Osmansko naslijede i muslimanske zajednice Balkana danas - zbornik radova (Sarajevo, 16-18. oktobar 2009)

BALKANLAR MEDENİYET MERKEZİ

THE BALKANS CIVILISATION CENTRE

OSMANLI MİRASI VE GÜNÜMÜZ BALKAN MÜSLÜMAN TOPLUMLARI Konferans Tebliğleri (Saraybosna, 16-18 Ekim 2009) Osmansko naslIjeđe I muslImanske zajednIce Balkana danas Zbornik radova (Sarajevo, 16-18. oktobar 2009) THE OTTOMAN LEGACY AND THE BALKAN MUSLIM COMMUNITIES TODAY Conference Proceedings (Sarajevo, 16-18 October 2009) Editör \ Urednik \ Edited by: Dr. Halit Eren Balkanlar Medeniyet Merkezi \ Centar za civilizaciju Balkana \ The Balkans Civilisation Centre © 2011 BALMED Metin bölümleme, kelime vurgusu, dipnot düzeni vb. konularda yazarların benimsedikleri yöntemler mümkün olduğunca korunmaya çalışılmıştır. Metode podjele tekstova, naglašavanje riječi, uređenje fusnota itd. preneseni su onako kako su ih sami autori koristili. Methods of division of texts, emphasis of words, arrangement of footnotes, etc. are kept as adopted by each author. ISBN 978-605-88558-2-3 Birinci Baskı \ Prvo izdanje \ First Edition: İstanbul Mart mart March 2011 İkinci Baskı \ Drugo izdanje \ Second Edition: Sarajevo Eylül septembar September 2011 Katalog Bilgileri \ CIP - katalogizacija u publikaciji \ Cataloguing in Publication Data Osmanlı Mirası ve Günümüz Balkan Müslüman Toplumları (2009: Saraybosna) Osmanlı Mirası ve Günümüz Balkan Müslüman Toplumları: konferans tebliğleri, Saraybosna, 16-18 Ekim 2009 =Osmansko naslijeđe i muslimanske zajednice Balkana danas =The Ottoman Legacy and the Balkan Communities Today / editör Halit Eren.- 2. bs., Gözd. gçrl.- İstanbul: Balkanlar Medeniyet Merkezi, 2011. 235 s.; 24 cm.- (BALMED yayınları; 2) Metin Türkçe, Boşnakça ve İngilizce. Dipnot var. ISBN 978-605-88558-2-3 1. Balkan ülkeleri--Tarih--Kongreler. 2. Türkiye--Tarih--Osmanlı Devleti, 1288-1918--Kongreler. 3. Müslümanlar--Balkan ülkeleri--Kongreler. I. Eren, Halit, 1953- II. k.a. III. Seri. 949.6--dos22 Tasarım \ Dizajn i DTP \ Design: Muhammed Nur Anbarlı Baskı \ Štampa \ Printed at: Arka Press d.o.o. Sarajevo Adresa: Hamdije Čemerlića 43, Tel: 033/720-840

BALKANLAR MEDENİYET MERKEZİ

THE BALKANS CIVILISATION CENTRE

Topkapı Kültür Parkı, Osmanlı Evleri, Nu. 7, Zeytinburnu 34010 İstanbul T: 0212 565 39 70 F: 0212 565 39 76 [email protected] www.balmed.net

OSMANLI MİRASI VE GÜNÜMÜZ BALKAN MÜSLÜMAN TOPLUMLARI Konferans Tebliğleri (Saraybosna, 16-18 Ekim 2009)

OsmanskO naslIjeđe I muslImanske zajednIce Balkana danas zbornik radova (sarajevo, 16-18. oktobar 2009)

THe OTTOman leGacY and THe Balkan muslIm cOmmunITIes TOdaY conference Proceedings (sarajevo, 16-18 October 2009)

