Red Light City: Sex Workers’ Experiences of the City of Joy- By Madison Leigh Rose / August 27, 2012 / Academic Writing, Sexual Health, Urban Studies / 4

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Madison Leigh Rose

Red Light City: Sex Workers’ Experiences of the City of Joy By Madison Leigh Rose / August 27, 2012 / Academic Writing, Sexual Health, Urban Studies / 4 comments Munni’s Story: I am from Bangladesh and I came here when I was ten years old. I am sixteen now but I tell people I am twenty years old. I have been here for five years and this is my home. I have no family. ‘Ma’ (the lady pimp) is my family. She looks after me, even gives me money to buy saris for Durga Puja. But she means business and I have to work. When I was little, a man came to my house and said he will keep me in a palace and that I will marry a prince… He brought me to Kolkata and left me at one of the dirtiest brothels promising to return but never showed up. The brothel was owned by a fat woman and we called her ‘aunty’ in Bengali. First she bathed and fed me. I was given a bed to sleep and clean clothes. I felt happy to be among kind people. Then on the third day she put make up on my face and made me stand along with the 20 other girls, for the men to pick their choice. When I understood what was happening I tried to escape. I was caught, locked in a dark room for a week and beaten with a thick wooden stick. In this brothel there are 20 to 24 girls and 10 rooms. Not all girls work for aunty. Some come here to chit-chat. In peak time I would get 3-4 customers a day. We work on the fixed rate system for all for Rs. 500 per client for one hour. Fifty percent of the money earned from each customer goes to aunty. At times the police raid the brothels but aunty slips them some money and offers her best girls to them. The business resumes again. We parade the streets from 11 am onwards. Competition is high, as almost every day ‘dalals’ (traffickers) get 5 to 10 girls as young as 7 years old. I have a secret lover and he used to be one of my regular customers. He is a taxi driver and we are planning to marry. But, if I leave this place where will I go? The society will always label me as a prostitute. I am scared wherever I will be employed, the men will rape me. Even if I marry a prince tomorrow and wear expensive saris (dresses) and sit in a big car, people will still think I am a prostitute. I cannot change that. I wanted to become a nurse and take care of people. Reported to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2010

Introduction This paper seeks to explore how sex workers experience the city of Kolkata. More specifically, this paper will examine how sex workers enter the city and their profession, the mechanisms and challenges of negotiating daily life and the societal pressures that shape issues of stigma and appropriate gender roles for women. This paper draws primarily on ethnographic research conducted with female sex workers in two Kolkata red light districts – Kalighat (in the south of the city) and Sonagachi (in the north of the city). Both red light districts have long, histories in the city and represent the physical location of thousands of Kolkata’s sex workers. The experiences and narratives of the sex workers included in this paper are supported and explored using additional sources, including conversations with local NGO staff, contemporary news articles, documentary film footage, census data, and secondary research through books and journal articles.

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sexual exploitation or abuse of persons for a commercial purpose”[1]. In a country the size of India, even a couple million sex workers represents only a small portion of the total population. However, these workers are engaged in an extensive, lucrative and highly exploitative industry. The scale of sex work in India in the last four decades has undergone dramatic changes and expansions[2]. As reported by the International Labor Organization, sex work in India has been enlarged to the point where “we can justifiably speak of a commercial sex sector that is integrated into the economic, social and political life” of the country[3]. While reliable estimates of the economic value of the industry are difficult to ascertain, the business has assumed the dimensions of an industry, and has “directly and indirectly contributed in no small measure to employment, national income, and economic growth”[4]. Even using the conservative estimate of 2.8 million sex workers, sex work is the occupation of slightly less than 1% of reproductive-aged women[5]. The industry occurs in all corners of the country, and includes a vast array of individuals – women, children and men of all ethnic groups, sexual orientations and castes[6]. One of the traditional narratives and sources of significance commercial sex research has been the inherent exploitive nature of the trade. Sex work is typically the realm of the poor, the marginalized and the societally weak. Among the leading push and pull factors are endemic poverty, lack of access to resources such as education, gender inequality and the draw of city life[7]. For these reasons, an exploration of the experience of sex workers can illuminate larger issues relating to the Indian experience of women and the poor. An additional motivation for the study of commercial sex work in the contemporary sense can be found in the profound health risks associated with this trade. Sex workers, particularly those entering sex work through human trafficking, are at a heightened risk of sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS, mental illness and physical trauma as a result of the physical, sexual and psychological harm they endure[8]. While the overall prevalence of HIV in India remains low, sex workers show extremely high rates of HIV/AIDS, particularly in large urban centers such as Kolkata[9].Regional estimates suggest that between 5% and 22% of Kolkata’s sex workers are HIV positive, while national studies show HIV infection rates upwards of 60% in large, urban areas like Chennai and Mumbai[10]. Once sex workers experience negative health outcomes, poor health services, stigmatization and the clandestine nature of the trade make it difficult or impossible for them to receive adequate health care[11]. When sex workers leave commercial sex work or engage in non-commercial sex practices, they become a significant vector for the transmission of the disease in their communities and to their children[12].

(http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/66358_143486395698231_1 City of Sex Work History of Sex Work in Kolkata Sex work is by no means a new or novel concept in India or Kolkata. The majority of sex work histories in India have focused on sex work in the colonial period as well as religious and cultural traditions of sex work, including the Devadasi tradition and Khandani traditions).What is known is that sex work has existed in India for thousands of years, and likely has existed since the subcontinent was settled[13]. Literary and cultural references to sex work have been documented since the Rgveda, the most ancient literary work of India[14]. References to sex work in these texts relate to it in the contemporary context, but also in the historical context[15]. As early as the 4th century B.C., Kautilya, the chief advisor of the Maurya emperor Chandragupta, provided rules and practical customs for prostitutes and their clients in the treatise on governance, the Arthashastra[16]. At the time, sex workers were required to pay a tax (approximately 2 days wages), and this was an important source of revenue for the state[17]. At this time, prostitution was considered a trade, with sex workers skilled in singing and dancing, and not as a stigmatized institution. In Bengal, this tradition remained strong through the medieval period and up to the 18th century[18]. The position of the sex worker (or prostitute) was so accepted, it appears in Bengali poems, such as one describing the entourage of a prince: Alim, pandit aar jyotish, ganak, Nana jantra, Raj-beshya, Gahon, Nartak[19] (Learned Muslims, Sanskrit pandits, astrologers and astronomers, Musical instruments, courtesans, singers and dancers) In this passage, courtesans, dancers and singers are a valued part of the prince’s retinue, conveying social status and acceptability. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/00027135-oes-the-last-days-of-the-rickshaw011.jpg)Religious sex workers, jogini or Devadasi, primarily operating in southern India, have existed in India for http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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011.jpg)Religious sex workers, jogini or Devadasi, primarily operating in southern India, have existed in India for centuries[20]. Early references to Devadasi-type religious practices can be traced to 1000 AD, and correlate strongly to the decline of Buddhism[21]. Known as a “system of votive offering of girls or women to the deities in Brahmanic temples”, the Devadasi system enrolls sex workers that are initiated into sex work at an early age (usually at the time of puberty) using religion or service to a temple as a means of coercion or justification[22]. The Devadasi system is a significant theme in historical accounts and temple images of sensual, sexualized temple girls[23]. Furthermore, a large body of erotic poetry and traveler’s accounts from the 15th and 16th century exists in which references to the Devadasi system and to “love of a devotee for the deity is sometimes envisaged as being akin to the love of a temple dancing girl for her client”[24]. During British colonialism sex work underwent a “radical transformation”[25]. Colonialism led to the expansion of the industry and the migration of women into Calcutta (Kolkata) to serve the growing British population[26]. During the British colonial rule in India, sex workers were documented in service of the large military and administrative populations in Mumbai, Kolkata and smaller colonial outposts. At this time, the traditional trades of sex workers (as entertainers, dancers and singers) became less important. The role of the prostitute or courtesan shrunk to a more limited, sex-only role in society. While earlier interpretations of sex work focused on a high-status clientele, the emergence of colonialism and the shift in the role of sex work led to a broader market of clients[27]. At the same time as the role and duties of the sex worker changed with the British arrival, the view of sex work in the eye of society began to shift. For the British, commercial sex work was an important issue for moral and hygienic reformers in the Victorian era[28]. An estimated one in three army cases of illness at the time were associated with venereal disease, and this health issue shaped British notions of sex work at home and abroad. In 1864 and 1869, Parliament introduced the Contagious Diseases Acts as a response to concerns of military incapacity and moral indiscretion[29]. These measures imposed districts and garrison towns where military and local authorities were present. Sex workers identified in these areas were subject to medical tests and could be detained for treatment[30]. These measures demonstrate that sex work for non-religious reasons was an active and extensive industry in the 19th century.

