearte,

revolutionary

a strong

two groups

other

1.

the

were "the

and "soft"

Revolutionary'Youth

was not

Armando Jaime and his

Youth;

ond faction

tin

they

which

"Peron

acknowledged

there

Firstly,

Peronist

he was prepared

although

federation dence.

that

trade

of the Move-

I

in August

support

had understood

and his

a "hard"

why Peron backed

explain

a change of re-

destruction

sectors.

of the dominant

experience

critique

demanded both

that

"Per6n

Rearte

bureaucracy, This

helps

analysis

required the

required

and bureaucratic

losing

pletely

project"

plan

Perön's

while

the revolutionary Rearte's

iry

"own capitalist

it

a strong

reformist

possessed

Per6n's

when he changed tack.

"Por

presence

que fracasö

in

the

influence sponsorship

first into

faction, the MRP.

but withdrew

Most of them went on to support

el M. R. P., " op.

cit.

the They or the

ýý\

246 62 de Pie -a

had its

ment where the bureaucracy why the MRP never

plain

and this

only

ed from

really

unionists

principle

ive

MRP-style

attempt

at building

being

cadres, which

federations

instrumental

the ideas

towards

Peronist

of Revolutionary

The Rearte

critique

NRP but the es of The failure tion

ed explanation

1.

Ibid.

not

people

all

learnin-

in accordance

into

down to the strength

the

of objectthe

life

same way idea

of

to an

Thus the experience

party.

and other

from movimientista as potentially towards

orientated on the basis

Left

MRP

strategies, revolutionthe building

of working-class

of the Movement.

sectors

explanation

in

of his

with

After

development

of Rearte

shift

value

'.

react

trade

militant

He abandoned the

Peronist

organisations

was why reformism

with

the rest

of alternativismo,

as a causal

put

"uneven

Movement as a whole

has its

for

revolutionary

consciousness!

of the

their

of the MRP to develop

was mainly

equal

development

non-bureaucratic

and non-bourgeois,

activity

and devoted

in

on key issues.

and Rearte

"putting

conversions,

a Revolutionary

the Peronist

viewed

political

and saw that

unity

as a Movement,

left-wing, of

ex-

leadership".

experience,

in. the political

was crucial

its

of

to common experiences.

the same time

forming

ary,

1

consciousness",

and at

joint

he began to speak

however,

event,

"equal

of

ideas

to revolutionary

lead

would

1964 documents

of a reformist

had hoped that

Rearte

and strategic

documents

of the

the inadvisability

the hands

into

the

expressed

the MRP failure

tentions

his

up to the radical

lived

move-

These deep divisions

programmatic

the vagueness

the'labour

within

power base.

full

reached in

was reflected

The MRP never they

the Pandorists

means of fighting

in pointing it

tends

a strong

to the main weaknessto be tautological.

revolutionary

of reformism,

was so strong

in

whereas

the Peronist

organisawhat needMovement,

247-

the Vandorist

in

not

only

the

bureaucracy would

tives

and strategies to in

referred

and had the early

lessons

egic

take

trap

of equating

must be said

of Peron,

of this

behaviour.

This

and thus

strengthened

the various

are highly

militant

economistic

fac-

relevant they

to such an analysis,

Rearte

struggles

and the

Left

of his

the

they

by referring

ambivalence

the illusions

their Perlin

portraying

strat-

the

quasi-revolu-

own ideas

and

as a revolutionary

in his

of many workers

unity to

then attempted

to Perbn's

to justify

order

involved

to maintain

attempt

However,

drew part-

only

They came to recognise

Movement.

necessarily

perspec-

ability

to re-

sectors

of

problems.

solve

demonstrated

Peron had certainly the

that

in

Such an explan-

Here,

chapter

of

proletariat.

a result

and gestures

rhetoric

sectors

of realistic

1960's.

to this

the

multi-class

advantage

tionary

the introduction

the MRP experience.

from

diverse

the

in

of a revolutionary

ambivalence

of his

Left

the

more attention

it

Moreover,

to any articulation

paid

the existence

with

the displaced

the 62 de Pie.

in

Left

have avoided

might

ial

for

in

also

expression

seem fundamental

ation

tors

found

which

but

clique

post-MRP Left

them in dishonesty,

involved

(support

(the egy

for

creation

also

shown his

reasons, radical

that

unreadiness argue

conclusions

from

for

the Left

he might for

that

of this

party

between and their

Left

the MRP experience, and therefore

the

long-term.

the short-term long-term

the short-term, to the Left.

shift

the Peronist

in

sectors

strat-

based on the workers).

be used in

a definitive

in an opportunistic

the Left

aids

Per6n)

but

image by these

contradiction

of a revolutionary

one could

as a failure

rarely

a "revolutionary"

Peron had demonstrated

opportunism

revolutionary

which

was a fundamental

there

Moreover,

advantage

of Per6n's

The promotion

fashion.

tactic

to take

tried

his

should

should

should

Though he had For

these

have drawn more

have recognised

have dispensed

with

it their

24g

upon Per6n.

dependence

from

isolation

itical

documents

the

the

of the MRP

was implicit

which

the

milestone

in

the

different

tenden-

these

influenced

it

like

had offered. they

Indeed,

never

documents.

not

they

though

up lessons

took

up

beyond the ideology like

alternativistas,

only

forward

carried

the need for

learnt

took

and tactical

progressed

In turn,

Youth, also

the Montoneros,

the strategic

ignored

Revolutionary

The experience among Peronist

from

support purest Left

for

and this breaking

expressions. history,

a decade later Had they

but could

it

was the

with

him in

major the

and

a class-based

with

was an experience

which

must be emphasised have devoted

done so, numerous

factor

which

left

its

prevented

in

might

Montoneros, 1970), pp.

of its

have been

avoided.

See fOr example, "Documento: Hablan los (November-December Revoluci6n, 26 no. y

its

Peronists

to an analysis

errors

their

mark on Peron-

the left-wing

that

of Perlin

even though

alternativismo

more attention political

authority

1960's,

inconsistent

him was logically It

the tremendous

illustrated

also

activists

alternativistas

1.

of pol-

and organisation.

strategy

failure.

but

the MRP programme but

developed

of

though

nacional, in

Peronist

Rearte's

I

experience

socialismo

slogan

to years

but would have enabled

was a crucial

Movimientistas,

ways.

the earlier

which

Left,

of the Peronist different

in

cies

have led

would

and consistent.

the MRP experience

Nevertheless, evolution

this

the mass of workers,

to be more principled

Loft

ist

Undoubtedly,

" Cristianismo 11-14.

CHAPTERIV. 'MOVIMIENTISMO't

THE MILITARY FRONT

MOVIMIENTISMO. ALTERNATIVISMO AND CLASISMO

The Peronist Its

homogenous. being

ution

Left

tendencies: to that

ientismo

refers

Peronist

Movement almost

independence

national

in its

that

playing

a progressive

"stage"

of the revolution.

the social

all

There were though, their

way into

ment and who would have to be eliminated,

Left,

the movimientista the Peronist

over

this

this

forces

of social

alliance

a number of

leadership

consolidate

would

of the Move-

or military

means,

leadership. hegemony

working-class

whose basic

of

the present

believed,

by political

movimien-

were capable

during

they the

full

view,

the emergence of a more representative

so as to facilitate For

role

the

of the Argen-

of both

of Peronism

sectors

and even revolutionary

who had infiltrated

"traitors"

instrument

to

Movimregarded

which

Those who held

and socialism.

claimed

Left

i. the bearer e. -

revolution

tistas,

but most have adhered

as the

entirety

of the revol-

and alternativismo.

of the Peronist

section

and social

it

movimientismo

from politically

the nature

over

and the means of achieving

sought

national

decade has been far

have differed

supporters

one of two major

tine

of the last

composition

was

accepted. Movimientismo tradiction" to

imperialist

garchy all

during

to join

forces

and imperialism. the

talk

this

about

in

point

the national

There was nothing socialismo

nacional,

step

the view in

con-

imperialism that

an anti-

the revolutionary

correct

bourgeoisie particularly this

"principal

counterposed

followed

was both

the

that

which

indispensable

phase it with

the belief

was that

starting

was the next

stage

the workers

for

From this

and that

roots

Argentina

affecting

the nation.

process

had its

current

and desirable against "national" inherited

for

the

oli-

here ideas

- 250 -

The "national"

decades.

four

identification

dency's

For fully

the

now truly

way they

this

that

least

at

they

that

broad

be obliged

had

Per6n was

that

those

sections

of

to go along

with

the unity

to maintain

seeking

support

whereas

conquer

could

to

of as many

the full

to socialism,

road

Left

control

by evidence

Per6n would

of the way, in

part

ten-

and its

Peronist

Most believed

the Left

if

of the

hoped to gain

of mass mobilisation.

considered

of history

to win

would be impressed

the Movement and key structures, them,

duty

attempting

to an Argentine

committed

doubts

felt

they

powers

greatest

with

In

as possible.

of Per6n whom

was the

the Movement,

in

by this

provided

school

for

Movement.

it

the movimientistas,

participate

positions

the revisionist

the Peronist

by Communist Parties

was rather

element

with

towards

orientation

had been peddled

which

and alliances

on stages

of the

Movement.

Though the

achieved would this for

be truly as the

process, its

until

consolidated

sectors.

This

they

to adapt

ism's

supposed

capacity

being

ascribed

to the fact

major

component

regarded

would be though

revolution of the

latter. they

it

During saw a need

to be changed and adapted by the

revolutionary

as entirely

Peron-

struggle

had always

class

and

possible,

to socialist

from national the working

that

or "backbone"

been the

of the Movement.

were sustained,

and guerrilla

liberation

the arrival

dominated

were seen

the achievement

viewed

socialist

and structures

the Movement was completely

These views

Left

of the Movement were modified,

tasks

leadership

composition,

working-class

political

with

liberation

and social

- national

towards

of the process

as part

only

distinct

temporally

of each as being

national

the movimientista

interrelated,

as closely

for

struggles

organisations

to a greater analysed

or lesser in

this

extent,

by the

and the following

251 -

chapter.

Youth

Peronist

their

the most important

By far

collateral

utionary

National

the FAR - in

ance - particularly become integrated

the

or had fused

into

Though the alternativista in

chapter,

tion

and of the

tion

the

which

forces,

had more in

geoisie"

being

That

class.

so,

based

foreign

The implications critical

They viewed

it

in

class

tween the national the

dominant

partner.

national

and foreign

alliances

as being

and oligarchy

itself

the labour

than

terms as being

adopted

and working

class

since'1955,

outmoded - anti-imperialist

the working

to the way in sectors

the anti-imperand vice

to a'far

alliance the former

with

close

bour-

versa.

more

by the movimientistas.

a once-progressive

Given the increasingly capital

struggle

were to lead that

and an-

key dynamic that

concluded

an anti-capitalist

nation-

them were either

Pointing

movement.

scene in

oligarchy-

"national

with

alliances

larger

versus

than with

capital

revolu-

alignments

had come to dominate

Peronism

bourgeoisie

class

the so-called

of alternativismo

towards

stance

portrayed

the movimientista

foreign that

of the Argentine

a battle

that

here.

defined

latter

the alternativistas

was in

struggle

for

held

corporations

industry,

of Argentine

they

is

of the

stressed

concep-

a clear

Movement to that

rejected

common with

or dangerous

impossible

ialist

they

provide

view

were imperialism

of the

subject

alternativismo

different

and argued

caunterposition

people

are the

help

counterpart

alternativistas

Domestically,

tagonisms.

which

the

had

by 1973 all

the Montoneros.

will

Whereas the

forces

contending

popular

its

but

years,

with

of the Peronist

role

tendency.

movimientista

way it

had a totally

The alternativistas

al

if.

of movimientiemo

early

the Revol-

of some signific-

were also

organisations

a negative

like

and

Army (ENR) and the

Revolutionary

Commandos (Comandos Descamisados)

Shirtless

final

Others

organisations.

(FAR),

Armed Forces

were the Montoneros

of these

association

alternativistas struggle

regarded

bebeing between such

had gone as far

as

252 -

it

capitalist

within

could

and throughout

in Argentina

both

basis,

On this

movement in recent

in

icipating

seen,

nativistas

to be "purists".

proved

for

labour

the

lead-

its

height

the ranks

in

be

the months

of the alter-

tendency

of the

of

As will

progressive.

a minority

to swell

good, their

or redirected

guerrilla,

Part

control

representative

was at only

to win

rejected

in mid 1974 and soon afterwards

abandoned Peronism

either

was to cross the remainder of the non-Peron-

to work in anti-bureaucratic

energies

alliances. The Peronism

of this

tendency

the alternativistas

criterion, class

identification

class

learns

anda offered

its

ter social

outsiders.

as the labour iences.

constantly

Through

the workers'

pointing

out the

such activity

realised

that

was that

conclusion

adopt

movement was concerned,

of massive

in

their

political

lessons

they hoped to build

propagArgentine

Peronist

exper-

identity

while

of Peronism

limitations

drawing

working-

the working

than from political

own experiences Their

Though

from a revolutionary

They also

had to accompany the workers

had to formally and

the same time

Peronism.

strategic

choice.

the reality

recognised

more from

revolutionaries ience

with

an ideological

of Peronism

saw most of the shortcomings

than

was more tactical

than

of reality

and more a recognition they

pressure

The of part-

strategy

alternativismo

and as such no longer

to the Montoneros

over

the movimientista

up to the March 1973 elections,

running

of society,

sense.

or social

him as historically

political

by a

be seen as a revolutionary

a national

form,

purest

characterising

when conformist

transformation

of the Movement and attempting

bourgeoisie

the national

be pursued

only

America.

not

in

rejected

its

in

could

either

the structures

of Perlin,

ership

ist

years,

Moreover,

Latin

Peronism

therefore

alternativistas

of it.

to a socialist

movement committed

worker-led

and now could

confines

from lived

up within

at

as far exper-

Peronism

- 253 -

the nucleus break

party

Peronism

completely

most of its

labour

with

attracted dent

of a workers'

and revolutionary

base to the idea

Thus the alternativistas workers

while

the factories

in

official only

be unproductive

than

it

move onto

and poor

the

though

was that

going

Alternativismo

in

that

Peronism

internal

could

dialectical

de-

bourgeois

were the Peron-

17th Revolutionary

the formulation

of alterof the

in most cases were

late

had much deeper

the alternativistas

through

as more radical

years

and their

involvement

in

ideas

to

the day-to-day

opposition.

occupied

an intermediate

and the non-Peronist

among the armed expression

appear

the not

would

two main currents

the Resistance

the

to do with

group Rank-and-File

movimientistas

Movement, back to

the

on

amongst

organisations

in

role

between

had been fashioned

of Peronism

movimientistas

whereas

had little

the October

like

legitimacy

in an ultimately

sister

a crucial

difference

arrivals

extent

tendencies

played

to the Peronist

struggles

had no faith

alongside

They worked

felt

through

plane

(FAP) and their

Left

roots

Left

alternativista

smaller

left-wing

make Peronism

also

working

participation

most prominent

Peronist

historical

but

metamorphosis.

A final

natiyismo.

barrios

a socialist

Armed Forces

with

apparatus.

revolutionary

revolutionary

Movement (MR17) also

a great

that

the alternativistas

By far

ism (PB),

its

Whereas the movimientista

movement undergoing

Peronist

in

but would

a higher

velopment,

to confer

refusing

fearing

movement,

was.

an "indepen-

of building

were concerned

the Movement by participating workers

had

of the working-class".

alternative

the Peronist

tendency

once the revolutionary

to

prepared

army,

of the

revolutionary latter

position Left.

was the People's

between

the

Most prominent Revolutionary

254 Army (EiArcito

the Armed Forces

1970's

FAL) also Both

struggle

the latter

a fairly

the former

workers,

serve

towards

to reinforce

that

Workers'

PRT), a small -

which

(Palabra

Word tendency Revolution

party

and other

Palabra

Obrera,

by Luis

Pujals

led

illusions

in July

(Partido

Party

Revolutionary

in

change appears

by Angel

faction

and then

Fourth

International, refusal

Roberto

Santucho,

that

they

of the ERP.

in

would

Peron.

the bourgeois

de los

In 1973, its

criticising 3

impact

and then within

Trabaiadores Workers'

of the Cuban within

the PRT, led

had been converted

from

That methodological

of the

of Trotsky

"combative"

the PRT-ERP broke "petty-bourgeois

In fact,

of the

factions

the displacement

inspiration

pro-

but

Peronism

with

-

of the mass of

successes,

to foguismo.

ideological

to proletarianise".

identity

Under the

2

Bengochea,

to have been decisive

Guevara as the major

in

revolution,

Revolucionario

guerrilla

early

campaign.

1970 as the armed wing

1965.

international

of armed insurrection

strategies

in

the

had emerged out of the Trotskyist

Obrera)

and Mario

Peronist

any compromise

workers'

The ERP had been created

guerrilla

a socialist

the

in

Armadas de Liberaci6n

continuous

shared

believed

though

were clasistas,

orientated tendency

ERP), -

(Fuerzas

of Liberation

the ERP and the alternativistas

whereas

"its

Pueblo

del

managed to sustain

moted class

only

Revolucionario

'

with

by

PRT Mandel's

character"

and

the ERP was no less

petty

1.

For a more extensive of the ERP, see my paper, The E. R. P. analysis " in Antonio in Argentina, An Obituary?; and my "Armed Struggle Herrera and Hernän Rosenkranz (eds. ), Revolution and Reaction in Latin America (forthcoming).

2.

Bengochea's proto-guerrilla, intended as an urban support force for People's Guerrilla Army, was destroyed Masetti's when its arsenal Bengochea blew up in a Posadas Street apartment house in 1964. in the blast. and other leaders were killed

3.

"Por Que Nos Separamos de la Cuarta Internacional, (Buenos Aires), (17th 86, August 1975), pp. no.

" El Combatiente 6-9.

- 255 -

Bonet,

International,

the

than

bourgeois

killed

a combatant they

that

and the

other

Peronist

of'the

nature

into

bourgeoisie revolution

to stem the

methods

of Peronism

to

the

of

that

the

fact

but never

democracy

millions

ions

of-March only

minor

of executives around

1.

in

dollars

30 million

isolation

year

from

popular

wishes

legal

in its provided

support

for

choice this

the mass of workers.

its

composition

a period

in

the electcampaign

Kidnappings with

guerrilla

did nothing

La Patria

for

guerrilla

of targets.

The latter

of how

the mass move-

Peronism

Guevarist

in

would be feasible.

mass activity

in ransom money but

of the social

the problem

from

ignored

part

proficiency

isolated

Urondo, Bonet, quoted in Francisco de Crisis, Ediciones 1973), p. 132. For details

and formed

dangerously

the ERP maintained

modifications that

military

tackled

potent-

made no concessions

loyalties.

expressed

and September,

it

Peronist

in which

of workers

of the

workers'

1973 when it

in

especially

While

with

remained

to repressive

resort

Peronism

great

or social Peronism

from

assessment

supported

bourgeois

Though somewhat

However,

successfully

undermine

could

The ERP thus

political

office.

The ERP demonstrated

1970's

revolutionaries

ment,

when in

the mass of workers

that

be expected

a realistic

to

No national

rapidly

1

of the national

conversion

would

of change.

as, an agent

Movement.

early

provided

claiming

in arms".

to the ultimately

was argued,

struggle

class

from

was similar

of imperialism.

predicted,

the ERP critique

crude, ial

it

the ERP accurately

which,

of Peronism

Ruben

prevent

proletariat

and to the

partner

therefore,

not

massacre,

"the

pointed

leadership

a junior

could

were

It

of the alternativistas.

that

its

guerrillas

did

this

1972 Trelew

the

the ERP evaluation

In many ways,

of

in

though

to overcome

was further

Fusilada

accent-

(Buenos Aires:

of the ERP, see Appendix

A.

256 -

in

uated

1974 when the ERP shifted

its

There,

early

after

victories

the ERP was gradually

osition,

when only

Army intimidation

military,

of the

of villagers

in controlled

to restore

ERP fortunes

through

high-powered Province,

ing.

Few significant

deaths

in July

as a viable

two-principal

sections

dealing

There is

organisations

their

tasks.

itical

organisations functions,

these

Buenos surrender-

in

in

1976 and the

development

of their

such a subdivision

is

in

in both

participated

legitimate

However,

since

or military

and also

in

of

separ-

helps

practice. that

guerrillas

organisations",

political

into

exclusive

made by Argentine

predominantly

of the

organisations,

mutually

tendencies.

The

For reasons

be divided

and political

many individuals

by

guerrillas.

Left.

of each will

"politico-military

further

and decline

Peronist

were not

Left,

encountered

and Guevarist

of the

the claim

wings

were either

on the Peronist

origins,

categories

are

is

the guerrilla

with

Moreover,

and military

a

end of the organisation

to the problems

the analysis

some justice

their

the

in

members of the ERP gen-

and other

the Peronist

tendencies

component

of course

be limited

to unify

convenience,

analytical

thesis

of this

examine the

chapters

remaining

lives

after

early

attempt

force.

the focus

who attempted

their

shot

re-

had dis-

warfare

lost

were mounted

signified

year

of the ERP will

discussion

though

of that

dramatic

in Monte Chingolo,

garrison

Santucho

by the

and the forced

A final

100 ERP combatants

ERP operations

combatant

Since

zones.

local

its

of villages

population

in December 1975, many allegedly

of Commander-in-Chief

staff

burning

Opp-

police

with

a move back to urban

on a military

attack

Aires

ate

Around

consequences.

the

local

settlement

astrous

faced

weakened by the Army after

base had been removed through

support

those

rural

of Tucumän.

province

eral

to the

zone of operations

terms

of

the polspecific in

their

to bring

some

- 257 into

coherence

the

history

recent

jungle the

of

of organisations

Peroniat

in

participated

which

the

Left.

THE MONTONEROS

"MONTONEROS,MONTONEROS SON SOLDADOSDE PERON LOS TRAIDORES TIENEN MIEDO TIENEN MIEDO DEL PAREDON" "PERON, EVITA,

12 Montoneros

The original world

LA PATRIA SOCIALISTA" 1 Montonero chants -

in March 1970 were mainly

in Catholic identify

and Nationalist

all

of the

ers and "martyrs"

Catholics

The core in

analysed

nano Martinez

and Firmenich,

studies

Student

Youth

as an engineering by the influence

ised' general

political

of the petty

Translation:

group

(Abal

chapter

possible of

main lines

President,

since

Mario

to

the lead-

of entry

in-

1967,

Firmenich,

Ramus, Maza, Capbeing

tacuaristas)

the year

of the new ideas factors in

in

as by the

led a significant

section

the late

Montoneros, Montoneros, Are Soldiers of Perlin. The Traitors are Afraid, Afraid of the Execution Socialist

and 'peron-

the Church as well

which

came from the popular

in which

abandoned his

They had been radicalised

student.

leftwards

Medina,

two originally

armed struggle

Peron/Evita/The

five

reveals

the first

and economic

bourgeoisie

A second

1.

for

not

group was composed of the radicalised

the second

who had been preparing the Catholic

years

is

been active

of the backgrounds

examination

of the early

to the organisation.

Though it

to the

existence

young men who had previously

organisations.

originals,

their

who announced

1960's.

nationalist

groups

of the

Wall. Fatherland.

Other Peronist Left slogans, chants and songs can be found in Jorge Pinedo, Consi Lucha Popular en el Proceso Renolucionas (Buenos Aires: Freeland, 1955-1973 Editorial rio Ar ntino 1974), passim.

258 -

Ongania al

period

(Juventud

Emancipation

Nationalist the and Their'

FEN).

nationalism,

though

Rodolfo

this

there

Armando Cabo, started

hijacked

three

Tacuara

years

iser

the

for

of a group

before

to

a plane

by violent

Left,

1960's

radical

Party product

of the

Trelew

mass-

to

in

line

youth

well integ-

In

leader

union

the New Argen-

1966,

being

after his

to Argentina,

backed up

Islands, After

serving

to have been the Peronist

liquidating

Even by 1973,

organ-

"traitors"

when editor

to reveal

Cabo was not

of entry

into

the Montoneros

of

himself

from the Communist Party splinters

and its

such as the Revolutionary

Revolucionario party

came from

was Nelida

PCR). Ester

as

the tradi-

middle-to-late Communist

The most prominent ('Norma')

in

group

Montonero.

Comunista former

trade

on the mainland.

the Montoneros.

El Descamisado,

originated

even after

(Falkland)

Cabo appears

specialised

especially

(Partido

the

leading

her visit

actions

enterprise,

the most radicalised

tional

which

group.

splinter

the Malvinas

solidarity

which

organ

A fourth

element

right-winger

during

"invade"

this

affiliating

latter's

a Tacuara

bodyguard

of Isabel`s

charge

Vaca

was Fernando in

Dardo Cabo, son of the

as an extreme

Movement (MNA),

tina

in

life

Montoneros

nationalism

was to be killed

was a nationalist

Montoneros.,

the

into

organis-

political

leading

and was slow to move to the Left,

to the Right

ration

had begun his

popular

Susana Lesgart

tendencies,

been in right-wing

Among the

-

1972.

Thirdly, over

of Tacuara.

university-based

whose wife

of August

acre

wing

Galimberti

JAEN) -

mood of the period,

nationalist

had earlier

Nation-

Nacionalista

Estudiantil

of most previous

for

Nacional

Emancipacibn

the prevailing

reflecting

JAEN leader

from

Narvaja,

(Frente

activists

the non-radicalised coming

Front

their

some of

ations.

par

than that

was more popular

is

Argentina

Student

Youth

such as the Argentine

1970's,

and early

Arrostito,

259 Maguid,

of Carlos

wife

Cuba in

and visiting leading

member until

Those who came from of

that

original

killed

forces

the

by the security

PCR were militants

up to its

who saw it

gradually

drifting

government

of Isabel

Peron.

Finally,

Peronists

Navarro

auch as Josh Sabino had been a car worker interns

del

fines

in

had betrayed

Sabino

Navarro

its

of the

group

Carral.

abandoned trade

union

militancy 1

Navarro

Sabino

in

the mid-1960's. took

(Sindicato

He had

Kloosterman

Mecänicos

was only

for

struggle

v Athe new

after

his

mandate and supported union

which

and became a member of its

SMATA) it and -

combative

group

of revolutionary

trade

campaign which Union

of

creation

sacking

armed struggle

1969. Peronist

Carral's Peronist

parents, the

Resistencia, Peron

and the

included

1.

committee)

Carworkers'

Automotor

Transporte

leadership that

of the

Enrique

the

was to support

was a fifth

This

the Deca car factory stewards

-(shop

leadership

the

and Jost

in, the anti-bureaucratic

participated to

at

there

and

armed struggle

it

terms

in

coup.

the failure

at

about

and longstanding

men of proven

contained,

comisi6n

most important

and a

the Videla

after

Later

Movement itself.

the Peronist

from

derived

rhetoric

base and periphery,

support

Montoneros

disillusioned

to the Right.

and perhaps

Montonero

the

early

the mid-1960's

in

the party

1968 became one of the

to live

party

leaving

who after

this

pedigree railway

1964 trade

went back much further.

worker

union

Plan de Lucha,

1968 CGT of the Argentines.

the organisation

in

participated

of a revolutionary

Born of

the Peronist

the 62 de Pie

His union group

activities,

Junto

a

which

of young railway

On Sabino Navarro, see "Jos& Sabino Navarro: un Trabajador, un (7th Peronista, Montonero, August 1973) " El Descamisado, 12 un no. Volveras p. 30; and "Montonero Jos& Sabino Navarro. en Brazos de (30th tu Pueblo, " La Causa Peronista, July 1974), 4 pp. 9-11. no.

260 -

in

workers

had always

the mid-1960's,

direct

action.

Originally

Labour

Minister

San Sebastian's

ed the Montoneros union

in

These five

principal

which

able,

economic tion

of finding poly

1. 2.

Navarro,

devoted

himself

the bomber of join-

eventually

he was sacked for

his

to armed

completely

expropriating"cars

1973 after

in

only

In part,

decline

towards

since

1955.3

the

came from

the radicalisation 1960's

and early This

had previously labour,

a common solution 4 capitalism.

limited

and "martyrs",

led

popular to their

strongly

had roots

problems

indicates

in

sectors

of

their

socio-

numbers to ques-

their

needs and they movements in

and left-wing at

avail-

a petty-bourgeois

significant

satisfied

mergers

data

of significant 1970's

be

who, as will

of organisational the

one

were the

itself,

Montoneros

Socially,

Montoneros

late

of nationalism,

Peronism

a process

leaders

with

from

other

through

of the early

the

of them variants

recruitment.

a system which

to look

Sabino

of the early

components

deals

a majority 2 background. class

Carral

and the

grow rapidly

that

this

1967,

three

Left

as individual

as well

house in

in February

currents,

political

were to

seen,

killed

traditional

the

then

1

Lanus.

from

bomber,

Like

1971.

being

until

a Resistance

1970 and then

in

militancy

struggle

in

by violent

been accompanied

began

the hope

the expense of mono-

On Carral, D16 la Vida por Per6n, " see "Paco: (19th February 1974), p. 23. 40 no. See Appendix A.

El Descamisado,

3.

Oscar Ramos, op. cit.; This is the thesis put forward by Peralta (Buenos Braun, El Capitalismo Argentino Crisis Aires: Siglo en Editores, XXI Argentina 1973); and Elsa Cimillo et al, Acumulaciön (Buenos Centr 1 iön del Capital Industria la Ar entina en Editorial Aires: Tiempo Contemporäneo, 1973), though it has not yet been quantified.

4.

For an account of the reaction to Onga.nia's see economic policy, Ernesto Laclau, "Argentina Imperialist the May Strategy and Crisis, " New Left Review, no. 62, (July-August 1970), pp. 3-21.

_261_

However,

the

Political

statistics.

factors

Left,

to whom the

backing,

bourgeoisie

petty

their

younger

over,

with

forms

the highly

to that

political

identity

Peronist

Movement.

Of crucial

importance

students

and also

purge fierce

of liberal repression

seen in

was clearly Argentine

of student

history,

cades during

which

the provincial

There was also Church,

the

Though the

impact Guevarist

and in

force

policy,

almost

the streets

of

1969.

within

of which influence

which

and conservatintervenci6n appointment

of

to a major campuses and

of university

in

ideas

the -

led

authorities)

three

confronting

changed their

governmental

unity,

of Cuba, all ideological

was driven

university

of the new ideas

emergence of revolutionary

ment and the external above.

the impact

It

reformist

Within

protests.

uprisings

'

opposition

invasions

materialised

was forcibly

The 1966 military

university

the student-worker

immediate

access

liberal,

of

1966 and its

many youths

(i. e. the

police

substantial

More-

youth

it

real

some academics.

academics,

in

here was Ongania's

the former

to replace

a-trustee

only

of Buenos Aires

of the University

denied

many formerly

awakened and radicalised ive

of the

suffered

and policies.

expression.

government,

military

unpopular

by Ongania

of political

the system which

challenging

splits

given

petty-bourgeois

activity,

traditional

its

towards

political

the

traditional UCR) and -

leaders

parties'

led

in

of the disillusionment

reflections

the old

takeover

the military

ban on party denied

members with

Radical

of economic

role

The numerous

had previously

than not

were more often

level

the

at

a prominent

youth.

(Uniion Cfvica

Party

old Radical

by the

played

also

of petty-bourgeois

radicalisation

be left

cannot

explanation

years

the

unheard

of

outcome in

and at the barri-

within

the

Catholic

the Peronist

Move-

have been discussed was less

important

262 -

in

than

the

Communist Party

Revolutionary

Montoneros

leading in

the

late

in

this

than

help

which

It

period.

Abal Medina did

to explain

but, also

tween Peronism

and anti-Peronism.

as "a regime

power to survive

seen as the

catalyst

A militant

trade

For those

union

as seen in

insurrection

which

led

took

many radicals were not

in

to consider

were to claim

Para is Militancia,

that

street

tender

direction

had

this

General

their

Labour

Con-

to successfully into

a re-

the student-worker of Cordoba in May

city battles

the armed forces that

was

stalemate.

and to develop

the industrial

to

it

some cases,

Argentinos)

the Cordobazo,

enough to defeat

The Montoneros

Apuntes

in

in

of Ongaro's

bosses

by Cooke

open to most of the

and,

attempts

the failure

union

armed struggle the

be-

material

enough to submit

it",

origins

social

of the

the struggles

sufficient

1

domes-

warfare

characterised

with

was not

(CGT de los

place

in

to overcome

response

Moreover,

instrument.

volutionary

fighting

would help

the power of the big

undermine

but

to overthrow

of theArgentines

federation

itself

of Cuba

were also

of guerrilla

In a situation

who had been workers,

been frustrated,

1969,

which

due to their

young radicals age.

but not

there

stalemate

island

importance

to the violence

only

and a mass movement powerful

harassment

constant

not

to the political

to stabilise

unable

the

the attraction

was a response

Ongania regime

Left,

the

and a number of

the Caribbean

visit

However,

political.

from

recruits

pro-Cuban

For the movimientista

1960's.

factors

Montonero

were ardently

including

was more methodological tic

Left,

case of the non-Peronist

and barricade

of the State.

2

politico-military

p. 29.

1.

Cooke,

2.

Lucha de On the Cordobazo, see Beba Balv6 et al, Lucha de Callea Buenos. Aires: Ediciones de Is. Rosa Blindada, Clases 1973); and (Buenos Aires: J. Delich, Crisis Protesta Social Francisco Editores, Siglo XXI Argentina 1974).

op. cit.

263 -

for

it

offered

bryonic

not

workers

revolutionary

of the Argentine

Lenin's

mantle,

to offer Like

radicals.

the

Communist

ism,

seemingly

Party

in

that

there

whereas

invoking,

still

that

from theory.

and the

party

Stalinist

as the

example

to

attraction

cuts

the to

which

but

led

also

not

methods it of guerrilla of guerrilla

with

only

armed organby the fact of the petty did

not

from,

while

the young radicals

Leninist

revolutionary Left

party

change from within,

other

offer

the anti-Peronist

main traditional

in

old revolution".

departures

its

used to prevent

warfare

tired

of the Left

alienated

of this

successes

its

Social-

for

struggle

sectors

was largely

them to reject

the reformism

splinters,

countries,

theories

which

as well contributed

all

promised

short-

the revolution. Here,

of the rise

1.

of broad

coupled

reformist

to be explained

partly

It

way forward.

to the

and non-Peronist

organisations

Leninism

Moreover,

Peronist

thus

claiming

and anti-imperialist

was a radicalisation

Communist Party

of the

stance

is

of the

alternative

repeating

agrarian

an em-

warfare

light

the

the

postponed

also

guerrilla

Party

Socialist

of both

but

the main party

and was still

1960's

them a revolutionary

of urban

revolutionary

time

the main political

bourgeoisie,

choice

a genuine

democratic,

the late

leadership

Communist Party,

had by this

"the

of the above initiatives,

has to be seen in

the smaller

The proliferation isations

Their

indefinitely,

about

slogans

the defects a political

strategy.

failure

young

only

army.

a Leninist

than

rather

to

was the solution

organisation

interesting

parallels

of the Socialist-Revolutionaries

Comunista Pro ama del Partido Anteo, 1963. Editorial p. 2.

Lenin's

can be drawn with and their

de la Argentina

explanation

terrorist

(Buenos Aires:

methods

264 -

-

He criticised

in Russia.

the basic

understand the

turn

of the

the Socialist-Revolutionaries

defect

movement at

would mean "not

it

was an illusory

armed struggle

thereby

only

of this

way out

breaking

off

work among

downright the masses, but also introducing disorganisation into 1 however, were to exhibit The Montoneros, work". no indications Leninist

that

were to admit

manner - "We went about didn't

they in

between

of

1967,

group.

Seeking

was the

stolen

cars,

significance

name of the the authority

than

in Argentine

gaucho followers of Buenos Airos

V. I. Lenin, Publishers,

2.

"7 de Setiembre (11th September

survival

of the

that initials, history,

Dia del Montonero, 1973) PP. 5-8.

and success the

sur-

suicidal" We

of papers.

2

one who had was Fernando". instruction

military

Montoneros

decided

they

caudillos

influence.

in

be the name of the both

with

19th century

and British

operations

Later,

any kind

receiving

Revolutionary Adventurism, 1969), p. 11.

1.

planning

attained.

without

The. only

one to suggest

a name, rather

1967-9

had behaved in an "almost

was Abal Medina who, after

Cuba in

were the radical-

to their

vital

immediately

even have false-documents.

"Fernando"

folkloric

being

was not

professionalism

although

this

action,

12 Montoneros

original two years

They spent for

and preparing

of the

group

Catholics.

vivors

that

influence.

The core ised

to

of the extremely, rapid growth of the movement, the lagged behind the masses, the revolutionary organdid not come up to the level of revolutionary of the proletariat, were incapable of marching on the masses". and leading

He went on to warn that since

revolutionary

failing

century:

"Because leaders isations activity in front

dilemma

the Russian

in

for

political

and

to adopt

the

who resisted

The word montoneros

1902 (Moscow:

" El Descamisado,

Progress

no.

17.

265 -

had originally

been used by the landed

small,

armies,

regional

montbn meaning a mob, but

by nationalists

proudly was in

the

in

Montoneros,

"in in

Shooting order

the rural

along

with

their

conviction

the

new cordobazos, indispensable

for

being

comandos which

"San Martin",

"Uturuncos"

continuity

with

Later,

Montoneros.

organisation

was also

originally vehicles (providing

false

military

aid

for

than

2

the enemy continually". into

a series

names such as "Eva Perbn", of the Cordobazo),

repres-

and popular predominantly

with

functional

lines,

there

(responsible

for

and police

await

as "an

of the

operations),

event

in urban

units

department"

As

1968 confirmed

themselves

of nationalism

along

1

this

These were the fighting

structured

a "maintenance

and logistical

symbols

but

Rather

comandos were christened

the names of slain

being

took

proto-

primarily

populated.

to hit

(date "May 29" and the past

in

were compartmentalised

originally

Montonero

which

able

the

and banks".

place

structured

of arms

to be common de-

1969 Cordobazo

at Taco Ralo

70% urban

the Montoneros

fighting

the

Montoneros

embryonic

Structurally,

struggle.

ones)

aimed at

1969,

stations

had to take

armed struggle

instrument

in

failure

at least

pretended

on police

no part

guerrilla

being

armed actions

such as the seizure

to be detected,

played

that

Argentina

enting

(shirtless

Range of C6rdoba in February

not

they

minor

In actions

each one of the attacks

an organisation,

of

through

money and arms.

the Federal

areas,

up

1940's.

accumulating

linquents

these

the term was taken

the same way as descamisadoe

Most members were trained

from

to denigrate

oligarchy

a "documents

documents,

enabling

acquiring

department" freedom

of

(16th 22 October 1973), no.

I.

"La Unidad de FAR y Montoneros, " ibid., pp. 6-7.

2.

"Cordoba: A Cinco Aßos del 29 de Mayo, un Montonero Cuenta Cordobazo, " El Peronista, no. 6 (28th May 1974), p. 26.

el

266 -

and a "psychological

action

more than

by the

a score

proliferation large

ingly

numbers

of

the

Knorr

stock

of the

Aramburu,

an action

Montoneros' choice

anniversary

a number of counts, ing

of Peronist President

while wanting

in

of his

at least this

1956,

of Peronist

Buenos Aires

Herald,

2.

See °Montonero Emilio (16th June 1974), pp.

his

6th

Pindapoy,

his

of

it

justice",

to the view

that

The

was shown in

being

the first

Aramburu was tried

of the

repression

public

Pedro Eugenio

Peronist

Movement from

corpse.

Apart

Aramburu

was singled

there

on

of the shoot-

authorisation

away of Evita's

July

first

history,

as Army Day.

"revolutionary

conversion

1.

a miser-

to as the Aramburazo.

Operativo

as well

their

of ex-President

referred

spiriting

him to

lived

living

combination

in

participated

the main ones being

and the

to submit

out because

for

Cordobazo

rebels

previous

least,

an unappetising

and execution

sense of history,

of the

backgrounds,

from

wrench

organisation, For those

social

C6rdoba at

being

twelve

subsequently

of May 29th

a major in

the

?

original

the kidnapping

operation,

diet

cubes and rice!

Ten out

the

daily

their

existence,

able

Montoneros,

The early

on two key

comandante.

comfortable

involved

origins.

base centred

Medina directed

anaratismo correspond-

with

back to their

Montonero

de-

numbered no

their

apparata

goes right

relatively

clandestinity

conditions.

and political

) etc.

preparing

the Montoneros

Maza was the local

members coming from

the move into

one can see that

where Abal

where Emilio

and C6rdoba,

1970,

original

from

Buenos Aires,

cities,

for

that

officers)

holdups,

(responsible

Given

end of

of military

Geographically,

early

1

kidnappings,

planned

department"

and c ommuniqu6s).

clarations

(the

(which

a "war department"

travel),

had to be elections

1970.

Maza: La Calera, 22-23.

"

La Causa Peronista,

no.

2

267 -

Peronist

with

an electoral

of Lanese

anticipated

that

danger

Ongania's

than

into

ers,

so the Montoneros

Since

Aramburu

the state ible,

had either

merely

was alleged

to the Interior

Mininistry

the way in

which,

Montoneros of

roundly

to take

proof

likely

that

the Montoneros

their

political

project

that

have assumed,

were responsIn support

of

had been a regular Supporters

of the

to the failure

and killed

cornered

of

is

absent

of

Montoneros

followed,

Montoneros

and later

"national"

right-wing

either with

collaborated

Ongania represented. still

alone

and

and to

the police alive.

provided

The a detailed

2

the operativo.

Though definitive

latter

which

the allegations

denied

the Montoneros

pointed

captured

the Aramburazo

after

as scapegoats.

hand,

to integrate

the Onga.nla

against

in May 1970.1

the persecution

during

sought

wing

Firmenich

that

to recognise

to make no attempt

appeared

serving

on the other

relatives

the

or that

services

scheme, which

the revolutionary

between

it

Aramburu's

everything

conspiring

that

lead-

been collaboration

second interpretation,

account

the time

believe

more conciliatory

suggested

the Montoneros thesis,

the former visitor

Per6n,

it

supporters

intelligence

with

thought,

former's

some of the

there

that

was at

for

Isolating

system,

not

was seen as a greater

of its

care

did

Aramburu's

two years,

government,

Movement,

a quasi-democratic

and also,

regime,

by almost

repressive

of the Peronist

the bulk

To them,

was possible.

solution

Montoneros

The early

participation.

socialism

way, the

Alvarino, Published

seems highly

government, was antagonistic

They were not,

Catholic

it

nationalists

given

unthat

to

as some writers in

Z. - Argentina. by the author,

1970 who only

El Crimen 1973), p. 279.

1.

Pr6spero Germ&n Fernandez (Buenos Aires: del Siglo

2.

(3rd September 9 "Como Murib Aramburu, " La Causa Peronista, no. The article 1974), pp. 25-31. was used by the government as a for banning this Montonero publication. pretext

268 -

moved to

the Left

anything

more radical very

was still the

justifying

Montonero

tavo

blow - Araa}buru

In the midst

order

to demonstrate

of

that

the apparently C6rdoban

the

for

occupied new pesos, pursuit doba.

which then

they

powerful

could

ended with

the

failure

surprised

four

Morris.

shooting

to take

longstanding

people's

of Carlos

Gus-

cut

members

a second spectacular in

over-ambitious, a continuous

on July

campaign

purpose,

in

emulation

Ist,

town was successfully

and a bank relieved

of

Maza and 12 arrests

100,000 Police

went wrong. in

when, due to a subsequently 3 safety precautions", police

Abal Medina was killed

alomgside

his

during

which

the ensuing

1.

Ibid.,

2.

Buenos Aires

3.

Hablan los Montoneros, " "Documento: (November-December 26 1970), pp. no.

gun battle,

P. 31. Herald,

13th

C6r-

7th

house in William

Ramus in

and

For this

the La Rueda pizza

in

and leader

friend

launch

sustain

of Emilio

"elementary

Montoneros

Founder

had to

case the withdrawal

Worse was to come on September

admitted

the

in

present

them of valuable

Though the

communications

the Uruguayan

as in

deprived

was occupied

Pando operation.

an hour,

justice".

in a top security

enemy was vulnerable.

town of La Calera

the Tupamaros'

was also held

Caggiano,

revolutionary

may have seemed practically

it

even though

of higher

fatal,

informed

participants.

of arrests

blow,

Catholicism

to Cardinal

owned by the parents

estancia

were if

"May God have mercy on

a letter

wrote

was not

the Montoneros

and supporters,

though

years,

and ended with also

statements

Communiqu& no. 4, which

have proved

the Timote

but at

their

death

could

Ramus, one of the

that

in

policy

later

of

to him as "an act

act

which

earliest

those

The Montoneros

their

Amateurism,

prison

than

much present

1

soul".

first

Their

of Aramburu's

nation

his

later.

June 1970. Cristianismo 11-14.

y Revoluci6n

Luis

2

269 Rodeiro

and Sabino

was captured

By the end of C6rdoba

heavy losses

were forced One act

off

the

hiding

in

got

yet into

though

the availability

ations

suggests

the

That the Montoneros factors

pered

by the search

for

for

survived

this

fell

state

them.

Left

of history

then and there, guerrilla

organishave been

not

might

while

the Peronist

guerrilla

organisations,

the solution

more than

out a few "terrorists".

youths

in

the Barrio

the first

into

the Peronist

Left

date

on or near which

there

to

Cordo-

Levingforce

the

ground

early

on to count Youth

"subversion"

were annual

on sigThis

groups.

demanded something of Remus and Abal

demonstration

Subsequently,

as the

provided

some of the other

The deaths

town.

calendar

Montoneros

Peronist

pro-Montonero

Casas shanty

went

from

from

especially

that

to

the

repressive

to prepare

Unlike

and aid.

showed the regime

gave rise

full

of the

they were able

support,

affecting

since

the

tem-

rule.

affiliation

much needed protection

Medina

problems

successors,

seeking

was al-

were being

His

to unleash

civilian

them with

rooting

regime

policies to the

the Aramburazo.

were unable

to moderate

surface

the military

solution

"subversives"

against

Secondly,

was due to sev-

period

and repressive

after

Lanusse,

a transfer

critical

Firstly,

a political

immediately

and then

nificant

two main cities.

organisation

Peronist

course

the Montoneros

their

whose days had been numbered ever

Ongania,

Argentina.

of the

the

in

in Santa

group

months

several

of houses

general

to disintegrate

beginning

ston

a handful

favoured

which

ready

bazo,

For

ground.

third

and

altered.

substantially

eral

and an incipient

of alternative

that

in Buenos Aires

sections

have finished

could

of'treason

managed to escape.

the Montonero

1970,

had suffered

Fe had not

Navarro

by 1,000 September

7th

"Day of the Montonero",

demonstrations

to record

the

a

- 270 -

two leading

these

memory of

Ramus and Firmenich

ing

we don't

know that

will

the

Thirdly,

of and cooperation

first

to

half

of

Congresses

important debated

brought

(Perbn's

delegate),

was broader,

to

Lima trying

agent".

Revolutionary

Peronist

A tripartite flected

Movement

organisation and a trade

2.

which

occurred

The

the first Perlin

in the

two

1968 and 1969 which for

armed struggle. Rearte,

Alberte the March

whereas

like

right-wingers

even extreme

on the

grounds

that

he

were to become known as the

The participants but

split dividing

the major

The two minority

1.

in

Gustavo

excluded

Tendency,

by the

in fact

the

lacked

coherence

to

together.

stay

ist

with

get in but being 2

was a "police

Cooke,

young

to Fanon,

participant

De Luca and Lucero

Di Pasquale,

1969 Cordoba meeting

band during

were "ripe"

names like

together

today,

organisations.

were limited

Peronism

conditions

objective

whether

The first

Brito

of Revolutionary

shoot-

1

guerrilla

had been a leading

Navarro

his

was that

was strengthened

small

tastes

literary

Though his

Sabino

and Evita,

other

Navarro's

was Sabino

join

1970.

with

into

"from

show".

of twelve

nucleus

original

affiliation group

guns for

de Buenos Aires,

It

to comment that

carry

Abal Medina,

was fired

grenade

1972 homage.

the

Lanusse

President

inspired

which

people

away during

a few metres

from

face

when a tear-gas

like

Nacional

of the Colegio

an alumnus "martyr"

became a further

Ram6n Cesaris,

figures.

factions

(IrnP).

faction

within

both

class attached

Cordoba

the Peronist

were the remains

and Rearte,

of the working union

lines

at the

calling

before to the

conference of the

Left

of the Revolutionary for guerrilla

further

time. Peron-

political

warfare

CGT of the

re-

was essayed,

Argentines

which

Gonzälez Janzen, Argentina: 20 Aßos de Lanusse, quoted in Ignacio (Mexico: de la Patria Ediciones Grande, 1975), Peronistas Luchas p. 103. Volveräs..., Jose Sabino Navarro. " op. cit. "Montonero

- 271 -

the promotion

urged leader

of the majority

iation

of armed struggle,

than for

this

training

Montoneros

in

part

apse of late

1970 but

1971 he was killed reputedly

the ! ontoneros Peronist

nearly major

all

the Peronist

the repressive

the

courts.

hundred

the

or fusion formations"

was acquitted A further

tiny

(Organizaciones this

process

were able claimed

Luck also

directly

in the

helped

Montonero

when she was subsequently was that

with

of a weak coord-

and the winning

which

group,

of convergence

the Montoneros

twelve.

irony

C6rdoba

and policemen.

formation

with

coll-

In July

the

Navarro's

be seen below,

played

near

in

re-

the

of

Navarro its

troops

of Sabino

of the Aramburazo original

leader

a young man's death.

Thus the Montoneros

who had participated

buru as prosecutor, the regime's

others.

any mili-

leader

after

Armed Organisations

into

original

and their

gunbattle

of

and military

Sabino

of a process

As will

"special

aftermath

of most of

Arrostito,

OAP). -

of the

Medina.

seen in

the Peronist

to the integration

sectors

liberty

by several

groups,

own group

the

overall

the organisation

incorporation

guerrilla

was no more

a degree

than

Montoneros

init-

guerrillas.

contacts

becoming

were the beneficiaries

Armadas Peronistas

Montoneros

the end of a three-day

to the

body called

led

the

he too was to the

surrounded

most part

of the verbal

trained

was a

the immediate

the doomed Maza lacked

of Abal

rebuilding

at

In addition

ually

like

Navarro

to form his

political

before

death

the

soon after

an important

inating

vital

section

the

support to the

They trained

at all.

the C6rdoba

organised

other

the

some of whose cadres

for

was forced

brought

group

Sabino

for

which

Is members were much better

Montoneros,

hills,

appealed

Navarro

experience,

political

proficiency.

tary

which

1969 without

Navarro's

Sabirio

unionism.

an appeal

Sabino

in

purpose

practical

grouping

bravado.

verbal

trade

of militant

one of her

eventof

over

of

to survive

the life

or

them - Norma trial tried judges,

of Aramby

272 -

first

Although

the Montoneros

military

deed carried

implied ero

define

ed them to'clearly documents

of historical

differentiation

appeared

which

position

through

the

all

from

with

rising

end of 1970,

all'the

and popular heroes

usual

Peronist

1956 to the Uturunco

to

Peronist

oblig-

a number of

of post-1955

of

references

followed

the national

symbols

to their

the

at

with

themselves

military

Apart

of 1959-60.

guerrillas ical

Valle's

General

services

which

of Monton-

suggestions

issued

continuity

plus

revisionism

from

revolt,

In a document

was "the

organisation

the

security

identifying

past,

the Aramburazo

itself",

political

historical

their

of the

struggles

iii

their

and interviews.

stressed

that

out by a revolutionary

the State

with

of homage to Aramburu.

a statement

claimed

definition

a political

collaboration

they

had signed

Romero Carranza,

Ambrosio

"traitors",

no polit-

hagiography,

the Monton-

that:

eros maintaining

"one cannot speak of a division of the popular forces into Left of Peronism continued and Right because the combative sectors differentiating themselves inthe path, revolutionary seeking from the negotiating bureaucracy". and blackmailing creasingly of this

Though the logic the Montoneros for

failed

a mere return

argument

class

dency for attempts, tive

Three

1.

over

them was made up of those

of ideology

strikes

and political

Hablan

ideology.

view

fighting

a socialist of Peronism

tendency

being their

reflected

The revolutionary

guerrilla

that

ten-

through

warfare,

coup

irrespec-

objectives.

Montonero

los

sectors

who had struggled,

and especially

characteristic

"Documento:

their

analysis,

is

evident

seeking

and a revolutionary

of methodology

general

what is

between those

of Per6n to power and those

composed of a bureaucratic prioritisation

obscure,

to discriminate

Ignoring

transformation.

is

features

Montoneros,

"

can also

op. cit.

be seen from

1

- 273 this

document.

tion

of Peronist

and in face

The first history

portraying

Perlin

regard

to the

with

Framini's

their

the -

1964 "Return

declarations

"Peronism/Anti-Peronism appeared

and of the

'the

of

liberation

the Xontonero

Thirdly,

of the peoples

("either

crisis there did

the possibility

will not

there

be elections their

reduce

Through

trade

union

and student

ggles

could

be successfully

how the

dealt

with.

However,

the

armed continuation

1.

Ibid.

2.

Ibid.

different

guerrilla

of the

declaring political

to the Argentine

solution

in

Per6n lives

General

of military

feeding

forms

of struggle

that struggle

and mass struand maintaining were to be

and how urban

of the workers "our

.

military,

armed struggle

"mutually

or

the armed road

espousing

- political,

isolation

"accession in

but

fronts

combined,

World".

of power and the constructthe three banners of Sovereignty and Political

while

hoped that

1

as one of:

"a mere confrontation

on all

they -

to the

was related

warfare never

organising

so as to avoid

integrated

to

strategy

Exactly

Perbn"),

without

apparata".

each other".

be no elections

was a

of the Movement

of the Third

of an electoral

will

the

tercermundismo

leader

was defined

strategy

volte-

in

society

their

"the

1965

were ignored.

of politics'

of Argentine

(leading to) the seizure "popular war in which ion of 'national' socialism Social Justice Economic Independence, be made a reality". will They dismissed

1960's

early

to Perbn being

struggles

was dated

Movement and

primacy

contradiction".

in a reference

Finally,

of the

apprecia-

Per6n's

Peronist

the main feature

that

assertion

Operation"

as revolutionaries,

1964 Revolutionary

one can see the presence

Montonero

and distorted

superficial

and Framini

anti-communist

Secondly

also

is

guerrilla

to power" was struggle

is

just

of our Movement",

2

- 274 -

it

was implicit

fundamentally

This

one,

a military left

being

strategy

the function

that

the

success

of the

Peronist

meant that

seen as that

the hands

in

the

with

Peronist

combined

toneros

it

Montoneros having

through

felt

that

the rest

lost

most of its

did

this

but

their

of authority.

positions

socialist

not

bourgeois

Most of

vague,

nacional

America,

ploited

the early

his

the

while

ties

definitions

a couple

Peron left

his

the notion

with

idea

to relate

concept of the

"two

orthodoxy,

of solidarity

those

Peron

filled

latter

with

of the so-called

of

imperialisms". restricting the peoples

Third

engaged in activities

del Enemigo, " Cristianismo "El Llanto (April 1971), PP. 70-73.

y Revolucf6n,

a

to Third

World

1

and imperialism". 1970's

Montonero

of Peron but

this

in

seemed so secure

on the

abandoned

and Africa,

by colonialism When in

1.

Asia

in re-

to agree

he never

Latin

lacking

The

were never

struggles,

to "active

darwinization.

they

World

Position

early

part,

sectors

capitalist

Though Peron expanded

Third

and bureaucratic

of the

Position.

to accept

their

play

destruction

Third

and secondly,

that

"the

for

and its

refused

the

Firstly,

State

army";

became clear

it

why they

the Montoneros

when calling

content

their

de-

as the Mon-

as completely

rhetoric

must be made here.

The Montoneros

war,

of themselves,

only

and political

explain

the radical

with

were compatible,

socialismo

of popular

Movement would

the Movement were dismissed

presentativity,

qualifications

1971,

of the

of social

process

a post-1955 in

Movement as a whole.

as revolutionary

in

'early

conceded

allegedly

"traitors"

overall

them to be.

believed

In an interview the

of the

strategy

Movement and not

pended upon the Movement and Per6n being

was considered

tasks

other

of the

of the

Montoneros

the

of

directed

no.

28

of ex-

-275towards real

an electoral

strategic

1970,

Perlin

declaration

which

brought

Party

for

of joint

nature,

which

were

these

social

policy

the Montoneros,

of

their

leader

wily

engaging

their

leader.

which

People",

for

in a

the group issued

a

nationalist-reformist the victorious

nor

Con-

Socialist

the Peronists

electoral

1973 In no way

alliance. could

drafted for

a joint

the Popular

Argentine

followed,

the basis

"Hour in

had with

of the

Party,

rationale

the

to the

of a moderate

of the parties a revolutionary

blind

of San Juan with

(FREJULI)

Front

remained

Radicals,

programmes socialist,

political

composition

For

Democratic

formed

eventually

managed to find

"Hour

Balbin's

statements

Liberation

Justicialist

they

In the months which

elections.

series

together

Radicals

and the bloQuista

call

the

promoted

Progressive

Party,

Montoneros

differences

and political

In November

servative

the

solution,

they

them, yet Per6n's

of the People"

be given

the

the Montoneros behaviour.

reformist

was just

an example

a:

"tactical manoeuvre designed to keep the regime sitting at the table while the Movement develops its organisation negotiating in preparation for the next steps in and methods of struggle the war". 1 Paladino,

They attacked

strategy

confusing it

was the Montoneros

tactics ing

and his

innocence aroused

worked

remarkably Minor

delegate

tactics

but

themselves

tactics

for

his

and non-authorisation

orders,

1.

with

Per6n's

the wrath

doubts

in

subsequent

events Per6n's

who mistook

Perbn's

strategy. when his

of an important

of this

charge

for

were to show that for

strategy stratagem

delegates,

section

policy,

of claim-

fulfilling

of his

his

his

Movement,

well.

which

the Montoneros

had over

Montoneros: "Las armas de la Independencia (September Pueblo, " 30 ibid., hacia el no.

the

"Hour

of the People"

hoy estgn apuntadas 1971), PP. 13-15.

276dealings Perlin.

In a letter

the

of

swept away by an exchange

were swiftly

of February

being

pact

way in which

"tactically

"the

ions",

that

saying 1

impossible". strategic

to reinforce

Quite

from

apart

a completely failed

is

to realise

tactical

compromise)

latter

is

conscious

On the

1970-73

had

greater

with

the

army

through

often

effect

and desired front, the

Army

ably

(ERP)

less in

and police,

popular

an extremely

support

from strategy.

What they

completed

been a case of whether

3

period, For all

the

rather

their

the

than

the

than

" 20th February

in

Guevarist

hontoneros' seek

The latter of targets

prob-

do battle

to

were

the

People's

actions

aimed

& logistical)

military,

selection

"preparation"

operations

operations

and sympathy.

"Perlin

of

numerous

active

2. 3.

(had it

stages

conducted

"Los Montoneros a Per6n, " 9th February pp. 26-27. no. 9, op. cit., Montoneros,

views.

of tactics

1.

a los

their

with

reply

showed here

(financial,

discriminate

Per6n's

or not.

effect.

resources

was

the Nontoneros

militarily

nearly

electoralism

a change in strategy,

having

this

i. e. elect-

of Per&n,

compromises"

Montoneros

political

accumlating

stimulating

"tactical

Though

period.

Revolutionary

either

that

military

"organisation",

and

separation

used

was "absolutely

with 2

in agreement"

misjudgement

unrealistic

satisfied

the

over

offensive,

Per6n's

that

spoke

being

is

of such a situation

to have been fully

their

i. e. us,

with

they

doubts

expressed

the tactical

to realise

They failed

by Ongaro,

armed option,

he was "completely

that

but

correct"

the continuation

and appear

claiming

1971, delivered

revolutionary

as a means of pressure

of correspondence

at

or at

was achieved and a minimal

1971, La Causa Peronista,

1971,

ibid.,

pp. 28-29

This is at least true of publicised guerrilla actions, as can be in Cristianismo seen from the chronologies contained v Revoluc16n, passiml and Kohl & Litt, The same pattern op. cit., pp. 339-364. became evident through my own chronological newspaper work on the Buenos Aires Herald, La Naci6n and La Raz6n, all of Buenos Aires.

277 -

deployment

of offensive first

of these

three

Montoneros,

this

less

enabling

The Montoneros

consciously Peronist

Movement.

to

the

Casa de Tucum&n where

in

clared

1816,

independence inevitably

as that

the

in

clubs in

which

being

1.

were

Instead

of

life

humble

off

the

Buenos Aires

3.

Ibid.,

21st

Herald, October

the

15th February

Peronist

in

their

of

Favourite

vulnerability

being

liberted,

1971.

and style,

detonated,

most

three

" El

their

the

around

Dynamited

of

the

country

aura

"Halt!

tar-

like

verve

were

first

Bombs

annivers-

privilege

a romantic rich

2

and subsequent

1952.

a lot

de-

economic

same place).

and policemen,

soldiers

the

had been the

revolt

reading

signs

occupied

and luxurious

of

of

de la aurora back page.

1971.

the

July

buildings

clubs

they

of

oligarchic

growth

symbolic

1971

on important

of

Montoneros

demonstrate

"Compaleros la presos: (22nd May 1973), I no.

2.

with

ordinary

origin, to

the

when the

killing

1946"

was done with

This

closed

managed

course

facilitate

example,

roads

of

public

blasted.

were

For

authors.

golf

(in

on 26th

symbols

great

Independence

1956 military

death

of

and a'reminder

in

June

9th

were

Clubs,

a way as to

such

nearby

yeary

early

Jockey

numerous

the

1

in

Argentine

Argentina

Eva Per6n's

and of

executions, gets

of

declared over

all

Early

homage

of

act

Perlin

which exploded

such

aries

"an

as

of 1966-73 was app-

targets

selected

significance historic

the

Revolution"

was much

to the Montoner

period-according

and 100 killed.

prisoners

moral

in general

violence

the "Argentine

500 political

roximately

political

by

those with

to come even from

support

features

were killed

few people

very

in the more recent

the balance'of

records,

that

Indeed,

than

extensive

is

years

violence.

qualms about

One of the most striking

violence.

of

years

Zone".

them of

enemy

Descamisado,

3

278 -

without

disarming

stance, February

inside the

of the

By seizing

Foreign

not

executives

and companies

of foreign

couragement blowing

üp executives'

was the

subject

was not yet

investment

in

that

of Vicenzo

Russo,

(a subsidiary

million

dollar-worth

exception

was essentially

their

ension cia,

with

but

such as identity

seeking

as in

seizure

came in

viölence

there

put

up violent

the form

Property,

took

involved

call

for

was either

which

of

not

There were few public manager of Standard

the form

came in

capacity

of attacking

the

conflict

took

the return

the

and accumulating

in industrial

station

a one

for

1970-1973

rule.

were highly

resistance

people,

the case of the destruct-

weaken the military

of a radio

a 17-minute

Dis-

agenda.

of armed propaganda

mainly

punishment

in December 1972 being

to directly

armed organisations,

cases where victims

on the Montonero

production

or executives

the Montonero

out for

were singled

Towards the end of 1972, it

used to broadcast

other

documents

to the general

a stage

workforces.

What physical with

June

in

triumph

a psychological

of ITT),

Armed propaganda

of companies

property with

than

rather

of the regime.

occupa-

bank and law

local

station,

in November 1971.

Caseros

Argentina

resources

in-

machine-gun

an hour

half

executives.

violence,

Electric

Montoneros

for

in Argentina

but not

houses

of Montonero

of 38 Fiats

kidnappings,

for

licences.

too assassination

here

Norte

achieved

by,

was their

show of strength

the police

only

on to spray

heavy arms and important

funds,

and driving

cards

them or going Another

compassion

the West German Embassy in

outside

town of San Jer6nimo

small

netted

guards

them as "bloodthirsty

portray

power and their

harming

the Montoneros

also

ion

police

the Embassy.

same year.

court,

but

the

1971 without

bullets

of

enemy to successfully

They showed their

terrorists".

tion

that

enabling

on a new dim=

outside

Resisten-

of Perlin. joint

selective,

to kidnapping

operations or in attempts.

'

279 -

of the latter

Instances ber

the extreme

of

Iribarren,

Hector April toneros but

head of

it

making

in

the popular

of

need for

which

on the

losses month for

black

the Montoneros,

founding

members,

Lesgart

and Mariano Montonero

years not

entail

which

Carlos

losses

the probability

Montonero

senting

those

epitaph

for

deaths slain

This

of might

in battle

Capuano Martinez

lower short-term

have given as heroic exemplified

was not

the death

Massacre.

than

later

death. rise

see the

achieved

1972 was a

of one of their of Susana

However,

in

these

on and membership Moreover,

A later

did

the fears

to were minimised

martyrs. this

a climate

as those

as well

in

investors

August

organisation.

the Trelew

were far

to create

and foreign

producing

in

regime,

of the military

and helping

Capuano Martfnez,

Pujadas

hands

on their

and ridiculous.

officers

of the

part

the Mon-

the military

against

to the crisis.

solution

in

service

blood

with

mem-

Colonel

the use of violence,

struggle

regime

made military

a political

without

of the

Uzal, of

intelligance

to the retreat

contributed

harassment

insecurity

in

incompetent

weak,

appear

They undoubtedly 1973 through

3rd Army Corps'

selectiveness

and that

party,

as by the masses seen people

were not

as participants

often

the

Due to their

1973.

Nueva Fucrza

right-wing

of Roberto

March 1972 death

were the

by pre-

Montonero

treatment:

"He knew that if he died, it would be at the hands of the enemies of-the of the people, enemies of Peronism, which is the most beautiful form of dying. It makes the comrades proud; it disis tresses our hearts but makes us happy to know that sacrifice but a form of life. the owner Just as Evita, no mere gesture "You tenderness, of our revolutionary would have wanted it"... little Carlos Capuano Martinez, incarnated, upright standing Revolution, the with gun in hand in the midst of this Peronist I purest essence of our people". Later

1.

on, after

the

1976 military

coup,

Montonero

combatants

Por MonCapuano Martinez, Por compaAero, Por peronista, "Carlos Ta Sos Entrafa de Tu Pueblo, " La Causa Peronista, tonero, no. 7 (20th August 1974), pp. 22-23.

280 -

for

became eligible heroism:

their

For

medals.

"Miguel

Zavala

Rodriguez"

Special

Troops

Section

Combat Platoon Carlos

and the leader

is

by the national

least

confirmed

and possibly

However, 1966-73 military

government they

armed method which to happen after to develop Peronist

the fall

a degree

Youth

guerrilla

unity

prevented

warfare namely

utionaries,

trades

militant

unionists

to win strikes

political

and union trade

on the labour

union

central

of the

for

activity work,

in

the

labour

the Montoneros

movement of those

dictating

of

towards of revol-

Contact

class,

with

aimed at helping

actions

did nothing

what was

promotion

orientation

movement.

the

They did manage

need for

the vital

daily

By ignoring

con-

to weaken the

whom they

"bureaucrats"

at

of the

sympathy,

the

working

and armed propaganda

development

the key task

performing

were no substitute

Montonero

the demise

power.

through

their

them from

the organisation

workers

sistent

but

in

popular

from

Party

militarism.

them from

prevented

organisation

and growth

this

a role

and won considerable

of surface

Camps"

of the Resistance"

thesis,

played

of the military

Alberto

of the Montonero

Montonero

accentuated

employed

of

Cup, the

Though post-1976

of this

the Montoneros

though

acts

of Hero of Combat, Commander

1

Army.

"Captain

"Martyrs

leadership

the brief

outside

the World

of the

for

of reward

of the

Order

the

awarded

and High Command of the Montonero reorganisation

during

activities

Combat Platoon

were all

0lmedo grade,

form

traditional

a similarly

grip

condemned as

"traitors".

The urban

guerrilla

incapable

campaign played

but

proved

its

own.

1.

"Condecorac16n, " Estrella Federal tonero Army - Ei rcito Montonero),

This

of producing

was in fact

a significant

a positive

recognised

political

by Ram6n Torres

(official no.

destructive alternative Molina,

role of

a Villa

organ of the Mon5 (September 1978) p. 12.

281 -

tine

inmate

Prison

Devoto

1969,

since

of the urban

critique

1971 issued

January

who in

he pointed

In it,

guerrilla.

a clandesthat:

out

"a resistance politically and dewar exhausts the dictatorship its unpopularity but tends to create political solmonstrates themselves. utions which are not those of the guerrillas dictatorthe force Through urban guerrilla struggle one can triumph of but this tactical ship into conceding elections, defeat, the guerrillas would be a strategic since it would push for the seizure The of power into the distance... perspectives dictatorship know the that the counter-insurgency of generals is elections". I measure par excellence words were lost

These prophetic The political placed

lose

by urging

Left

on the basis

themselves

cut ymity

off

of an underground would

such circumstances Montonero into

enabled

capitalism combined

1.

them to depart guaranteed.

with

their

also,

They but would

actions

masses of workers

and politicise

To embark on revolutionary

Peronist

inevitably

militants

living

To attempt

indirectly

Great National

for

though'it

helped

in an orderly By default,

subordination

Ram6n Torres Iolina, tinas, " Cristianismo

the Peronist

and fighting serious

in

had to the anon-

work under

union

have been suicidal.

methodology

GAN) scheme, -

their

to

fell,

it

until

quarantine.

through

contact,

existence.

regime

political

in whom

he had little

activities

programme.

social

the hands of Lanusse's

Nacional it

from

the

guerrilla

to organise

most of the best

that

clearly

sympathy

of a revolutionary

seriously,

warfare

be able

went to Perlin

actions

to hit

into

put

to awaken popular

same time

at the

not

in

by engaging

to some extent,

be able

would

formations

special

that

be,

would

Per6n saw quite

trust.

his

he realised

for

from Montonero

pay-off

their

they

on the Montoneros.

played

and paradoxically, Agreement force

manner with

the Nontoneros' to Per6n enabled

(Gran Acuerdo

a military

retreat,

the survival

of methods

guerrilla an electoral

de las guerrillas "La etapa actual (June Revoluc16n, 29 1971), s no.

argenpp. 17-19.

- 282 to emerge in

solution

parties.

order

to eventually

benefited

civilian

Perlin

"national"

bour-

Lanusse

outmanoeuvred

in

the presidency

for

own candidature

Lanusse's

undermine

partially

one which

impose his

the

benefited

mainly

Though to some extent

geois

thus

1973 which

and

the outcome was nevertheless

plan,

reformists

than

rather

and right-wingers

revolutionaries. of the

details

Precise

1971-73

and Per6n are not known and may never

the

had to be elections tide

ifications 1972 made it

for

because

he could

not

personal

afford,

Instead,

tions. side

his

over

ilisation sonally

security

politically,

stage

and the

demilitarisation

took

Lanusse

consider-

order,

Peronism

into

some power-

a multi-party

approach, to play

but wanted

alliances,

guaranteed

and partly

Hector

because condi-

military

CAmpora as the man to pre-

combatant

demob-

popular

aimed at achieving

of the

He

part-

stipulation,

to be seen fulfilling

of concessions

he was

parties.

the residency

was not

he chose the reliable

a brief

the

by Lanusse and the military.

envisaged

to comply with

in

personally

in restoring

on the need for

and electoral

qual-

candidates

though

force

before

Left,

he per-

over.

There would Peron and Lanusse

thus

seem to have been some disagreement

over how prominent

that

to stem

order

the residency

presidential

"moderate"

reliably

than that

time

in

return

would

to the idea in

same time,

Ianusse

he assumed the

a party

seem that

which

time

Per6n to stand

to play

role

Perbn agreed

role

for

therefore

pre-electoral

a more dominant not

potential

result with

part,

as seen in his

down for

would

an election

For his

At the

had a major

arrangement

sharing

ly

It

Peronism

hoping

By the

between

participation

unrest.

impossible

virtually

March.

following

did

he laid

which

Peronist

with

of mass popular

ed that

be.

in March 1971, Lanusse was certainly

presidency there

dealings

indirect

Peron and Peronism

between

were to be in

283 -

the

implementation

not

allow

this

ties

to this

6n's

return.

to mask the fact "solution"

"the

with

the

for

which

arrange Montonero ter, al

it line

abortive.

mass political

is

were inviting

the

front

16-month

These sixteen

The honeymoon began with

1.

towards

the

as President,

politician

return

the

with

between

was by the Peronist

Left,

as

"the

represented

end of 1972,

the Montoneros

will

brought

when Montonero

By

about.

them in

be analysed

and to look

the euphoria

of the

in

by political which

next

latter

Montonero and social

surrounded

supporters

the

of the

the Montonero

at why the

filled

to

order

Though the activities

changes in

challenged

office

guns away and

advantage

ERP to contact

to examine truce

their

full

initially

arms.

as the

activity

of presidential

to store

taking

latter's

the Montoneros

political

months were months in which

all

an in-

of friction

recognition

The assumption

organisations here

in

con-

1

the Guevarist

and schemas were dramatically

installation

the only

was

direct

participation

Per6n's

restoration

of the

appropriate

during

legal

par-

of Per-

there

sides,

away from

militancy

as it

activity,

the Peronist

surface

Thus,

that

claim

drew near.

a surrender

on both

a phase of predominantly

by CAmpora in May 1973 led towards

popular

one should

upon the key issue

agreed

not be used,

be seen later,

March 1973 elections

June they

were the major

the

and towards

of the bourgeoisie".

began to prepare

freedom

two leaders

such a task.

dismissing

in

As will

turn

that

and on Per6n being

and Perbn'should

card

However,

was manoeuvring

system"

to fulfil,

evidence

Agreement.

and certainly

order,

stitutionalised

Lanusse

National

on the need to channel

frontation

authority

Great

Though there

agreement

last

of the

chap-

politicwas illusions reality.