BALKANLAR MEDENİYET MERKEZİ

THE BALKANS CIVILISATION CENTRE

İçindekiler \ Sadržaj \ Contents

Önsöz \ Predgovor \ Preface Halit Eren----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 7, 9, 11 Address of H.E. Prof. Ahmet Davutoğlu Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Turkey-------------------------------------------------------------------- 13 IRCICA Genel Direktörü ve BALMED Başkanı Dr. Halit Eren’in Açış Konuşması------------------ 21 The Imposing Challenge of the Ottoman legacy Ahmet Alibašić---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 27 The Ottoman Legacy as a Common Layer of the Balkan Muslim Identities Ferid Muhić--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 29 TEBLİĞLER \ IZLAGANJA \ PROCEEDINGS

Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Rumeli Araştırmaları Açısından Önemi Önder Bayır--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 39 Osmanlı Arşiv Belgelerinde Bosna’dan Anadolu’ya Göçler: 1877-1910 Cevat Ekici- ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 53 Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks Olsi Jazexhi---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 59 Roman Emperors and Ottoman Conquerors! Image of the Ottomans in the Balkans – Montenegro Case Omer Kajoshaj-- --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 87 The Turkish Muslim Minority of Western Thrace-Greece Tzemil Kapza-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 93 5

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Surviving elements of Ottoman legacy in the Balkans in non-Muslim Communities and cultures Dino Mujadžević -- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 101 Integration of Religion within the Identity of the Albanian Muslims Musa Musai-- ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 113 Migrations of Bosnians after the Second World War Migrations as an Indivisible Part of the History of Bosnian people since the Berlin Congress, 1878 Sabina Pacariz--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 131 Ottomans’ Image in the Bulgarian History Textbooks from the Communist and Post-Communist Era Aziz Shakir--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 139 Ottoman Tradition in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Reality and Historiographic Generalisations in the 20th Century Ramiza Smajić--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 145 Albanian Orientalism Enis Sulstarova-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 155 The Relationship between Ottoman Cultural Legacy and Muslim Minorities: Contemporary Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Bulgaria Ahmed Topkev-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 183 Ottoman Legacy in Ulcinj: Architecture, Customs and Speaking Suad Ukoshata-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 203 Turkish Non-Governmental Organizations in the Balkans: Performance Assessment Ramiz Zekaj------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 209 Ottoman Legacy as Integrative Component for Balkan Muslim Identities Gafur Zharku----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 217

Önsöz Dr. Halit Eren

BALMED Başkanı

Balkanlar Medeniyet Merkezi BALMED’in “Osmanlı Mirası ve Günümüz Balkan Müslüman Toplumları” konusunda Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Başbakanlık Türk İşbirliği ve Kalkınma İdaresi Başkanlığı-TİKA ve Saraybosna İleri Araştırmalar Merkezi (CNS) ile müştereken düzenlediği uluslararası toplantının tebliğlerinin yayınlanmasından memnuniyet duyuyorum. Balkanlardaki kültür ve medeniyet zenginliklerini, Balkan kültürlerinin kendi aralarında ve başka toplumlarla tarihî ilişkilerini ve kültür alışverişlerini incelemek, tanıtmak, bu konularındaki eğitim ve incelemeleri teşvik etmek, kültür mirası varlıklarını araştırmak ve tanıtmak, sanat ve mimarî eserlerinin, tarihî eserlerin korunmasını ve restorasyonunu sağlamak amaçlarıyla kurulan BALMED, tüm dünyadan bu konularla ilgili olarak çalışan uzmanları bir araya getiren seminer ve konferanslar düzenlemektedir. BALMED’in bu düşüncelerle düzenlediği toplantılardan ikincisi, bu kitabın konusunu teşkil eden konferans olmuştur. TİKA ve BALMED’in Bosna-Hersek Temsilciliği ve Saraybosna İleri Araştırmalar Merkezi tarafından işbirliği içinde Bosna-Hersek’in başkenti Saraybosna’da düzenlenen ve üç gün süren “Osmanlı Mirası ve Günümüz Balkan Müslüman Toplumları” uluslararası konferansı Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Dışişleri Bakanı Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu’nun açış konuşmalarıyla 16 Ekim 2009’da başlamıştır. Bu konferans ile Balkan coğrafyasında Osmanlı mirasının durumu ve bugün bu coğrafyada hayatını idame ettiren Müslüman toplumların içinde bulunduğu şartlar katılımcılar tarafından gündeme getirilmiştir. BALMED, kültürel amaçlı sivil toplum kuruluşları arasında ilgili olduğu konular ve faaliyet alanı bakımından tektir. Bu durumun bilinciyle 2006 yılında faaliyete geçişinden hemen sonra mümkün olduğunca geniş bir konular yelpazesi üzerinde çalışmayı planlamış, önceliklerin belirlenmesinde ise genel olarak dünyada ve özel olarak Balkanlar bölgesi ve çevresinde günümüzde uluslararası ilişkilerde görülen ihtiyaçları 7