Demographics Due to the clandestine and stigmatized nature of sex work and sex trafficking, reliable estimates of the number of sex workers are virtually impossible to determine. The Ministry of Women and Child Development reported a prevalence of 2.8 million sex workers in India in 2007[31]. Other estimates suggest that this number could be as high as 4 million sex workers[32]. While Mumbai is suspected to have the largest sex work industry (with approximately 150,000 active workers), Kolkata and Delhi are considered to have the second largest populations[33]. Estimates that do exist for Kolkata range between 20,000 and 65,000[34]. Male sex workers also operate in Kolkata. These sex workers primarily cater to a male clientele, either has homosexual sex workers or as transgendered/transsexual sex workers. While their expected numbers range from 1,000 to 5,000 individuals, far less is known about the male members of the sex industry and they will not be included for analysis in this study. There are approximately 21 areas of Kolkata designated as red-light districts with a high density of sex workers[35]. Sonagachi, Kolkata’s largest and one of its oldest red light districts is populated by between 10,000 and 15,000 sex workers, predominantly women and female children[36]. A 1997 study found 370 brothels in the Sonagachi area, servicing approximately 20,000 clients a day[37]. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/dscf3089.jpg)Kalighat, in south Kolkata, and Kidderpore, are the second and third largest red light districts. Smaller pockets of brothels are found throughout the city, including Bowbazar and Garia[38]. Red light districts are the most obvious sites of sex work in the city. Most women and men working in these areas operate out of brothels. The term “brothel” is a general term for any building used in the sex trade. Brothels can be both multi-story buildings on main thoroughfares with flashing neon lights, as well as cinder-block one-room houses off alley ways. Typically, brothels are rented by sex workers for a specific period of time and are owned and operated by private individuals. Brothel-based sex work is believed to be the most common type of sex work in Kolkata[39]. The Times of India described a Sonagachi brothel occupied by twelve sex workers, as “The rooms were neatly done up, the furniture straight out of some interior decor magazine. Even the latest music system sat pretty on the bedside table. But just step out of the room into the balcony and you’ll see beetle leaf stains on the walls and garbage littered all around. And it was the same story at other brothels. Whether you happen to be at the Imam Bux Lane or the Abinash Kabiraj Street, the girls were alarmingly quiet.””[40] This type of brothel represents the higher end of the commercial sex industry, where brothels usually consist of one or two airconditioned private rooms. Towards the low end of the industry, brothels have been described as being a single medium or large sized room with cloth curtains dividing the beds and client areas[41]. In addition to brothels and street-based sex work, red light districts include a variety of shops, street vendors, tea stalls, liquor shops and temples that support and are supported by the sex work industry[42]. A smaller proportion of Kolkata’s sex workers engage in the trade as “flying sex workers”. Flying sex workers are those that do not live in red-light districts, but travel on a daily or less frequent basis to these areas for the purpose of commercial sex work[43]. Call girls, escorts, telephone and internet-based sex workers have also been documented in the city; however, these groups represent only a tiny proportion of sex workers and will not be examined in depth in this paper[44]. The nature of residence for sex workers is typically fluid. In the Downs Study reported in this paper, the majority of women interviewed reported moving from one brothel and/or red light district to another during the course of their time in sex work[45]. The motivations for moving locations of work were varied, and included familial pressures such as education for children, as well as financial pressures and interpersonal conflict and relationships. A small portion of the women interviewed reported moving at the request or insistence of a husband, romantic partner or babu[46].

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Sadly, at the national level, an estimated 35.5% of sex workers enter the trade before the age of consent in India (18 years of age)[47]. In Kolkata, the number of sex workers under the age of 18 may be greater than the national average. The Downs Study found that 34% of participants entered sex work before the age of 14, while an additional 37.7% entered before the age of 18[48]. Only 28.3% of women began commercial sex work after the age of 18. Similarly, Raut et al (2003) found majority of sex workers 74.28% (644) were under thirty years of age, 22.26% (193) were within 20 years and 5.85%(51) were above 40 years of age[49]. A national survey reported a median sex worker age in Kolkata of 30 years, with the majority of women aged 26 to 35 years[50]. Migration plays a significant role in the lives of sex workers in Kolkata. The majority of the sex workers surveyed in the Downs Study came from within India (81.9%). Bangladesh and Nepal were also noted as countries-of-origin for sex workers, with 11.1% coming from Bangladesh, and 6.9% coming from Nepal[51]. For sex workers coming from India, a majority (65.3%) came from West Bengal (though mainly from areas outside Kolkata), as well as Bihar (4.2%) and Uttar Pradesh (2.8%). Only 20% of the interviewed sex workers were originally from Kolkata. A common theme of the study was the prevalence of sex workers migrating from rural areas to the city. In the study sample, 58.3% reported migrating from a rural area, while only 27.8% reported coming from urban centers. Another central theme is the prevalent lack of formal education reported by sex workers in Kolkata. The majority of interviewed sex workers reported no formal education (68.1%). Approximately 16.7% of sex workers reported one to three years of formal education. Only 14% reported four or more years of education prior to entering sex work. Interviews conducted with the sex workers suggested a couple factors that prevented them from attending school. Most commonly reported reasons were insufficient funds to pay for education costs (59.7%) and societal/community norms undermining the importance of educating female children (20.8%). This low level of education is supported by other studies of sex workers in Kolkata. For instance, Sarkar et al. (2005) found 69% of 362 sex workers were illiterate[52]. Rao et al (2002) reported similar rates of educational attainment, with 3.1% of respondents reporting completion of primary education, and 17.7% of respondents reporting more than a primary school level of education[53]. While popular stereotypes often portray sex workers as unmarried women, national and local evidence suggests that this stereotype is a myth among Indian sex workers. At the national level, 62.5% of sex workers report being married at some point prior to being interviewed[54]. The majority of female sex workers in Kolkata report being married, either prior or during their time as sex workers. In the Downs study, 83.3% reported having been married at some point in time. Most of these marriages were reported as “village marriages”, or non-legally binding marriages. Of the sex workers reporting a marriage, 88.7% were no longer with their husband at the time of being interviewed. The average age of marriage in the Downs study was 15.6 years of age[55]. Worryingly, the youngest reported age of marriage among the sex workers was 7 years of age. Other studies have revealed similar statistics. Sarkar et al (2005) found that only 13.5% had never been married[56]. The length of time sex workers operate in the industry ranges from less than one year to ten or twenty years. Sex workers may enter and exit the industry multiple times based on marital status, financial circumstances and other factors[57]. Studies suggest that a majority of sex workers remain in the industry for between two and ten years[58]. In a 2003 study, around 78.1% (677) sex workers across various red light districts in the city were in the trade for less than ten years, with the mean duration being 6.71 years[59]. Rao et al (2002) reported a lower average length of time engaged in sex work, with the average sex worker working 47.24 months (slightly less than 4 years)[60].