Cämpora's the streets

discussion For further of the GAITand how it has been interpret"The crisis ed, see Ronaldo I"iunck, of late Peronism and the working class (1973-1976), " SLAS, Bulletin for Latin of the Society (Spring American Studies, 30 1979). no.

284 -

of Buenos Aires

which

boys! ) and chants

soldier

they're

going,

echoed

os feeling election

they

of "Chau Militares!

"se van,

se van y nunca volverän" 1

to return).

never

going,

that

of

(Bye-bye,

to cries

were back where they

It

"

(they're

the Montoner-

ended with

had been before

the May 1973

and asking: between that military "What is the difference dictatorship and this government? .... In the name of Peronism and constitutional legality it does the same as the military before". 2 Having

ano Lima,

one time

at

feeling

the Montoneros

fully

however,

that

Support

for

"the

World

mised upon the view

that

not

phase which was "a transitional al'

clique",

foreign

"support people

and trade

was passing towards

control

of all

for

of the

and control" led by General

Per6n "

the basic

employment

Government, taking

total

1.

"Chau Militares!

El Descamisado,

2.

"Qui&n Vot6 a Isabel (27th August 1974),

3.

"FAR y Montoneros: Apoyar, Defender (29th May 1973), p. 2. 2 no.

L6pez Rega? ", pp. 2-3.

signify

with

power". prisonand

programme,

'nation-

of the

to eliminate

"milin

resources

economic

only

was pre-

a 'liberation'

through

as "the

no.

and

socialist

least

and mabilisation

power".

a seiz-

organised

and wages to at

organisation

They were

the construction

to take

13th

and political

amount to a socialist

on the government

called

to July

of political

links

calling

the Montoneros

elst

are not

whose release

stage

hands and to restore

March contest

did not

While

socialism".

itary

when; they

Argentina

the

May 25th

short

of government

government,

did

countries

in

stand

owners of economic

up of diplomatic

of Cämpora-Sol-

slate

one of liberalisation.

majority,, by the

the*Cämpora

ers and opening Third

conquest

can be overthrown

armed,

C. mpora's

was essentially the

e of power because

himself

should

supported

which

administration, aware,

Per6n

that

the Peronist

questioned

1955 levfor

guarantee

the of

3

1, op.

cit.,

p. 5.

La Causa Peronista, y Controlar,

no. 8

" El Descamisado,

the

- 285 -

k

Due to the Montonero "Liberation"

one of

ing

the leaders,

itiate

of antagonistic (Mario

Peronism Peronista

and the Patria

the Left,

against in which justify

at the

dozens were killed.

'At

were far

which

being

postponed.

The Social

Pact,

which

"National

Reconstruction",

was.

volution, alliance preneurs", Liberation

resenting Montoneros

the Pact was the between

these

Front".

2

formed

and the being

classes It

they

interests

called

production

for

the Pact

el Poder Popular,

1.

"Construir 2-4.

2.

"Qub ýsa con el pacto social? ", 1973), pp. 2-3.

them to

the Social

with

Pact

their

alliance

the

Per6n's

for

of the class

no.

ibid.,

entre-

with

modification.

to be "smashed"

" ibid.,

faced

the Pact for its

to re-

base of the National

weeks before, criticised

indeed

approach

and medium national social

for

who saw it

which

stages

expression

redistri-

plan

Left

of capitalism,

small

and called

1973

a labour-business-state

with

was several

violence

encouraged

the foundation-of

"the

to be sur-

of June 20th

like -

socialist

"superstructural

of wage struggles, workers'

it

within

Peronist

massacre

the

the Patria

between

the Montoneros

same time,

however,

the workers

with

only

the Ezeiza

in-

would

projects

of right-wing

reconstruction

For the Montoneros,

continuation

led

trust-

to recognise

was condemned by the Marxist

at a national

as an attempt

1)

from

a

failure

no difference

and increase

of wealth

bution

and political

the Cämpora government,

under

to combat inflation

designed

interests

the

to articulate

of a few renegades, Their

unleashing

was

leadership,

process.

is

of the period

failed

they

exception

Socialista",

with

policies

the struggle

of the Peronist

"there

beginning

formulated

it

class

Firmenich:

and bewildered

prised

the

with

revolutionary

a national

existence

to that

policy

alternative

that

"Dependency",

versus

coherent that

belief

4 (12th

one year

the

not

rep-

The after

June 1973),

pp.

(18th December 31 no.

286 -

CAmpora's in

when Nontonero

election,

the Atlanta

give

the workers

file

chants

In response

"51% of power".

of "all

Firmenich

told

a mass rally

a new Pact had to be negotiated

that

stadium

leader

to insistent

he went on to declare

the power",

in

to

order

rank-and-

that:

"in the process which we are going through, all the power cannot It is a problem of the balance of belong to the working class. liberforces, it is a problem of the passage through national towards 'national' I socialism". ation Only

one year

that

the

Pact was not its

ers

for

the

interests the

also

Peronism's

after

of not

in Perbn was so great

faith

liberation

national

as Per6n's the

18 years

which

with

it

having 3

engineered

total

Chmpora's

produc-

represented but

entrepreneurs operate

in

our

the

"she was not decided

confidence ouster

was praised

or'only

September elections

the

critic-

in

"silent

"we are going -

a right-wing

as an indication naively

of

was something

the most representative

"palace

13th was condemned but

" Militancia,

from

nor understand".

understood

in Perlin

to Peron who, the Montoneros

de Firmenich,

ignored

to remain

through

"deviations"

of Cbmpora, the nomination

"neither

by Lopez Rega on July

"resignation"

"loyalty"

mate for

but -

that

were either

the removal

Montoneros

of struggle"

orders".

sequent

running

surprised

They disagreed

path

After

in muted tones.

manner"

national

companies

realise

and small

Jose Ber Gelbard,

most powerful

industrial

fully

2

expected

which

"the

only

of foreign

Montonero

Isabel

the workers

one-between

Economy Minister

architect,

group

country".

ized

really

the Montoneros

did

return

of those

a disciplined to do what he revolution" Cämpora's

sub-

of the Tatter's thought,

37 (14th

would put paid

March 1974)

1.

"Palabras pp. 37-42.

2.

de de la Liberacibn Instrumento "El Pacto Social: o Instrumento (19th March 1974), pp. 16-19. 44 Descamisado, Dependencia, " El no. (14th 13 ibid., del Comyaieros, Director: "Carta no. Dardo Cabo,

3.

August

1973) pp.

2-3.

no.

287 -

"the

to

witch

Lbpez Rega"t

the

self-styled

When Perbn assumed the presidency were full Sovereignty.

He is

Document"

"Reserved

signature

for

the Montoneros out to them.

was meting

of government

criticism ciple

2

yet

they

or explain

his

of verticalismo,

1973,

Perlin

stoically

He is

the Justicialist

Party

failure

Marxist

to impugn Per6n's

to explicitly

condemn

of Per6n's

government,

drift

up the verbal

obeyed his

fully

leaders'

and subversive

were unable

They initially

he

punishment

order

banned

which

the Peronist

accepting

discipline

or vertical

Argentina. they were to

soaked

ministers,

is

the Montoneros

few weeks later,

the rightward

of challenging

months

October

condemned "terrorist

which

the bottom

at

Instead

it.

to do with

and "infiltrators",

groups"

the Prophet".

"Today,

1A

Homeland".

he had nothing

that

claim

and declared:

of optimism

in

"Daniel

prinAs Dardo

and authority.

Cabo wrote: "He who one is process, General obeyed" rather

-a

long-winded

Perbn's plicity for

the

minimised

in

leads is Perlin: either one accepts his leadership or the Movement... because this is a revolutionary outside it is a war, and although one may differ, when the (the for Movement) it must be gives an order all 3

ultimate

in

union

traitors

on popular

leadership

the early

ted Perbn as surrounded agents,

saying,

"Perlin

for

responsibility

the attacks

trade

way-of

the

provincial

against

Rules

right-wing governors

militant

groups

months by the Montoneros. by cerco

and bureaucrats,

OK! " -

Their

composed of a clique who were cutting

1.

de una batalla: "El final " ibid., Liberaci6n, no.

Perlin Presidente; 19 (26th September

2.

(9th 21 October "Y Esto, Qu6 Es? ", ibid., no. For the text of the document, see La Opini6n,

3.

Dardo Cabo, "Compafferos, " 1973), pp, 2-3.

El Descamisado,

violence, and his

com-

support

of workers

was

apologia

depic-

of imperialist

the leader

off

from

El Comienzo de otra: 1973), PP. 2-3.

no.

1973), pp. 2-3. 2nd October 1973. 26 (13th

November

- 288 -

In

mass following.

his

Perbn's

distorting

him.

reaching

and his

this

2

in

such statements

and "there

Montoneros

differences

nised

that

rather

Per6n

tegically

class

the Peron-

is

not

4

for

of support, one with

Per6n.

hacia

2.

"Qub pass general... ibid., supplement, (5th 38 Ibid., no.

despite

this

Per6n, " ibid.,

no.

"we created

1974),

front

Perlin

leaders

class

did

that

16 (4th

and

alliance

revolution

September

to a

lead felt

strahad to

1973),

popular,

cover.

typescript Etapa y Coniuntura, Mario Firmenich, (January Peronist Youth cadre school ered at a

here,

is

he recog-

not

the Montoneros

view

our

of an ideological

el gobierno estä ileno de gorilas (14th March 1973), pp. 2-7. February

in January

What Per6n defines

the discovery

Due to their

had

3rd Position

original

clash

did

they

Moreover,

emphasising

However,

that

Now that

socialism.

Justicialism",

is

leader

school

him to be".

between Per6n and the Montonero

at

of woman:

in

their

return,

is,

to his

loyal

in

cadre

to Peron's

prior

nacional

struggle.

"Con el pueblo pp. 2-3.

4.

to dissent"

right

Youth

the man we wish

and not

1.

3.

that

admitted

nacional

contradiction

histories -

and discover

At a Peronist

Per6n.

Perlin was remaining

than

withdrawal

been the

someone more than what he really

as socialismo

of Peronism,

view

Peronism

months of disappointment

him "socialismo

for

people

the

"when Perbn 1 triumph". In

of combats and a beautiful

any self-criticism

attempt

with

own Per6n, is

has always

several

Firmenich

Perlin

dates

is

that

belief

historical

as "This

from

mass opinion

symbiosis

Perbn and the

romanticised

Welfare

3

Only after

that

Per6n-People

only

on a highly

Movement.

1974,

was the Montonero

names of martyrs,

struggles,

the

fantasy

rested

as reflected

ist

and preventing

come together,

Social

of villain-in-chief,

directives

this

Behind

people

Evita"

policy

depended upon a dynamic

revolution

turn,

the role

Jose L6pez Rega was accorded

Minister

Per6n's

drama,

fictional

this

of speech deliv1974), pp. 7-8.

"

289 -

in

proceed tion

the Montoneros

stages,

of an anti-imperialist was an end for

conciliation ing

Per6n and indeed

with

Movement to really "bureaucracy"

It

is

ideology

their

being

they

their

takto-

a process

a strategic only

schema,

coincidence of the

section

the

regarding

illusions

was provided

upon "Perlin

that....

of the

or part

minimal

his -

situation"

but

Per6n was seen as envisaging that

would

of the Montoneros

at

of the revolutionary to carry

"deceive"

the

soft

of believing

a "very

that

was now

one man alone

of Perbn was thus

Criticism

regarded

process...

This

to "a poor analysis

as counter-revolutionary. long-term

imperialism'.

liberation

Such an attitude was expressed by many former Peronist between June 1975 and October bers whom I interviewed

2.

"Qu6 Votamos el II 1974), PP" 2-3.

El Descamisado,

pro-

2

1.

de Marzo, "

to

out the rejuvenation,

structures".

were attributed

were not

lived

(being)

situation".

"errors"

public,

the head of everything

the union error

him in

with

confessed

Per6n was going

"the

To keep in with

in March 1974 when they

the success

to democratise

for

released

soon to cede place

An example

being

Per6n's

in him as a socialist

supporters, 1

between

the Montoneros

which

differences

of Perlin

for

distinction

own sympathisers.

us".

guarantee"

of a type

this

betrayed

had relied

can change all

cess"

alliance

their

minimised

deemed to have been an error,

Rather,

were the

they

an idea

of many of

he was going

the national

that

that

old

"We were confident

absolutely

felt

class

their

"Perlin

a sufficient

that

initiate

therefore

even among their

that

criticism

that

that

inevitably

would

was not

leaders

the minds

public

such an alliance

to record

important

Perlin,

that

felt

they

class

as sectarian.

consumption,

view

Perlin,

embrace his

public

on in

postula-

but whereas

considered

and strategy

the result

Perbn's

with

alliance,

The Montoneros

wards Socialism.

agreed

multi-class

measures

anti-imperialist

fully

no.

Youth mem1976.

43 (12th

March

of

290 -

Perlin

Peron-Montonero

relations

came face-to-face

with

100,000

ed Montonero

and "mercenaries

then Peron

in full

still

the Montoneros

forcing

from errors

to a full last

Perbn's

plot",

great

extent

which of

months,

defending

2

with

had learnt

with

of his

the workers, from his

death

than had not

and perhaps

May Day "mistake",

his

name as a banner,

1.

Miguel Lizaso, Peronista, no.

2.

"Hablan Plata,

3.

Rodolfo Galimberti, (23rd 3 ibid., no.

asserting

their

a

calling

them

money".

Gen-

some 60,000

people

are going",

with

post mortem reveal-

political

respectful of his

experience of his

criticism

political

project.

he denounced an "imper-

in which

that

as evidence

he was "to

a

and many of the criticisms

They closed

Galimberti

any cause other

Peron by the time capital

up the orientations

we were formulating".

the previous

"never

and critique

was seen by the Montoneros taking

people

prevented from

speech on June 12th,

and unleashed

1

Ist

to develop

understanding

major

ialist

on July

gov-

of foreign

the Montonero

30 years".

after

death

Perbn's

However,

"the

chanting

chant-

the popular

why is

numbering

columns

of

the persistently

who shout",

service

Predictably,

cry. broke

"something

ed that

the plaza,

from

withdrew

a rally

self-control

idiots

the

the pro-Montonero

surprised,

his

stupid in

to

on General,

going

May 1974 when

on Ist

and addressed

In response

on "these

attack

"infiltrators"

people"

Peron lost

",

of porilas?

near-hysterical

uinely

"What's

question,

full

ernment

"his

de Mayo.

in Plaza

people

a hard knock

took

paying that

eyes to the experience

their

homage to Peron for

of the people".

used up all

of his believing

even really

the Montoneros continued

Since

political Perbn

that

continued

Peronist

"General: El Peronism no esth 3 (4th May 1974), PP. 2-4.

3

using

orthodoxy

de acuerdo, "

while

E1

los Montoneros, " text of speech by Roberto Quieto in La (30th La Causa Peronista, 4 July 1974), pp. 6-8. no. "Unidad Nacional o 'Gran Acuerdo July 1974), pp. 2-3.

Nacional',

.

"

-291-

whitewashing

the anti-popular

all

actions

of their

and statements

de-

ceased caudillo.

Differences

and the

1

ez"

and in

alive

interests,

ular

union

foreign thing

by big

Professional

ional"

Associations

businessmens'

Argentine

expropriate foreign

or oust

investment;

wing attacks ollary

to foreign

tied

a merger the

to such an unpopular

erences

between

the

Perbn's

initial

attempts

1.

'! Quibn Votb a Isabel...,

2.

Calimberti, (3rd 9 no.

" op.

with

alive, ignored

everythe

the Law of

though

Left,

"nat-

Confederation, big

industo

he had regulated to curb

the right-

were a vital

cor-

were important

diff-

nothing which

third

wife

Isabel

-

of his

Movement and his

gobernan? ",

La Causa'Peronista

the unity

cit.

para son 1974). pp. I

alliance

he had made no attempt

of Per6n and his

to maintain

system

the supposedly

Economic

Though there

project.

governments

"Quienbs September

'and the

militants

in

Union representing

and he had done absolutely

on labour

a political

patently

between

General

monopolies

pop-

the power of the trade

Moreover,

capital.

which,

By a CAN, they

He had supported

strengthened

Industrial

the foreign

2

business

claim

Perlin.

association,

and the monopolistic trialists

which

unity

were Perbn still

this

the

Martin-

represented

Movement into

yet

and had greeted

leadership

limitations,

was that

under

such a set-up

by Isabel

the national

and big

The implication

would have been different,

moves towards

union

bureaucrats

that

The "govern-

over

by imperialism".

of the Peronist

labour

capital.

its

of all

one

the Lbpez Rega fascist

presided

transform

a GAN directed

into

meant the integration dominated

"to

spite

by the Montoneros

between

bureaucracy)

of seeking

was accused

Perlin

with

trade

following

of the former.

negation

(an alliance

ment of brniovandorismo

and the

administration exaggerated

as a total

was presented

clique

Per6n's

Perbn were so grossly

of Isabel latter

between

quibn 2-3.

292 -

the decline

to halt

attempts

of heavy repression

policy

to reduce

attempts

in

(possibly

bureaucracy

toneros

Though both

structure,

important It

trade

who don't

labour

union

(nicknamed

"the

latter

"bureaucrats"

general

on view

were forced

were compelled strike

government,

time

the government

confrontation themselves

to oust

there

that

were still corrupt

Lorenzo

leader

Miguel

methods),

so long

to time.

Here the Montonlabour

Argentine

headed by Isabel.

with at

Strike

doing

" 22nd August 1973 speech by Mario "Atlanta, (30th August 1973), pp. 26-29. 12 no.

as they

movement The

when the

the Lbpez Rega-Isabel

the head of a de facto

Lbpez Rega and his

own power in

four

bureaucrats

to tolerate

the 1975 General

during

the

in the Argentine

metalworkers' Mafia

state

them over wages

Though true

1970's,

economism of the

to place

their

1

two

a corporate

Pact as "four

and early

the Mon-

1974),

to regard

had developed

them from

into

and used it increasing

the Social

due to his

within

contradictions

developing

who were prepared like

the

underestimated

were clearly

faction,

1960's

for

in

union

between the

own grandmothers".

bureaucrats,

benefits

October

in

res-

movement to

a pincer

the 2"iontoneros

tendencies

Godfather"

economic

both

and the

for

their

the late

in

two other

the trade

with

were to emerge between

numbers of workers

millionaire

1.

in

of her project

in

of interest

conflicts

erroneous

anti-bureaucracy

significant

secured

resigning

who had signed

leaders

movement,

into

had some interest

even represent

powerful

combined

differences

was quite

union

they

Gelbard

factions.

policy.

the Lbpez Rega circle

significant

overlooked

and her

lines

was unrealistic

analysis

because

Economy Minister

press

Left

of the

exclusion

of Perbn.

that

together

By lumping

pects.

to Isabel's

wages as opposed

wages - the broad

real

Montonero

Furthermore,

real

and total

workers'

present

were already

eros

in

allies

from

the

so.

Firmenich,

Militancia,

293 -

failure

This

July

end of

lack

led

leaders,

Montonero the

of the

a result

ment,

the personality

to understand

of industrial

to a serious leader

Quieto,

labour

move-

on the part

experience

the organization Roberto

1974,

of the

of most By

miscalculation.

of the military

of the

wing

was declaring:

Montoneros,

"We're losing is exhausted... from now our patience, our patience be no more requests begin. We on there will and demands will are going to accompany these demands with all the means of that the people know.... we've wasted too much saliva struggle 1 in conversations". By 6th

the Montoneros

September

deemed "neither

war on a government

based on their

calculation,

popular the

that

view

was that

unrepresentative,

ally

were underground

they

trade

declared

2

Peronist".

nor

could

having

again,

The mis-

leaders

union

were tot-

the masses along

carry

with

them.

Another

miscalculation

insufficiently

either

were there

for

forms the

was taken

ership,

no doubt

security

with

ground"

from

the

dication

of the

toneros,

something

los

the following

rawspapers

internal

authoritarian which

they

Montoneros,

only

"Quien

3.

Interview with a Montonero supporter who held the Chmpora period, Buenos Aires, post during

Vot6

a Isabel...,

Quieto's " op.

they 3

speech,

op.

were "under-

This

to remedy after

2.

"

of

command structure

"Hablan

was de-

any consultation

that

1.

were

lead-

morning!

claimed

A lot

by the Montonero

hardly

discovered

some of whom only

supporters,

that

or felt

change of strategy

to resume warfare

their

of 1973 and

of struggle.

The decision

reasons,

of thousands

Many of them

war.

cided.

for

tens

the heady months

other

at the way in which

indignant

moreover

the

to become guerrillas

committed

possibilities

were still

that

the revolutionary

join

1974 would massively

early

during

had mobilised

whom they

of youths

was to consider

was an in-

of the

Mon-

the Videla

cit.

cit. a minor 27.9.75.

government

- 294 coup of March 1976.1 While and leaders given

up all

their

daily

move increasingly their

major

Noticias

La Causa Peronista

impunity

numerous losses

death.

Per6n's in

the three

gradually hazardous.

This

of victims,

there

Rodolfo -

L. pez and others

2.

political

to them but was not

terror

the right-wing

1.

Not only

extended

were several Ortega but -.

journalists,

had institutional

to society prominent

large.

left-wingers Julio

significant

lecturers,

more losses

regime.

than

2

the Nontonero

in

debeen

participation

on militants

Frondizi,

were also

lawyers,

at

since

had become exceedingly

due to attacks

PeRa, Silvio there

factor

open mass activity

solely

sharply

suffered

military

Argen-

had been kill-

militants

had increased

the

had suffered

Anti-Comunista

200 popular

was a fundamental

repression

denied

(Alianza

against

and Quieto

commandos and the para-

civilian

violence

and

had been bombed

organisation

had themselves

of struggle

years

to resume warfare.

cision

ivists

Approximately

The Montoneros

Political

ly

A).

or

El Peronista

Firmenich

offices

the

of all,

Alliance

May 1973 and right-wing

ed since

Youth

the hands of fascist

Anti-Communist

the Triple -

tina

Leaders

Peronist

detained,

of

and Movement and had had

El Descamisado,

turn.

governments

had been deprived

the State

weeklies

most important

at

Argentine

police

in

positions

each banned in

and,

had seen Peronist

to the Right,

and their

had been momentarily with

the Montoneros

above ground,

but

because

Among the hundreds and militant Trozler, numbers

entertainers

act-

Atilio of less

overt-

and sportsmen

Montonero) In April 1976, they created the Montonero Party (Partido democratic See the Cuadernos centralism. which claims to practice interview in RevolPoliticos with a Montonero leader, published joint bulletin Chilean revolutionof various ucl6n, a now defunct (December tendencies 1977). ary 7th September 1974; and "Respuesta See the Buenos Aires Herald, (Buenllamamiento Montonero, " Avanzada Socialista al socialista (9th September 1974), pp. 8-9. 120 Aires), no. os

295 -

or forced

who were attacked violence

right-wing

Behind

exile.

was a successful them from

to dissuade

public,

eral

into

this

less

discriminate

to sow fear

attempt

among the

involvement

any political

gen-

and public

commitment. Early

(CNu)

tration

They had participated

bodyguards,

Colonel

all

Osinde.

Jorge

Social

Welfare

Police

Chief

Ministry

the way in which,

were transformed

kidnappings Latin

American

goon squads

in Triple

pecially including

Allende's

Parallel

1.

2.

they

Police,

leading

Police

were strong

and unmol-

protests,

Uruguayan

right-wing

personnel,

with

Prats

links

by

other

with

were apparent, and Bolivian

and his

offensive

Pol-

of their

several

services

came an ideological

squad were the

were confirmed

Moreover,

General

by Triple

used by the Federal

connections

and intelligence on Chilean,

Its

roles.

guard,

Lbpez Rega and

with

both

into "arrests".

an extremely

active

death

pars-police

and Itakas,

chief

remained

with

security

were soon overshadowed

of this

playing

chief

wife.

es-

refugees, I

launched through

and anti-Semitic

the

magazine

Romeo and financed mainly by paid advertisements 2 This organ of the Right spoke of Welfare Ministry.

by Felipe

the Social

military

to this

El Caudillo, of pages edited

A attacks

Massacre along

command of Perbn's though

dreaded.

when there

Concen-

National

the Ezeiza

and the Federal

Ford Falcons

became universally

University

in

activities

Villar

Alberto

numberless

ice,

However,

The main bases

A operations.

their

the

under

their

by the police,

ested

the

Command (C de 0) had been primarily

and Organisational

responsible. union

like

organisations

on,

from the

6th July 1975" and "Historia de la A, see La Onini6n, On the Triple (26th (Buenos 6 NovAut6ntico " Parts, El Aires5, A, 3 Triple nos. (10th December 1975)& 8 (24th December 1975). Edition 7 1975), ember 6 fortnightly latter Montonero the an incomplete contained of no. Nearly 300 names were printed. A victims. list of Triple (Buenos Caida Entorno Aires: Mario Monteverde Pablo Kandel and Y Planets Argentina, 1976), pp. 30 & 77. Editorial

296 -

need to do away with

the Right's

university

rearguard

as its

and took

sympathisers) One of

"the

to Mexico)

to flee

by the

octogenarian the

ed that

option

best

(i. e. Peronist

enemy is

Puiggr6s

Rodolfo

Education

Laguzzi,

The latter,

Minister

both

appointed

Oscar Ivanissevich,

open to Argentines

claim-

was to be:

"Justicialists Political be a or Marxists ....... parties will have to the liberal thing of the past .... all parties will Here and now, one and Marxism. choose between Justicialism has to be either Christ"..... "An attempt with Christ or against has been made to construct society a pluralist and one can see We possess the truth and reason; the others the consequences. treat them accordingly". 3 don't and we will "treatment"

This Hipblito ly

it

hit

both

some tactical urban

guerrilla

Right

wanted

from

a large

above ground

through

their

them to do.

By going

and gave the

Moreover,

measures.

on trade

attacks

of forging

agreement

due to the long-standing

alliances

over

its

with enmity

leaders, with

for

CGT leaders

between

"Volvemos para triunfar o morir junto (15th (Buenos Aires), 68 October no.

2.

Quoted in Kandel

3.

Ibid.,

and Monteverde,

op.

and made

cut themselves

this

sectors

increas-

step

and destroyed

which

policies.

was never

p. 30.

were con-

Though a on the cards,

and the Left,

a Isabel, " El Caudillo 1975), p. 3. cit.,

off

had developed

introducing

the burocracia

Clear-

the extreme

the Montoneros

labour

like

by resuming

they

taking

wages and prices the

areas

what

they

a pretext

1.

P. 31.

exactly

base which

through

union

a bomb attack.

However,

underground,

government

Congressmen,

recruitment

did

of the mass political

the government

superstructural

the Montoneros

warfare,

part

potential

in

change imperative.

or strategic

possibility

fronting

and their

Party

killed

who was almost

the Left

draconian

ingly

all

Yrigoyen

Solari

even to Radical

extended

2

of popular

and Ratil

Ottalango.

Left

a dead enemy".

was the replacement

by Alberto

fascist

single

"the

motto,

(like

administrators

forced

guerrillas"

successes

greatest

1

the

- 297 that

fact

numerous

the power of'the

challenged real

industrial

leadership

the

during

ed by workers

at first

attempted

front

identification

total

latter's

the

above ground,

organisations

to arms therefore

return

who had previously

gained

Clandestinity

and unions.

for

selves

their

ing

main emphasis

The sixteen eros of the

with

and their events, to

round

naive reacting like

and coherent

base than

political

Due to the

organisation.

faith

to them like

future

they

blind

boxers.

perspectives

revealed

had they

restructured

but

themthan

work rather

certainly they

had enjoyed

the political

plac-

and act

stumbling

accordingly,

the start

at

of their

They had failed

Monton-

weaknesses

had been consistently empiricists,

the

provided

character

simplistic

in Perbn,

punch-drunk

for

militants

time

of

analysis surprised from round

to establish the result

_

The

poor districts by this

union

given

potential

leading

their

all

political

on combat.

months had also

those

their

voic-

units.

unavoidable

and trade

months of mass activity

a stronger

1973 but

was probably

political

clandestine

in

their

military

the universities,

have been possible

still

mass work would

totally

reduction

own

impossible

the Montonero

in

support

to leave

with

for

their

the slogans.

in

proved

clandestinity

and enforced

mass activity

Constituci6n

to elect

this

meant a great

car work-

an exceedingly

and again Strike.

This

and Revolution-

fought

the right

for

were

Car Workers'

the Villa

in

there

sectors.

leader

local

but also

the C6rdoban

in

1975 General

Though the Montoneros

that

workers

interference;

national

without

steel

two months

lasting

battle

militant

when local

1975,

of early

strike

the

sacking

indicates

the national

member Rene Salamanca;

Communist Party

ary

from

issues

of the militant

support

of 1974 to prevent

action

(SMATA) leadership

Union

the

economic

over

was seen especially

struggle

anti-bureaucracy

only

bureaucracy

union

of winning

possibilities

ers'

were not

strikes

clear being

by

298 that

they

unities

a decision

Coral

described

tinuation

that

once again,

though

urban

due to its

a government, is

by other

of politics

incapable

leader

means but guerrilla

6th but

tions

the preceding

weeks.

of Lanusse's

former

assassination July

This

15th.

1972 Trelew

of the

tect

GAN which

set

the keynote

off

and violence,

used,

not

political

only

Interior

against

of its

was to show, weaken

own.

the most important

action

- retribution

executions

and his

saw the

Arturo for being

government

became far property

was the

Mor Roig, on Mor Roig's

the main archias resurrecting

For now the

campaign.

and State

capitalist

The likelihood

is

that

and kidnappings

organisation

Coral,

Montonero

were more numerous occasional took

emerged from

quoted

place the

came

gloves

more extensively

but also

anonymous armed actions than was admitted

fund-raising throughout

"truce"

in Buenos Aires

it

the change of strategy

Minister,

discriminate,

still

a con-

the mass of workers

announced

Of these

the new Montonero though

of war being

had been a number of anonymous opera-

the Montoneros

probability,

truce

official

1.

for

justified

against

enemies. In all

raids

there

punitive

purely

condonation of the

fact

in

their

can significantly

from

to

Juan Carlos

coming period

alternative

Firmenich

on September during

isolation

leader

dictum

the

the

and, reverting

The Montoneros

warfare

a political

Mario

1

1974,

to resolve

Party

Clausewitz

essential

of generating

Montonero

Workers

the

opport-

By September

offensive

narcissism".

with

of warfare

political

cul-de-sac

to a military

as "bourgeois

resumption

a political

Socialist

which

of the

advantage engendered.

in

looked

mould,

original

full

polarisation

themselves

found

problems,

the

social

which

Montoneros their

to take

were unable

much better

Herald,

in September

16 months, equipped

15th September

the 1974.

such as bank

activities the

during

for

the

and financed.

1974.

299 -

Moreover, eros the

it

toneros Right

for

as a pretext

a major

during

was the former

period

(UOCRA), Rogelio

vious

military

while

a union

treatment

tions

for

such as promoting

Born,

through

of another

Argentine

1.

Ibid.,

of their

Another

in Paraguay

victims

Union

when Cämpora with

collaboration

the

pre-

fortune for

venereal

1

the kidnapping

during

of a further

and numerous death

threats

of the year",

20th September

Bunge y Born.

time

1974.

the

they

19th

Both men were

and national in

interests" for

captivity

company was pressurthe assassination

executive, until

of

manager respectively

They were held

which

on September

kidnapping

the people

escalation Sound founda-

exchequer.

monopolies,

inflation.

price

military

and general

the workers,

against

The "kidnapping

guerrilla

director

the

and 9 months respectively, ised

or imagin-

real

to Buenos Aires

trip

by the Montonero

were laid

"acts

was used by the Peron-

the dramatic

for

was a healthy

of one of the major for

of the Mon-

of a huge personal

accumulation

prerequisite

period

this

his

for

but made a fatal

(claiming

of the Construction

refuge

time

end of March 1974.

of Juan and Jorge

tried

and his

leader,

at the

1974-76

leader

Lor-

with at the

part

of "Marxists",

purge

of retribution

regime

An essential the

way, it

He had taken

Coria.

fearful

was elected,

on the

the Movement and State.

in

to rivalry (since

of Jose

or opportunism

authors)

Either

ed, ýfrom, positions this

regret)

the

the former.

- probably

either

were not

of Labour,

duplicity

and expressed

they

of which

1973 assassination

death

his

the Monton-

event,

Confederation

attributed

revealed

innocence

professed

an action

ist

the episode

the

after

the September

General

Though some versions

enzo Miguel, they

of the

Secretary

General

long

that, for

responsibility

claimed

Rucci.

be noted

should

finally

as the Montoneros

yielded.

modestly

referred

6

-300 -

this

to

record,

to one-third

equivalent

60+ million

them a cool

netted

coup,

of the national

sum was enough to keep the Montoneros

the

were the

Born brothers

pesos

of food

worth

company's

Monde, - Corriere

Sera,

della

poor

Montonero

of large

placing

in

and clothing

industrial

and modifications

tions

some of the Bunge y Born group's

occasion,

the )ontoneros

of money with

a political

On this propriation struggle. tary ly

operations paternalistic.

of the organisation

strength

Jorge

Indeed,

struggle. Montoneros'

his

organisation

In the new period an important

element and fascists

policemen

praise

the Montonero responsible

given

the Peronist

but

the political

benefits

derived

and at worst

ression

and right-wing

killings

1.

Born,

was that

quoted

in

violence.

ibid.,

the

the Guardian,

and working

bound up with

it

Le

condi-

ex-

industrial their

milihigh-

was certainly the superior

revealed the earlier

phase of armed

in June 1975,

gave the

when he described

political

the deaths Left

from

it

as

Police

losses

The shooting of popular

Chief

22nd June 1975.

Alberto

of

militants

above ground,

while

measures were at

an escalation

Most prominent

became

assassination

such punitive

were used to justify

of Federal

over Argentina; in

repertoire.

for

understandable,

nil

old

I

is

best

of

Post and the Suddeutsche

release

of armed struggle,

in

the release

as a means of combining

highest

and

managed to combine a massive

upon his

"as good as Bunge y Born".

being

two years

member companies.

compared with

Born,

This

of 3,600 million all

relations

the action

Nevertheless,

for

of the workers,

the struggles

with

conditions

action

Montoneros the by seen

If

world

budget.

least

advertisements

Zeitung; at

for

areas

the Washington in

defence

distribution

company's

ransom -a

at

going Other

independent.

made them financially

dollar

of State

among the early Villar,

repvendetta

whose motor

-301-

launch

was blown

Pillar,

dock in

November 1974.

created

the counter-insurgent

a leading

in

role

Party

HQ in

March

1974 Atlanta

August

ponded with,

all

the

up of Pillar

Though the blowing

was the

outcome pended

constitutional

be just

as repressive

developed

predecessor.

for

a penchant

General

Chief,

unofficial

brought

Chief

firmed

the weakness

State

Chief

Cardozo,

in

in

The assassination

campaign

and extreme

ishment

of repressors

and exploiters

ernment

repression,

but

also

against

Drawing and other

1.

with the

and labour

capital

de Firmenich,

"

op.

cit.

These assof

policemen,

entrepre-

of increased

pungov-

on the guerrillas

rebounding

derived

con-

as a polit-

had two effects:

movement in

and upon the political

first

1909 and only

group violence

aimed at

only

General

than had the killing

way back in

general.

from capital

to

blow provoked

were killed.

and provocation not

sus-

proved

Videla's

The latter

right-wingers

latter

upon the economic

kidnappings,

"Palabras

left

the

and later

benefits

which

killing

chiefs,

70 people

political

the Montoneros

Nevertheless,

and small

officials

neurs,

Margaride,

by an anarchist

of individual

only

successor,

Tune-1976.

which

its

of Seige

1970-72)

no more political

Ramon Falcon

Police

method.

Police

1

of a State

police

assassinating

reprisals

police

assinations

ical

as his

Month (Federal

Caceres Police

Pillar's

res-

among the Peronist

was popular

rights.

the

and Margaride",

of our Movement".

imposition

government's

the Montoneros'

of "Montonero,

to be well-equipped,

and showed the Montoneros

Left

from aJusticialist

to chants

slogans

had

1970 and had played

victims

the heads of Pillar

we want

"we inherit

in

boat warfare,

had been demanded at

when Firmenich,

rally

a Tigre

anti-guerrilla

brigade

of Trelew

death

His

away from in

helmet

coffins

1972.

it

an expert blue

seizing

have a request,

people

as he steered

to pieces

the Bunge y Born gained

through

302-

their

of the

mass activity

had become the America.

base at beat of urban

military

ced from mass struggles support"

In

through

the first

they

After

directed

for

the main roads

lost

ted

divor-

being

them or "in

with

lacked

for

with

the

the

government,

strike

move-

Province

on July

25th,

3 town halls

and the Ciudadela

Art-

barricading

and overturned

House. in

cars

attack,

practice

completely

what all

The attacks military

off

before

Though the police

the latter

combining in

this

Buenos Aires

chains

strategy

Strike,

but

offices,

in

mili-

of C6rdoba.

General

against

participation.

about

their

the city

in

Cordoba on the 31st,

one hour

was popular

Montonero

mass struggles,

position

Government

the talk

all

a leading

hit

displayed

and 2 press rising

in

again

of C6rdoba for

actions

that,

support

the side-effect

the victorious

a popular

stations,

the city

the provincial

control

these

for

offensive

7 police

into

days after

attaining

a similar

against

attacking

of mili-

political

sympathy"

attacks

20 stores

a call

HQ, the Montoneros

fllery

terms

to actions

1975 the Montoneros

stations,

with

was no substitute ment.

leading

the

surpassed

being

this

static,

synchronised

three

operation,

combined

July

in

superbly

bombed 2 police

blitz,

their

Latin

them.

of

might

seen in

yet

Tupamaros in

"in

by mid-1975

of 1975 far

however,

being

or merely

On two occasions tary

them,

inevitably

escalation

half

Uruguayan

to have remained

appears

organisation

second

for

Unfortunately

prowess.

guerrilla

of the

exploits

the Montoneros

period,

of the

o, erativos

most spectacular tary

urban

strongest

Their

1973-74

demonstra-

operations

with the

subordinated

latter

to the former.

However, isation

over

agreements

this

between

and the political

does appear

there

question. the military wing

directed

to have been friction

Insistent wing

rumours

and leaks

of the Montoneros

by Firmenich.

within

A report

the

organ-

spoke of disled

by Quieto

in

one journal

303 -

above Buenos Aires

the

interpreted

worried

as well

as serving

an intermediate incident

(Partido

tonero

agreements in

March 1976,

is

out

taken

a loss

which

the

The second half

22nd,

September towards,

1.

Carta

for

though

inter-

on it.

He

on a beach at Mar-

whatsoever. important

This

might

revelations

the military

for

when

the

serious

reputedly

carried

time,

unit

the Trelew

by generalised,

performance trend

seriously

to experience massacre,

(Buenos Aires),

of equal

however

in

on

anniversary magnitude these

on

months was

attacking

the Armed Forces.

the force

of the Montoneros.

the Montonero

Ist

well-

Over 100 Montoner. o

level.

to mark the Trelew

Argentina

The prevailing

the first

Politica

his

technical

by an encore

followed

Navy was the first revenge

of a high

throughout

15th-16th. for

family

of 1975 was characterised

operations

bombs exploded August

his

this

capitalise

condemned him to death

caused,

statements

have strengthen-

themselves.

sentence

coordinated

as might

The Montoneros

his

to

was unable

power

the Misiones

Whether

approach.

precautions

no security

of conviction,

detention.

losses

Quieto

the disretook

in

in December 1975 may well

more militaristic

or not,

the military

on

of Mon-

would seem that

It

This

Peronist

the bulk

of the Aut6nticos

showing

1

the now Authentic

by the time

in December 1975 when with

having

under

the

valid

was arrested

suggest

the poor

who occupied

to concentrate

over whether

front.

resolved

banning

advocating

pretation

tinez,

though

and their

by-election ed those

fully

were not

apparatus,

and sympathisers.

PPA) to throw or -

AutAntico the military

into

milicianos,

work through

electoral,

Peronista

resources

combatants

dispute

of a broader

including

for

exercise

between

position

by Fir-

promoted

over most of the military

control

as a training

was part

political, Party

Quieto's

at

menich,

as being

operation

August

"Arturo

1975.

Lewinger

The In

Command"

304 -

its

marked

frigates,

missile-carrying was the this

turn

time

the

by blowing

anniversary

the killing

for

runway

transport

carrying

plane and forty

in

action guerrilla

the

badly

a major

an

the frontiers

of

momentarily

transcended

a "regular"

confrontation. provincial

force

a Boeing

of Pacü while

Montonero

airport.

troops

eye-witnesses

ed onto

the hijacked

plane

before

and wounded Montoneros.

from where its

the enemy's

had an excellent

not

intelligence

"regular"

military

to launch

an action

capacity in which

losses

operation service, and that about

737 to the seized

the Fed-

Aided

by the

conscript

as far

saw heavy weapons being

escaped,

also

finally

landed

vanished

in

the field

that

they

that

was highly

500 people

participated

imp-

as 47,

the Montoneros

were bordering

were financially

police

on escape roads.

may have been as high illustrated

of a

trace,

without

of nails

load-

30 combat-

carrying

the Formosa attack

they

as the

Though the Army

repulsed.

occupants

a victory,

Montoneros.

group

penetrated

by the scattering

eventual 13, the

it

being

The plane

halted

a third

of the

control

of Formosa,

capital

hijacked

no arms,

against

were

In a massive

50 uniformed

to have lost

ressive.

Five

off.

by about

claimed

Though their

C-130

on 5th October,

arsenal

while

a Hercules

de

place

before

Militarily,

At

on the Army took

of the enemy garrison

being

Marcos Osatinsky.

took

was attacked

the regular

and army pursuit

attack,

as it

Montonero

and took

Fe estancia

a vengeance

it

troops

Mayol,.

Santa

Next

and destroyed

control

Roberto

ants

Trinidad.

name blew up the San Miguel

in. the northern

airport

Interventor

eral

attack

another

international

his

most modern

injured.

Regiment

Mountain

suffered

Montonero

anti-guerrilla

offensive

Simultaneously, city's

by remote

to engage in

warfare

29th

again

leading

of

the Montoneros

which

three-pronged

which

ton Santisima

a comando bearing

Tucumän airport

Finally,

3,500

the Air. Force,

of

end of August,

killed

the

up one of the Navy's

on a

strong

enough

either

in

305 -

combat or support kudos

for

most of their

the Socialist nine

lic

victims

who by force 1

as conscripts",

it

brought

them little

A statement

were conscripts.

issued

condemned the killing

which

found

of circumstance,

summed up the reaction

of broad

"the

of

themselves

in

by

the Armed

sectors

of pub-

opinion. Montonero

intentions,

were to demonstrate

rural

guerrilla

other

attacks to try

ed,

their

in

level

Maybe the Montoneros

would

had claimed

and allowed of military

the May 1973 elections

insurgency tended

General

because

of

and the have suggest-

with

the Air

the effective

that

launching

guerrilla

result

the military

Lanusse

in

a split

to such

a coup.

had given

way

assassinations

3

officers.

In the final

this

the ERP illusion

back from

prisonGuevarist

to engineer

and encourage

that

the

in

materialised

hold

make the military

1973 the Montoneros

away from

as some analysts

shared

wing,

political

in December 1975, but

of repression

military

objective

almost

launch attacks

free

coup but rather

the

help

weaponry,

was not,

was to increase a coup.

of their

attention

momentarily

by Capellini

led

revolt

those

The overriding

a military

This

gain

military

on the Armed Forces

the Armed Forces. Force

power,

Tucumkn.

to provoke

least

or at

to divert

ers and possibly

In

however,

(PST),

Party

Workers

workers

Forces

Politically,

roles.

in

months of 1975 and early

operations,

previously

to most of Argentina.

largely

After

8th

October

1976, military

confined

counter-

to Tucumän, were ex-

the Formosa spectacular,

the Armed

1975.

1.

Quoted in La Opini6n,

2.

"Paralizar no. 204 el Pals pare Frenar el Golpe, " El Combatiente, (18th February 1976), p. 2: "through general mobilisation of our it is possible to make the military action, people and guerrilla draw back, to make them abandon their plans for a coup and in that liberties". of democratic way enable the conquest of a period

3.

del Gobierno, Ira reconquista "Per6n: (19th June 1973), PP. 11-15.

"

El Descamisado,

no.

5

2

306 -

Forces

were immediately

later

the

provincial

the

Montoneros

the

outlawing

the direction

into

Council

police

of the attacks

effects

led

were placed

on the

under

Armed Forces

of the Autgntico

military

surface

Seven days

illegalisation

last

of

on September

legal

8th

and

Eve,, the latter

on Christmas

party

Other

command.

were the

government

of the Montoneros'

the loss

of the repressive

by the President.

by the military-pressured

involving

also

the Defence

through

campaign

brought

El Auten-

paper,

tico.

Illegalisation to

the

which

guerrillas

it -

only

was seldom,

they

would

tion.

What it

prepared

the

ression ists

of

least

bringing

had themselves guerrillas,

disposal

the role

in

them,

against

military

of the

for

was now

even if

"special

1975 and escalated

in its

after

rep-

from many Peronformations"

Montonero

all-out

this

Previous-

opponents.

on it

the

to trial, associa-

to use some restraint

a justification

began late

brought

the government

Now, however,

1973 return.

provided

which

its

was that

loss

any great

of illicit

charge

due to the pressures

recognised

Perbn's

about

a further

compelled

the Montoneros,

who at

were combatants

the hands of its

had felt

government

face

means at

into

played

was not in itself

meant that

however,

represented,

to use every

objectively ly,

the Montoneros

of

in

actions the

war against

the March 1976

coup. The Montoneros Peronist tured Marcos

leader

Youth

Juan Carlos

Osatinsky,

leaders

and killed

military

right

Were significant

days later;

but

not

critical.

fell

Their

losses

in

1975 -

and Dardo Cabo were capafter Western

of the organisation,

and Quieto

at the end of the year.

individual

murdered

commander of the Montoneros'

the main Marxist-influenced August

Dante Gullo

to be later

the latter

in April,

some important

suffered

into

the Videla

coup;

Zone and one of was seized

in

the hands of the

numerical

By March 1976 they

losses

in

1975

were still

an

307-

important pared

the non-Peronist

with

however

to

were related

Peronist

led

identity

16 months and this could

been seen, mer Peronist factor

limiting

in

them in

vide

them with It

thrust

in

were directed only

fully

the

guerrilla

Montoneros ological

help

could

March 1976 result

yond the terms logical

to present

was a regime

account

salient

tendency

tion

to its

and involved remote

from

of this

development

was to lose

military

far

more human and material the activities

that

a

of Isabel

a coherent

resources

they

than

its

Though it

of the Montonero

campaign,

resources,

and struggles

in

operations they

The

predecessor

a detailed

As Montonero

method-

alternative.

work to provide

almost

as in the

while

were for

political

the Montoneros.

ground

and were

Once again,

was seen that

more repressive

Army

guerrilla

the year. it

the main

Revolutionary

rural

a government,

political

development.

year

People's

in

1970's,

in weakening

of reference of the

for-

to pro-

allegiance

first

latter

much later

of the early

and much more successful

As has

mass base

counter-insurgency

the

to destabilise

unable

reasons

the

against

against

nationally

campaign

they

of 1975.

of their

all

identity

the

1975, military

overwhelmingly deployed

half

latter

the

political

during

repression

From February

Tucumän.

mass work for

rearguard.

was directed

government

Their

but was also

sufficient

due to the Montoneros'

of anti-guerrilla

Movement.

to draw on their

and aid,

to take

retained

All

of warfare.

able

until

failed

they

1974,

an adequate

was also

Per6n's

repression

factors.

crucial

resumption

recruits

as com-

mass base which

of being

for

undoubtedly

September

with

their

a matter

government

Though the Montoneros

a limited

after

capacity

due to several

and perform

them with

organisations

survival

of the Peronist

part

them to surface

sustenance

Youth

being

being

their

was not just

this

greater

guerrillas

provided

upon for

rest

their

organisation,

military

inverse

is

be-

chronoits propor-

became larger

became increasingly

of the working

class.

- 308 -

If

that

one accepts

to that

as non-beneficial illa

Though it in

icipation

the

divorce during

when,

1975 General from

buses

in

solidarity

but

class the

16 months did

factor

alienating

It

choice.

ological

tendency

the Montonero

organisations

political

the militaristic

to adapt,

refused

derive

was also which,

from

purely

as will

of movimientismo,

identity

of the

and temporarily

an ideological

be seen from

1

the Montoneros

fatal

This

of struggle.

of the

a reflection

a general

to materialise.

which

partially forms

1976

to about 100 colectivo

the political

except

for

a call

strategy

to its

above ground, not

in September

failed

which

part-

some evidence

fire

went out and set strike

Montonero

significant,

issued

they

They had chosen to adopt

had selected.

during

given

that

prove

movement was supplied

a general

with

tendencies.

labour

was not

strike,

combat units

was inevitable

working

the labour

a power workers'

Montonero

strike.

Strike

"industrial

as the guerr-

movement as well

of militant

only

repressive

of the

notion

to conclusively

impossible

is

fictitious

labour

the development

hampering

of their

to the

were applied

guerrilla", illas,

the largely

through

which,

policies

to justify

government

not

For guerr-

as detrimental.

also

were used by the Peronist

actions

can be viewed

strategy

but

activity

and indeed

of the working

organisation

then Montonero

the main priority,

class

must involve

politics

and independent

make the politicisation

This

revolutionary

or methodcomposition

social

of the

the analysis

bbur-

petty

was predominantly

of

geois.

OTHER 'MOVIMIENTISTAS'

Montonero mergers

1.

with

Personal 1976.

growth

other

AND THEIR UNIFICATION

in

Peronist

interview

with

the 1970-74 guerrilla

period

was greatly

organisations.

a Montonero,

Buenos Aires,

facilitated

Of these,

30th

by far

September

by

309 -

the most important Revolucionarias

FAR) who cooperated -

from

actions

fusing

1971 until

to the movimientista

of the Montoneros

started

out

ism as its

working

as the proto-FAR

many new elements

the

student Enrique

Olmedo who, after

and Letters

in

Party,

ployment).

an IBM programmer Among the

companera Raquel

2.

Jorge

Liliana

1

with

Gelin

Gillette

A.

the

Other

members, Alberto had the distinction

1967,

com-

group was the

de Buenos of Philosophy early

the Communist and Juan Pablo

Olmedo also Miguel

their

prominent

in

and

was Carlos

leader

a spell

(where

It

through

Nacional

the FAR in

with

foco.

in

united

of the Faculty

who, after

years

a few Peronists

Their

Colegio

student

Actor Victor Suarez, "The Revolutionary Weapons, " in Kohl and Litt, op. cit., Appendix -See

2

later

Bolivian

members passing

at the

and joined

student

strategy

was created

Socially,

of Buenos Aires.

Quieto

became a law student

Maestre,

1.

brilliant

the University

members were Roberto

two forces

the Argentine

in

group,

background",

other.

or

studying

became a reputedly

had

Guevar-

revolutionary

Left,

most of its

with

some time

movement at

the

that

to Guevara's

Cuban Revolution.

bourgeois

petty

Montoneros

poles,

or proto-R,

traditional

the

a political

without

for

mon enthusiasm

appendix

from

route

different

had pure

recognition

back to 1966 when a small

was composed of "people

several

Their

1973.

journey

and that

Armadas

fact.

the Argentine

aim of becoming

solidly

Peronist

in

was radically

opposite

a growing

that

with

to alternatively

referred

Drawn from

through

date

PAR origins

Left

the FAR's political

was predominantly

had to come to terms

October

many of the early

whereas

point.

embarkation

class

Aires,

for,

on the Right,

came together

gradually

of the Peronist

wing

to that

the Montoneros

with them in

with

(Fuerzas

Armed Forces

were the Revolutionary

found

em-

Camps and his

of being

Armed Forces: pp. 379-386.

one of the

With

Che's

the

-310-

earliest

clandestine

couples.

Both politically Cuban Revolution.

of the it

in

adopted

Bolivian group

was ready

found

effect

Their

post

for

that

mortem noted

the fledgling

Argentine

Thus from 1967 onwards, Movement for

foQuismo

until

supports

for

the rural

foguismo

icising

Debray

alyst.

which

"a national

1970, seeing

between

Che was not

Che was not

to their

own ideas.

their

an organisation;

needs and commands". that

these

loco.

political

the

cities

they

as merely

Though seeing

were also

they

the maturation

towards

though

in

the

their

clung

on to rural

sources

of logistical

a dialectical

conditions

the name of Guevara,

would accelerate

experience",

society,

regarded

relationship and thus

foauismo

of revolutionary

crit-

as a catconditions:

"the very deed of arming oneself, equipping and going into action organisation conditions" creates consciousness, and revolutionary "It is not necessary to the until conditions wait all are .... it is possible to contribute to creating them through present; "It is not possible to wait until all the conditions action".... these will never all be present at the same time if are present; is not started". 2 action revolutionary By 1969 they were still 1.

FAR interview-, (April 1971),

2.

Ibid.,

thinking

in

terms

"Los de Garin, " Cristianismo pp. 56-70.

Pp. 57-58.

of continental y Revoluci6n,

rural

no.

in-

by the

recognised

group began to look

Strategically,

and revolutionary in

of Guevara had a pro-

group realised

Olmedo's

immediate.

was not

conversion

of Guevara's the Argentine

before

them to question

experience;

as responding

Olmedo

military.

details

and failure

the name

1

own defects".

Peronist

frustrated

"Che lacked

political

classes

of Cuba's

to conclude

and led

was a dependent

Armadas Revolucionarias,

The death

on the proto-FAR

popular

Moreover,

the mid-1960's

action.

in a national

Bolivian

"our

in

which was, however,

venture

serted

Even Fuerzas

1970, was the same as that

Cuba twice

visited

the proto-FAR

and economically,

28

311 -

-

warfare

guerrilla ing

to join

and the

Inti

Peredo,

provincial

risings

up with

bazo and other

to revise defeats

The Bolivian from

lation

itary

organisation,

It

is

led

has been stated,

Peronism

characterise one leaves

aside

transformation,

Marxist

Peronism.

towards

represented

the

was the

notion

subjective

political

particular

time

in

how these defeat

was Guevara's

labour

for

strong

the

variant

as of

erst-

a more sympathetic three

step

culminating

was to

movement whose aim was socialism.

which,

despite

its

to urban

rural

what the FAR conversion

working-class

interests

of the Argentine It

became

which,

to overcome their

of a revolutionary

identification

Guevarists

in Bolivia

movement by taking

a constant,

history.

organisa-

until

a nationally-based attempt

Finally,

abandonment

its

by their

campaign.

armed struggle

of objective

only

13-14 Mini-

of

to Buenos Aires

to the world

existence

as a revolutionary

remained

phase had produced

June 1969 firebombing a visit

of pre-

them with

too had been anonymous - the

This

step

three

had provided

The proto-FAR

to the search

from

isolation

attitude

If

years

Step two was a concurrent

socialism. while

time,

By this

to examine exactly

The first

"Peronised".

1970.

announce its

interesting

to "nationalise" poltiöo-mil-

against

a continuous

own iso-

urban-based

the 26th

Rockefeller.

to urban warfare. of their

group

anonymous expropriations

to protest

enough to sustain

the

the

a pro-Peronist

structure.

did not

wisely

led

struggles

becoming

operation,

Nelson

owner, tion

awareness

popular

led

formations"

a growing

the FAR, in

max supermarkets

"special

the Cordo-

of the Tupamaros

example

combined with

organisational

one spectacular

the

and look

work and small

a solid

of 1969,

and plann-

However,

successor.

conceptions

through

focuismo

to Bolivia

looking

strategic

Argentine

their

paratory

its

Che's

Peronist

of the urban

emergence

proto-FAR

to some extent

and still

therefore

involved

theory

to Peronism

based upon the

to one based upon the working a radical

class

at a

departure

312 -

from

the

analysis

analytical

method of Marx rather

do justice

to national

The FAR thus

instrument" banner".

political

ersal

Marxist

peculiarities.

became Peronist

of a "theoretical

a demand that

than

the argument

with

They opted

for

to the status

Marxism

and relegated

that

was "not

it

a univ-

a:

(which) "revolutionary nationalism would imply a positive evaluation of the Peronist experience,.... which would be much more difficult to know how to develop without the aid of MarxismLeninism but which is not constructed with the mere aid of MarxismLeninism but with ours, with that of the experience of the Peronist 1 people". here was to "be together

FAR motivation

them to adopt had stood

Per6n

agement ence that

illusions

class

are

only

possible

of the armed revolutionary his

metamorphosis

Such were the arguments People's what

he appropriately

These documents

While

under wing

of his

was not merely

practice that

"why freedom, Perbn's

that justice

encour-

Movement was seen as evid-

verbal.

of Olmedo as he polemicised an exchange

referred

to as "a dialogue

that

the FAR when converted-to

reveal

in

exper-

the FAR believed

3

socialism".

success,

recognising

the past,

their

the Peronist

and identity

and now understood

Army (ERP) through

Revolutionary

revolutionary

theory

in

to share

people,

- and only

in Per6n.

conciliation

from experience

for

vital

a revolutionary

popular

for

he had now learnt and sovereignty

for

something

of the people"

experience

the basis as -

ience led

"the

to take

but

by step",

step

experience

2

the

with

with

the

of documents

between

deaf men".

in 4

Peronism

p. 62.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

Aporte al Proceso de Confront"Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias: y Polemica Püblica que Abordamos con el ERP, " aci6n de Posiciones (5th Militancia, 4 July 1973), pp. 35-38. no.

3.

"Los

4.

For an English summary of the documents, published (28th June 1973) & 4, op* cit., 3 nos. see Hodges, 1976""., ope cit., pp. 88-93.

de Garin, " op.

cit.,

p. 63. in Militancia, Argentina. 1943-

313 -

immediately,

took

no Peronist

"Today,

ment that tine

up a movimientista

and the

worker

of course".

vis-a-vis

national being

mainly

differentiated

isoned

in

level

the

Peronism,

left

(1946-55) (1945),

October

17th

seeing

while

force"

whose central

theory

ignored,

Aporte

opponents

original

ideological

or limitations Peroniam

as "traitthe PAR jett-

baggage which

to in

proletarian,

was the

organised

was explanation

Proceso...,

"

This

of why the workers

2.

Ibid.

3.

"13 Preguntas a las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias, (10-16th November 2-3. 1971), 17 pp. no.

op.

of

had supposedly

class.

"FAR:

in

-"Today

as a revolutionary working

at

an attempt

the protagonist

class,

camp".

while

as fundamen-

antagonism

3

They evad2

force"

as a "social

of the working

suggested

the Movement.

of,

movement had become revolutionary:

allies

"loyal"

Peronism

within

1.

al

Movement as a

as "true",

of the Movement was pointed

not-totally

however,

Peronist

the Peronism/Anti-Peronism

have abandoned its

axis

the Monton-

of Peronism,

evaluation

by presenting

how a bourgeois

to explain all

and "non-

the most radical

of themselves

a positive

their

darwinization

Social

1971,

and their

within,

analysis

a societal tal.

was

classes,

the FAR like

of the

ideology

them to conceive

to reach

order

everything

ed class

Peronism,

that

"authentic"

They took

of authenticity.

Peronists

contradictions

major

into

as Peronists,

as the official

enabled

and "authentic" ors".

of foreign

visualisation

antagonistic

lines

political

along

of Per6n

In

of ultimately

an alliance

the notion

and this

whole

the

the Argen-

No authentic

company.

as the main enemy and the view

to see themselves

order

invoked

rhetoric

between

coexistence

both

is

the state-

Peroniats.

authentic"

eros

Here there

capital

than

In

1

in

of a foreign

capitalist...

Peronist,

rather

believes

in

as reflected

position,

"social

What the were not

in

cit. " Nuevo Hombre,

314the leadership hegemony.

The FAR's

they

which

of the

One also

Perlin himself

finds

in

of guerrilla

allure

to find

aries

1

and shortest". another

document,

catalytic

impact

they

could

guerrilla

social

That

was, however,

guerrilla

earlier,

for

success,

make this

than

rather

on the

ideas at

the reluc-

by resorting

have a catalytic had argued

that to arms,

of the

enemy through

effect

on the masses

some sixty

years

the masses,

stimulating

in

repeated

The FAR believed

the vulnerability

of

nearest

conquest

impatience

processes

as Trotsky

conquest

of Guevarist

up immediately.

would

revolution-

the short-cuts",

and political

this

an illusion

which

the influence

and demonstrating

attacks.

trust

of the

to the

class

and petty-bourgeois

to rise

accelerate

the

underlines

an explanation

the working

to "finding

both

reflects

of foguismo

by disorganising

lead

reference

of the proletariat

tance

only

FAR documents

the short-cuts

This 2

points

and exercise

The FAR spoke of the need for

warfare.

must find

were to attain

as leader.

the early

the means "which

(and)

power...

on these

silence,

in

placed

Movement and how they

more

likely: them to their "reconciles powerlessness, and turns their eyes and hopes towards a great avenger and liberator who some day will his mission"... "the greater their impact, come and accomplish the more they reduce the interest of the masses in self-organising 3 and self-education". baptism

The public took

they ied

its

control

police

expropriation. Calera

operation

of

the small

the Tupamaros'

served

office,

(population and then

Pando occupation

as models - indeed

Ibid.

2.

FAR: "Documento sada Socialista,

3.

Leon Trotsky, Why Marxists Oppose Individual lished in the Militant, organ of the Socialist 7th September 1973.

Polftica, September

1970 when

30,000),

occup-

out a bank

carried

and the Montoneros'

the PAR referred

1.

de Actualizaci6n (17th 121 no.

July

on 30th

place

town of Garin

and telephone

station Both

of the FAR took

" (c. 1972), 1974). Terrorism Workers

to their

quoted

La

operation

in Avan-

(1911), repubParty (USA),

as

- 315 -

(little

randito losses

Pando) followed

which

while

two prototypal

the

PAR here was to demonstrate and this

it

time

During urban

active

dependent

years

guerrilla

organisation

it

place,

security

military

Argentine

same time

er four

in

early

female

for

witnessed

of a commando unit

at

Garn,

Villagra

and Bafff

during

of Angel

Castilla,

assassinated

Moreover,

Mara

erto

Astudillo,

August

it

more at

attacked

to die,

students,

police

Liliana

killed

Gelin

in battle

were captured.

A furth-

documentation

1971 was a terrible Maestre, July;

in Ferreyra,

Cordoba;

the Trelew

and

week.

Kohon and Carlos

in

leader

Olmedo,

the following

Elias

were to perish

and

of action.

squad in

doorstep

Alfredo

leading

of Juan Pablo

by a death

In

the hands of the

of important

a November gunbattle

Sabelli,

the

piece

months.

the deaths

on his

an in-

its

to attain

and last

to the loss

killed

for

1970 Raquel

organisation

several

into

Heribof

executions

1972.

of its

Peronist base both

the FAR's relative

rather

to move towards

the

Ang6lica all

Secondly, suit

-

to a number of factors.

guerrilla

1971 led

It

failure

was her first

which

the FAR.

for

year

Its

At the end of

up FAR development

held

which

because

16 members of the

arrests

be a success

could

and became well-known

to have suffered

soon.

a C6rdoban bank raid

At the

the

of

the PAR developed

can be attributed

perhaps

too

personnel

followed,

which

armed actions.

appears

forces,

became the first after

guerrilla

the objective

actions,

such an operation

the three

and co-sponsored

the first State

that

Given the

plans.

was.

of the Montoneros

stature

their

making

exotic

Peronism

activity.

(in

which

Peronist

and lacked

eyes)

leading

origins. militants

This made the construction

slow and difficult.

emphasis

weakness appears

the FAR put

Finally,

the

to have been a reIt with

had been slow records

support

of a political latter

on combat rather

was also

of

hindered

than attempting

to

by

316-

integrate

guerrilla

with

actions

than

FAR was more militaristic found

(the)

destroy

for

ation,

bourgeois

army,

Two of the best-known 1971,

the aid

with

a retired

Movement in

ist

the

April

in

taken (ERP),

1972 when,

General

left

executioners

the

period

though

to their

alien for

rather

than

a political political

revolutionary moreover, the

latter:

forms

that

strategy,

struggle

any means but by the effective

1.

"Los

2.

Ibid.,

de Garin, " op. p. 62.

Revolutionary

Army

Army Corps in

that

he had wiped body,

his This

organisation

during

guerrilla

cit.,

is

decide

a question is

it

clear

activity merely means".

p. 58.

workers

politics 2

of choosing from with

their

and were totto

that

a military documents struggle

military

to little amounted by other

to call They

power.

workers'

Though the FAR claimed

was equated

struggle

the FAR's political "this

measure was

by the "15% who survive".

of struggling

of struggle. was not

warfare

guerrilla

punitive

bullet-riddled

the FAR's aim for

to the experiences

related

and

chief

in making the military

a factor

in no way enhanced

were not

signed

by a Peronist

action

a police

who had boasted his

the Peron-

deserting

the People's

Beside

card

killed and ambushed

commander of the II

Sanchez,

In July

to be condemned by Perbn.

Such actions, elections,

purely

with

former

the

a calling

the only

opt

together

guerrillas.

was perhaps 1970-73

A similarly

Juan Carlos

out 85% of Rosario's

for

1

of the föco".

they

Sanmartino,

Julio

to

a confront-

were assassinations.

to become more recently

1950's

the FAR assassinated

Rosario,

ally

Major

and this

necessary for

the role

short,

armed organisations,

of Cordoba.

director

prisons'

in

PAR operations

of other

army officer,

is,

is

"It

the conditions

generating

war and that

a civil

that

the

words,

Montoneros,

the more successful

the FAR statement

in

reflection

a mild

In other

mass struggles.

that and,

more than

means and not

by

-317When outlining that

ted

their

"line

partite

14

counter-blow". with

revolutionary

task

of winning

tine

workers

In stressing political

were either

offer

the working

would

lead

them,

between

of closer

totally

negated

insistence

to, win on this

proto-FAR

up theories

about

them",

by the guerrilla,

Ibid.,

2.

"13 Preguntas...,

The to

Army" which

Argentina

on the ashes

that

in

note

order class

that

we put

one leader coupled

" op. cit.,

but

with

in

reliance

move-

emphasis

was almost on combat.

power militarily, There was much dis-

the FAR had largely

which

things

a wedge

labour

advantage

politically.

disdain

PP- 3-4.

and the

to seize

their

even in

said

had driven

this

overwhelming

the working

which the FAR

had Opened up possib-

identity

69. p.

1.

growth,

warfare

the workers

considerable

said

through

Left

the Marxism-Leninism

had exhibited

alone.

up to the expectations

guerrilla

organisation's

one should

"Ye always

action:

because

with

over

in

Moreover,

carded.

live

not

to see was that

What the PAR failed one had first

did

of a Peronist

contact by the

by

stimulated

a People's

"a Socialist

Argen-

that

experiences was,

of power,

of the revolutionary

section

The FAR's adoption

ilities

action

class

was partly

a major

build

They felt

2

State".

it

their

vanguard

"an instrument

them to eventually

the working

from

the guerrilla

of

class

the bourgeois

If

learn

the

abandoned

or that,

revolutionary

already

of

struggle

guerrilla

ideas.

a tri-

and a "line

line"

the FAR effectively

to their

class

in

one element

combat and equating

they would

task

self-appointed

just

rather

struggle,

the working

combat to popular

linking

an "erpropriatory

included

also

activity,

guerrilla

ment.

(i. e. that but

the FAR illustra-

line",

operational

of insertion"

scheme which

had in

"triple

was. by no means central

struggle)

of

their

for into

earlier

theory practice

1971.

the

phase, to

as a guide before

we made

The FAR emphasis

on the experiences

of

on the

318 -

class,

working

Cuban Revolution,

Though the to the

tion

to be an unsatisfactory

proved

importance

rule,

successful

had been a partial

inspiration,

have almost

revolutions

of a revolutionary

party

in mass activity.

participation

invariably

influence

gaining

In dropping

their

based upon popular

to a new identity - urban

methodology

guerrilla

when used as a "political

straitjacket",

selftheo-

and to a modified Marxism-Leninism

to find

only

through

revolutionary

experience

1

shown the

Guevarist

early

They rejected

warfare.

excep-

and support

the FAR did not move on to a coherent

identification, ry but

their

formula.

revolutionary

in

refuge

a tight-

er one. despite

Nevertheless, non-Peronist

People's

contribution

to the

with

contact of

toneros

early

but

2

er Descamisados ist

less

which

each felt

which fall

(the

to respond

was conducting

Victor

2.

"13 Preguntas...,

Suarez

arose

interview,

op. cit.,

from

p. 3.

of the Peronplus

the small-

the Peron-

discussion.

through

was at and the need

affiliation

to the armed struggle the State".

over how to react

op. cit.,

the

body where attempts

coordinating

armed struggle

are

or not

through

activities

common Perohist

"with

differences

Hector

groups

among the above organisations their

than

the Mon-

the Montoneros

"armed wing"

differences

political

differentiation

1.

their

the role

with

of whether

1973 the three

until

(OAP), a loose

dictatorship)

of Ongania,

with

the question

around

Commando coordinated

important

first

conversed

differences

early

established

discussed

1969,

them, and then

with

Subsequently,

made to reconcile

Political

(FAP) in

and

make an important

The proto-FAR

were to seek to become the

Armed Organisations

were also

Army, the FAR did

Armed Forces

revolved

by the Montoneros

overshadowed

of the Montoneros.

Their

1971.

in

formations"

Movement.

ist

growth

bureaucracy

somewhat obscure "special

Revolutionary

the Peronist

Peronist

the

being

its

pp.

However,

to the

381 & 384.

with

change in

the the

319 -

strategy.

regime's not

Though the

it

clear,

thwarted

There were also

early

the Montonero

criteria

however,

degree

The Montonero

fact...

or not was not

due to

determinant

1

on the basis

created identity.

Political

enough to prevent By the end of

social-

accidental

was an absolute

the

coordinator was "an

1971 there

between the Montoneros

period

1971.

faltered

also

the FAP, FAR and Montoneros

of agreement

analysis

these

was therefore

strong

in

an ultimate

in Argentina".

structure.

of this

it

are

and non-Peroniet

shared

a common Peronist

plus

between

divergence

and a greater

Peronist

or not

were still

a formalised

from attaining

that

they all

Armed Organisations

of the above three

claimed

"being

and anecdotic

The Peronist

almost

that

insistence

one was revolutionary

total

that

on the basis

nor a circumstantial

differences,

the Peronist

to unite

attempts

controversy

initiative

guerrilla

a method and a common enemy, but

objective,

of whether

alignments

Peronist

a unitarian

armed organisations, ist

specific

the

in

organizations

and Descamisados".

had the FAR in mind when it

probably

some groups:

(the for Monthe in "unilateralised while struggle armed struggle, the problem was one of integral toneros) popular war which would 2 have to be developed on all the fronts of militancy". In other Youth,

words, others

while

merely

Differences

at

eros

to have deepened through

operations

but

1.

"La Unidad

2.

Ibid.

through

joint

not

growth

of the

Peroniat

de FAR y Montoneros,

activity.

" op.

Agreement

National

discussions,

differences

so much through

surface

Great

with

These organisations

relations.

In the end, however,

and FAR were overcome,

the

to Lanusse's

how to react

of Montonero-Descamisados

the end of 1972.

promoted

on armed actions.

concentrated

over

(GAN) scheme are said ception

the Montoneros

cit.

their During

between joint

the exmerged

the Monton-

military

the run-up

to

- 320 -

Perbn's

first

to lpther

in

the Lüche y Vuelve

(Struggle

Through

this

and the subsequent

electoral

led

tional

conceptions. formalised

Montoneros

this

through

However,

led by Carlos

direction

osite

in

unusual,

differences destinity

process

they

which

1.

current during

1972-3

Moves in

though

the oppto

the shift Navarro

Column the

in

a radicalisation

by the new reality

challenged

divide

the Left requirements debate

to the

was crucial

and internationally,

because

just

and political

of the in

extremely

also

of

the clanmake

and hazardous.

least

the Montoneros

though

this

it

This had

organisations'

had claimed

to do with

14th November 1971.

are

political

because

of the Montoneros,

who had nothing 1 guerrilla groups.

Herald,

and real

difficult

on the way - not

Peronists

Quoted in Buenos Aires

but

mergers

demanded by armed organisations

In November 1971,

of the other

guerrilla

sectarianism

general,

development

of obstacles

to Marxism.

were "authentic"

ideologies"

America

not

to overcome a lot antipathy

being

conceptions.