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ve gelişmeleri ve yine bunlarla bağlantılı olarak, mevcut tarih ve kültür araştırmalarının durumunu ve ihtiyaçlarını dikkate almıştır. Buna göre BALMED’in, öncelikle yürürlüğe koyduğu projelerden biri, Balkan ülkelerinde ve Türkiye’de tarih literatüründe bulunan, bölge ülkelerinin tarihi hakkındaki anlatımlar ve değinmelerin ve özellikle, Balkan ülkelerindeki tarih yazıcılığında Türk kültür ve tarihiyle ve/veya Balkanlar’daki Osmanlı yönetimi dönemiyle ilgili kayıtların ve görüşlerin incelenmesini ve gerekirse düzeltilmesini amaçlamaktadır. Türkler ile Balkan milletlerinin her biri arasında yüzyıllar süren siyasi, kültürel ve ekonomik temaslar neticesinde Türkler ve Türkiye ile ilgili olarak Balkan ve Güneydoğu Avrupa ülkelerinde: Bosna-Hersek, Arnavutluk, Bulgaristan, Yunanistan, Makedonya, Kosova,Romanya, Sırbistan, Karadağ ve tüm bölge ülkelerinde bulunan tarihî belgeler ve yayınlar ve aynı şekilde bu ülkelerin toplumlarının tarihi ve kültürü hakkındaki Türkiye’de bulunan arşiv belgeleri ve yayınlar, büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu ülkelerdeki konuyla ilgili uzmanlar tarafından karşılıklı gayretlerle, bu kaynaklar ve belgeler üzerinde çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Bu çalışmaların gelişme durumunun, kapsamının ve yönelimlerinin bilinmesinden önemli ilmî faydalar elde edilebilir. BALMED’den başka araştırma kurumlarında ve üniversitelerde de bu amaçla çalışmalar yapılmaktadır. Ancak bu çalışmalardan elde edilen neticelerin ilgili tarafların bir araya geldiği ortak platformlarda paylaşılması, bunların hem akademik alandaki ilerleme için, hem de bu alanın ötesinde toplumların birbirini daha iyi tanıması ve yakınlaşması için katkıda bulunacağı açıktır. BALMED’in 2008’de İstanbul’da düzenlediği “Güneydoğu Avrupa ve Balkanlar’da Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırmaları ve Tarih Yazıcılığı” konulu seminer, Balkan ülkeleri ve Türkiye’den uzmanları bu amaçla bir araya getiren ilk girişim olmuştur. Balkanlar bölgesi tarihi, siyasi ve idari yönlerinden olsun, sosyal, ekonomik ve kültürel özellikleriyle olsun, Osmanlı tarihinin ağırlıklı bölümlerinden birini teşkil etmiştir. Aynı şekilde Osmanlı dönemi, Balkanlar tarihinin en ağırlıklı dönemlerinden biri olmuştur. Tesirleri ve ortak hatırası günümüzde devam eden bu tarih boyunca dil ve kültür alışverişleri, sosyal ve ekonomik ilişkiler coğrafi yakınlık içinde gerçekleşmiş, çok yönlü bir tecrübeyi miras bırakmıştır. Bu hatıranın ve bu mirasın kavranışı ve yorumu, günümüzde ve gelecekte genelde toplumlararası ilişkiler için ve özelde tarih yazıcılığı için belirleyici olabilecektir. Tarih araştırmalarında son on yıllarda kaydedilen gelişmeler sayesinde önyargılı, tek yanlı ve kısmi değerlendirmeler, yerini daha geniş perspektifli gerçekçi yaklaşımlara bırakmıştır. Bu konferansa, kitaba ve diğer çalışmalarımıza katılan uzmanların oluşturduğu işbirliği ağının gittikçe genişlediğini görmekten memnuniyet duyuyor ve bu işbirliğinin Balkanlar’da Osmanlı mirası ve günümüze etkileri ile ilgili çalışmaların gelişmesine önemli ölçüde katkıda bulunacağına inanıyorum.