Entering the Trade (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/dscf1310.jpg)Sex workers in Kolkata can be broken down into two categories based on how they entered the sex industry -trafficked and non-trafficked sex workers. Trafficked sex workers can be defined broadly using the UN Protocol to Prevent Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons. This definition states that sex trafficking is “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, or deception for the purpose of exploitation [including] prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation’’ (Huda, 2006). Non-trafficked sex workers are defined as those working in the commercial sex industry who fail to meet the definition of trafficked women. India is a significant country-of-origin for sex trafficking in Asia. India is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to provide evidence of increasing efforts to combat human trafficking (CIA, 2009). Local, state and federal levels of government have been criticized for uneven efforts to prosecute traffickers and protect trafficking victims (CIA, 2009; Huda, 2006). Of the estimated 2 million trafficking victims that have been trafficked within India, over eighty percent are female (Fawole, 2008; Joffres et al, 2008; Sarkar et al, 2008). Individuals are typically recruited at a young age- up to one in six trafficking victims are under the age of 15 (Silverman et al, 2007). While general estimates of the prevalence of trafficked sex workers in Kolkata remain unknown, the Downs Study reported in this paper found a startlingly high percent of trafficked women working in the red light districts. From the random pool of sex workers sampled, 76.36% met the requirements to be considered victims of trafficking.

What is the Sex Worker’s Experience of Kolkata? Sex Work and Migration Kolkata has had a long history of immigration[61]. As noted in the results presented above, sex workers in Kolkata come from a variety of localities within India and surrounding countries including Bangladesh and Nepal. Since only a small proportion of sex workers in the city are originally from Kolkata, commercial sex http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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work in the city is intrinsically linked to patterns and issues of migration, particularly from rural to urban areas[62]. Patterns of sex work seen in Kolkata reflect national and historical trends[63]. Chattpodhyay and McKaig (2004) report that up to 400-500 women and girls arrive in India from Bangladesh and Nepal each month[64]. Due to the close proximity of Kolkata to the borders of Bangladesh and Nepal, many of these women and girls travel to Kolkata in their migration routes at least temporarily, if not permanently. Other studies suggest that this rate of immigration is an underestimate[65] The high association of sex workers and migration means that sex workers are often experiencing Kolkata for the first time as sex workers. Beyond this, the large number of sex workers coming from rural areas of India and Bangladesh and Nepal indicates that an introduction to urban life for many rural women is simultaneously an introduction to sex work. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/dscf4017.jpg)A desire to move to an urban site (in this case Kolkata) is a motivating factor for poor women’s migration (an eventual entry into sex work) for a number of reasons. Poor women have expressed the desire to leave rural locales in India, Bangladesh and Nepal as a means of escaping the problems they experience at home, whether they be domestic violence, poverty, familial disruption or a lack of viable employment options. Sex workers in the Downs Study reported, “I needed work. I thought I could get a job easily in the city”, “I was recruited because I wanted to work. What else could I do?”, and “At the time, my family was so poor. I had no choice but to come to the city and work”. These examples of sex workers’ testimonies suggest that the city is seen as a site and source of opportunity that they do not experience in their locations-oforigin. Where do poor women develop notions of pleasant, opportunity-rich city life? Despite being primarily illiterate, numerous sources of positive city images can be found in widely-available popular media sources such as Bollywood and Tollywood, as well as commercials that depict city life as lucrative and adventurous. Lakshmi Srinivas, in her article on the lure of the city in Bollywood cinema, suggests that popular Indian cinema is a “collective fantasy” containing the unconscious material and hidden wishes of a vast number of people[66]. All these popular media sources show frequent narratives of poor women and men arriving in the city and being successful – finding wealth, love, nice clothes and security[67]. Development in India (accessing computers and cellular phones, buying clothes and visiting malls, consuming films and popular media) has not affected everyone equally[68]. The gap between rich and poor is growing[69]. Despite the limited impact of economic growth, the power of the image of the “modern” India has had a wide impact. Even trivial narratives of city life – such as an ability to buy pretty saris as seen on television, or being able to send small amount of money home to family members – can become powerful images and motivating factors for poor, rural women.