Jose Sabino

reflect

with

due to

period

in mid-1974.

of the Montoneros'

ideas

this

Armed Forces

important

Column did

Unity

history.

a movimientista

the Peronist

numerically

Recovery

and security

cooperation

chapter,

The name

1973.

and alternativista

final

1973 and

office.

Both in Latin highly

less

in

October

in

even-

and organisa-

by early

achieved

to the Montoneros

Montonero

of mainstream

Peronism

of 12th

emerge-in

were far

Cooke-Pujadas

and the

the

on the part

alternativismo

face

did

common activity

of the FAR passed into

be seen in

went over

and eventually

fusion

worked

campaign.

political

unity

of movimientista

Caride

Return)

campaign,

(FAP) was not

Armed Forces

as will

and He'll

de facto

their

on and that

the irreconcilability

the two organisations

of PAR and Montonero

They reached

lived

the Peroniet

November 1972,

in

to a unification

tually

then

trip

return

the

that

"foreign

-321-

Joint

were important

operations

unity.

Montonero-FAR

started

on 26th

combined

July

1971 when they

mark the anniversary

Guerrero,

Metalworkers'

lay

in

his

orders.

general

the fact

that

The explanation

provincial

wing

landowner

had incurred

of the

joint

Peronist

Armed Forces

attempted

a joint

Concord plant a high

late

in

ious

gunbattle

to produce

equally Nacional

in

executive

of the Fiat his which

right-

followed

the FAR, Montoneros

to force

order

of the union However,

plant.

would-be

kidnappers the

Armed Organisations'

and Peronist

of, the left-wing Their

aim was

the re-employment

of 246

and an end to the miliintended

their

victim

and in

were spotted

Peronist

actions

Armed Organisations

was

the feroclost

Olmedo,

and Peressini.

is

]mown of the Descamisados

any public

group

called

Revolucionario

Of all

the Argentine

handful

of people,

documents for

responsibility small

mate to the wealthy

C6rdoban government.

the re-legalisation

Baffi

Little

claiming

Fiat

arriving,

Villagra,

against

the Buenos

for

to the banning

response

SITRAC by the

union

militants,

occupation

bureaucrats

by going

wrath

the

from

Manuel de Anchorena.

was a costly

tary

of the

section

union

as candidate

as running

In November 1971,

sacked

in December

departure

trade

Perbn's

nominated

failure.

to kidnap

this

from killing

abstinence

vice-governorship,

The most famous

Fiat

for

to

station

assassination

of the Avellaneda

secretary

He had got himself

Aires

the joint

actions,

numerous Monton-

There were also

notably

Guerrero

a Tucumän police

to

route

armed propaganda

mainly

attacked

death.

general

(UOM).

Union

Montonero

early

of Evita's

combinations,

ero-Descamisados 1972 of Luis

operations,

the

along

stepping-stones

the National

group which

occasional

communique

organisations,

became part this Its

failed

was an

Army (Ei6rcito

Revolutionary

also

was the most militaristic.

the

a small

Far more interesting

an operation.

ENR) which guerrilla

from

apart

group,

of the Montoneros.

"Army", sole

composed of a

function

was that

322 -

of a "hit that

"Hero

its

of the

'Return

Operation'

igence

and the CIA;

involvement

"Army"

to guarantee

the

Y Revolucibn

in April for

no pardons

This general

in

Maza Montonero

of

"very

elemental".

Let

all

lack

"sufficient

A communique in

leaders

strength Cristianismo

"There

words:

union

and

was not

was called,

of

the chilling trade

leadership

Domingo Blajaquis

as it

informer",

1970 with

the

who had been the

1960's

the late

freely

be

will

choose

leader

but had adopted

1960's.

Movement", etc...,

The "Army"

The rationale

saw Argentina

attitudes

Revolutionary "treason

"an agent behind divided

CGT

of the anti-Vandor

conciliatory

The National

being

of former

slaying

Commando" gunned him down for

and the Peronist

a police

action"..

up in August

the early

"Emilio

gime,

of its

Josh Alonso,

the regime

class

Judas,

due to its

1971. ended with

was followed

faction

Operaci6n

intell-

the state

to Perbn's

of two militants

time

judases.

towards

ing

at the

de Lucha and Perön's

with

challenges

be-

included

which

1964 CGT Plan links

the

1960's.

of_the

on 27 counts

alleged

announced

1

secretary

union

the killing

continuity

the

destiny".

their

in

repeated

in May 1966.

by the

the

of the same year;

and Juan Zalazar claimed

Strike,

1959 General

services

direct

leader

union

it

T. Vandor,

of Augusto

had been condemned to death

trayals

his

Peronist

1970,

Commando" had been

Domingo Blajaquis

the June 1969 assassination

collaborationist Vandor

In August

"traitors".

of the Resistance,

for

responsible leading

to liquidate

squad"s

Army's

to the work-

of a murderous

re-

such an act was

into

two camps:

The prin"On the one hand, imperialism; on the other the Nation. and Movement Peronist Nation the force the within was of cipal from the imptherefore, Any infiltrator, that the working class. the i. Nation, the the heart e. within of camp within erialist target Movement and the Peronist priority a was working class,

1.

del ENR con motivo del ajusticiamiento "Declaraci6n (April Revoluciön, Vandor, " Cristianismo 28, y no.

de Augusto T. 1971), pp. 52-53.

323

1

for being eliminated". The declared show the whole all

those

Peronist

working

during

employed

the comrades who already traitors

'the

objective:

"main mission

trade

for

Action

of Per6n,

their

infiltrated

in

leaders

Their

The National

Army's

all

to

2

In order

to

a Plan of

launch

and the return

prisoners

and supercilious

towards

attitude

word of their

The

class".

working

traitors".

were invited

every

Revolutionary

tell

hands what was the fundamental

of political

movement were evident'in

weapon to

and "to

resistance)

the Peronist

elitism

FOCA) were "to

had a superior

was "crushing

the release

30 days.

within

the labour

had guns in

union

wage rises,

it (of

18 years"

of revolutionaries"

escape execution,

that

class

those

(Operativo

killing

aims of the Alonso

communiques.

Communique No. 2 claimed

that:

bringing to justice Jose Alonso has been of the traitor Argentine Proof by the people. of this is that the workapproved trades unionists, General Juan combative Peronism, ers, honorable Domingo Per6n, the 3rd World Movement and the students have not lamented the death of a traitor". 3

"the

The facts

were otherwise.

the killing

was highly

Some 15,000

mourners

Peronist

for

labour latter,

the

out that

pointed

While

it

styling

Vandor's

attended

union

Ricardo

was "not itself

body which

organisation

condemned his

labour's

"revolutionary",

C6mo y por que lo Ejecutaron. "Quienes, (27th Id Causa Peronieta, August 8 no,

2.

Ibid.

3.

Ibid.

4.

Buenos Aires

July

the killing,

but also Argentines.

assassination

way of solving

and

disputes".

of Vandor

the killers

La Muerte 1974), pp.

1969 & 28-30th

official

CGT of the

the

de Luca condemned the

Argentine

1st-3rd

just

against

the funeral.

attended

was not

of the time,

1.

Herald,

people

and it

to protest

called

strike

and 2,000

successful

62 Organisations

the main radical Speaking

A CGT general

de Jose Alonso, " 25-29.

August

1970.

4

_324_

and Alonso that

the National

time

ed red

Government.

It

to the Montoneros

of trade

mentality

in

eaucracy

it

but its

later

such as Rucci Youth

asked what the Montoneros

conceptions methodol-

the Montoneros

of

at a Peronist

to interest

order

that

leaders

union

was present

1974 when Firmenich,

in

cadre

could

in negotiations

as seen

-

The

and Coria.

in January

school

bur-

the union

offer

with

At

the Rosas

during political

a few years

to become a new element

the assassination

"Army's"

some of its

1970.

symbol the 8-point-

Army used as its

have revised

may well

affiliating

ogy survived in

Revolutionary

back in

at least

which had been the emblem of Federalism

star

before

of the kind,

nothing

were clearly

them,

replied:

"What can we offer them? We can offer them an armistice which This could subsequently their take the form of respects power. (the Lorenzo Miguel Metalworkers' Union leader) us not annoying him, all sorts 1 all the time, of us not killing of things". Possibly toneros while

was from the National

it

the idea

inherited

they

above ground,

bureaucrats

by military

for

elections

a solution,

It

despite

is

clear

problem that

assassins

as being

tagonists

of such actions,

claim

"the

Perbn's

assassination

representative

1.

Firmenich,

2.

Gonzalez

armed wing

for

Etata Janzen,

did

who mainly

union

not

how

realise

looked

to union

posed by the bureaucracy's to strike

the period

during

the unions

the period

action

described

and

Vandor's

Of course,

the

of military

pro-

rule,

"There can that: he had written 2 Penalty it may have been death".

for

traitors:

ineffective

was a totally labour

they

of the workers"!

at least

authorisation

be one penalty

of

in

the Mon-

of obstinate

and occasionally

account

Army that

to organising

the problems

process,

A pro-Montonero

occupations.

but

the

resolve

could means.

of the electoral

control

only

in addition

such methods were to the mass of workers

alien

could

that,

Revolutionary

The sole

leadership.

y Coniuntura,

op.

op. cit.,

75 & 97.

pp.

cit.,

method of acquiring function

p.

17.

a more

of the killings

was

-325-

a negative supply

punitive

but

1970's

ed political

joint

son from

within

Montonero

the

transport

problems

a few minutes being

before Santucho's

give

surrendered

the 22nd August

of officers

three

the

got away,

of Raw-

but

San-

to Chile.

and Osatinsky

of the FAR and

due to bad weather arrived

had taken

took

place.

but

three

off.

Trelew

at

and airport

The 19, after

several

days in

cap-

died,

includ-

Sixteen incredibly

survived

I

came together

organisations

In December 1972, a combined of one of the Navy's

of a take-over

commandeered an aeroplane,

of 19 escapees plane

the

of which

period,

and FAR to escape

shootings

whose blood

There were

the Rawson top security

to the Navy and spent

of the massacre.

Subsequently,

1.

outside

Ana Maria Villarreal,

wife

an account

list

leaders'

1970-73

the

from

distance

orientation.

consisting

of the ERP, Quieto

Vaca Narvaja

their

the

the

explain

not

former's

escape from

operation,

a second group

after

surrounded,

tivity

the ERP in

of the ERP, Montoneros

Fernando

the

outweigh-

methodology

one could

of Guevarist

guerrillas

other

Kenna and Gorriarän

tucho,

so, nor

abortive

This

1972. while

leaders

enabled

life

with

actions

in August

prison

ings.

Army (ERP),

Revolutionary

famous was the partly

most

black

divide

- alternativista

a number of

to

Were that

that

of the

groups

movimientista

to infer

to

was crucial

armed struggle

Left

would be a mistake

it

considerations.

movimientista People's

to urban

Peronist

of the various

dead men's shoes.

up to fill

lining

inexhaustible

a seemingly

was always

a common commitment

the unification early

there

bureaucrats

of corrupt Clearly,

ing

one for

was demanded in revenge operation

top intelligence

of the

chiefs,

three

in

drawing

for

the kill-

claimed

Rear Admiral

up a

the

Emilio

Antonia Maria by the the survivors, For accounts of massacre given (FAR) Haidar Rene Ricardo (FAR Camps Miguel Alberto and Berger , Eloy MartTotoas (Montoneros), Urondo, Francisco and op. cit., see Editor, (Buenos 1973). Granica Aires: inez, La Pasibn Segen Trelew

-326 -

but

"Berisso,

the vendetta

was halted

the March 1973 elections.

of

at Trelew

had been forced

condition

of political

prisoners

It

was riot to last

of the

legal

Guevarist

tary

tactical

ERP continued

ERP were at

their

press

tion entine

revolutionary

aries,

asserting

on the Azul

"to

reached

military

code reforms

Aires

Province,

stadium

filled

masses that Those not problem".

with guerrilla

low in January

of the Left-leaning

They expressed

swayed by the

to be revolutionit

is is

which

1974 when an ERP attack repressive

governor action

that

in

of Buenos as highly

1955,

the ERP be put

so that

they

could

was inappropriate

in

pressure

a wish

of public

opinion

necess-

Peronism".

that

Peronists

warfare

concep-

of the Arg-

stages

saw this

to be) and declared

of

incorrect

our country

The Montoneros

was intended

leader

time

was used by Perbn to justify

ouster

100,000

Monton-

claim

of our people,

Oscar Bidegain.

ERP were the priests".

their

experience

garrison

(as it

At a joint

the various

in

and the

and

this

be revolutionaries

an all-time

the Montoneros

and "their

He rejected

process". that.

penal

provocative

at

a momen-

with

albeit

months.

Quieto,

of our Movement and of

to assume the historical Relations

sixteen

advantage victory,

electoral

between

the ERP's "ultraleftism"

of the nature

ary

these

in June 1973,

conference

the FAR, criticised

Relations

during

worst

Peronist

to wage armed struggle,

change of targets.

to take

decided

common

freedom.

for

common desire

by the

and non-

by their

upon the guerrillas

the Montoneros

created

the arrival

between Peronists

unity

and their

whereas

opportunities

the

ero-FAR

for

soon afterwards

Temporary

Peronists

due to

be told

"the in a by the

the new conditions. would

be "a police

2

The official

resumption

el Poder Popular,

of Nontonero

military

actions

in September

" op. cit..

1.

"Construir

2.

"Como y de qui&n le defendemos, General? ", (29th January 1974), pp. 2-3. 37 no.

E1 Descamisado,

327 1974 again

brought

Cooperation ially

in

became marginally 1975 with

(Orranizacibn third

Para is

Montonero-ERP Montonero

financial

tion

October

in -

tonero

squadron

1975 a mixed cell

Organisations,

this

coordinating

never

achieved

The main stumbling

unity. to create the

Peronism

guerrillas

are

There were indications

up by police

"Authentic"

banners.

foauismo populated

of

of of

exchanges,

in

of combina-

Buenos

Greater

desirability

into

as reflected

the Montoneros for

at least The appeal

La Opinibn,

in

for

9th

the

the Montoneros

the rapid

Tucumän Province

organisation

the near

their

still

decline early

in

was only

regarded

political

the ERP sought

in

present

slogan

regarded "stage"

and so

their

of the ERP after

urbanthe mili-

weakened

were concerned, likely

own

the rural

to a predominantly

1975 further

Armed

for

to hamper their

the subown

future.

the unity

October

alien

as the Montoneros

as far

of a weaker

While

of the mass of the Movement around Furthermore,

of unity

towards

progress

alliance,

instrument

Peronist

earlier

Peronism.

our comrades",

Finally,

society.

the

was still

the ERP as old-fashioned-and

were sent

sidisation

unlike

any significant

block

as the revolutionary a reunification

1.

and a

(Organizaci6n

and intelligence

body,

an armed revolutionary

attempted

growth,

they

composed of an ERP company and a Mon-

broken

was reportedly

However,

"all

Organisation

to the weaker ERP and some examples

aid

espec-

1

Aires.

tary

OCPO) came together. support

period,

OLA) in which -

Power Communist Organisation

logistical

mutual

de Argentina

1970-73

efforts.

Liberation

of the Argentine

Liberaci6n

Poder Obrero

the

than in

greater

creation

the Workers'

group,

Comunista

the

their

to coordinate

the two organisations

of all

1975.

the armed organisations

voiced

by

328-

the Montonero

on 22nd August

perished toneros.

"stage"

the

ways.

and ERP to achieve

was not

crucial,

common guerrilla struggles. tion weak,

I.

Full

from

It

for

was isolation

which left

the

the

even when they were militarily

text

published

in Urondo,

the failure

that

a minimal

factor

to organically from

in

relate labour

failure

was a

their

actions

to mass

organisations

cit.,

pp.

unity

their

movement rather

guerrilla

of the Monton-

operational

strong.

op.

Mon-

in very

potential

political

more than

the more decisive

the

he

the Monton-

leading

this

had reached,

must be said

anything

inability

each other

it

echo in

a resounding

bourgeois

national

few days before

between the two organisations

difference

which Argentina

However,

airport,

found

1972, never

and ERP to estimate

different eros

at Trelew

The most fundamental

was over eros

Pujadas

Mariano

1a

132-133.

than

isola-

politically

CHAPTERV 'MOVIMIENTISMO' : THE POLITICAL FRONT "FAITH WAS ONE OF OUR BIGGEST ERRORS" Cbrdoban worker, The great tent

survival

be attributed

organisation.

isation",

Montoneros

ity

in a combined, their

limited

ally

It

therefore

developed

these,

the

Peronista

students

sity

tenants

the these

1975,

1.

of

it

is these

also

inherent

of

during

which,

in

and

less

to

generically join

with

other

whole

329

of

the

of

term

and

Montoneros, or

Revol-

cautiously Left.

Peronist

sectors

"

organis-

dwellers

the

the

was

among univer-

Revolucionaria

dissident

"Peronismo de Base: Conformes los burgueses...., (2nd May 1974), pp. 8-10. I no. period,

Youth

noteworthy

treat

mass Of

ground,

work

hegemony

the

methods.

above

Under

to

towards

onwards.

shanty-town

one has

tendency

Peronist

for

Tendencia

has

it

warfare,

students,

as the

though

the

numerically

the

critic-

to the political

16 months

developed

secondary

known

was

as has

and indeed

1970's

early

activ-

practice,

the

attention

the

organisation

political

example

significant

Peronism,

were

though

the

organ-

mass political

revolutionary

to devote

workers,

to

with

in militaristic

from

their

that

counteracting

organisations

became

applied

fronts

in

boarding-houses.

slum

Tendency

'Even

factor

mobilise

organisations

utionary for

sister

to

a "politico-military

the fact

of underground

Montoneros

JP) -

and young

designed

ations

to

ex-

been a mere urban

work has been severely

important

and most

by important

joined

is

by the

first

themselves

strategy.

periods

which

fronts

(Juventud

integral

can to a great

have never

to combine armed struggle

been a crucial

is

they

refer

mass political

isolation

social

1974

the Montoneros

of

that

justifiably

during

nevertheless

April

In styling

attempted

been seen,

capacity

to the fact

guerrilla

has always

29th

1

of. Peronism

De Freute,

2nd

In

330 -

to form

Peroniet

the Authentic

MPA) whose performance Before it

is

first

"

The 1:ontoneros,

the formation

as serve

work as well In 1973,

combatants. broadened,

the

Montoneros.

defining

margins

for

By the end of 1973 this

all

the

social

to perform for

mass

guerrilla greatly

activity

so as to provide groups

had been achieved

courted

by the

diagrambe and can

Youth (Regions) Peronist (Regionales) Juventud Peronista JP For youth and general political (city based barrios in districts) work, Youth University Peronist Peronista Juventud Universitaria JUP in association For work among students employees with other university

O

O LJJ Z -4-J

Z O O

Juventud

legal

period

as follows:

)

O

Youth

was restructured

organisation

the 1970-73

ground

for

as

organisation

in

Peronist

as a recruitment with

and make some

their

on armed actions

organisations

represented

matically

however,

surface

functional

specific

while

chapter.

individually,

organisations

inter-relationships

of a strong

Autentico

this of end

at the

front

Peronieta

their

concentrated

promoting

political

will

to clarity

necessary

"politico-military", while

be analysed

the principal

examining

points.

general

Movement (Movimiento

Peronista

Peronist Juventud

Working Youth Peronista Trabaiadora

-

JTP

For work in the unions Secondary Students Union Secundarios de Estudiantes Unift - UES For work in schools Evita Group of the Feminine Branch Agrupacibn Evita de la Rama Femenina For work in the Peronists women's section Movement Shanty-Town Dwellers Peronist MVP Peronistas Movimiento de Villeros For work in the shanty-towns Tenants Movement Peronist MIP Peronistas Inpuilinos de I; "imiento of dilapidated For work among the tenants hoteles boarding-houses and

was both

a generic

term applied

to all

of the

331 -

and also

above organisations front

-political latter

the

being

structured

Peronista

(Regionales).

"Regionales"

the youth

organisation's

title

there

above fronts,

the

to be the

youth

dividing

the

regions,

with

(local

leaders)

lacked

fronts

by the

The fact their

reflects

structure

structure,

7 and later

into

8

"delegates"

composed of

collaterals.

claimed

which

regional

nationally

being

from

apart

many of them con-

the

was imitated

each region,

a regional

Youth

executive

and young worker

student

ary

from

early

Moreover,

Peronist

national

1970's,

communique typists,

and/or

pro-Montonero

the

of

qualification

a dozen groups,

of Peronism.

section

its

least

were at

Juventud hence -

was a necessary in

the mass

or neighbourhoods,

regionally

because

of a leadership

only

sisting

the barrios

based in

organisation

organisation

name designating

a more specific

student,

that

second-

the remaining

weakness

as national

forces.

when they

ation. tly

This

rebounded

is

large

results

indoctrination

the

for

to prepare

capable specialised them for

youths cadre

run but

short

Peronist

A

organisation.

a strong

when the parameters

the mist noticeably leadership

in

1972-4,

were now the main-

than

creating

between in

emphasis

numbers of vociferous

than

spectacular

procedure.

The Montonero they

be

cannot

to distinguish

impossible

Per6n that

rather

on the Montoneros

ed by the Montonero political

it

organisation

affiliation

was mare on mobilisation

stadia

produced

Only

contracted.

levels,

upon putting

or into

streets

a systematic

to convince

Movement,

premium was placed

lacked

and sympathisers.

were trying

of his

the

at all

supporters

members,

stay

Tendency

leaders

from

Apart

the

for

precise

of each front

of the strength

Estimation

of legal youths

military incorporation

onto

organissubsequen-

activity were select-

training into

and the

Montoneros.

Formal

affiliations

and membership

lists

have traditionally

been

332 -

regarded

as alien

asserted

its

best

the Peronist

in

status

the Montoneros

this

shared

can nevertheless

political

at a rough

arrive

of the various

strength

from

the estimates

ated

by the existence

in

participated

dustry,

the education,

to unions

tasks

The task

and

complicMany of the

and women's fronts

dwellers

one

social

is

affiliations.

also

Moreover,

who worked

had two potential

obviously

but

and rallies

of the Regionales.

and shanty-town

two examples,

to cite

union

years,

proportional of its

at meetings

and even triple

the more general

women who belonged

(and thus

and journalists.

of dual in

of the

at

bul-

reformist

organisation

party

fronts

at the attendance

of activists

who worked

activists

formal

approximation

pro-Montonero

by looking

composition)

for

viewed

In the pre-1976

systems.

disdain

proudly

parties

with

as inevitably

and at worst

of liberal-democratic

warks

Movement,

as a revolutionary instruments

as electoral

has always

Movement which

in

in-

organisational

possibilities. Nevertheless,

the picture

of each front

lyses

the university

is

appearing

less

significantly

dwellers

as possibly

organisations.

In

of social

terms

a marked petty bourgeois the

working student,

1973-74

class

and around

including

school

data

when Perbn reviewed

atop-watches

revealed

can be estimated an absolute

that

his

pertains

supporters

while

ana-

all

and

the young workers'

than both

and with

indicators

front

to have been roughly

other

about

50

to

point

the Tendency whose social

make-

20-3

university sectors

petty-bourgeois people.

and professional here

sectional

of the remaining

largest

maximum),

20-30'bi coming from

students

The "hardest" past

being

in

with

numerous

composition,

predominance

period

(this

the

the

Youth Regionales

are the most substantial,

the shanty-town

up in

the Peronist

one in which

grouping

organisation

emerges from

which

to the 31st from

the Peronist

August

the CGT HQ.

1973 marchJournalists'

Youth Regionales'

and

333 -

stretching

as a whole,

contingents

pass the review

balcony,

this

whereas

of

minutes hind

JP banners,

what

greater

letarian

isation

In its

at

2

figures

period. strength

of the Montonero the

face

The truth eros through

based

1. 2.

of the rightward

and the Left's

leadership

support

tendency,

for

is

their

that

political

a revolutionary

on a coherent

turn-outs

analysis

during

one could

political

of 500,000

"members"

if

one equates

in

their

activities.

its

explain

of Argentine

powerlessand

the offensive.

be equated

project.

political

governments

numbers mobilised

cannot

people

month truce

of the real

not

to mobil-

of 50-100,000

the sixteen

to go onto

impressive fronts

to an organ-

of the Peronist

drift

base of

obstacle

they were able

however,

incapacity

the

a total

1973 return,

indicative,

sec-

the mass support

at any level

and demonstrations

of

of pro-

pattern

was no exaggeration,

number and had regular

this

union

goal.

claimed

this

the

a permanent

ultimate

was some-

two main areas

their

in

16 be-

marching

and the Buenos Aires

strength

to

just

affiliation

Nevertheless,

of Per6n's

occasion

own rallies

in

Youth

and indeed

Were these

ness

Association

anybody who participated

with

On the historic

their

the Peronist

fronts

more than

as its

Tendency,

just

represented

for

the pro-Montonero

since

and remained

Socialism

1973,

"members"

ise

suggest,

Workers

was evident

of the

162 minutes

accounted

Working-class

Gas Workers`union.

positing

on all

1

weakness and petty-bourgeois

the Montoneros

columns

union

sectors

largely

occasion

the State

of

other

figures

State the -

support

tion

the

trade

146 minutes.

these

than

on this

columns union

took

their

took

15 blocks,

over

with

Mobilisation

problems,

by the Montonnumerical was not

a clearly-defined

(4th Septem16 Descamisado, to El no. See the special supplement in La Raz6n, Ist September 1973. ber 1973) and the report InterSin Permanante, Perlin: "La Juventud Peronista Contacto y 2-7. (24th Descamisado, July 1973), El Pp" 10 " no. medios,

334 -

socialist

the mobilised Rather,

the mass of Peronist

tions,

the emotional

and specific for

project tonero ively

political

these

front

desire

for

Whereas a relatorganisation

were untrained

for

bodies

contribute plus

if

a genuine, its

change,

revolutionary

of the real

vital

and voices in

Though adhesion

to

extremely numerical

political

these

and enthusiasm

stamina

work projects.

expressed

impression

an inflated

give

social

much of the Mon-

meant that

of leadership,

capable

Youth mobilisations,

to a

unrelated

unsophisticated.

more than

Reconstruction"

and demonstra-

mass rallies

This

majority

on the basis

were mobilised

were generally

as a whole.

little

and did

organisations

articulate,

which

to guide

to the new society.

of Montonero

the vast

guidance,

"National

supporters

were cadres,

the huge Peronist

the

Youth

was totally

support

tasks

political

society

minority

small

the existing

stances

theory

revolutionary

from

appeal

policy

changing

and political

ist

the road

along

of slogans,

at

or an independent

alternative

vague and intended

size

of the Peron-

strength

Left.

Responsibility

internal

of guerrilla

warfare

which

leaders

being

cision-making 1974, for

the Peronist

were almost

the weight

Leaders

combined

totally

the

political

Though this

it

in

the broader

numbers could

of the various

line

in

remedied

the Montoneros

Peronist

democracy,

front

were

de-

coll-

while

Movement so that

organisations

of

around

and their

tell.

political

of the

and choice

participation

of internal

contemptuous

authoritarian

Acceptance

was partially

above ground

the exigencies

with

inherited.

extent

of orthodox

a highly

with

rank-and-file

with

minimal.

demanding of their

The influence

Youth

meant that

most of the period

hypocritically

themselves. practices

emanated from the top,

must to a great

of affairs

to endow the Montoneros

of verticalismo

principle

state

organisational

command structure

aterals

this

to the Montoneros

be attributed Peronist

for

to

- 335 -

Montoneros Peronist

Youth

was these

people

Thus the Peronist Montonero

Youth

it

ondly,

and-file

participation

in

based upon extremely a series

the existing

only

but

and in

the general

abrupt

September

Isabel

Per6n.

Military highly could

1.

ensure

political

and hierarchical,

Both Perbn's

from

was

through

little

unity.

This

on the Revolutionary

Ten-

1974 Atlanta

where he could

stick

not 1

entrepreneurs; suffered

through

war on the government

undemocratic

revSec-

unity

fragile

"national"

the fallacy

min-

and rank-

Since

expressed

of support

to declare

mature

the March 11th

Firmenich

and loss

was behind

unity.

at

Pact with

any Social

1974 decision

thinking

told

chants

dislocation

centralised

off;

into

homogeneity

of policy.

pressure

a small

of ideas

was an incredibly

wing split

when rank-and-file

rally

it

only

was wasted.

political

and vague notions

1974 when Perbn put

dency and a "loyalist"

talent

interchange

the elaboration

general

powers of initiative

politically

of real

and

to the

subordinate

meant that

of potential

internal

of slogans,

in

it

to develop

way, a lot

a democratic

through

was seen early

Firstly,

the possibility

prevented

emerging

more than

leaders.

were able

In this

olutionaries.

their

was twofold.

of participants

were totally

over

JP conferences

phenomenon here.

a rare

any real,

they

Moreover,

branches.

attended

and lacked

or of control

The result

by their

being

organisations

Montoneros,

potential

generally again

organisation

parent

in policy-making

ority

elections

only

than

who ex officio

branch

schools,

cadre

were frequently

officers

lower-level

and though

own leadership

chosen from above rather

were still it

by their

nominated

of believing

the

of

that

a

command structure

organisational

instructions

In response to Firmenich's of call for a new Social Pact, sections the crowd chanted, "duro, duro, el pacto social se lo meten en el (23rd 32-36. De Frente, 1974), May 2nd 4 pp. culo" period, no.

33b -

to

the Peronist

of bourgeois

tice ivity,

in

became disaffected

Peronists

helped

structure

their

conversion Thus,

numerical energy

to the politics

of class

growth

not

in

this

period

After

all,

was wasted.

1973 than

the Bolsheviks

but

Peronist

Left

success

their

the vert-

front

and

organ-

numbers.

with

tremendous

achieved

how so much potential

and

had more sympathisers

the Montoneros

at the

Many young

of the Montoneros

political

rather

were at their

the same time

at

act-

way in which

so much how the Montoneros

is

to political

struggle.

the different

when one analyses

The key question

while

and prac-

desired.

that

the radicalisation

prevent

theory

practices

the authoritarian

one must be wary of equating

isations,

to

effect

from above,

were directed

organisations

when democratic

due to

the

When applied

organisation.

the period

on politico-

views

from

derive

period

had the opposite

they

most viable,

this

military

especially

ical

in

organisation

military

and the Montoneros'

Resistance

in

of 1917.2

start

(REGIONALES)' PERONISTA THE 'JUVENTUD

date

orientation

post-1955 small, loyalties

to unite

the diverse

on the military

years,

combative than for

the youth

junta. sector

and intransigent organisational

time,

At that

was an anarchic

purposes".

united 3

efforts

in order

groups

youth

bastions,

of Montonero

when determined

of 1971,

back to the middle

were made by Perbn more pressure

Peronist

of the most recent

The origins

(JP)

Youth

to put

as in most of the "conglomeration more around

Leading

of personal

personalities

1.

CPC, op. cit.,

2.

had around 20,000 members by February 1917, The Bolsheviks (Great Britain: Union the Soviet Mary McAuley, Politics and Penguin, 1977), P. 42.

3.

Juan Carlos Dante Gullo, "El Peronista? ", El Descamisado,

passim.

pads se pregunta: (10th July 8 no.

See

Que es Is. Juventud 1973), pp. 10-13.

337 -

like Jorge

Rulli

disunity

that

years creation

from

there

of a mass youth

Perbn's

aid

leader's

ment by Hector

on the part "Hour

iatory

to

elections

from

ship

was ever ready

the

belonged

ment. history 1957, Cooke,

of the

for

to ensure

his

in

that

three the

for

needed

this

respect

was the

and his

replace-

a tactical

represented

his

reinforce

concil-

he had used Paladino,

which the

military

free

allowed

a confirmed

Chmpora played

deals

no role

1955-57

wing

with

wing

conservative under

the Resistencia

imprisonment,

of the

the military

during

the earlier

of Cooke and four in

and his

in-

leaderregime.

of the Movement and in-

1955 and then finding

escape the

to Perlin

"participationist"

to negotiate

in

loyalty

personal

Chamber of Deputies

by joining

his

available

materialisation

This

to the more radical

Though imprisoned

during

youth

12th delegate,

1971.

approach,

conciliatory

deed had been considered President

on

place.

dependence

He had never

the previous

of Per6n, who saw the need to

Cämpora was chosen for

which

his

October

of the People"

take

its

A key decision

one of mass mobilisation

with

of radical

Paladino,

Cämpora in

impact

of

struggles

but

movement,

of Jorge

sacking

decision

reserve

and encouragement.

made little

jail,

Movement.

the popular

was a large

Dardo Cabo and

some of them from

and they

energies

of the Peronist

was evident

Caride,

Carlos

bands of supporters,

small

dissipated

the rank-and-file

It

Envar El Kadri,

each led

their

but

Rearte,

Gustavo

his

spell

Peronist

a place

as

govern-

in resistance in March

others

to Chile

itself.

- According

to

Cämpora:

(and) "made a promise to God that he "spent his days praying" "At all times, he to political would never return activity".... demonstrated that he was not a man f struggle and as such he (to be the Resistance)". 1 can of no use

1.

Cooke,

Letter

to Per6n of 11.4.57,

CPC, 1: 72.

338 -

the youth

To organise a former

Licastro,

youth

played

and joint

of the youth

between during

them remained

P6ron's a single tendency

which

Youth,

course,

to develop

due to Perbn's

guerrilla

mergers

"special

formation".

cracy:

"We're

capacity

the

others.

helped

conciliatory

to step

going

Nueva Chicago

op.

seeking rally

cit.

tendency

in mid-1972,

place line

to attend 28th.

5-10,000 Boxing a JP rally;

for

Some 20,000

process

union

of

bureauthat,

After in"Merlo

on June 9th proved

Peronists,

was able

1972 and featured

cockroaches".

and 10,000

of

largest

1

Federation

of one

which

the

of the trade

people;

was not

was,

and the

in February

but

1973-74,

growth

On May Day 1972, a rally,

attracted

of July

That

of Galimberti

on them like

of the Argentine

stadium

spectacular

created

took

in

to work together

to make the Montoneros

rally

tie

by Galimberti

the 8,000

Gullo,

all

grew dramatically.

the rallies

1.

which

denouncing

organised

to the

sponsorship

JP unity

The first Galimberti

lead

Regionales

the pro-Montonero

disunity

Though the product

did

came to dwarf

loose

a very

and ideological

1973 they were able

it

discussions

Through

to forge

and the March 1973 elections.

return

Peronist

for

in

1972 and early

(JAEN) which

a vengeance

with

had genuine

Galimberti

Emancipation

was able

and resurfaced

de Hierro

and from his

The political

groups.

Movement.

Puerta

the reorganisation.

Galimberti

mobilisations,

alliance

in

role

a protagonistic

National

represent-

formations"

"special

Youth for

the Argentine

supporting

Justicialist

only

Juliinn

as youth

groups,

but

residence)

among the

especially

support,

own group,

Madrid

Perbn's

Galimberti

by one of the youth

Both had been nominated (named after

Rodolfo

of the National

Council

on the Superior

the Army after

who had left

and the Montonero

the Cordobazo, atives

sector,

lieutenant

Francisco

Perbn accepted

too

attended largely

the 5,000 small the JP

339 -

mobilised

by the Youth,

his

return

first

The latter

troops. ists, Per6n's

Vicente

people youth

could

election

500,000

Cämpora's

assumption

lately

in

issues

basic

action

al"

socialism

all

youths.

In

the area

crowd at Chmpora's Finally,

the political

1973,

prisoners

an

celebrated which

after

to ensure

prison

(FREJULI)

Front

JP contingents,

on May 25th

around

some 20,000

1973,

composed of youths.

Devoto

that

the

became immed-

imply

threatened

Lanusse

the natural

he warned

Ibid.,

that

if

that

return

with

things

meant all different

strategy.

extreme

use of the mobilisations action

but a militant

In December 1972,

for

Cbmpora as presidential 2 be Licastro. Two months

the elections

drawn from reports Herald.

plus estimates Buenos the Aires and by Ricardo Peron interviewed (20th November 1973), 27 no.

to

political

he proscribed

"if

"nation-

Command (C. de 0. ), Alberto Per6n's

would

two

of

about

Ongaro and the

based upon direct

alternative

the military

which

to put people

Organisational

electoral

- the

on the

the rhetoric

- plus

rejuvenation"

same platforms.

his

agree

the revolutionary

a new. strategy

to bolster

could

victory

was possible

of the

on the

due to a concentration

most Peronists

Galimberti,

leader

Lima,

did not

2.

liberate

and "generational

like

right-wing

1.

to Villa

electoral

Thus it

projects,

idate,

stay.

massive

was possible

upon which

Perbn and a Peronist

tactic

over

effective. Unity

Brito

to

promise

taking

100,000

on

Peron-

100,000

Liberation

and the

of the Presidency

Perlin

back by 40,000

around

at a Justicialist

including

people,

JP members marched

government's

his

March was mainly

in

estimated

10,000

during

end of February

rally

prevent

of the JP, from

the Montoneros

at the

rally

however,

not,

Lopez residence

cheered

to greet

November 1972 but were held

in

the discipline

under

last

trip

to Ezeiza

to get

attempted

do not

take

in La Nac16n,

Grassi, reproduced pp. 3-5.

place

example, candlater, we are

La Raz6n

in El Descamisado,

he

340 -

for

prepared

something

Cämpora himself

dium rally

else".

he replied

of 1972,

"your

our comrades"

with

an instrument

of Perbn's

Left

Peronist trade

of his

isation

to that

mobilisation

In terms

ed in

to'them.

assigned ing

power,

strategy

this

this

government,

historian

ation

Minister

Jorge

possessed

through

a serious

in

Taiana

Puiggr6s

the Buenos Aires

2.

total incondicional "Soy leal, t (17th July 1973), p. 12.

Left

Herald,

this insert-

were unable

which

Perbn had for

strategy but

both

since

in and out

gaintheir of

possibilities. in March was the

Communist Party

was nominated

gave some support

Peron,

posts

on their

they

but

they

was that

the Movement,

where the former

supreme

organisation

unimportant,

awarded to the Peronist

Rodolfo

power of

a superior

of people

cadre

effect

limitation

1.

quoted

a strong

have been relatively

of Buenos Aires

nationalist

base in

of thousands

an independent

set

organ-

to be the

By March 1973,

Had they

The main trophy University

tasks.

The immediate

was one of working

the

for

the JP reigned

of political

would

the

in

and women's

themselves

the 25% allocation

fill

to completely

and

-branches.

on organisational

the mass movement.

proved

being

from

of support

on the Youth

and mobilisation,

a firm

lack

are

the Youth

with

and to possess

and even hundreds

tens

power lacked

apparent

other

of agitation

mobilise

could

and they

Apart

the political

in

heavily

elements,

of the

total

almost

He relied victory

down badly

fell

it

alignment

and enthusiastic

most active

but

tactic,

and weak support

electoral

2

mine".

of the Movement.

branches

of "FAR and Montoneros

to mass chants

of his

Sta-

At the Boxing

to hear.

CAmpora's

and gave his

rallies

comrades are also

was a product leadership

union

most of the Youth

attended

what most of them wanted

supporters

young

1-

member and

interventor.

Educ-

to the Tendency but 12th February

a Peron, " El Descamisado,

1973. no,

9

341 -

condemned student

regularly

members of the Tendency local

in

as seats

well

branches

other

when it

effectiveness in

tion

though

government

layed

in

the

both

Vksquez

but

this

more than

Chancellor

Juan Carlos

Vasquez

with

policy

at an Organisation

Montonero ive.

In his

rapid

release

through abolished

1.

relations

control

Congress, organs Police

Militancia,

achieved

(DIPA).

no.

On being

38 (28th

they

predominance gained

the Foreign

disp-

a degree

of in-

Ministry

where

Jorge Alberto

to facilitate

the establishand North

Korea

Attempts

to ally

Argentina

with

than

States

a June 21st

Esteban

prisoners,

was far Righi

pioneered

more effectorganised

legislation

such as the political

section

appointed,

March 1974),

pp.

20-22.

the

an amnesty bill

of repressive

he reputedly

speech by

Lima.

in

meeting

Ministry

Minister,

the repeal

of repression

important

Vietnam

the Interior

the political

of all

participa-

occupied

and Vice-Chancellor

of American

49 days as Interior

their

speeches,

Cuba, North

anyway.

over

also

the

a month in

March

until

accepted.

The Tendency

They were able

were sympathetic.

they

lacked

Puig

due to the

by their

was nullified

but again

organisations

had survived

of the Tendency

campaign.

was official

which

Panama, Peru and Cuba got no further

Chile,

Federal

posts

a little

ment of diplomatic

unity

and

the JP gained

Congress,

on most issues,

whose discipline

supporters

the electoral for

fluence

youth

as

were in all

by the union

the 8 made a number of radical

the FREJULI bloc,

national

isolated,

came to voting

Under Campora,

but

by the youth

occupied

1

governments

nominated

In the National

and were immediately

Moreover,

1973.

candidates

15% of FREJULI seats

of the operational

collapse

in provincial

and governments,

of the Movement.

a mere 8 of the as a whole

legislatures

by successful

outnumbered

places

50 posts

gained

In addition,

of faculties.

occupations

and of the

marched into

342 -

tonero ero

Headquarters,

Police

the Federal

'

combatants" Righi

police

officers

delivered

in which he reprimanded

he was the main target

surprisingly,

not

The other was among the

nic

Cruz)

Vice-Governor

Atilio

to both

in his

Hitler

Governors

of Santa

Cämpora had, from

Minister

office,

which to

he was forced

3

the trade

the

political

Obreg6n Cano, along

2.

El Nuevo Orden Revolucionario, "Right: July 1973), P. 7.

2.

Cited

reported

that

grounds

"progressive", to

most turned

Bidethat

he of

the

the Tendency,

Right,

under

received

16th November

" Militancia,

3rd February

like

were heavily

All

with a Montonero, Buenos Aires,

Herald,

of these

of several

and Peronist

bureucracy

Ceper-

Army, had hung a portrait

isolation.

Personal interview 1975.

the Buenos Aires

Jorge

There were clear

Die Zeit

Revolutionary

but

their

were Oscar

Baca (Mendoza),

Some were genuinely

union

Governors

1974 on the ridiculous

Cruz. and Cordoba,

due to their

in

participation

and "leftism"

the German paper

influence

exercised

of whom gave vacillating

Cbrdoba.

in

1.

in

in

spell

and Ricardo

the sympathy

People's

office!

Martinez

L6pez,

by Peron in January

ousted

its

amongst

Ragone (Salta)

Miguel

was a member of the

attack

Alberto

In March 1973,

people.

a minority

tolerated

Most sympathetic

however,

limits,

gain,

or at least

(Buenos Aires),

his

with

his

Not

on the

such as "The Interior

Soon afterwards

Governors,

provincial

administrations.

(Santa

of

more nefarious

attacks

where the Tendency

of the State

area

to the Left

Bidegain

three

in Mexico.

exile

support

Monton-

squad pastimes.

of right-wing

of Campora.

the

to a gathering

and death

throughout

appeared

downfall

the

ended with go into

resigned"2

Mon-

the past

their

them for

Newspaper headlines

Cämpora government. has still

for

speech

an end to torture

and ordered

activities.

an eloquent

up for

"stand

to

the police

whom they had been persecuting

later

years.

accompanied

and ordered

colleagues,

by leather-jacketed

1974.

no.

5 (12th

as

343 -

little

from

or no support

gradually Salta,

by a mixture

ousted Formosa,

Santa

a mysterious

marca),

of federal

Cruz), plane

L6pez and Miguel

Atilio

Peron or Isabel

either

forced

the end were (Mendoza,

"interventions"

(Buenos Aires,

resignations

(Misiones)

crash

and in

Ragone were later

Cata-

(Cordoba). coup

and a police

by right-wing

assassinated

elements. Support critical, ical

for

these

It

programme. Governors

the

Governor

defence

Yet subsequently

this

"the

toneros

In

biggest

it

is

in

the Tendency

important

to note

who worked

were to end up allying 1975 but

back in

1973-74

All

the right-wing

and refused

1.

"Carlos isado,

2.

Personal 1975.

his

vacillated

with

Menem for

for

Peron and,

their

like

again

fathers. with

when under to mobilise

Montoneros,

with

it".

into

for

an

the Mon-

the Peronist

Ckmpora,

several

Most of these the Montoneros "leftism"

reputed

the

2

time".

on their

the

Menem declared

provide

will

of some Governors that,

its

For example,

meaning in

most profound

independent

en la

Left,

had sons

Governors

as Aut4nticos

was certainly made concessions

attack,

Menem: Nuestro reaseguro esth (12th 4 June 1973), p. 8. no. interview

Carlos

election,

of Isabel

more strongly

questionable.

betrayed.

of the Tendency was to develop

of all

the links

and prov-

he became at 41 the youngest

Soon after

servant

traitor

explaining

also

product

governemnt

polit-

dreams and each time

the FAR and Montoneros

a loyal

ultra-verticalista,

the

feeling

of May 25th has its

the Youth,

to

backed

that

ensuring

was un-

questions

of an independent

of its

the Youth

6210 of the poll.

which

looking

the Tendency fully

"The revolution

that

in

leaving

of La Rioja,

with

lack

the implementation

for

1973 elections,

Governorship

on political

Youth's

was constantly

hopes were frustrated, in

which

the Peronist

reflected

incial

Governors,

to

power bases to

juventud,

Buenos Aires,

" El Descam-

23rd November

1

344 -

their

sustain

Movement's their

Provisional

administrations,

longing

to

Council

Martinez

Baca sacked

he himself

two key men before

Some of these

Governors

precipitate

but

"Martinez

- e. g.

support

the JP itself

was summoned to Madrid

Though initially

be armed or not

should

ed Madrid

the original a youth forced quite ing into

had stated

JP plan

labour to resign

but

hypocritically, Galimberti

eventually but

corps,

this

the Movement.

led did

had to suffer -publicly

for

being

of it

attempting

not

Youth

Justicialist

by the

leader

principles. of whether time

and said

Successive

save Galimberti.

it

he reachthat

retreats

there from

no more than Not only

was he

of the JP leadership,

the humiliation

to introduce

that

of a "people's

creation

scheme to signify

supporting

were only

being

The Peronist

armed!

the

than

1973 when Galim-

to have been misunderstood

no question

nc less

reason

the question

that

their

provincial

C6rdoba,

April

depended upon developments,

he was claiming

was absolutely

the

to safeguard

and students

Galimberti

for

calling

for

period.

in

by Perlin.

be-

Ragone also

not

did

the

this

from

in November 1974.

Obregön Cano in

came to light

after

Mendoza.

irresolute,

had fallen,

the

ministers

to mobilise

refusing

throughout

delegate

"Marxists"

of

by the Tendency,

like they

first

as youth

of workers

power in

from

call

two provincial

indecisive,

was "vacillating"

was sacked

a purge

was "intervened"

for

after

These vacillations

militia"

just

Others,

of "vacillating"

accused

lost

Salta

Baca,

1

events".

for

were criticised

limitations,

political

to a Macartheyist

Superior

the JP before

sacrificed

berti

In response

governments.

decision

Per6n's "extreme

left-wing"

and condemnpolicies

2

1.

"Mendoza. Intervenciön: La Causa Peronista, no.

2.

Buenos Aires

Herald,

El Vandorismo Trabaj6 Para L6pez Rega, " 5 (6th August 1974), pp. 22-24.

27th April

1973 and Ist

May 1973.

345 A little

"made responsible the JP leadership, elitism a certain in turn, was not set the

This

of his

did

for

Movement.

the movimientista

Their

the

right-wing

tude

to all

imply

the major

implementation

their

It

distort

could

government

special

Dante

leader

Juan Carlos

advisor

on youth

because

it

divorced

stages,

it

offered

initially

After giving sion

used against

to strike

accepted gorilas

and not

1.

Gullo,

selecting

ope cit.

against

Associations only

its

the start, the

theory

Pact for

the Social on its

that

not

bargaining. it

would

be

militants

- which

of course

it

they

held

back from

total

also

most authoritarian

of

suspen-

virtual

collective

the Redundancy Law, hoping

of JP

legislation.

to anti-worker

of free

the Uncle.

as presidential

through

revolution

but was silent

and denial

influential

from

right

them.

promoting

El To,

successor,

the JP criticized

to labour

On the Law of Professional confrontation,

it,

hands

the appointment

through

atti-

the

the-wrong

in

christened

However,

and social

weak opposition

supporting

in

and reasonably

Galimberti's

in May 1973.

very

was that

that

by

Their

apparatus.

the aims of Perlin

recognition

national

enough benefits

They partially

but

Per6n but

be implemented

legislation

pacesetter

Gullo,

affairs

of the right

the State

of CAmpora, whom it

the presidency

gained

in

sec-

legislation

with

of how the laws would

The Tendency was a major during

differences

political

of them were fine,

and intentions

"spirit"

and bourgeois

of Perlin-supported

of unpopular

pieces

to succ-

reactions

the right-wing

"infiltrated"

agents

Left's

criticisms

by fears

were motivated

rather

of this

for a series committed in of political errors basically being in a hurry, infantilism and in their manner of implementing which, a policy 1 questioned".

they maintained,

not,

interpretation

had been:

by Perlin favouring

decisions

essive tors

keynote

Youth's

the Peronist

Galimberti

was that

retreat

later,

while

aspects

for

was.

346 -

introduced

which

stiffer

by just

promise

military

trying,

in

of legislation,

piece

Such behaviour

lead

to com-

effort

Under

altered. to a stiffer

sen-

the

former

desire

matter

what the cost,

icant

sector

of the

(estimates

vary

2nd and last wing massacre

90,000

Evita

60,000 and

dency had 5V

mobilised

attracted

Once.

people

July

a signif-

on 19th

at

their

Atlanta

to be met with

rally

the 31st

on 12th rally

100,000 October

JP

Perbn on 21st death

of

The Ten-

CGT marchpast

to a JP electoral

of the

a right-

on 22nd August. August

Perbn's

80,000

to commemorate the

September

had a majority

for

to Ezeiza

the hope of seeing

the JP Atlanta in

14-4 million

of up to 100 people.

JP rally

of the presidency

50,000

if

no

16 months above ground

of the

half

June 1973, only

participants

They again

assumption further

attended

the

in

who flocked

the lives

a 26th

attended

80,000

make concessions

least

at people

wildly)

claimed

of the

his

retain

to leave.

members marched to Gaspar Campos in July,

of

to right-wing

Perbn in power would

therefore

homecoming on 20th which

to

and a series

succumbing

power of mobilisation It

To

spirit.

to keep the Movement united,

years

and would

unquestionable.

people

assumed that

would

on mass mobilisations,

of Perlin

opposition

The Tendency's

relied

faith

the legislation

of the Movement,

force

possibility

threatened

the helm,

by the JP's

(i. e. progressive)

"true"

the Tendency

They mistakenly

pressures.

and a

could

to be explained

him at

with

to its

was so,

to counter

threats

that

they were the live

show that

Perbn's

exist-

to get two clauses

partly

was also

according this

that

ensure

Plaza

than

activities

the JP made every

regime,

the end,

1974,

guerrilla

arms possession

belief

Per6n - their

be interpreted

is

for

passed in January

than murder.

tence

in

Code Reforms

penalties

the previous

ed under

this

on the Penal

Finally,

criticism.

rally

and in

who celebrated in Plaza

de Mayo

of 11th March 1974.

347 -

Finally,

they

de Mayo, for

Plaza

filled

the Interior,

In in

weaker

at least

for

accounted

a short

terms but

the numbers mobilised

relative

by other

5,000

attracted

of cities

there

still

performed

thousand in

in Tucumfin and 6,000

1974 Avellaneda

Republic

(JPRA)

a rival

event

those

exceeded

ship.

On the 31st

ed for

at

least

in the

the Tendency's

Moreover, and often

the pitiful

youth

groups.

Just

of the

Peronist

Youth

August

only

could

same city.

powers

as the

"orthodox"

165 minutes

(walking

that

spent

350 million gates,

just

the CGT had been planning

noted

tory

groups

pesos on it

whereas

11 minutes their

decided

from the Buenos Aires Herald, Estimates Descamisado, reports on the respective

2.

Ibid.

3.

Special

supplement

to El Descamisado,

least

equalled

union

leader-

the CGT-mobil-

the JP claimed) 3

together.

for

mobilisation

of buses laid

La Naci6n, events.

no.

16, op.

accountWhile

columns.

stand,

to participate

1.

17th that

one-tenth

at

more slowly,

and had hundreds

the JP only

of the Argentine

union

took

youth

the

attended

the JP and JTP columns

to. pass the review

two non-Tendency

1,200

trade

162 minutes

columns

for

2

the Tendency took ised

attended

numbers mobilis-

muster

of the financially-strong

as many people

15,000

The estimates

of mobilisation

1973 CGT march,

it

in September

the JP 3rd Region's

were attending

the right-wing

Cbrdoba rally, for

ntber

be compared with

15, E

im-

C6rdoba and on 11th March

in

Santa Fe.

rally

and while

Blanca;

in

and centre

February

October

Day" rally

and

in Rosario,

at a rally

Cordoba and Mendoza;

rallied

ed by the right-wing

it

in Bahia

1974 10,000

should

size

forces,

"Loyalty

events

May 1974.1

who

to the

October

national

on lot

people

was much

the JP 17th

the

100,000

1973 had 4,000

Chaco, 7,000

in

of the

power of mobilisation

political

The JP in August

in Mendoza and several

3,000

while,

the Tendency's

absolute

pressively.

6O

It

and

should

be

a month, on at fac-

on August

28th

La Raz6n and El

cit.

- 348-

and had managed to mobilise Though Perlin and the Perbn's

last

by Perlin

appearance

threatening

to resign

held

ober rallies 40,000

Junta

State

massive

The tragedy-for ed by its

Per6n's

Having

of mobilisation

linked

to the bureaucracy

concessions

out of the

over 800 million

cost

Once in

costs,

at all control,

frequent

"domesticated",

1. 2.

though

La Opinibn,

movement.

Per6n's

only

thing

1975.

ten

with

What the Tendency

in

organisational

likely

to force Strike,

real

which

to maintain

a united

the

support

became clear

not

of, that,

or at in

the Tendency could in making

2

mass movement,

of the radicalised

concessions

la violencia, entre la definicibny 35 (21st February 1974), pp. 4-9.

6th July

groups

was to demonstrate.

retain

lay

leader

1975 General

the adhesion

Once it

Left's

the

the youth

1

work,

production,

lost

to compromise, interest

lacked

as the

he wished

as he could

willingness

"Semana Politica: Militancia, no.

in

upon retaining

so long

the labour

was the

government, dollars

power,

Peron was not bent

their

The latter

power.

and economic

it

power,

on the

elections

"an honest 10,000".

impress-

1973 election

1974 when he told

one with

in numerical

possessed

them.

Peron dismissed

he preferred

him to a dishonest

behind

abundantly

that

more than

into

to force.

important.

in February

powers

17th Oct-

Peron was no longer

used the Youth

once in power numbers became less

of the

going

do it

only

workers

attracted

to do most of the March and September

and-then

people

resources

for

a 10-hour

decreeing

government

100,000

could

Neither

the Tendency was that

massiveness.

they

to transport

to the rally.

Isabel

under

despite

people,

and by the unions

2 days.

together

to put

were able

on 12th June 1974,

work-places

in just

of thousands

so as to be-able

mid-morning

from their

straight

tens

leaders

union

public

beginning

strike

their

"

youth least of

spite not in

be order

349 -

to preserve

but

unity

an attempt

to isolate

mobilisation

only

and to

the

could

The movimientista

issues,

the

to retreat

ally,

led

This

Mufiiz

Barreto,

1974.

That

movimientista

ant

this

strategy

the Tendency,

A few days later, by boycotting objected as the

1.

to the presence pars-police

and Zavala

at

it

ground

next

seats

the meeting National

in

and

the 8 CongressKunkel,

on 24th

January

a departure

from members

two of the vac-

occupied

lists.

up the pressure youth

on Perbn

groups.

They such

organisations

of right-wing Concentration

below.

from

when two other

on the party

stepped

gov-

the reform 1

manoeuvre and not

Rodrfguez,

the

Iturrieta,

afterwards

gener-

Code Reforms

the need for

their

around

had conquered

the Penal

Glellel,

govern-

made and then,

by pressure

between him and the various

University

"Semana Politica: Militancia, no.

being

the Tendency

a meeting

the

resigned

was seen shortly

of their

mobilise

"one or two articles",

a tactical

Bettanin

by virtue

seats.

be redirected

Dfaz Ortiz,

of

the

to keep in with

order

by accepting

and Vittar)

was just

in

sectors. and the

was to challenge

legislation,

was against

to just

(Croatto,

of repression

the importance

changes were not

still

stand

criticisms

Vidalia

of its

of

now.

1973-74

to cede all

real

Tendency

men of-the

of

could

powers

resources

movement,

critical

were not,

a compromise

their

limiting

felt

The first

attempting

after

if

sanctions

the JP step-by-step

May 1973.

in

aspects

Then they they

which

ernment

labour

strategy

threaten

the level

to State

on access

much less

most unpopular

The JP's

Movement in

power of the more orthodox

of the

being

mobilisations

ment on the

him to increase

rest

of key sectors

out of his

the Left

of Socialism.

the insitutional

the latter

sufferance, street

"virus"

encouraged

consolidate

Power for

in driving

rather

(CNÜ), which

uns, maraton hacia aträs sin aviso 33 (31st January 1974), pp. 4-9.

de retorno,

had

"

350 begun to assassinate

already not

a particularly

and the right-wing

these

postures

to take

for

numerically, II

Region ist

Youth

by a very

(Santa

accused

their

er Roberto charge

(Loyalists), Jorge

Youth for

a more orthodox

In October the

organisation, (FAR),

and his

absurd

that

its

arsenal merger

The political

most commentators

communique on which

the popular-national

General

"Soldiers

become dominated 2

henchmen".

was in fact

del p. 8.

since

of having

of the

authorship

called

Obeid,

1974,

demanding, electoral

in

its

the

Tendency the

the Peron-

left

it

he

joined

line,

was reported (Mon-

of Per6n" in Rosario

with

and had

the Revolut-

by "Marxist

in

placed

lead-

of this

content

report

of

1

including

JP leader

had blown up their

Quieto

the Tendency

to weaken the

de Per6n)

parent

explaining

served

splinter

was so patently

purported

was that

University

that

the Movement".

of Leales

down with

on to announce

into

Nontonero

Armed Forces

ionary

Rfos)

only

number of Montoneros.

small

Soldados

that

Fe & Entre

and Peronist

toneros

of discord

groups

went

was

Neither

September.

in June 1974,

this

again had sat

they

for

the previous

Branch

the apple

minority

a dissident

that

of defiance

shows of defiance

The public

However,

Per 6n who on the contrary

of the Youth

"want

act

terrorists

impressed

dissolution

didn't

militants.

principled

Perlin

the

their

doubt

the

was based.

more principled

programme of March 1973

moments, 3

be

6 (28th

1.

"Definiciones May 1974),

2.

Buenos Aires

3.

of the March 1973 YREJULI programme were as follows: The main points of diplomatic relations establishment with Cuba, N. Vietnam & N. Korea; a general wage rise; prisoners; an amnesty of political trade; measures of banking deposits nationalisation and foreign local industry; to support reform - "the land must be agrarian for those who work it and who produce, not (for the who use it) socialisation or for speculation"; as an investment and extensive whose actof the economy through State take-overs of industries decisions" "imply monopolistic itivities power and/or strategic (Ibid., 13th March 1973).

Herald,

10th

Perlin, " October

El Peronista,

no.

All

1974.

351 demands (and expectations)

Their

carried

out.

limited

to populistic

the

sorry

On May Day 1974, the mass JP walk-out not

to live which

greatly

which

was quite

minded

of the fact,

1

tactic

Perlin.

hopes pointed

reached

its

peak

with

again

this

event

did

JP criticisms

to Perbn's

the coherence his

with

favour

the

of his

"errors",

in

died.

in

of concessions

leader's

the

the Movement,

project

1946-55

period.

in being

and retreats

in

early

in July

pointed

re-

an attempt

led the JP to' momentarily

Though they had previously

failure

an explanation

of their

behaviour

the leadership

with

of mass support

policy

were

dream given

was a utopian

de Mayo, but yet

with

government

members of the Tendency would not delight

when Perlin

pressed

break

consistent

though

Isabel

the confrontation

underestimated

Finally,

economy.

from Plaza

up to their

to curry

Argentine

a political

signify

but even this

reformism,

of the

state

of the

support to her

lack

1974 the Regionales

ex-

their: "support for the administration brand new of comrade Isabel, President that this administraof the Argentines, reaffirming tion can only be successful so long as it respects and makes the popular will elections expressed in the popular effective of 11th May and 23rd September 1973". 2 came before

The volte-face the

slogan

"Isabel

is

Such vacillation or Left view

stated,

`"The lack each time

effort

coined

provided

opposition

no consistent

As the alternativista

policies.

re-

be substituted 4 Lacking the enemy makes a move". of a policy

cannot

with an

to chapter.

1.

See conclusion

2.

JP press release, 1974), p. 41.

3.

"Hablan

4.

"El Novimientismo, (26th 7 July no.

los

Per6n".

to government

Militancia

Tendency

3

and opportunism

alternative

an imaginative

not

the month was out when the

reproduced

ldontoneros,

" ibid.,

in La Causa Peronista, (30th 4 no.

Enfermedad Infantil 1973), PP. 7-9.

del

July

no. 1974),

1 (9th pp.

6-8.

Peronismo, " Militancia,

July

352 -

policy

independent

for

reactive

relationship

orthodox

Peronist

it

tomy,

ism which

the parties

and National

tion

(Juventudes

Youth

Though the JP led

this

groups

socialist

were a small

and "popular" it

though

unity

was able

seriously

struggle

against

assumption

imperialism

that the

oligarchy

in

the depth

of the

and the links geoisie.

1973,

it

to strengthen Unity

desire

countryside. penetration

of the

To do this

of the alleged

landed

and the

for

oligarchy, their

in

the viable

"national" As such, against For

impotent.

lurking

was something

the

to

the united implicit

the USA and the

They would have needed to have examined of imperialism oligarchy

would have totally national

was only

to demonstrate

was politically

imperialism

Political

in which

and imperialism. youths

and

on 17th August.

alliance,

served

of a shared

120,000

Savoy Hotel-

the Argentine

such a broad only

Party

the Radicals

would have had to have discarded

organisations

youth

tion

to mobilise

coup in September

Chilean

including called

the oligarchy

against

of

Reconstruc-

JPA) was created -

minority,

common denominator

the lowest

around

front,

for

Out of this

of the organisation.

orientation

vague populistic

front

Armentinas

popular

the Region-

of the Radical

of Youth

1973.

organisations

a youth

Pollticas

the youth

Assembly

in August

Youth,

Conservative

Popular

Peron-

and democratic.

a Multi-Party

by 16 youth

dicho-

organisations

youth

the

organisa-

Left,

the revolutionary

document with

Liberation

attended

meeting,

Liberation

socialist

worker-based

with

a

and even within

outside

the pro-capitalist

with

a joint

signed

the JP called

1972,

forces

to be "national"

claiming

Having in

seek unity

themselves

allied

ales

than

those

to develop

were attempting

Rather

tions.

from

off

in

bound to

being

Moreover,

of the Dependency versus

postulation

itself

the Tendency found

power,

the government.

with

itself

cut

gaining

liberation

with

within other

undermined front

in

the Argentine sectors their

economy

of the bourwhole

concep-

have would and power

353 -

been incompatible reformist

their

with

adult

to which

area

the Armed Forces, the Peronist

militias,

Armed Forces

or their

of the

remainder

Martin

Torrijos

clique"

for

General"!

was not

directed

towards

mirrored

their

superstructural

small

branches

ever.

At the

in

Carcägno

General

into

order".

political missal

2

of the French

sector

Hotel

to

change in

the

in

of the form-

to calls

appeals

with

the

for

to military by San

initiated

When

whom to ally.

January

the JP

1974,

to enthusiastically

but the

the

greet

three

Forces

which

made no impact

They organised whatso-

to woo the new Army Commander

camp, greatly

encouraged

Commanders-in-Chief,

for

by his

speech

he said

in which

guard of an unjust

good sign

and this

officers

areas.

be the praetorian

and US military

junior

other

the JP attempted

Another

of the JP

effort

in

approach

of American

"The army cannot

that

itself

tradition

Argentina

reference

replacement

the main organisational

the national

10th Conference

the

to be purged,

the conscripts

each of the

same time,

structural

sur-

1

the Armed Forces,

Within

After

a Peruvian-type

march to the Plaza

"Peronist

great

for

liberation

of Panama visited

a big

organised

and

was, perhaps

allies fleeting

the JP limited

1973,

"military

for

Galimberti's

dismantlement.

and a search

General

the

After

to resume the national

officers

at

the JP looked

Youth made no call

commanders in

er military

conservative

parties.

The other prisingly,

to their

allegiances

social

and

the Tendency had been his

missions

functioning

previously

disin

Argentina. In October

1.

"Torrijos: January

2.

Carcagno,

1973,

in an attempt

Un General Peronista, 1974), pp. 6-8. quoted

in

to increase

their

" El Descamisado,

the Buenos Aires

Herald,

influence

no.

in

36 (22nd

6th September

1973.

the

354 -

Armed Forces

and to try

JP activists

joined

the

Colonel

from

giving

practical Province,

the National

the

Liberation

Operation

Dorrego

Minister

ed to early

did

brought

of Videla,

Peronism

the

truth

about

now admitted

that

whereas

ideas

about

over

istic

Colonel

2

the Army begin

"national

political

May 1973, what the Army most dearly

tion

such as this

what

the JP to some extent

JP's

characterisation

to give

an "intelligent

being

learned

they clearly

something

reveals

it

a national gave it.

from

image and this operation,

the

3

so maybe though,

and politicians

army officers

" El Descamisado,

Nacional, "La JP y la Reconstrucci6n (2nd October 1973), p. 25.

2.

"Operativo

3.

Dorrego: la Juventud Peronista "Balance de Operativo (6th November 1973), p. 27. 25 ibid., no.

October

is

from him

og rila",

1.

no.

de Mayo on

Such evaluation,

22 (16th

vil-

and needed was an opera-

to an "intelligent

" ibid.,

ideal-

publicly

had been transformed

the experience.

was

the Army

Plaza

By the end of the

how the JP characterised

Dorrego,

with

being

and popular

of Harguindeguy liberal"

wanted

"co-

the JP, who

the project

upon by the huge crowds around

referr-

operation

to hit

After

In-

that

reconstruction",

space".

25th

whom they

Only when the

the JP had gone into to

the future

who had recognised

liberal"

the role'of

contributing

and spat

stoned

of

of the main enemy:

Albano Harguindeguy,

was possible!

"seems to have gone to gain ified,

pro-

a broadening

the JP to work alongside

on as an "intelligent with

existence"

the imperialist "to

contribute

and the isolation

the

1

imperialism".

yankee

Front

could

to

of

areas

out much hope for

most linked

sectors

operation

of flood-affected

holding

8,000

Apart

Operation.

Reconstruction

the JP, "without

there,

1st Army Corps in

of the

to the population

military

that

thought

National

had friends

they

troops

5,000

with

aid

of those

conversion

terior

forces

Manuel Dorrego

Buenos Aires

ject",

to show Per6n that

no.

1973),

20

pp" 28-30.

fue a trabajar,

"

355 -

in

terms

their

of conjunctural

Carcagno

led

of the

the

Montoneros'

ian

military

military

zone in which

16 political

they

during

that

Carcagno

and Harguindeguy

satire

of Militancia's

trayed

a badly

tactical

tary

"National building

Dorrego

tasks.

and similar

walls Quieto

claimed

that

is

this

the

operations

and health

being

units,

with

In

execution

is

not

the biting

Both appeared in Militancia not annotated. editions

2.

Roberto Quieto, El Descamisado,

towards

the

end of

"Did

you

a mili1

Colonel? "!

number of JP repairs,

propaganda

from

Cordoba,

Roberto

in just

to paint

but was a question of "reconstructing or clean streets" schools 2 the workers had in 1955". Yet the former was all it rights

1.

he por-

son,

street

electoral

17th rally

Reconstruction

for

masks due

and asking

of a whole included

like

a JP activist

largest

removing

everywhere,

one cartoon

Dorrego,

which

Youth,

elements

asked by his

1973.

in

"tactical

"stage")

Operation

At the October

"National

for

In another,

for

at Trelew

to don popular

cartoonist.

ready

was only

Reconstruction" schools

Liberation

Dad? ".

again,

"Are you sure

Operation

looked

and of

Political

the JP was easy prey

JP supporter

allies

were shot

the Argentine

who had been forced

bound and blindfolded,

officer,

commanding the Patagon-

them when faced

"Tendencio"

beaten-up

before

project,

Here,

the suppress-

in

1969 Cordobazo

with

have found

might

to

of'the

prisoners,

the National

the mood of the country.

appeared

operation,

revolutionary

a clear

(i. e. allies

meet your

to

reference

and encouragement

support

had participated

the case of the alliance

and felt

to

to give

revolt,

1970 La Calera

lacking

allies"

Youth

be remembered,

should

1956 Peronist

As in

JP,

the

the Peronist

who, it

ion

1972.

scant

with

and postures,

interests.

class This

attitudes

the amounted

Dates

text of speech in C6rdoba on 17th October (23rd 23 October 1973), pp" 16-20. no.

of

1973,

- 356 -

to in little in

and the latter

practice

the JP had to offer these

out

control

State

over

lems could

be little

to these

energy

boy scouts isation

rooted

were always

fall

of

or's

post

the

the

very gress,

they

upon between

for

the various

together

their

respective

tenure

time much so

and

a cadre organ-

of the

charge

Youth

of the Youth

However,

sectors"

1-

through

of democratic quite

proposed

of delegates in

right-

other

a compromise,

of the

unity

had a con-

be agreed

should

the leaders

words,

ignoring

from

apart

the JP themselves

For their

advis-

Branch.

sectors

elaboration

groups,

nomination

to reach

youth

unsympathetic

official

the

With

scheme due to the breadth

unity

by the Youth

"the

because

above.

presidential

1973 the extremely

of differences.

youth

and try

the

of

will

rank-and-files.

Only by January

1974 did the JP begin

to democratise

itself,

attem-

to ensure: "the protagonistic participation line. tion of our political

1.

of the

of "democratisation". that

prob-

social

mainly

to come from

the unification

of any youth covered

with-

have been excellent

a lot,

of the Branch and the

suggested

get

in

the resolution

view

would

their

was placed

campaigned

spectrum

strange

initiatives

the end of July

impracticality

political

pting

lost

JP

movement.

the JP did not achieve

they

Yessi

for

To devote

the labour

institutionalisation

procedures

on Argentina's

in

and at

The JP then

the impact

was at the expense of them developing

Cämpora,

Julio

winger

and community work,

social

it

for

Though the

even in words.

may have shown the 31'to

waiting

how

reflects

only

quotation

more than negligible.

Organisationally, they

of valid

resources

projects

but

the workers,

did a lot

operations

of the

part

"La JP Toma la Iniciativa, p. 7.

" ibid.,

in the elaboracomrades of all We are conscious of the fact that

no.

19 (26th

September

1973)

357 -

is

our organisation democratic".

being from long way a

still

Though it

seems that

delegates

were made in some areas,

trol

the

over

"Loyalists"

it

is

or not

to defy

ists",

referred

and El Mundo"

announced

to

than

apparent

did

not

in

illusions

to

lay

down their

alty"

(or

1974 period

towards

strategy

totally

"Babla Juventud Pp. 4-5"

in

it

of La Opinion

the ERP)..:

the

would persuade them into to the Left

the leader

in

the

lack

organisation,

of

of an

greater

num-

were com-

own.

Even their

because

Cämpora

the programme of "special

formations"

official

Peronist

of Per6n ignores

throughout

the

conception

of their

the

"they

JP.

mobilising

out

of "loyal-

group

their

youth

to carry

arms and integrate

servility)

The whole

1.

that

To see Cämpora as being

project.

over whether

C&mpora was somewhat artificial

had been chosen by Perlin specifically hoping

Tendency

confidence

while

offensive

a political

while

Per6n and consequent

Argentine

any previous

under

liberalisation,

inspire

his

his

"loy-

career.

to September May 1973 the in. the Tendency of

depended on Peron and his

Peronista,

" ibid.,

no.

Movement living

36-(22nd

the

materialised,

to

on mobilisation,

emphasis

JP branches.

as "inventions

belonging

was

reorganisation

the minority

of openness and democracy

to launch

advance

of the of

the JP (Regionales),

policy,

unable

the leader

Such statements

to their

of youths

the split

the latter

papers,

"stages",

revolutionary

before

con-

was the

of this the

after

the rumoured differences

(daily

Due then

pletely

Obeid,

new spirit

independent

right

and

full

maintained

qualification

the leadership

on within

Perlin,

1

exist".

that

significant

was going

don't

took place

of officers

and the emergence of one or two alternativista

However,

bers

which

the election

the Montoneros

The only

organisation.

split,

announced

dispute

some moves towards

totally

January

up to the

1974),

358 -

illusions liefs

which

been well-grounded,

been important

his

after

slogan,

for

except supposed icial,

role

could

force

Perlin

into

a revolutionary

achieve it

which

strategy

expected

became one of the main targets

popular

and repressive

Peronist

have

would

As it

his

came out with home".

for

1

This

re-

mass following,

his

Plaza

de Mayo.

leader

proved

Perbn's

Since

to be artif-

based upon such a characterisaFar

and victims

the

from becoming

to become once Perbn returned,

rapidly

be-

the day when,

sick

nothing.

absolutely

their

of events.

immediately

in

rallies

the whole movimientista of Perlin

a little

by the leader

ordained

the well-orchestrated

metamorphosis

hegemonic

the course

"From home to work and from work,

the passive

affirmed

in influencing

to Argentina,

return

Had all

them.

the JP mobilisations

even the JP must have felt

final

traditional

had in

Left

then certainly

instruments

however,

was,

tion

the movimientista

the JP

of an increasingly

un-

government.