Predgovor Dr. Halit Eren

Predsjednik BALMED-a

Raduje me objavljivanje radova sa međunarodne konferencije „Osmansko naslijeđe i muslimanske zajednice Balkana danas“ koju je organizovao Centar za civilizaciju Balkana „BALMED“ u saradnji sa Turskom agencijom za suradnju i razvoj „TIKA“, koja djeluje u okviru parlamenta Republike Turske, i Centra za napredne studije Sarajevo (CNS). BALMED je osnovan s ciljem da istražuje i predstavlja kulturno i civilizacijsko bogatstvo u balkanskim zemljama, historijske odnose i razmjenu kultura balkanskih naroda međusobno i sa drugim društvenim zajednicama, zatim da podržaje i podstiče edukaciju i istraživanja iz ovih oblasti, kao i da istražuje i predstavlja kulturno naslijeđe, te da štiti i restaurira umjetnička, arhitektonska i historijska zdanja. Ovaj centar organizuje seminare i konferencije koje okupljaju stručnjake tih oblasti iz cijelog svijeta. Druga po redu konferencija koju je organizovao BALMED s ovim ciljem, tema je ove knjige. Trodnevna međunarodna konferencija „Osmansko naslijeđe i muslimanske zajednice Balkana danas“, koju su u Sarajevu organizovali u saradnji TIKA, Predstavništvo BALMED-a za Bosnu i Hercegovinu i Centar za napredne studije Sarajevo, započela je 16. oktobra 2009. godine uvodnim govorom prof. dr. Ahmeta Davutoğlua, ministra vanjskih poslova Republike Turske. Učesnici na konfernciji govorili su o položaju osmanskog naslijeđa na prostoru Balkana i okolnostima koje vladaju u muslimanskim društvima koja i danas oživljavaju naslijeđe na tom području. BALMED je jedinstvena organizacija među drugim udruženjima građana sa kulturnim predznakom koja se bavi gore spomenutim temama i aktivnostima. Svjesni te situacije, odmah po osnivanju 2006. godine, napravili su plan rada sa širokim spektrom tema, koliko je to bilo moguće. U određivanju prioriteta dali su značaj iskazanim potrebama i događajima u savremenim međunarodnim odnosima u svijetu uopće, a posebno na Balkanu i regiji, te stanju i potrebama postojećeg historijskog i kulturnog istraživanja koji su usko vezani sa gore navedenim. Stoga, jedan od prvih projekata koje je BALMED stavio sebi u zadatak ima za cilj istraživanje onog što je napisano o historiji zemalja u regiji u historijskoj literaturi zemalja Balkana i Turske, a posebno istraživanje dokumenata i studija koje se odnose na tursku kulturu i historiju i/ili period osmanske vladavine na Balkanu u historijskim spisima balkanskih zemalja, te, ukoliko je 9