Employment and Income Sex workers in Kolkata experience limited employment opportunities outside the commercial sex industry. Sex workers in Calcutta (Kolkata) are conservatively estimated to earn an hourly wage almost twice that of women in urban India[70]. This section will explore how limited opportunities drive women into sex work and limit their abilities and desires to leave the trade once they have entered. In addition to having limited opportunities, evidence reported below suggests that sex workers and women at-risk of entering sex work perceive similar and even more daunting risks associated with alternatives, such as harassment, forced labor and an inability to support and raise their children. All these factors contribute to the sex worker’s experience of Kolkata in limiting and at times, threatening ways. Poor women migrating to Kolkata have limited employment opportunities available to them. Poor, unskilled and often illiterate women are generally limited to jobs in domestic servitude (in private residences, care facilities, hospitals and commercial businesses), factory labor, street vending, crafts and artisan production and cooking[71]. Evidence of these limited job opportunities was found in the testimonials of Downs Study participants. Among the Downs Study respondents, approximately 48.61% of sex workers reported having jobs prior to entering sex work. Among those without previous employment, 40.0% reported looking for work prior to entering sex work. These statistics suggest that women were engaged in non-sex work employment or desired non-sex work employment prior to entering the commercial sex industry. In the Downs Study, of those with jobs, the average monthly income was Rs1319. Approximately 50% of trafficked women and 33.33% of non-trafficked women reported engaging in domestic service prior to entering the commercial sex industry. Factory work, casual labor and farm labor was done by 32.14% of trafficked women and 41.67% of non-trafficked women. Cooking and food preparation was done by 7.14% of trafficked women and 8.33% of non-trafficked women. For those respondents employed prior to entering sex work, the majority reported working more than fifty hours per week[72]. Startlingly, 28.21% reported earning no income beyond food, room and board in their employment before entering sex work. In addition to being limited in availability, the alternative employment options available to poor, unskilled women in Kolkata (or women migrating to Kolkata) are often just as exploitative as sex work in terms of limits to agency, risks of abuse and harassment and risks of slavery/forced work. One common employment option that is available to women is work as a domestic servant. Domestic service is a prevalent and long-standing form of employment for poor women in Kolkata. Due the limited required skill set, domestic servitude is considered the prime alternative to sex work for poor, rural women seeking to enter the employment market in Kolkata. However, evidence and testimony from sex workers and poor, working women in the city suggests that this alternative is anything but desirable. Long hours, potential physical, sexual and emotional harassment, marginal pay and limited ability and opportunity to care for children contribute to a generalized sense that domestic servitude is an unfeasible or undesirable option for many female migrants to the city. In a 2009 Ray and Qayum study, domestic servants unanimously reported their entrance into domestic servitude as a result of being orphaned, abandoned by husbands and in-laws, or as a result of being married to men who could not provide economically or emotionally for them (Ray 2009, pg127). Similar to the sex worker results reported earlier in this paper, many of the domestic servants were married off at an early age either due to familial financial pressures, or because they were considered a burden to their extended families. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/india-nightscape-508586-lw.jpg)Other alternative forms of http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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(http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/india-nightscape-508586-lw.jpg)Other alternative forms of urban employment available to poor women, such as home-based papad making and factory labor, also represent significant risks and harm factors. Women in these fields report long hours of labor, work-related health conditions (stress, strain, back pain and chronic headaches), and problems related to effective child-rearing and familial obligations[73].

India’s Patriarchal Culture India is widely considered to be a patriarchal system of society and government. Patriarchy refers to a set of social institutions that deny women the opportunity to be self-supporting, thereby making them dependent on male relatives for survival, and that otherwise favor men in the familial allocation of resources and power[74]. Under patriarchal systems, descent is passed through the male line[75]. In the most modern contexts, patriarchy encompasses all systems of male dominance, including political, economic and social structures[76]. Critiques of patriarchal systems suggest that such systems privilege males and favor men in terms of both power and resources[77]. Patriarchy in India allows males to control the access to resources, employment and local markets[78]. Sex work has its foundations in deeply ingrained patriarchal views[79]. These systems deny women the necessary opportunities and societal support to be self-supporting[80]. Patriarchal systems render women’s experiences and perspectives relatively invisible compared to their male counterparts’[81]. The patriarchal system of Indian society places hegemonic restrictions on the roles and responsibilities of women. Many scholars point to the 2000 year old writings of Manu. Manu states, “females must be subjected to their fathers when they are young, should obey and serve their husbands in adulthood and be subservient to their sons in case they are widowed. Manu orders that women should never be independent”[82]. According to Manu, women are to be governed and protected by dominant males in their lives – their fathers, their husbands and their sons. In this description, women are always subservient to men in their lives. Furthermore, Manu frames the position of women strictly within the confines of marriage. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/dscf3844-copy.jpg)While Manu wrote of the position of women 2000 years ago, in many ways, his description holds true today. In contemporary studies evidence shows that once married, a woman is expected to stay married, regardless of the violence, submission or unhappiness[83]. Indian women across the country, as well as in the Downs Study, reflect the pressure to stay married. Sev’er et al. (2008) relates that natal families are often reluctant to accept a married daughter who wants to leave a marriage and return home[84]. Daughters are persuaded by their own parents “explicitly or implicitly, to bear everything stoically”[85]. The strong cultural norms described above provide a framing of stigma and the perception of women in India society. Since women are expected to remain within the domestic sphere (of marriage and family life), the status of women working in the formal and informal economic status is not quite legitimate[86]. Women are expected to fulfill the domestic responsibilities of serving their husbands, caring for their in-laws and raising children. This system creates no legitimate space for women outside this prevailing mode of domesticity, since women are expected only to work if they are obliged to out of economic necessity. Other than in dire conditions, women are expected to be maintained by their fathers, husbands, and sons[87]. Ray (2009) relates, “A sense of diffidence, a touch of becoming modesty and a demonstrative dependence on men – these traits ultimately define a women”[88]. Sex workers, by engaging in income generating activities outside the domestic sphere, and engaging in taboo commercial sex work, places them in a position of opposition against prevailing hegemonic practices. It is important to note that in the 21st century, more women of all income brackets are entering the formal and informal employment markets. Case studies have explored these changes in perception of women’s work. These studies have found that the most acceptable forms and means of employment for women are found in high-income, high education households, typically not those that sex workers demographically emerge from. In the Downs Study, the experiences of such women still reflect the prevailing pressures of domestic duty for women. Two of the study’s research assistants (both young women from high income households with tertiary education), reflected to the researcher the stigma associated with their choice to work. Both research assistants discussed anecdotally their (and their families’) fears that their employment would affect their marriageability and remained uncertain about their desire to continue to work after getting married[89]. As the anecdotal evidence provided above suggests, women engage (and inevitably participate) in the perpetuation of hegemonic norms imposed on women. Women’s scholars in India have pointed to numerous ways that women participate in hegemonic norms. For instance, women fortify these systems by encouraging silence, not reporting violence and abuse, and being involved in punishment for deviance from norms[90]. This point is not to argue that women create their own conditions of oppression, but simply to suggest they are involved in them. The same conditions that create norms of patriarchy and women’s submission limit women’s alternatives and options to fight societal norms. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/india-10215.jpg)Patriarchy and societal norms about the roles and duties of women influence how women enter sex work and experience life in the city. Kolkata’s commercial sex industry is in fact inserted into patriarchal hierarchies and systems of oppression. From the minute a woman is conceived, patriarchy begins to shape her life, determining whether she will live, what education and income she will earn, and how she is valued and treated in her natal home and husband’s home. http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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education and income she will earn, and how she is valued and treated in her natal home and husband’s home. Evidence of this fact can be seen in the skewed sex ratios in India at a national, regional and local level. The privileging of males that is a component of patriarchy has led to high rates of female infanticide and sex selective abortion, despite existing legislation aimed at countering this trend[91]. At the national level, these trends have led to an imbalance in the number of females to males (with 933 females per 1000 males)[92]. Across urban locations, this ratio is more extreme with 900 females per 1000 males[93]. Despite strong variations in the sex ratio by region, in West Bengal, where the majority of Kolkata’s sex workers originate from, the sex ratio is only slightly better (947 females per 1000 males)[94]. Across urban areas, the sex ratio is more extreme than in rural areas. Previous studies have suggested that this greater sex difference is a result in male-oriented urbanization and migration to the city. While this trend is a factor, it should also be noted that families (and women) in urban areas have greater access to medical and reproductive clinics than rural women. In Kolkata, the urban masculine trend is strong. The sex ratio is 869 females per 1000 males, making the second highest of the four major urban areas (Chennai, Delhi, Kolkata and Mumbai) [95]. Skewed sex ratios are a result of a number of factors, but ultimately they reflect large-scale preferences towards having male children. Since most Indian families experience some degree of resource limitations, families prefer to invest those limited resources in male children[96]. Sayings related in academic texts reflect this notion. Sev’er et al. (2008) states, “raising a daughter is like watering a neighbor’s plant”, “for fulfillment, many sons, for the sake of beauty, one daughter” and “a son spells rewards, a daughter expense”[97]. The differential sex preference does not end for women once they are work. Once born, women face differential access to resources, including access to food, education and care[98]. As a result of the social and economic advantages attached to sons, gender discrimination in nutrition and health care manifests itself in higher female than male childhood mortality[99]. Differential access to resources in childhood is evident when comparing literacy rates, which show that men have a 52% higher rate of literacy compared to women[100]. This differential access to education is not necessarily a malicious attempt to control women. A 1995 study found that the patriarchal culture provides multiple incentives for preferential educational treatment of boys. This study found that educational investment in boy children leads to larger economic benefits in the long run than investment in girls[101]. Despite the reduced benefits of education for women in economic terms, the social benefits of women’s education include greater social equality, lower birth rates, greater nutrition and higher quality of life[102]. Once grown, women experience numerous consequences of the patriarchal system and norms imposed on women. The risk of domestic violence faced by women in India and in Kolkata is high. In the Down’s Study, as reported earlier, the rate of domestic violence reported by sex workers in Kolkata prior and during their time in the industry was high[103]. Across India, 5 women experience “severe cruelty” every hour[104]. While overall crime rates in India are declining, violence against women (including rape, molestation, domestic abuse and homicide) are rising[105]. In West Bengal, deaths by husband or kin are reported at a rate of 49 deaths per million population (compared to the national average of 45 deaths per million population)[106]. Less dramatic, but no less important, aspects of sexual dominance and patriarchy can be found in the limited employment and income-generating options available to women. Women in the Downs Study and more generally, relate the limited options they perceived as being available to them. Women typically exist in the worst-paid, service-dominant sectors of the economy, including domestic service, artisan/craft/factory work, and agricultural labor[107]. The limited economic options available to women reflect their differential access to education and nutrition, but also to prevailing norms prohibiting women from entering the employment field. As Roy (2003) has stated, the feminized labor market represents patriarchy and norms of society at the boundaries of state, household, economy and community[108]. To this end, women who engage in the low-wage labor sector, experience “the combination of poor working conditions and hegemonic domestic ideology [that] serves to heighten the need to avoid having to work outside the home, rather than to underscore the importance of political struggle for better working conditions”[109]. At the national level, even development and urbanization in India has been highly gendered. Critiques of development in developing countries, including India, have pointed to the increased marginalization of women and leading to increased insecurity and vulnerability. In India, processes of urbanization, migration and every aspect of development from manufacturing and the IT sector have all disproportionately promoted men over women, leading to an increasing feminization of poverty and rural life[110]. In addition to the environment of inequality, these trends may in fact be fuelling the demand for sex work since females of marriageable age are in limited supply in urbanized areas. In the Downs Study, as well as similar interviews with domestic servants in Kolkata, the women in these occupations repeatedly framed their entrance into the Kolkata labor market in terms of the failures of the traditional patriarchal system. Sariola (2010) found that poorly educated women (the type that are likely to enter sex work) enter the labor market because other sources of income were insufficient or nonexistent[111]. In the Downs Study, 18.2% of women related the death of a father (or both parents) as a factor leading to their entrance into sex work[112]. An additional 43.2% related their entrance into sex work as the result of the death of a husband or as a direct result of their husband’s actions (selling them into brothels, failing to provide income, petitioning for divorce or abandonment)[113]. Coupled with the high rates of domestic violence and abandonment by husbands and kin, almost all women in the Downs Study related at least one failure or limitation of the patriarchal system and hegemonic norms of womanhood as factors leading to their entry into sex work[114].