THE PERONIST UNIVERSITY YOUTH "There can be no National University a Colonising

University in a Colonised Country" in a Liberated JUP slogan, -.

Next in siderable

importance

membership

whose growth

rate

ed two advantages first

being

its

to the barrio-based

over

petty-bourgeois

earlier

creation

tendency.

and the second being

was a natural So important

the Buenos Aires

Perbn,

2.

Bases Para la Reconstruccibn "JUP1 (12th July 1973. 5 no. pp. 18-19.

growth

The JUP possessorganisations, that

area for

was the university

Herald,

its

area

the of

a predominantly element

22nd June 1973.

Universitaria,

a con(JUP)

Youth

remarkable. front

nor

1973.2

and with

University

functional

1.

quoted

in

1972-74 was truly

the remaining

the university,

operations,

was the Peronist

overlap,

between

Regionales,

Country,

" Militancia,

within

359 -

the Tendency that in May 1973, in an attempt Left,

the Chmpora Government presented the University

the radicalised

wing of the Movement, and it

bastion

stitutional

Between been led

but

utionary

Left

period.

In

ist"

1955-73,

not

the

1972 student

55.5w

with tant

second,

1,300

barometers voted

centres

Radicals

began to fill

immediately Ongania`s tal

reflected

level

financial

by Argentina's

careers tions

neglect

placed

in

doubt towards

in

of

on the higher

students

liaison

1.

Buenos Aires

student

in

their

6,100

centres

(pentros) line)

however,

in

this

The faculty-based leaving

even though Adversely

groups

which

a polit-

this

electoral

of power,

student was not by

affected

of secure

and with

governmenfuture solu-

thousands

of

Most radicalised

period.

struggles

1972 only

and Peronist

deprived

usurpation

a dis-

were not

movement for 1

MOR) -

gaining

campus and by long-standing

deterioration,

Peronism

saw a need to combine

for

1960's, level.

by the military

turned

was the Peronist

late

"Reform-

the Alfonsin

nationalist

education,

economic

students

and it

student

abstained.

which

the

Party's Reformista

Such elections,

at superstructural

use of repression

the end of the

from the mass of students,

vacuum at rank-and-file

organisations

of the

supporting

four-fifths

were remote

towards

Communist

of the mood of .the student while

and the revol-

of Buenos Aires, all

had

was challenged,

de Orientacibn

and nearly

1,592 votes.

winning

students

student ical

of the poll Morada (Lettish

Franja

the

elections,

months.

students

Party

with

those

provided

of the workers

the main channel

with the mass movement. Herald,

6th November 1972; La Naci6n,

to

in-

movement in Argentina

Guevarists)

the University

in

the next sixteen

whose position

(Movimiento

organisation

won an easy victory

accurate

Trotskyists,

of Buenos Aires

remained the principal

student

by Radical

successfully,

(Maoists,

student

votes,

the organised

by the Communist Party

mainly

seriously

of the Montoneros for

the Peronist

to placate

6th December 1973.

-350-

Among the Peronist

(JITP) had become an important

Youth

the

with

ism in

combined with

the University

the movimientista of the Tendency ial

student

these

Dominaci6n

1971,

leftism,

critique. was carried authorities

by the national

have exposed

belt

dependency

a source national

political militants

student

the

it

for

to import

years

theories from

the univ-

a means of strengthmonopolies, could

which

contribute

of truth

from

rule,

rather to in-

in the JUP

or technological

of military

technology

it

nat-

the Argentine

portrayed

any scientific

of the ideas "abstract"

to divorce

There was a lot

de Is

international

with

of foreign

and ideas

1966 73

to the

culture,

an alien

Instrumento

influence

pointed

extents,

and a servant

hardly

were content

economically-advanced

for

development.

out during

It

whose concern

of graduates

For example,

1

Moreover,

question.

Universidad.

the decisive

to differing

tended,

as a transmission

dependent

1.

on the group.

student

national

national

a book,

which revealed

Arregui

and experiences

being

a clandestine

and would have made them easy prey

the JUP produced

Imperial,

of former

ening

would lend

forces.

of Hernändez

Argentine

part

boycotted

allies

and that

centres

would

base for

by the offic-

was hidden

participation

was required

organisation

of Peron-

become a support

JUP and its

that

student

to the armed organisations

In

than

to 1973, feeling

prior

decade.

the previous

growth

the

To campaign in elections

security

ersity

because

predecessors

1972 and then an organic

around

spectacular

to unrepresentative

situation.

ure

results

to student

approach

Its

University

expressions

to first

formations

1973.

election

legitimacy

the

in

elections

linked

of Buenos Aires

special

during

radicalised

other

though

by 1971,

force

same name had made some progress

The JUP gradually

the Peronist

organisations,

student

research since

the

the USA and other

countries.

For a review of the book, 18th July 1971, p. 3.

see the

Cultural

Supplement

to La Opinion,

361 -

This

state

The University

pora. Interior

to lesser

rectors

and faculty

dency

control

Puiggr6s,

deans clearly

its

with

an "island"

and had to serve

of national

liberation

in

structures

were to be broken

many of the radical

promises

the national under

tendencies.

students.

were largely

the military

kept.

regime historical

sections

univer-

anst Peron-

to the

and educationto the

education all

of the

sectors

The old

authoritarian

by permanent

consultations

and non-academic

freedom

in

staff

policy-making

Some progress

1973 programme,

lecturers

The police

of expression

and free

was given

to student

university

sectors

medical

was made towards

the

were removed from

attention the creation

political gained

partfor

was provided of

an adequate

1.

"La Universidad pp. 10-11.

Pueblo, " El Descamisado,

(3rd 7 no.

2.

"Puiggrbs y el Avance del Pueblo, " Interview, (12th July 1973), Pp. 16-20.

Mi.litancia,

del

who had

or who were "agents of companies which 2 were sacked and many of those process"

Academic and non-academic in

of the Peronist

Under Puiggr6s,

Ongania were reinstated.

campus and full

icipation

of

Courses

of the new project.

students

Rodolfo

had to cease being

and to involve

lecturers,

Ten-

by contributing

people

down and replaced

to

of the University.

Unlike

purged

the development

the authorities,

the running

deform

support

and reconstruction.

University

the

was totally

time,

and "national"

University

the Argentine

of economic development

requirements

supported

that

at

would have to be changed so as to relate

al methods

between

the

students:

of

the new Rector,

where

won the

and rapidly

Cäm-

Left.

the Peronist

with

of

intervenciones

through

a "popular"

aims of creating

Communist and Radical

tasks

aligned

in Buenos Aires

was strongest

His message was clear

sity.

the

were handed over

extents,

and those

in particular,

though not a rnmber of the Tendency

identified

ist,

of Buenos Aires

the election

with

changed abruptly

of affairs

July no.

1973), 5

362-

student

grants

system and research

and social

of national

Perhaps

for

workers,

The creation ities,

University ienced

radical

People

for

their

Fully al

it

to

Peronist

Pablo

Ventura

Youth,

in a Liberated

the People

The University frost

im provisional then

under

approved

7 regional

Perlin

himself,

course

and the tradit-

replaced

its

in

after

September

led

removal.

of Raul Lastiri,

L6pez Rega's

Tendency

and influence

1973. lines by Josb

upon student

The new lines "For

nation-

similar

along

of univer-

a University

soon attacked

Cämpora's

control

first

main emphasis

work.

was, however,

its

leadership

the JUP slogan, 2 Homeland".

"Spring"

presidency

units,

a new national

Reconstruction

in immediately

set

which

history

on 7th

Law Faculty

into

became synthesised

policy

exper-

courses

of the Argentine

the JUP held

measures,

and Ram6n Puch and placed in National

participation sity

of these

itself

structured

the

I

the Buenos Aires

in

There, the

courses.

several

Doctrine

and Peronist

facil-

integrating

of the Struggles

became a basic

Politics

American

in support

conference

A "History

clientele.

(medical

agencies

Finally,

community.

Emancipation"

philosophy

of barrio

classes

of evening

) etc. went some way towards

changes.

of Latin

ional

faculties

of entr-

of the University

expansion

the national

into

was the elimination

the introduction

with

a social

centres,

aid

innovation

along

by several

legal

study

which,

produced

deemed to be

importance.

the most radical

ance requirements

in areas

was promoted

by a latent Under the son-in-law, in

For a list of the changes introduced Universidad del Pueblo (Buenos Aires: pp. 97-114.

2.

"La JUP denuncia una ofensiva reaccionaria Nacional, " El Descanisado, Liberaci6n no. p. 30.

interand

the

by Puiggr6s, see his book, Crisis, 1974), Editorial

1.

of

la frenar que intents 20 (2nd October 1973)

La

- 363 -

universities field

was very

of battle

right-wing

ly,

Peronist

who was less the

Villanueva,

He was subsequently

The final

Raü1 Laguzzi,

less

in

more conserresigna-

was made by his

Minister

Alberto

right-wing

but

support

his

submitted

of the Left

cautious-

project

by the

replaced

by Education

the

a sociologist

the Puiggrbs

the latter

stand

appointed

by the decidedly

and replaced

Proceeding

commanded slightly

Lima in May 1974 until

Solano

successor

Ernesto

1973,

auch a way as to en-

in

of responsibility.

known and therefore

well

October

in

early

Youth member who endorsed

when Perbn died.

tion

lack

The main

undermined.

of Puiggrbs

replacement

movement.

student

vative

his

chose as his

and former

where,

the resignation

to protest

Perba

and gradually

was in Buenos Aires

secured

Perlin

able

carefully

Taiana

Ottalango

in July

in September

1974.

In the face in

responded isation

Puiggrbs.

its

for

calls

Army's

utionary Villanueva arity

draft

the reinstatement attack

The next

retreat

embodied

the

criminate

"Semen

Villanueva

on the Azul

Politica:

was over

ideals

the Senate ideologically

University

against

Peronists

in January

by declaring with

the new University by Puiggr6s

but

ima maraton....,

lecturers

" op.

cit.

the

the Army".

Revol1974, "solid1

Law, whose original which

a ban on campus political left-wing

of

the JUP dropped

the People's

garrison

of Buenos Aires

espoused

to place

military

sacking

from becoming

Banff

After

mobil-

demonstrations,

was appointed,

of Puiggrbs.

was to anger Revolutionary

of the National

amended in

1.

when the acceptable

after

the

against

nominee Dr.

Lastiri's

the JUP

of control,

mobilisation

to protest

students,

These prevented but

position

There were several

retreat.

after

one of 20,000

including

on its

attacks

the same way as the JP:

exactly retreat

yet

Rector

of these

was drastically activity,

and restrict

disthe

364 -

free

operation for

provided

the

decisions

of Zavala

with

the rest

by approving

its

JUP, after

wait-and-see

of

course

of

the

by then

law behind

minimise

its

criticise wing plete of

1.

2.

In the

on the issue it

more firmly

takeover volte-face

"between

the

Finally,

by condemning

of legislation

legislation

to operate

it

and

was on the against

it,

the

full

with

force

Congress,

through

then

and new appointments, finally, 1974,

for

but

Law, the JUP was to

was passing

in September

The

confrontations.

came out fully

unsuccessfully,

of support

2

once passed and then

of the universities by calling,

them.

away from

of resignations

also,

distinction

or spirit

while

but

temporised

unsympathetic

hill

was then

a measure

case of the University

of the

that

down the more unpopular

of Congress,

was able

the

with

It

resigned

the bill

playing

the content

the right-wing

criticisms

concentrating

I

the movimientistas

it.

only

as "ultra-left".

meant that

approach

the bloc.

the customary

was a means of backing

books before

statute

mass lobbies

between

implementation

lent

seen in

belief

the unfounded

on who was to implement

"no resignations"

Distinguishing its

Tendency,

was first

issue

into

thus

them to

who went along

in

who not

implementation",

organising

for

Congress

and making

by concentrating

clauses

a call

of the

and its

content

in

also

rectors,

by obliging

on this

and Bettanin,

of Villanueva

"spirit"

by "normalising"

them admittance

would gain

the behaviour

seen in

the

Rodriguez

of the FREJULI bloc

"loyalty"

along

Vacillation

the bill

state,

of Tendency sympathisers

resignations.

behaviour

such

to be replaced

the removal

their

final

In its

unions.

dnterrentore

facilitating submit

of student

after

the right-

to perform

the full

to

a com-

implementation

the Law.

"La Universidad al borde de la opci6n: (12th 43 " El Descamisado, no. gorila,

"IIniversidad: pp, 22-24.

liberacibn o continuismo March 1974), pp. 7-8.

ibid., " de nadie, o del pueblo o

(26th 45 March 1974), no.

365 -

Data on student In that

1973.

Buenos Aires of the

it

year where,

The JUP's

Franja

Morada's

had the JIIP turned

only

had won with Aires

a far

student

a sweeping the

for

23,176

for

it

population

1973,

the

1974,

(9,500

"Reformists" from

front Not

the

decline

most,

even

did

to

lack

though

its

splinter

the

September

boim

resigned

saying

eros

had

underground.

gone

The latter

also

1974, that

decision

were now drafted

because it

1.

La Nacl6n,

2.

Carta

from

and Franja political

the

the

but

it

1

1972 turn-out.

the interior

of the

to stand

deprive

coun-

in most of

into

not

the want

to

affected

of

university

Law School

more hazardous

1974).

but

also in

Dean Mario

of the for

1974. such

appointed

now that

apparatus

in

activists

to weaken the JUP, partly

4th & 6th December 1973. (1st Politics, 20 no. week of April,

one reas-

the

Marini

deans

2

15,000).

350 votes student

the

of

and firmness,

JUP support

the military

made campus survival

(10,824

to

1973

of

performance

attracted

faculty

she was already votes

and Fuentes

Aires

instance,

was also

the

in

Tendency

Ivansich

he did

23,176

split

only

the

Buenos for

the

Morada

"Loyalists"

Guido,

but

clear

consistency

own ticket

sympathising

In

remained

improvements

were

of

that

1973.

students

Not

18%.

501'4o of the Buenos

and confident

slipped

11,000)

Chinchilla,

of

vote

was

this

as Grinstein, several

preeminence

there

JUP's

the

only

com-

reformists

quadrupling

developed

her

21,000,

approximately

on for

JIIP's

While

ground.

Apart

44% of the poll,

About

the JUP was in

of

of 9 out

won control

Communist "Reformists"

poll.

after

universities.

In losing

gave it

it

on the non-Peronist

in

voted

was insufficiently

the other

votes

more representative

One does not know how much weaker try

time,

ground

the University

in

victory

first

21% and, 'the

the tables

the 31W lost

that

suggests

achieved

standing

13 centres.

'pared with

elections

those

the

of March

KestelMonton-

because

more

Tendency remaining.

and

366 -

it

ment into

a single

federation,

roundly

condemned what they

Through

the National

to attract

tried

hegemonic

(FIIA)

tendencies

hard

decline

due to the

to discover

student

elections

totals

voting

parative

the centres ious

of that

year,

at

in

do provide

figures

reliable

Blue and

their

White

them 20 centres;

16% of the

votes,

together

a cast-free the

with attack

claimed

1.

is

gained

As political option prospect

plus

for

grew,

students

of right-wing

of his

that total

repression

32% of the

11,110 votes,

centres;

all

punishment.

4 month old

and earned

22% of the

student just

for

of Buenos Aires

centre.

groups poll.

the JUP ceased to be

In September

"Ganb el Estudiantado, 19th December 1975.

won 8,245

5% of the

Sympathisers

son - designated

poll,

and one shared

of 2,584 votes,

vocal

poll

participated, poll

the pro-Isabel

support

prev-

According

and the Reformists

and academics.

of University

JUP paid advertisement, " La Oninibn, Aut&ntico,

students

com-

since

the

the percentage

them to 8 centres

entitling

a pathetic

on the apartment the life

votes,

of fortune disputed

is

the banned

which

JUP decline.

50,620

in which

4 shared

the fact

to those

of further

won 16,129

of this

proof in

indicator

a valid

Morada attracted

total,

interesting

Equally put

Franja

13 centres

signifying

List

movement was

One must bear in mind that

Nevertheless,

evidence

in a poll

to the JUP themselves,

though

conditions

1975 were different

some cases.

own

decade.

the previous

place.

always

its

ensuring student

JUP fortunes,

Univer-

Argentine

the rival

the FUA while

during

in

took

year

in

least

(CNFC), the JIIP

semi-clandestine

are not

contested

and Centres

by 1975 the Argentine

as at any time

1975 saw a further

of the Montoneros.

away from

or to merge with

move-

"terrorism"

as the

of Federations

student

and Communist groups

the Radical

both

regarded

However,

position.

as fragmented

almost

for

Council

student

Federation

sity

the

meant an end to the JUP hope of unifying

Moreover,

1974, a bomb

Rector "the

were faced

Raa

youngest

Laguzzi martyr

Ganb el Peronismo

1

367 -

of the Peronist Puiggr6s

Ventura

cluding

However, to its

uted

the

the

fall-off

vacillating

the Left-Wing

University

second

JUP had denied

Naturally,

in

have regarded made from

the

not

Cordoba,

supporters

withdrew

from

out

"replace of

coordinating

of the JUP.

character

ruling

committee

organisation

one organisation", "verticalism"

University

of stifling

pro-Isabel

the

same criticisms

Rank-and-File

in

The JUP was accused of university

sectors

rank-and-file

the

un-

of appeal",

with

initiatives

1.

Montonero communique, quoted in the Buenos Aires Herald, ber 1974.

2.

"Por la decision of the Partid June 1974), p.

the specific

democrätica de los claustros, Comunista Revolu ionario, no. 9.

(PB),

to

of seeking

adopting-poliäies for

of

were imposed

any possibility

without

regard

tendency

claimed

Buenos Aires

without

were

against

the

leadership

FAUDI to

Peronism

protest

they

JUP policies,

and of mechanically

council.

but

Rank-and-File

as "orders

2

camp.

committee

discussion.

any meaningful

the political

excessive

Peronist

they had

Buenos Aires,

on the faculty

However,

for

body of

though

and Letters,

the non-Peronist

the Peronist

In 1974,

that

complained

participation

of the alternativista

the JUP's

coordinating

expect

accused

(FAZJDI), student

of Philosophy

the Revolutionary

In November 1973,

on the

the Faculty

JUP sympathetically.

within

democratic

(PCR),

persistently

practices.

Groups Front

them minority

one would

tendencies

be attrib-

also

and the way in

attacks

and sectarian

Communist Party

place

must certainly

to government student

methods

earned

ies

Rival

in-

later.

in JIIP support response

Both Laguzzi and

month and 3 JUP leaders

that

two months

were arrested

Revolutionary

the

to Mexico

JUP of bureaucratic

example, the

to flee

the JtJP operated.

which

by the Hontoneros.

resistance"

were forced

1

the policthrough decided

by

situation

9th Septem-

" Nueva Hora, organ 142 1st fortnight of

368 -

of C6rdoban JUP at

the

had not

students.

student

face

Taiana

fascists Left

"intervened"

1,600

July

"a peace

1975 had to admit of

activity

in

of research changes

students

that

the return

to private

enterprise.

and some courses

admitted

to lot

sciences

at

in

participation

year

the University

After

Teachers

had succeeded

the

sixteen

univ-

intell-

with 4,000

lectur-

had fled

after

Confederation in

establishing

requirements

decision-making,

plus

Course contents

of Buenos Aires,

and

Univer-

and student

political

of entrance

in psychology,

1974,

2

In

were axed altogether.

courses

rev-

in purging

replaced

and dozens

University

Ivanissevich

in

Ministry

of the

rectors

imprisoned

firm

of the

no time

sympathies.

on the campuses.

the universities,

end to tripartite

it

were self-declared

Fifteen

meant an end to legal

control

as Rector

and lost

fascist

with

the graveyards"

Right-wing

that

In August

the Education

Laguzzi

popular

the Argentine

threats,

in

of crusaders.

and their

had been sacked, death

pro-

a total

in

resulted

of the new appointees

fervour

- often

receiving

displaced

by the L6pez Rega circle

mediocrities

ectual

in

Both

the religious were

ersities

up by

to stand

of the universities.

Ivanissevich

Ivan

Ottalango

Albert

promoted

with

implied

mobilisations,

eventually

control

by Dr.

its

all

offensive

Left's

of Buenos Aires.

sity

ers

right-wing

Peronist

later

taken

1974 when a decision

in August

in JUP decision-making

the JUP, for

of

was replaced

a month

belatedly

were only

existed.

of*the

of the

ersal

Congress

participation

previously

The failure the

Such criticisms

2nd National

its

for

viding

1

suffered

and an

"hiving-off" dramatic

1975, no students

sociology its

the

Faculty

union

were

or educational of Philosophy

de Cbrdoba, p. 44.

1.

Communique of the Bases Universitarias Peronistas (29th in Militancia, 25 November 1973), no. uced

2.

See Joan Monahan, "I agreed to teach but not to be a gaoler, " The Times Higher Education 1977, p. 10. Suiulement, 11th February

and

reprod-

369 -

Letters,

the former

where

transformation

in university

expansion for

most radical

educational

ratios

at.

was chronic

overcrowding,

of students

unprepared,

intellectually

and graduate

the right-wingers back in

vital

changes,

was fatal in

"socialism

In order viable, by a far

it

is higher

education

Ibid.; police pueblo

for

it

these

total

83,000

had reached which

the admittance

even the

to the

gap between

of a serious

were provided to justify

problems

university the

a drastic

cut-

literat-

growth

in

extra-university

radical

to attempting

job vacan-

by the JUP to

in JU

any references

of their

Univer-

to benefit

or motivationally,

the JUP campaign for

approximated

in

Early

A further

300: 1, a figure

hardly

to the success

to the right-

general.

to be expanded to match the

facilities Nor did

numbers.

to

in

students.

answers

One finds

numbers.

student

societal

No political

who referred

e to the need for student

and the creation

supply.

ideas

any great

without

1

The result

education

were totally

proposals

gave ammunition

had 80,000

reached

baulk

academic, might

from higher

1.

only

of a revolutionary

pursued

1974 and by 1975 the

in

enter

Student-teacher

237,000.

This

radical

its

entry,

plans,

of Buenos Aires

to

were programmed

cies

building

use against

1973 the University

sity

of unrestricted

terms

in

of the university,

role

The effects

inadequate.

wingers

the

of

that,

by

considered

Marxists.

for

ground

of the JUP is

criticism

being

were taught,

to be a breeding

the new administration One final

two subjects

proposals.

construction

of

one university". for

the

arguable level

and. a general

reforms

radical that

pioneered

by the JUP to have been

they would have had to have been accompanied

of State

education

socio-economic

spending, elevation

reform

of lower-level

of the mass of people

Jonathan Xendell, "I cannot imagine what would happen if left, " ibid., 7th January 1977; and "Universidad: o del o de nadie, " op. cit.

the

370 -

in

order

increased ersity ent

(a)

that

there

levels

population

could

a programme was far

the

period

"National

of

Here too, functional

fronts I

mentalised to their

solely

issues,

etc.,

would

gulf

for

be a mistake

in

Left.

of national

1.

of intermediate

to put

programme of radical

their

stages

Thus for

the JUP, 'as

was orientated liberation

not

around

goal

Macro-level

approach.

and were therefore

distant

the JIIP campaigned section

the JP, their

were vital

Moreover,

the

to relate

The

revolution

of social

agenda of the whole

of the Peronist

JUP

transformations.

social

was imp-

movimien-

strategy

and depended on the viability

and the commitment

on union

changes had socialist

on the immediate for

relevant

inexperience.

down to political

JUP demands from its

directly

demands designed

or transitional

this

of the

changes which

reforms.

in

steps

programme was compart-

Youth

structural

the demanded micro-level

demands to a general

lications

ilisations

the macro-level

"stages"

Liberation".

meant that

the Working

issues,

Such

Peronist

socialist

on aspects

This

stud-

common to all

The Tendency's

campaigned

of pre-univ-

bound by the

and National

the

education.

1973-76

to countenance

of operations.

area

to higher

a characteristic

each front

ignoring

separating

inherent

tista

so that

a system

immediate It

JUP displayed

for

and part-time

of any of the

Reconstruction

on university

prerequisites

refused

of the Tendency.

specific

almost

lacked

the

it

from access that

raising

full-

by the JUP because,

raised

of the Tendency,

approach

benefit

to cater

a general

the enlarged

removed from

and was not

governments.

so that

really

facilities

(b) and

to study

numbers wanting

educational

be sufficient

would

of mob-

of a stage

leadership

and

The main exception to this was "Un documento para la liberacibn: Reencauzar el movimiento Reconperonista como eje de la liberacibn, bajo la hegemonia de los trabajadores, Recuperar el el freute struir gobierno para el pueblo y el General Peron, " which appeared with (19th El Peronista, 1 April The contents 1974). no. of this rare example of a programme of the Tendency as a whole are summarised in the title to Firmenich's and were similar on 11th speech at Atlanta March 1974.

- 371 -

to it.

government

by the fascist

clearly

their

hopes were ill-founded

takeover

of the universities

That

too

was shown only in September

1974.

THE PERONIST WORKINGYOUTH

Within

the JP-Montonero

Indeed,

ents.

(MVP) gained

tant

labour

This

the Peronist

front,

labour

was in

dency's

principal

same time,

it

reflected

practising

urban

The JTP was not did

not

have its saw its

September

the Montonero Trade

isations

as viable.

JTP outgrew since

it

national

viewed

or not

support

any organisaorganised

had come above ground, 1974 and then

del

Sindical movement,

in its

two years

in

reduced into

Peronismo

which

unlike

Peronist

62 Organthe

of existence is

vital

the Tendency needed if

it

was

examination

by

the

of it

special

which

At the

class.

was absorbed

the official

movement,

Tenthis

drastically

in

participation

Whether

the shanty-town

of the Aut6ntico

year.

see such a method as

April

activity

(Bloaue

own

of struggle.

In 1975 it

Peronism

branch

the main,

until

legal

of warfare.

of Authentic

was working-class

congress

its

with

which

the Montoneros

until

some impor-

create

people",

the

despite

petty-bourgeois

the working

forms

for

opportunities

the labour

the JTP no longer

who, in

dwellers

May of that

has in attaining

and political

launched

not

until

difficulties

warfare

workers

first

did

"the

towards

front

Though having

(JTP),

towards

tremendous

guerrilla

resumption

Union Bloc

Aut6ntico),

being

the

own union

labour

the Tendency Youth

orientation

among industrial to their

alien

base.

of the stud-

that

the shanty-town

of the predominantly

orientation

a socialist

support

Working

a reflection

part

overriding

tion

to 1973,

prior

contacts

that

than the

recruitment

the proportional

than

significant

more support

potential

smaller

less

Tendency

have estimated

some observers

organisation former's

was far

of workers

weight

social

Revolutionary

372 -

to seriously

socialist

genuine

Youth

Although

the

slogan

rallies,

the

official

isations

in an attempt

Peronist

JSP) - an organisation -

youth

or a life

line

During

its

image,

despite

to drive

over

30's.

Moreover,

appear its

to the working

campaign

against

of an anti-bureaucratic Before tant

to note

vocabulary in

evaluating

references

that

than

implied

that

section

Sindical

Peronista

and lacking

an indep-

class

was hampered by its to workers

ranks

'National'

for

the political

solution

a generational In this

as an organisation

the bureaucracy

did

problem

of all Social-

and the of bureau-

of the Labour Ministry,

enhanced by control

sense, for

all

the replacethe JTP did not

the full

not realise

and thus

workers

potential

movement. the success

of the JTP in

JTP documents were often those

youth

wedge between young workers

by young militants.

leaders

old

ment of

opened its

it

an artificial they

but even to

as its

(Juventud

Union Rejuvenation

one requiring

was a generational

participation

JTP development

that

of the unions,

control

its

by

was frustrated

wish

by the leadership

lifespan,

as "Trade

tended

this

own.

the fact

ism"

cratic

of its

two year

Such slogans

ages.

created

of the labour the 62 Organ-

within

but

Trade Union Youth

CGT

leadership,

and win control

62 recognised

the

Instead

at

a parallel

bureaucratic

its

procedures

to permit

only

existence.

the much smaller

endent

union

to oust

hegemony there

62 not

of the its

recognise

trade

to create

was not

objective

to gain

and also

refusal

to pose a

the new CGT" became a favourite

"JTP is

The JTP hoped to work as a tendency

confederation.

the

it

democratic

institute

and be able

leadership

alternative.

to work within

but

the Peronist

challenge

of the

to the pueblo

other

fronts

and national

the unions,

more clasista which liberation

tended

it

in both

is

impor-

tone

to subsume class

movements.

For

and

373 -

the analyses

while

example,

of the other

people-oligarchy/imperialism after

its

class

having

first

been betrayed

hegemony over not

only

"the

the

to the oligarchy,

industrial,

1A

ing

(aarupacibn)

the majority,

system, is

"when the working means to produce

month later,

the-mre

example,

the Evita

ed in of

the

July

has political

power,

hands...

being

and for

sectors

workers'

control

to produce

unnecessary

as being

has the

behaviour

which

grouping

of all over

large

with

key sectors without

Among the non-

production.

Perbn,

For

of C6rdoba call-

landholdings

"stage"

char-

sections

programme.

of the banks and all

the present

clashes

group-

the suffering

when it

such demands gained

for

in

be justice

socialism

of the Tendency's

expropriation

too radical

"

JTP metalworkers'

of the Tendency,

considered

likely

the

to

but also

the demands of many of its

the nationalisation

pointed

2

the vacillating

aspects

Montonero

economy, for

compensation worker

radical

only

the few through

really in its

it

bourgeoisie

will

'national'

wealth

1973 for

"There

and defined

class

"has handed

the Mussi-Retamar

destroyed"

the Tendency as a whole,

stressed

that:

benefits

which

Though the JTP was to share acterised

bureaucracy

and managerial

of the JTP declared

capitalist

which

As enemies,

and the

financial

of imperialism".

service

of

imperialism

commercial,

the

when the

to the bourgeoisie".

process

by the JTP

produced

bureaucracy

by the union

the

around

1973 spoke of the working

in August

meeting

revolved

a document

antinomy,

national

fronts

less

emphasis,

some

of the process

at least

over

and

time

scales. When one examines

1. 2.

the fortunes

of the

Propuestas para el trabajo sindical, September 1973), PP. 30-31. JTP Au ac16n Mussi-Retamar communiqu6, 13th September 1973), PP. 32-35. "JTP: (4th

JTP as it

attempted

" El Descamisado, Militancia,

no.

14

to win

no.

16

374 -

of the unions,

control

emerge is

that

weakness.

Its

and in

of white-collar

of the bureaucrats,

if

counted

tive

Geographically,

importance terms

(Gas del

Union Rosario,

secretaryships,

general

secretary

colectivo

the JTP led

Greco being

Adeline

branch

section

of that

capital ies

drivers

of the

and three

paved the way for

its

were the State

JTP in

Aguirre

held in

in succ-

qualita-

secretary

was the October

workers,

a take-over

Capital in

1973,

Gas Workers Cordoba and

the respective

Misiones

where

Influence

and the

Capital

leader

where was also

Guillermo

1973 JTP victory this

being

in TucumAn it

in

the Villa

the main

won control

the San Miguel

of

provincial

unions.

The former

of the Federation

of Municipal

sugar mill

among

there.

Federation,

including

Workers

in Buenos Aires,

JTP national

support,

of the

State

by the

influenced

At the same time,

union.

its

the Federal

was a JTP militant.

Ceramic Workers

of municipal

branch,

and Mario

in Augast

general

importance

in

of UTA was strongest

strike

the union's

really

since

groups,

(UTA) and the

and was heavily

of gas workers'

Of lesser

two branches

Ramallo

a successful

the main area

stories

Union

Juan Figueredo

(bus)

in

the scene of a number of successes.

ATE was controlled

where Reginaldo

firmly

and Cordoba second and third

being

the Transport

general

the

Rosario

with

Estado).

but

quantitatively

the main success

(ATE),

employees

remained

ones which

economically-powerful

TucumAn also

of unions,

state

What the JTP achieved

the JTP became strongest

and with

Association

unions

were the

blue-collar

dazzling.

Buenos Aires,

and Greater

industrial

impressive

was less

performance

grouping

to

performance

with

the unions

and these

to the least

ess was limited

contrasting

base was to be won.

a mass worker

16 months was highly

just

In

pig the -

unions

of its

feature

success came in

achievements

the smaller

the hands

the most striking

victorWorkers

375 -

of TucumAn in March

There were also

vention".

lacked

isation

positions

the Bank Employees

however

nullified

JTP groupings

in

(AB)

by national

the unions

the strongest

of control,

Association

(ATSA) in

ers Union

where the

of these

of Buenos Aires,

C6rdoba and amdng the dockyard

"interorgan-

being

the Health

in

Work-

of Buenos

workers

Province.

Aires

By late

but

from

apart

the blue-collar

in

ment was roughly JTP's

by "the minutes,

and Railway

Fuerza)

where it

control

cratic

was at its

tive

methods were frequently

from

participating pre-empted

drawing

up new regulations

a "delegate" while

at

the

delegates election

for

least

same time

elected list

at

under

by ordinary

Oil

Workers

Union

1.

Special

supplement

elections,

its

which

two years

it

20 minutes

to prevent

members.

by the bureaucracy held

at

Workers

to refuse

while

the same time,

to El Descamisado,

no.

JTP lists

by

position,

recognition

union, in

Union

to have been

a leading

In that

1

bureau-

1973 elections

occupying

union

(Luz y

and proscrip-

became necessary

leadership

(UOM) 40

each.

to contest

October

before

controlled Union

Strong-arm

the

enabling

was annulled

in

res-

Power Workers

The Construction

elections.

a JTP challenge

leaders

Workers

and the

used by leaderships

in union

unions

the Metal

strongest.

move-

10 and 6 minutes

the JTP attempted

unions,

the labour

in

the blue-collar

(Un16n Ferroviaria)

Workers

of author-

1973 CGT march when the

took

(SMATA) 33 minutes

the blue-collar

In

influence

August

much longer:

Car Workers

of the Construc-

section

to win positions

columns

CGT HQ,whereas took

bureaucracy" the

The JTP's

and Gas Workers

to pass the

pectively

Blanca

on the 31st

reflected

in most of the imp-

groupings

were unable

unions.

Workers

State

the Bahia

(UOCRA) they

Union

Workers

tion

the JTP had organised

1974,

unions

ortant

ity

1974, promptly

the JTP's

the Vegetable

the JTP attributed

16, op.

cit.

to

- 376 -

by 231 votes

defeat

their ballot

in

JTP participation Association

was prevented

the

JTP's

Blue and White

ter

the

list.

the JTP launched

20,000

of the

54,000

at Banco Naci6n

in

the hands of the

through

though,

tions,

in

lists

the manoeuvre,

entitled

and

voted

left

the union

Congress

from being

all

statutes*so

as to

before

the

police

and seizing

the JTP to participate

in

the

and were accompanied

1.

"Organizar, movilizar, (16th October 22 no.

2.

"Lae urnas 'revantaron'.... 1974), p. 25.

3.

JTP Au c aci6n Metal(ir 12th March 1974), p. 15.

the

group

lists

elections. by police

controlar, custodiar, 1973), p. S.

de aire, " ibid., de Octubre

by the

effectively Otero

pre-

condoned

of being

group activists

executed

At the end

nominated

elections.

the JTP metalworkers' 3

to deny.

of Delegates,

in

Ministry

the March 1974 elec-

in

bureaucracy

presented

the

was the most

the Labour

controlled

the

bureaucracy,

Union which

Workers

Participation

too easy for

the JTP headquarters

no means untypical

Only

out by 3,000

still

the union

the power of

Otero.

accusing

and trots",

however,

This,

the CGT and also

was all

opposition

raiding

2

region

were thrown

supervisors

met and changed the union

bureaucracy,

"bolshies

the Buenos Aires

in

at national

campaign.

abstention

of

to regis-

headquarters

of candidates

successful

the Metal

of November 1973, a National

vent

list

a single

challenge

in

1

leadership.

old

Ricardo

Minister

only

to a man.

needed success union

to the union

access

electoral

To effectively

influential

List

the

to deny the leader

the use of thugs

through

bank employees

union

that

of the Bank Employees

1974 elections

a highly

who abstained

JTP badly

the

Faced with

level,

to the fact

Capital

in the hands of the leadership.

was exclusively

count

employees

the Federal

in

coup de grace

which

by

theoretically

Such methods were by and right-wing

apoyar...,

attacks

" ibid.,

(22nd January 36 no. communique,

ibid.,

no.

43

377 on JTP militants This in

the

to work through

an "independent

ily

union

It

unfair

in most cases and that

achieved

were easy to negate

of the State

leader

However,

1974.

building

for

ities

was able

of his

defeats fierce

on the

of the

it

backing,

ially

could in

icipation

the bureaucracy

denounced

to get away with

able

As in concerned limited

to union

election

begin

to recognise

its

rally,

Firmenich,

selves

if

it

has really

JTP to work "to

1.

"Palabras pp. 37-42.

organisational

raise

his

allowing This

Victories

its

part-

was only

partin

or proscribed

elec-

had been

the work of the JTP was mainly

Only in March 1974 did weakness.

remarks

the organisational " Militancia,

work being

organisational

at

level

no.

the Tendency

At the March 11th Atlanta

the JP, said

done much organisational

de Firmenich,

into

sec-

tactics.

campaigns.

directing

election

rank-and-file

to examine why it

failed

and mobilisation,

agitation

had strong

success.

fronts,

other

the Left

bureaucracy,

JTP support.

when defrauded

fraudulent

its

the case of the

with

its

but

opportun-

provide

of the Cbrdoban

secretary

leadership

by the JTP which,

did

bureaucracy-approved

where the Left

and ratifying

expelled

in a JTP rally

and occasionally

in May 1974, with

the national

force

elections

understood

tions,

that

demonstrated

such as this

participating

as general

Union

Car Workers

for

Aguirre,

was simply

the Buenos Aires

from

opposition

Mario

example,

official

by

the JTP momentar-

for

support

for

were decid-

battles

fiat.

the elections

cases

several

Rene Salamanca was re-elected tion

union

to de-

as called

class"

which

by bureaucratic

anti-bureaucratic

to inflict Despite

lists.

in

any triumphs

trying

than

rather

the electoral

in Rosario,

Workers

leadership

by the national

elections

that

one such attack.

the JTP was not mistaken

of the, working

true

is

used in

being

of whether

alternative

alternativistas.

edly

in

the question

raises

all

attempting

velop

a bazooka

and offices,

work" of the 37 (14th

"we must ask ouron the 1 class".

and called working

March 1974),

378 -

the first

For at least rank-and-file

revolutionary

"infiltrated". that

statement the unions

one of its

the minds

that

felt

myth was clearly was "to

main roles

have taken

they in

This

it

of young inexperienced

trade

experience

at all,

a belief

being

used by the bureaucracy

to retain

control

of

fair

relatively

as combative

elections

once in

became common practice a degree

tained

For in

ers. through

time,

of legitimacy

leaders

demands of their

Such a demand failed

through

Mafia

characters

methods re-

still

sectors

of work-

bureaucratic

to take

obliged

power

up the

campaign

with

towards

the mass of workers

mass revolutionary

economic

movement,

velop first

year

but

it

is

arguable

one needs first

JTP moderation many militants.

"Bacia la toma de la batuta, ber 1973), P. 11.

in

order

was geared to build

The combative

"E1 Descamisado,

during

Brown List

no.

17 (11th

a

and de-

to win the militants

on the wages front

the

collabora-

restrained,

that

in

standards.

to "class

though

it

to whom defen-

workers

were tantamount demands,

led

to 1955 living

a return

was limited

class

Pact which

the most militant

of JTP economic

them as cadres. alienated

for

employers

The level

the working

the Social

over

to satisfy

Pacts

for

attractiveness

tion".

1.

their

As

had risen

eyes of significant

the

were the

and though

candidates

re-

the methods

positions.

the bureaucrats

and increase

equivocation

months to merely

ces of Social

that

of

members.

by the Tendency's early

the

were sporadically

the JTP's

In turn,

in

leading

out

and in

the unions

some of these

office,

to maintain

order

to their

Many of

was a fallacy.

this

seen above,

to rise

JTP

This

unionists

no union

used originally

the

in

RG). -

of those

same as those

to must the

get the bureaucracy

minds

with

the rank-and-file

evident

I (my emphasis

by assault"

consistent

itself

needed a push from

and only

bureaucracy.

the JTP ignored

existence#

work because

organisational

was already

flected,

of its

year

its of

Septem-

- 379 -

candidates

forces

1

The JTP dismissed

support.

number of other

union

from

taking

Apart

from

2

the Social

law.

The former's legal

and to federations

their

since

in

the

government,

amendments.

Failure

to provide

JTP from

mobilised

fair

elec-

than

attended

people

1973 compared with

just

opportunistically,

originally

clauses

they

3,000

the exercise

of trade

opposition

to the bill

divorced

its

campaign

even though could

rally

Luna Park rally

at a rally

organised that

and

had no chance of securing

really

announced

JTP opposi-

unions.

Congress in so weak was

the bureaucracy

3

CGT to "intervene"

local

union. sectors,

the JTP's

to the Re-

at all

the power of the union

preventing

all-out

opposed the Law

partially

to the national

influence

the more militant

more workers

Some 20,000

in a

promises

prevented

it

if

open elections

no opposition

to "intervene"

to those

was limited

democracy but

powers

non-existent

the

to hold

aim was to perpetuate

its

union

list

official

JTP group refused

proscribed

and offered

by giving

to it

a

(PST) managed to get its

the JTP only

Pact,

bureaucracy

tion

referring

1974 Bank Em-

the single

the JTP made similar

yet

ex-

place.

Associations

regions

1973,

In the

where proscriptions

sections

Professional

dundancy

Left.

a PST promise

as "opportunist",

successful

the

for

the JTP revealed

cases,

Party

Workers yet

September

despite

instance,

in Buenos Aires,

authorised

tions

for

the Socialist

level,

at national

In other

the non-Peronist

Union elections,

ployees

list

towards

attitude

(FOETRA) elections,

Union

the JTP in

with

the JTP as petty-bourgeois.

sectarian

of

Workers

Telephone

to join

refused

ample, to

the

for

the rally

in

support

of it.

of 2nd November by the JSP which, would be against

(4th Septem16 no.

1.

Combativos o Vandoristas? ", ibid., "Telef6nicos: ber 1973), P. 27.

2.

"Las urns...,

3.

from the Buenos Aires Herald Estimates 1st November 1973 and El Descamisado, no. 25 (6th November 19735.

"

op.

cit.

380-

Law and then,

the Redundancy

of the Law of Professional

support

be used against

face

of the

application the

"ly,

"spirit"

the latter

in

contained

that

opposed to

was not

"intervention"

In practice,

beneficiary.

the

ista

of the

"spirit"

real

Ortega

Militancia,

to momentarily

transport bodyguards,

in

curb

October

of 200 buses in

ing

Otero

to validate

which

the

had at first

1.

JTP defeated

right-wing

universities

that was the

as it

bolster-

Law was used againof the alternativ-

to use its

their

Univof the

ceramic

workers'

the Federation's the results

"Organizar, movilizar..., 1973), P. 14.

by colectivo

also

persuaded

Labour

Minister-

of December 1973 in

leadership,

" El Descamisado,

and the park-

chaos effectively

elections

and "advised"

and by Rucci's

allegedly drivers

de Mayo to cause traffic Mobilisations

power of mobilisa-

When JTP militant

attacks.

1973, a strike

Plaza

the

rejected

one,

the application

Oscar Arcs, was kidnapped,

life.

saved the victim's

a principled

who lost

through

the JTP was able

delegate

union

Pella and Duhalde,

ques-

law.

On a few occasions tion

Similar-

Associations

the Redundancy

law lectureships

of Buenos Aires

ersity

while

their

was not

above so long

JTP members and the editors

including

review

to the

Law of Professional

ed the power of the bureaucracy st militants,

from

re-

of "intervention"

was not

regard

I

up".

Associations

of the powers

with

it

the effective

"control

would

of legislation

piece

from Per6n at

the law was thought

criticism

the Tendency had demonstrated

for

they

in which

the JTP's

was in

the work of national

assurances

the Law of Professional

of

Moreover,

tioned.

it

spirit

blocking

Accepting

the JTP declared

value,

it

the hope that

by the JTP in

"reactionaries"

and liberation.

construction

that

stated

Associations!

Law was supported

The Redundancy would

had started,

it

after

after

a restoration

no.

24 (30th

the

Minister of the

October

381 1

old authorities. Clearly

the JTP was able

leadership

union national 2,500

the to ed support win an effective triple

transfers

the

of state to

employees

organise had lost

1974 it

late

their

but not

mobilisation

rulings, areas

When the

a medley

of

sackings

and the

of militancy,

long-term

positions

was not

bureaucracy

and union 1973 with

Ministry

away from

most of its

in

amass

1974 design-

organisation.

employers

Labour

protests

However,

rank-and-file

JTP, starting

unsympathetic

JTP was able

this

strong

of government,

against

"interventions",

end of

for

alliance

began to act

Peron.

only

could January

in

trade

the major

at

Miguel

a Luna Park rally

of Isabel

substitute

performance

2

the

out-mobilise

Lorenzo

leader

when he organised

people

their

equal

Metalworkers'

events.

unholy

least

and at

to consistently

By the

resistance.

because

of authority

of

weakness. If

defensive

weakness, cause

Tendency's

ment were largely liberation. moting

belief

that

"limitations"

for

occupations

supported the

against with

all

and price

oppressive

sections

1.

See the election pp. 30-31.

2.

"Atentar January

3.

Righi,

this

control

of the

report

govern-

of national

groups,

Interior

as a "healthy

constraints

of previous

in ibid.,

of the

an offensive,

occupations

Tendency accepted

and be-

"stage"

vigilante

finger.

reason

the

prothese

Minister

and natural 3 years, yet

rehe

command to end them

(22nd 36 January 1974), no.

del Pueblo, " ibid., la Organizaciba no. pp. 2-3. (Buenos Aires), in Clarin 11th June 1973.

Contra 1974), quoted

the

organisational

the limitations of the

as soon as Perlin wagged his

originally

along

justifiable

work-place

action"

early

both

Though the JTP began in March 1973 with

were suspended Righi

by the JTP's

were even more limited

offensives

of the

were limited

struggles

34 (8th

382-

in

mid-June,

ernment

that

claiming

they might

be taken

reactionaries.

This government

about-turn

started

legislation

but

a process

also

of vacillation,

in union

El Mundo was banned by the government

Press

Bloc *of the

ment for

the redundant

ban oar workers

in

and condemned the When the strike al with

the

position

other (the

class-conscious

in

during

the

Pact

was threatened

order

"to

C6rdo-

ceiling

2

While

be "disguised"

to face

in condition

nation-

with

a level

avoid

of con-

up to due to

a tactical

retreat

may or

of the strikers,

due to the isolation

the Tendency

gained

of the

such a

among the highly

of militants

of Cordoba.

and vacillations

When Firmenich

for

employ-

the struggle

the wage claim

to win the support

workers

In the end,

bly,

improvements

have been advisable was unlikely

weakness

that

struggle".

campaign

made by Salamanca and others.

and the union

was not

the Peronist

than

the Social

exceeding

speeches"

union)

left-wing

of alternative

during

over

the JTP opposed the use of strike

JTP proposed

of the

isolation

great

Moreover,

of a wage claim

the

which

to the provision

of 1974,

became a reality

demands for

may not

the middle

"incendiary

"intervention",

frontation

call

workers.

furtherance

in

action

its

only

in March 1974,

JTP condemned the measure but rather

limited

reversal,

not When the

disputes.

daily

its

of by anti-gov-

advantage

with

the superficially

only

opportunity

his

car workers' with

to make up for

attempted

dispute

arms,

we're

in

militant

of addressing Cordoba,

going

trade

its

return

to arms.

a workers'

he announced

to stop

union

them with

that

assem"if

arms".

our

enemies advance

1.

de Smata, " La Causa Peronista, "C6rdoba: el porqu& del conflicto (30th 4 June 1974), pp. 30-31. no.

2.

"Cordoba: Si es necesario aqua pondremos sangre montonera, (13th 6 August 1974), pp. 26-31. no.

3.

Ibid.

" ibid.,

3

383 -

The materialisation

to the appeals

a response tary

this

of

1974 was not,

but rather

of workers

the Tendency's

to make up for

methods

in September

promise

however,

to use mili-

an attempt

and trade

political

union

failures. The return fall-off

neglected

Apart

the

gations

sumed guerrilla ed it

in-May

militants

later

the Montoneros

the fact

that,

stressed

but

organisation.

1.

over

"Argentina:

more working-class

September not

known is

incorporation

into

and describe

clandestinity".

By resorting

Un Pais

-

l

an erroneous

methods

politically,

instead

invited

This

was not,

the ?iontoneros

however,

of revolution

having

only

En Guerra, " Revolucibn,

who had the their

an isolated which theory

and

won the mass of

maintained

op.

error",

who were in

of revolutionary

to arms without

apparatus A few years

"comrades those

conception

to the detriment

initiat-

as a "political

least,

cit.

re-

working-class

the military of Isabel.

government

when they

publicly

how many of their

the March 1976 coup at legally

of mass activity,

support

1974 than when they

were to admit,

stemmed from

military

far

Buenos Aires.

months

sixteen

at a con-

the JTP dele-

attacked

and Greater

of their

of war on the

after

to pass into

had violently

through

of operating

possibility

"error"

in

were wasted

the declaration

thugs

What is

1970.

after

their

Capital

the

In Septem-

elections.

was "won" by the bureaucracy

with

action

following

union

as a result

counted

the Montoneros

the period

Zone Ceramic

(UTA)

the Federal

doubt,

Northern

in union

was one of reverses

from

arriving

1975,

to a

and more hazardous.

much harder

of October

led

and made the prev-

struggles

Buenos Aires

Greater

elections

transport

Without

workers

the

in San Juan after

gress

union

in

of warfare

1975,

tasks

inevitably

campaign

in union

organisational

Federation

resumption

guerrilla

participation

from a victory

Workers

ber

Montonero

iii

iously

to a full-scale

and probably

384 -

the divide

increased Their

ing

the

demonstrated

1976 only

in

gulf

which

of workers.

between wishful

exists

(CGTR)

the Resistance

CGT in

like

organisations

of paper

creation

from the majority

themselves

separating

think-

and reality.

THE OTHERFRONTS

Peronist

the

doubtedly

being

took

to mobilise

able

projects

it

office,

rallied

the Boxing

at its

Ist

2nd Congress

1974 and 1,000 Counting town dwellers policies try

selves,

campaign

for

would build

the

financial

own housing

a former

which

Peronist

team.

Ministry

and building miserias,

reduce

the

the shanty-

clashed While which

aid level

2.

from El Descamisado, nos. Estimated attendances (30th October 1973) & 37 29th January 24 1973), (14th May 1974). 4 Peronista, no.

the

the Minisignored

them-

of the Ministry, of unemployment

Youth member, Buenos Aires,

Interview February

with

the MVP campaigndwellers

shanty-town

1.

with 1976.

Mugica,

of Carlos

and technical

and thus

1973, had 2,500

2

immediately

the

Dwell-

January

of the villas

programme in

government

in Cordoba on 19-20th

self-improvement

inhabitants

specific

800 at

support

Welfare

while

October,

April.

on 7th

rally

Social

the material, their

on 25th August

conference)

has

of Shanty-Town

Assembly

a programme of demolition

of the

Cämpora

the

in Santa Fe on 20th-21st

with

originally

number for

that

after

of Buenos Aires

(a delegate

an emergency with

to a Popular

at a protest

set in motion

ed for

4,000

Congress

Rega's Lbpez of

the opinions

immediately

It

nationally

activists

more than

Created

Stadium

National

Dwellers

significantly I

and events.

ere in

ite

Shanty-Town

vas un-

Movement (?NP).

the MVP had some 4-5r000

that

been estimated

the largest

of the Tendency,

fronts

Among the remaining

16th

16 (4th September 1974); and El

385 -

in

their

dependence eratives lems

The 14YPproject,

sector. on the

which

government,

would

through

housing,

land,

of

450 villas

the

breaking

until

was in

strength with

Organisation

ist". Firmenich

recognised

ied

supplied although

the Peronist

Left

in

this for

ar support

in

period,

Welfare

Social Right

since

federal dwellers

Ministry

in

having

Plaza

to open fire

its

best

in

1.

"Las Villas pp. 12-14.

covering

this

Triimfarän,

as dwell-

shown a unifin

part that

noteworthy

base than

social

was significant

Command under

popul-

the highly

Lima.

Brito

direction

on a peaceful

of the Montonero's it -

is

weaker

there

of government of the

been a bulwark

shooting

Shanty-town

have not

It

lack

" El Descamisado,

no.

Peronist

of sympathy

MVP activist

a large

43 (12th

by ordering

of shanty-town

El Descamisado

carried

the

policy,

extreme

demonstration

de Mayo in March 1974, killing

The Journalism

Chejolän.

on the

Its

as a "Loyal-

probably

speech.

had a far

L&pez Rega showed his

May 1973.

policemen

general

in

improvements

on the contrary,

and have,

Organizational

The MVP made no impact

over

was not an easy task,

dwellers

organisations.

of Alberto

gov-

Gimbnez was the leader

1974,

the shanty-towns

the right-wing leadership

personalistic

in

and influence

where Vidal

in most countries,

Right

prob-

"popular

Reconstruction".

March 1974 Atlanta

of fascist

the

of making

in February

the Left

coop-

by March 1974 had the support

consisted

shanty-town

his

in

to support

propensity

the clientele

the

the Tendency

"lumpenproletarians"

like

ers,

Buenos Aires

of the

in

to "National

as a contribution

shanty-towns

greatest

1

nationally,

of popular

policy.

of the MVP, which

miserias

than

rather

and employment

and participation

and educational

Most of the work

housing

of the shanty-towns

control

health

self-help

promotion

the immediate

dwellers,

joint

the

envisaged

confront

of the shanty-town

ernment"

emphasising

Alberto was seen at

photograph

of

March 1974),

386 -

the

event

the policeman

with

identified

Movement

(NIP),

rooms in tenement the iculty

organised

tenants

hoteles

(slum boarding

houses)

blocks)

- not

which

about Like

its

of organising

Created

in

it

1973,

500 people the

shanty-town

level

but

hotel

managers,

for

appears

dwellers'

tion

due to governmental

from

the XVP, -the

was the Secondary

under the early its

and for

immediate

full

by police

and

application

of

were fairly

the implementation the plight

un-

local

at

committees

the

future

Largely

tenants.

to the achievement

at

focus-

intimidation

of tenure,

disinterest

campaigns

the

poor

tenants'

against

to ensure

1974.2

large.

MIP

the anti-evic-

of

of the

of these

legisla-

tenants

and

manager collaboration.

organisations

having

was unable

also

though-

in April

Congress

for

and protection

an end to evictions

law but

Apart

problem

sector.

congress

a national

for

of

size

insecure

the MIP's

but

of

base and the diff-

social

and extremely

organisation,

security

The small

flats.

potential

Tenants

(single-room

and conventillos

were made to develop

tion

to police-hotel

clearly

rooms or parts

who rented

2nd Metropolitan

its

may have contributed it

Peronist

to have held

never

a new Rent Law guaranteeing mobilisations

was the

small

of demonstrations

a couple

smaller

an unconcentrated

stability

attempts

death

of family

relatively

to the housing

to gain

successful

tenants

the

attended

sed on solutions attempted

the MVP but far

with

MIP reflected

Chejolän's

1

and ringed.

Associated

for

responsible

Peronist

property

only

sizable

Students

front

Union

amongst

(UES),

which

the remaining had existed

being banned before in 1955 and governments

confiscated.

Its

recreation

was announced

by

El-Pueblo del compaäero ChejolAn: Ta Marc6 al (2nd April 1974), pp. 16-21. 46 no.

1.

"El asesinato able, " ibid.,

2.

de Inquilinos Peronistas, "Movimiento See the report, 20 Congreso (19th March 1974), pp. 55-57. Peronista, 1 " El Capital, no.

Culp-

387 -

Galimberti the

Evita

Buenos

April

in

1973 after

Montonera,

Aires

Secondary

came together.

"Democratic

Education"

grew rapidly

through

some 300 delegates

7 secondary Student

pre-March

Instruction"

in April

course

same lines

as those

isation.

towards

time

the

ents

provided

ing

1

around

from

school

or recognition

from

As in

the

was contemptuous er leading

activist

was dominated icipation level

1.

in

headmasterships. the Education

case of the other of democratic at

by a handful

sophistication

in

effect

"Mr.

recieved

stud-

Pro-

no support

the UES

organisations, According

their

Grad-

Taiana.

de Bueno Aires,

who denied

The practical

of Salta

ousting

even under

practices.

Nacional

1974, by which

a number of schools

they

pro-Montonero

of leaders

decision-making.

of political

Ministry,

were orien-

the south

to rebuild

Moreover,

internal

the Colegio

in

success

of the mili-

Güemes, aimed at help-

to work on Operativo

the UES helped

organ-

the secondary

8 Regionales,

they had little

but

in

to a formthe DES there

rank-and

of this

file

part-

was a low

among UES members, many of whom were

"La UES est& presente, mi general, September 1973), pp. 26-27.

the

14 school

activities

Early

of valleys

in

prop-

along

sister

"agents

of being

tasks. with

the inhabitants

same time,

reforms

university

most of their

itself

500 youngsters

Buenos Aires

grinds"

that

Reconstruction

UES had structured

At the

were accused

1973,

of its

the return

educational andthe

against

1973"

the LIES participated

office,

but after

National

and organising

vince.

and general by Puiggrbs

pioneered

where headmasters

dictatorship"

tated

in schools

When Cämpora took

occupations tary

changes

for

de

together

and brought

activity

UES Conference

to

prior

cources

Among the demands of the UES were calls erty,

including

had campaigned

groups

electoral

the let

groupings

Group of the Co1eRio Nacional

The integrant

and "Civic

for

student

" El Descamisado,

no.

18 (18th

388 ignorant

of Tendency policy The youthfulness

right-wing August in

October

of the

for-his

paigns

LIES member Eduardo leader

of

Education

authorities

and to put Nacional whose "old

militancy,

Remus, Oimedo, Cesaris expulsion ipline"

agrarian

front

the

Tendency

gained

Argentina,

it

as being

in

a policeman

educ-

by act-

of secondaryAbal

Medina, by the

affected

was particularly

March 1976 coup,

the

from

a hot-bed

It

schools.

suffered

Firmenich,

included

lacked

some influence

was viewed mainly

the Russian

a measure

"disc-

of

each and every

classroom

of the Tendency

was on

a sympathising

by most agrarian

concerned

with

projects

Volya

in which

(People's

Leagues

of

workers

through

a way reminiscent

the second

half

and

rural

by the

mobilised

in

workers Will)

of urban

were developed youths

of Northern

some justifica-

with

workers,

the interests

contacts

Though

organisation.

the Agrarian

in

to work among agrarian

Narodnava

failures

organisational

where it

Reconstruction

dency went out

1.

boys"

by placing

Most of the agrarian

students.

19th

in

recognition

de Buenos Aires,

comm-

lessons.

the

National

to gain

Bra-

the resignation

an end to the reprisals

After-the

One of the major

tion,

for

and Slemenson,

of activists. was restored

during

of secondary

however,

ational

student

coordinating

students

cam-

of the Youth

Movement and promoted

and an end to repression

strong,

The Colegio

UES and Authtico

major

Arrighi

insufficiently

in

by the Army

Slemenson was kidnapped

the UES became part

proved

ivists.

Beckerman was assassinated

1975,

the struggles

from

activists

provoking

Peronist

Minister

ezampt its

year, In

release.

to unify

Claudio

following

nch of the Authentic ittees

on key issues.

of the UES did not

violence. 1974 and its

I

Tenof

of the

century.

Interview with a former leading Colegio Nacional, Buenos Aires,

secondary student 4th August 1976.

activist

at

the

389 -

Another

failure

Group (Agruvacibn ential

ally

The Group's

get

pay for

more women involved Branch

it

inevitably

would

However,

of faith

mere article would

strategy

of this

Per6n lent

his

Superior

July

Silvana

1973.

the Evita

as ".sectarian"

("they

to take

it

Presente,

to

that

the

if

depended

Movement was

official

The

by Perlin and it

was a

Once again,

other

of the Feminine

call

for

nursery

facilities

must not

only

be for Garrb's

at the

El Descamisado,

Branch

no.

providing

19 (26th

end of

represent-

sympathies.

the working bill

Branches

when the

groups

of the Movement was created

left-wing

grew,

Movement being

the case of the

for

it

if

that,

and his

and centre

were

be captured.

could

of the Branch.

on Perlin

noted

there

Indeed,

over.

decided

as in

but

Tendency.

Group to believe

Evita

and was not

"

child-

attempted

assumption

Branch

the Feminine

women") and opposed Nilda

"La Mujer p. 25.

1

and in-

It

gardens.

of the

Branch

to the right-wing

Group's

have

for

maternity

of the

line

Rota became leader

on the Council

did not

Movement became a mass organisation,

the Feminine

Council

the

of

as the men".

for

on the

the political

front.

support

Provisional

rich

life

and democratic,

"progressive"

rejected

in political

the

the

to specific-

facilities

protection and public

for

presid-

activity

of nurseries

which

during

they

that

health

the democratisation

facilitate

atives

felt

of the Branch were ultimately

authorities

the

legal

Evita

an organisation

adequate

Group was unable

through

no mechanisms

Perlin

for

Tendency's

Female supporters

and political

work,

adopt

though

created

1973.

because they

of the Justicialist

the Evita

small,

1.

equal

building

and the

of the

success

to form

necessary

of consciousness

Feminine

for

it

programme called

equal

fancy

the scant

de la Rama Femenina),

women's issues

same level

renn

in

campaign of September

considered

stress

the

Evita

election

Tendency

lay

for

working

class for

She women

but also maternity

September

1973),

390 leave ity

as being

the Feminine

over

feminine part

too expensive

Attempts

Calabr6

however,

single

issue

to

socio-economic

was described woman, which repatriation 3

down

close

to the Evita

recognition

attributed

whose symbolic

value

problems

by Firmenich is

Province,

The failure

1974.

be primarily

Group as

was, not

only in

image of Evita

of the to its

faced

2

Evita".

more concerned

with

Evita's

remains.

mortal Finally,

the Tendency

to supposedly

represent

created diverse

working obrera,

10,000

it

was not

a large

being

able

ranging

to the

of the something

to gaze on

number of small

sectors

hermosa y

They were far

activity.

with

the

class:

Though the Peron-

issue.

to attract

political than

That issue

importance

and mythological

had the magnetism

wages and prices

on a

irrelevance

its

women.

"Evita

main campaign

women into

such

on flesh

over-concentration

demand of the Argentine

1974, its

by

demand of the Argentine

greatest

of symbolic

working-class

banning

Group to take

by working-class

the

of Bidegain

latter

the

to a Luna Park homage in November 1973,4

galvanise

camps for

holiday

in no way made up for

as "the

the greatest

Group but also, Left's

tions

her author-

to simply

Council

by the replacement

of our standard-bearer

montonera"

to

the

To safeguard

Group to organise

of Buenos Aires

in February

must,

faithful

and to refuse

by the Evita

as Governor

activities

ist

Rota got

of the poor were frustrated

children

Evita

employers.

the Movement.

of

the

Branch,

branches

party

for

I

organiea-

from professional

1.

Peronista "La Agrupac16n Evita de la Rama Femenina del Movimiento " ibid., un acto en homenaje a la madre peronista, no. 25 organizb (6th November 1973), pp. 28-31.

2.

"Palabras

3.

Translation:

4.

Estimated Militancia,

de Firmenich, Evita

" op.

cit.

the worker,

the beautiful

Montonero.

from "Las Mujeres de Evita Dijeron attendance (8th November 1973), pp. 10-11. 22 no.

Presente,

"

391 -

people,

like

ploited

as cheap labour

ally,

aided

as their to

as a great

response

in July

1973

Lbpez Rega demonstrated and firemen

officers

force

mobilising

fully

consistent

to violently

his repress

to Perbn

fact

was in level

due to the bureaucratic

isations

It

weak.

pres-

of groups

of activists

the mass membership In this

was intent

of frenzied

period

of Peronism,

but

itself

the end product at rank-and-file

substance

way in which

and militaristic

de-

power base to

alternative

lacked

only

upon presenting

a viable

sectors

organisationally

"organisations",

a question

work with

the Tendency

and bureaucratic

numerous organisations.

creating

many of these

mass movement,

as a national

bourgeois

also

in the mobilisations.

of structures,

saw the Tendency not

therefore

were really

agitational

participating

velopment

but

that

however,

as mass organisations,

conducting

such organ-

were structured. Attempts

and came too utionary

to

late

warfare

had again

structure,

military and solidity

the years

Montoneros,

democratise to rectify

Many of the front

front

Libertador

Avenida

months of mass activity

must be stressed,

ented

in

politic-

the same governmental

blocked

er-

demonstration.

only

the

police

often

began to organise

low remuneration,

by ordering

The latter,

charities,

and recieved

When they their

The sixteen

It

by private

by the Tendency,

against

consistency.

to cripples.

and lawyers,

colleagues.

protest

the

doctors

this

activists leaving

followed,

as reflected

organisations,

in

were too

organisations

weakness,

become the

now became only which

the front

central

for

by September

axis

partial

1974 revol-

of Montonero

strategy.

now became combatants

or auxiliares

- in

the mass organisations

whose lack

of depth

too

clear.

the decline the fall-off

Though repression in

the active

in

the activity

has to be fundamentally

attributed

took

its

the

toll

mass base of the of all

their

to the kinds

of

392

developed

fronts

to develop

cadres

those

sixteen

and a strong

of long-term

ibilities from

during

The characteristics

of the front

sically

good nor bad,

for

greater

benefits

the period

front

from

inadequacy

liberation,

in

the

political the

without

Movement as capable

mises,

resting

foundations,

on rotten pursue

could

and that

society the

line

a popular

he could

September

1974,

increased

Tendency

activity

which

of directing

viewed

a as

These pre-

it. for

the view

that

of capitalist

large

from

the

front

numbers of people

became the priority As the military

was trying

to the political only

By publicly

the decision

fronts

of their

exacerbated.

provoked area might

tried

independent

resuming

was greatly

warfare

hampered both and by the way

around

which

most

of the Montoneros

declined,

to represent.

weakness

desperately through

roots

rank-and-file

which

strength

the masses it

"cure"

the fronts

faithful,

and mass activity

revolved.

political

was a response which

situation

of capitalism,

by putting

was too late.

repression

the military

Tendency

it

surface

in which

the

but

work,

his their

and strengthen

organisational

reased,

political

the parameters

within

one.

a political

streets.

to lengthen

by the

given

were responsible

be influenced

When Per6n confounded

in

to derive

was mainly

overthrow

and Per6n and his

intrin-

were neither

conception

viable

onto

and mobilising

of the Montoneros

above ground

of an inadequate

of national

Peron

were organised

slogans

organisations

the inability

organisations'

was a by-product stage

poes-

them.

around

Their

Montonero

designed

greater

fronts

the Montonero

significance,

than being

movement with

rank-and-file

the aim of propagating

above with

Rather

months.

divorcing The return

incthe

to arms

of the Tendency - an infirmity

393 -

THE 'AUTENTICOS'

In 1975 the Montonerosmade force

mass political

to the crisis

solution

in which

Provincial

elections

and the Tendency,

or rather

Bring.

to

show its

the

political

For this

ion.

in Nino's

launched

(Partido

Party

pathetically (shirtless

one) was its

most of the

ousted

18 years for

alignment

the veterans

Atlanta

del

Peronismo

APA had shared back

in

1974.

Peron from his

not

the

the electoral

Old Friends

was formally

sym-

ruled

Martinez

years at

APA). -

political

line it

in

Borro,

issued Peronist

a public Soldiers",

and

1974.

of Homage to the Cämpora had

the Peronist Framini,

Move-

Ferzndez,

11th March 1974 Peronist

the Authentic

and vacillations

in

early

the Tendency's

created

struggles

to the Tendency

Commission

like

Cepernic

a new political

since

democracy

Tendency,

Baca,

of the Peronist

it

with

Auttntico

and Loyal

at

Peronist

the Montonero

been close

internal

year

having

programme on which

afterwards

In June of that

party

represent

"Permanent

the Resistance

and shortly

rally

(Agrupaci6n

the

and Armando Cabo appeared

Lizaso

Viel,

did

associated

Big names from

was floated

the word descamisado

between

veterans

too had publicly

defend

Party

courts

(Bidegain,

had previously

and to campaign for

been elected ment.

union It

had created

elect-

general

property.

the governors

of March"Oto

11th

that

governors

of opposition.

the veterans

Then,

claim

an alliance

trade Obregbn Cano) some and and of the

a future

when the

the

own private

provincial

for

PPA), -

Party

The PPA was essentially

in Misiones

year

name had become the Authentic

Aut&ntico

on a Justicialist

of that

of a Descamisado

its

Restaurant,

was flound-

saw them as an opportunity

and to prepare

by March 11th,

as a

of an electoral

Perbn government

of it,

one wing

but

Peronista

Isabel

the

the idea

purpose,

the eventuality

for

were due in April

muscle

of the year

start

an attempt

and to prepare

themselves

to reassert

Group

of the Tendency letter which

"To General complained

394 -

"loyalists"

that

1

versa.

Moreover,

ude of initially for

"enemy" would

Isabel

that

ties

its

heir

of Peron.

test

the northern

in

Peronist

Radicals

(UCR) 38%.

the PPA, the vote

and that

should

1.

is

FREJULI's

did

not

51,000)

as part

of a

sections,

as the

legit-

in

that

Left

Misiones

backward,

its

with

13-15th

and

Allied

with

with

15% of

46% and the had gained

alone,

in March 1973, now, allied fell

to 15,000.3

is no microcosm

to have done better

possessing

little

of the nation nationally.

in the way of

"Al General Peron de Sus Viejos Amigos y Leales Soldados (14th May 1974), Pp. 10-11. 4 Peronista, El no.

La Naci6n,

first

the Autenticos

votes

have been expected

economically

lines

excel

standing

Authentic

its

of Misiones.

province

the Peronist

for

1975.

to the FREJÜLI alliance

third

2. - "Habla Andres Pramini: Causa Peronista, no. 3.

It

us

hope of "recovering"

and youth

3rd Position,

party,

be emphasised

the PPA would

The province

in

Peronist

Whereas 3rd Position,

(compared with

It

feminine

Peronistas,

Hacia La Uniriad Que Nos Marcaba Per6n, " 1 (9th July 1974), p. 46.

April

1975.

the

strengthened

and presented

traditional

to the party

Left

it

that

discovering

Upon rapidly

the APA further

with

from within

union,

came a distant

with

merging

along

political,

the poll

29,000

government".

Party

declared

"find must and

death 2

attit-

Peron died,

after

1974 Framini

the Tendency had abandoned all

structured

electoral

of Isabel

or one of them,

enemy",

Justicialist Party,

the local

and the

the Tendency's

shared

of Perön's

advantage

Isabel

time

Movement with

last

to take

the Tendency before

the official

imate

In July

and vice

CGT leader

the former

1962,

some concession.

was "the

By this

in

government

try

with

Peronist

Andr&s Pramini,

the

defending

united,

they were "traitors"

as if

of Buenos Aires

supporting

hoping

still

leader

its

as Governor

elected

treated

were being

La

"

-39)-

industry

and hence

in

areas

urban

a higher

the

for

inhabit

is

is that

no secret

a huge amount of money to ensure the Ministry and during

the

envelopes

could

a viable

these

electoral

sent

exceptions", the warring

Party

which

factions

or Left.

Right

jobs,

to provide

of political

This

had expelled

and

propa-

at the

end of

among other

of the

old

was in

spite

Peronist

for

things,

everybody,

Though

without

to reconcile than

Movement rather

and disloyalty",

cred-

message was essen-

attempting

that

had

but

to persuade

but to no avail.

of the fact

"treason

their

in an attempt

want to govern

meant,

or Radicalism

1975, his

to be

itself

To strengthen

to Mexico

not

while

demonstrated

Peronism

figurehead,

national

him for

the PPA showing,

force.

envoys

1973 - "I

same as in 1

In March 1975,

sewing machines form

not

to official

to Argentina

Chmpora returned the

had still

was the main left-wing

it

Cämpora to become their

tially

It

alternative

the Autenticos

ibility,

in mind,

considerations

gras respectable.

shown that

as the best

spent

offer.