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potrebno, vršiti određene ispravke u tom smislu. Od velikog značaja su historijski dokumenti i radovi koji se odnose na Turke i Tursku a koji, kao rezultat političkih, kulturnih i ekonomskih odnosa Turaka sa svakim od naroda Balkana, postoje u zemljama Balkana i jugoistočne Evrope: Bosni i Hercegovini, Albaniji, Bugarskoj, Grčkoj, Makedoniji, Kosovu, Rumunija, Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, te svim zemljama u regionu. Na isti način, od velikog značaja su arhivski dokumenti i radovi koji se nalaze u Turskoj, a odnose se na historiju i kulturu društvenih zajednica spomenutih zemalja. Obostranim i uzajamnim radom stručnjaka za spomenute oblasti iz ovih zemalja nastali su radovi o tim izvorima i dokumentima. Obznanjivanjem stepena postignutog u tim radovima, sadržaja i stremljenja tih radova, može se postići značajnija naučna korist. Pored BALMED-a, i drugi centri za istraživanja i univerziteti objavljuju radove s tim ciljem. Međutim, jasno je da će razmjena rezultata proizašlih iz tih radova na zajedničkim platformama, na koju će doći zainteresovane strane, doprinijeti njihovom napredovanju na akademskom polju, te upoznavanju i zbližavanju društava i izvan tog polja. Seminar pod nazivom „Istraživanje i historijski izvori o Osmanskoj historiji u zemljma jugoistočne Evrope i Balkana“ koji je organizovao BALMED 2008. godine u Istanbulu, prva je inicijativa koja je s tim ciljem okupila stručnjake iz balkanskih zemalja i Turske. Historija Balkana čini jedan važan dio osmanske historije, bilo u pogledu politike i vladavine, bilo u pogledu društvenih, ekonomskih i kulturnih karakteristika. Na isti način, osmanski period čini jedan važan dio historije Balkana. Odnosi i zajednička historija ostavili su u nasljedstvo mnogostrano iskustvo ostvareno kroz kulturnu i jezičku razmjenu kroz historiju sve do danas, društvene i ekonomske odnose i geografsku blizinu. Poimanje i komentarisanje te prošlosti i tog nasljeđa treba biti odrednica za sadašnje i buduće međudruštvene odnose uopće, a posebno za pisanje historije. Zahvaljujući napretku zabilježenom zadnjih deset godina u historijskom istraživanju, djelimičnim i jednostranim procjenama omogućen je istinitiji pristup sa širom perspektivom. Posebno me raduje što vidim da se širi mreža suradnje koju čine oni koju su prisustovali konferenciji, koji su dali svoj doprinos ovoj knjizi i koji učestuju u našim drugim projektima. Vjerujem da će ta suradnja doprinijeti razvijanju projekata o osmanskom naslijeđu na Balkanu i njegovom uticaju na današnjicu.

Preface Dr. Halit Eren

President of BALMED

I would like to express my pleasure on the publication of the proceedings of the International Conference jointly organized by The Balkans Civilisation Centre (BALMED); Turkish Cooperation and Development Agency (TİKA); and the Center for Advanced Studies-Sarajevo (CNS) on the subject of “The Ottoman Legacy and the Balkan Muslim Communities Today”. BALMED was formed to study and attract public attention to the richness of civilisation and culture in the Balkans, the historic relations and cultural interactions of the Balkan peoples among themselves and with other societies. It also aimed to encourage education and research on these subjects, to highlight common cultural heritage, and provide for the preservation and restoration of historic, artistic and architectural entities, as well as organizing workshops and conferences to bring together specialists in these fields from all over the world. The subject of this book is the second of these International Conferences which was organized by BALMED in keeping with its objectives. The International Conference on “The Ottoman Legacy and the Balkan Muslim Communities Today” was organized in Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in cooperation with TİKA, BALMED Bosnia-Herzegovina Representative Office and Sarajevo Center for Advanced Studies. The conference was opened on 16 October 2009 with the opening address of Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey, and lasted for three days. During the conference, distinguished participants evaluated the state of the Ottoman legacy in the Balkan geography and the conditions under which the Muslim communities have been living in this geography today. BALMED is unique among cultural non-governmental organizations with respect to its field of interest and activity. BALMED, conscious of this situation, planned to work on as wide a range of subjects as possible right after its foundation in 2006. In assigning the main priorities, present-day requirements and developments in international relations, and in conjunction with them, the state and needs of ongoing historical and cultural research were taken into account in general, and those pertaining to the Balkans and the surrounding regions in particular. One of the projects that BALMED gave priority, aimed at studying and amending if neces-