Harassment/Legal Concerns In most parts of the world, some if not all aspects of commercial sex work are criminalized and punished under legal structures[115]. In India two laws primarily guide the criminalization of sex work – the (Suppression of) Immoral Traffic Act (SITA), instituted in 1956, and the Immoral Traffic Prevention Act (ITPA) instituted in 1986. Both SITA and its amendments under ITPA cover the sex work industry. Under SITA and ITPA, the act of sexual intercourse is not illegal, however “every other act required to carry out sex work is a crime”[116]. Under ITPA, anyone maintaining a brothel, living off the earnings of a sex worker, and/or procuring/detaining a woman for the purpose of sex work. Furthermore, the ITPA any person who solicits for the purpose of sex work or who carries on prostitution in the vicinity of a public place[117]. Additional aspects of the law allow police officers to conduct raids on brothels without a warrant if they believe work prohibited under ITPA is being conducted[118]. No aspect of the ITPA specifically addresses clients; however, individuals have been prosecuted for soliciting near a public space[119]. Another element of judicial oversight, the Indian Penal Code, has provisions against the kidnapping and abduction, slavery and unlawful compulsory labor[120] (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/stevemccurrypg3.jpg)Criminalization of sex work is related http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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to the notions of patriarchy and the status of women outlined above. The emphasis on the actions of sex workers, as opposed to the clients who purchase their services, is one example of this. As outlined above, sex work counters prevailing and traditional notions of the roles and responsibilities of women, the ITPA can be seen as a legal and structural attempt to enforce these notions by controlling women’s behaviors that are deviant to social norms. As a result of such legal measures that criminalize sex work in India, sex workers in Kolkata are subject to numerous concerns and harassments. As suggested by Shannon and Csete (2010), sex workers have few legal protections and experience high rates of harassment and abuse by law enforcement figures and clients[121]. Rates of harassment, both by law enforcement figures and the police, have been explored in Kolkata in a number of articles. Types of harassment documented by researchers in Kolkata include violence or threats of violence, forced eviction from residence, coercion into providing sex services including unpaid sex, and bribes and monetary extortion[122]. Anecdotal evidence indicates that harassment from authorities, as well as an inability to seek legal protection from other means of harassment is a real and frequent threat to sex workers in Kolkata and in India. In the Downs Study, fear of police raids, brides and harassment was reported by the majority of sex workers (76.2%), while the threat of physical abuse by police, clients or brothel operators was cited by 63.3% of study respondents. Sex workers noted, “I worry about violence. I experience abuse”, and “I don’t want problems with police. They may ask me for free [sexual services] and what can I do to say no?” While the reported incidents of physical abuse were low, the risk of violence was reported as a concern by sex workers more than HIV/AIDS, health trauma and being arrested[123]. Fear of harassment may explain in part why sex work in Kolkata is concentrated in densely populated red-light districts – the greater the concentration of sex workers, the greater the social protection and the lower the risk of harassment to each individual worker. In brothel-based sex work, additional protections against harassment may be found in the form of pimps and madams who can act as middlemen between sex workers and police, and/or may offer bribes to prevent incarceration or sexual abuse.