Bearing impressive,

refrigerators,

reas-

Welfare

of Social

of 30 cooperatives

creation

has

provinces

employment

the FREJULI victory.

bank notes

with

for

stronger

the Ministry

distributed

campaign

stuffed

ganda it

the

announced

often

It

the more backward

in

live

than most

Paraguuayans,

especially

party

population

communities.

closed

small

has shown that

government it

Only 40Y of the

class.

of foreigners,

and experience

Moreover,

ons.

the rest

while

proportion

provinces, support

of a working.

opting

for

the Justicialist 2

presuming

him to

be a PPA supporter. After resign

General

the mid-1975

and call

early

1.

Cämpora, quoted

2.

La Opini6n,

general

in

Strike,

elections

the Buenos Aires

23rd April

1975.

with

pressures

increasing,

Herald,

on Isabel

to

the PPA developed

9th April

1973.

a

396 -

national

end of October,

By the

an area

themselves

regarded

government. El Authntico

that

"the

ly

Peronist

Authentic

chosen for

people

"we cannot

ed that

to that

erent

pendency being

(-

Front

including,

ialism!

).

of all

Criticism

Branch

ments

of Perlin

and Isabel. Perlin with

line

El Autentico the caption,

the 16 4

credentials.

line

maintain-

was no diff-

Liberation

the creation

or De-

eyes,

this

of a "National 5

opposed to imperialism"

to his

in favour decision

to close

was drawn between published

lists

"Under Per6n,

of imperthe

the govern-

of prices things

were

28th December 1975.

1.

Ibid.,

2.

"Congreso Nacional 1975), P. 6.

3.

demarcation

6 of

only

the meeting

1974.

subjectively

sectors

the distinct-

in

in Autentico

objectively

of Perlin was limited

and a sharp

and after

Ibid.,

all

in

dichotomy envisaging

sectors

presumably,

Youth

under

by the Montoneros

of a project

at

been

When, however,

union

the political

errors",

the fundamental

the bed-rock

3

1975,

had trade

document approved old

propounded

remained

Liberation

repeat

organ-

to Framini,

constituted

September

Council

to the

had allegedly

according

the government":

on 21st

Superior

its

the founding

Although

era when,

Movement was formally

Savoy Hotel

unproletarian

clearly

a new resistance, which

main-

fortnightly

of their

edition

2

hostility

of working-class

government",

Peronist

the early

The Autbnticos

have initiated

the

the electorate. members,

registered

fronts.

the first

movement was really

workers'

the

in

to recover

hands in

their

in

Tendency

"The workers

themselves

40,000

as an expression

They announced

ising

inhabited

had around

it

members of the former

the

ly

covering

structure

by 95% of

no.

1 (17th

del PPA," El Aut6ntico, September

1975),

(29th October 4 no.

PP. 1&4.

4.

"La conducc16n del MPA: Hombres y mujeres " de los intereses defensa populares, en October 1975), p. 4.

5.

"El docimiento completo transformac16n t6rica

de lucha con trajectoria (1st 2 ibid., no.

'Emprendemos la hisdel Consejo Superior: del Movimiento', " ibid., p. 5.

1

397 1

different" declared only

and a few weeks later "This

that

ference

delegates

elected

at, conferences,

being

the

a hall

using

activity

"Perlin-Evita"

Ist

by local

latter

National

branches

reached Congress

Liberators

military Delegates

voted

Justicialist

ther

change the party Party

the

through

As mentioned of a substantial doubts

serious

tico later

sector

canvassers

face.

Returns

prepared

of at least

40,000

on a plate,

to the authorities

support

apparatus

had

military

in order

to fulfil

in

campaign

election,

"Con Perlin

2.

Mario ibid.,

2.

El Autentico 1975).

era

otra

cosa, " ibid.,

no.

Tendency were presented, party

registration

p. 6.

1,

Aguirre, "Este gobierno traicion6 al (12th 5 November 1975), p. 6. no. Suplemento

Especial,

ibid.,

pueblo

no.

and

the names

requirements.

1.

dis-

Auten-

- several

election

a general

and which,

involved

risks

of the

members and supporters

which

solution

the Misiones for

3

Party".

were well-founded

itself

against

the wholehearted

at the security

during

fur-

after

past was preserved

of an electoral

These fears

Am6rica).

Aut6ntico

the

lacked

of the Montonero

concerned

by the para-

event

the Authentic

with

of

the inten-

after

to an injunction with

the new party

were arrested

as the party

on,

continuity

as to the viability

a public

playing

above,

was greatly

moreover,

but

"Peronism

slogan

the holding

PPA on 16th November,

of the

had led

con-

votes.

with

name to Partido

litigation

the name "Peronist",

using

being

Command (Comando Libertadores'de

of America

to

the new.

and leaders

Association

ded venue had been blown up on the morning

The

with

a climax

of the

2

formally,

by unanimous

always

by the Czech Cultural

supplied

was that

least

at

Aguirre

and Perbn".

practices

structured,

Mario

supporter

the people

previous

elected

The organisational the

from

was democratically

organisation

union

betrayed

government

departure

significant

trade

ya

6 (26th

Per6n, " November

398 -

Leaders

Minister

Cordoba,

in

I

happened in Formosa",

.a Montonero

was founded

Montoneros

leaders

to have come about

appears

a Centre-Left

ruct

October,

Bidegain

held

also

parties Unity,

in

with

the

time

that

Current in

during

to forge

an alliance if

finance

least

to the

and most govern-

to constOn 21st platform

and Hector

Sandler

an Avenida

Theatre

of

mass

Negotiations (PRC) and other

Party

to Chile's

similar

Cämpora could

ties,

on a public

the universities.

Christian

to be headed by Alende

line,

some success.

(PI)

Party

the Revolutionary

an attempt

The

delegates.

because attempts

were having

front

situation

a message of support

based on Aut&ntico-Montonero

of the Intransigent

to discuss

meeting

of the party

Eve 1975.

the PPA had come together

Revolutionary

the Argentine

its

for

Oscar Alende

with

on Christmas

at

electoral

- not

what

the Mon-

with

section

sent

political

Wel-

as to the Aut6n-

however,

the assembled

to all

was obvious

ban was formally

Though the it

its

with

the party

proscribed

ment which

from

Social

mounted by the

to deny links

the Montoneros

party

and this

order

When the Buenos Aires

"vivas"

the

provided

in

indep-

to do with

to use an action

can be no doubt,

September,

enthusiastic

former

Lombardich,

"We have nothing

an attempt

parentage.

on 21st

and received

of its

in

There

whole.

as

tico's

declared,

Montanero, wing

more'militaristic toneros

Francisco

their

protested

unconvincingly

the Montoneros.

endence from fare

AutAnticos

of the

were small

Popular

be persuaded

to fill

the materialisation

of

not

candidature. The proscription but

such an alliance, of popular

front

1.

Lombardich,

2.

Alende,

was aimed at preventing

were,

quoted

quoted

in

in fact

hopes and fears'of

as Alende

stated

in La Opinion, ibid.,

4th

the

in November,

creation

"premature".

16th November t975.

November 1975.

of a kind 2

399 -

For such an alliance Autgnticos

and Alende's developed

already

civilian-military

former

incorporation

though

tered

by the Chilean

prototype

transform

his

based both

on the

the Montoneros

It

front

for

their

were not

military toneros

to tolerate

serve

prepared

and Autbnticos

to split

to take

was only

the curtain

down on after

During

period,

de union

front.

that

While

just

important

losing

guerrilla

insupercampaign

mass political

the increasingly

legality

it

while

the Montoneros

a chance on this. an Argentine too

obvious

an-eight

influ-

served

tactical

in half

that but

To them, dramatisation

- and only

as a

too

the

the

the Monof easy to

month run. changes were made on the level,

ground at superstructural

ero Tendency began to do more work at rank-and-file

1.

to do with

There was the possibility

were attempting

and Hyde whose plot

Jekyll

Autbntico

opponents.

would

to have been

appear

a legal

to expect

encoun-

proscription.

an urban

to organise

unrealistic

guerrilla

legality

party's

conducting

attempting

was totally

Armed Forces

ential

in

posed

to

showed were the probably

experience

the

latter

the

to have anything

of Autgntico

the

through

reluctance

deeds would

coal-

for

the dangers

all

Alende's

refusal

liklihood

involved

the same time

at

movement.

bring

Autentico

difficulties

while

into

Communist Party's

and on the

What the able

declarations

unitary

whereas

with

of 1970-73.

gap

democratic

government

critics

had

A tremendous

of the Aut6nticos,

the existing

one fraught

the

the latter

but

a "broad

for

that

and military

alternative,

a-radical

'from

to strengthen

of civilian

as mainstays,

Communist Party

cabinet"

was intended

needed both

the Communist Party.

with

of the

it

viable,

Intransigents

links

the call

separated ition

to be electorally

level

tra-

the Monton-

and labour

Communist Party communique, "El Partido Comunista apoya Is decision de la CGT y reclama la formaci6n de de un gabinete cfvico-militar democrätica, " ibid., 6th July 1975. amplia coalicibn

-400-

featured

struggles

The Montoneros Unions,

Capital

Committees

and Greater

ChAvez (whose father became its,

Greater

of the Trade Buenos Aires that

significant National

tico

With

Triple

of union I

legal

given

Subsequently,

greatly

hampered not because

on key issues.

government the political

1.

was created

Gonzalo

by the Triple

and The

organised

to estimate present

in an individual

at

A)

the

Capital

mainly

but

is

it

the first

capacity

in December,

El Autentico. the public

In

with

Autbnthan

rather

after

three

of its

the names of those

allegedly

further

stifling

for

reason

development increasingly to learn

of the military

along

the Montoneros

a penetrating

the same lines

the Videla

eight expose

of

behind

it

the public-

of the Montoneros

what their wing

was

line

militaristic

by the ban on the PPA, even though

Movement (MPM), structured

JTP leader

were pro-Montonero.

unionists

were unable

The dominance

was consolidated

clandestine,

by their

people

of

in Struggle

the Federal

difficult

of the party

only

Council

organisations.

publication,

the

is

publications.

claimed

of the Autkticos,

trade

had provided

ation.

simply

Bloc

had presented

A activities,

in

by no means all

were there

the illegalisation

and had thus

also

Union

Congress

the paper

editions

but

most of the

last

their

and former

organisations

and La Plata,

as representatives

lost

1

its

of Delegates

By December 1975 the coordinator

Buenos Aires,

strength

and Bodies

had been assassinated

and sister

leader.

in

of a Coordinating

Buenos Aires,

of 130 rank-and-file

support

around

the creation

encouraged

Shop Stewards

of the

than previously

more prominently

but

policy

was

of the Montoneros a Montonero

as the Autenticos

Peronist but

coup of March 1976.

"Coordinadora de Gremios en Lucha: 'La guerrilla nuevo cuento pare perseguir a los trabajadores', (23rd 8 December 1975), p. 6. no.

industrial, un " El Aut&ntico,

- 401 -

CONCLUSIONS

can be no better

There tismo

Peroniet

official

only

Rama or Branch,

iable

their

of

the

the failure

tasks

failed

ing

conditions

of Argentina

which

had earlier

government

income redistribution,

dtantial

the

Movement and prevented thus

with

the imperative

of national

wanted

a larger

tended

capital share

its

to align

which,

of the

represented

of the market

but

with

prevented

clearly.

class-

Faced

of the Move-

the most powerful

particularly

sub-

of the

to be "above

by Economy Minister

were not

includ-

The 1973 Per-

the unity

classes

by

the pros-

alliance

which

loyalties

Peronist

one) but from

feasible.

crisis

the social itself

had assigned

1946-55

enormously

undermined

social

terms

was incapable

of stages

from appearing

between

of opting

the leadership

ment, tors

obliging

leadership

and inst-

even in

leadership

class

an economic

youths

stage.

made a multi-class

further

to define

it

es",

unify

or accurate

differed

and working

inherited

only

Peronist

was revolutionary,

penetrating

state

bourgeoisie

the national

onist

a particularly

unden-

the movimientista

the theory

which

and their

to politically

was based on an analysis

(and not

1973 the economic perous

tasks

sections.

of the Novement between

Peronist

the

of an institutional

left-wing

liberation

national

among the youth,

restoration

undermined

again

the

and feminine

union

part

attempts

because

the national

Movimientismo

experience

of all

organisations

The strategy

to it.

as being

of the so-called

of promoting

trade

of the

pushed out

occurred

the status

the Movement as a whole

that

contention

had mainly

of Rolvimien-

Significantly,

period.

the predominantly

recognition

their

itutionalise

1973-74

to the Peronist

contribution

Per6n's

but

1971-74,

the

the political,

unlike

power of mobilisation,

had gained

Tendency was gradually

Peronism

within

inadequacy

of'the

of the Movement lacking

section

Through

the

which

Movement in

of the Left

advance the

the way in

than

illustration

sec-

Gelbard,

- 402

That

anti-imperialist. sistent

supporters

doxical,

but not

ted

of the

when its

Here,

Argentina's

in

is

ministers,

would

Mondelli

of

1973-76

whose March 1965 inflation

in world

returned

deficit

months.

decision

only

the

represen-

were threatened

by

the

country's

the

leap

1.

All and iero, and no.

Celestino

Rodrigo,

Jose -

Pedro Bonanni, interim

one includes

failure,

as is

course.

Having

a mighty

Argentina,

the Peronist

an Argentina

Impotente,

leaving

left

office

rate

of 38% per month ranked

the fact

that

announced

not

that

alongside

South Vietnam

as one of the

history.

the economy was not

to power in March 1973.

its

doors

meat export oil

rate

Argentina

Moreover,

in world

in its

Peronism

Economy Ministers

Potente,

and an inflation

to close

that

to

inability

different

the

to the Peronists,

To be fair

five

the former

The fact

Uganda and wartime

Weimar Germany, Amin's

budget

para-

between

distinction

if more and -

lasted

minister

an Argentina

administrations.

when they

to six

of the Peronist

a measure

build

1

G6mez Morales,

government

highest

appear

and the Peronist

decline

analysed.

and Emilio

Antonio"Cafiero

they

may at first

and legitimacy

economic

resorted

office Alfredo

Ber Gelbard,

a single

which

class

control

be briefly

can only

34 months

governments

the most con-

revolt.

rank-and-file

it

1973-76

and the working

sporadically

halt

were to remain

unions

when one draws the necessary

bureaucracy

union

the trade

prices

They inherited

soon suffered

and thus

which

good shape a sizable

of 6.5% per month over

to Argentine

trade

in

meat,

from which

the trade

she suffered

previous

the July

1974 EEC

affected

70% of

balance;

from

the

directly,

and from as an

data on the 1973-76 state of the economy is drawn from Kandel "De Gelbard a CafMonteverde, passim; Carlos Avalo, op. cit., " Tercer Mundo (Buenos Aires), no. 7, October 1975, PP. 93-96; "30 Moses de Camino Descendents, " Confirmado (Buenos Aires), December 1975, pp. 52-54. 400,3rd-9th

- 403 -

and indirectly,

importer,

oil

the. price

of her

ngeotiate

a new oil

industrial

the international Libya It

which

would

in

to pay prices

for

average,

that

appear

was Lbpez Rega,

the

though

Under these

as it

he represented,

national labour

1973) to 4Erp (the

through

capacity

in

trade

the so-called

with

commercial of industrial

exports

from

1974,

on a Social

in demand rather

and militant

Pact between

in

it

was hoped,

provide

incentives

under which 35% (May

for

return

than

a 2-year

the direct

excess

productive

Gelbard

exports

countries

to

was to be financed

This

was a substantial

socialist

proved

income from in

controls

plan

(CGE) which

Confederation

the more powerful

of Argentine

and thus

and indeed

project

Internationally,

would,

the agreement

The economic

in national

to

are not known.

"cut"

economic

rights.

there

prices

This

surplus.

to benefit

rested

utilisation.

the world

upon rises

to materialise.

and price

for

for

available

failed

for

share

wage-bargaining

of investment,

promotion

of the deal

the CGT and the State,

based on a growth

expansion

exports

Economic

It

an increased 1955 level)

of free

suspension

the General

entrepreneurs,

was promised

industrial

March 1973 to October.

from

movement.

monopolistic

above

which

disintegrated.

was inadequate

labour

the

of

were well

oil

of his

rapidly

Economy Minister for

Libyan

the Peronist

itself

to

of the

details

conditions,

be as overambitious

side

to Libya

mission

scandals

Argentine

only

precise

alliance

of Gelbard,

sectors

other

had on

one of the major

the Argentine

whereas

to be the

were

the Peronist

resulted

the rise

which

L6pez Regals

imports.

deal

He agreed

period.

the effect

through

relied

and an expansion

order enable for

to achieve

of

a large

the subsidisation productive

expan-

sion. Initially, "Argentine omic sector

things

Miracle".

went well In the long

were satisfied.

and there run,

GNP, which

was even talk

however,

of an

the demands of no econ-

had grown by less

than 0

4% in

404 -

1971 and 1972, grew by 4.8% in 1973 and by 7% in 1974; investment the

third

foreign

period; to

exchange

by October

1,693m.

inflation.

was not

long

credible

rise in

in in

the

This

1 billion,

of Peronist

132,000

but

Another of public

This

also

the

the fires

This

to reduce

rose

1975.

Contracts,

Labour rise

Moreover,

in

absenteeism

The outcome went and a small

in

million

just

the

in

16

11- years, hundred

past

cheap credit

and

of inflation.

dramatically

was the rise during-the

between January

unemployment.

The latter but rose

was adversely

by providing

795,000

sought

(by 100,000

productivity which,

CGE which

inflation

May 1973 to 2.1% by the end of 1974, of

1 billion,

printed

since

In the first

earlier.

In other, words,

the quantity

of the mounting

cause

government

an effort

pesos.

of money had

(moneda nacional)

pesos

grew from

pleased

fuelled

employees.

of Peronist

million

of money exceeded

by 2- times!

expansion,

it

government,

especially

the quantity

a century

in-

and a major

to May 1973,

kept

and

the in-

given

employees,

million

to claim

eliminated

public

795,000

were first

registers

printing

Prior

than

circulation

the

over

than real.

was inevitable

of money in

quantity

in May 1973

Gelbard

enabled

rather

1973

by 3C

rose

wasmore apparent

the number of non-productive

to 4 billion,

in

however,

itself.

risen

years

which

reasserting

from 0 to

the

Argentina

950m. dollars

of living

been suppressed

GNP began to fall.

months

for

the corresponding

from

rose

had in fact

after

monetary

than in

and . the coat

1974;

The success,

Inflation

crease

reserves

a low figure

same period, zero

1974 was higher

of

quarter

in

job

in

first

the number two years

1974 and July

was cut-from again

6.1% in

to 6.3% by the end

affected

security,

1975),

by a new Law of to a

contributed

to 2C%.

of all initial

this

by 1975 was "stagflation".

Higher

rise

in real

led

wages under

Gelbard

employ-

to a fall

405 -

in

the rate

tolerated the

by employers

saw the

of

Pact

Social

higher

hoarding

fall

controls

while

stricter

by the

wages ascended

assertive, greater

Here,

between -

Peronist

the fact

politics

seeking Workers

Union of the

Gelbard's

of Gelbard

power,

bureaucracy,

health

in

the

of extreme

and a union

economic

fac-

victorious

the case of Lorenzo

and nationalist

death

in

reasons"

a combination

economic measures

the

the Lbpez Rega

with

"for

lead-

and made

after

especially

soon emerged between

especially

Union

was not a Peronist

tactically

L6pez Rega group proposing

movement

Miguel's

measures

Metal

similar

to

1940's.

attempts

a "National

to reconcile

Reconstruction"

the Pact demanded changes.

support

Gelbard

themselves

and liberal

seeking

Government and Movement. that

while After

as a force

also

team,

allied

was seen that

CGT-became increasingly

the

group but

for

campaigned

the lift.

went up in

the economic

a new battle

the

through

effect

to Per6n say, used as -

prices

the resignation

but

1973,

greater

through

they

to secure

right-wing

of

a relaxation

1974, it

By early

controls.

in March 1974,

to "peronize"

efforts

tions

those

play

to meet

and came to repre-

the CGT, which

satisfy

staircase,

the

their

flourished

market

as a pressure

over

made great

of Per6n.

to

just

control

October

policy

a modest wage rise not

for

Gelbard

pressed

had been more successful

CGE pressures

securing

forced

and 1975

transactions.

of price

enforcement

cabal

A black

peace which

Industrialists,

to circumnavigate

seeking

Gelbard's

of social

promise

soon fell

years.

25-50% of legal

which was at first

new investment

and imports,

and speculation.

between

great

ten

something the

for

return However,

for

labour

Nor did

ers

in

for

costs

entrepreneurs,

offered.

biggest

price

sent

for

of profit

of the rural

producers

the interests plan

Moreover, and foreign

thus

of capital

crumbled

he was unable capital.

and labour

when both to count In response

parties on the to the

- 4o6-

price

controls

the

in

projected

to invest

foreign

social'unrest

dollars

were agreed

remained high in

paper

of the

pegging

imports

attempt

to deal

failure.

All

of the

workers'

living

a "softly

ing

a recession.

cost

of living,

ruary

was necessary hold

trading

hundreds

worth

this

currencies, in

the policies

of inflation,

of

of millions

many

countries,

was the artificially led

which

to a rise

be fully

of each cannot economic

the

in an

measurds

stagnation

Economy Ministers, to resolve

relations

exports.

the problems

President

softly"

approach

He tried but

1975 under

Lopez Rega's

other

continuing

and export

with'. the exception at the

crisis

the rate

of profit

were successful

despite

of the

expense of

and increasing real

on

attacks

standards.

Gomez Morales, ted

her

for

None, however,

unemployment.

not have been a prob-

deals

by stimulating

movement,

con-

would

reason

attempted

inter-

' This

A major

remaining

foreign

and the

more liberal

Cafiero,

CGT-favoured labour

with

managed

1973,

Cuba and other

though

pro-

due to the regulations

adopted

general

hand,

other

on

in

and a decline

successors, in

On the

Union,

peso against

cut

up and successfully

Soviet

the

and contraband

here,

analysed

trade

though

with

prices

a tax

bourgeoisie

managed to diversify

agreements.

Gelbard's

the

but

their

violence.

successfully

ties,

and economic

the agrarian

' established

and political

lem had Argentina

land,

in Argentina

investment,

through

exports

agrarian

reform.

agrarian

were reluctant

trolling

of

to force

an attempt

to abort-a ests

income

normal

potential

duotion

to boost

and attempts

the

of the aimed'at

to free

latter

Central

prices

rose

Bank from

curbing

inflation

while

greatly

without

26% between

1973-74,

and tried

on the other his

he down, increased wages

hand,

hand at the

the

November 1974 and Feb-

considered

shock treatment.

price

avoid-

affecting

him and by 23% between March and May 1975.

nominee,

attemp-

of the dollar

that

Rodrigo,

major

While

surgery

trying

to

ty 100%, petrol

- 407 -

by 175%, electricity backing

by 75%, etc.

of Isabel

Per6n,

week of July

first

Lopez Rega, put

ing

power of wages.

of the

end for

the military, trol

it

large

for July

Peronism

Rodrigo's wage rises,

from

pressure

its

Economy Ministers Cafiero

in

though

were never

felt

to seek the aid

of foreign

capital

no longer

could

con-

regard

to impose an alternative

momentarily

its

power was

capital

to by the

counteracted

even Cafiero,

Furthermore,

CGT's timid

to exchange rates

the

enough to thwart

nationalism,

economic and signed

secret

letters

and tax reform

in an attempt'to

the ability

the CGT leader-

IMP credits.

obtain It

should

to bargain

also

the bureaucracy

major

sectors

10-14

days before

"declared",

be remembered that

and manoeuvre was restricted

While

Strike"!

and to

power of wages continued

rescinded.

to the

ship

the begin-

signalled

the Economy Ministry,

The purchasing

measures,

strong

but not

most sympathetic

with

a

members, became increasingly

onwards and proved

than real.

obliged

Peronism

but did

which resisted

and foreign

that

and

in the purchas-

a decline

measures,

to national -

of the

of up to 150,

and those

strike

the minister

of intent

.\

towards

at Rodrigo-type

Even with

successfully. more apparent

tendency

Strike

of Rodrigo

the resignations wage rises

this

had the full

by the General

labour

Moreover,

from mid-1974

of anti-worker

decline

brought

initiative

movement.

The CGT, under

plans

from

had become evident

the labour

assertive

Apart

by Mondelli

attempt

ning

was destroyed

to the general

not

later

1975.

the strike

a halt

it

Though his

attempted

of the labour the

the joke

to negotiate

movement started

CGT made it went round

official. that

of

by rank-and-file with

Rodrigo,

Strike

some

a compromise the General

pressures.

When the strike

"The CGT has joined

the

was finally General

408 -

The non-viability in

the

fact

that

these

a Peronist

against Argentine

(February

history

national

onise

an independent

and medium-order

ted

national

suffered

to group

process

these

all

of bankrupcies. national

preneurs

had abandoned

it

Entities

(APEGE) which

organised

In three

years,

previous

military

ITT and Siemens.

with

investment

law,

ment of

All

the economy.

more concerned

about

of Entrepreneurial

companies

and then

had been re-

of banks privatised

and the

annulment

of telephone

of these

measures,

plus

but

capital

nor a national in

of profit

fell

private

trade, cont-

the 1973 foreign of positive

short

State

expropdevelop-

sector-led

to be

showed themselves

general than

by

of foreign

a programme of extensive

Entrepreneurs the rate

Peronism

diversification

foreign

antagonised

of foreign

riations

entre-

1976 lock-out

of recent

limited

There was neither

nationalism.

Assembly

of a handful

Union,

the Soviet

racts

of the most

leadership

coup.

regime,

with

and rising

controls

Increasingly,

the February

the nationalism

especially

the small

while

the CGE, which attemp-

the

under

the Permanent

to the"renationalisation

stricted the

for

the March military

supported

by price

By 1976,

sectors

hegem-

to successfully

of disintegration.

was in a state

monopolistic,

hit

in

strike

the monopol-

government,

development,

of capitalist

strike

employers'

unable

entrepreneurs,

a spate

this

was reflected

general

ever

ever

Under

showed itself

alliance

first

the

and the first 1976).

bourgeaxsie

Peronist

1973-76

saw both

years

government

istic

costs,

of the

the

"nationality"

of

capital. Peronism's isation

and economic

Argentine the workers

was seen in

bankrupcy failure.

peso became confetti were concerned,

May 1973 level.

Peronism

its

GNP actually money.

political fell

by 2.5% in

Most damning

by March 1976 real had attempted

and social

of all,

polar-

1975 and the as far

wages were 25% below

to promote

a national

as the

development

- 409 based on cooperation.

policy

favourable 1940's in

foreign major

its

alienating

Left

The movimientista in

a year,

were forced

then,

their

in

critical

support

endence,

but

Peronist

with

up all

that

of weird

"late

legitimacy

demands.

the honours,

all

and wonderful

theories

than

began to feel

government

of indep-

process.

After

the man, to be symbol

Even

retreat

was dignified

the example posts,

all

of Evita:

the posts

the Movement, but what we do not renounce nor are going to is the 2 It ended behind a militaristic smokescreen but one which struggle. ". to obscure

Political

the

inadequacy

work was greatly

1.

Ibid.

2.

"Renunciamos a los press conference, PP. 4-8.

of movimientismo.

disrupted

of

of the Movement which

in

failed

of

a degree

was so important.

to evoke

that

a position

to whom that

The Montonero

the

and

was only

the educative

to the symbols

intended

rhetoric

militant-sounding

the

It

asserting

and authenticity clung

that

after

They moved from

of the Tendency

arrivers"

to meet their

short

for

wage restraint

Per6n.

the Tendency

loomed larger

the myth once again

all

succeeded

became too strong with

opposition,

soon cut

the movimientistas

"We renounce

sorts

behaviour,

death

but

conflicts

confrontation

to one of loyal

orthodoxy,

had failed

only

late

and exacerbating

for

accumulation,

labour

a partial

"need"

Peron had been too strong.

by the

defeat,

and classes

the

accepted

growing

"odd"

Per6n's

death,

preserved

groups

of capital

thought

Perbn's

faith

Perbn's

into

having

after

to explain

in

interests

on them from

pressures they

the

more dominant,

the

conditions.

economic

general

component

of the

economic conditions

now far

capital

but, lacking,

and labour

capital

and international

national

and with

between

by the September

1974

Honores, no a la Lucha, " Report on Tendency El Descamisado, no. 38 (5th February 1974),

-410-

of warfare.

There gras an attempt

image of the

Tendency and to appeal

resumption youthful

Aut&nticos.

the

However,

as the JP fronts

had performed

the Autenticoe

served

as a pretext

and,

for

another,

a renewed priority

resumption

commitment

of combatants,

than

numerous

the previous

blows

measures

combat led

supporters

be

cannot

guerrilla

of full-scale

to

and resources

the Aut6nticos

youth

combined

of

consequences

government

as one can tell,

As far

Where-

the latter

in

For one thing,

the Montonero

gener-

Naturally,

one.

had adverse

and restrictive

punitive

front.

to the military less

for

their

the main role

electoral

decline

factors.

through

age groups

tasks,

the

the

of mass activity.

terrorism

but

to external

attributed

to all

level

short-lived

mass activity

solely

the

and fascist

repression

pro-Montonero

in

multifarious

was an extremely

governmental for

lost

1975 to overcome

here in broadening

what was gained

image was more than

ational

in

were of the

organisations

Tendency.

have suggested

Some commentators mientismo

into

onist

from

truth.

tendency,

nativista tation

the

of the Montonero

ment involved conception

from realignments

its

of the revolutionary

Party

but

class

Movement,

their

remained

Tendency.

a change in

The Aut6nticos

organisational

the central of the in

be

could

war on the Per-

weakened the

form but not

specific

by events

nothing

declared

which

the

the official

were forced

in fact

Abandonment

alter-

strategic official

orienMove-

the underlying

process.

were completely

considered

but

posture

movimientismo

from

estrangement

the Montoneros

between movione after

academic

Though the Montoneros

and benefited

Right

that

is

an alternativista

adopting

further

due to the Montoneros'

The assertion

Movement.

the debate

became a purely

and alternativismo

of Per6n,

death

that

ideas revolutionary

independent still

of the Justicialist

revolved

around

nationalist,

with

a multithe PPA

-

-411

its

being

based on the

was still

front

a national ives

for -

leaders

capitalism

rather

of all

loose

all

but

based on the

unity

of Liberation

socialist

stage

retention

of this

with

the Left

Thus the Montonero their

in

no alteration that

movimientismo

eros

in

they

themselves, with

1.

Cepernic,

2.

"Habig

Juventud

in

la

to stay

"errors"

Ouini6n,

Peronista,

Left.

" op.

8th cit.

alliances

in

with

their

with

this

the

bour-

refusal

elections. Justicialism

infiltration

produced

ideas.

goods expected

The fact

by the Monton-

and errors.

the

Movement,

government

October

youth"2

The Autentico's

for

official

inside

Peronist

However,

expressed

markedly

of the

the unific-

and managed to group

movimientista

to produce

an attempt

many of the

quoted

from

a

the JP to push the

the Misiones

to treason,

1973 was attributed

gone along

in

of reference

of Argentine

the future.

to a search

to basic

had failed

in

into

alienation loyalty

led

only

contrasted

example

"com-

and middle-order

whole

struggle

Dependency,

which

for -

"the

common denominator,

led

formulae

In 1973 the

and revolutionary

and further

parties,

small

Movement.

liberation

postulation

point

and envisaged

including

wanted

Right

versus

further

geois"reformist

it

lowest

programme and

the PPA would

had as their dichotomy,

that

object-

Peronist

1975 that

by a national

the radical

political

of

1

still

the national

slogan

ally

led

Immediate

in

forces,

stated

in

to participate together

plans

anti-imperialist

had sincerely

Youth

declaration

thinking

and desirability

back to traditional

nation-imperialism

in a front

capitalists

even harked

alliance

abstract

ation

Its

and communism alike".

Montonero

the strategic

the March 1973 electoral

than

Cepernic's

example,

this,

the feasibility

of

imperialism.

against

of its

Behind

idea

old

were no more radical

several

bat

instrument.

electoral

1975.

Yet

had initially

and had therefore

to

-412-

to present

failed the

type,

how it

It

to offer

their

from

numbers

the

to their

solution

asserted,

to the political menich

the

unity

with

wing,

including

Centre

suggested,

because

of the military

policies

regime,

enough cement to bring tual

civil

with

Isabel,

war before

to"

"take

a whip

ero's

Aut&ntico

their

own banners

with

the

and after President 3

guerrillas, project

only

clearest

also

the

strong

had engaged in a vir-

the failure

possible

from

providing

expressed

the Peronist

Montonero

the right-

with

The call

indicated

Fir-

was seriously

which

1974 split.

due

Movement

envisaged

supposedly

had publicly

of rallying

and was the

this

being

was again

were suffering

sectors

the factions

together

who while

only

in

saw arms as

In June 1978,

Reunification

Peronist

all

a tragedy

ultimately

of the Movement but

Perbn herself.

the

considering

of the Peronist not

of

or nothing

of the Montoneros,

decline

The proposal

groups

Isabel

merely

2

regime.

the launching

little

as farce.

the reunification

for

a call

the Videla

against

time

weakness and military

issued

With

the process,

the Montoneros

this

guise,

proto-

the first

itself,

By 1978, movimientismo

problems.

a different

in

1

during

Chilean

option.

was a tragedy,

lives

that

by the fact

explicable

part

1975,

of the

they had learnt

This

their

who lost

of youths

without

to repeat

as farce.

showed that

of 1973-74.

reverses

in

left-wing

tends

time

to attempt

fate

ultiihate

history

and the second

PPA, the Montoneros

the

the

Moreover, front

popular

a realistic

that

has been said

as tragedy

time

was to avoid

failed

again

alternative.

of an Allende-style

construction

clarifying

left

a coherent

for

a desire

to

of the Monton-

rank-and-file statement

an alliance

behind

of ideological

bankrupcy. 1.

Karl Mara, The-Eighteenth 1972). gress Publishers,

(Moscow: ProBonaparte Louis Brumaire of p. 10, recalling a remark by Hegel.

2.

Mario Eduardo Firmenich, 20th June 1978.

Acerca

3.

Isabel

Perbn,

quoted

in

de la Unidad

the Buenos Aires

del

Herald,

Peronismo,

mimeo,

2nd May 1975.

CHAPTERVI 'ALTERNATIVISMO' AND 'ALTERNATIVISTAS'

"The difference between those who isolate themselves from the (the the try to those reflect mass moveroad of masses and who that which is condemned to disappear ment) is what determines develop. To know how to coininevitably and that which will (mass) the development these trends in order to cide with of impel them towards superior is to participlevels of struggle to ignore them or try to replace ate in the making of history; them with abstract formulae drawn from our own heads is to exto being bypassed by history" pose oneself . Gustavo Rearte

Alternativismo, dent

of the working

alternative

theoretically was frequently

contaminated belief

the

of his

(Government

tirely which

sufficient within

can be related

for

to military

and political

mientistas,

the former

Rearte,

"left-turn"

tactical

who avoided of "strategism",

and tactics,

em-

which may be enmechanisms

through

needs and demands of workers; contradictions,

with

in-

contradictions

enemy camp.

The alternativista

1.

trap

(i. e. non-antagonistic)

"secondary"

It

the Casa Rosada

of a strategy,

the present

its

from understanding

of strategy

(i. e. antagonistic)

on "principal" regard

the

to

fraudulent

many alternativistas

the

in

movimientista

back in

usage

supplying

appear

organisations.

the ultra-left

the articulation without

appropriate,

and a stress

into

to an imbalanced

refers

the former;

this

fell

pitfall

movimientista

phasising

hand,

an "indepen-

always

many alternativistas

On the other

House).

a term which

of Perbn's

he was actually

until

not

one of the principal

with

prevented

project

political

this

This

1960's.

to construct

the alternativista

the sincerity

in

did

class",

form within

purest

weaknesses:

the desire

expressing

quoted

in

can be analytically

organisations formations styled

En Lucha,

though,

themselves

no.

1974),

in-

the case of the movi-

"politico-military

17 (July

413 -

as in

subdivided

p.

1.

-414-

and the

organisations" revolutionary guerrilla

parts,

but

is

the military

and political

least

radicalism,

to alternativismo

tas moved over

was the far

wings

only

orientation

being

and the influence Tacuara

fore

It

in

reflected

Peronist

shifted

the Montoneros

strength

that

leading

1. Gonzälez

movimientis-

proletarian

the military

and political to incorporate

wing in

its

op.

cit.

early

years

force,

experience Peronists

this

of struggle

like

Jorge

the

former

Caffati.

a significant

movimientismo

in

were it

sec-

1972-3

seriously

The disparity

be-

not for

paper

organ of

circulation

Para is

them was

of the

two

of the

100,000

restrictions)

Peronista

rivalled

between

El Descamisado,

Militancia

i p. 219.

never

of the main periodicals

weekly,

organ,

alternativista

Janzen,

alternativismo

had a regular this

purity.

1974.

figures

the circulation

have boosted

in

back to)

of movimientismo.

Youth-Montoneros,

(and might

its

phase for

a passing (or

to

the movimientista

tendencies:

of working-class

Movement militant,

was only

must be emphasised

the numerical

the

Nationalist

of the FAP. which with

revolutionary

(PB),

Peronism

student

practical

the

whereas the

bourgeois

petty

of

at least,

origins

Indeed,

outlook.

through

acquired

alternativismo

fusing

its

of the military

its

of experienced

Revolutionary

Moreover, tor

into

counter-

complexions

social

to mark the FAP out as an alternativista

was little

there

between

propensity

greater

of movimientismo

elements

in

and undermined

difference

A second important

the

1974 when disillusioned

until

of the alternat-

movimientista

an expression

exclusively

of armed

Rank-and-File

of alternativismo,

and almost at

between

Certainly

wings.

expression

was essentially

on its

(FAP) was predominantly

Armed Forces

main political

that

differences

line

strategic backgrounds

social

than

more sparse

one can discern

their

endorsed

Data on the

warfare.

ivinta

Peronist

latter

copies while Liberacibn

1

415 -

(generally

to

referred

Alternativismo

In its

utionary official

structures

the

will

significance, from

split

(ERP) and Armed Forces st Left

for

they

Instead, PB, the

of urban

In fact,

1.

the

focus

however,

from

to unity

a view

in

from

of militants

nonin

greatly of the

Analysis

small

Revolutionary

Army

to work among-

in an attempt

of the

Peronist

to it.

marginal

will

of analysis

be primarily

the last

to establish

the working-class

an organised

Rank-and-File Peronist

clausura,

Superfic-

"

the

about

working-class

by the alternativista

of the guerrilla

"Militancia entre el ahogo y la (28th March 1974), p. 3.

on the PAP and

tendency.

two chapters

Peronism

inabilsupport

experience. was created

Armed Forces,

Militancia,

a

in

shifts

which varied

(FAL),

instrum-

and to and from

the People's

which

position,

to an understanding

to be contradicted

and independently

with

important

versa;

below.

of Liberation

in

of the

an organisation

transfusions

shifts,

be traced

adds little

a revol-

independent

intermediate

were several

and vice

Guevarism,

presented

guerrillas

appear

Left

axes of the alternativista

organisational

base would

after

were really

the argument

ially, ity

masses,

but

rev-

Movement as a revolutionary

of these

Not all

clasismo.

the Peronist

rising

the mov-

between

to develop

attempted workers

tendency:

this

to movimientismo

which

groups

it

Due to its

there

period,

to and away from

numerical

against

of the non-Peronist

non-Peronist

clasista

to workers.

volatile

alternativismo

in a battle

of the Movement,

of the Peronist

became apparent

Peronist

form,

purest

and leadership

once the inadequacy

politically

the 40,000

position

clasismo

based on Peronist

work alongside

support

and the

of the Montoneros

organisation

ent

survival

an intermediate

occupied

olutionary*Left.

would

reached

only

1

costs.

imientismo

for

struggling

mark and was constantly publication

as Militancia),

simply

no.

and

38

416 ..

their

practical

relationship

sympathy

for

the PAP guerrillas

struggle

but

in

integrated

of the

exempt from

for

support two wings

and the FAP, due to its

was not

methods,

military

There was certainly

and programmatic

the activities

practice

vismo were not

loose.

was only

class

the isolation

PB

armed

of alternatand

composition

by other

experienced

guerrillas. Before nativista

camp will of its

organ

they

for

terest, Left

evolved

first

issued

reveal

further in

material

position

the

People's

their exactly

towards

Militancia

and contained

the

shared

sectors Left

in

these

reviews

ideological in-

Peronist

1973-74.

When

many of the

coverage; a clearly

differentiated

coverage

as did

of the

by 1974,

regular

one,

journalistic

as much Peronist

almost

was outlining

Revolutionary

of more than

how important

and further

and was providing

is

and its

it

an by

co-edited

Since

tendency

this

content

as alternativista

successor)

ista

within

alter-

PB possessed

to providing

second De Frente.

the

June 1973,

organs

movimientista

De Frente

of

analysis

Militancia,

close

the

within

the FAP nor

independent

came extremely

replacement,

development,

contradictions

Neither

formally

the

the contradictions

reflected

tonero

be highlighted.

own but

short-lived

the

examined,

Pena and Duhalde,

Ortega its

is

each wing

attitudes

of

Youth-Mon(and then

its

alternativ-

of the activities

of

Army.

CONTRADICTIONSWITHIN THE ALTERNATIVISTA CAMP

The early movimientista ent model"

editions

of Militancia

and alternativista

ideas.

contained It

a strange

declared

that

mishmash of its

"perman-

would be:

"the example of John William Cooke who through the pages of the the bloody counterrevolution made the weekly De Frente until thought of Eva his: 'Peronism will be revolutionary or nothing', to teaching loyalty us that there is no greater and verticalidad

-417-

our leader than the permanent demand for Peronist Revolution in progress". I In June 1973 the review, the returning

greeted

supposedly

Per6n with

of the

an extension

the mandate of Cooke,

respecting

a movimientista

salute:

"The revolutionary presence of General Perbn, through direct Leader-People dialogue, will put a definitive end to complicit bureaucracies, to the marketers blood, to the traitors of spilt in the Movement, to all those who seek to put a brake on or the Peronist Revolution... distort " 2 Peron and Peronism

were deemed revolutionary.

When Per6n failed a long

review

took

"only

a fool

for

The first

ing.

Perlin".

4

apologia

that

"it

Tendency

is

a "popular,

only

to expect

infantile

Per6n's

following at a meeting

supporters.

He wasr "not

the

reflected

first

sustained a Socialist

of his

contradictions

no.

1 (14th

June 1973),

P. 3.

no.

2 (21st

June 1973),

P. 3.

1.

Editorial,

ibid.,

2.

Editorial,

ibid.,

3.

"El apoyo al gobierno pare (5th July 1973), P. 4.

4.

"PerEn o la guerra, " ibid.,

llegar

al

when from

open attack governors,

but

(19th 6 July no.

no.

the

a Peronist",

All

Movement.

poder, " ibid.,

on

Peron was

that

and a "pragmatist"

leader"

anti-imperialist

and

of July

everything

provincial

with

Militancia

in what was happen-

the middle

came in

when Militancia

national,

3

a resist-

by reactionaries

complicity

refined

was further his

silent

that

leading

the bureaucrats,

serve

the apologia

Claiming

after

"encirclement"

initially

Three weeks later,

betraying

behaviour

in

shift

the Revolutionary

not

his

declared

the review

of Perbn's

idea

to explain

would

Per6n,

that

the

expectations,

of him.

criticism

think

could

18 years,

used the childish traitors

in voicing

time

or lunatic"

ance struggle

up to Militancia's

to live

4

1973), pp. 4-6.

whose that

418 -

one could

expect

combative

lines

revolutionary

for

people

nominate right stage

believed

Per6n would

that

ment and in doing

1

However,

2

Movement",

try

to maintain

power to

"an elemental Militancia

this

at

of his Move-

the unity

make some concessions

so would

for

and

renun-

Perbn's

above was declared

from Peronist

of the

implied

"necessarily

and this policy".

positions

leader

of the

Peronism

within

of a pure

ciation

of the bureaucratic

Perlin was a "synthesis"

from

to the Left

as well

as to the Right. these

Alongside outset

carried

praise

for

"hard stop

line"

an embryonic

of

that

importantly,

even in

velopmentalist

of how the

Economy Minister minium that

in

production

1.

the latter

la

early

(the

"Aluar

past

"Perbn,

3.

"Eva revolucionaria,

guerrilla

" ibid.,

no.

of the did

her

death.

More the de-

rejected

detailed

provided

Peronist

of Argentine.

partner

Evita

with

Scandal")

Pact provided two decades,

had been greatly

Aportes para una autocritica August 1973), PP. 12-14.

2.

of

alu-

and insisted of imperialism

force.

of the Social Over the

team,

him control

a progressive

bourgeoisie

y la

was full

but

had seduced

had become a junior

assertion.

juventud

after

Gelbard

regime

handing 1970's

critique

of the national

"Discusibn: (9th 9 no.

military

through

no longer

The Militancia

of the

policies

3

Militancia

editions,

earliest

bourgeoisie

and was therefore

strength

the

the

revolutionary

everything

became "bourgeois"

previous

Gelbard

the national

support

movement had she lived,

everything

economic

It

from

she would have been a guerrilla

identifying -

its

Militancia

analysis.

alternativista

the resistance

and claiming

of movimientismo,

that

feeling

Evita,

of Evitismo

short

evidence

instances-

weakened,

July

" ibid., 1973),

to

the economic

de la Tendencia-P"

peronista, 7 (26th

evidence

no.

as

ibid.,

9. pp. 4-7.

pp. 35-48.

419 -

in Economy Minister

recognised

ten main companies

in

ional

and two are

corporations

portant

developments

process

of capitalist

had in

trepreneurs,

firm

components

there

be sold

if

car

These firms,

ship

Social

the working in

CGE.

"an agreement

the class

it

the interests

Chile,

national

large

enabling

being

enmag-

Wobron car to

products

Gelbard

the latter

The General

of national

by these

in Argentina.

off

national

to

argued,

producers

The participation

himself

was a

the supplier

not

of

monopoly

claimed

to represent

of capitalist

resulted

capital

the

the signing between

in an alliance

but

bourgeoisie between -

1.

Ferrer, quoted in "110 Informe Gelbard, " ibid., 1973), pp. 41-48.

2.

los planes de la burocracia "El pacto social, (19th 6 July 1973), pp. 26-32. ibid., no.

rather

a CGE bureaucracy

and a CGT bureaucracy,

- an agreement 2 reconstruction.

than

mass member-

in

monopolies

national

whose

monopolies

who constituted

two bureaucracies"

national

monopolies

foreign-owned

of these

and a "progressive" between

were national

of the

those

Pact had therefore class

representing

fell

in

of power

monopolies.

representative

a

Force.

were more akin

of the

of the

sales

had a plant

Here,

to a concentration

owner of the

Broner,

to im-

pointed

sector.

national

the past

by Julio also

l4ilitancia

industrial

had led

is no company

there

become dominated

1960's

Militancia

of the small

those

the national

in Fate and Aluar,

to the Air

aluminium

interests

the

which

shareholder

major

Moreover,

the

of internat-

subsidiaries

are

enterprises,

". "1

(CGE), in

led now was

It

state

concentration

Confederation

Economic

nates.

within

eight

of owners of a few large

the hands

into

country,

capital...

national

of private

the

"Of

1971 statement:

Aldo Ferrer's

to hold

alien

to

down wages in

(2nd August 8 no. y otras

intoxicaciones,

"

420 -

This it

fined

was fine

remained differences

material

but

were evident,

project

economic

of foreign

did

it

this

yet

monopoly

was not

contradictions

the

imperialism

of antagonistic

overstressing

secondary

to strengthen

order

encouraged

the inflow

is Krieger be-

contradictions

over

expressed

rivalry

domestic

market.

the

case for

seeing

the

and the working

contradictions

an essential

the Peronist Economy

which

each was to have in

The

of Ongania's

secondary

capital

unre-

mass membership

"Gelbard

that

significant

as one between

contradiction"

cipal

ignored

strength so in

with

In asserting

and foreign

proportional

that

who had wholeheartedly

capital.

the review

tween national

Perhaps

by Gelbard

left reality.

to equate

there

went on from

Vasena,

monopoly 1

Vasena",

Militancia

distorted their and

the CGE leaders

between

but

an analysis

and partially

schematic

pioneered

Krieger

Minister,

what

highly

for

point

as a starting

at

"princlass,

the expense

means of arriving

of

at

such

in Militancia's

view

of

for

quite

a conclusion. The same analytical the

trade

to dismiss but

bureaucracy

a bureaucracy

with ing

the

ultimately ing

1. 2.

between 2

being

than

rather

which

its

its

power from

"El

caso Gelbard,

control

ibid.,

" ibid., no.

and,

no. 3 (28th

class, for

2 (21st

to

the

In view-

imperialism.

and the union that the

June 1973), p. 3.

pp.

bureaucracy

the bureaucracy, outside, from

springing

the most part,

June 1973),

with

contradiction

antagonistic

movement from

of the working of it

class

unity

and working-class

to recognise

failed

on the labour

imposed

in

services

the working

Militancia

an expression

Editorial,

had sold

the review,

of political

as being

mistakenly,

relationship

as "antagonistic",

the possibility

to see the revolutionary

another

of Peronism,

was one thing

It

bureaucracy.

union

realistically,

sectors

weakness was present

it,

being

14-15.

was deriv-

tolerated

421 Obviously,

by it.

considerable

external

had only

this

its

consolidation

(i. e. State

and entrepreneurial)

been feasible

due to its

of vast

not

the most militant

on the union

sufferance

of the less

bureaucracy,

essentially,

ionary

but

standpoint,

bureaucracy

to the

Per6n.

vision over

glossed

Apart

from

evinced

same time,

of social,

hope that

commitment

the Montonero

ership

words but

the

attempt immobility"

tendency

Peronist

Movement,

Pena's

and Duhalde's

to work alongside I

"El pueblo (19th July

arising

the rest

among revolutionary illusions

must be said

that,

while

antagonisms

and exaggerated

"above

operate

its

others,

always

it

classes", critic-

of bourgeois

acceptance not

often

and firmly

struggle

an acceptance

the

to the point.

was generally

tacit

the ideas

their

to working-class its

was that

away from

PerSn could

for

as a

class

inappropriate

propaganda

and political

voiced

leadin

behaviour.

seen in most movimientista

Ortega

its

contradictions

early

the working

an audience

conflicts

of the

and nature

The result

it

economic

class

its

origins

the rest

though,

objective

a clear

in

to attract

some secondary

of

appraisal

the

to render

gained

and the

from a revolut-

as judged

to regarding

prone

only

little

At the

review's

it

and thus

by Militancia

and did

workers

ised

left

rest

did.

needs of many workers.

subjective

propagated

to analyse

did

the weaknesses

all

did

certainly

The trade

majority.

movement, them it

It

certainly

equally

class-conscious

represent

as revolutionary

whole

1.

depth

in

workers

labour

failure

Militancia's

but

but

the reformism

in

movement.

represented

of the Argentine

immaturity

in

sectors

with

assistance,

roots

genuine labour

of the

and economism represent

had counted

institutional

review

Montoneros' the condemned

of the Movement,

from acceptance

of all

ya lo dice, Cämpora es el vice, 1973), pp. 8-9.

Per6n's

". ibid.,

its

"verticalist

decisions

no 6

and its

422 -

vacillations the

policy.

Those vacillations

the Montoneros

and Peronist

over that

fact

of the bureaucratic develop

than

Tendency, possible the

its

fact

It

"the

had not flag

white

"traitors"

expected

in

the face is

Movimientismo "absowere an

massacre

was to consolidate

to be treacherous hoists

domin-

its

and had raised its

war colours...

1

inevitable".

were attacked

by Militancia,

seen as a product

the

to win im-

zigzags.

of the enemy which

attitudes

bureaucracy,

it

Rather

of the Movement and

sectors

the Ezeiza if

by

synthesis

theory,

was trying

of policy

like

events

The conciliatory Forces

all

the bureaucracy

as such the result

flict

that

for

necessity"

ance.

from

and support

the

by Per6n.

attempted

critique,

outcome was the series the

defended

Youth

wing and revolutionary

to the Militancia

acceptance

had ignored lute

revolutionary

according

inevitable

lines

and cömbative

were to be explained

of the Peronist

Youth

towards

as were the attempts

of the Tendency's

the Armed

to appease

interpretation

the

of con-

as being: "a moral problem between loyalists and traitors and not, as it between those who is, a non-negotiatable really contradiction the exploitalongside serve the exploiters and those who fight ed". 2

Moreover, struggle" they force ised

both 3

partially for

the

theory

revealed

the movimientistas'

recognised

independent

upon the fiction

the decline

development,

"E1 movimientismo, (26th July 1973),

enfermedad Pp. 7-9.

2.

"Peron

" ibid.,

3.

Ruben R. Dri, "La alternativa (31st 33 January 1974), no.

weak grasp

bourgeoisie ideas

infantil

no.

merely

del

(18th 19

y la luchs pp. 20-22.

an external

October

1973),

de clases,

"

as a

were premforce,

" ibid.,

peronismo,

class Though

of economics.

of the national

being

to "mask the

tendency

many movimientista

of imperialism

1.

presidente,

and their

of stages

pp. 4-7. ibid.,

no.

7

423 -

noted.

government

were deemed by the Montoneros a theory

blockade, foreign

The early

to invest

monopolies

Militancia

El Descamisado, economic

trends

which

fairly the

and led

the reluctance

against 1

in, Argentina! carried

1973-4

to be due to an imperialist

them to protest

appreciated

Argentina

ence within

difficulties

led

which

by Per6n's

faced

Militancia

the Montoneros'

Unlike

of the imperialist

to a conclusion

of

analysis

sophisticated

extent

of

pres-

that:

"given the existing trade, monopoconditions of international listic penetration and the internal situation of the economy, it is totally impossible to confront imperialism successfully destroying 2 without capitalist relations of production". Piilitancia's its

became unequivocal.

alternativismo

now defined

as one of

looked

labour

By June 1974, De Prente without

critical

the

only

Shortly conclusion

1.

before that

its

"Bourgeois

"Argentina impotente: (7th February 1974),

support

for

the review in July

Peronism

nos cerca pp. 14-19.

in

el

"the

which

through

Front

this

other

1974, De Frente

reached

",

identity,

now remained

clasista

did not

(FAS).

Army actions

Peronist

Peronism,

imperialismo?

Peronist

the anti-bureau-

a formal

government

now

of the

Revolutionary

from

was

authentic

Militancia

Anti-Imperialist People's

1974 when

project

an alliance

promoted

Though retaining

suppression

political

with

Front",

was reporting

differentiating

in January

Increasingly,

and the Socialist

working-class

feature

3

Left,

comment.

due to continuing

capitalism"

to do".

revolutionary currents

Perbn's

of a "Trewlew

to the formation

and non-Peronist cratic

"moderated

have nothing

revolutionaries

of Per6n increased

questioning

sectors. the

represent,

ibid.,

no.

and

34

(13th September 1973), 14 no.

2.

"Liberaci6n o dependencia, " ibid., pp, 19-23.

3.

"Semana politica: una maraton hacia atrAs sin (31st ibid., 33 January 1974), pp. 4-9. no.

aviso

de retorno,

"

-424-

never

represented,

Great

National "

thing.

expected

Perbn to pursue

a short

of the

existence

Perlin

In posing divorced

their

not

see that,

define

ultimately definition

would

Per6n's

in

involved

by decree

signed

its

Prior

to closure,

kiosk

owners who sold

2.

had not

alliance,

did not

to clear-

was obliged

Per6n would

that

that

realised

his

Militancia

editorial

Ortega

Pena and Duhalde

and had lost

their

posts

" De Frente,

accused

in

1974

the review

of 2

chaos".

up twice

and

elements

subject

the University

of

in April

by right-wing

had been the

May

toleration

and social

had been blown

had been intimidated

it

than

was suppressed

to subversion

offices

as seen in his

rather

persecution

incitement

1. "El modelo argentino, Ibid.,

but

by Per6n and Taiana, which

action'of

actions

but

of

Perbn could

malaise,

They had realised

a Centre-Right

for

alternatives".

and policemen.

of the potential

the alternativistas

and sectors

it.

him endorsing the alternativistas

that

of economic

interests

permit

would

which

without

time,

had

come so quickly.

any "independent

"psychological

For a long

bourgeois

option

1.101,

of compromises

of him from

loyalties.

on the Left,

Day attack

policy,

anti-imperialist,

classes

had

the alternativistas

alternative"

conditions

between

sectional

defend

legal

same

a pure altern-

expressed

Whereas the movimientistas

a line

"independent

classes.

"balance" his

follow

characterisation

social

only

a revolutionary

as a non-socialist

the various clearly

of time.

period

he would

that

predicted

therefore

reviews

ativismo

ly

of the

a new version

I

for

possibly

was and is

"It -

plan

The alternativista

the

alternative

an antagonistic

Agreement

to the GAN", to Lanusse's

of a dozen

of Buenos Aires

(20th June 1974), PP. 12-17. 7 no.

(2nd 1 May 1974), P. 13. no.

-425-

after

cumbed to government suppressed

three

and O'Farrell

deans Kestelboim

the Montonero-supported pressures

months later,

De Frente

of them.

to get rid

had sucwas

Per6n assumed the pre-

as soon as Isabel

sidency.

ALTERNATIVISTA MILITARY ORGANISATIONS THE FAP 1

"CAIGA QUIEN CAIGA Y CUESTE LO QUE CUESTE, VENCEREMOS: "

the Peronist

What distinguished

background

formation"

recruits

mainly

Envar El Kadri, Caride

Carlos

Youth

Peronist occasional in

to be created

from Peronist

had played

major

some ten years

organised

Jost

Luis

had been a comandante ated

in

Diegaez,

Tacumnn almost a teacher

Guevarist-inspired

1.

PAP slogan: TRIUMPH!"

Rojas

in

the

Centre

by the

(nicknamed

"EI

of the Uturunco

student, guerrilla

"FALL WHOMAY FALL,

and drew its members,

Operations IMiguez.

organ-

guerrilla

previous

Quechua for

the Devil)

had briefly

Amanda Beatriz had been linked group which

in

had been involved

of Resistance

which

and

participated

Caride

Supay",

guerrilla

a decade earlier.

proto-urban

Peronist

General led COR) by through

political

of the first

creation

1960's.

early

its

of Arab descent,

and had already

earlier

the other

Two leading

employee

experience

and literature

was the first

organisations.

roles

that

Ongania regime

the

de la Resistencia

Other members gained

1960's-was It

under

Youth

In the

armed actions.

de Operaciones

isations.

late

and mercantile

a student

the coup attempts

(Centro

the

one of anti-Peronism.

was not

"special

in

created

organisations

guerrilla

(FAP) from

Armed Forces

oper-

Peralta

de

to the

developed

COST WHAT IT MAY, WE WILL

out of

426 the Trotskyist

Palabra

had been cut

initiative

a Posadas Street

in

year

Obrera

leader

old

in

short

and friend

Word) in

1964 when the

Finally,

who commanded the PAP's first

had been in

contact

There was also Spaniard,

Arturo

Jesus)

and ex-member of the

Gadea, his

Ferrh

cooperative

shanty-town by the

appealed

they

the

justified

brutal to radical

distaste

Radical late

guerrilla

violence priests

for

his

1970 letter activity

of egoism with to join

influence

Catholic

their

to in

1965 when

terms

work.

participate being

in

killed

on the FAP was

the 3rd World

the violence flock.

of Rosario

shanty-town

the PAP, before

who

was almost

Seminary in

but

attempting

background

was to become a worker,

step

schemes and join

latter's

boatyard,

to leave

was a Doc-

(Compania de

the priesthood

Borromeo

had been forced

in June 1969.2 in

present

front*"the

3.

police

which

next

for

Ferrari's

the San Carlos

expressed

superiors

The former

1966 to work in a Tigre

10 but

the form of the

Company of Jesus

among the masses.

1953 at the age of

ecclesiastical

2.

Rail.

detachment,

rural

in

Ferrari.

by the Jesuits

He had entered

identical.

1.

in

seminary

to submerge himself

in

and

one of Che's lieuten-

presence

Gadea, and Gerardo

who had been trained

abandoned his

also

Peredo,

Catholic

a radical

Ferr6

of Philosophy

Like

"Inti"

the 37-

1

ants.

in

Roberto

blew up

employee N6stor

and only

That

Bengochea,

Angel

insurance

mercantile

with

1960's.

arsenal

group's

of Cooke and Guevara,

Verdinelli,

tor

the early

5 key members, including

killing

apartment,

Di6guez.

injuring

(Workers'

Priests,

of the need to conof love"

and

3

details Biographical about the about FAP combatants and information Taco Ralo venture come mainly from I Raz6n, 20-29th September 1968. See also Appendix A. Cristianismo "Los nuestros, " homages to Ferrari Z and Jäuregui, (July Revoluci6n, 18 1969), pp. 10-16. no. "Carta de las FAP a los Sacerdotes para el Tercer Mundo, " ibid., (November-December 26 1970), pp. 15-20. no.

427 The young Peronists as "the

selves they

lacked

ity

among. fellow

detachment

ample of pure foguismo. of Guevara,

writings

Greatly

the masses - and paid

early

an ambush of a busload

port

to the

came through

weaponry

World

First

War.

camp at la for

preparing

Canada, near rural

the

surprised

1.

in

Just

were captured

October"

Detachment

and

through

from

relics

youths

13 days later,

Ferre

Air-

a

base but most of the

the aim of

mountains,

however,

on 19th a long

from

returning

Gadea was the only

to attempt

the

up a train-

set with

the Aconquija

after

Ezeiza

were obtained

and included

in

of finance

bank clerks

Tucumän Province,

operations

1959-60.

from

in which

the Peronist

the ex-seminarist

"17th

Amateurism

ialised

travelling

purchases 1968,

the problem

resistance

member of - but

his

jammed.

machine-gun

Though it

to

of FAL rifles

Taco Ralo,

guerrilla

13 trainees

all

Ironically,

march.

individual

from

support

so.

Campo de Mayo military

In September

home of the Uturuncos September,

of US tourists

A couple

of the

on a guardpost

raid

doing

political

and a number of bank raids

were killed.

policemen

ing

Capital

was an ex-

venture

the PAP posed the initiation

the PAP responded

months,

with

for

October"

by the Cuban model and the

of winning

a heavy price

the PAP's "17th

guerrilla

influenced

task

the solidar-

seen in

after

initial

Though there

support.

Peronists,

Debray and Marighela,

ahead of the

of armed struggle

In their

the

was captured,

1968 saw them1 yet in reality

Movement",, union

by the CGT of the Argentines

expressed

rural

and trade

political

sympathy

was considerable

(Peronist)

of the

armed wing

organised

the FAP in April

who created

is

undoubtedly

probably

topographical

that

characterised its

protagonists

and meteorological

this

first

FAP initiative.

had inherited studies

"Escribe Carlos Caride, " La Causa Peronista, pp. 42-43.

highly

of Northern

spec-

and

(9th July no. ,I

1974),

428 -

Central

Argentina

reports

on the Army command structure

Army plans Ralo

for

put

(Comandante .

Verdinelli from

the

provincial

able

for

a camp, being

ate

from

warning

locals

had received

Furthermore, done,

written

being

arrested

Fidel

that

of the

approach

Governor

of their

Cruz,

led

as Che himself

to a further

including

Jorge

Cepernic.

That

about

the Taco Ralo

of the

true, or not,

13, composed of several 2

workers.

trial,

they

to 4-14 year

were sentenced

in May 1973 as a result

out

Amanda Beatriz

Peralta

September

the

prison

de Ditguez

revealed

scheme and had

outcome was the

three

waiting

years

amnesty

did not

for

a a

in November 1971

stretches

of the general

extremely

and employees,

students

After

Peronist

wait

of political that long,

1.

La Raz6n,

2.

Both of the blue-collar Ferrari workers, and Ferrb Gadea, were who had chosen to join the working class. ex-seminarists

26th

who

had

the future

had been consulted Whether

no

40 militants

Castro

it.

guerrillas

in the area.

are to be believed,

1

where adequ-

captors

of it

and two blue-collar

prisoners.

police

versions

doctor

got

hundred

if

police

unsuit-

and so gained

to keep a diary,

of Santa

the

diary,

imprisonment

but

population

Cordoba and Rio Gallegos,

in

Moreover,

scarce.

El Eadri,

150 miles

about

of low mountain

area

being

temptation

training,

for

The area was totally

the local

from

the

discouraged

strongly

flat

at all

of land

a piece

and water

by 2nd-in-command

Left-supported incomplete

a desolate,

of "smugglers"

reports

the Bolivian

Following

lancahuas{c the farm of at

bought

a copy of the Taco

the province,

to poor use.

of San Miguel.

capital

no support

received

Sabino)

in

operations

purchase

was impossible

security

in Tucumän and possessed

the information

Peredo's

of Inti

intelligence

had excellent

group,

counter-insurgency

guerrillas

example

from Bengochea's

1968.

being

-429-

"spring"

three

with

by the death

in

June 1971,

Bruno Cambareri

of TAP militant

Revolutionary

strategy

of popular for

prisoners

of the Taco Ralo

criticism

Workers

(PRT)

Party

during

armed resistance

to

which

related

the

of the necessary Rangers

struggle.

captors;

to which measures".

security

does not

support;

the

However,

lack

of

conception of political were in

in a communique

who,

the

a "lack

admitted

presence

sufficient

invalidate

camp

These "errors"

were subjected,

to as being

was referred defeat

tactical

party.

they

of their

the winning

"detachment"

imprisoned

location

I

the

reprimanded

and a "militaristic before

armed actions

tortures

in Argentina

small

popular

of a revolutionary

by the

acknowledged

lacked

police

put

which

and creation

support part

war"

their

the

the

that

maintaining

was correct,

errors:

they

by the

group was offered

while

warfare

of tactical

a series

zone where

of popular

which,

revolutionary

in an unsuitable

of 30 U3 that

evidence

the method"

of armed

2

The FAP post-mortem Ralo

debacle

fects

without

very

Women's Prison

Armed

escape. Fraternal

"our

two members of the

the Buenos Aires

from

marred

an operation the

other

of Liberation)

Forces

(including

inmates

was therefore

much rooted

and organised

foquismo.

political

foguista

Yet the

conceptions.

support,

if

followed

superficial,

exceedingly

questioning in

which

and self-criticism

only

technical

the

Taco

technical

noting

blunders

were

Had the FAP possessed in Tucuman,

täcticos en una estrategia errores (17th 4. October 1968), 18 p. no.

they

would

de-

genuine not

have

" E1

1.

"Taco Ralo: Combatiente,

2.

de lecci6n de pero "Nuestros no ejemplo, y pueden servir errores tinica " la de la del violencia gorila, salida pueblo ante negaci6n (late 1968), p. 4. date Con Todo (Buenos Aires), no

corrects,

430 -

been caught

by just

unawares

and to some extent

alerted

this

drawn from

lesson

Argentine

live

people

the Argentine

from

bands - like

the six

cave in February

1969,

Had the FAP not a fair

degree

ill-fated

foco

1963-64.

The urban

structure,

initially

unknown to the

in

Miguel after

Gerardo

of death

turkeys....

with

a gun-battle

in which

Carlos

of his eventually

past

receiving

Caride

a policeman Caride,

a 14year

1.

13th & 16th February Buenos Aires Herald, to the Taco Ralo that the six were linked them was a former Uturunco.

2.

See the appendix to Andrew Graham-Yooll, cronolo a del "Gran Acuerdo Nacional" 1973)9 pp. 123-160, for details Editor, Caride had a heart the 1966-72 period. he had been banged against a wall after hours. for four consecutive

in

as the

to have been a couple

of

and FAP defence in a Buenos Aires Two months

was killed. who had spent

was tortured

militancy,

role

Army (EGP) of

despite

were arrested

was gunned down.

its

as ephemeral

managed to survive

Rodrfgaez

before

Movement,

appears

police,

and counted

apparatus

whose existence

Domingo Zavala

Ferrari

urban

Guerrilla

In April,

as a result 2

in a Jujuy

arrested

People's

of Masetti's

1969.

in

set-backs

prison

isolated

of small,

wild

would have been just

Guevarist

later,

to be hunting

in the Peronist

of sympathy history

apartment

combat dress,

now

Army (ERP)

Revolutionary

the adventures

a rudimentary

possessed

political

lawyer

men in

warfare

guerrilla

the People's from

apart

the possibility

rejecting

Rural

the future.

who claimed

Argentine

important

while

scene until

bearded

not

of the

70-809

that

I machine-guns!

with

in

of 1974-76,

Tucumhn campaign

areas,

The only

population.

recognising

warfare,

urban

front

rural

of a subordinate faded

in

local

have been

would

by the FAP was a geographical

experience

to urban

but

policemen

by the

protected

costly

They now turned

one.

one hundred

sentence

1963-67

to the

point

in November

The police 1969. claimed group and that one of

Tiempo de violencia. (Buenos Aires: Granica in State repression of his head was when attack ip to the cana subjected

431 -

Rodriguez,

Zavala

1971.

who got off

move over

to the

deputy

1974 and editor

in

Montoneros

The early

ly

it

1

During

to working-class

struggles.

develop

a solid

structure

military first

but

to the People's

its

until

rate

the Peronist

in

itself

the PAP concerned

the

at best

tangentially

former,

it

original

to

was able

guerrilla

Revolutionary

in

stations

at a steady activity

years,

Through

was public-

of two police

to political three

these

related

was soon lost,

Urban action

and continued

"special

the first

from being

and armed propaganda,

expropriations

with

mainly

Province,

were its

force

guerrilla

the takeover

1969 with

Youth

1975.

Ongaaia period.

the

1972 when the FAP turned

campaign.

election

in

Buenos Aires

end of

in

benefiting

originally

October

in

initiated

Tortuguitas, the

of El Aut6ntico

be created -to

formation"

1973, to become a Peronist

around

was to

sentence,

a suspended

of the PAP as an urban

years

most significant,

with

pre-eminence

Army and then

to the

Montoneros.

Finance the social

was obtained

clubs

kidnappings.

of the wealthy

Other

expropriations

and of course

equipment

weaponry

a February

acquired

through

quarters

of Campo de Mayo NCO's,

guard-post Experienced 602 cases near

1.

of the

Tigre

a number of bank raids,

through

and,

and explosives.

Coast Guards and from attacks

Mendoza (though

in Buenos Aires, some of the

through

on the main

on police

stations.

the May 1970 seizure

of dynamite

were

housing

Cabral

a March 1971 raid

5,100 kg.

office

Guns and uniforms

1970 assault

to

through

resources,

on the Sargento

from an April

PAP bombers were supplied ofdynamite

on one or two occasions,

were of medical

1970 raid

threats

of

on an arsenal was lost

is drawn from the Buenos Aires Herald, Data on FAP operations Revoluci6n Cristianismo in y 1968-74; chronologies contained 339pp. between 1969-71; and from Kohl and"Litt, cit., op. 364.

when 8

432 PAP members were arrested of

fuse

explosives,

April

were used by the PAP to

1

bombs",

in September

especially

deployment by the ed men and military

privilege

oligarchic

by PAP bombs,

Onganfa

and the Duke of Edinburgh

high-ranking

US military

three FAP's

resentative

Navy C-in-C

January

and the the

helped

in

where both

Pedro

was the

In November and in the

Gnavi and another

our country"

allowing Indeed,

delinquents.

of toys,

1972 kidnapping

when the homes

February

1972, when

guard

of the

to demonstrate

the like

in a shanty-town,

distributed

of a Robin

out-

the

to present

in an attempt

student

Club to pay the wagess of ten nurses

the FAP something

rep-

FAP operations,

several

of a Brazilian

of

1970,

latter

the

objective

(i. e. a policeman

the FAP was able

enemy without

Santa Fe Rotary to give

Admiral

Commando' "disarmed

1970 expropriation

January

dewere

In March 1971, a

polo.

men were raided,

mission

as violent

guerrillas

symbols

clubs

club

destruction

use of violence.

of Yankee imperialism

of its

luxurious

riding

had played

physical

'Blajakis-Salazar

vulnerability

get

a military

the US Embassy residence),

side

the

than

rather

discriminate

FAP's

for

invariably

was dynamited.

officer

Material the

built

being

chalet

costly

including

business-

officials,

were almost Several

and opulence.

enemies

1955 coup was mark-

government

Bomb targets

officers.

out its

"single

1970 when the

of 35 bombs against

stroyed

the

in

quarry

1973.

with

of

of 20 cases

Plata

a Mar del

caps from

and percussion

The explosives

of

and the seizure

days later)

six

Hood image during

for its

a year, early

years.

1.

FAP communique, 1970.

2.

FAP communique,

quoted

in

the Buenos Aires

quoted

in

ibid.,

Herald,

13th February

17th September

1972.

to

433 However, During

the

the FAP's popular

bank expropriations,

of its

course

attempting

not

by the blood

of renowned police

assassinated

by the Revolutionary

Sanmartino, Montonero uniform"

who did

tatively

different.