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sary, concerned the descriptions and references found in the chronicles of the Balkan states and Turkey about the history of the states in the region; specifically, the records and concepts kept in the Balkan states on Turkish culture and history and/or related to the period of Ottoman rule. As a result of centuries of political, cultural and economic contacts between the Turks and each of the Balkan nations, existing historical documents and publications on the Turks and Turkey found in the Balkan and southwestern European countries (namely, BosniaHerzegovina, Albania, Bulgaria, Greece, Macedonia, Kosovo, Romania, Serbia, Montenegro and all others) and similarly, archival documents and publications in Turkey on the history and culture of these countries carry great importance. Extensive work has been carried out on such sources and documents mutually by specialists on these subjects in Turkey and other countries. From the perspective of development, scope and orientation of such academic work, important scientific gains are possible. Research is being carried out in other institutions and universities for this purpose besides BALMED. However, it is obvious that pooling the results of such work on a common platform, in which all the concerned parties would attend, will further academic development; and will facilitate closer cooperation and acquaintance. The 2008 BALMED seminar in Istanbul titled “Studies and Historiography of the Ottoman Period in Southeastern Europe and the Balkans”, was the first such initiative which brought specialists from Turkey and the Balkan countries together for this purpose. The Balkan region, through its history, politics and administration, as well as social, economic and cultural features, has been one of the essential elements of Ottoman history. Similarly, the Ottoman period has constituted one of the most important parts of the Balkan history. This history, the effects and mutual memory of which is still alive, through language and cultural exchanges as well as social and economic relations as a result of geographical proximity, left a legacy of shared experiences. A thorough understanding and interpretation of this memory and shared legacy can be the determining factor in inter-communal relations in general, and chronicling in particular. As a result of recent developments in historical research, biased, prejudiced and partial evaluations have been replaced by a more objective approach from a broader perspective. I am pleased to see that the cooperation network of able specialists, who attended this major conference, contributed to the publication of this book and collaborated in our other studies has been spreading. I believe that this fruitful cooperation will contribute greatly to the intensification of works on the Ottoman legacy in the Balkans, as well as its reflections on the present day.

Address of H.E. Prof. Ahmet Davutoğlu Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Turkey

Distinguished Guests; Ladies and Gentlemen; It gives me great pleasure to address this eminent audience on a crucial occasion. The distinguishing characteristics of the Balkan region derive from its peculiar geographic location in Afro-Eurasia, and its history is closely also linked to this geography. Broadly speaking, three main characteristics of the Balkans could be identified: First, the Balkan region has been a “buffer zone” in the geopolitical sense; a buffer zone in transition from Europe to Asia and even Africa, from the Baltic Sea to the Mediterranean, from the North to the South, and from the East to the West. The second characteristic of the Balkans concerns the intensity of geo-economic transactions. The Balkan region has been a region of intense economic transactions over the course of history. Since the antique Greek civilization, the Balkan region has been located on crucial commercial routes from the coastline to the inland areas of Eastern Europe, and from the East to the West. It was, and still is, a centre and crossroads for geo-economic transactions. The third characteristic of the Balkan region concerns the fact that the region has been a centre of geo-cultural interactions. Several cultures have interacted in the Balkans over the course of history including various peoples who came as a result of mass-migrations and mixed with each other. If you are placed in a region with these three crucial characteristics, namely geo-political buffer zone, geo-cultural interactions and geo-economic transactions, you are likely to face two alternative destinies in history: You could either be placed in the center of world politics, or you fall victim to global competition and become periphery of major global powers. Therefore, Balkan 13