Stigma and Children Stigma, broadly, can be described as a social norm of shame and imposes society-based judgments of moral worth and value[124]. Stigma connotes “a form of social unacceptability for which the bearer is not personally responsible, indicating a flaw in her very constitution or make-up”[125]. While scholars differentiate between stigma and notions of deviance, in the day-to-day life of sex workers in Kolkata, these notions are intrinsically linked[126]. Stigma is strongly associated with sex work in Kolkata. In Indian society, strong sentiments that sex work is wrong, immoral and punishable are prevalent. The punitive nature of this stigma places the blame and responsibility for moral indiscretion on the sex worker, more so than the clients, pimps and brothel owners. Stigma can be external or internal. External stigma can be found in taunts, harassment and the denial of resources to victims of stigma and abuse. Women in the Downs Study report strong external feelings of stigmatization in their daily lives[127]. Since the stigma results from patriarchal norms and perceived moral indiscretions, sex workers are expected to live with and learn to accept stigma as a result of their actions[128]. Film and cinema in Tollywood and Bollywood have also been a source of stigma and a means of shaping popular discourse on sex work and sex workers. Films such as Arrangetram (1973) and Mahanadi (1993) have specifically addressed issues surrounding sex work. Such images shape public norms around gender, sexuality and the role of women. While Indian cinema often flirts with the boundaries of sexuality, these flirtations almost always fall within acceptable norms of women’s roles and acceptable behaviors[129]. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/dscf1264.jpg)External stigma inevitably leads to sex worker’s expressing feelings of internalized stigma. This stigma becomes evident in sex workers’ narratives about themselves. For instance, sex workers stated repeatedly in the Downs Study, “I am a bad woman”[130]. For sex workers, their participation in the industry permanently taints their moral character and identity[131]. Once they enter the industry, “just as the spoiling of food is irreversible, so it is considered extremely difficult for a woman to lose the stigma of having been in the sex trade”[132]. The stigma of prostitution results in widespread discrimination against sex workers. The stigma, often coupled with residual caste system discrimination, severely limits educational and alternative economic opportunities. Women report stigma being strongly related to sexual exploitation, being evicted from their rented flats, their daughters being considered unmarriageable and their children being taunted at school. Many women become permanently ostracized and alienated by their families and communities once they enter sex work. As a result of stigma, women in sex work in Kolkata report hiding their profession. Some feminist critics of sex work stigmatization have argued that stigma to sex work is compounded by stigma as a result of gender, ethnicity and poverty. Cornish suggests that the most profound stigmatization “often occurs at the intersection of multiple forms of exclusion, and argue that even less alterable than their profession, their gender condemns them to discrimination such as exclusion from employment and being seen as sexual objects”.

Sex Worker Agency Agency has emerged as a critical issue in sex work research. Broadly, agency can be defined as the capacity, condition or state of acting or of exerting power[133]. Traditional narratives of sex work in feminist discourse have expressed entry and participation in commercial sex work as a function of victimization and a lack of agency[134]. However, these narratives, and the strong role of patriarchy, are insufficient to fully explain the rates and trends in sex work. For instance, why do some women enter sex work, while other women opt for other exploitive means of employment? The issue of agency is highly http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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work. For instance, why do some women enter sex work, while other women opt for other exploitive means of employment? The issue of agency is highly contested and debated in sex work discourse in India and around the world. Agency is a critical concern both in how women enter sex work and how they operate throughout their time in the profession. This discourse invades all elements of sex work research, leading to diversity and distinctions in every aspect of the analysis. Even language and terminologies are subject to an author or researcher’s perspective on the issue. For instance, while the term sex work is predominantly used to create a neutral language of discussion (since terms like prostitution have such loaded imagery attached to them), some advocates suggest that this term lends legitimacy to an activity that should be fought against. Certainly, a large percentage of sex workers do not make the choice to enter the profession (as seen in the high prevalence of women meeting the definition of trafficking). Once women enter sex work, the stigma associated with the trade leaves the perception of a permanent stain of disgrace on them. In these cases, it is easy to see the limitations of sex worker agency. In other narratives, where women report weighing their options and entering sex work with the view of earning more livable wages, supporting their children or finding a means to leave abusive families or spouses, agency can be seen as a more realistic and tangible attribute. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/dscf1280.jpg)A number of issues raised earlier in this paper affect sex worker agency. For instance, legal criminalization of sex work creates harassment and fear. This legal stigmatization prevents sex workers’ from organizing or admitting their status openly for fear of persecution. Criminalization further limits a sex worker’s ability to work safely and combat harassment and violence. Social stigmatization is an additional limiting factor to sex worker agency. Since sex workers risk similar problems in exposing their profession in the social sphere as they do in the legal sphere, this can be seen as a factor limiting agency. The reality of sex work agency is that it is as heterogeneous as the industry. Examples of strongly empowered women with a political and social voice exist in Kolkata, as do countless narratives of powerless sex workers. In the Downs Study, women overwhelmingly report feeling intense stigma and a general lack of agency in how they entered and operated within the profession. In Kalighat, these narratives were extremely common. For instance, Geetanjoli (aged 30, from Patna) stated, “I was young, I had no education. After marrying my husband and having a bad marriage, she had no family network in the city [Kolkata]. I felt I had no option but to enter sex work. If someone was there, they could have helped me, but no one is there.” Krishna (aged 40, from West Bengal) reported, “I had no choice. I was sold when I was young. Now I am a bad woman. There is nothing I can do”[135]. Among study participants, the lack of agency was often noted in questions relating to the women’s perception on why they were trafficked or entered sex work. Among trafficked women, 10 reported that “it was their destiny or their fate” (18.89%)[136]. Others reported having “no choice” (two respondents), “no option” (four respondents), and “no opportunities” (thirteen respondents)[137]. These responses suggest that sex work was a result of feelings of a lack of agency and options.

Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee (DMSC) and the Sonagachi Project While sex workers in Kalighat reported low-levels of perceived agency in relation to their options and choices, other evidence from Kolkata seems more promising. One prominent group, the Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee in Sonagachi, has demonstrated ways in which sex workers can organize and advocate for their rights and for respect in the city. Since its creation in 1992, the Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee (DMSC) also known as the Sonagachi Project, has been the darling of social science, public health and feminist studies of sex work in India and sex worker agency and organization. Credited for promoting high levels of condom use among sex workers and keeping the prevalence rate of HIV among Kolkata’s sex workers low, the DMSC has shown many demonstrated successes in its short lifetime. The DMSC has alternatively been termed a sex worker union, an advocacy and outreach network and political organizing body. Founded in 1992, the DMSC was created with a coalition of donors, academics, NGOs and sex workers on a philosophy of “Respect (for the profession), Recognition (their rights) and Reliance (on their understanding and capability)” for sex workers in Sonagachi[138]. Within this framework, the DMSC is involved in the improvement of the image and selfesteem of sex workers, influence existing norms, policies and practices relating to sex work, empowering sex worker communities, and addressing power relations[139]. Twenty years after the DMSC was founded, nearly all leadership and outreach positions in the organization are held by former or currently active sex workers[140]. Currently, the DMSC claims to represent 65,000 sex workers, including female, male and transgendered members of the industry[141]. The DMSC has been heralded as an example of sex worker agency and is used as a model to develop initiatives to empower sex workers around the world[142]. One explicit principle of the Project is “to challenge the stigma of sex work and to promote sex workers’ social and political awareness as the basis of a collective action movement”[143]. In order to combat stigma and build agency, the DMSC holds regular education sessions and focus groups, and organizes large-scale protests and sit-ins in support of political causes and to counter persistent acts of violence and harassment against sex workers[144]. Proponents of the DMSC and those who argue that sex workers have substantial levels of agency point to the high levels of participation in DMSC activities (protests, meetings, peer education initiatives, etc.) and the successful control of health problems like HIV/AIDS as evidence to support their causes[145]. These individuals suggest that by including the sex worker community at all levels of decision-making and advocacy, the DMSC promotes sex worker agency and promotes the rights and desires of sex workers in Kolkata[146]. Is it important to ask, what is the effect of the DMSC? How does this political and social organization contribute to agency and quality of life for sex workers in Kolkata? Objective indicators suggest that the DMSC’s activities have had a positive impact on prevention of STIs and HIV/AIDS[147]. High reported use of condoms, and systematic training on negotiation with clients, as well as a perception of a unified position by sex workers, have been attributed to work conducted by the DMSC. In addition to these health goals, the DMSC has become a voice for sex workers in the city and on a national stage[148]. Regular, positive news reports of DMSC protests, rallies and organizational meetings have entered the contemporary discourse on sex work and actively counteract notions of stigma, morality and the role of women[149]. Furthermore, it can be argued that sex workers participating in DMSC activities feel a greater sense of personal and industry-based agency, as well as a greater sense of protection and power by bringing their voices to a greater cause[150]. The success of the DMSC has led to the formation of similar groups across India and has been used as a template for sex worker organization at numerous sites around the world[151]. http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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world[151].

Conclusions Sex work is an enormous and important issue in Kolkata, India and around the globe. This article has attempted to explore a unique angle in sex work research by exploring how sex workers view the city of Kolkata. While sex workers in Kolkata are a heterogeneous group, a number of common aspects of experience exist. In many ways, sex work defines how sex workers experience the city of Kolkata. For many women, entering sex work is simultaneous to a new start in city life. For these women, the experience of sex work is intimately tied to migration. Additional common experiences include perceptions of work alternatives and feelings of exploitation, harassment and abuse. The sex worker’s experience of city life is shaped by stigma and patriarchal social norms pertaining to women’s role in society and acceptable behavior for women and girls. The stigma women experience is external (in their interactions with individuals within and outside the sex work industry), and is internalized (in how these women perceive themselves and their position in society). Certainly, many women enter sex work as a direct result of failures of the patriarchal system to protect them and maintain them. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/dscf1183.jpg)An important element of the sex worker’s experience is their notion of agency. While it is clear that a number of women believe that their circumstances and profession are beyond their control, groups such as the DMSC are active in Kolkata and represent an outlet for women to engage society, gain power, and fight for the rights and needs they see are important. It is important to note that the experiences of female sex workers in Kolkata are not unique. Gross human rights abuses, such as trafficking and sexual slavery, exist around the world, and in every country. These issues represent a major challenge to the universal rights of every individual and have been (unsuccessfully) addressed by global organizations including the United Nations, the World Health Organization and the International Monetary Fund[152]. Despite measures being made by all these organizations, little progress has been made to prevent involuntary and unwanted entry into sex work by millions of individuals. (http://madisonleighrose.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/dscf1268.jpg)To date, sex work in research has mainly been presented and funded in relation to HIV/AIDS and other health consequences of the trade. While this research is valuable, it is by no means sufficient to address the issue of sex work. Aspects of sex work, including human rights abuse, and the economic and social development of women, are important fields that need to be addressed in greater detail in academic fields such as of history, social science and policy planning. Regardless of their status or experience, few (if any) women enter sex work in order to deviate from, or to openly defy social norms. The women interviewed by this author report an overwhelming desire to have alternatives to sex work, to be able to provide opportunities for their children to exit poverty, and for the basic joys of protection, security and social value. Moving forward, sex work advocates, NGOs, and governmental agencies must work together to assist women (and men) in sex work. Successful programs, like the DMSC, need to analyzed, funded and expanded. Legal measures, such as punitive laws need to be reassessed so that women are not punished for their circumstances. Greater efforts must be made to include women in the economic and social development of India. These are admittedly daunting challenges. However, they are challenges that are addressable and must be met.

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Sev’er, A. (2008). Discarded Daughters: The Patriarchal Grip, Dowry Deaths and Sex Ratio Imbalances. Women’s Health and Urban Life, 56-75. Shannon, K., & Csete, J. (2010). Violence, Condom Negotiation and HIV/STI Risk Among Sex Workers. Journal of the American Medical Association, 573-574. Silverman, J., Decker, M., Gupta, J., Maheshware, A., & Patel, V. (2007). HIV Prevalence and Predictors of Infection in sex-Trafficked Girls and Women. Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome. Srinivas, L. (2009). Cinema in the City. Visual Anthropology, 1-12. The Calcutta Times. (2002, October 22). This week we wind up with a visit to ward No. 18 of Sonagachi. Retrieved February 20, 2012, from Times of India: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/calcutta-times/This-week-we-wind-up-with-a-visit-to-ward-No-18-of-Sonagachi/articleshow/25988601.cms (http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/calcutta-times/This-week-we-wind-up-with-a-visit-to-ward-No-18-of-Sonagachi/articleshow/25988601.cms) Tierney, H. (1999). Patriarchy. In H. Tierney, Women’s Studies Encyclopedia (pp. 562-563). Westport: Greenwood Press. UNAIDS/WHO. (2004). India Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Infections. Geneva: United Nations. United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime. (2010, March). India: My Life in the “Red Lights” of Sonagachi. Retrieved February 20, 2012, from UNODC: http://www.unodc.org/southasia/en/frontpage/2010/March/red-lights-of-sonagachi.html (http://www.unodc.org/southasia/en/frontpage/2010/March/red-lights-of-sonagachi.html)