Police

were entirely

the

after

letter

funeral

the

ness

of shooting

do and faced lectually PAP placed death Galicia

Army,

telligently

to secure

likely overtly

1.

political

1

to broad

Unlike

the FAP was very

larger

dimension

could

of the

chosen, fewer

and minimise

unnecessary

that

the FAP if

the righteousto

were paid not

be intel-

public,

for

the

and People's that

kidnapping

bank raids.

kidnapping

security

every

a Banco de

the Montoneros

than

life

was bound to be a

slow in learning

well

sums, involve

not,

resisting

means of fund-raising and the victim

they

what

there

killed

whom

and that

However,

sectors

in which

policemen

1971.

did

enough

any of them come to

firepower"

doing

they

if

in situations

more efficient planned

"superior

and

"for

your

were reminded

you or us".

measures

January

in

was an eloquent

whom do you risk

who were only

nor

was qualiProvincial

to ask themselves

The police

either

to policemen

hold-up

Revolutionary a far

is

such as the three

toll,

the police

why and for

policemen,

themselves

It

in

to them,

1970 FAP letter

as cannon fodder? " and "Did

disciplinary

sold

regime

the Buenos Aires

of two corporals.

when possessing "it

resisted,

policemen

the military

any one of you as individuals"

against

comrades? ".

action

(FAR) with

of "workers

the killings

whether

were

General

like

Armed Forces

by the late

the FAP invited

of your

went into

only

doubtful

policemen

reputations

torturers

1971,

support

convinced

whom do you serve

day,

is

whom you defend,

you fight,

is

It

shooting

in which

in July

necessarily

"We have nothing

claiming sent

not

ordinary

'Whereas guerrilla

resistance.

and FAP assistance

unsullied.

several

were killed stained

totally

image was not

risks, fatal

If

proved

inmore

have a more violence.

Cristianismo Province, Aires to the police FAP letter of Buenos (November-December 54. 1970), p. 26 Revolucibn, no. y

434 The FAP's the

1970's

early

Revolutionary though ally itary

work,

the electoral

These losses

a January

Frondizi),

car

the

leaders

of 1971,

Peressini

of Frondizi, were lost

in

the

and Nestor

"Battle

Greco and Belloni, as a result

like

as did

Mocoroa in

those

the deaths

of

Dani Balbuena Arturo

Bruno Cambareri October;

in November. of Bianchini

in

and Juan The lives

and Mocoroa, expropriation car

more momentous than

of nothing

not-

this

of ex-President

in March;

of Ferreyra"

cadres,

Taco Ralo project.

the FAP lost

Ruben Greco and Manuel Belloni

to part-

throughout

prison

(nephew

mil-

must be remembered that

it

were in

the

activity,

political

of the ill-judged

course

Bianchini

towards

and most experienced

Diego Frondizi

crash;

Haedo Miguel

Carlos

Secondly,

hampered FAP development,

During

martyrs.

practic-

to the November 1972 decision

and Verdinelli,

seriously

Firstly,

were orientated in

in

and People's

connotations,

engagement

campaign.

Caride

of operations

by the Montoneros

had political

prior

founders,

principal

plane

to two main factors.

was no serious

most of them as a result

period,

June;

outgrown

of PAP activists

union

El Kadri,

their

being

onto a higher

operations

and there

in

the FAP's

in

of their

trade

alone

ably

and its

of the efforts

front

icipate

to develop

Army can be attributed

several

all

let

failure

attempts. Both weaknesses the

decapitation

of the

noes of the FAP's to

the

cities

radically to

ing

their

nothing their

early about

ideas

for

phase,

arrogantly

revolutionary publication,

claimed

warfare, without

that

and

- were conseque-

the FAP had not

Debray spent

actions

zone of operations

of Debray and his

teachings

FAP militant,

detentions

By shifting_its.

to Buenos Aires,

the early

one former

through

fopuismo.

strategic

on military

concentration

organisation

and mainly

with

ing

- excessive

broken

school.

Accord-

a few days with

them dur-

they

could

teach

to then plunder on went and acknowledging

his

intellectual

him some of

435 I

debt!

Lacking trace

the

ideological

alternativismo these

the

as the FAP's

only

Chief,

our leader

process....

Per6n is

However,

two interviews

conceded

1971 provide

some indication

in

early

In the first, y Revolucibn foouista ively

on the

in

spontaneous

methods les",

of foauismo.

3

but

of operations,

PAP political little

1. 2. 3.

sign

but

that

Rejecting

is

which

no evidence

characterisation at this

that

this

there having

urban

outlook.

had been a "relied

to

proved

Peronism

gurrilla proposed

the PAP

"incorporate

to industrial

account

did

this

the underlying

alternatives,

sought

excess-

or rural format

questioned

of the Peronist time.

people".

However,

foauista

warfare

the brief

political

people".

insurrectional

strategy

of his

posed by a Cristianismo

they

actually

2

end of 1970 and

early

of either

of revolutionary

of alternativismo

the

that

the specific

Liberation

National

questions

of the

had not

as has been seen from there

of their

to twelve

1969 communique

interpreter

by the PAP at

the viability

foauista

to those

similar

the

ever

organisation

by Debray was inadequate

to a modified

this

Taco Ralo failure,

their

The FAP had learnt

conception

in

one for

general

an October

the FAP acknowledged

them to question

warfare.

clung

more than

replying

journalist,

element

lead

not

today

to in

of

operations

was the

to

to

conversion

armed propaganda

referred

difficult

exceedingly

demand raised

political

"Political

is

of the FAP and its

In their

1970.

Perlin being

return,

own, it

development

after

years,

Per6n's

of their

a periodical

of their

struggmain types

feasible. Movement showed was portrayed

Personal interview with a former FAP member who became a trade 12th August 1975. 1973, Buenos Aires, union bureaucrat after FAP communique of 17th October 1970, Cristianismb y Revoluci6n, (November-December 26 1970), p. 55no. (September 1970), "Reportaje 17-20. las FAP, " ibid., 25 pp. a no.

as

436 -

a movement led by the national shed its orary

leadership

old

in which

situation

of the working

in

class".

idea

of social

there

Peronist

This

sequences".

of national

However,

mined by the view "correct icalism

tactical

in

the

the other

"it

exception

of one

and social

revol-

in

is

through

Peronist

second

the argument,

only

possible

the

liquidation

to

on this for

support

aimed at

bourgeoisie

cannot

pro-

to its

ultimate

it

was partially

Frondizi

alternative"

as a social

in

conunder-

1958 had been a

the main enemy. Peronism

what had been achieved

of an "independent 2 of Perrin. evaluation

the they

issue

isolating

to

given that

and carry

the PAP's demand that

presented

interview,

the FAP stated

the national

intransigence

and "go beyond"

Peron was not

that

in which

liberation

the articulation by their

the

1971, that

decision",

was present

ods of struggle

that

Indeed,

implicit.

form

embryonic

liberation

in

was reinforced

aware of the fact

duce a process

with

the

than real",

I

structures".

stance

made up

essentially

of national

in

of national

Cuban Granma Weekly in January were "well

period,

was present

the objectives

of capitalist

this

by the Cuban Revolution,

chiefly

at a contemp-

the PAP from

the indivisibility

postulates

inspired achieve

in

had

which

by bourMovement the of

leadership

differentiate

to politically

Alternativismo

ution.

Movement is

of the Movement being

armed organisations

important

to arrive

was deemed "more apparent

sectors

darxinization

was little

years

"The Peronist

to 1955 but

prior

the following

The alleged

and bureaucratic

geois

bourgeoisie

revise in

1946-55,

was still

revolutionary,

its

Radmethbut

overshadowed

his

limitations

1.

Ibid.

2.

ibid., PAP spokesmen, "Con las arenas en la mano, " interview with this inter(April of English version An 77-80. 1971), pp. no. 28 365-373" Litt, Kohl in pp. cit., op. and view appears

437 -

on that

being

score

leader

past

and his

that

Per6n

desire

for

would be politically

6n's

political

suicide

intervened

mise not

a fully-articulated

tary

mentality

frontation

faction,

from

hit

but

the PAP towards

of the FAP's to its

return

the election

of Perbn's

aimed at

National

Command (Comando Nacional) to campaign

for

a protest

I.

Ibid.

"blank

for

a Peronist

vote"

for

to extend

of the masses'

con-

programme, not

the

embrac-

possibly

present

Peronism.

1972 and it

never

really

re-

Whereas one

from

took

the masses, and turned

its

support

to political

Hector

candidate,

developed victory,

was all

then unleashed.

conclusion

activity

fusing

levels

end of

isolation

It

a politico-mili-

to orthodox

process

the FAP, lack-

and trying

the FAP could

the

logical

with

a distinct

without

alternative

the disintegrative

mindful

Peron's

to all

needs of the workers, political

cadres

demand

to increase

programme.

of mass struggle

1

the regime",

as a viable Crisis

de-

physical

specific

for

win support

"contributing

about

only

was more likely

alternative

of the armed organisation

the various

covered

Per6n than

to the process

with

Per-

1974 that

in

had his

became the

propaganda

for

did

and good to talk

itself

its

support

methodology

indications

"he

so opportunely.

well

for

have become a reality

political

as it

ing

might

by the FAP and thus

general ing

were growing

for

to belie were

Events

there

on

he had

him,

restrain

would

he were to do so".

the

was based

even if

and that

system"

in

led the FAP to believe

This

pragmatism

of Peron to Argentina

The return raised

his

dead if though

the prediction,

this,

of the

it

Rather,

level".

to the people".

commitment

not become "part

could

a subjective

"subjective

PAP confidence

that

by the statement

based on his

was not

"his

implied

Cfimpora,

alternativismo

the

by re-

1972 December in called and

the March 1973 elections.

There

is

some

I\

438 -

indication former

of a tendency line

between

ion,

those

outside

group,

Army in

utionary

October

be seen from analysis

back

to the

examples

Command vary,

that

tendency. Cämpora's would

bureaucrats

plea

torturers

communique rejecting the struggle

for

they

of opinion

an end to guerrilla

continue

1972-74,

though roots

Di Pasquale

from

class

the

would

the National

military

and the Armed Forces.

would

Olmos,

changed in

and continue

can organ-

alternativismo

its

of the

as

went and Ongaro.

of FAP 17 and the National

strengths

the reformist

small

sector

were

Revol-

People's

Peronism,

by Cooke, Rearte,

the working

organise

pure

of Rank-and-File

In June 1973,

and traitors",

oligarchy,

that

2

from a very

fus-

line

alternative"

Guevarist

October in

culminating

a phenomenon of

the balance

but

the

with

weak tendencies,

because

possibly

of 1973-74,

it

set

eroded,

"independent

Apart

of the relative

Estimates

rejected

their

1974.

will

latter

were gradually

be seen as essentially

isationally

became known as FAP 17th

to end up joining

FAP and a number of other

years

later

which

strengthening

the most part

FAP members to have adopted the 1 Differences supported the latter.

imprisoned

and the Montoneros

while

for

those

whereas

the former

(FAP17),

for

3A

road of the

fluid

politically appear

to favour

Command faction struggle below,

the

publicly

and announced

"independently

operations

against

few days later government

of the

came a

and pledging

for:

"the elimination the destruction types of exploitation, of of all the building of the Just, Free and Sovereign capitalist society, Fatherland: through the working the Socialist Fatherland, class and the people taking power".

is

This

2.

1943-1976..., Both Jantzen, op. cit., p. 132, and Hodges, Argentina. Hodge's work p. 103, seem to agree with this judgement. op. cit., factual Among numerous must, however, be treated with caution. he maintains the ERP while PAP National that PAP 17 joined errors, true. is the Montoneros to the over reverse went line of the to those who supported the political YAP National refers Command itself. Command and not merely to the National FAP's National PAP press conference, p. 364. to in Kohl and Litt, op. cit., referred

3.

implied

in

"Escribe

Carlos

Carideo"

1.

op.

cit.

439 -

While

that

stating

factories,

land,

Though it of

this

it

is

and temporarily fact

that

"blank

almost

such as "With

six

While tion

that

nised

class.

They pleaded

of imputing

its

corresponded

with

into

the actual

account

the most part "relate

This

line

position

subjective

was supported

FAP: "A la clase (5th July 1973),

2.

Communique:

3.

FAP Regional ci6n actual,

of

their

for

process the working

but

the class failed

of the workers,

mistake which to take which

3

to our proposals".

units

of Buenos Aires,

" Militancia,

no,

4

July 1973), ibid., " p. 12. no. pueblo, de la situa"Aportes para el anälisis Buenos Aires, (16th " ibid., 10 August 1973), pp. 19-21. no. "FAP al

for

Now the key task

nor socialist.

6 (19th

class".

Command, who recog-

"ideologism",

peronista,

2

was an evalua-

without

class

forward

carry

the political

in society

riders

and working

there

a to

"Perlin

important

people

by the FAP regional

pueblo

call

for

to the working

of the working

obrera y al PP. 12-14.

by the

" and "to

orientations

revolutionary

the aspirations

Influenced

adding

and a "classism"

of consciousness

objective

1973.

August

from

"FAP",

signed

some self-criticism

by the National

to the charge

were neither

1.

in

themselves

guilty

for

the Traitors!

performance

"strategism"

levels

ideal

exploit-

evolution

statements

while

of the Peronist

had isolated

sectarianism,

of

be by the

will

Command now called

movimientismo,

own recent

they

that

power,

political

had rejected

election,

and not

aspirations

through

was to

the National

criticising

of their

in July

Peronists

million

the Workers

firmly

the precise issuing

position

the September

revolutionary

of the workers

Command went in

its

in March,

vote"

to follow

the National revised

Power: " through

the

difficult

due to both factions

that

real

in the hands of the

remains

liberation

"the

1

is

tendency, clear

"the

that

favouring

measures

government

Command stressed

that

themselves".

workers

all

support

money and arms,

and maintained

ers"

would

the National

the workers, the

they

- 440 -

C6rdoba, 1

min,

Corrientes, It

Chaco,

was not

La Plata, for

maintained

who work it"

and "for

2

tories".

There

the PAP's contention

to control

a strong

conditions

selves

but by the working

class

as a whole.

chance

to radicalise

icism

sharpened

impossible

class-conciliation

domination

geois

necessitated

from

the

of the

project, government level

the rising

In January

provocative

attack

Moving

to the

Guevarists,

it

trying

the fac-

in

in

present

posed by them-

only

National

that

through

Peron,

an

attempting bourline

a political

which

its

Command withdrew its

accused

the

with

solidarity

on the Azul

support People's

garrison.

military

tendency,

the Montonero

3 with

to:

"replace the real organisation of the Peronist workers with in order to supposed vanguards which end up making concessions through political space, and which exhaust themselves maintain fighting the system on the terrain and with the weapons of the enemy". 4 Perbn's

death

and the

L6pez Rega government October

escalation

of repression

accelerated

the process

1974 declaration Revolutionary

which

of "Karxist-Leninist" Army and subordination

1.

FAP communique: 1973). p. 29.

"Perlin

2.

FAP communique,

ibid.,

3.

Estrella

4.

La Plata, Communique of FAP Regional Berisso, (17th 31 1974, Militancia, January 1974), no.

(Buenos

al

gobierno,

no.

22 (8th

Aires),

culminated

identity,

People's

" ibid.,

11th February

pp.

an with

latter's

13 (6th

November 1973),

in

a merger

to the

no.

Per6n-

the Isabel

under

the

Roia

a

Command crit-

facilitating

was clearly

declared

Army's

of

those

of repression.

and publicly

much justification,

to

Once Peron had been given

and pursuing

Revolutionary closer

were not

government,

the FAP National

1974,

government

of his

They claimed

rapidly.

be when support

of "ideologism"

element

these

course

it

what we produce

that

the

could

on such measures as "land

we workers

was still

Mendoza and. Tucu-

Plata,

long - nor

Peron had been made conditional

for

Mar del

September 44-45.

1974. Ensenada, 5th pp. 44-45.

January

-441 leadership,

political uals

groups

and small

the Workers

Revolutionary

had passed

from Peronism

to Guevarism

especially

Cooke and a sector

of the Revolutionary

(MRP), but

this

organisational

entirely

was the first one if

surprising

"Taco Ralo was an experience

directly

Individin

the

though

not

an

of the PAP, that

the words

of the

by the example

influenced

past,

Movement

Peronist

conversion,

in

one records,

(PRT).

Party

Cuban Revolution.

Only a small National

of the Peronist

minority

Command and like-minded Peronist

to the

sition

from

consciousness

alternativistas,

the former

the failure

Equating period

revolutionary

6 million

2

Per6n,

cessions

for

voted

the National

military

political

theses

conditions

with

major

armed struggle,

workers.

in political and experience for

successful

labour

adopted

sectors

in

1973-4. in

especially

In a year

in which

on for

7+ million

ignored

guerrilla

a between

nearly voted

made few con-

of struggle

circumstance. but

on impat-

a huge gulf

CAmpora and getting Command's methods

of the

created

work was possible,

to the alteration

Guevara's tal

struggle

and most industrial

people

shifts

of changes

and the latter

Command to carry

gather-

conflict

the slowness

to the means of struggle

when mass political

PAP guerrillas

for

the National

has to be attributed

it

with

of

based on experience

oppo-

of socialist

industrial

tactical

and the rapid

the

followed

class

a position

between

the contrast

in working-class

ience,

into

even though

government,

Apart

ed pace rapidly.

groups

working

It

had drawn on

one of his

fundamen-

warfare:

"Where a government has come into power through some form of fraudulent popular vote, or not, and maintains at least an legality, the guerrilla outbreak appearance of constitutional

1.

"Con las

2.

In the March 1973 elections, the Cämpora-Solano Lima ticket receiv(49.59% 5,907,464 in the October election, votes ed of the poll); (61.85% ticket the Perlin-Peron 7,359,139 gained votes of the poll) Graham-Yooll, Tiempo de violencia, pp. 59 & 110. op. cit., -

armas...,

" op. cit.

-442-

cannot be promoted, since the possibilities have not yet been exhausted". I this

maxim is

of guerrilla

warfare.

Surely

The FAP National

in

the

ill-advised

attacks

and the intimidation

of this

performance

La Plata.

in

in,

Kloosterman,

(SMATA) since

1968 and a close

executed"by was

documented.

for

turn

the release

had been sentenced his

role

nounced

in

the

by the

of Elpidio

Cordobazo. "combative"

Three years wing

including

ardships,

suspended

their

SMATA Congress

expel

North

Congress

American

union

them.

Guerrilla

promising

Strike

in rewho

jail

for

later,

membership

of Industrial

be persua-

Ongania,

8 months in

for

with

collaboration

deprived

CIA agent,

Daniel

Organisations

Pelican,

the

30 shop stew-

them of their

and proposed

(England:

had been de-

Kloosterman

When the company'sacked

A reputed

Detach-

the C6rdoban SMATA leader

the SXATA leader

Peronists,

Union

Josb Rucci,

could

General

29-30th

of Peronism

2

Secretary

with

of War to 4 years

by a Council

management of Peugeot-Safrar. ards,

Torres,

Car Workers

a charge which

class,

the October

in

Henry Kloosterman

and Bruno Cambareri

he had done a deal

In 1969,

SMATA's non-participation

of the

of CGT General

Ferrari

Maria

to the working

ments as a traitor sively

Gerardo

the

aide

days before

three

of Dirk

Secretary

General

vengeance

other

were the hallmarks

businessmen

the assassination

with

examples of foauismo

of "traitors",

began on 22nd May 1973,

which

of 1973-74 was one

and unproductive

of foreign

struggle

as outbreaks

as well

campaign

The punishment

1970's.

Cbmpora was sworn

the continuation

Command's guerrilla

of the most politically to appear

for

valid

of peaceful

that

the next

Benedict

(CIO),

stew-

of the

was present

Che Guevara,

2.

28th October 1969; On the 1969 deal, see the Buenos Aires Herald, Kloosterde Peugeot-Safrar dispute, the "La alianza see santa on (November 4. " 1972), Peugeot, El Combativo, 1 p. y no. man

Warfare

1969),

14.

1.

p.

443-

at his

I

burial.

Another

was the

executioners Marcelino August

bureaucrat

tried

fully

which

toppled

riched

himself

as leader

Plata,

worked

hand-in-hand

iness

interests.

A local

Cfimpora on 13th July

partially

Both actions

with

employers

protest

strike,

into

on 27th

of Jose Alonso who had unsuccess-

Peronist in

strike

of the

support

For a decade he had en-

1973.

of the Construction

Workers

(UOCRA) in La

Union

his

and even acquired by his

organised

own bus-

CGT colleagues,

the use of armed bands to terrorise

despite

successful

and shopkeepers

workers

general

Command

CGT Region,

Detachment

the assassination

was a right-wing

a regional

"coup"

was only

by the Belloni-Frondizi

Xansilla

to organise

of FAP National

of the Mar del Plata

to the day after

years

by pre-Montoneros.

the fire-power

General-Secretary killed

Mansilla,

1973,3

to feel

participation. to relate

were attempts

to workers'

armed struggle

r

but

struggles inct

and apposite

been provided ecution not

in

neither

carried

in

the following

enough to get rid

point

in accusing

terms:

of its 2

enough to make a revolution". similar

when in

had,

terrorists

1970 they "If

years

paradoxically,

earlier,

of belittling

it

the

criticised

the workers'

own parasites,

Sixty

The most succ-

forward.

struggle

of such assassinations

criticism

by the PAP themselves

of Alonso

strong

fact

won't Trotsky

the role

ex-

movement is be strong had made a of the

masses: in order to "If it is enough to arm oneself with a pistol If the the struggle? a class efforts of one's goal, why ful of gunpowder and a little chunk of lead is enough to the enemy through the neck, what need is there for class isation? ". 3

1.

"Un agente de la CIA y el entierro (9th August 1973), p. 34. 9 no.

2.

"Con las

arenas...,

3.

Trotsky,

Why Marxists

de Kloosterman, " Militancia,

" op. cit. Oppose...,

op.

cit.,

p. 3.

achieve thimbleshoot organ-

-444Elitist

to the National

no way contributed independent

and democratic

of the working

nothing

in

masses to play Quinofiero", C6rdoba;

in

Julio October ian Hilda

for

forgetting

terrorism

"There

sistance ted

raint,

for

the year

occupations not

struggle,

a very

in Rank-and-File even there,

1.

2.

a year

called

Peronism

(PB),

the name of

was for

the Comando Ceskr

it

which

statements killed

restoration,

could

yet

class,

supported

this

prior

17th October

and the reThese reflec-

a period

initial

of rest-

to give

the promised mainly

class

was* so alien

once the

were prepared produce

such

by the working

class

most workers

where the FAP was so influential Rank-and-File

that

of the working

Peronism

agrar-

about

and promoted

2

wielded

in which workers

sector

union

of those

whether

the Peronist

had ceased,

on 12th

home of Julio

be negotiated".

not

will

of guns,

following

in

came bellicose

The blood

flag.

was done in

on the

workers

Detachment

workers

the

of landowner

promises

their

of vengeance

acts

for

1

the province.

efficacy

small

1974 attack

who had attacked

a chance and see whether

was only

sector

the

Iaßorayro

the Tucumfin municipal

of our people

Everything

government It

in

in

demanded

on Fiat

disposal

the

March 1973 electoral

January

these

struggle

or not.

factory

for

be no white

will

a faith

to it;

his

de Nalina's

Accompanying as:

by the PAP's Yhaja

mayor of Famaillfi,

right-wing

in

an

traitor

home of "the

bureaucracy

workers

in

of constructing

There was no role

on the

the union

the agrarian

assassinated

and no role

for

by them,

because they

applause.

1973 attack

no role

Guerrero

Saracho,

the August

than

rather

organisation,

except

of spying

1973 for

reform;

class

the workers

Command's objective

workers'

accused

Romero,

for

of vengeance,

acts

that

the goods. grouped

armed campaign to 1973,

and

a minority

(PB 17) was in

(6th Septem13 FAP National in Militancia, nos. orations reported ber 1973), 21 (1st November 1973) and 34 7th February 1974) respectively. (6th 13 Sepibid., no. PAP National communique of 27th August 1973, tember 1973). pp. 28-29.

- 445 -

disagreement.

The other

to make life

attempt

in Argentina

On the

gunned the

home of Fiat

ning". trade

union

In November

1973,

John Swint,

when they

resisted

a kidnapping

Villagra"

FAP Detachments.

during

manager, This

for

essentially

there

responsible

for

In

Command had a degree

National

after

Swint's

death,

Swint

killing

also

some sectors

which

ments involved riate

part

22 Ford executives on its

rebounded the National

had the intention

of the profits

which

of IKA-Renault)

labour

to link

relations

up with

workers'

at Transax.

from

of our country 2

on

It

was

"one of the huge multinational

Ford,

of the workers",

the

came a bomb attack

conflict

by superexploitation this

and bodyguard

Cordoba.

designed

the pillaging

target.

(a subsidiary

(an affiliate

had been no industrial to persuade

and

"Peres sini-Olmedo-Baffi-

August

in

partially

political

as the prime

Goya, IKA-Renault

dispute

was only

for

sacked

chauffeur

by the

attempt

Luis

a car workers'

an attempt

companies

his

with

"as a war-

Cordoba,

manager of Transax

The following

Ricardo

campaign

struggles,

along

car company ex-

commandos machine-

in

chief

S. A. company in Buenos Aires

and the"execution'of

its*

was selected

general

was killed

foreign

of workers

however,

Ford,

of Ford Argentina)

the Permanent

security

the rehiring

militancy.

for

inauguration,

Concord's

for

aiid called

Command's campaign was an

unbearable

eve of Chmpora's

ecutives.

1

of the National

feature

major

into

pulling

fled

success

revulsion

causing

Ford makes through

in

order

exploiting

1.

FAP National May 1973.

communique,

quoted

in

the Buenos Aires

2.

FAP National

communique,

quoted

in

ibid.,

30th

the among

Though the Detach-

Command hoped to win. Swint

week

-a

However,

the country.

perpetrators,

of kidnapping

of Argentina.

out

of temporary

1922 onwards,

Herald,

to

"exprop-

the workers

28th

November 1973.

446-

and carries

to

off

bank and police killing

which likely

the United

might

illas

to

who tried

turned

popular

inhabitants.

The campaign

ended with

to respond

each persecution batants

its

the ERP, leaving

banners.

With

by political

selves

in

far

as the

ors

of that

discovered

labour general

public

apparently in

La Plata

(by

the

not guerrwere

torn

apart

August

1974,

campaign

by the

species

extinct and four

and hit

Villaflor influenced

campaign,

to submerge into

them-

history,

as

1975 surviv-

when a FAP cell

was

arrested.

militants

Militancia,

three

merged PAP

splits

in September

were sighted

Renb Mas in

day it

of the military

The name "FAP" now faded was concerned,

of reprisals

Perhaps

and attempted

to

the National

clutching

profile.

though

un-

of 16 ERP com-

Lt. Col.

by internal

now led

a much lower

trying,

government),

massacre

of recalcitrants

armed actions

struggles.

in

each comrade assassinated

The following

by the ineffectiveness

now abandoned major

killing,

a shanty-town

wounding

24th.

a handful

to adopt

in

the ERP's

the remnants,

repression,

the

by seriously

on October

organisation

to some extent,

they

After

with 4

only

were forced

brothers, too,

their

3

in Catamarca

solidarity

attempt

an assassination with

".

army officers

senior

while

Command still

the same manner to

"in

who had surrendered

against

into

the PAP National

of activists....

Command expressed

truck

earlier

a position

self-preservation,

to each demand postponed

bands,

by the fascist

in

Due to the Swint

milk

the

the case of

2

away by its

successfully,

for

approval.

a hijacked

take

as in

they had put themselves

be necessary

well

to meet with

States",

raids

station

i

no.

(6th 26

December 1973),

26, op.

cit.

p. 46.

1.

PAP National

communique,

2.

Buenos Aires

Herald,

3.

FAP National

4.

in assassinawounded killed others Nine officers several and were ERP 1974 camreprisal September-December during the tion attempts the young December in after It was suspended prematurely paign. the in cross-fire killed Humberto Captain Viola daughter was of during her father's assassination.

9th December 1973.

communique,

Militancia,

no.

447 -

October,

PAP 17th avoided

the

acquire

many of

the

open when the

that

he meant

socialism, hands

of the

oligarchy,

hands

of the

bourgeoisie",

ical

very

close

though

in

recent

"the

that

working

to be

claiming

He so as to

years

Moreover,

he was full

when Perbn referred

the hands of capitalist

and also

in May

from prison

of the means of production

to the merger.

tionary",

supporting

Montoneros Feeling the for

gramme and calling hegemony of the

FAP 17, El Kadri

of the future

the rest

Montonero

tendency

really

movimientista.

Movement.

asserting

came out into

sectors, class

taking

to

from

the

from

the

total

of

polit-

1

power".

Like

Per6n,

from

FAP electioneering

El Kadri,

to be a de facto

"expropriation

1972 as a re-

was released

release,

the Peronist

with

in

only

had been distorted

in a revolutionary

illusions

his

after

two chapters.

and subsequent they

to

in the last

had emerged late

leadership

alternativismo

become "unconnected"

mentioned

However,

showed himself

an alternativista, suggested

Left.

FAP political

When interviewed

1973.

vices

of elections

Command, only

of the National

two PAP factions

the movimientista

alongside the

the movimientista

by Envar El Kadri,

led

PAP faction

and "ideologism"

the announcement

of

sult

"atrategism"

between

Differences

the other

"in

class

nativismo indicated

in a letter

1.

El Kadri interview, PP. 3-5.

2.

Ibid.

displayed which

predicted

a FAP-FAR-

the Movement is

"national

a dramatic reality.

metamorphosis. The military

El Kadri,

in

wing

features,

pro"the and his

However,

the

of alteras was clearly

the name of the imprisoned

(Buenos Aires),

revolu-

liberation"

aimed at achieving 2 El Kadri the Movement",

some movimientista

Liberaci6n

a position

activity

within

in

so fundamental

all

alleged

organisational

(working)

had always

reality,

government's

seemed to have undergone

change was not

1973 and indeed

by early that

had reached

Taco

(1973), 5, undated no.

448 Ralo Detachment, After

this

movimientista

capable

of spreading

praising

tellectuals ing,

to Juan Josh HernAndez Arregui

sent

fighting

intellectual

debt

the Peronist

Movement for

our love

Perbn and Evita,

for

later

- but through

had envisaged

Peron,

something

of a quasi-alternativista

the

imprisonment

of key cadres for

however,

fully

September

with

solidarity

for

support the

Bidegain

El Kadri

and 2nd-in-Command the latter

1.

lip-service

to

between

the idea

they

or attend-

as delegate

to Per-

used by the FAP 17

of Buenos Aires

Council

scheme and Armed

Province,

both

the provincial and later

in Tourism.

1973 because While

the two FAP factions. an "independent

Arregui op.

were

They

and Revolutionary

worked for

of

organised

the end of August

of building

from El Kadri to Hernändez Letter La Formaciön...., Hernändez drregui,

because

Reconstruction

Montoneros

Defence

at

partly because

partly

El Kadri

National

Caride

on the Civil

incompatibility

or Movement posts,

an occasion

as Governor

The name PAP 17 was adopted

paying

the Youth,

Carlos

his

before

shortly

the mass events

and sent

Per6n's

lasted

While

by now total

all

soon to be united

Forces.

government,

in

with

until

by

than were the Montoneros.

share-out

Youth-Montoneros

1973 meeting

to express

leader

job

led

alternative

May 1973 and partly

until

participate

ed by the Peronist on's

the

the FAP's alternat-

to integration,

resistance

bases" 1

and others.

working-class

was

the people"

and solid

to 1972,

prior

occupy many government

out

did,

Arregui

even Cooke had hoped for

which

prepared

that

an "independent"

FAP 17 did not

even less

of Hernändez

"It -

reasons for

PAP

joined

initially

of our love

or liv-

a great

acknowledged

"more firm

with

dying

is worth

than rational

rather

commitment

be remembered

must also

El Kadri

1970.

"one of the few in-

it

which

the expression

the ideas

ivismo

death.

emotional

this

provided

for

being

They had, he wrote,

to the author.

absorbing It

ideas

implementation",

their

for

for

mentor

in January

of the

still

alternative",

of 15th January pp. 547-9. cit.,

1970,

in

449 FAP 17 deprived

the notion

of the working

resentative

the Montoneros National ly

on the need to "consolidate

Front"

i. FREJULI.. e. in

opportunistic

its

of their

support:

certain

tactical

allies

PAP 17 did not need enemies.

FAP 17 tendency the retention

bureaucrats

being

for ation

to justice

"fonuista

to its

Front! breadth"

essence"

personal

"independent

The Peronist

with

a "classist

FAP 17's

experience,

er equated with

of El Kadri's

for

of the working

both

so-called

due

class"

of the masses",

"historical

of the

"mistakes"

of bringing

National

and Liber-

"polyclass-

2

essence".

Movement,

the group into

led

only

same communique

of the

des-

politics,

Command's policy

the

its

social

revolution-

of foauismo,

critique

Foauismo

trenchant.

was authoritatively

the technical

like

Movement was deemed to combine

assertions

of the Peronist

which

the process

from

"allies"

clasista

alternative

to the broadening

prejudicial

Despite ary

the

rhetoric

they

structuring

back from

in

was criticised

methods isolated

1

step

the National

For instance,

to develop

failing

a major

of some of the old

postures.

absurd

ist

involved

The formal

tomorrow,

With

people".

ad-

to reject

us today

or possibly

and the

class

the existing

who wanted to take

can lead

because yesterday,

with

FAP 17 was extreme-

the Montoneros,

"no determinism

were enemies of the working these,

and broaden

of any "allies"

acceptance

vantage

pite

Like

"rep-

and by agreeing

the government"

in

class

Peron as the

by presenting

of content

made by the Taco Ralo

based on

was no longgroup

but

was rather: (which)

"an erroneous political conception and mass struggle.... militancy political impede the structuring of the integral 3 ing class with isolated actions".

El Descamisado,

us from was isolating One cannot replace or the of workorganisation

(4th 16

September

1.

FAP 17 communique,

2.

"d la clase obrera y al pueblo FAP 17 de Octubre: (4th October 1973), pp. 46-48. 17 tancia, no.

3.

Ibid.

no.

peronista,

1973), " Mili-

p. 29.

450 however,

The critique,

was still

now part

of the Montoneros,

sumption

of armed struggle.

FAP 17 felt

that

that

the

into

guerrillas The laying

from

Carlos

Caride

vented

by the

security

Caride

of a pistol

from prison

Isabel

two months

tacit

he had been carrying

had actually

Quieto

and

on trumped-up

charges

in-

was sought

on an arms

in

allegedly

possession

to be followed

and President later,

Firmenich,

1974,

on the route

Bordaberry

by a motor-

of the fact

that

supporters,

the bag which

more lethal

nothing

contained

His

of Uruguay.

a campaign by his

after

admission

governmental

Like

El Kadri

up in February

hope.

exempt FAP 17 militants

not

arrested

whereas

grenade,

Peron,

did

follow

forlorn

war -a

agencies.

services

and powerful

represented

1973-74

Move-

the masses would

revolutionary

was temporarily

was picked

cade transporting release

a clandestine

assume

the Peronist

in

that

1974 re-

one can only

paradox,

participation

of repressive

Jaime,

the September

in

this

enough to ensure

down of arms in

the attentions

charge.

To explain

PAP 17, by

a year

within

was participating

movimientista

ment had been successful

for

partial,

than

potatoes!

Since their

the only and the

origins

was only

Caride

October,

17th

the public

of his

PAP 17 followed tacular both

guerrilla

former

suit.

FAP 17 leaders

to join

victim

Caride

was gunned down in Buenos Aires

man in

July;

authorities

El Kadri

managed to get

enthusiastically

of Rank-and-File

Most,

prepared

they

informed

if

during to Spain, to return

not in

of the Montoneros forces

to the security a minor only

attack

to find

fusion

Peronism

were to participate

failures

was

On 26th

experiences.

the Montoneros.

and political fell

their.

of PAP 17, and soon afterwards

Subsequently,

actions

the Montoneros

rhetoric,

and shared

the dissolution

organisation

decision

FAP 17 from

empty alternativista

discussions

announced

sister

separating

former's

of time,

a matter

June 1974,

difference

in

all,

of

the specbut 1976.

on a policethe Spanish

him to Argentina.

- 451 -

'Alternatiyista'

Other

Brief

Guerrillas

towards

embrace alternativismo just

as transient

ical

developments.

Both

the

"Cooke-Pujadas

do, however,

ed critiques

of the Montoneros

independence

of the national

ered

themselves

their

energies

to their

to polemical

of the

William

Cooke and Mariano

for

its

movimientista

the

predominantly

Of particular Montonero

iated"

2.

impact

for

some attention inside".

parent

on polit-

they

While

declaring

these

columns

organisation

to

was

Column" and the

Recovery

an effort

Pujadas,

convert

accused

alternativismo

of being

"Jose

providtheir consid-

and devoted Montoneros

other

the names of John

the

national

which

"a lack

differentiated

column

of internal

into and polby

comrades who are,

The Cooke-Pujadas working-class

stressing the

organ-

"abstract"

of the PAP National

the Josh Sabino

provided

democracy

alternativistas".

from

of

of the Montoneros.

Out of dissident

itself

(presumably)

this

leadership

seen as products

composition

alternativista,

however,

bearing

criticised

social

and the pushing

but

I

that

and opportunism,

revealing

Column was itself tasks,

two columns,

was the insight

bureaucratism,

Quantitatively,

1.

work in

vacillations

interest

way of an insult,

isational

of their

alternativismo

made little

leadership,

Montonero

petty-bourgeois

discussion

Recovery

the

Their

own viewpoints.

The smaller

itical

"from

be part

to still

merit

began to

columns which

the end of 1972.

of the FAP and they

as that

Navarro-Column"

Sabino

be made of two Montonero

mist

mention

Navarro

and "emac2 Command.

Column,

named

Mariano Pujadas was the Montonero Trelew Massacre victim who shortly before his death called for the unity organof all the guerrilla isations in the briefly occupied Trelew Airat a press conference For the full text of his speech, see Urondo, ope cit., pp. port. In August 1975, five members of his family by 127-136. were killed death right-wing squad in C6rdoba. a de discusi6n: Cooke"Material Montoneros, Columns de Recuperaci6n (28th Pujadas, " Militancia, 38 March 1974), pp. 20-22. no.

452 second Montonero

the

after

been a worker), its

strength

was the

was a theoretical which

appeared

vided

a class

to

the

that

study

the

leaves

"There ist

view

in

people"

a document

conclusion

bourgeoisie

nor

keynote

industrial

working which

the hands a slogan

the Programme of Huerta the confines

within

but rather

bourgeoisie in

imp-

versus

Left)

the

exclusively

owed much

was neither

society

versus

as its

Column pro-

which

to the

of the native

and took

Liberation

many alternativistas, Its

for

they

of Montoneros

Column's

attitude

that

he did

members alleged

1973, but

of the

which Grande:

of the

retained

rejection

towards "what

Capital-

Their

made by Abal Medina and Sabino

of their

of stages

as being

1.

According to statements made by Mario Firmenich in the Buenos Aires Herald, conference, reported

2.

At least five "Notes in Militancia, lished

3.

Peralta Ramos, Etapas de acumulac16n..., I do not op. cit.. connections wish to imply that the author had any political Column.

4.

Montoneros "Militancia,

for Militants" appeared, & 35. nos. 20,26,30

Jos6 Sabino Navarro: "Cartilla (6th 26 December 1973), no.

and

to the def-

pointing Navarro

own

of the

critique

of the theory

the name Montoneros,

Per6n was

the people

on the basis

"goes beyond our leader".

was an alternativista_ but

the

him in September

programme which

movimientismo inition

capital

almost

accompanying

Navarro

4

and voted

Montoneros

and led

view)

for Militante"

of "Notes

developments

3

and

contribution

prime

of the non-Peronist

"weakening

banners

somewhat ambiguous.

radical

Ramos,

Montonero

the Montoneros

the Sabino

in Argentine

monopoly

can be no National

Like

these,

of some sectors

to the

pointed

System".

want"

(the

the nation

Its

a series

Argentine

contradiction"

and Peronist

appeared

In

of post-war

anti-imperialist

workers

2

and international It

through

made by M6nica Peralta

(the

national class.

analysis

versus

proletariat

to Cbrdoba.

developed,

Militancia.

in

I

had

significantly,

group to leave

important

restricted

one,

"principal

erialism

commander-in-chief

only

was mainly

(who,

at a Montonero press 7th June 1974.

of which

para militantes pp. 32-34.

four

were pubof course with this

no.

3,

453 -

who fight

those

"all

mode and relations translated

ally

tion,

their

ideology

to specific

political

unrelated incapable

ivistas

They had a firm

events.

and tactical

line

list

but

also

to

after

of their

ique

5 ants". response

Army".

the

Sabino

Montonero

foauismo

of the radicalised As such it

country". which

envisaged

Navarro

a general

the incorporation

their

as "in

bourgeoisie

represented

a kind

"a proposal

not

solely

working

class"

and finally

commitment

to an armed

a penetrating

4th

"Note

general

from

for

critMilit-

a 'spontaneist'

general,

to the

for

of triumpha-

did

the

Column provided in

of

alternative

organisations

was characterised petty

into

alternative-of

foauismo

alternat-

the political

lacked

and, moreover,

victory

Despite

these

political

fell

the politico-military

previous

Here,

provide

"we all

of abstrac-

2

a viable

of an "independent

4

but

it.

that

contra-

to each turn

response

attaining

Ctmpora's

"developing

however,

itself

admitted

the People's

strategy,

file"

3

to the building

building

the

not It

workers.

drunkenness"

look

for

at a level leaving

to socialism

commitment

equipment

The Column did Argentine

a political

of providing

Argentine

socio-political

situations,

same

and unrealistic-

mechanically

had remained

the

of other

of the

an analysis

into

At

weakness

central

contradictions

soico-economic

14oreover,

dictions.

then

production-and

of

the

had begun with

they

groups:

alternativista

the regime".

against

quarter

Column isolated

Navarro

the Sabino

time,

without

1

of

problems

above the rank-and-

of the masses but

which

fact

in

Montoneros ibid., no.

"Cartilla Josh Sabino Navarro: Para militantes 20 (25th October 1973), pp. 43-44.

no.

1, "

2.

Montoneros ibid., no.

"Cartilla Jose Sabino Navarro: 35 (21st February 1974), pp.

no.

5, "

3.

Montoneros Jose Sabino Navarro: (24th January 1974), pp. 32-37.

4.

Montoneros Jose Sabino Navarro communique of 24th July 1973, ibid., (2nd August 1973), pp. 22-23. 8 no. " 4, no. Sabino Navarro: "Cartilla Para militantes Montoneros Jose (3rd 30 January 1974), pp. 20-22. ibid., no.

1.

5.

"Ante

la

pare militantes 30-33. confusion,

" ibid.,

no,

32

454had no real

influence

the guerrillas

to attempt

initiatives, "the

full

political

military al

struggle,

from above",

the Montonero

of "the

category

Another

had in

had come to determine

all

ical

"

cadres

into

practice

is

the

foauismo

had been that

mientista tonero

not

sealed

"acts

it

off

a militaristic

their

in

original which

and a militarisation

of the

cid mistakes, which

"absorption

of polit-

"conviction

that

Fundamentally,

in-

armed

the weakness

the name of the masses and for

the

the masses. " seen as partly

1973-74,

of publicised

had taken themselves

armed actions

the

of

projects

within

to the Peronist into

organisation

its

Peronism

The Sabino

the Mon"a mere

and their

were ascribed

and,

failure to the

above",

had

moreover,

had

Movement "from

rank-and-file

movi-

to the political

of stages

from rank-and-file

of organisation.

that

had represented

and structure

theory

the

for

responsible

the Column considering

conception

acceptance

form

its

of a

the

and the

of truth".

of

subordination

of armed voluntarism

structure"

criterion

antagonistic

integrated

of the

the acquisition

own experiences

(as tendencial)",

theory

of

they

a "propos-

characteristic"

of the fighter

as "an expression

of the foauista

that

as "was seen in

vacillations

IKontonero

the

of

all-embracing

had transcended

attitudes,

was also

to recognise fact

only

suspension

camp".

even there

Being

that

had been "the

an ideological

foguismo

translation

in

"acquiring

the military

but not with

This

but

the service

in

latter

it -

Based on their

for

a contempt

masses,

the

(aspect)"

a super-valuation

Column now saw foguismo volves

political

had posed as a representative

of foguismo

all

of life.

aspects

had led

People".

character,

mystique,

deviations",

on the armed element".

immersed

to the military

methodological

fact

through

(was)

practice,

foco

fact

characteristic

the political

heroic

political

latter

isolation

and opportunist

and dependent

but

class

of the

Recognition

to overcome their

"populist

of

structure

working

upon them.

influence

by retaining

Navarro

Column did not

of

455 foauismo

reject

up to 1973,

paign

the military that

without

I

were that

critique

of foauismo bridge

and failed

the fatal

saw its

gap between

Navarro's

the need to develop

disciples

2

can thus

of foauismo

critical

weaknesses

pointing

the way towards

type

the latter

but

the Patria

Col-

for

one form

which might

and the working an independent

as a method,

Navarro

valid

formula

an alternative

armed struggle

stressed

and retained

as only

cam-

undermine

foguismo

of the Sabino

criticisms

guerrilla

was so damning

of, criticisms

spoke of building

it

but also

organisations

set

the

had helped

have been to reject

to elaborate

most alternativistas, organisation

this

would

it

that

maintained

The main weaknesses

qualifications.

umn's

ino

However,

conclusion

- it

by the above defects,

flawed

while

regime.

logical

the

of hand though

out

Like

class.

working-class

politico-military

be credited

with

not with

resolving

Josb Sab-

itself.

of structure

isolating these

the of some nor

problems

Socialista.

ALTERNATIVISTA POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS Rank-and-File

Peronism

GENERAL/ "CONFORMES/CO21FORMES/CONFORMES 3 CONFORMESLOS BURGUESES/NOSOTROSA LUCHAR" Peronism

Rank-and-File a direct conscious

product Peronist

of

(PB),

the experiences workers

of the

unlike

its

guerrilla

and struggles late

1960's

of the

and early

counterpart,

was

most class1970's.

Created

1.

Ibid.

2.

It should be noted that there were in fact two Montoneros Jose SabMontonero The original ino Navarro Columns. one was a right-wing from drew its in 1973 faction mainly withsupport which appeared and University Youth (JUP) and to a lesser extent from in the Peronist (JP) Youth the Peronist Buenos Aires sections and the Montonero of Early in 1974, this predominantly student group apparatus. military.. (Loyalists') from the Monformed the basis of the Lealtad splinters tonero tendency.

3.

the that bourthe A 1974 PB chant, directed to Perbn, effect at but that they, the geoisie was in agreement with government policy for their the to objectrank-and-file, struggle were going continue ives.

- 456 -

the

after

Cordobazo

most radical

proletarian

Its

ment. tancy

leading

who retained

working

claps

class

and insistence found

labour that

of

three

union

as to the organisational

as well

aro,

(CGTA) of

tines

1968-70.

enemies

of Peronism

geoisie

in

not of ible

general

reflect its

the

had briefly 1955 military Workers

All

and the trade

wing, nature

partial 1

been a Peronist coup.

Federation,

and that

fact,

of their

successes.

life

As General he had risen

things,

of the not

on the by the fact

to the

example

and Raimundo OngCGT of the Argenthe

only

traditional the bour-

against Their

of the

unionist prior

back in

rather

1945 and

to the September

35,000-strong

to become a leader

did

radicalism

was to be respons-

ultimately

a decade later

of

revolution

movement as a whole but

as a trade

Secretary

Peron-

of Rank-and-File

also

bureaucracy.

labour

than

forms

influence

Di Pasquale

extents,

of the

deputy

Cooke's

against

union

had started

and social

experience

to differing

mili-

the elaboration

The emergence

Jorge

union

organisational

to Cooke but

struggled

also,

a radicalisation

Amado Olmos

1.

but

most combative for

debt

Amado Olmos,

militants,

for

among other

leader.

theoretical

owed a great

his

However,

been limited, or union

a worker

experience.

call

Move-

most of the

that

Peronist

of national

echo in PB.

trade

and proven

politico-military

indivisibility

movement had always

Peronism

for

option

a resounding

its

PB was the

the Peronist

within

recognising

of Peronism,

analysis

upon the

he was not

through

1970,

owed more to Marxism

identity,

going

theory,

revolutionary

to develop

society

the latter

in

congress

were men of long

of Argentine

was still

Cooke's

at a first

organisation

activists

whose analysis

ism yet

all

and formalised

Health

of the Peronist

62

Biographical data on Amado Olmos is drawn from "E1 pensamiento de Amado Olmos, a cinco afros de su muerte, " Militancia, (31st 33 no. January 1974), pp. 26-30, republication by Bernardo of an article Alberte (19th which first Plana, 250 Decin Primera appeared no. ember 1967).

457 the

Organisations

after

1962 national

conference

ical

of the

1

tion.

After

Peronist

the

Cooke,

with ments

-

oligarchy

of major

over

in

a rad-

economic

sectors,

the

tactics",

over exporta-

control

due to the annulment

Cooke admitted premature

of

friendship

a genuine clashes

her husbands's

Olmos after

approved

1962,

of personality

the 62's

over

which

and workers'.

Olmos developed

one devoid

differed

to Adela

condolence

Cordoba,

Grande, control

successes, not

Olmos presided

Strike.

to become a deputy

election

"we often

State

landed

failing

though

at Huerta for

programme calling

expropriation

1959 General

and disagreein a letter

of

death

in

early

1968.2

It move to cided

Cuba, to a January

to leave

commented that national coup,

it

Olmos helped

" former

in response

a more left-wing the

regime, Alonso Bernardo

3

coup,

attacked

Alberte,

to the threat

before

is

Alonso

at

Olmos

of the

build

trade

the 62

union

and tried

groupto give

to countenance.

was willing labour

of other

de-

latter

1966 Onganja

Josh Alonso

posed by Vandor,

of one of Perbn's dying

the grave

up to the

Secretary

became a leading

by Primera

Interviewed

than

"participationism"

support

When the

the Perlin-sponsored

a Perlin),

Olmos briefly

and won the

Spain

him to

urging

endorsement,

In the months leading

character

the

CGT.

refusing

of Per6n in

CGT General

(62 de Pie Junto

created

After

"on the table",

"The residency

to Perlin,

of the

1965 plenary

letter

revolution...

on Foot ing

the

letter

Cooke's

was Olmos who presented

opponent leaders

union

most radical

of the new including

"delegates",

the age of 50.

Plana

shortly

before

his

death,

Olmos put

B.

1.

See Appendix

2.

"Las manos limpias, " letter from Cooke to Adela Olmos, Montevideo 15th February 1968, Militancia, p. 31. no. 33, op. cit., (7th "La definicion February 1974), 34 llega..., " ibid., que no no. pp. 26-30.

3.

458-

forward ista

a political

position

featuring

yet

a firm

the

the Labour

Minister

ions

for

cause it

San Sebastian"

to

labour

problems,

the

people

under

solutions

a dependent

is

he reiterated

time,

the workers rather

than

to the

trade

that

"it

Olmos thus

but, forces,

to exercise

to

Cooke, this

since

verticalismo

separated

after

his

death

The heritage ership

Olmos from

being

leaders

of the mid-1960's

elaborated

are

critique

bureaucratisation

negate

below

of the trade

and who are, not

the

com-

of the Movement "the

of

other

essence

of Peronism".

for

principle

the which

of frui-

reached

union

bureaucracy, that

"as union the political

leadership. in

lead-

on working-class

Olmos recognised

echelons

hegemony".

owed much to him.

nonetheless

of real

by 1967 he saw

leadership

and support

but were not

of the higher

he had looked

an exclusion

were representative

of the masses and were incapable

1959,

the alternativismo

by Cooke.

elected"

Movement

workers'

of Amado Olmos was an emphasis

er also

they

be to totally

but which

the

over

to involve

'polyclassism'

and an embryonic

sense that

was not

would

of Peronist

to take

1959, that

Peronist

In

this

At the same

".

hegemony but

from

"emerging

workers

thi$

that

be-

capitalism)

by him in

the

solut-

provide

country...

party.

preventing

who are

the regime)"

hegemony in

for

government

cannot

expressed

leaders

Acceptance

tion

first

their

to. the

liberal

a dependent

government,

an independent

looked

(of

on "homages to

going

looking

structures

create

leaders,

for

government

try

the

as for

these

"the

establish

(with

promised

for

had to

union

is

and for

the attitude,

to

leaders

union

He sharply

interests.

to workers'

commitment

"participationist"

criticised

of Cooke - pre-alternativ-

to that

similar

the unions,

the officials,

the latttrade

union in

representatives Pointing

to the

Olmos criticised

the: "leaders the lifestyles, who have acquired cars, houses, investto be fightthey ments and tastes claim of the oligarchy which Of course, with such attitudes, ing. they cannot lead the

the

459 -

class".

working

1967 he differentiated

in

Moreover,

1

of trade

two kinds

between

union-

ism: "The worker does not want solutions from above because he's suffThe worker ered from them for twelve years and they're no good. trade unionism which projects towards itself wants an integral the control of power and which ensures the wellbeing of all the The other type is imperialist trade unionism 'yellow' people. our role to wage bargaining which seeks to restrict and holiday camps". 2 of these

Both

the

ramme of cipal

were later

quotations

in

enshrined

CPT of the Argentines

which

the

1968 May Day ProgOlmos as its

recognised

prin-

mentor. Jorge

Di Pasquale

tancy

and,

like

While

still

in

his

before

posts

strategic

the rise

of Vandorism He led

positions.

of the

Secretary and Per6n's as being

elected

lost

As the militants and others

organisations

a national

years,

Di Pasquale

to recover

1960's,

to the socialist

ground

were forced

in

the national

to look

while

union

Council

from

Peronist

of Peronism

union

Assoc-

(1960-62),

1963,

elections

also

key

several

countries-in

trade

of

of militants

of Orthodox

to the creation

to combat the bureaucracy,

de Amado Olmos, "

he occupied

frustrated

the

in

trade

62 Organisations

of the

and Supervisory

deputy

the

prison.

of the Association

a removal

produced

Secretary

delegate

personal

Resistance

Confederation

the

Coordinating

in

Secretary

In the early

1958.

mili-

spells

struggles General

of Peronist

record

several

with

the early

elected

(CROP), was Press

iations

quale

in

it

for

the Peronist

being

Pharmacy Workers

during

20's

in

before

had a creditable

also

had paid

Olmos,

had participated movement,

3

(1962) as well

of 1962.

movement,

of rank-and-file tactically

allying

1.

"El

2.

"La Burocracia,

3.

data about Jorge Di Pasquale is drawn from "Balance Biographical (9th de 26-37. May 1974), " De Prente, 2 pp. gobierno, un ano no.

pensamiento

" Militancia,

no.

op. cit. 19 (18th

October

Di Pas-

1973),

PP. 16-17. de

-460 -

displaced

with

1

Ongaro Peronists,

November

became a public

1966 but

was still

elected

CGT Congress.

It

led

der

62 on Foot,

the case of the

of

Cämara, as well

Bible

as his

clared

that:

Along with

much later.

to the

not

leadership

Secretary

at

Catholicism

other

of the Printers

Union in

the March 1968 'Amado Olmos'

as much as union

experience

Ongaro to embrace the cause of socialism. liberation'

and the

text

political

own childhood,

Interviewed

book.

of Camilo

examples

of his

as the poverty

mili-

the labour

name in

a universally-known

General

was radical

the young

'theology

by the

figure

he was elected

movement until

which

in

the Vandorists.

against

tant

of the bureaucracy,

sectors

Influenced

the

Ongaro took

the end of

at

and Hel-

Torres

1968, he de-

"Christ he surrounded himself was no proprietor; with the humble, he was no mercantilist, the traders; used the whip against econhe condemned lucre and exploitation". omist or financier, 2 For

Ongaro,

capitalism

an invention

In

trying

the

of man which

not

promise

early

only

dured

up to his

Christian

martyrs

During

incorruptible.

Christ

of structural

to live

the agonies

of

of Christianity

was a negation

his

had condemned. but

revolution

but always many terms

torture

Socialism

also

remained in

by reciting

prison, chunks

held

property the

out

liberation.

of spiritual

Ongaro suffered

faith,

and private

the same persecution

dignified, he is

principled

and

to have en-

reputed

of the Bible

as

to his

police

tormentors.

As leader being

elected

a victory

for

movement with

of the

General

Secretary

the militants them.

1.

data Biographical el pueblo salvarä

2.

Ibid.,

p. 90.

Printers

but

Though "the

Union,

Ongaro rose

to prominence

at the March 1968 CGT Conference. they

were unable

rebels",

as they

to take

the whole

were called,

about Raimuado Ongaro is drawn from his al pueblo, op. cit., passim.

through This labour

had a

book,, Solo

was

461 -

the

majority

at

unions.

Larger

Congress,

Labour

the

of the

Party

unist the

Argentines

which

carried

May 1968,

must only

a call

to action

and struggle

and monopolies:

workers

an easy road,

le

natural

and social

support

in

often

the downfall

worker-student

and all

and for

However,

its

CGT of

below

Grande Programme

It

of

CGTA, owed a lot

the

May

finest

for

1969 which,

led

by the

1.

CGT de los Argentinos, Mensaie a los Ist May 1968, ibid., pp. 27-40.

to the preparations

"The strugg-

the recovery

of

of power to be return-

not

led

numerous part

the C6rdoban

planned

or formally

made by Ongaro's

Trabaiadores

1

company".

a decisive

came during

by

was qualified

a foreign

though

wings

the

which'played hour

each per-

is

CGT of the Argentines

overtones, Its

that

emphasis

working-class

offers

penetration

"exercise

the

the

offer

and "combative"

of foreign called

the military

does not

"classist"

It

of society".

against

lie.

another

man-

a militant

the benefit

company opposing

political

of Onganda. rising

forms

justice"

1968 and 1969, with

from

by the

class".

"each national

for

Throughout struggles,

had

a time

the

take

not

the May Day programme maintained

of the working

ed to the people". its

Gen-

of the Comm-

as that

issued

for

exist

outlook,

Supported

movement,

mission

"freedom

a pleasing

the monopolies

against

the

CGT's in the interior

could

"The CGT of the Argentines

station".

labour

the

CGT of

for

of the Huerta

points

"Property

regime

of

it

the CGT of the Argentines

that

son a battle

the new

on to

faction

regional

that

realised

the central

reiterated

and declared It

latter

smaller

over.

On Ist ifesto

the

until

Ongaro's

Cordoba CGT, as well

the

especially

to recognise

managed to hold

of the more militant

of several

country,

HQ.

the

amongst

between Ongaro's

split

CGT which

Azopardo

mainly

refused

was a two-year

Confederation's

support

unions

and the Vandorist

the Argentines

lay

strength

and more powerful

and the result

leadership

eral

their

y al

Pueblo,

"rebels"

462 for

such a spontaneous

outburst by receiving

unity

student-worker

Union holiday

Printers

Ongaro himself

of protest. the

camp in

leaders

had promoted

of 14 student

June 1968 to discuss

joint

groups action

at a

against

the regime. Through

setting

a combative

of ad hoc leadership

during

Argentines

fulfilled

one of its

lived.

never

It

importance

saw itself

of legality

to incorporate

levels

of consciousness. unionism

Rather,

and establish

Firstly

cracies

behind

strategic

had firm

often

Backed initially

roots

by only

in

half

dissolution

and CGT reunification.

Peronist

because,

views

and

a new style

of

political

and representative failure,

union

after

several

once the

the experiment, allies.

fearful This

by Jeronimo

the metalworkers,

relatively

labour

it

Perlin

had encouraged

Madrid

would

get

tactical

switch

Remorino

as "delegate",

opposed to the CGTA majority

the

whose bureaumemberships.

the CGTA rapidly

movement,

I

lost

which

their

out

warning,

Perlin

of the 1968,

but

suspended

of hand and alienate

bour-

the replacement

of Bernardo

was seen in

ignored

the formation in February

residence

had been given that

well-paid

lacked

late in 1968 Perbn ordered its secondly, 2 As in the case of the Revolutionary

Ongaro at his

"participationists"

CGT of the Argentines

like

their

Movement (MRP) of 1964,

CGTA when he received

the

the

affiliates

2.

due to the

both

was to develop

long-term

its

unions,

many of its

1.

of their

more democratic

was short-

success

and to the need for

unionism

intent

and most importantly,

of the big

support

Alberte

its

its

instrument,

regardless

workers,

the CGT of

moments, were fourfold.

glorious

geois

but

main purposes,

trade

a degree

providing

insurrections,

as a revolutionary

all

The reasons

structures.

and often

1969 provincial

to successful

unions

trade

the

example

the latter Perbn's

being

strongly

order.

Ramos, op. cit., See Peralta pp. 60-61, for data on the dramatic between provement in the relative wage position of metalworkers "Mayo 69: Cordobazo, " En Lucha, no. 16 (June 1974), p. 6.

im1948-66.

463 Ultimately, the labour

within formism

movement of the as a defence

as well

to undermine but

one has to say that

his

here

later.

For those

and the CGTA raised

would

as the

serve

was not

negligible joined

and others

leaders'

union

- textile

workers,

1-

the

"rebels"

had been evicted

Argentina's

ciera,

the printers dundancy

toll

Early

for

lions

1969,

of

Jäuregui,

former

1.

Ongaro,

2.

Buenos Aires

op.

trade

the

CGTA. killed

cit.,

p.

Herald,

builders, in

here

success

meat workers spite

of their

generalised.

leader Union

campaign by employers Union, but

sacked

not

only

the

after

(UTA) HQ by armed thugs, Fabril

47 militants

defence,

their

which

also,

Compa:Kia General

had the effect unionism

In addition

during

the

Revolutionary

Finanand though

the eventual

gained Youth

1969.

of isolating executing

considerable

suppression

109. 11th April

before to the

CGT of the Argentines

Peronist

Their

strike

its

company,

repression

to the declining

de base) which

Printers

the

Ongaro

re-

1,000.2

of militant

and workers

1969,

a little

(agrupaciones

the

months in

several

political

students

in

Peronism

conflicts.

the Transport

significantly

and encouraged

was it

with

re-

Rebellion"

was a successful

printing

was around

expressions

gräce

from

largest

struck

Finally, ling

confederation

headquarters.

its

with

reason

barons

CGT of Azopardo,

metalworkers,

of the CGTA:

provided

"rebel"

in

class

Ongaro was unable

of Rank-and-File

but neither

contributing

labour

1969 CGTA general

July

Ist

working

privilege.

groups

leadership

the

reflected

"Rank-and-File

of

to Ongaro

opposition

the Vandorist

effective

the nerve-centre

against

those

rank-and-file

boycott

A third

cry

1960's

Vandorist

supporting

the

to organise

militants

of the

prefigured

unions

late

of bureaucratic

the power bases

attempts

the strong

the coup de number of

of the provincial

a martyr (JRP)

and stif-

rebel-

in Emiliano

activist

and Press

464 Secretary

Press Workers

the

of

June 1969 CGTA demonstration leaders

union

than

no fewer

police workers'

meetings

workers'

protest

times,

six

often

a sugar

against

mill

his

to prevent

by the

flown

to join

in

to Bahia

a sugar

1969, he was sim-

January

in

closure

Many

participation

Vista

Bella

a

and none more than

Ongaro was arrested

When nearing

or strikes.

during

Rockefeller.

by Nelson

harassment

of 1969,

by the Tucumän police,

kidnapped

ply

to constant

months

six

dead by a policeman

shot a visit

against

were subjected the first

In

Ongaro.

Union,

dumped

and just

Blanca

there.

While ipationist"

Cngania

to his

taking

over

It

advantage. the unions

of Seige

and imposing

were imprisoned

and Ongaro,

State

labour

ience, destine

rank-and-file

charged

with

responsibility

for

of that

After

and the sympathy

from

prison.

Ongaro,

American

worker",

Vandor's this

death, exper-

more to clan-

vulnerability

of surface

organisation for

militants is

there

capital,

and students

the emerging

an enemy army,

then we will

Ongaro declared

had to

after

his

create release

1

Rank-and-File

1.

expressed.

"If

a

looked

of popular

of many of these

North

the Argentine

army to defend

New forms

was openly

an army to defend

year.

seen the

having

activity,

be developed

is

of workers

Ongaro and Di Pasquale

organisations

there

the rest

CGTA,

declaring

call,

Hundreds

for

temporthe

outlawing

law.

to enemy attack.

armed organisations

of the manner

martial

like

militants

for

a CGTA strike

supporting

influence

June 1969 assassination

was used as a pretext

liberty

of his

was deprived

Vandor's

to turn

the

be reminded

should

"partic-

and were often

strikes,

measures were needed to undermine

was able

all

CGTA general

to join

Urban guerrillas

core.

enough to persuade

were generally

not

more extreme

CGTA hard

in which arily

leaders

union

superfluous, of the

threats

Ongania's

op.

cit.,

Peronism

p.

138.

was a direct

product

of these

experiences.

if an

- 465 -

Due to its trade

upon rank-and-file

stress

tendencies.

In fact,

trade

for

unions

time

PB's

it

idea

is

important

were directly

certainly

close

the

front

was a far

more fruitful

this

to actively

leader

sugar

workers'

arist

ERP and was killed

leader

a sector

of labour

struggle

of the

strategy",

with

like

The early than

1.

relations

less

with

that

was

several

the

labour

glamorous,

area

of

phenomenon,

engage in

guerrilla

Catamarca

in

in

sympathised did not

1970's

action

Carmen Fernändez

del

envisaged

important

being

the Tucumän

who joined

Obviously,

1974. with

the only

the

Guev-

the*fact

that

the armed

and supported

amount to the integration by the proponents

of armed

of an "integral

the Montoneros.

documents

the contemporary

Peronist

working-class

front.

Antonio

mass struggles

guerrilla

Di Pasquale

activity.

if

be

Though PB fully

leading

both men recognised

and decisive,

militants

early

which

none of the

on

would first

and applauded

guerrilla

was a generalised

labour

actions

but

the military

Indeed,

that

fund-

on the former,

Movement.

the FAP and Ongaro maintained

to

formations",

than

warfare

its

of

and a people's

party

party

the Peronist

a lot

but

democracy

union

was overwhelmingly

drawn into

"special

struggle

trade

of

devoted

It

struggle.

working-class

to note

limitations

aware of the

of a workers'

of revolutionary

militants

of

emphasis

form within

embryonic

the

supported

for

creation

of an independent

in

nurtured

actions,

were the

practice,

creation

was well

and organising

objectives In

army.

it

of revolutionary

purposes

to campaigning

amental

the

however,

on

been assumed to have had syndicalist

PB has often

struggles,

union

and concentration

organisation

governments,

produced

pronouncements PB noted

their

PB: "Porque somos peronistas (September-1971), 30 no. pp.

by PB were far of the PAP. "multiple

de base, " 9-12.

more alternativista Examining

limitations"

Cristianismo

the early 1

which

y Revoluciön,

had

466 -

ultimately ing

to

led

lacked

bureaucracies

"independent

Peron and the

"between

bureaucracy,

union

Here, volutionary in

the

formed

the

by "the

were motivated

keep the benches 3

president".

agree:

here

fact

that

share,

"Peron

is

PB differentiated

publicly

PB's

war".

at least,

not itself

regarded

"Por

that

arguing

sacred

we don't

revolutionary

the

Ongaro attacked

However,

which

short

stopping

hope that

interpretation serves

going

trade the and 2 sectors".

behaviour

People

alliance

bourgeois

parties

to run for

was that

"Peron

is

a strategy

with

which

using

there

of was recognition 4 for us" to make the revolution and

from Per6n's

Peronist

the mainstream return

who,

pp.

57-64-

as a panacea.

" ibid.,

Socialista,

" a selection "Peronismo de Base: El Peronismo Revolucionario, Hombre, Nuevo PB documents, from no. statements extracts and (20-26th October 1971), p. 10.

4.

"Peronismo

quoted

de Base:

una Argentina

Left

2.

in

a

we

PB of TucumA.n:

Ongaro,

to

once again

1.

3.

re-

him as a social-

some vendepatria

At the same time,

1952,

since

his

be able

they would

had

of Perön's

of presenting

the Hour of the

warm and find

which

least

in analysing

the reformist

to-an

there

that

capitalist

been

and military

fact

exaggeration

forward

was carried

of Congress

tactic,

an implicit

and

commitment

at

the

had not

class

the workers

and Peronist

workers

month,

previous

Peronism,

of the Army, between

though

In December 1970,

ist.

of the

within

political

of bourgeois

was PB's recognition

was of course

1970's,

early

the working

to their

rest

and this

role

forces,

for

Having

allies".

important

between

there

I

liv-

having

of not

the Peronist

the desertion

conflicts

and-class

Congress

the error

for

and with

Equally

alternative"

been. political

dearly

as constraining

the Movement.

from

sectors

in

of our erstwhile

following

had meant better

and participation

organisation

a defeat

to avoid

unions

independently

ourselves

Peronism

coup.

1955 we paid

an independent

union able

trade

"in

but

class

organised

1955 military

strong

standards,

working

the

the Buenos Aires El Peronismo

Herald,

of 14

19th December 1970.

Revolucionario,

" op.

cit.

467 -

its

PB maintained as leader eral

of a broad

revolutionary

amongst

dependent,,

revolutionary,

The task

class

and admired

as "an anti-imperialist

to power,

what Perbn still

realised

a worker

says Per6n,

existing

order".

he is

that

by PB, whose

leader"

that

it

he is

in

not

Perbn

he can choose".

meant to the workers:

saying

PB declared

and then

be

can be seen by the

which

road

of

an in-

build

of PB was "to

alternative,

he

a unilat-

will

of our revolution

as the real

was respected militants

"The leaders

the rank-and-file".

class

working

but

that

in the development

a part

play

feeling

to follow

not be expected

Perrin would

process

of Perbn,

independence

Movement could

path.

the revolutionary born

tactical

"for

agreement

when

us,

the

with

would:

"advance, not denying our previous but going beyond experience, it" is not to win crumbs, but for final 1 ... "our struggle libthe seizure of power by the working eration-through class and the exploited just and people in order to bring about a free, fatherland, sovereign an Argentina with neither oppressors nor in other words, a national oppressed; and socialist revolution". of PB as a Peronist

The originality it

being

al

structure

commited

rank-and-file forms

tional

was not

being

is

that

that

"the

organisation the practical

"

with

3

out

leading

to coordinate

programme,

Porqub somos....,

developed

Its

organisation-

to minimal In its

of

organisainfancy,

of our organisational

Nor did

it

life

start

an "encyclopaedia"

experience

in

of the exigencies

activity.

originality

and theory

lay

organisation

work".

gradually

we are formless".

political

with

but

this

established

the answers - rather, in interaction

with

when stating

precisely

comprehensive

to rank-and-file

preconceived

struggle,

PB was correct form

"totally

political

2

providing

were constantly of workers'

with

a all

developed

struggles

and

1.

PB:

2.

Concord leaflet issued in support of SITRAC occupation, y Revolin "Cbrdoba: Is docta montonera, " Cristianismo 28 (April 1971), pp. 6-10. (June 29 ibid., " 1971), no. de las bases, "La revolucibn PB interview, pp. 11-13.

3.

PB of Fiat reproduced ucibn, no.

ope cit.

468 the

with

full

"without

that

ing

but

movement,

the abstract

iences al

theorising

and arid

can be no revtheory

of was not

divorced

had plagued

which

in maintain-

there

practice

What PB was contemptuous

theoretical

as such

from the political

broad

exper-

traditionthe of

sectors

of Marxism

not

Peronist

let

not

as a "universal its

class Its

than

with

the inter(FAR),

Armed Forces banner",

but in

sectors

it the

unlike classical

was seen in PB's

radicalism

the non-revolutionary

contribu-

for

become submerged

analysis

the non-Peronist

to work with

the

instrument

political

practical

declaration

its

we reject

the Revolutionary

Like

antinomies.

readiness

mean "that

not

we see as a scientific

of reality".

FAR, PB did

did

this

which

see Marxism

was to be seen in

radicalism

Peronist,

though

pretation

Left

I

a

Left.

that,

did

revolutionary

without

of the workers

PB's

tion

also...

reflect

can be no revolutionary

there

theory

not

Leninist

PB was impeccably

revolutionary

theory".

olutionary but

In fact,

theory.

for

disdain

activists.

of all

participation

did

This

greater

of the revolutionary

of Peronism:

sectors

Left the' "Our postulation revolutionary with and of an alliance that have found Peronism we signifies of not with other sectors Left in the the the struggle". of comrades alongside ourselves Due to the

Instead,

enemy attack.

methods". the basis

it

with

organisation 2

Rather

than

of short-term

1.

"Peronismo

2.

Ibid.

worked

by definition

of the best

de Base:

a revolutionary

attempt

to mobilise

subjective

desires,

El Peronismo

to

were vulnerable level

at rank-and-file

on the basis

to build,

"trying

political

which

superstructures

of creating

ies

experience

PB was wary

of the CGT of the Argentines,

trade

large

comrades,

to the

" op.

a

revolutionary

numbers of workers

PB looked

Revolucionario,

union with

policy,

the factor-

in

creation

cit. '

on

469 of a cadre

organisation

to some extent

aries,

working-class

for

mass-based

The location car workers,

were strongest

impetus.