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history could be read either as a success story; or alternatively, as a history of failures and being victim to global competition. Today when we talk about the Balkans, we tend to think that the region is placed in the periphery of Europe, rather than its center. Is the true that the Balkan region is really in the European periphery in terms of geography? Certainly not. In fact, the Balkan region is right in the centre of one of the most strategic locations in Afro-Eurasia. So why do we have such a widespread perception of periphery for the Balkans? If you asked, for example, to Mehmed-Pašu Sokolovića (Sokullu Mehmet Pasha), he wouldn’t say that Sarajevo, Thessaloniki or Filibe are located in the periphery of Europe or the Ottoman state. He would certainly stress that this region was right on the center of the world, similar to the way explained in a famous Nasrudin-hodža (Nasreddin Hodja) story. But, it was true under the historical circumstances. When we consider Balkan history, the first major imperial state which emerged from the Balkan region was the Alexandrian Empire. Although it emerged from the Balkans, the center of the Alexandrian Empire was not located in the Balkan region. There was no Alexandrian bureaucracy or police force in the Balkans and all the major cities of the Alexandrian Empire were located in Anatolia, Egypt, Iran and Afghanistan. This Empire had emerged from the Balkans, but its political and administrative center was not located in the Balkan region. During the Roman Empire as well, both in the Eastern and Western Roman Empires, the Balkan region was seen as a region in the periphery. The Roman Empire was reminded of the Balkans as a passage way only when the Romans decided to have a military preparation towards Asia. So, the Romans as well did not conceive the Balkan region as a central area in terms of their political establishment. The only positive exception to this historical neglect for the Balkans was the Ottoman state. During the Ottoman state, the Balkan region became a crucial center in world politics, beginning with the 16th century. This was a golden age for the Balkans. Whatever the potential responses that will be given, we are not arguing this because Turkey has inherited the Ottoman legacy, but this is an objective historical fact. The Balkan people were running world politics in the 16th century, and ethnically they were not all Turks; some were from Slavic origin, some from Albanian origin, some were from converted Greek origin. But they run world politics in harmony. The personality of Mehmed-paša Sokolović (Sokullu Mehmet Pasha) was a perfect example. If there was no Ottoman state in history, Mehmed Pasha could have been an ordinary Serbian man dealing with agriculture or commerce. In those years, there were no de-

Address of H.E. Prof. Ahmet Davutoğlu, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Turkey

veloped agricultural facilities in the Balkans. Thanks to the Ottoman state, he found opportunities to realize his potential and became one of the leading figures in world politics. Therefore, the Ottoman history is a history of Balkan region; it is a history on the central character of Balkan region in world politics. Not only in the political sense, because the main trade routes of the time were passing through the Balkans. Thessaloniki, which was a small town before, became the center of economic activities in the region. During the Ottoman era, Thessaloniki became one of the main centers of international trade activities. The bulk of the Mediterranean trade went through Thessaloniki. In order to understand the channels through the flow of money was realized, you need to follow the migration routes of the Jews. Why did Thessaloniki become the biggest Jewish community living in a city from the 16th to the 19th century? Because a significant majority in the population of Thessaloniki was made up of the Jews and they were monitoring economic developments and dealing with trade. Considerable trade links were formed between Thessaloniki and the North, in Euro-Asia. Mediterranean economies were linked to Eurasian economies through Thessaloniki and Istanbul. Similarly, Belgrade was like a village or a small town in the 14th century. But during the Ottoman period, Belgrade became the central city, pivotal city of Danube and Central Europe in the economic and cultural sense. Hundreds of mosques and churches were built with lively cultural activities. Sarajevo should be seen as a miracle, like a miniature of this heritage. If you understand Sarajevo, you can understand the whole Ottoman history. It resembles the case of key individuals who personify the spirit of certain centuries as a prototype of mentality. For instance, if you understand Hegel you can understand the German mentality of the 19th century. Similarly, Sarajevo is a prototype of the Ottoman civilization. Sarajevo has been the prototype of the Balkan region, and the global rise of the Balkans. Similarly, later in the 19th century, Mehmed Ali-paša (Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Pasha), who was an Albanian from origin, not only became one of the leading figures of the Ottoman state but also the founder of modern Egypt. If there was no Ottoman tradition, Egyptians wouldn’t see any Albanians in their lives, and Mehmed Ali-Pasha would have lived only as a “Bey” or intelligent person in his homeland. To reiterate, leading individuals constitute the prototypes of a civilization. We could learn from these examples that the Balkan region has a peculiar destiny because of its particular geo-political, geo-cultural and geo-economic characteristics. The Balkan region will either become the centre of world politics, or the victim of global competition.