Endnotes [1] Roy, 2008 [2] Lim et al., 1998 [3] Lim et al., 1998: 1 [4] Lim et al., 1998 [5] Using Stop Prostitution (2008) estimate of sex workers in India (2.8 million) and projected population pyramid data from the US Census Bureau International Data Base (total population 1,189,172,906). Using the 80% estimate (conservative estimate of women’s participation in sex work) and the population estimates of women of reproductive age (15-49 years), the calculation is 2,800,000/275,030,613 = 0.81%. Using more generous estimates of female participation in sex work (90%0 and an age estimate for sex work (15-40), we receive an estimate of 1.06% of women aged 15 to 40 years of age. [6] Gupta et al., 2009; Joffres et al., 2008 [7] To be discussed later in the paper [8] Gupta et al., 2009; Joffres et al., 2008 [9] Gupta et al., 2009; Silverman et al., 2009 [10] Silverman et al., 2007; Sarkar et al., 2005 [11] Joffres et al., 2008; Silverman et al., 2009 [12] Gupta et al., 2009 [13] Gathia, 1999 [14] Bhattacharji, 1987 [15] Bhattacharji, 1987 [16] Banerjee, 1998 [17] Banerjee, 1998 [18] Banerjee, 1998 [19] Banerjee, 1998 [20] Chattoraj, 2002 [21] Chattoraj, 2002 [22] Chattopadhyay and McKaig, 2004; Chattoraj, 2002 [23] Dalrymple, 2008 http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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[23] Dalrymple, 2008 [24] Dalrymple, 2008 [25] Banerjee, 1998 [26] Banerjee, 1998 [27] Pivar, 2010 [28] Pivar, 2010 [29] Pivar, 2010 [30] Pivar, 2010 [31] Stop Prostitution, 2009 [32] Basu and Dutta, 2008 [33] Stop Prostitution, 2009 [34] Sarkar et al., 2005; Times of India, 2002; DMSC, 2012 [35] Dandona et al., 2006; Kotiswaran, 2008 [36] Kotiswaran, 2008 [37] Rao et al., 2002 [38] Dandona et al., 2006; Kotiswaran, 2008 [39] Chattopadhyay and McKaig, 2004 [40] Times of India Oct 2002 [41] Rao et al., 2002 [42] Rao et al., 2002 [43] Kotiswaran, 2008 [44] Chattapadhyay and McKaig, 2004 [45] Author’s research, Downs Study 2010 [46] Dandona et al., 2006 [47] In 2007,the Ministry of Women and Child Development reported presence of 2.8 million sex workers in India, with 35.47 percentof them entering the trade before the age of 18 years. The number of prostitutes has also doubled in the recent decade. [48] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [49] Raut et al., 2003 [50] NACO, 2006 [51] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [52] Sarkar et al., 2005 [53] Rao et al., 2002 [54] NACO, 2006 [55] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [56] Sarkar et al., 2005 [57] Sarkar et al., 2005 [58] Sarkar et al., 2005 [59] Raut et al., 2003 [60] Rao et al., 2002 http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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[60] Rao et al., 2002 [61] Gupta and Banerjee, 2009 [62] Chattopadhyay and McKaig, 2004 [63] ILO, 1997 [64] Chattopadhyay and McKaig, 2004 [65] Childwatch International, 1997 [66] Srinivas, 2009 [67] Srinivas, 2009 [68] Sariola, 2010 [69] Sariola, 2010 [70] Rao et al., 2003 [71] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [72] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [73] Roy, 2008 [74] Oxford Dictionaries, 2012 [75] Oxford Dictionaries, 2012 [76] Jones, 2001 [77] Malhorta, Vanneman and Kishor, 1995 [78] Kotiswaran, 2011 [79] Lim et a., 1998 [80] Malhorta, Vanneman and Kishor, 1995 [81] Malhorta, Vanneman and Kishor, 1995 [82] Sev’er, 2008 [83] Fawole, 2008 [84] Fawole, 2008 [85] Sev’er, 2008 [86] Lim et al., 1998 [87] Lim et al., 1998 [88] Lim et al., 1998 [89] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [90] Lim et al., 1998 [91] Fawole, 2008; Rao et al , 2004 [92] Census of India, 2001 [93] Census of India, 2001, 2011 [94] Census of India, 2011 [95] Census of India, 2011 [96] Kotiswaran, 2006; Sev’er, 2008 [97] Sev’er, 2008 [98] Sev’er, 2008 http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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[99] Malhorta et al., 1995 [100] Census of India, 2011 – Women’s literacy rate is 48%, while men’s literacy rate is 73%. [101] Malhorta et al., 1995 [102] Malhorta et al., 1995 [103] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [104] Kotiswaran, 2006; Sev’er, 2008 [105] Sev’er, 2008 [106] Sev’er, 2008 [107] Lim et al., 1998 [108] Roy, 2003 [109] Lim et al., 1998 [110] Sariola, 2010 [111] Sariola, 2010 [112] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [113] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [114] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [115] Shannon and Csete, 2010 [116] Kotiswaran, 2011; Kotiswaran, 2006 [117] Kotiswaran, 2011; Kotiswaran, 2006 [118] Kotiswaran, 2011 [119] Kotiswaran, 2011 [120] Kotiswaran, 2011 [121] Shannon and Csete, 2010 [122] Shannon and Csete, 2010 [123]Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [124] Scambler and Paoli, 2008 [125] Scambler and Paoli, 2008 [126] Scambler and Paoli, 2008 [127] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [128] Cornish, 2006 [129] Sariola, 2010 [130] Author’s field research. Downs Study, 2010 [131] Cornish, 2006 [132] Cornish, 2006 [133] Merriam Webster, 2012 [134] Cornish, 2006 [135] Author’s research, Downs Study 2010. [136] Author’s research, Downs Study, 2010 http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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[137] Author’s research, Downs Study, 2010 [138] Cornish, 2006 [139] DMSC website, 2012 [140] Cornish, 2006 [141] DMSC website, 2012 [142] Cornish, 2006; Fawole, 2008 [143] Cornish, 2006 [144] Fawole, 2008 [145] Cornish, 2006 [146] DMSC website, 2012 [147] Cohen, 2004 [148] Jana et al., 2004 [149] Jana et al., 2004 [150] Jana et al., 2004 [151] Jana et al., 2002 [152] Jana et al., 2002 [153]

About Madison Leigh Rose I recently graduated from the Yale School of Public Health with a Masters Degree (MPH). View all posts by Madison Leigh Rose →

4 comments 1. John June 14, 2013 at 4:30 am Reply I vary much enjoyed this article, thank you so vary much. I attended Antioch College and at least 4 of my classmates worked in the sex industry. For at least 3 of them it was empowering. (The 4th I have questions about.) I believe there were others. I know of at one person (not the 4) who did a co-op as a prostitute, (I use that word to denote a specific type of sex work, not to denote moral judgment.) On a more personal note, I have always felt that the demeaning of a person, (mostly by men I suspect) because they provide you with sexual relief, or comfort, an attentive ear, or some combination there of, has always been highly unfair. As a kid I wanted to unionize them and/or start my own brothel. (Grew up in a union family. And I would treat my workers with dignity. [NEVER told that to my parents.] Now as a adult I have no idea how to go about that. Leaving off all the other issues. ) Any who, I say all that knowing I probably sound like all the other Male Sexist Pigs, who thinks he is saying something nice while in actuality is saying something patronizing and patriarchal, for that I sincerely apologize. Peace and blessings on you and yours 2. Sagnik Sarkar December 12, 2014 at 6:28 am Reply This is a seriously informative article. It enlists concisely all the major points, and the plight of sex workers in the city. Thank you very much for the effort you put in to draft this blog. Madison Leigh Rose December 12, 2014 at 2:46 pm http://madisonleighrose.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/red-light-city-sex-workers-experiences-of-the-city-of-joy/

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December 12, 2014 at 2:46 pm Reply Thank you for the kind words. I hope you enjoyed the article, Sagnik! 3. Sagnik Sarkar December 12, 2014 at 6:30 am Reply Reblogged this on Astro Wavelength and commented: Here is all that I had to know.

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