The militancy but

and artisanal owned car

is

though

skilled

engaged in

the industrial of interest

unity

workshops that

on the

rural

car workers

is

provided

bourgeoisie

bourgeoisie,

Fiat lacks

the foreign-

provincial

highly manual

homogenous,

of their

homogeneity,

some comm-

to

In con-

plants.

industrial

small

employees

being

work-

Moreover,

of many of the

and IKA-Renault

a weak local

but

and machinery.

the fate

main

small-scale

of well-organised,

by the dependence linking

its

to a number of

point

not

ten-

to be further

needs

units

of vehicles is

strate-

labour

predominantly

enclaves

structure

of the major

the provincial

a declining

the production

to control

1969 Cordobazo

Around 45% of the

workers.

car factories,

of the workers

trast,

large

among the

and "classist"

of numbers of productive

productive is

"combative"

C6rdoban industry

contribute

the future

especially able

of the Cordobazo

studies

terms

Cordoba,

Though not

of the C6rdoban

2

companies

concentrated, force

in

in

in Cordoba and gave the

existing

factors.

explanatory

the

for

of

mature.

logical.

level,

levels

of existing

the foundations

stronghold

was perfectly

revolution-

of a movement which would be both

might

of PB's

dencies-I

researched

laying

the emergence

at national

unions

the limitations'

but

and revolutionary

worker

semi-professional

recognising

consciousness

when conditions

gic

of steeled

composed of

bourgeoisie

own-

ing

small

1.

Peronists Generally prepared to speaking, combativos were militant to achieve socialist use combative methods but not necessarily influenced by Marxmilitants goals; clasistas class-conscious were ism-Leninism struggle. and committed to a socialist

2.

See Beba Balve et al, Lucha de calles..., especially op. cit., drawn, is C6rdoba from data 155-7 the and on pp. where economic For 163-67 the Cbrdoban a more general pp. on class structure. Delich, labour see Cordoban militancy, sociological analysis of Crisis y protests social..., op. cit.

and medium-sized

enterprises

and a predominant

external

470

bourgeoisie,,

Objectively, late

This

contrasted

demonstrates

monolithically

Buenos Aires

the relatively

formed

1960's

sharply

in

resident

of the

with

the behaviour

"labour

"labour

the

aristocracy"

such as that

1967,

sector

latively

sectors

and is

socially

tant

the period

response

under

to be seen in

needs

the

consideration, the light

as

situation,

in

In

groups.

be regarded

cannot

Vasen

sist.

of the

militancy

remunerated

of similarly

Krieger

poorer

and their

aristocracy"

posed by Economy Minister more than

capital.

Cbrdoban car workers

In a wage-freeze

reformist.

foreign

and representing

well-paid

part

that

-

this better

re-

suffers

to re-

equipped

C6rdoban

im-

mili-

car workers'

of a number

of provincial

features.

Firstly,

the

C6rdoban car industry

"new proletariat", labour tions

of

other

alisation" which

the

they

were paid

of the

outbreak

481%of provincial

Cordobazo.

productive

tories

appears

significant. and a high

to

crucial cline inance al

in in

the health

the

1960's.

the national

car production

Ford and other

the

in

tradi-

C6rdoban

hours

for

in

the

catalyst

in

for

the

car fac-

trade

based on shared

suffered

union ex-

industry, a marked de-

came a loss 1960,60%

by 1969 its

operating

of

capital

strong

car

car

"ration-

concentration

Whereas in

companies

the

four

the C6rdoban

the province,

provincial

the provincial

a basis

crisis

and its

economic

Saturday",

economy,

market. in

lack

Secondly,

consciousness

an agrarian

had been located

was down to 20p with

provided

Fourthly,

automobile

to

of large'numbers

of the provincial Alongside

the

was an important

of class

and interdependence.

periences

"English

concentration

level

in

by Ongania's

manual labour

This

said

the geographical

Thirdly,

manufacturing

and the

affected

of the

is

class.

did not work,

but

(1963)

organisation

loss

Their

plans.

sectors

young

dominant

and 1960's,

1950's

of the working

sections

were one of those

workers

relatively

became increasingly

which

movement during

is

around

of predomof nationshare Buenos

471 Aires

the

of workers

of the

the interior

in

it

and found

main power base in Buenos Aires rations

the trade

Finally,

dominant.

becoming

union

bureaucracy

had its

harder

to control

concent-

than workforces

country

near

capital.

workers

as their

clining

provincial

Cordoba's

therefore,

In many ways,

vanguard,

constituted

industrial

workers, force

a strong

economy, seen by analysts

the car

with

de-

a weak,

within

as:

hit be to Argentine "a weak link capitalism, sufficiently of weak before and more radically than other by the effects of crises 1 but to to be industrial strong sufficiently react". zones able C6rdoban the

in

strongly

the

In March of that

until

of militant

statement

SITRAM, revealed 2

unions.

Di Pasquale "Neither

being

vention

in

anticipated Con Todo:

that

led

clasista

a leading

in

Workers",

played

a leading

coups nor elections: presented

or Revolution"...

October

to secure

1971.

tendency

the keynote ",

these

of his

inter-

3a

bourgeois

"Imperialist

end of

in

Alberte's

in Bernardo

rein-

by SITRAC-

convoked

Revolution!

the

At the

earlier.

political role,

in

goods

the SITRAC occupation

an attempt

of Revolutionary

PB was the strongest

railway

repressed

part

in

and even more

SITRAC and SITRAM,

unions

and fiercely

hostages

Lopez,

and Materfer

car workers

of

the new leadership

by Atilio

two months

the dichotomies

"Dictatorship

1971,

in

sacked

activists

Congress

a "1st

August,

taking

plant,

expression

outlawed

PB played

year,

Concord

the Fiat

Concord

the Fiat

respectively

found

independent

short-lived

organised

workers

in April

CGT elected

C6rdoba

which

militancy

working-class

slogan 1968 paper dictat-

4 orial

regime

people's

or revolutionary

government".

196.

1.

Bebe Balve

2.

clasista, nacional "Del Sitrac-Sitram Pelayo, Ariel a la tendencia (22nd-28th September 1971), 10 Hombre, Nuevo " El poder obrero, no. pp" 2-4. (8-14th September 1971), 8 " ibid., no. de liberaciön, "El sindicalismo p. 11. " Con Todo, (editorial), revolucibn, "Dictadura o Bernardo Alberte (sic), September 1968, p. 3. 0 no.

3. 3.

et al,

op.

cit.,

p.

of

472 In fact,

the event from

atives is

is

Trotskyist

workers' dency

at the

and Maoist

of Peronism.

PB defined

itself

defending

and in

the Peronist

for

the

with

closely

armed struggle an independent

for

calling

independent

the

ten-

"combative"

bourgeoisie

wary

Pasquale

1971, many PB activists

end of

leadership

dence,

of the FAP but

as a class

publicly

argued

as the PAP,

to violence

2a

the only

brought

which

8 months

in

and

spent

ity

in

a military

putsch

veloped

a close

friendship

leader

Agustin

CGT General

that

for

prison

by

4

Tosco, Secretary

his

incitement

were more

In

of prison

C6rdoban

issued

they

Di

crisis

for

accused

Labanca. the

for

1972,

3

the Montoneros"

formally

cell-mate,

Rucci

indepen-

by such organisa-

loyalties

"we are with

and together Jose

exact

General

its

to Argentina's

him imprisonment

though

it,

organised with

retained

practised

Ongaro's

crime.

the politic-

In April

solution

the violence

through

and condoning

sector

alternativismo.

he declared May in 1971 -

elusive

ouncing

that

claim

were accepting

a significant

of the FAP's equivocal

was one to be achieved

ers'

in

What

and organisations.

I

By the

tions

both

meeting,

represent-

with

counted

PB allied

critics

was too

which

it

parties

Congress

Army (ERP),

alternative

enemy.

al

that

Revolutionary

against

for

the main revolutionary

all

interesting

People's

important

had a student

on the way to the

delegates

of worker

was nevertheless

Workers"

of Revolutionary

Congress

due to arrests

majority, but

"Ist

the

power

statements

"selling-out"

compliche deworkden-

workers'

struggles.

1.

Ariel

2.

Di Pasquale

3.

Ongaro,

4.

Communist Tosco often shared the political line of the Argentine Party but did not join a party. See his book, La lucha debe con(Buenos Aires: He died tinuar Libros para el Tercer Mundo, 1975). in November 1975.

Pelayo,

op. article,

quoted

in

cit. Nuevo Hombre (11th the Buenos Aires

April

Herald,

1972).

14th May 1971.

473 -

urging

class

and minds

struggle

of a majority

unified

in

General

Secretary

Rucci's

initial

eral

July

the San Nicolks

1970,

and then

of October

In holding

back on strikes,

fulfilling

his

the

by Peran's

inspired

need to prove

labour

fear

Rucci

though

strike

movements. Peronist

that

if

bourgeois

he could

why the regime

movement - the main reason

was partially

in March 1972,1 his

of

this

as an orthodox

of alarming

Lanusse

to General

1972.

the gen-

as seen in

to bridle

of Perbn sent

orders

was elected

basis him won a genuine

movement,

however,

hearts

in July

majority

wage struggles,

when he attempted

subsequently

orders

to lead

labour

Josb Rucci

a large

and November 1970,

undermined

just

period.

with

the

capture

When the CGT was re-

metalworker

re-elected

of the

among sectors

this

in

of workers

did not

content

a socialist

preparedness

strikes

support

with

tendencies

PB and other

that

however,

must be emphasised,

It

was earlier;

not

and

supporters

indeed

the

control

Per6n's

countenanced

return. PB's

level.

tions ity

All

that

unions

PB but

Youth

(JTP),

never

achieved

its

maintained

eros tants

that

lacking

with

just

the good ones,

can one measure the precise mirroring

the FAP division,

See the Buenos Aires "La JP toma la 1973), P. 7.

was easily

its

process citing

and PublicPer-

to out-mobilise

with

The Montonpure mili-

Per6n's

"if

few men",

of the

late

called

for

a "blank

1972 split

no.

19 (26th

I had 2

Nor

when, vote"

in

19th March 1972.

" El Descamisado,

fac-

main bas-

Printers

able

I would have had very

PB National

im-

came at

penetration.

this

defects",

proportions

Herald,

iniciativa,

"lead

is

The pro-Montonero

controlled.

rank-and-file not

that

and the Pharmacy, it

1970-73

efforts is

certainty

once formed,

one could

movement in

main organisational

which

solid

and revolutionaries,

stayed

2.

its

one can say with

in Buenos Aires,

Working

labour

the

were the C6rdoban car workers

onist

1.

in

strength

to measure because

possible tory

political

September

474the

coming elections

the

other

PB 17's to

to these

the

tember the

and came out with

feeling

the former

that

and that

100,000 tonero

latter

the for

support

CGT march or in

August

been.

Through

Though PB built ists, ipate Its

1. 2.

it

its

through

a more solid its

rally,

questioning

32-36.

bureaucracy artificial

occasions

least

80,000

Non-

the

feel-

as a

criticisms class

of had not had

activists

a "reformist"

(i. e.

force

the whole

mean-

Per6n and mass withdrawal. composed of militant

of growth

by refusing

they were organised

Boxing

around

by the

the class

the working

and transform

structure

that

of

Stadium

to partic-

by the

" La Causa no.

2

activ-

enemy.

at the end of April

peronistas, a los trabajadores July 1974), p. 16. te, De= " Mayo, de "Opiniones: el 10

Reported in "Fidelidad (16th 2 Peronista, no. Edmundo Cribe, May 1974), pp.

those

either

de Mayo rally,

of translating

while

of

in

participate

some pertinent

event

own possibilities

in

trap

into

that

on the

the Federal

attitude

were mobilised

PB had allowed

on the grounds

in mass events

the

to

Perlin in the Sep-

for

to mobilise

half

de Mayo, at

labour

revised

Yet on both

voiced

out

Plaza

in

to capitalise

restricted

own largest

designed

workers

pointing

its

by an unrepresentative

into

non-participation,

of the rally

was restricted

strength

May 1974 Plaza

lot

Edmundo Oribe

present

the Montoneros)

in-

however,

not,

about

and here PB fell

the PB May Day boycott,

ing

even if

out,

In De Frente,

been massively

incorporation

support

measures.

government

turned

tendency,

whole.

the

was organised

of the most class-conscious

ings

did

was a manoeuvre

unpopular

people

PB 17's

qualified It

elections.

presidential

31st

of

and their

Command, PB National

the PAP National

government

of the dissolution

1

sections.

Like

that

while

to the movimien-

1973, moved closer

Zone areas

implied

tendency

the Montonero

representative,

1974 announcement

and North

Capital

Federal

July

Caride's

However,

tistas.

PB 17 in

christened

wing,

Perbn a bourgeois

and labelled

4 (23rd

475 1974,

apparently

worker

majority,

ed by 7,000

ented in

for

Perbn

the

in

the

feelings

tended

to gloss

assume that

accurate

September

in

appraisal

the reformist

over

1973 PB National "Peronism

of

attitudes

was already

in a speech by the

the

a

was only

attend-

in

rally,

of the

which

Its

ana-

class

divisions,

of most Peronist

workers

objective

and This

revolutionary.

combatant

Luis

Losada at a

he argued

that

the

and that

conciliators"

did not

mass line.

massively

La Calera

repres-

but

the mass of workers

of PB National's

their

the rank-and-file

was reflected

but

attracted

1973 elections

September

of

overcome the limitations though

the

unusual

1

towards

lyses,

between

authentic

men and women of labour",

support

a gesture

itself

"the

activists.

Tactical

of having

feature

possessed

difference

of revolutionaries

and

rank-and-file: The difference, "is not one of shades. comrades, is one of social The negotiators want to use Peronism and Per6n to prop class.... up this system of exploitation and dependency.... while the Peronism of the rank-and-file, combative Peronism, wants to make the Just, Free and Sovereign Fatherland 2 a reality". PB National

behaviour in ing

October

the September

after

that

possible

Peronist

Cooke"

measures

Per6n is that

he is

taken all

endorsing backing

day of his

of Buenos Aires,

by the this

to question

organisation On the

election.

1973, PB "John William

to the unpopular

possible it

was the first

government, by not

the bosses? ".

Their

inauguration after

asked

denouncing

Per6n's

referr-

"how is it?.

How is

answer was that

Per6n:

"in trying to pull the country forward, convoking the employers, supporting and not fundamentally not denouncing the bureaucrats the bosses himself the which programme raises a workers, among they is it who are their the bureaucracy since own, make and the least, in the which at implementing it, and not obstructed

1.

Peronismo de Base: "Conformes (2nd May 1974), pp. 8-10.

2.

Speech of Luis Losada at PB Cordoba rally, (27th September 1973), pp. 19-21. 16 no.

los

burgueses..., text

" ibid.,

no.

in Militancia,

it

1

476 -

same time Still

Perbn was being

ever,

statements,

made personally

definition

ism from

2

exploited".

Now that

it

from above,

independent.

However,

that

a complete

this

point,

year

of this

iting

is

it

Peronist

all

its

trust

in the past tense. In

ches from

I. 2. 3.

October

for

and aspirations

and

decided

that

for

of the

below,

gain

would

its

own militancy

feeling

that

of

that

On

the

"the

first

working

through

project, and liberation

in

deposhim"

3

1973,

each other

PB National

through

attempted

to consolidate

its

isolation

of many of its

a 2nd National

Conference

previous

holding

After

CSrdoba Province.

listening

to speeches

from

rankbranat

La

Ongaro and

Ibid., 1973. October 12th Cooke" communique of PB "John William (18th 46-47. October 1973), 19 pp. no. (9th May 1974), 2 no. " De Freute, "Una semana de especulaciones, pp. 5-7. Di Pasquale

May

Per6n's

with

evaluation

to the fact

the

(GAN) plans.

Agreement

justice

Peron-

became totally

break

own historical

its

into

work and overcome the

and-file

Falda,

Perlin

had converted

from

mistook

working-class National

actions

rank-and-file

as a whole,

referred

government

the

Di Pasquale's

that

significant

Peronism

Peronism

Great

Lanusse's

for

how-

1974,

opted

alternativismo

Rank-and-File

had signified

of crowning

class

PB National's

rank-and-file

"Peron

that

was clear

of the Peronist

Day events project

not

exploiters,

no assistance

for

PB National

was now irreversible:

of the

above,

his

for

responsible

in

elements

By January

freely.

May Day performance

his

and after

political

unable

measures was ex-

by reactionary

to act

would

the movi-

with

of right-wing

he was "encircled"

and was thus

government

leader

went along

endorsement

that

by the fact

plicable

his

Perbn's

that

idea

'initially

PB National

Per6n".

of

encirclement

Perön as an anti-imperialist

that

believing

mientista

the

allows

some reforms,

attempt

them to advance in their

article

in

ibid.,

pp.

26-37.

1

477 -

Di Pasquale,

delegates

composed

cisions

from

national

an effective

Unionism

and Classism"

alternative

strategic

control

each unit

in

line,

as well for

and demands of the workers.

tions

of trade

present

"revolutionary

the

because

military" not,

however,

trol

of

the

unions

enemy is

ment of the

2.

by their

to the limita-

pointed

("they

of union

have to re-

and argued

that

must be politico-

class

gun in

with

short-term

work - the

hand".

to anti-capitalist

for

struggle

to be a central

is

con-

PB activity for

struggle,

the bureaucracy

did

This

"the

an instru-

2

Peronism

government

PB, having again

itself

the capitalist....

the boss,

"Trade

immediate

change

working

members was still related

was closely

As the Peronist

to have split

1.

a downgrading

bosses".

more repressive,

National

defends

the FAP, Rank-and-File

Like 1974.

"system

involve

and one which main

the

de-

conference

such as workers'

ideology")

political

of the

organisation

to the

of social

their

whatever

workers,

all

demands,

The document

as instruments

unions

establishing

belatedly somewhat and

time

to relate

needs

the

committee

the independent

as presenting

the first

designed

of production,

towards

step

document entitled

of minimum and transitional

a series

a provisional

Two months later,

a programmatic

which,

formed

as a first

organisation.

were synthesised

provided

17 Regionales

from

of delegates

1

in

already

October

Command evolution

faded

moved further lost

1974. with

and adopting

from to

public

the Right

view

and became

PB 17 to movimientismo, some groups a Guevarist

following identity

after

appears the FAP

while

others

Corrientes, Reconquista, Formosa, in PB National's 17 Regionales were Cordoba, Rio Miramar, Roca, General Mendoza, Chaco, TucumAn, Salta, La Plata Plata, del Mar and Bahia Blanca, Cuarto, Paranä, Rosario, less than regional implies here something Regionales Buenos Aires. For the tendency. Montonero the of when used by the mass fronts PB Regionwhereas 2-4 provinces Regional latter, embraced usually a organisational provincial to or city-based either ales referred units. (31st 33 Militancia, " no. "Sindicalismo PB supplement, y clasismo, January 1974).

478 to strengthen

attempted ing

Peronists

militant

Sympathies been first

for

clasista

Guevarist

when Di Pasquale,

while

the political

ERP political

project,

that

the action

was against

of the privileged PB National,

the

conferences

(FAS),

formed

much reason associated doned its iances.

1973, which

to doubt

whether

ERP fronts

erstwhile

approach,

designed

ing-class

leadership,

5th

the

1974,

line

all

of the

sustainers

its

at

around

this

and then attempted

peak rallied However,

time

6th Congress

switched

popular clearly

20,000 there

the

ERP abanits

a "united

sectors

under

allfront" work-

to a "popular

approach: "All, Peronists, Radicals, Socialists, Commwithout exception Christians, i. e* all the progressive, unists, etc., patriotic, democratic forces anti-imperialist, and revolutionary - must to defend freedom reach an agreement on how to work together the breech openand democracy, with the objective of broadening ed up by the people on 25th May 1973".

This ept

1.

led

five

revolutionary

"a conciliatory

Reported in ibid., Nuevo Hombre, no.

position

organisations towards

to withdraw,

reformism

refusing

and progressive

is

unitedly

to broaden

of the FAS had approved

non-bourgeois

Front

PB National

clasista for

attended

Anti-Imperialist

in June 1974.

strongly

Congress

to unite the

in Rosario

after

clasista

is

clear

tendencies,

alternativista

Tucumän in August

Whereas the

front"

other

Socialist

Congress

the

is

with

1

of the ERP-dominated in

with

with

disagreement "what

against

1974

had been in-

attack

criticisms:

the military....

classes".

along

to a 6th

suppomters

his

in February

early

conference

and expressing

qualified

group-

Army (ERP) had

Revolutionary

the ERP's Azul

situation

the

power

press

that

arguing

currents

alike.

People's

at a PB National

voiced

appropriate'to

anti-bureaucratic

and non-Peronists the

labour

to accsectors

(7th 10-12; 1974), February pp. 34 and in no. 56 (1st fortnight of February 1974), pp. 14-17.

479 -

the bourgeoisie".

of

and-file National,

or at least

alignment

over

that

the

this

tentative,

of PB underwent

significant

in

2

900 votes.

groups

in Bahia

Mendoza, Rosario

struggles,

given

opposed

to workers

to engage in

1974,

for

the

through

anti-bureaucratic

amples

of the latter

miento

Sindical

3.

Corrientes,

greater

continue

de Base - MSB), which

Trade

PB helped

Trade Union Movement (Movimiento

though,

had Mar

3 in

mass

of students

as

be that

to the

ERP late forms

existing

of

ex-

Union Movement (Movi-

to form,

Sindical

it

La Plata,

The most important

alliances.

were the Rank-and-File

with

there

elections

may well

to transfer

PB

had only

C6rdoba,

participation

it

1974.

1974,

in

Buenos Aires.

propensity

activity

students to

in

the year

student

guerrilla

were readier

struggle

2.

stressed

PB National

workers

1.

ERP

by student

Early

Sciences'

of

Cordoba,

generally

whereas

Combative

By the middle

groups

changes in

presence

and TucumAn - none in

workers'

in

the

appears

was "flooded"

of Chemical

Blanca,

student

was a tendency

student

the Faculty

Though PB National

there

PB National

it

for

must remain

had an organised

and had won with

Plata,

here

to have some validity.

candidates

PB

issue.

1974 would appear

had only

from

themselves

detached

not

had most of

strange

that

National

del

have been very

workers,

of PB as a rank-

character

of some activists

in

sympathising

its

complexion

recruits

presented

the essential

would

hypotheses

social

The opinion

Given it

organisation,

However,

I

1

and Tosco's

Combativo

MSC), -

(2nd 65 Hombre, fortNuevo Report on the 6th FAS Conference, no. The five organisations which pullnight of June 1974)" pp. 12-23. Comunista, Revolucionaria Organizaci6n the ed out were El Obrero, de Poder Obrero, the Movimiento the Organizaci6n Revolucionaria de Tucumfin. Socialista Lima the Izouierda Revolucionaria and Polltica, " Carta 20 no. Results from "Universidad: crisis, o a cara (1st week of April 1975), pp. 13-16. los junto de estudiantes "A See their gobierno: un of o statement, " De Frente, Socialista, 4 Patria no. la las bases a peronistas por (23rd May 1974), pp. 24-25.

-480-

both of which had around 5,000 workers at their

respective

plenarfies

in 1974.1 Repression File

Peronism.

roni

after

1973,

PB martyrdom

first

(a 23-year

old

Youth militant and defender

Ricardo

Villanueva,

Julio

member of Julio (JPRA)

and, said

for

a purge

In 1974,

prived

of the

Ortega

Pena,

by assassins'

Ortega

Pena's

background

prestigious

of many previously

provide,

Social

Welfare

Perorlist

he had only

of infiltrated

views,

2

lost

not

support

is

worth they

movimientistas

for

an explanation

the

de-

Rodolfo

looking

had much in

anti-Peronist

60 (Ist 1974),

to

Movement

but was also

briefly

for

level,

Repub-

confessed

vehicles

co-editor,

and evolution

at a socio-psychological

and

3

of the former's It

bodyguard

Peronist

and De Frente,

bullets.

assassins,

of the Argentine

two important

only

Militancia

the Argentines

Ministry

been fulfilling

was

having

One of his

Youth

tor-

Deleroni

Command (C de 0),

Marxists.

Brandazza

slain,

a CGT of

prisoners.

Organisational

PB National

of its

propagation

those

former right-wing

that

becoming

Dele-

subsequently

number of PB activists

of political

and the fascist

the killing orders

Yessi's

Enrique

of Angel

organisation).

before

Pastor

on 28th November

wife,

PB militant,

by a para-military-police

and PB lawyer

his

with

and Rosario

known of a considerable

been a Peronist

lic

along

of Rank-and-

on Jose Antonio

was conferred

leader

student

the disintegration

of the kidnapping

anniversary

to death

the best

to

contributed

he was assassinated,

the

tured

also

at

common with

and help

to

of the appeal

1.

Reported in Nuevo Hombre, nos. pp. 4-5 & 8; and 61 (18th April

2.

For reports into the Brandazza case, see Milion the investigation C-28 (6th (13th December tancia, 26 December 1973) 27 1973), nos. (20th December 1973). Accusing fingers were pointed at General Elvio Anaya, Commander of the 2nd Army Corps and brother of General Leandro Anaya who replaced Carcagno as C-in-C of the Armed Forces in December 1973.

3.

Ibid.,

no.

26,

pp.

26-30.

fortnight of April pp. 4-10 & 19.

1974),

481 to the radicalised

of movimientismo Ortega

while, ative

Y Cultura,

intellectual

it

long

Ortega inherited

1

Pefla like

Pea

what they

first

the

of his

saw as "the

doubts

exactly

ideas

and revise

how he first his

of his

social

had

class

dictatorship"

of

of 1955 but felt.

made themselves began to question towards

attitude

form-

petty-bour-

Revolution"

"Liberating

a

Arregui'e

books"

great

anti-Peronist,

political

recounted

political Plaza

his

or four

for

of his

sketch

to HernAndez

he wrote

"three

including,

own brief

many students

supported

before

Pella's

Born of Liberal,

against

He had fully

was not

day in

Ortega in plots

participated Peron.

one of the

experience.

parents,

Ortega

in a prologue

was contained

years

Imperialismo

geois

Pella himself.

bourgeoisie

petty

his

Peronism

one

de Mayo:

(of Lonardi the balconies the Casa Rosada) to "While was using there arose in me a perspeak for the last time to a rally, to who was in I decided to turn my attention plexing worry. There were to determine. This was not difficult the plaza. the students. the friends It the fat ladies, of my parents, In the afternoon, was useless to look for the cabecitas. the centre and barrio leaving norte behind and approaching the conventillos we became aware of sullen, of the great city, looks. The people, the authentic indignant mistrustful, their defeat". 2 people, were living Ortega rating

PeNa's

experiences

before, embracing

1.

2.

conversion with

intellectually Peronism

was not Frondizi's converted

in

the early

He went through

instantaneous. Radicals by authors 1960's.

It

and in

the

frust-

Communist Party

such as Hern&ndez Arregui, is

clear,

however,

that

his

Ortega Pena, January 1964 Prologue to Juan Jos6 HernAndez Rodolfo (Buenos Editorial Aires: Imperialismo Cultura, 3rd Arregui, ed. Plus Ultra, 1973), pp. 7-13. The Casa Rosa is the pink Government House in Plaza de Ibid. Mayo, the central or cabecitas cabecitas square of Buenos Aires; classes name given by the privileged ne as was the pejorative in Peronist the Aires to Buenos masses rural and migrants of Buenos in is barrio fashionable area residential norte a general; tenement blocks. Aires; are single-room and conventillos

482 de Mayo experience,

Plaza people,

also

part

the

fancies

of

in

the

With

fellow

made desperate impending

Mugica

Carlos

Following January

1974,

himself

from

arians

the

other

advisors

"bourgeois propaganda,

Unlike

denouncing

In August

1972, he the

to prevent

with

along

Pena and Duhalde

University

of Buenos Aires

his

place",

Peronist

anti-popular

in

Peronist order

useful

only

for

government

for

measures

the

with

by forming

making

in

parliament-

to remain

Congress

Bloc).

deputies

differentiated

Youth

independence

political

2

Youth

and immediately

the

compromises

de Base (Rank-and-File

and lonely

and be-

Vallese

Ortega

Both

in'the

several

he was a member of Perbn's

of the eight

Congressmen.

he retained

one-man Blooue

Felipe

and in November,

Pefia became a deputy

who had made repeated

FREJULI bloc,

with,

a book denounc-

authored

in an attempt

movimientistas,

resignation

Ortega

united

in

1

Cmmpora's victory.

after

himself

prisoners.

back from Madrid.

and legal

became lecturers

fancies,

Pena wrote

Youth activist

prisoners

and other

on the flight

entourage

the 1960's,

of political

of guerrilla

and per-

movimientista

Ortega

to get to Trewlew

attempts

massacre

during

of Peronist

defender

came a courageous

ordinary

of Militancia.

Eduardo Duhalde, works

disappearance

the

in certain

editions

lawyer

the

transformation

political

he now considered

people"

early

historical

revisionist

Father

"the

from

of alienation

in his

why he indulged

explains

when writing

feeling

factor

was a cardinal

haps

ing

his

his

own

him was a

revolutionary and for

demanding

J.

data about Ortega Peas is drawn from "Compaiiero Bibliographical Ortega Pella: siempre, " Nuevo Hombre, presente hasta la victoria (1st 6-11; "Rodolfo 67 fortnight August 1974), pp. and of no. Ortega Peffa: del pueblo, " La Causa Peronista, no. 5 ese guerrero (6th August 1974), pp. 20-21.

2.

Ortega

Pena, quoted

in

the Buenos Aires

Herald,

15th March 1974.

483 into

enquiries

of his

closure

To deal "the

blood

Fasolini,

with

spilled

desacato,

weeks after

did

who joined

year

a successful test

in

strikes

2

and Acindar, of Militancia

were violently

sectors

C6rdoba

file

work.

together

led

by Ricardo

1.

Ortega

influenced

2.

Reported in presente...,

steel

plants

coup,

must also

that

August

squad directed thousand

marchers political

and anti-riot

taking

not

place,

prevent nor pro-

of Marathon,

Metcon

the alternativista feelings

views of the

movement. followed

by federal

have had adverse

in La Naci6n,

Ist ibid., " op. cit.

the age of 38

could

the

for

1974, five

the 43rd

repression

end reflected

"intervention",

effects

21st

1974:

provincial

government the forcible

June 1974.

and "Compafiero

in

on rank-and-

Lbpez and facilitated

Obregbn Cano and Atilio

quoted

Five

by police

meant an end to the left-of-centre

Pena,

death

from

to

Parliament",

July

Pefia at

strike

demonstrated

of the labour

stronghold It

general

Argentine

against

attacked

Constituci6n

The March 1974 police PB's

protest

Nevertheless,

printers'

had really

more radical

in

Nocetti

This

officials.

On 31st

by L6pez Rega.

procession

the Villa which

to the whole

A, the right-wing

Ministry

old

be tried

he could

was made, Ortega

request

the

to ask Congress

government

the end materialise.

who made 350 arrests. 24-hour

so that

he had criticised

in

not

that

when sworn in

regime,

the

Pella

He got Judge Alfredo

military

"a threat

Ortega

Per6n resurrected

authority.

immunity

parliamentary

funeral

of that

troops

for

by the previous

Welfare

his

who had promised

be negotiated",

by the Triple

the Social

killing

not

judicial

was assassinated

administration.

will

Pefia stated,

the

of the Peronist

dissident,

merely'because

one which

the University#

this

Even after

of militants.

from

dismissal

disrespect -

Pefia's

was, as Ortega

from

the flesh

appointed

Ortega

lift

but

in

of desacato

crime

and his

review

a thorn

remained

and the torture

assassinations

Ortega

Pena:

-484-

takeover

of the regional

Equally

important

ers

through

which 1

ceilings. ing

was the national

(FGB)

Union

IVISA

halted.

for

the

government

Gräfico

Argentino,

in

list,

to reinstate that

the

16

month result682 votes -

advance was soon

CGT and 62 Organisations its

and confiscated

funds

Four months later,

a stooge

by union

and State

endorse-

to pre-empt the

union,

Sindic-

bureaucrats

to the FGB headquarters

rights

of 500 strik-

by 4,800

but

strikes

Pact wage

support

employers

3

Print-

of the

Social

Union elections

with

was created

were handed the property

through

"Green List"

sponsored

wave of strikes.

another

2

Ongaro's

the union

outlawed

by Bhrcena.

suppression

strike

had forced

printers

victory

In August,

ment simply

had broken

and concede back-pay.

a sweeping

led

had led a number of successful

an FGB general

a CGT-62 Organisations

over

ato

1973-74

In May 1974,

of bureaucrats

government's

100 printehops

over

workers

ed in

in

which

and occupying

sacked

CGT by a clique

by the

who govern-

ment. Ongaro was jailed in

October

1974 for

Eventually, ening

his

presence

possession

alleged

the most frequently

the FGB closure

while

enemies through

were only

on his

attacks

imo Ongaro was assassinated

by uniformed

Buenos Aires

in broad

street

Ongaro left

for

eague Jorge

Di Pasquale

the new military

1.

Ongaro

2.

"El significado p. 29. "La federaciön

3.

daylight.

was arrested

son narrowly

when walking

Shortly at

history. threat-

In June 1975 Alfredo other

policemen

again

him one of

of his

themselves

family.

Peru and later,

in

exile

to rid

but Raimundo's

to escape abduction

making

labour

in Argentine

able

and then

place

of war weapons,

leaders

imprisoned

took

the end of

and imprisoned

managed

along

afterwards,

a central

a dispirited

1976, his

without

Mbz-

trial

collby

regime.

De Frente,

interview, del

triunfo

grAfica

no.

1 (2nd May 1974),

de IVISA, " ibid.,

es de los

gräficos,

no.

" ibid.,

p. 50. 4 (23rd May 1974), no.

1, p.

50.

485 Political

'Alternativista'

Other

Two smaller the

over

alternativista

immediate Left

Peronist

figures,

Peronista

ionario

Argentine After

(1957-58)

1-was

role

the age of 25.

Youth

Peronist

(1958)

Youth

Revolutionary from

cadres

overcome

this

the early

the weaknesses

MR 17's

itical

and union

within

the labour

closely

alongside It

lutionary

-

Revoluc-

creation

Peronism,

of the

and it

movement.

through

by the need to unify

In their

daily

work,

was mainly to

Essentradical

the political

structuring

Peron-

MR 17, an attempt

1970 created

was motivated

the

first

Movement (1964),

leader

1963 foundation

its

who in

to found

Peronist

He was the

Fed-

Secretary

of the MRP and CGT of the Argentines.

expressions

was Rearte

the Revolutionary

years.

"intervened"

General

he helped

the

in

Resistance

of the

he became its

Subsequently,

(JRP) from

to rise

post-1955

the reconquest

member of both.

organisation

ially,

1.

in

and then

and became an executive ist

(Frente

Front

one of the young militants

movement during

a leading

at

Peronist

17th

17 de Octubre

Revolucionario

Revolutionary

of Soap and Perfume Workers,

eration

by outstanding

FRP). -

labour

playing

reservations

Gustavo Rearte's

here:

mention

Movement (Movimiento

Rearte

Gustavo

brief

with

and led

of armed struggle

deserve

MR 17) and Armando Jaime's

both

organisations,

advisability

Revolutionary

October

Organisations

pol-

vanguard

MR 17 activists

worked

PB members.

who organised an attempt

the August

to unify

1968 first

the Peronist

plenary Left

which

of Revofailed

data about Gustavo Rearte is drawn from "Gustavo Biographical Lucha, En " lucha, ideas, Rearte, ejemplo, su sus su su vida, (September-October "Ha 3-11; 11 1973), muerto Pp. and no. (5th July 1973), pp. 10-11. 4 Gustavo Rearte, " Militancia, no.

486 -

due to disagreements for

the

Rearte

war,

While

firmly

those

who consider

leashing

At the plenary,

armed struggle.

of a politico-military

creation

ionary

over

opposed the the

rejecting it

"opportunist

revolutionary

warfare,

initiation

calling

a revolut-

of armed actions.

and conservative

to first

necessary

to lead

organisation

immediate

while

of

attitudes

build

a mass party"

he was equally

adamant that:

before

un-

"armed struggle from out separated cannot be carried or isolated the mass struggle victory without renouncing risking and without the annihilation of your best and most qualified cadres". Rearte

that

war but ised

it

2

Struggle), the

a series

membership

struggle

with

MR 17's

ered

Gustavo Rearte

leader

years

to be offered

activists

outline

it

of the history

quite it

the

revolutionary

erroneously, lost

its

of leukaemia

a victim

Left,

swam against

Many of them,

1973,

En Lucha'(In

by the Peronist

identified

Moreover,

1

movement.

who generally

as reformist. in July

a "minimum of organ-

periodical

because

partly

small,

armed struggle. position

to its

the most developed

remained

of new Peronist

tide

labour

the

in

of supplements

Resistance

the tempo of class

accelerate

be embarked upon after

only

MR 17 provided

Peronist

its

but

should

could

armed action

had been established

vanguard" Through

of

that

considered

consid-

prestigious at the

age

of 40. The Revolutionary to

power,

also

counted

Peronist with

Front

(FRP),

an experienced

created

leader.

Ongania came 3 had Armando Jaime after

(The statement was also Youth document in Garcia 4, (August 1968, p. 7)

1.

" op. cit. "Gustavo Rearte, su vida..., Revolutionary as a Peronist published Che Compa ero, no. Elorrio's review,

2.

de la resistencia "Apuntes Para una historic y del peronismo rev(December 1973)t 13 En Lucha, to " nos. six supplements olucionario, (July (April (February 19741 17 1974), June 197-4-F, 16 1974), 15 14 It deals with the period from 1955 to 1964. & 18 (September 1974).

3.

data about Armando Jaime is drawn from "Armando Biographical (1st fort" Nuevo Hombre, 58 Jaime: preso por revolucionario, no. 6-7. March 1974), pp. of night

487 been active to

in

the unidades

1955 and after

became active helped

in

Rearte,

Youth

in

uncos

and,

the the

coup engaged in

El Kadri

The following

like

Cooke,

Jaime's

but

met in

Revolutionary

When the MRP declined

Action

ary

with

two small

(ARP),

though

Alicia

Eguren

clared

himself

proponent

guerrilla

warfare

and Cabecita

in July over

that

relationship

the building

of the

he was an executive

member.

Jaime forged

Peronist

Revolution-

Cooke and later -

his

Jaime,

widow

who de-

as well

as a Peronist,

was a

that

a revolutionary

party,

to be formed direction.

sound political

the FRP was concentrated

in

and two provincial

were launched

in

the early

in

order

to

His mass the North,

partic-

papers,

Vocero

1970's

to assist

and transform

Anti-Imperialist

CGT of Salta".

facing

struggle

in

conference Peronists

They referred

and working-class

of workers

CGT headquarters

at a press

the options

in by Jaime's

work put

1973 when a mass meeting

Classist,

body,

Dependency".

rank-and-file

the regional

a "Peronist, this

to the Utur-

work.

fruition

of

NeEra,

and

Peroniet

a working

credential.

had first

Tucumän and Jujuy,

The consistent

take

with

unionism

the first

Cooke's

considered

of workers,

work through

in Salta,

this

in

but

trade

disclaimer,

total

was not

to be a Marxist-Leninist

proselytizing

Popular

unity

Per6n's

including

groups

He

by the Cuban Revolution.

went into

to use ARP as their

continued

composed fundamentally

ularly

time

prior

actions.

assistance

1963 and established

following

of armed struggle

provide

his

Movement (MRP) of which

Peronist

an alliance

to form

impressed

at this

main efforts

of Salta

he lent

was deeply

Cooke and Jaime first

List"

and others year

of Peronism

branches)

commando resistance

"Green

combative

Caride,

1958.

(local

bäsicas

the

and Argentines

to Peronism but

Printers

called

for

in Salta

voted

the entity

to

into

Representatives Union HQ, declared

were "Socialism

as an expression its

FRP reached

limitations

or

of national to be overcome,

-488leaving

the "bureaucrats,

behind

The "Classist" of a Left last

long.

right-wing taken

within

Ragone's

weeks after

groups

on Salta's

Marxism

to Perbn's

Peronism.

solution

support did

it

not by

an armed attack

the CGT buildings

were

by the former

more in

leaders.

Cuban-

common with

In November 1973, he referred theory"

as a "deceitful

rejuvenation"

to a generational

pointed

House,

Jaime had held

of "generational

idea

following

CGT "normalised"

orthodox

but

government

creation,

Government

1960's,

than with

provincial

conciliation".

had the tacit

Oscar Aramajo,

its

and the regional

the early

Since

which

by Carlos

Five

by storm

style

CGT, led

faction

and class

reformists

1

to trade

union

when

problems

of the trade what was needed was to change "the ideas and social practice 2 His analysis of Peronism was highly union leader". schematic but con-

Posici6n

C6rdoban review

that

could

not

and popular

working ization

of the bourgeois

"verticalist"

Equally

by the

the

principle

a dialectical

"predetermined

masses". wing"

Interviewed

Jaime rejected

1974,

escape

development,

class

"20 Truths of authority.

process

of polit-

by the presence was the

inevitable

of the Movement and the

of the "fascist-

"defection

of the

3

leader".

Jaime is the Argentine merger

January

in

Peronism

and ideological

ical

leadership.

and the Movement's

of Justicialism" He stated

the Peronist

in

no illusions

tained

best

known though

revolutionary

for

Left.

of more than a dozen regional

FRP which

by this

time

had regional

his

efforts

to forge

the unity

In November 1973, he announced and local bodies

organisations

in Salta,

Jujuy,

with

of the his

Tuoume.n,

de Salta,

"

1.

Antiimperialista Clasista "La nueva CGT Peronista (2nd 10-11. 1973), August 8 Militancia, pp. no.

2.

Nuevo ", "Qu& Armando Jaime, es el peronismo revolucionario? 4. (1st November 1973), fortnight p. 50 Hombre, no. of 1974, (Cordoba), January 11, no. Jaime, "El Peronismo, " Posici6n,

3.

Pp. 17-20.

489 Santiago

del

Province. fusion

While

Santa

not

the existence

important

"reformist which

to the

aspired

Labour";

"conciliation

was Jaime's

More important

prime

Congress

but

mentor. there

Tosco and Jaime

over

called

to challenge

development

the

with

Frondizi,

to its

were limits

most revolutionary

elections,

timing Tosco, Jaime

convergence

Jaime was elected

tendencies

when Guevarist

for

Perönists,

Solomon,

Alicia

devoted

his

People's

as well Thus,

I

the September

while

to unity

5th

its

example,

"ticket"

as Tosco,

he

of which

For

class

Eguren de Cooke, energies

to

Revolution-

of the FAS at

cohesion.

in

-

Fatherland.

(FAS)

Front

an independent

the

the bureaucracy,

the

with

President

Per6n and Isabel

Capital

a Socialist

political

of the challenge.

also

for

recognition

bourgeoisie",

petty

against

Anti-Imperialist

the Socialist

ary Army through was the

and fight

ideology

revolutionary

the

and including

classes

of the irreconcilable: to struggle

people,

Peronism,

within

radicalised

the

over

bourgeoisie,

the Army;

projects

was a

and the

class

the big

social

"more or less

and a common commitment

promote

least

political

it

agreement

the working

expression,

of different

of the

project"

theses:

imperialism,

politico-military

interests

terms,

in numerical

between

other

and Buenos Aires

Capital

political

of antagonistic

the

representing

1.

the Federal

being

and on the

and their

oligarchy

Silvio

that

all

contradiction" one hand,

on the

at

Fe,

based upon clearly-defined

"principal

of

Estero,

of

1973

disagreed

-

promoting

FAS

Ortega

Peiia and

in action

(27th December 1973) " Militancia, 29 "Acta de IInificaci6n, no. (which had Regionales the FRP between Unity 46. was established p. Santa Fe, the FederJujuy, Tucumän, Santiago del Estero, in Salta, Groupings Peronist Bloc the Aires Province), & Buenos Capital of al Peronist the Jujuy, Youth Revolutionary the Peronist Paranä, of of the RevoluWorking Youth of Salta, the Peronist Youth of Salta, Students of Tucumän, the Peronist Grouping of Peronist tionary Youth of Revolutionary the Peronist Shanty-Town Centre of-Tucumän, Revolutionary Students Front of Buenos Aires, Tucumda, the Peronist C6rdoba and several unidades Unidades Bäsicas of the Revolutionary Rosario and the Interior. bäsicas of the Federal Capital,

- 490-

the anti-bureaucratic

through Peronist

unity

labour

PB National

with

The disintegration but

two organisations

of PB in

called

on the working

Isabel

and L6pez Rega, 1

cracy.

Unity

was formalised

on the basis

afterwards,

the new organisation

volutionary

Front

was not

unity

(Frente

to last.

the FR 17 initials

baptising

Revolucionario Early

in

known as the Socialist

Fatherland

and took

adjacent

up a position

This dred,

it

phenomenon which former

1.

options,

often

apart

non-Peronist,

bureau-

union

document

itself

17th

the

with

Guevarism,

often

into from

October

FR 17). -

the

However,

became

Socialista)

only it

involved

a few hunits

retains

as Peronism was therefore

painstak-

government

essentially

and ERP.

victims labour

into

encountered a transitional

and the incorporation

the Montoneros who fell

in

relevance

as a long-term

and Armando Jaime splintered

anti-bureaucratic

See the FRP-MR 17 joint 1975), pp. 1-2.

Re-

retaining

other

Patria

of alternativismo

polarisation

those

shortly

one faction

while

but

militants

Rearte

factions

ended up in

alternativistas

trade

of a joint

split

which

to the Montoneros.

and splits

Alternativismo

crisis.

People")

case of the FAP and PB; the organisations

by Gustavo

committee"

such as

Movement (Movimiento

the unviability

and pro-Montonero

a deepening

in

the

constructed

pro-ERP

its

a few dozen,

demonstrated As in

strategy.

these

of mergers

and occasionally

because

ingly

process

and the

the

of Peronism

17 de Octubre

1976 it

and confirming

the

"usurpers"

clique"

1975,

a "unification

Government Deceives

"fascist

the

had created

to repudiate

class

FRP-PB merger

In February

successful.

they

("The

leaflet

a formal

1974 prevented

that

announced

a joint

and issued

and MR 17.

to MR 17 were relatively

overtures

and to revolutionary

organisations

of many

Those who avoided

to repression, organisations

ended up where

(February 20 communique in En Lucha, no.

- 491 replaced

clasisno intended

as a transitional

identity

of the working

the Peronist

that

lengthier

period

before

Of course,

alternativismo.

crisis

would

but

most alternativistas

not

arrive

of building'the breaking

completely

scale

of developments

would

not

by revolutionaries

response class,

have been radically

their

different

to the

Peronist

had believed

alternative"

the Movement.

articulating

was always

so soon and had envisaged

"independent

with

in

alternativismo

though

strategy,

had their

Peronism

within

They misjudged

the it

a

time-

probably been more

predictions

precise.

CONCLUSIONS

Alternativismo most radical partly

trade the

worker

sectors

Cuban-inspired

class

the

from

post-1955 rise

of the

resistance

of Vandorism

most of them, and other

during

Argentines

confirmed

Movement.

of Cooke, its

Rearte,

All

the

of their

led

while

the necessity

from

militant

the failings

of strong

in

the

by the

them to look below".

For

Movement (MRP)

Peronist to support

came to

eclipsed led

the came

roles

"from

and struggle

of the Revolutionary initiatives

from

Jaime and Olmos all

and the experience

organisation

of the

inspiration

were to some extent

1960's

formulae

Apart

formulation

and its

movement as a result

political

organisational

military

struggles

struggles.

the failure

radical

commitment

labour

to working-class

primarily

the Peronist

Di Pasquale,

activists.

forefront

of

of labour

experience

union

of the aspirations

emerged as an expression

for

politico-

of the CGT of the union

rank-and-file

organ-

isation.

Within was evident. estive,

it

the alternativista Though data seems fairly

camp, political

on social

clear

that

composition

and social is

the petty-bourgeois

limited

heterogeneity and only

sector

had a

sugg-

492 faith

greater

in

working-class

students bative"

and was less

the CGT of the Argentines. to have increased

appears

of Peronist

sector

did

al Rank-and-File

not

union

bureaucracy, their

and maintain

one sector,

principally

of guerrilla

warfare

military

in

presented

Again,

mands. true

All

which

there

form

was the

workers

of general

factors class

class-conscious of adversity,

proposals

also

problem

of implicit-

conscious

as to be

propaganda

a comprehensive

pol-

and ultimate

and transitional

impact

important

that

de-

this

was

of alternativismo

than an overriding fact the is

in

that itself

made an impression

experience

factor theoretical incapable on the more

schooled

in

the univer-

of Peronism

in

office

but most workers,

needed the

For both

by 1974.

had no control

sectors

For effect

workers.

here and emphasise

Alternativismo

the

leadership

divisive

strategies

work among the workers

them. labour

their

without

the political

but were less

Peronist

was the

general

them and in general

limited

revolutionary

"revolutionizing"

the

from

for

of the FAP, especially

the more radic-

at a mass level.

postulations

of tactical

the CGT of

strengthened

were as class

was a tendency

the alternativistas

and practical

sity

there

The "com-

de Luca were to go

which

revolutionaries

rank-and-file

all

of PB than

on the working

of

isolating

1974.

into

Ricardo

to keep in with

one must differentiate

these

like

itself

organisationally

the provision

without

goals

over

in

in

which had supported

failed

programme to go with

itical

less

the

dramatically

the FAP, the key problem

Moreover,

themselves.

of

the Movement.

and political,

that

assuming

the participation

in

positions

The alternativistas

Moreover,

Associations,

in an attempt

a

social

incorporate

the Law of Professional

with

attracted

and had a narrower

quite

Combativos

only

the

class

unionism,

massively

Peronism.

along

ly

trade

than

alternativista

alternativismo

of the working

minority

the Argentines,

wings,

unequivocally

As a tendency,

component.

class-conscious base than

Perlin

- 493 -

a difficult

during

It

undermined.

must

the Left.

in

of alternativismo ism losing

the

store:

support

having

tween movimientismo

however,

had,

icipatory

domination

sectors

clasista

being

a mass level, the Left

helped

tendencies

left-wing

were merely

groups Peronism

in

a democratic

of healthy set

the partbut here

organisaup by the of Peronism

than a mass organisation,

the

18 years

of opposition,

bureaucratic

without

Peronist

rank-and-file

groups

of activists

authorisarevolutionary

who identified

with

of a mass organisation.

part

the alternativistas'

when conducted

struggle

political,

was essentially

even

it

was limited

by the fact

that

Peronism

mass political

structure.

The Left,

both

movimien-

the

and alternativistas, their

meant that

rank-and-file

but who were not

Since

lacked

also

Peronist

"be"

unions

The amorphousness

during

in

coherent

organisations

a mass movement rather

could

However, 'this

tion.

the

the bureaucracy.

the sense that,

in

for

- except

There

rank-and-file

with

the establishment

government

methods.

the CGT and the major

prevented

against

in

Peronism

mass organisations

be-

position

to attempting

the top downwards.

controlled

at base level

forms

tional

ing

It

structures.

intermediate

repressive

lacked

by the end

collapsed

to increasingly

from

own version

movement.

as Peronism

attached

own unidades

unions,

attempted bäsicas

to

as a lesser

only

clasismo

been problems

consideration

bureaucratic

tistas

and resorted

turn

all

the case of Peron-

in

labour

of their

out

and non-Peronist

always

under

period

at

fallen

a Movement structured

work in

the

over

the

experienced

had their

intervention

military

if

the PAP and PB had virtually

the bottom

moved to the Right

the military

that

to be

did not automatically

the government,

of or control

As organisations, of 1974,

fact

loyalties

Peronist

even when workers

they

to support

of the

aware

acutely

that

government,

Many continued

their

for

period

be noted

also

of Peronist

limitations

evil,

economic

at

to rectify

grass-roots

this level

situation from

late

by creat1972 onwards

494-

but

this

initiative

branches that

was frustrated

by`the

time,

Provisional

all

had been promoted Alternativismo with

by the

did

an organised

its

it

(i.

Peronist

count

with

from which

"independent"

party

in mid-1973. bAsicas,

to recruit.

down.

organisation,

It

had to build

an arduous

of the

aspect

At

which

were closed

a mass political

from scratch,

organisation the

of Peronism

Council

Youth and Montoneros,

rank-and-file

enhanced

of left-wing

closures

e. men and women) unidades

therefore

not

own rank-and-file

though

Superior

"mixed"

the

by the

task

even

"independent

alter-

native". Rank-and-File labour

movement than

cadres,

irrespective

It

however,

did,

of workers ing

Peronism,

for

its

more clearly

of the rank-and-file,

which

with

polarisation in

wing

Peronism. than

ivismo,

longer

Moreover,

take

his

place

This

does not mean, however, vain.

within

were it

feel

would

that

the

come into

the mass speak-

have been no need for

would class

of unions.

already

have already limitations

he would

PB underestimated

as the in

that

lesser

that

Peronism

devoid

organisation

Though impossible

of

and Peron be forced

to have "failed"

organisations

identification

PB saw Per6n's did

would

the FAP and PB, as well

revolutionary

in

it

control

far

lead

a

the rapidity open,

to opt

for

political the

enemy

loyalties.

specific

new

ly

though

than he did.

contradictions

would

can be said

rank-and-file

the working

the

that

there

the movimientistas,

Peronist

defining

Both

for

it

with

forgetting

own programme,

movement for

broad

brought

the

in

roots

upon developing

emphasis

the revolutionary

alternative"

"gone beyond"

due to its

this

of whether

the whole

an "independent

the Montoneros

exaggerate

with

had stronger

qualitatively,

their

they

expressions did

and then

not

a

of Peronism.

work and sacrifices the extent,

become massive

go on to create

of the limitations

to measure

of alternat-

were complete-

the rank-and-file

495 -

Kork

put

base-level

by PB made a significant

in

the Rank-and-File

Trade

its

did

former

nature

cadres

the prime -

1975 and early would

remain

tentative,

development

union

means negligible,

in

leaders,

of leadership

economic one can at

of militant

subsequent

of the labour

to assume,

a degree

military

in

Though greatly

1976.

onment of many former

post-1976

likewise

plans. least

rank-and-file

and history

a leading

played

Union Movement (MSB) and the

movers

seem reasonable

been providing

PB certainly

organisations.

workers'

to the development

contribution

of the

struggles

in

role that

is

probability of the

organisations

of

same

second half

of

weakened by the March 1976 coup, the light that

of the

this

type

defection

Though conclusions say that

PB's

workers'

may even judge

it

or impris-

of organisation

in the wage struggles

against

on this

contribution

organisations

it

has the

point

must

to the was by no

to have been crucial.

CONCLUSION

It Peronist

has been seen that Left

Both had their

of the movimientistäs for

a socialist

desire

for

lay

radical

change,

of Perbn.

the propensity

Moreover,

in

their

estimation

of the potential

formations,

seen especially

the national

limitations

Per6n from

to fall

of the

to share

Peronist

their

on the

of bourgeois

their

class

hand,

other

Peronism,

support was a vague in

with the

contemporary

"experience

popul-

of the

by an over-optimistic trans-

radical

expectations

and the parlous

state

socialist

of working-class

underestimation

organisational for

a long

development

of the economy.

of working-class

time

have a realistic

did

They accurately

analysis.

of the national

of

initially

would

Their

that

the

since

lay

a policy

1950's

in

The alternativistas

for

the working

an exin

and conversely

their

concenlabour

on the more radicalised

attentions

an impor-

not materialize,

own weakness

attachment

of

exempted

predicted

bourgeoisie

economism.

lacked

they

view

class

as a

whole. However, can be divorced were

by

was countered

unrealistic

even if

due to the weakening

but

that

were channelled

Movement for

totally

both

sectors

The strength

Though there

line

was flawed

performance

fact

such realism

into

capitalist

their

of the

1973.

same time,

phase of independent

trated

and

aspirations

tant

aggeration

the movimientistas

bourgeoisie.

Alternativistas, the

in

an attempt

in

the

and weaknesses.

recognition

most popular

tendency

ar demands and illusions

strengths

their

At the

of this

tendencies,

was limited

revolution

the direction

people".

in

and ideologically

organisationally

of two major

consisted

the alternativistas.

both

operating.

no evaluation

of the

performance

from an understanding The failure

of the conditions

of the Peronist

496 -

of these

Left

could

two tendencies in which only

be

they

497 -

to their

solely

attributed tina

of 1973-76

sent.

In fact,

that

the situation in

movement,

and shifts

the dominant

bourgeoisie

class

was still

ialism

problems

found

their

failure

to really

utionary

situation.

question

as rather

Argentina

It

shared itself

create

politics This

alternativistas,

not

only

Left

ideology, the

was not

the Left

as has

their

solely

impact

the

and ide-

for,

however,

and a belief

was

a revol-

this

vital

of foguismo

of the Peronist

sections

own

social

of what constitutes

has indicated politics

petty-bourgeois

that

in

Left

this

a fairly

would

and forms component to practise

ideologists,

strong

of the Montonerosbut the desertion

to movimientismo.

also

to be mainly

There in-

the reformist guerrilla.

of many petty-bourgeois

the of wing whole of a

Equally,

corr-

of struggle.

and to employ the method of the urban

as was seen in

Armed Forces

of

situation.

nationalist

of movimientismo

was true

Peronist

for

a solid

radicalism,

of political,

and here

one,

by soc-

than

Though sectors

most considered

to armed struggle

class,

by radical

that

appear

would

of the Peronist

between

of the working

ways.

then,

the question

a revolutionary

was a marked tendency fluenced

Left,

popular of the

to forge

their

distinct

For what major

was a commitment

espondence

years,

the immaturity

an academic

study

trying

in recent quite

answer

was crucial.

This

in

What one can criticise

conditions.

the bulk

bourgeoisie.

of the Peronist but reflected

responsibility

However,

the

by sectors

and petty

in

expression

The failure

ological

class

say

There were certainly

had been effected

were encountered

were radicalised

classes

one cannot

were present,

over how to deal with

class.

were pre-

more by economism and nationalism

influenced

of the working

been seen,

left

to the

conditions

revolutionary.

power bloc

the Argen-

one regarded

revolutionary

conditions

and working

and great

alliance both

certain

was potentially

divisions

petty

in which

as a country though

if

own inadequacies

one can point

to a

498 the predominantly

for

tendency

to be more open to socialist

in Rank-and-File

Peronism,

tise

revolutionary

independent look

and to they

stages,

as it

ä-vis

the

did

this

and the

tants,

or at least

ary

Peronist

the

indivisibility

little they

Movement and the

encountered

in

and imperialist.

guerrilla

of the unity Here the though

about

the

liberation

It

struggles was not

those

of

of their

belief

Their

revolution that

that

in owed

the opponent

was "indivisibly"

surprising

mili-

of the Revolution-

and socialist

and much to the fact

industrial

than

inadequacies

experiences

the

to ideological

Alternativista

CGT of the Argentines.

of Trotsky their

in

actions.

were more experienced

something

of national

to the reading

a capitalist

leaders,

from the frustrating

conceptions

faith

owed less

experiences.

practical

vie-

generally

the idea

left,

in-

position

which

group

take

them as

serving

more influential.

probably

part

objective

-of Marxism were persuasive,

Peronism

and had learnt

their

their

and small

was far

indirectly,

their

in

the individualism

of the Peronist

to workers'

than

to form

them a privileged

in

or

nationalist

though no longer

reflection

revolution

the petty-

hoped to gradually

was not

offered

gained

of Rank-and-File

movimientismo former

still

of individual

and social

radicalism influence

class

and,

It

system which,

proletarians

of Cooke

which they

Moreover,

efficacy

Among the

works

old

class.

working

of national

on paper

to the theory

they were prepared

short-term,

promotion.

previously,

characterises warfare

struggle,

objective,

came to them from

this

alliance

generational

to smash the

well

the

reformist

of a multi-class

terests

class

susceptibility

a stronger

whether

In

mentors.

through

to prac-

even though

of struggle,

as a long-term

to socialism

demonstrated

sectors

of revolutionary

over

ideas,

emphasized

which

organised

to armed struggle.

Though committed

Stalinist

politics

or mass forms

to collective

subscribed

bourgeois

those

sectors,

working-class

both

C6rdoban car

- 499 Workers, ital,

in

workers form

should

against

an economic

a bastion

were by their

employers

The youthfulness phasized,

Equally

ety.

it

since

ionalist

they

if

this

was bound to lead

those

ious in

life,

the

over

the pre-

and post-1955

ience

of the Revolutionary

ected

its

basic

Left

ivista

revolutionary

ally onist imacy

this

behaviour

inevitable, Movement. which

this.

that

period.

given

of Peron in by the Left that

they

They continued bestowed

their

attempts This

in

the name of verticalismo, Even in hints

student

the

the

case of some

of feelings

of vicar-

to Peronism

predecessors

lessons

which

but failed Here,

the

quiet

about

the years

to play

those it

which

was entirely considered

to analyse

They resurrPerbn's

vital

man-

alternat-

and maintained followed.

understandable it

exper-

who had suffered

of the loyalty

as

their

At the same and practic-

to work in

up to Peron because

upon them, because

rich

the more experienced for

responsible,

manoeuvre kept

flattery

sinners.

Peronists.

Movement had offered.

as banners

some extent

wasto

of Perbn's

a result

time,

in

all

Peronist

documents

behaviour

ipulative

past

periods. ignored

The movimientistas

their

of reformed

of 1973-74.

of their

the

can one understand

made in

here had

decline

"discover

and loyal

naiv-

and nat-

To make amends for

one can detect

opposition

blinkered

Catholic

they

the zeal

complex

and retreats

new to political

guilt

guilt

must be em-

by socio-economic

Movement. with

cap-

them struggles

activists

right-wing,

to compromises,

and to the vacillations of

many leading

as the most orthodox

themselves

frequent

system did

to Peronism

-one recognises

to portray turn

the Peronist took

then

that

the political

for

of the movimientistas to their

fact

by foreign

anti-imperialist.

Only when affected

and embrace

history,

nature

in anti-Peronist,

from

and when excluded

Only

was the

organisations.

people"

very

was the background

important

because

tendency

and inexperience

participated

originally

of this

dominated

totally

sector

the Per-

of the legitto Perbn

of

500 a highly

economistic

working to

made a concession to the

Left

the

he might

that

idea

class

because Perbn had briefly

and also

time and had thus

at that

be used again,

given

substance

by the Left

to some extent,

in

the future.

level,

At a more general the continuing in

ially

one where a multi-class

late

iod

from

opponents

breadth

this

of economic

to satisfy

maintainable

to appear

able

united,

feet,

it

ised

that

being

unity,

be preserved.

the Left,

not

ultimately

accept

experience

does not necessarily

interests adversely

while

Argentine

all

by imperialist

affected spheres

mouthing

nor were they

of life.

out

Those affected

to work together

that

loose

Movement and

their

raison

under

his

once he real-

of the Left supporters. that

a unity

of a shared

penetration

some common slogans, able

however,

and disintegrate

demonstrated arise

Perrin

exiled

renouncing

without

of his

had been

many concessions

after

the persecution

to satisfy

the

the

of

to keep his

tried

Though Perlin

which

with

a per-

were unable

of Peronism

In office,

men.

In

integrants

The breadth

to all

order.

so.

governments

was in opposition,

things

he was unable

omy and other tina,

political

was Peron who initiated

The recent tive

Peronist

As the Movement began to polarise

d'Stre.

doing

and

prevented

support

institutional

from

Peronism

taken

The social

union

alternative

a stable

poles.

Peronism

could

compromises,

trade

firm

and its

- espec-

managed by the

also

such as the students.

the 1973-76

was on a basis

it

1955 but

country

had already

the demands of the social

as all

not

could

unity

also

and reconcile

while

after

prevented

adversity,

Movement and of its

process

new sectors

establishing

reflected

experience

national

survived

of Peronism

breadth

However,

only

to attract

1960's

political its

not

Left

in a dependent

of nationalism

strength

Peronism

place.

the Peronist

during

condition

of a country's

by this

never

of objec-

arrived

process at

a "national

of econ-

in Argen-

programmatic liberation"

\ýýý

- 501 such as that

stage

in

to

failed

geoisie

a period

lived

up to movimientista

of economic

be made on the altars cess of foreign bourgeoisie ful

State

popular

"National

had gone so far

dynamic

in

economic

Yet in

and mobilisation.

organisation

that

pro-

needed a pawer-

a State

turn

the

the national

It

areas,

to

sacrifices

Moreover,

back successfully.

fight

not

could

to intervene

Reconstruction".

bour-

of them because

expectations

needed working-class

penetration

economic

alone

they

crisis

of

The national

by the movimientietas.

envisaged

bolstered

by

had socialist

this

implications.

To the national tionist

State

which

might

to repeat trated

out

the

cessions,

What one saw in

expense

the

its

Communist Parties

national which

cess

issues

both

which

sought

controversy

or the

history

desire

of the workers

conmeans.

attempting

more than

the

at

having

lends

to support

roads

had locked

espoused

indeed

ironic

that

one

two main Peronist

Left

ten-

the

no support

is

to socialism,

horns latter

had fought

the strength

the

in half in

over whatever

to lead

by the

stages

It

separated

China in

and Mensheviks

bourgeoisie

bourgeoisie

of revolutionary

"national"

over

Leninists

concen-

by violent

suppressed

discredited.

was further

and Trotsky

1955 Argentine ional

theory

the

Stalin

which

and instead

a number of initial

was a national

the expense

attempting

capital.

of the fundamental

over

years

at

position

of foreign

which

After

1973-76

In the process,

dencies,

interests.

process

drew back from

years

demands were increasingly

popular

to improve

Peronist

own narrow

a Cuban-type

of unleashing

of the early

interven-

of a popular-based

They therefore

of control.

strategy

on their

danger

the

contained get

the idea

bourgeoisie,

the

was the

same one

Communist Inter-

of the

1920's,

and

and before

1917.

Post-

to the idea

of the

nat-

an anti-imperialist

pro-

one hegezhonised by non-bourgeois

sectors.

ýý,

502 -

However, tremendous

problems

bourgeois the

reasons

that

for

extraction

the revolution

onwards

their

equation

by the methodology

that

to conclude

of militancy

did

have some basis

and non-Peronist

typical,

was indeed

utionary

potential.

that

In a few isolated

Left

was strong, or at

was so.

Constituci6n

where highly to freely

the

totally

equat-

level

was nevertheless

but

where the though great

not

revol-

Cordoba and

political choose their

strikes,

a problem

took

(leftown

leaders.

Economism at a broader

of

mistaken

class,

case in

was

levels this

had exhibited

to have been the

of the work-forces

than

places

appears

This

this

armed struggle,

the working

least

of the

strikes

that

rather

was not

in

were not

Furthermore,

fervour

had to be-

much of the Left

employed

and organisation.

revolutionary

in Villa

with for

of struggle

in reality.

Peronist

the right

to indicate politics

revolutionary

with

efforts

and general

characteristics

consciousness

ion

union

to recognise

per-

the mass of the working

their

insurrections

of revolutionary

provided

wing)

for the

understand

need which the Left

seemed superficially

of revolutionary

for

and was

was unable,

there

than that

and that

was near

definition

place

which

went from

rather

the provincial

1960's

to some extent

In Argentina,

due to the

was partly

They tended

class. but

non-

class.

to fully

and membership,

was the psychological

reason

revolutionary

This

contingent

working

the

movement was paramount

Left,

petty-bourgeois

illustrated

an alternative

by the working

the-labour by the

has also

the moment, reformist.

Moreover,

vain.

led

had to be revolutionary,

was,

As in

to forge

movement was Peronist

Another

late

attempts

of the Argentine

Peronism

lieve

face

up to publicly

of class

labour

class

Left

alliance

of a large

sonality the

Peronist

of economism in

faced

presence

of the

which

revolutionary

problem

never

analysis

which

503 the

prevented

emergence

bourgeois.

petty

Just

to opt for

classes

and short-term having thing

which

front

though,

it

could

forms

This

for

organisations reinforce

was a class

problem

petty-bourgeois

of struggle,

was aggravated

only

of workers

alliance

however was the tendency

as critical

different

goals.

separate

of a revolutionary

these which

of these

political

strategies

by the Montonero

policy

different

social

differences.

groups,

the limited

reflected

of some-

Fundamentally,

as much as the

proletarianisation

and

progress

of

economism of the labour

movement. Conclusions urban

guerrilla

guerrilla the

strong

class

there

masses as it political

and the

develops.

Moreover,

impact

it.

Guerrilla

repressing

not

struggles

of the

the guerrillas deeds,

warfare only

its

labour

though

desired.

one saw a rise provided

above,

Peronist

a result

of the the

has to be clan-

successful

and,

moreover,

isolated

from

the

in no way implied they

for from

developed

involved

the immediate

and escalated,

demonstrated, Far from

in repressive

but

a

a moveneeds

movement.

forces

conservative

practitioners

it

level

both

struggle

of armed struggle,

which

revolutionary

were divorced

with

stemmed from

and partly

organisations

guerrilla

which

movement was partly

at a military

The

exempt from

case of those

By definition,

of

general.

were never

to become increasingly

as the guerrilla

effect

to

it

in

As argued

to be militarily

Saltos

for

actions

collective

catalytic

for

Left

even in the

itself.

and secretive

advances

towards

Peronist

the role

about

violence

organisations

struggle

a tendency

study

the mass movement.

of guerrilla

illegal is

by the

from the labour

of guerrilla

this

political

isolation,

towards

composition

destine,

the

launched

isolation

nature

and about

of guerrilla

orientation

guerrilla

ment

warfare

campaigns

problem

be drawn from

can also

the

labour

did not

inspiring violence with

the have

the masses to counter

a pretext

for

movement as well.

- 504 -

The backlash

but

guerrillas helped

grew with

to legitimise not

which

once enacted

of the

in Brazil

as the highest Left

Peronist

of the

in

and did

could

the backlash of the

form

of revolutionary

far

use violence

put an end to most

also

No major

By selecting

would

of violence,

a major place

them

of the

the forces

forms For

section

had to be exceedingly

whereas

more widely.

act-

guerrilla

ultimately

they

more authoritarian

seeking

powers"

destruction

total

struggle,

mass support,

deployment

their

guerrillas

"emergency

Montoneros.

the end of 1976.

To attract

quo and those

status

had been the

chose a method which

a disadvantage.

discriminate

and Uruguay

since

the

which

repealed.

to the subdual

place

with

to tolerate

liberals

In Argentina,

and led

have taken

struggle

at

were never

guerrillas.

organisations

It-led

cope.

repression

the

only

Armed struggle

beyond it.

and those

of State

not

and affected

Salto

periphery

a level

ultimately

The result

ions

their

also

could

each guerrilla

of government

General

Videla,

"A terrorist is not just someone with a gun or a bomb but that to Western ideas contrary are spreads someone who also 1 civilization". and Christian For his

General

colleague,

Vilas,

the sources which feed, form to destroy "It is necessary delinquent, this the indoctrinate and subversive and and secondary schools". 2 source is in the universities One of the major is

thus

that

and attacking

it

defects is

used as a pretext

fictitious

Videla,

of urban

"industrial

guerrilla for

in the Times

1. 2.

declaration in Bahia General Vilas, International the Amnesty in quoted (c. 1977). in Argentina

as a form

(London),

of struggle

the intelligentsia

terrorising

guerrillas",

General

quoted

warfare

which

4th

in

turn

January

weakens

1978.

Blanca. on 4th August 1976, Repression Academic report,

505 -

the potential its

base of the guerrilla

social

isolation.

Once a government it

has nothing

pendent

feels

to lose

upon popular

and its

Peronist

of the

Left

to harness

the

use the full

of the repressive

by revolutionaries

rather

than

which

machinery

the

the masses, services

those

the

State

enemy to

against

them.

unleashed

superior

and financial

than

was unable

struggle

with

sections

rather

enabled

of

military

major

might

to a military

reduced

intelligence

supports,

strength

weaponry, ultim-

win. same time,

At the certain

under

conditions,

disintegrate,

The Peronist 1966-73

urban

divided,

time

the

such

as the

Cordobazo,

more instrumental the

early

though

in

1970's.

it

can play

public

had already the military

a part

be stressed

to a political baptisms.

that

its

in

to retreat

downfall. of the

the regime

solution,

Collective

shaken the regime decision

beginning

already

to the demise

contribute

should

looking

sectors

had their

guerrillas

did

is

regime

warfare

has shown that

experience

guerrilla

when a military

formations"

regime, with

the Argentine

guerrilla

"special ;

military

already

in

is

of struggle,

but

down

shooting

war between

upon which

power of labour

politics

ately

in an uneven

periph-

guerrilla

They chose a method which

issue.

When revolutionary

logistics

before

form

power

upon economic

periphery,

chose a battlefield

economic

force

solely

the

a militaristic

became the decisive

right

force

combatant

de-

need to use discriminate

to hammer both

potential

support,

Whereas those

terror.

resting

can afford

In selecting

apparata.

those

and imagined

of the

what remains

State

upon popular

rest

cannot

do to some extent

methods,

real

it

by unleashing

and the means of coercion ery

that

support

counter-insurgency

to

or increases

and preserves

by the

rebellions,

and were arguably to their

barracks

was

506 It

is

not

in Argentina

only

has demonstrated

and guerrillerismo

(E. T. A.

Ta Azkatasuna

that

Moiahaddin-e-Kha1Q

in

its

win

a genuine

basis

always

been in

organising

that

capacity

for

cumstances

has not

weakening

been able

to take

but

regimes

guerrilla

certain

cir-

however,

has

has shown its

warfare

due to its

of the political

advantage

Euzkadi

Moslem

and under

Guerrilla

support.

Iranian

The problem,

of support.

the

have shown that

of nationalism

authoritian

Both

and the

Fedavan-e-Khala

can draw upon the reserves

warfare

of nationalism

forcefulness.

the Basque Country

and Marxist

blend

the potent

military

nature have

which

openings

ensued.

The political

benefits

to the Peronist beneficiary least,

Left

of the

E. T. A. for urban

and thus

aged to win a fair so far

effective

at

least,

their

developing

armed actions

proved with

In

the main

Iran,

initially

Padre

exiled

at

Eterno.

have cause

to

thank

The inability

of

in

cases

will

these

the

politically-motivated,

of political

such

organisation

and

who are.

They have man-

among national

movements

those

support

went not

of channelling

capable

mass struggles

in

that

support

a consistent

and

manner.

their into

fora

organisations

popular

support

political

ance above ground potential

though

of popular

have not

Urban guerrilla organise

political

the way open for

degree

run.

campaign

Shah was,

may well

the long

to tasks

suited

leave

Party

that,

the

previously

specific

of the fact

are not

guerrilla

against

- another

to impose its

has been a product

and fusing

Khomeini

armed campaign in

guerrilla

struggle

campaign

the Basque Nationalist

their

organisations

1969-73

to Perlin who had used them.

guerrilla

the Ayatollah

And in Spain,

but,

but

of the

is

large

through

abandoning

organisations.

open to much criticism, radical

been able

have only

to actually

armed struggle

Though the Niontonero it

at least

movement was present.

All

and perform-

showed that of that

the

potential

N4

507 -

rapidly

when that

evaporated

at a higher

level.

military

Montonero

fortunes,

for

between

the

sectors

of the labour

Montoneros

Had they clandestinity,

a stronger

labour

maintained

a political

they

well

the

in

authority

labour

was,

guerrilla

with

the result

nature

more than For

of the Montoneros. regarded

who merely

had become totally

This

was seen even when they

leave the

1970-73

fighter

medals

heroic for

bravery

have been further As it

political

conceptions,

was just

a revamped

1973.

can with

strategy

a mistake

it

were not

a group

in

and later

and bureaucratism of the

went so far

and to wear military

uniform

- rather,

method.

inability

their

the cult

to promote

that

the

Peronists

of radical

practising

be of

method to employ

as the best through

hindsight

wan a confirmation

command structure

mystique,

of

a situation

pressures.

project

were above ground,

They continued

years.

and their

combatants

militarised

the authoritarian

behind

in

they

armed struggle

they

conflict

weak political

moreover,

of their

1975 Aut&ntico

of a militaristic but

seen as a mistake,

their

of rank-and-file

had proposed

The resumption

of that

from

have strengthened

to a freezing

their

that

of what they

version

led

the

warfare,

advantage

orientation,

as a result

warfare

and broad

base.

movement and might,

themselves

radicalised

of taking

in

developed

clashes

By resuming

other.

albeit

point

on the one hand,

Right,

possibility

might

important

afterwards

and Peronist

all

turning

was a fundamental

movement on the

renounced

and of gaining

This

shortly

government

resumed armed struggle,

organisation

to of

guerrilla

as to award when attend-

1 ing

international

1.

Montonthe developed within After this thesis a split was written, Long Fernandez Pablo and Galimberti, Rodolfo leadership when ero other his among supporters, Juan Gelman denounced Firmenich and March 1979, 26th Guardian, the See for their things, militarism. mimeo), by signed 1979 February letter 22nd the of open and leaders dissident the Long, in Fernandez Galimberti which and Party, Montonero the from for their reasons resigning explained Army Montonero and abandoning in the their commissions up giving Movement. in the Montonero Peronist their

political

events

and meetings.

508 It

is

been one full is

that

certainly

true

of instances

so much of it

that

the history

of heroism

now resides

in

of the Peroniet

and self-sacrifice. graveyards.

Left

has

The tragedy

1

APP11mTZ

ARGENTINE GUERRILLA SOCIAL AND OCCUPATIONALBACKGROUNDS

1)

PERONIST

M. N. R. T.

I

Josh ("Joe") Luis Baxter Jorge Norberto Caffati Mario Hector Duaihy Carlos Fuentes Jose Luis Nell Gustavo Jose Posse (sympathiser) Lorenzo Andres Posse (Yugoslav) Tomislav Rivaric Horacio Francisco Rossi Ricardo Sergio Rambn Viera

-

law student student student student conscript soldier employee employee student "criminal" senior medical practitioner

-

trader post-office employee teacher & literature student ex-seminarist, worker ex-seminarist, worker law student, employee public employee state airline employee trader doctor insurance employee lawyer

-

medical student sociology student student student student engineering

2 PERONIST ARI4ED FORCES (FAP) Juan Eugenio Bertelli Carlos Caride Amanda Beatriz Peralta de Dieguez Gerardo Ferrari Arturo Ferre Gadea Envar El Kadri , Hernfin Ceferino Laredo Edgardo Olivera Josb Luis Rojas (ea-II ur co) Samuel Leonardo Slutzsky N&stor Rail Verdinell1 Miguel Zavala Rodriguez 3 (FAR) REVOLUTIONARYARMEDFORCES Carlos Heriberto Astudillo Maria Antonia Berger Alberto Miguel Camps Raquel Liliana Gelfn Alfredo Elias Kohon

and metalworker

1.

MNRT data refers mainly raid, and is drawn from March 1964.

2.

FAP data refers mainly to original members, most of those listed being guerrillas Drawn from La captured at Taco Ralo in 1968. Razon, 20th-29th September 1968" and "Los Nuestros, " Cristianismo (July Revoluci6n, 18 19695, pp. 10-16. no. y FAR data refers to leaders and victims of of the organisation the Trelew massacre, and is drawn from El Descamisado, E1 Peronista and La Causa Peronista, passim; Urondo, op. cit., pp. 137-139; and Eloy Mart nez, op. cit., pp. 15-22.

3.

the policlinico to members captured after April Ocurrib, 1964; and La Razbn, 25th

509

510 Juan Pablo Maestre Carlos

Enrique

Olmedo

Marcos Osatinsky Roberto Jorge Quieto Sabelli Maria Ang6lica

-

then Gillette student, sociology employee then Gillette student. thilosoDhv employee employee then lawyer law student, and teacher student

-

teacher then journalist metalworker, railway worker sociology student engineering student bank employee student teacher photographer/TV cameraman worker student medical student car worker student agronomy student student company worker in publicity student

-

priest state employee student secondary student then lecturer student, doctor, politician journalist theatre/cinema producer, actor politician telecommunications worker student employee municipal worker in chemical industry employee public

-

1 MONTONEROS a)

Combatants

Nelida Eater "Norma" Arrostito Dardo Manuel Cabo Jose Enrique Carral Pablo Fernhndez Long Mario Eduardo Firmenich Norberto Habegger (ex-Descamisado) Lesgart Adrian Lesgart Susana Graciela Maguid Carlos Alberto Benito Bernabe Martinez Carlos Capuano Martinez Angel Maza Emilio Jose Sabino Navarro Manuel Enrique Pedreira Mariano Pujadas Carlos Gustavo Ramus Jorge Gustavo Rossi Fernando Vaca Närvaja

b)

Leaders

of

Mass Fronts

Padre Jorge Adur Mario Aguirre Amarilla Guillermo Eduardo Beckerman Silva Bermann Barrancos Oscar Bidegain Bonasso Miguel Norman Briski Cepernic Jorge Chävez Gonzalo Rene ChAvez

Armando Daniel Croatto Josh Dalmaso Lopez Dri Jaime Feliciano

ý.

leaders and to military Montonero data refers and mass front " del MPA..., "La drawn is from ibid.; conducci6n martyrs, and Superior Movement Peronist Montonero El Autentico, op. cit.; Resistance Leads to Victory, Council, undated document; Montonero Unity, Movement, Victory Peronist undated is Born with People's document.

- 511 Juan Figueredo Andr&s Framini Juan Gelman Greco Guillermo Herrera Rambn Antonio Padre Rafael Iaccuzzi Borelli Holver Martinez Ricardo Obreg6n Cano Ramon Puch Rodolfo Puiggr6s Ramallo Reginaldo Julio Rodriguez Anido Susana Sanz de Llorente Claudio Slemenson Roberto Tapia Herriberto Torres Jose Pablo Ventura Rodolfo Walsh

-

state employee worker ex-textile poet, journalist state gas employee car worker priest law student, poet, politician student historian, author state employee journalist lawyer secondary student transport worker worker ex-oil student journalist, author

essayist

NON-PERONIST

2)

1 PEOPLE'S GUERRILLA ARMY (EGP) Fernando Agustin

Alvarez Enrique

Bollini

Campos Alfredo del Carril Salvador Rail Davila I Victor Eduardo FernAndez Raül Frontini Federico Garrido Santiago Pedro Gonzfilez Oscar del Hoyo Juan Jouve Jorge Ricardo Masetti Mendez Federico Hermes Pea Lazaro Pena Name unknown "" ""

""

1.

Roca

- printing -

-

engineering

worker student

painter radio interviewer unemployed employee professional photographer worker book-seller builder student journalist mechanic Cuban professional revolutionary waiter medical student, unemployed mechanic unemployed mechanic bank employee bank employee unemployed oil driller philosophy student medical student flower' vendor merchant marine

EGP data refers mainly to those of the 44-member Salta loco who died or were captured, were killed, and to a few who escaped to RodolföBolivia. Drawn from La Naci6n, 6th-13th March 1964; Ricardo Walsh, prologue Rojo, 17-18; to Masetti, pp. cit., op. in op. cit., pp. 147-162; and Luis Mercier Vega, Guerrillas (London: Pall Latin America: The Technique of the Counter-State Mall Press, 1969), 115-117.

-512-

BUENOS AIRES COMMAND(Comando Buenos Aires) Intended

urban

support

apparatus

1

of EGP

Angel Amadeo Bengochea Läzaro Saul Feldman Rail Reig Hugo Pelino Santilli Carlos Guillermo Schiavello

-

professional revolutionary businessman student doctor former owner of factory student, making pyrotechnical articles

Rub6n Pedro Bonet Eduardo Capello Antonio del Carmen Fernandez Manuel Carrizo

-

Mario Emilio Delfino Ledesma Juan Eliseo Domingo Menna Luis Pujals Mario Roberto Santucho

-

Luis

-

student economics student sugar worker then public economics student, accountant engineering student Fiat car worker medical student economics student then public economics student, accountant then public economics student, accountant student teacher of plastic arts

2 PEOPLE'S REVOLUTIONARYARMY (ERP)

Sbedico

Ulla Jorge Alejandro Ana Maria Villarreal

-

de Santucho

Though the

above data

is

"martyrs",

the

of petty-bourgeois

guerrillas

which

of evidence: Montonero stand

trade

whereas

pattern it

the

fact

rest

that

and mainly

suggests

strongly

union the

incomplete

predominance is

on the 31st

columns of the

only

took

tendency

pertains

supported August 21

took

to leaders

and

among Argentine

by two other

pieces

1973 CGT marchpast,

the

to pass the review 3 146 minutes; and the

minutes

1.

Comando de Buenos Aires data refers killed to activists in the 1964 Posadas Street explosion, and is drawn from La Raz6n, 4th August 1964.

2.

ERP data refers to leaders and "martyrs", Roia and El Combatiente, Estrella passim; pp. 137-139; and Eloy Martinez, op. cit.,

3.

"Peron lleg6 El Descamisado, to a su pueblo, " special supplement 4th September 1973, p. 6; La Raz6n, Ist September 1973.

and is drawn from Urondo, op. cit., pp. 15-22.

513 admission Party

(PRT),

in social

1.

of Mario political

composition

Roberto

Santucho

leadership (only

that

the Workers'

of the ERP, suffered

30% factory

workers)".

"The Revolutionary Mario Roberto Santucho, 23rd August 1974, in Santucho, Argentina: (Oakland, Power California: Revolutionary Publications: nd , p. 29.

Revolutionary from

"weaknesses

1

Party, " Worker's Power. Bourgeois Resistance

APPENDIX B EARLY RADICAL PERONIST PROGRAMMES PROGRAMME OF HUERTA GRANDE (1962)1 1.

Nationalisation

2.

State

3.

Nationalisation production, steel

4.

Expropriation

5.

Non-recognition of international the backs of the people.

6.

A ban on all

imports

7.

A ban on all

direct

8.

Workers'

9.

The opening up of business account verified and tax evasion exposed.

10.

Integral priorities

of the banking

control

of key sectors meat-packing

without

control

trade.

foreign

over

system.

of the economy: plants.

compensation

which

financial

compete with

and indirect over

of land

capital

oil,

electricity,

owned by the agreements

national

oligarchy.

made behind

products.

exports.

exportation. books so that

costs

can be

of the economy, with the establishment planning targets. and minimum and maximum production

of

DECALOGOREVOLUCIONARIO Peronist Movement Programme (1964)2 Revolutionary 1.

Nationalisation of all key sectors of the economy so as to ensure iron. and steel, energy, public subsoil, national sovereignty: banks, foreign trade, enterprises. monopolies and foreign services,

2.

Agrarian reform: compensation.

3.

State take-overs industrial and commercial of all financial, big, the anti-national of of groups all companies and monopolistic dependent on foreign bourgeoisie, totally capital. or partially

4.

trade. Rigorous taxation The abolition of all industrial, of secret A ban on all direct financial and commercial and enterprises. indirect Workers' of production. exports of capital. control

expropriation

of lend

from

the

oligarchy

without

515 5.

Integral State planning of the economy so as to promote harmonious development. An industrialisation programme based upon State intermediate industries, energy, goods of extractive exploitation Stimulation inof national and the machine and tool industry. Improved foreign dustry competition. against and its protection communications.

6.

Urban reform,

7.

"Dignification" Just ation. medicine.

8.

An education and promote the developprogramme to spread literacy Encouragement of national consciousness". ment of "national State support for sport. culture.

9.

Defence of national and a foreign sovereignty to self-determination and the equality right

especially

house building.

of the worker rewards according

and the people - an end to exploitThe socialisation to effort. of

based on the policy of peoples.

support for all people fighting with and active against the Malvinas, Recovery Puerto of colonialism. and Guayanas, Panama Canal, Guantanamo and the Antillas

10.

Solidarity imperialism Rico, the Islands.

1.

Source:

Ernesto

2.

Source:

Supplement

Gonzälez,

op.

to En Lucha,

cit., no.

p.

156.

18 (September

1974),

p. 4.

APPENDIX c SOURCES

This portant

were the

of which

themselves

largely

is

thesis

based upon primary political

Here,

produced.

reviews

Left,

Peronist

material

on the

Peronist

Movement (MRP) and the early

early

In more recent

Peronism.

were indispensable

performed

provided

Cooke,

William organ

of the

special its

the

during

for

mention

its

supplements

special

of the Resistance

by the Peronist

offered

Non-Peronist and Guevarist

when the

lacked

latter

y Revolucl6n

which

were also

and the

key interviews

(September

John

editor,

Peronism.

En Lucha, deserves

also

of Gustavo

Reatre

and

of the history

outline

Peronist

Movement to be

the unity

of the Peronist

Left.

reviews

Left

1974

(1954-55)

of its

the best

1975),

June 1973-July

Movement (MR 17),

contained

E1

alternativistas,

De Prente

of early

and Revolutionary

period

the

of the ideas

provision which

the

thought

Revolutionary

October

17th

years

crisis

of

of the May 1973-

The first

of the political

an illustration

organisations

(September-December

covering

same function.

for

reading

own reviews,

For

sources.

movimientista

the

youth

the Montoneros'

and the second De Frente,

Militancia period,

radical

Left

on the Revolutionary

particularly

El Aut&ntico

and later

1974 period,

was vital

and La Causa Peronista,

El Peronista

Descamisado, September

years,

the Peronist

which

(1963-65)

Compa1ero

the most im-

sources,

promoted

useful,

they

for

published Left

communiques of the Peronist regular

organs of their

1966-September

of information

on Catholic

principal

source

valuable,

Nuevo Hombre, especially too was as

September

1974) series.

-516-

apart

radicalism, its

in

Here,

own.

1971),

basic

first

documents,

periods Cristianismo

from being

the

was immensely (September

1971-

517 The political

general, Left

ist

as seen by those

batiente, Roia,

reviews,

left-wing, closure,

within

the

Newspapers

was examined Opinion

1976.

were used less

papers.

and could

ed newspapers the restriction ation

declared

(Montoneros).

act

because,

to publish

In recent

events

specific

was made a priority able

the post-1955

1975-October

about

constructured

often

for

to refer

being

Argentine

to guerrilla

(ERP)

The Montonero

in

though

of radical,

military-pressto the divisions

guides

a background

constructing

La Naci6n, thoroughly, once the

(1974-

movement.

period.

basic

The Buenos Aires 1976 period,

Herald

as was La

La Raz6n and the to obtain

just

pre-1966

detailed had been

chronology

Work on the Buenos Aires

as a guide.

was circumnavigated illegal"

union

1966-October

an English-language

more news about

years,

provided

polit-

Politica

its

until

paper,

guerrilla

operations

governments

have not

Herald

it

than

was other

even allow-

organisations

by their

names,

by references

to "the

organis-

and to "the

newspaper

self-proscribed

Noticias

El Com-

and Estrella

Non-party

and Carta

was a source

source

January

Herald

information

and trade

the entire

for

of July

Buenos Aires

often

were an essential

of events

chronology

(PRT),

events

on political

parties

political

Party

Army (ERP).

The former

(1963-1976),

(PST),

Party

(1973-76)

Left

of the Peron-

Nacional

Workers

Revolutionary

the latter

whereas

These were

The most important

Izauierda

Revolutionary

consulted.

commentary

ured

journal,

such as Cuestionario

were also not

People's

of the

organ

Left

of the Workers

organ

by Marxism.

were

the Argentine

within

of the Socialist

organ

Left.

some of the main weaknesses

were the National

Socialista,

Avanzada

divisions

influenced

Left

revolutionary

the Peronist

of

of the

isolated

and also

here

items

ical

critiques

to an understanding

crucial in

their

for

consulted

also

of the non-Peronist

organs

and the

though

organisation" pro-ERP El Mundo

-518were both

banned by the government

of Noticias,

copies

for

research

ical

thesis

from

there

were numerous

value

were regular a former

with

were also

Armed Fbrces

reasons

the first post-1955 from

were never, value of

that

Of particular

and a couple

of meetings

Movement combatant. People's

journalists,

Peronist

guidance academics

anonymity

There

Revolution-

Movement and former

their

guerrilla

activists.

Some useful

with

secret

the bibliography,

Youth,

Revolutionary

a desire

books written

Here,

utility.

extent

Peronist

information

and command authors,

be respected

for

of security. Finally,

the

with

and sympathisers.

of whom expressed

all

in

October

the polit-

in

cited

Nationalist

with

inside

and obtaining

two Montoneros

with

Revolutionary

activists

discovering

interviews

emerged from interviews

also

ents

Left,

discussions

meetings

17th

when the

as a means of clarifying

the formal

discussions

former

from a few

apart

by 1975-76

available

organisations

informal

Tacuara

several

Army,

ary

valuable

and guerrilla Apart

documents.

not

of the Peronist

political

1974 and were,

was undertaken.

were also

conceptions

about

unfortunately

this

Interviews

in

the most useful

items

the Peronist

were the

Very few background

two chapters.

have been published.

period

partisan

superficiality, therefore,

due to their

the views

by or about

relied

provision

of political

distortion

upon as basic of pertinent

tendencies.

All

Left

had some

ideological

works

political

histories

of these

suffer

or factual sources,

quotations

though

cited of

to some

errors.

They

were of some

and as illustrations

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The lists the text

in

cited

are arranged

and do not

Peronist

view,

due to the

ed in

the chronological in

eight

Left

major

lished

Interviews,

from

Periodicals;

Signed

the

presentarticles

and unsigned falls

into

Interviews;

and Pub-

of Speeches.

of Buenos Aires) January

July

1976 and numerous

1966-October

editions

1955-1976.

editions

1975-October

1976. 1955-1976.

La Razbn,

numerous

editions

Noticias,

3rd-11th

June 1974.

PERIODICALS Buenos Aires,

Avanzada Socialista, Carta

Buenos Aires,

Politica,

Che, Buenos Aires, Che Comvanero, Combate,

October

Comrafero, Confirmado,

September

August

15th August

Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires,

1961, nos.

1968, no.

1-16.

4.

1965, nos.

December 1975-August

-519-

1975, nos.

1.

1973, no.

June 1963-February

104-131.

1974, nos.

1974-September

1960-November

Buenos Aires,

Buenos Aires,

May-December

the

and Editorials;

Articles Personal

Documents;

are

though

The bibliography

each other.

from

the name of the re-

appeared, order.

are

Sources

items

These reviews

they

which

material.

section

under

Communiques and Texts

Letters,

numerous

La Opini6n,

together

in alphabetical

listed

Newspapers;

Buenos Aires Herald, 1955-66. La Naci6n,

in which

and Supplements;

NEWSPAPERS (all

the articles

are listed

order

sections:

Pamphlets

in

items

contain

background

number of such items.

large

them are

Books;

only

surplus

thöugh

reviews

are segregated

articles

include

alphabetically,

major

published

below

of books and articles

1-77.

1976, nos.

401-411.

7-30.

-520 -

Con Todo,

Buenos Aires,

late

Y Revoluci6n, 1-30.

Cristianismo nos.

De Frente (con las nos. 1-9.

0&2.

nos.

Buenos Aires,

Buenos Aires,

Cuestionario,

1968,

bases

September

March 1974-June

1976, nos.

Buenos Aires,

Pero nistas),

(Un testigo de Is realidad De Frente insobornable Buenos Aires, March 1954-October 1955, nos. Buenos Aires,

El Autentico, El

(de la Caudillo no. 68.

El Combatiente, February El Combativo,

Buenos Aires,

May 1973-April

(luchs Para Is Liberaci6n), Peronista 1974, nos. 1-6.

En Lucha,

Buenos Aires,

Estrella

Federal,

Estrella

Roia,

n. p.,

1974,

July-September October

La Causa Peronista,

Buenos Aires,

July-September

Cultural,

Liberaciön,

July

Buenos Aires,

Buenos Aires,

27th

July

Buenos Aires,

May 1974-August

April

1974- May

12-18.

5-6. 22-25.

1976,

nos.

1974, nos.

1973-March

1973, no.

1975,

1-46.

nos.

1963-March

(Peronista Militancia Para la Liberacibn), March 1974, nos. 1-38. Nueva Hora,

9-114;

1973, nos.

Buenos Aires,

La Opinion

nos.

1974, nos.

1978, nos.

Nacional,

Izouierda

October

1.

November 1973-September

Buenos Aires,

1-9.

15th

Buenos Aires,

August-September

1974,

mundial), 2-85.

1974,

November 1972, no.

Buenos Aires,

May 1974-July

Buenos Aires,

posici6n),

1971,

11-38.

1975, nos.

Buenos Aires, June 1968-April 1976, nos. 204-205.

El Descamisado, El

September-December

tercera

1966-September

4-44.

1-9.

1974.

7.

Buenos Aires,

1975, nos.

June 1973-

141-190.

Nuevo Hombre, Buenos Aires. First September 1971-September series: Second series: November 1975-March 1976, nos. 1974, nos. 8-70. 2-10. Palabra

Obrera,

Buenos Aires,

30th

June 1964, no.

Peronismo

v Liberaci6n,

Buenos Aires,

August

Peronismo

y Socialismo,

Buenos Aires,

September

Posici6n,

C6rdoba,

January-1974,

no.

11.

364.

1974, no.

1.

1973, no.

1.

I

Todo es Historia,

Buenos Aires,

(de la Juventud Trinchera nos. 1-4. Ya (es tiempo

521 -

April

1971-February

Peronista),

de pueblo),

1976, nos.

Buenos Aires,

Buenos Aires,

48-105.

May-September

16th August

1973, no.

1973,

8.

ARTICLES AND EDITORIALS (Editor:

De Freute, Cooke,

John William

Cooke) de los

John William. "Capitalizaci6n No. 48 (7th February 1955): 3. de los

"E1 equilibrio 1954): 4. . 44-45.

destino

"El

futuro

"El

sabotaje

del

No. 45 (17th

"

papelero.

"Paneslavismo, comunismo e imperialismo (22nd November 1954): 18-21.

. Compafiero

"Patria

y proletariado.

(Editor:

Juan Garcia

"La unica Gustavo. Rearte, 3. February 1965): "5 de agosto:

jornada

"Dos batallas

"Falsa

opci6n.

"Interesado

"

No. 14 (10th

"No habrk

perd6n. "

No. 71 (3rd

consigns.

"

"Peronismo

y revoluci6n.

"Reorganizacibn

rojo.

August

February 1964):

"

1955):

3. 3.

No. 37

3.

1964):

1964):

1.

1.

February 1963):

November 1964): September

No. 17 (16th

para la lucha. "

October

1.

September

No. 63 (8th "

August

No. 32 (4th

justa.

1955):

" No. 77 (2nd fortnight

No. 59 (11th

No. 34 (18th

"La lines

"Nuestras

v&lida.

June 1963): "

confusionismo. "

"

No. 58 (4th

No. 1 (7th

"

January

March

Elorrio)

historica. "

1955):

No. 60 (2nd May 1955):

respuesta

fundamentales.

de Is farsa.

"E1 fin

"

July

No. 81 (3rd

"

insobornable.

linea

"Nuestra

No. 70 (11th

CGT. "

"

" No. 2 (18th

y salarios.

precios

de la

trabajadores.

1.

1. 1.

1964):

October

No. 16 (9th

1964):

1.

1963):

October

1. 1963):

1.

1.

of

522 -

-

la

"Salta:

"IIn desaffo

hist6rico.

"Un peso aträs. "Vandor

El

No. 38 (11th

"

No. 24 (5th

"

(Editor:

March 1964):

December 1963):

Dardo Manuel

Cabo)

.

No. 26 (13th

Dante

Gullo, Juan Carlos. "El Peronista? " No. 8 (10th

"Ante

la muerte

"Atentar

pals July

de Jos& Rucci. " la

contra

organixacibn

1.

a Perbn. "

CompaAeros."

November 1973):

pueblo.

No. 13 2-3.

1973):

No. 34 (8th

"

No. 51

Qu& es la Juventud

se pregunta: 1973): 10-13.

No. 20 (2nd October del

6.

1.

'eliminar'

Cabo, Dardo Manuel. "Carta del director:. (14th August 1973): 2-3. PCompaneros. "

November 1964):

pretenden

se une a Prigerio: (16th June 1964): 3.

Descamisado

No. 71 (3rd

en marcha. "

juventud

2-3. January

1974):

2-3. Dorrego: la Juventud "Balance de Operativo No. 25 (6th November 1973): 27. "Carlos

Menem: Nuestro (12th June 1973):

"Chau militares!

reaseguro 8.

estä

en la

No. 1 (22nd May 1973):

"

Peronista

la aurora

"Con el pueblo "Construir

hacia

el poder

"

No. 4 (12th

del compaEero Chejolän: "E1 asesinato No. 46 (2nd April 1974): 16-21. .

el

"El

Per6n presidents; final de una batalla: " No. 19 (26th September liberacibn.

"El

pacto social: endencia. "

"FAR y Montoneros: 1973): 2. "Hacia

Is

instrumento No. 44 (19th

apoyar,

toma de la batuta.

"

No. 4

No. I (22nd May_1973):

September

1973):

June 1973): pueblo

2-3.

2-4.

ya march al culpable.

el comienzo 1973): 2-3.

de otra:

de la Liberacibn o instrumento 16-19. March'1974):

defender y controlar. "

K

No. t7

(11th

"

No. 37 (29th January 1974):

libertad.

No. 16 (4th

Perlin. " popular.

de la

juventud.

a trabajar.

5.

"Como y de quien Is defendemos, General? " 2-3. "Companeros presos: back page.

fue

"

de dep-

No. 2 (29th May

September

1973):

11.

"

523 -

Sabino Navarro: un trabajador, No. 12 (7th August 1973): 30.

"Josh

un montonero,

"

un peronista.

"La Agrupacibn Peronista Evita de la Rama Femenina del Movimiento " No. 25 izb un acto en homenaje a Is madre peronista. (6th November 1973): 28-31.

"La JP tome Is

No. 19 (26th

"

iniciativa.

No. 40 (19th

"

de un peronista.

"La historia

Nacional.

"La JP y Is Reconstrucci6n

September

presente.

"La UES esth

No. 19 (26th

"

presente,

mi general.

"La unidad

No. 18 (18th

No. 22 (16th

"

de FAR y Montoneros.

"La Universidad al borde de la opc16n: No. 43 (12th March 1974): 7-8. del

"La universidad "Las "Las

pueblo

urnas

triunfar.

villas

Dorrego.

"Operativo

No. 43 (12th

n. "

No. 22 (16th

"

"

movilizar....

"Organizar, (16th

controlar, movilizar, October 1973): 8.

"Paco: "Peron:

di6

Is vida

por Perbn. "

la reconquista

"Que pass con el pacto el

"Renunciamos 4-8.

a los

"Soy leal,

total,

social?

"

del Dia -

incondicional

"Soy peronista como se es hincha (10th July 1973): 9. "Telef6nicos: 27.

combativos

October

No. 43 (12th

"

de Gardel

o vandoristas?

1973):

"

25.

14. "

February

No. 22

1974):

23.

June 1.973):

December 1973):

March 1974):

2-3.

February

September

No. 9 (17th o de Boca. " No. 16 (4th

11-15.

2-3.

No. 38 (5th

No. 17 (11th

a Per6n. "

1974):

28-30.

No. 5 (19th

No. 31 (18th

gorila.

12-14.

apoyar....

No. 40 (19th

Montonero.

1974):

1973):

no a la lucha. "

honoree,

1973):

26-27.

6-7.

1973):

10-11.

custodiar,

"

1973):

July

October

gobierno.

11 de marzo. "

"Quo votamos

"7 de setiembre

del

September

October

January

"

25.

o continuismo

No. 24 (30th

"Organizar,

intermedios.

sin

No. 36 (22nd January

"

de aire.

'revantaron'....

25.

1973):

liberaci6n

No. 7 (3rd

."

1973):

4-7. 7.

1973):

permanante,

September "

1974):

No. 20 (2nd October

"

Contacto "La Juventud Peronista y Perbn: No. 10 (24th July 1973): 2-7. "La mujer

February

organ-

July

1974):

1973)f

1973):

5-8. 12.

No. 8

September

1973):

"

524 -

"Torrijos:

un general o del

"Universidad: 22-24. "I

esto,

Pena & Eduardo

y la lucha

Nos cerca 14-19.

el

pare llegar

gobierno

No. 2 (21st

"E1 caso Gelbard.

"

"El

enfermedad 1973): 7-9.

movimientismo, (26th July

ya lo

"Eva revolucionaria.

"

June 1973): del

infantil

"Ha muerto

Gustavo "

"La Burocracia.

Rearte.

"

October

Clasista "La nueva CGT Peronista (2nd August 1973): 10-11. "Las mujeres 10-11. "Liberacibn "Militancia "Per6n,

"Peron "Perlin

la 4-7. ola

de Evita

dijeron

o dependencia. entre

y is

"

guerra. "

No. 6 (19th No. 19 (18th

July

1973):

intoaicaciones.

1973):

10-11.

de Salta.

September

1973):

" No. 9 (9th

4-6.

1973):

4-7.

" No. 8

November 1973):

No. 38 (28th

1973):

8-9.

16-17.

No. 22 (8th

"

July

"

35-48. 1973):

1973):

"

4.

No. 7

No. 6 (19th

July

October

No. 9

No. 33

peronista.

July

"

anos de su muerte. "

No. 14 (13th

guerrilla

"

y otras

Antiimperialista -

presente.

No. 34 (7th

"

peronismo.

1973):

el ahogo y la clausura.

juventud

presidente.

"

July

No. 4 {5th

No. 19 (18th

No. 33 (31st

"

14-15.

Cämpora es el vice. " No. 7 (26th

L. Duhalde)

No. 4 (5th

poder. "

de Amado Olmos, a cinco pensamientb (31st January 1974): 26-30. dice,

March 1974):

de la Tendencia.

los planes de la burocracia July 1973): 26-32.

"E1 pacto social, No. 6 (19th

pueblo

de clasea.

imperialismo?

al

6-8.

1974):

2-3.

1973):

Aportes para uns autocrftica August 1973): 12-14.

"E1 apoyo al

"El

Ortega

Ruben R. "La alternativa January 1974): 20-22.

"Discusibn: (9th

"El

October

Rodolfo

"Argentina impotente: February 1974):

No. 45 (26th

o de nadie. "

pueblo

(Editors:

Militancia Dri,

peronista.

No. 21 (9th

qub es? "

No. 36 (22nd January

"

19-230 March 1974): August

1973);

3.

525 "Puiggrbs "Righi: "11°

del

y el avance el nuevo

informe

pueblo.

No. 8 (2nd August

"

El Peronista

(Editor:

sin

July

"

7.

1973):

No. 35

de retorno.

aviso

de Kloosterman.

entierro

16-20.

41-48.

1973):

una maraton hacia atrAs January 1974): 4-9.

"Un agente de la CIA y el August 1973): 34.

1973):

y la violencia.

"Semana politica: entre la definici6n (21st February 1974): 4-9. "Semana politica: No. 33 (31st

July

No. 5 (12th

"

revolucionario.

orden

Gelbard.

No. 5 (12th

"

"

"

(9th

No. 9

Lizaso)

Miguel

"Nuestras diferencias " "Mi afecto Firmenich, Mario Eduardo. politicas; Padre Carlos Mu ca; " "La provocacibn de deal y agradecimiento (21st " No. May 1974): 4-8. 5 dividirnos. recha no puede Lizaso,

"General: Miguel. (4th May 1974): 2-4.

el

peronismo

de acuerdo.

no estä

de del 29 "C6rdoba: mayo, un montonero a cinco anos bazo. " No. 6 (28th May 1974): 26.

De Frente

(Editor:

Oribe, Edmundo. 32-36.

Vicente

de un afo

"El

modelo argentino.

"El

del

significado

"La federacion

Oscar del

"Opiniones:

los "A un aflo de gobierno: Socialista. la Patric "Balance

gräfica

"Peronismo de Base: 8-10.

No. 2 (9th

"

"

No. 4 (23rd

gräficos. los

Conformes

"

May 1974):

June 1974):

de IVISA. "

es de los

"Una semana de especulaciones.

Capital.

el

cordö-

No. 1

May 1974):

junto a las bases peronistas estudiantes " No. 4 (23rd May 1974): 24-25.

No. 7 (20th

triunfo

cuenta

No. 3

Hoyo)

10 de mayo. "

el

de gobierno. "

20 Congreso

Peronistas, 55-57.

de Inquilinos March 1974):

"Movimiento (19th

"

26-37.

12-17.

No. 1 (2nd May 1974): "

No. 2 (9th

29.

No. 1 (2nd May 1974):

burgueses...

por

"

50.

No. 1 (2nd May 1974):

May 1974):

5-7.

-526 (Editor:

La Causa Peronista

Cabo, Dardo Manuel.

Rodolfo

"La milicia

Galimberti)

peronista.

No. 4 (30th July

"

1974):

Caride,

Carlos. "Escribe Carlos Caride: To la muerte del general la send como la muerte de un compaEero. " No. 1 (9th July 1974): 42-43.

Framini,

Andrts. "Habla Andr&s Framini: Hacia chba Perbn. " No. 1 (9th July 1974): 46.

Galimberti, (3rd

Rodolfo. September

"Qui&nes son y para qui&n 1974): 2-3.

"Unidad nacional 'Gran o . (23rd July 1974): 2-3.

"Carlos

Nacional'.

Acuerdo

No. 9 (3rd

Aramburu. "

"CSrdoba: el porqu.6 del conflicto 30-31. "Cordoba: Si es necesario (13th August 1974):

September

"Mendoza. (6th

Intervenci6n: August 1974):

el vandorismo 22-24. .

"Montonero

Emilio

La Calera.

trabajadores

" No. 3

"Montonero Josh Sabino No. 4 (30th July a Isabel

Quien vot6

peronistas.

trabaj6

Navarro. Volveräs 1974): 9-11.

" L6pez Rega? -

El Autentico

(Editor:

ese guerrero

Miguel

"Este gobierno Mario. (12th November 1975): 6.

"Congreso

Nacional

"Con Peron era otra

del

PPA. "

cosa. "

Zavala

en brazos

pueblo.

July

June 1974):

No. 6

1974):

22-23.

de tu pueblo.

August

La muerte

del

"

1974):

"

2-3.

de Jos& Alonso. No. 5 (6th

"

"

August

Rodriguez)

traicionö

al

No. 4 (29th No. 1 (17th

pueblo

16.

L6pez Rega. " No. 5

pare

No. $ (27th

"Quienes, c6mo y por que lo ejecutaron. No. 8 (27th August 1974): 25-29. Ortega Pena: "Rodolfo 1974): 20-21.

montonera.

No. 2 (16th

"

por montonero, 1974): 22-23.

25-31.

No. 2 (16th

"

No. 9

No. 4 (30th June 1974):

aqua pondremos sangre 26-31.

a los

Maza:

1974):

de Smata. "

"Fidelidad

que nos mar-

gobernan? "

Capuano Martinez, por compaAero, por peronista, (20th de tu " No. 7 August ya sos entrafia pueblo.

"Como murib

Aguirre,

la unidad

ya

Peron. " No. 5

October

1975):

6.

September

1975):

6.

29.

527 "Coordinadora cuento 1975):

'La guerrilla de Gremios en Lucha: " para'perseguir a los trabajadores. 6.

de is Triple "Historia ember 1975) &8 "La ccduccibn defensa

A. " (24th

industrial, No. 8 (23rd

Nos. 6 (26th November 1975), December 1975).

del MPA: hombres y"mujeres de los intereses populares.

con trajectoria " No. 2 (1st

un nuevo December

7 (10th

Dec-

de lucha en October 1975):

and Editorials

Other

Articles

Alberte,

Bernardo. "Dictadura (September 1968): 3.

Alberti,

"De como se puede llegar Blas Manuel. a ser peronista con funde dos ideolbgicös damentos antiperonistas; pero. las vicisitudes " In Blas Manuel Alberti, Perdidos en el oceano de la confusibn. Buenos Aires: Ediciones önismo. burocracia nacional. v burguesia Rancagua, 1974, pp. 41-90.

o revoluc16n.

"

"De Gelbard a Cafiero. Carlos. Avalo, (October 7 1975): 93-96. no. Benitez,

" Con Todo,

Tercer

Padre Herne=, "Causas y responsables buru. " Cristianismo no. y Revolucibn,

Mundo

de is 'ejecuc16n' de Aram25 (September 1970): 5-11. " Cristianismo

del reformismo "Aportes John William. en la Argena is critica (July-Decem(Buenos Aires), 2-3 Presente Pasado tina. " nos. v ber 1973): 373-401.

Cooke,

"El . liberacibn pp. 33-77.

(1964). Cooke, La lucha In " Perbn, de por is retorno Granica Editor, 2nd Ed. Buenos Aires: 1973, national.

(1959). " "La lucha por la liberaci6n national, La luchs vor la liberation national, pp. 9-32. (1967). " "La revolucibn y el peronismo, . national, pp. 79-107. vor is liberaci6n Emilio. Corbiere, Cuestionario, Oscar, In Claudio New York:

Cornblit,

- Regular articles 1975-76.

on the Argentine

In Cooke,

In Cooke,

La luchs

Socialist

Party.

in Argentine Industry " "European Immigrants and Politics. in Latin America. The Politics Veliz, of Conformity ed., Press, 1970, pp. 221-248. Oxford University

"Alienaci6n Ruben R. y liberaci6n. (November-December 1970): 26 no.

Eguren

0

no.

(Buenos Aires),

"Nuestra Pbro. Rolando. Concatti, opc16n por el peronismo. (September. 28-36. 30 1971): Revolucibn, no. v

Dri,

4.

de Cooke, Alicia. Nuevo Hombre, no.

" Cristianismo 59-64.

y Revoluci6n,

de John. " "Notas pars una biografia September 1971): 10. 9 (15th-21st

- 528 -

Elorrio,

Juan Garcia. " "The Sign of the Revolution. The Rebel Church in Latin America. Great brant, 1974, pp. 304-307.

Goldar,

" In Gonzalo CArdenas, Ernesto. "La literatura peronista. Pedro Geltman and Ernesto Goldar, Angel Cairo, El Peronismo, Cepe, 1973, pp. 139-186. 2nd ed. Buenos Aires: Ediciones

GonzAlez Ruiz, Josh Maria. "Cristo guerrillero (June Cristianismo Revoluci6n, 29 Y no. Hernändez no.

Arregui, Juan Jost. 1 (September 1973):

and editorial nuestra revista. Jaime,

Armando. . (list

board. "Aclaraci6n sobre " Peronismo y Liberacibn,

"E1 Peronismo.

" Posicibn,

de nombre de el caibio (August 1 1974): 5. no.

in Peronist "Power and Politics James, Daniel. Affairs, World Studies Interamerican and of February 1978): 3-36.

Kendell,

Laclau,

17-20. 50

Trade Unions. " Journal 20, no. 1 vol.

Left, 1955-1975. " Journal of Latin (1976): 2 273-296. 8, vol. no.

"I cannot imagine what would happen if the police Jonathan. (London), Supplement Higher Education 7th January left. " Times 1977: 9.

"Argentina Ernesto. New Left Review, no.

Imperialist 62 (July-August

Strategy 1970):

" Latin "Peronism and'Revolution. . (London & Leeds), no. 1, Spring 1973: "Towards a Theory . in Marxist and Ideology pp. 143-198. Lenin,

1974):

" Nuevo Hombre, no.

"Qua es el peronismo revolucionario? fortnight of November 1973): 4.

"The Peronist . American Studies,

y Socialismo,

11 (January

no.

GheerPenguin,

o Cristo rey? " 1971): 39-41.

Peronismo

Editorial. 5.

In Alain Britain:

and the May Crisis. 3-21.

American 117-130.

Review

of Books '

of Populism. " In Ernesto Laclau, Theory. London: New Left Books,

Politics 1977,

Draft "Preliminary Y. I. of Theses on the National and Colonial In Lenin on the National QuesQuestions, " (1920). and Colonial Peking: F6reiga Languages Press, 1970, pp. 20-29. tions. "The Re(1920). ort of the Commission on the National and Colonial In Lenin on the National QuesQuestions, " and Colonial tions, pp. 30-37.

Little,

"Party and State Walter. is American Historical His 1973): 644-662. "The Popular Origins in the Twentieth Argentina pp. 162-178.

in

Argentina, Peronist Review, vol. 53, no.

1945-55. " 4 (November

(ed. ), " Peronism. In David Rock of Century. London: Duckworth, 1975

"

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but not to be a gaoler. " 1977: 10. 11th February

Munck,

Ronaldo, "The Crisis of Late Peronism and the Working (1973-1976). for Latin " SLAS, Bulletin of the Society (Spring 1979). 30 Studies, no.

Ortega

Prologue to Juan Josb Hernändez Pefa, Rodolfo. Editorial 3rd ed. Buenos Aires: ialismo v cultura. 1973, pp. 7-13.

Times

Class American

Arregui, ImperPlus Ultra,

en el tercer and Duhalde, Eduardo L. "Peronismo Revolucionario (15th" Nuevo Hombre, 9 de W. Cooke. de is John no. muerte aft 21st September 1971): 8-9. Pelayo,

la tendencia Ariel. "Del Sitrac-Sitram El nacional clasista. a (22nd-28th September 1971): 2-4. Nuevo Hombre, 10 " no. poder obrero.

de Cooke. " Pasado "Introducci6n Juan Carlos. Portantiero, a un in6dito (July-December 1973): 369-372. Presente, 2-3 y nos. el MRP." Supplement

to En Lucha,

Rearte,

Gustavo. "Por que fracasb (September 1974): 3. 18 no.

Rock,

Radical in Buenos Aires and the Argentine "Machine Politics David. Party, 1912-1930. " Journal vol. 4, of Latin American Studies, (November 233-274. 1972: 2 part

Rojo,

" in Argentina. "Guerrillas Ricardo. Che. New Tork: Grove Press, 1968, pp.

"La ideologia Salas, Horacio. Aires), no. 15,3rd-16th

In Ricardo 147-162.

" Discusi6n de is violencia. 14-17. April-1975:

Political Snow, Peter G. "The Class Basis of Argentine (March 63 1969): Review, Science ican Political Strafford, ber

Peter. 1977.

"The Church

Rojo,

of Change. "

Times

My Friend (Buenos

Parties. 163-167.

(London),

"El pensamiento vivo de un militante. Alberto. Szpunberg, Cultural, 9th September 1973, pp. 2-3.

" Amer-

2nd Decem-

" La O, ini6n

(ed. ) In Dorothy " Day Christians. Camilo "A Message to Camilo. Torres, London: Shoed and Ward, 1968, Priest Torres: and Revolutionary. pp. 72-74. Torres

de las guerrillas Ramon. "La etapa actual Molina, argentinas. (June Revoluci, 29 1971): 17-19. Cristianismo n, no. y

Walsh,

to Jorge Ricardo Introduction Rodolfo. Editorial Buenos Aires: lioran. los y cue pp. 7-18.

Cooke. " Peronismo de John William "Alrededor (September 1973): 10-13.

Los aue luchan Masetti, Jorge Alvarez, 1969,

y Socialismo,

no.

1

"

530 Nuevo Hombre,

" "Armando Jaime: preso por revolucionario. (1st fortnight of Xarch 1974): 6-7.

Pea: presente hasta la victoria siempre. " Nuevo 67 (lot fortnight of August 1974): 6-11.

"Compaffero Ortega Hombre, no. "C6rdoba: la (April "El

docta montonera. 1971): 6-10.

sindicalismo 1971): 2-4.

"

"Juan

alianzas May 1978:

Garcia

Elorrio.

y Revolucibn,

Cristianismo

lucha, sus ideas, 1973): 3-11. de los

y fracaso 3.

"Key test for Pope on Latin America's (London), 17th September 1978.

militares.

no.

sus grupos 1972: 3-24.

de Kloosterman "La santa alianza (November 1972): 4. "Laica

"Los libros

peronistas.

"Los nuestros. "Mayo 69: "Para

"

"

no.

La Opini6n

Cultural,

y Revoluci6n,

Cristianismo

Cordobazo. " En Lucha,

no.

16 (June

"Perlin

1974):

habla a la juventud. (June 1971): 8-10.

" Cristianismo

de los democrätica la decision (1st fortnight of June 1974):

1973. 1969):

claustros. 9.

montonero. 8-9.

10-16.

6. GORILAS. " Ocurri6 1964: 12-14 & 21-23.

y Revoluci6n.

no.

no.

204

29

" Nuevo Hombre, no. "

"Por qu6 nos separamos de la Cuarta Internacional. (17th 6-9. August 1973): 86 no. "Respuesta socialista al llamamiento (9th September 1974): 120 no.

9-23.

El Combatiente,

"Peronismo de Base: el Peronismo Revolucionario. (20-26th October 1971): 10. "Por

1

no.

August

18 (July

de Tacuara. Ante que nada: una interpretacibn (aoul v en el mundo),, Buenos Aires, Ist April

"Paralizar el golpe, " el pals pare frenar (18th February 1976): 2.

(Buenos Aires),

1974):

19th no.

105

Combativo,

80 (January

1971):

" Sunday Times

no.

Poder

" Cuarto

y Peugeot. " El

" Todo es Historia,

o Libre.

28 (April

bishops.

contending

y tendencias.

(New

" Denuncia

"La CGT y el 17 de octubre de 1945. " Todo es Historie, (February 1976): 70-90. "La Izquierda, August

September

" En Lucha,

su ejemplo.

Z Revoluci6n,

" Cristianismo

28

no.

8 (8-14th

" Nuevo Hombre, no.

de liberaci6n.

"Gustavo Rearte, an. su vida, (September-October 11 no. "Infiltraci6n, York),

58

no.

Nueva Hora,

no.

142

" El Combatiente, " Avanzada

Socialista,

14

23.

531 (es " Ta tiempo los luchan. "Seguirb vivo en que (20th September 1973): 10-12. "Si

Evita viviera (September

"Taco Ralo: iente,

serla 1971):

montonera. " Cristianismo 2.

correcta.

"

Che, no.

revolucionaria.

"30 meses de camino descendente. " ber 1975): 52-54. a care o crisis. 1975): 13-16.

"Volvemos pare triunfar o morir (15th October 1975): 3.

junto

no.

Politica,

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30

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15 (2nd June

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"

13

no.

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537 Revolucionario Peronista. "Acta (27th December 1973): 46. 29 no.

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" In Militancia,

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Armadas Revolucionarias. "Aporte al proceso de confrontaci6n posiciones y polemica politica que abordamos con el ERP. " In Militancia, No. 4 (5th July 1973): 35-38.

Juventud Revolucionaria Peronista. "Llamando a las organizaciones (August " In Che Companero, 4 1968): 7. olucionarias. no. Movimiento

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aria'" 35-38.

Revolucionario

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no.

no.

28

26

4

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Montoneros-Puerzas Armadas Revolucionarias. (16th 22 October 1973): camisado, no.

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Peronista Novimiento Consejo Superior. "Emprendemos Is hisAutentico, tbrica transformac16n del Movimiento. " In E1 Autentico, no. 2 (1st October 1975): 5. Peronista. Movimiento Revolucionario In supplement to En Lucha, no. "Declaraci6n de Principios" , (September 18 1974): 1-2. no.

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"Iý.anifiesto Revolucionario" (September 1974): 3. 18

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January

"

538 PERSONALINTERVIEWS Colegio

Nacional. activist at

Interview with a former leading secondary student the Colegio Nacional. Buenos Aires, 4th August 1976.

Interview Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas. Buenos Aires, 12th August 1975. Juventud Peronista. Buenos Aires,

with

a former

Interview with a former 1976 16th February

Revolucionario Movimiento Nacionalista member of the MNRT, Buenos Aires,

Peronist

member of the FAP, Youth

activist,

Tacuara. Interview with 14th October 1976.

a former

Interview Montoneros. who held a minor with a Montonero supporter Buenos Aires, 27th ernment post during the Campora period. tember 1975. " " "

govSep-

Interview

with

a Montonero.

Buenos Aires,

16th November 1975.

Interview

with

Montoneros,.

Buenos Aires,

23rd November 1975.

Interview

with

a Montonero.

Buenos Aires,

30th

September

1976.

AND TEXTS OF SPEECHES PUBLISHED INTERVIEWS. LETTERS, COMMUNIQUES Interviews Jose ("Joe") 1964.

Baxter,

Luis.

Interview

in

Preg6n

(Argentina),

lot

April

"El peronismo y la revoluc16n Cooke, John William. cubana. Reportaje Cooke. " Che, no. 22 (8th September 1961): 8-9. John William El Kadri, Fuerzas

Envar.

Interview

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Liberaciön,

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3-5.

"Con las armas en la mano. " FAP interview. Armadas Peronistas. (April 28 Revoluci6n, 1971): 77-80. In Cristiarismo no. y "Reportaje a las FAP. " In_Cristianismo (September 1970): 17-20.

Fuerzas

5, undated

Armadas Revolucionarias. tianismo no. Y Revoluci6n,

Y Revoluci6n,

"Los de Garin. " FAR interview. 28 (April 1971): 56-70.

no.

"13 preguntas . Nuevo Hombre, no. Luis. Interview 1971): 14-18.

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Cristianismo

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no.

25

In Cris-

Armed Forces: With Che's Weapons. " FAR "The Revolutionary Victor James Hector Suarez. In Kohl and by interviewed members Warfare in Latin America. USA: MIT Urban Guerrilla John Litt, Press, 1974, pp. 379-386.

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539 Nacionalista MNRT. "Reportaje al Movimiento Revolucionario In Comrafiero, no. 63 (8th September 1964): 4. Montonero leader. (np), uci6n Ongaro,

" Interview

"Argentina: un pais en guerra. December 1977: 20-31.

Raimundo.

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De Frente,

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Juan Domingo. Interviewed by Ricardo (20th November 1973): 3-5. 27 no.

Rodolfo. "El Puiggr6s, aria. " Interview .

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"

Revol-

1 (2nd May 1974):

de las bases. " Interview Peronismo de Base. "La revoluc16n (June ismo Y Revolucibn, 29 1971): 11-13. no. Perlin,

Tacuara.

50. Cristian-

In El Descamisado,

peronismo debe dares uns conducci6n revolucionin Companero, no. 38 (11th March 1964). Militancia,

no.

5 (12th

July

1973):

16-20.

Letters "Al General Peron de sus vie os del Peronismo Aut6ntico. Agrupaci6n (14th " El Peronista, 4 leales no. soldados peronistas. amigos y May 1974): 10-11. Cooke,

"Carta a Salvador John William. March 1974, Cuadernos de Crisis, Letter to Adela (31st January 1974):

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Allende. " In Cooke. Buenos Aires: pp. 46-49.

15th February

1968. Militancia,

no.

to Juan Jose Hernandez Arregui Envar. Letter El Kadri, of 15th January La formac16n de la conciencia 1970. In Hernandez Arregui, nacionPlus Ultra, Editorial 1973, Buenos Aires: 3rd pp. 547-549. ed. al. Elorrio,

"Open Letter to MGR. J. C. Aramburu, Archbishop Juan Garcia. of The Rebel Church in Latin America. Tucuman. "-In Alain Gheerbrant, Penguin, 1974, pp. 311-314. Great Britain:

Letter to the Police Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas. of Buenos Aires Province (November-December .. Cristianismo 26 Revolution, 1970): 54. no. y "Carta . Cristianismo

de las FAP a los Sacerdotes Para el Tercer Mundo. " (November-December Revoluc16n, 26 1970): 15-20. no. y

Rodolfo. Fernandez Long, Pablo, and Galimberti, their resignations ruary 1979, explaining Mimeo. leadership. Montoneros. ista, Peron,

Open letter of 22nd Febfrom the Montonero

"Los Montoneros a Peron. " 9th February (3rd September 1974): 26-27. 9 no.

Juan Domingo. "Carta a las FAP, " 12th July (September 25 1970): 20. Revoluci6n, no.

1971. La Causa Peron-

1970.

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to Hernandez Arregui Letter of 10th December 1969. Editorial Perlin tal como es. Buenos Aires: Pav6n Pereyra, Güemes, 1973, pp. 183-190.

y

In Enrique Macacha

33

540 Perön, Juan Domingo. "Mensaje a la (23rd August 11 no. ancia, "Peron . no. onista,

a los Montoneros, 9 (3rd September

Hector. 59 (11th

Villal6n, no.

Juventud, " 20th 1973): 49.

" 20th 1974):

October

February 28-29.

"Mensaje del companero Hector August 1964): back cover.

1965.

Milit-

La Oausa Per-

1971.

Villalbn.

"

Comnanero,

Communiouea Bases IIniversitarias (29th 25 no.

de C6rdoba. Communique of November 1973. November 1973): 44.

Montonero. 1978): 12.

Ejercito

National Revolucionario. "Declaraci6n del ENR can motivo del de Augusto T. Vendor. " Cristianismo y Revoluci6n, ajusticiamiento (April 28 1971): 52-53. no.

"A la July

clase obrera y al 1973): 12-14. "FAP al

"

pueblo.

"Estrella

pueblo

Federal,

5 (September

Ejercito

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"Condecorac16n.

Militancia,

" Militancia,

peronista.

" Militancia,

no.

6 (19th

July

de lecci6n "Nuestros pueden servir errores " de negaci5n de la imica Salida del pueblo ante 1968): 4. Con Todo, nd (late

no.

Communique of 17th October 1970. 1970): 55. 26 (November-December Communique. Militancia,

.

Communique of 27th FAP Nacional. September 1973): 28-29. Communique. Militancia, FAP Regional actual.

Buenos Aires. " Militancia,

La Plata, FAP Regional 1974. Militancia,

no.

y ejemplo, la violencia

pero no " gorila.

Y Revoluci6n,

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1973. Militancia, 26 (6th

13 (6th

no.

December 1973):

46.

Berisso, Ensenada. Communigue of 5th January (17th January 1974): 44-45. 31 no. obrera 1973):

Communique. El Descamisado,

FRP-MR 17. Joint

12

"Aportes de la situaci6n para el anälisis (16th August 1973): 19-21. 10 no.

"A la clase FAP 17 de Octubre. (4th October 17 cia, no. .

August

1973):

Cristianismo

22 (8th

no.

no.

4 (5th

(6th September 1973): 13 no.

"Perön al gobierno. " Militancia,

29.

no.

communique.

En Lucha,

y al pueblo 46-48.

peronista.

no.

16 (4th

no.

20 (February

Fuerzas Armadas Revoluuionarias. "Comunicado'no. (September Revolucibn, 25 1970): 59. no.

" Militan-

September

1973):

1975):

2. " Cristianismo

1-2. y

29.

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juego

"La JP no se presta al Juventud Peronista. 1964). Companero, no. 42 (14th April

traidores.

de Santa Fe denuncia "La Juventud Peronista . (26th Compafiero, May 1964). " 48 no. gentes. "

Press

release.

La Causa Peronista,

"Una estrategia " October 1963).

no.

a fallos

1 (9th

" Companero,

revolucionaria.

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diri-

July

no.

1974):

sindical.

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no.

"Gan6 el estudiantado, 19th December 1975.

univer-

Peronismo

gan6 el

"Material Cooke-Pujadas. Montoneros, Column de Recuperaci6n (28th March 1974): 20-22. " Militancia, 38 no. cusi6n.

Montoneros Jose Sabino Navarro. "Ante la confusion. (24th January 1974): 32-37.

. (3rd --.

"Cartilla January

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pars militantes 1973): 43-44. pars 1974):

militantes 20-22.

pars. militantes 1974): 30-33.

24th Communique of . 1973): 22-23.

July

de dis-

" Militancia,

1. " Militancia,

no.

20.

no. 4. " Militancia,

no.

30.

5. " Militancia,

no.

35.

no.

no.

1973. Militancia,

14

frenar que intents 20 (2nd October 1973):

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"Cartilla . (25th October

"

Communique. El Descam-

Peronista. "Bases pars, la reconstruccien Juventud Universitaria (12th July 1973): 18-19. 5 " Militancia, no. sitaria.

Paid advertisement. . " La Ovinl6n, Autentico.

41.

16 (9th

Juventud Trabajadora Peronista. "Propuestas gara el trabajo (4th September 1973): 30-31. Militancia, 16 no. Metaliirgica Agrupaci6n 17 de Octubre. (12th March 1974): 15. 43 sado, no.

"

no.

no. 32

8 (2nd August

Peronista. "El MRP fija Revolucionario Movimiento su posiciön en la hors (April Revoluci6n, 28 " 1971): 49. Cristianismo no. Y actual. Partido

"El Partido Comunista apoya Is. decComunista de la Argentina. de un gabinete de la CGT y reclama la formaciön ision civico6th " La Opinien, democrätica. July 1975. de coalici6n amplia militar

Socialista. PB de Tucumän. "Por una Argentina (September 57-64. 30 1971): no. uc16n, Cooke. " Communique of 12th PB "John William (18th October 1973): 46-47. 19 no.

" Cristianismo October

1973.

y RevolMilitancia,

542 -

of Speeches

Texts

Firmenich, Mario Eduardo. "Atlanta. " Text of speech made on 22nd August (30th August 1973): 26-29. 1973. Militancia, 12 no. "Etapa y conjuntura. " Typescript of speech . Peronist Youth cadre schobt in January 1974.

delivered

at a

de Firmenich. " Text of speech "Palabras in Atlanta Stadium (14th . March 1974): 37-42. no. 37 on 11th March 1974. Militancia, Losada,

Luis. Text of speech at a PB rally 16 (27th September 1973): 19-21.

Quieto,

Roberto. 26th July

in

C6rdoba.

Militancia,

no.

"Hablan los Montoneros. " Text of speech in La Plata on (30th 4 July 1974): 6-8. 1974. La Causa Peronista, no.

October 1.973 speech in La Plata. Text 17th of . (23rd October 1973): 16-20. 23 no.

El Descamisado,

4

CLOSSART OF SPANISH TERMS AND ABBREVIATIONS

SPANISH TERMS Arrupaci6n

Group For Peronist the Left, or grouping. a within a trade union activists, group of their or broader political party or movement.

Alternatirismo

(principally Peronist Left tendency the -A Peronist Armed Forces and Rank-and-File Peronism) which argued that only the workingsectors of Peronism were class and left-wing really revolutionary and had to be organised independently of the leadership of the Movement.

Alternativista

One who subscribes ismo.

Aramburazo

Montonero kidnapping The May 1970 and subsequent "execution" Aramburu. of former President

Blandos

Peronist -

Cerco

Peronist In and traitors in order to lationship, masses and

Cipayo

lackey; Noun: imperialist adjective: somebody and dependent or something which is servile to an imperialist in relation power.

Comandante

the highest Guerrilla rank commander; Montoneros during the early years.

Comando

Commando or guerrilla -

Cordobazo

May The 1969 student-worker the city of Cordoba.

Delegado

Degegate; trade rank-and-file union representPeron's representatives irrt Argentina ätive; . during his 1955-73 years of exile.

Descamisado

Shirtless -

Digitismo

Peronist "fingering" to principle, according to nominate which the leader has the authority than them rather people to command positions, being elected.

to

the

"soft-liners";

ideas

of alternativ-

conciliatory

reformists.

usage, a group of opportunists Peron encircled who supposedly block the dynamic Peron-mass rePeron's views to the misinterpret the masses' views to Peron.

one; Peron's

543 -

in

the

unit. insurrection

in

followers.

544 Peronist.

Duro

Hard-liner; -

Foco

- guerrilla

Foauismo

The theories Debray guerrilla associated with to which armed struggle and Guevara, according can help to create revolutionary conditions.

Corila

Reactionary, officer.

Corilitas

Young gorilas. -

Intervenci6n

trustee The by of a appointment a government leadership to take over the or party/union of a province, university, running party branch, union branch, etc.

Interventor

trustee -A vencion.

Linea

Peronism; "hard-line" The of combative Peronists.

dura

militant

band or camp.

often

a military

anti-Peronist

when there

appointed

is

an inter-

militant

or

Movimientismo

(principally Peronist Left tendency the -A Montoneros and their mass front organisatMovement as ions) which viewed the Peronist in terms of "National a whole as revolutionary Liberation" tasks.

Movimientista

One who subscribes ismo.

Operaciön/Onerativo

-A

Re

Regional organisational Left tendencies.

ona2

guerrilla

to the

ideas

of movimient-

action.

unit

of Peronist

Resistencia

Peronist The post-1955 Years of early oppositto anti-Peronist ion and resistance and nonPeronist governments.

Salto

Literally, a shift warfare.

Socialismo

Naeioaal

usage, a leap or jump; in guerrilla to a higher level of revolutionary

Left, Peronist For the a national Right, for the Peronist socialism; by Hitler. Socialism as understood

road to National

545 Sureraciön

leading to of contradictions resolution -A through a process of diala new synthesis development. Used especially in ectical that Peronism could develop into, arguing or had developed into, a revolutionary movement. socialist

Tresvasamiento ieeneracional

Perbn Term by to denote used a generational Movement through rejuvenation of the Peronist the promotion to command of young activists positions.

Unidad

emit - Basic political Party. or Peronist

bAsica

of the Justicialist

Vendepatria

Traitor interests

Verticalismol Verticalidad

Peronist principle of authority and command, to which all Peronists are expected according to obey orders emanating from the leader and his official representatives.

Villa

Shanty-town. -

miseria

prepared to his

to sacrifice own.

national

546 -

ABBREVIATIONS (Argentine

AAA

Alianza Alliance)

AB

Asociaciön -

AC

Acci6n -

AJES

aciön -Au (Justicialist

APA

del ac1on -Au Grouping)

APEGE

Asamblea Permanante - (Permanent Assembly

ARP

Acciön Action

ATE

Asociaciön Association

de Traba

ATSA

Asociaciön Argentine

de Traba adores de la Sanidad Health Workers Association

CAOP

Confederac16n Confederation

C de 0

Comando de Organizaci6n -

CGE

Confederaciön Confederation)

Anticomunista

Ar

ntina

(Bank Employees

Bancaria

(Catholic

Cat6lica

Justicialista Secondary

Anti-Communist

Association)

Action) de Estudiantes Secundarios Students Grouping) (Authentic

Autentico

Peronismo

Peronist

Gremiales Em resarias de Entidades Entities) of Entrepreneurial

Revolucionaria

(Peronist

Peronista

del

adores

Estado

Revolutionary

(State

Workers

Argentina

Ortodoxos Peronistas de Asociaciones Associations) of Orthodox Peronist (Organisational

Command)

General

Econömica

(General

General

del

(General o

Trabs

Economic

Labour

CGT

Confederaci6n Confederation)

CGTA

de Argentinos del los General Trabs Confederaciön o - (General Labour Confederation of the Argentines)

CGTR

del Trabs Is Resistencia General Confederaciön o en (General Labour Confederation in the Resistance)

CGU

Confederaciön Confederation

CICSO

Ciencias de Investi Centro en ciones Social Science Research Centre)

CNFC

Federaciones Centros Nacional de Conse o Council of Centres and Federations)

CNP

Nacional Comando -

CNU

Concentraci6n Concentration)

CONINTES

Interna Conmoc16n civil use against

General

Universitaria

Peronista

Nacional

(Peronist

Universitaria

del Estado disturbances

(General

University

Sociales (National

National (University

Command) National

(The Frondizi provisions and insurgency)

for

547 -

(Centre

de la Resistencia

COR

Centro de Operaciones Resistance Operations)

CRA

Revolucionaria Corriente ary Current)

CSP

Comando Superior -

EGP

E16rcito -

Guerrillero

ENR

Arcito -E Army)

Nacional

ERP

ercito -E Army)

Revolucionario

PAL

Fuerzas -

Armadas de Liberaci6n

PAP

Fuerzas -

Armadas Peronistas

PAP Nacional

Nacional Comando Peronistas. Fuerzas Armadas Command) Armed Forces, National

PAP 17

FAR

(Peronist Pueblo

(Armed Forces

of Liberation)

Universitarias de Frente Au aciones University Groups Front) Left-Wing

Uräfica

(Peronist

Armed

Armed Forces) (Socialist

or el Socialismo

FAUDI

Estudiantil

(Peronist

(Revolutionary

Frente Antiirr Anti-Imperialist

Frente -

Armed Forces)

17 de Octubre

FAS

PEN

Revolutionary

Revolutionary

(Peronist

erialista Front)

Army)

(People's

Armadas Revolucionarias

Fuerzas

Command)

Guerrilla

(National

Pueblo

del

Revolution-

Superior

(People's

Revolucionario

Armadas Peronistas 17th October)

Fuerzas Forces, -

del

(Argentine

Argentina

Peronista

of

de Iz uierda

Nacionalista

(Nationalist

Bonaerense

(Buenos Aires

Student

Front)

Printers

FGB

Federaci6n Federation.

PIP

Frente -

FOETRA

de la Re übTelef6nicos de Obreros Empleados Federaci6n (Federation lica Argentina of Telephone Workers and EmpRepublic) loyees of the Argentine

FORJA

de la Joven Ar Radical Orientaci6n de Fuerza Orientation) Youth Force of Radical Argentine

de Izouierda

Prente Front)

Justicialista

FRP

Frente Front)

Revolucionario

FR 17

Revolucionario Frente Front) utionary

FREJULI

FUA

Federacion Federation

Universitaria

Popular

(Popular

(Revolutionary

17 de Octubre

Argentina

Front).

ntina

(Justicialist

de Liberaciön

Peronista

Left

(17th

Liberation

Peronist

October

(Argentine

Revol-

University

- 548 -

(Lanusse's

CAN

Gran Acuerdo scheme)

GNR

Guardia Nacionalista Guard) alist ,

JAEN

Juventud Argentina Youth for National

JEC

Jnventud Youth

Estudiantil

JOC

Juventud -

Obrera

JP

Juventud -

Peronista

JPA

Juventudes -

JPRA

üblica Juventud Peronista de la Re Youth of the Argentine Republic)

JRP

Juventud Youth

Revolucionaria

JSP

Juventud -

Sindical

JTP

Juventud -

Trabaiadora

JUC

Juventud -

Universitaria

JUP

Universitaria Juventud Youth - pro-Montonero)

JUP

Juventudes Universitarias Youth - pre-Montonero

MASA

Socialismo Movimiento Antiirr or el erialista Movement for Socialism tina (Anti-Imperialist

MIP

Movimiento Movement)

de In uilinos

Kip

Movimiento Movement)

de la

MLN

Movimiento Movement)

de Liberaci6n

MNA

Movimiento -

Nueva Argentina

MNRT

Nacionalista Movimiento Nationalist Revolutionary

Revolucionario Movement)

MOR

de Orientaci6n Movimiento mist Orientation)

Reformista

MPA

Movimiento Movement

Nacional

National

or la Emanci aciön Emancipation)

(Cathölic

(Peronist

Polfticas

(Argentine

Secondary

Working

Student

Youth)

Youth) (Argentine

Argentinas

Working

(Catholic

Cat6lica

Revolutionary

Trade Union Youth)

(Peronist

Peronista

Peronistas

Youth)

University

(Peronist

Peronista

(Peronist

University

en la Ar enin Argentina)

(Peroniat

Tenants

Peronista

(Peronist

Youth

(National

(New Argentina

Autentico

Youth)

University

Peronistas

Nacional

Youth)

(Peronist

(Peronist

(Peronist

Peronista

Political

Argentina

Peronista

Juventud

Nation-

Nacional

(Catholic

Catölica

Agreement

(Restorationist

Restauradora

Catölica

Peronista

Great

Liberation

Movement)

Tacuara

(Tacuara

(Movement of Refor-

(Authentic

Peronist

-549-. (Montonero

Montonero

Peronista

Peronist

MPH

Movimiento Movement)

MRA

Movimiento Revolucionario ary Movement

Argentino

(Argentine

MRP

Movimiento Revolucionario ist Movement)

Peronista

(Revolutionary

MR 17

Revolucionario Movimiento Movement) Revolutionary

1

MSB

Movimiento Movement)

Sindical

de Base (Rank-and-File

MSC

Movimiento Movement)

Sindical

Combativo

MVP

de Villeros Movimiento Movement Dwellers

NACLA

North -

Congress

American

(Combative

on Latin

OCPO

Comunista Or nizacibn Communist Organisation)

OLA

Liberacion la Organizaci6n Para Organisation) Liberation

OLAS

Organisation -

PB

Peronismo -

PB Nacional

Nacional Base Comando de Peronismo Command) ism, National

PB 17

Octubre de de Base Peronismo 17 17th October)

PCA

Partido Party

Poder Obrero

Comunista

de la Argentina

Revolucionario

(Rank-and-File

(Rank-and-File

(Argentine

PI

Intransigente

(Intransigent

Party)

Pi

Partido -

Justicialista

(Justicialist

Party)

Partido -

N.ontonero

(I"Iontonero

Partido -

Peronista

Autentico

Peron-

Peronism,

Communist

(Revolutionary

Partido -

PRT

(Argentine

Peronism)

Comunista

PRC

Power

Solidarity

Partido Party

PPA

Armed Organ-

ntina

PCR

PM

Union

Shanty-Town

(Workers'

de Ar

de Base (Rank-and-File

Trade

(Peronist

Or izaciones isations)

American

October

America

OAP

Latin

Peron-

Trade Union

(Peronist

Armadas Peronistas

for

(17th

de October

Peronistas

Revolution-

Communist

Party) (Authentic

Revolucionario Partido ian Party)

Cristiano

Revolucionario Partido Party Revolutionary

de los

Peronist

(Revolutionary

Traba

adores

Party) Christ-

(Workers'

550 (Argentine

PSA

Partido -

PSIN

de Partido Iz Socialista Is uierda Left Party of the National

PSRN

Revoluci6n de Partido Socialists la Revolution Party of the National

PST

Partido Party

Socialists

de los

PSV

Partido -

Socialists

de Vanguardia

SITRAC

de Sindicato Trabs Union - C6rdoba)

SITRAM

de Trabs Sindicato Union - Cordoba

62 de Pie

62 de Pie Junto -

SMATA

de Hecanicos Sindicato Car Workers Union

Socialista

Arpentino

Sindicato -

UCR

Uniion Civica -

adores

del

(Radical

UCRI

Civica Uni6n Civic Union

Radical

Intransi

UCRP

Uni6n Civica Union

Radical

del

Pueblo

Secundarios

UES

Union -

UNES

Nacionalista Union Students Nationalist

UOCRA

Obrera Union (Construction

UOM

Metalürgica Obrera Uniion -

UTA

Tranviarios Unibn -

de Estudiantes Union)

Party)

Workers

(Materfer

Workers

Perlin)

Transporte (University

Automotor

Law Union)

Union)

Civic me

Workers

Socialist

(Concord

(62 on Foot with

de Derecho

Radical

de Estudiantes

(Vanguard

de Materfer

Universitario

SUD

(Socialist

Trabaladores

Afines

(Socialist

Nacional

adores

Party)

(Socialist

Nacional

de Concord

a Perlin

Socialist

(Intransigent

(People's

Radical

Radical

(Secondary

Civic

Students

Secundarios

Union)

(Secondary

de is Re üblica: Ar ntina de la Construcciön Republic) Workers Union of the Argentine (Metalworkers

Automotor

(Transport

Union) Workers

Union)