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THE OTTOMAN LEGACY AND THE BALKAN MUSLIM COMMUNITIES TODAY

The Balkan region was divided after the 19th century and remained fragmented so far. Today whenever we speak of the Balkan region; we speak of divisions, ethnic clashes, rather than culture and civilization. The absence of geo-cultural interaction leads to cultural clashes; absence of geo-economic transactions leads to economic stagnation; and the absence of political authority leads to becoming a buffer zone for major conflicts. Now, it is time to reunite all these and rediscover the spirit of the Balkans. In order to alleviate the geo-political buffer zone character of Balkans and save the region from becoming a victim of violent conflicts, we have to create a new sense of unity in our region. We have to strengthen regional ownership of cooperation initiatives and a regional commonsense. Human beings are gray, like history. It is up to us to decide and to take initiative in order to solve our problems. As history is gray, a current perspective depends on the specific part of history you select to interpret current developments. Balkan history is not only a history of conflicts, on the contrary between the 16th and the 19th centuries, Balkan history was a success story. We can reinvent and reestablish this success by creating a new political ownership, a new multicultural coexistence and a new economic zone. Multicultural coexistence is very important because the rise of a civilization could only be understood by analyzing city structures and the cultural trends in these structures. If a city is uniform, it means that the civilization concerned is not diversified and rich. That indicates an inward-looking, closed society. For instance, before the Roman Empire, Rome was full of Romans and the people living in the city were just Romans. But later, when the Roman Empire was established, Rome became a cosmopolitan city. Similarly, Istanbul and many other cities could be given as examples. All Balkan cities were multicultural throughout history. We lived together and because of strong cultural diversity, there was a rise in multicultural interaction. In the 1990s, those who organized the massacres in Srebrenica and Eastern Bosnia, were barbaric people who did not want to tolerate differences in the cultural sense. The spirit of Sarajevo is the spirit of coexistence and the spirit of living together. As the Republic of Turkey, we would like to construct a new Balkan region based on political dialogue, economic interdependence, cooperation and integration, as well as cultural harmony and tolerance. These were the Ottoman Balkans, and hopefully we will reestablish the spirit of these Balkans. Critical writers call our approach “neo-Ottomanism”, therefore I do not want to refer to the Ottoman state as a foreign policy issue. What I am underlying

Address of H.E. Prof. Ahmet Davutoğlu, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Turkey

is the Ottoman legacy; the Ottoman centuries in the Balkans were peace and success stories. Now we have to reinvent the underlying dynamics of that period and this is the basic foreign policy parameter for Turkey. I came to Bosnia for a visit of less then 24 hours, because Bosnia goes through a very critical transformation stage. I wanted to show our solidarity with Bosnia-Herzegovina. I wanted to show that we are here, we are with the Bosnians, and we will continue to be with the Bosnians. This transition is so important, because the territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina should be protected in order to have security and stability in our region. If Bosnia-Herzegovina is not secure and stable, we cannot have security and stability in the Balkans. The Turkish perspective in this region is to reestablish a new regional order based on the understanding of a political dialogue, solving problems through dialogue, intensive economic relations and cultural coexistence and harmony. In the 1990s, we faced many difficulties in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Macedonia. When those difficulties occurred, the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Albania, and Kosovo turn their face to Turkey because of their special historical relations. This geopolitical buffer zone, geo-cultural interaction and geo-economic transaction characteristics of the Balkans are the same characteristics shared with Iraq and Afghanistan. We did witness similar problems in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Iraq and Afghanistan because all these three states are the mini-models of their respective regions. Bosnia-Herzegovina is a miniature of the Balkans; you have Bosnians, Muslims, Catholics, Orthodox groups, Serbs and Croats living together. Similarly Iraq is a small Middle-East where Arabs, Kurds, Turkomans, Shiites, Sunnis live together. Afghanistan is a small subcontinent in Central Asia, where you see Tajiks, Peshtuns and Hazaras side by side. Therefore, these counties are critical countries. If they are governed properly, regional peace and stability could be achieved; but if there are serious administrative mistakes, the outcome will be violent conflict and regional crises. Turkey is a small Balkans, a small Middle East and a small Caucasia. There are more Bosnians living in Turkey then those living in Bosnia; more Albanians living in Turkey then those living in Albania; more Chechens living in Turkey then in Chechnya; more Abkhazians than those living in Abkhazia. Besides, we have Kurds, Arabs and Turks living together, because of the Ottoman legacy. For all these Muslim nationalities in the Balkans, Caucasia and the Middle East, Turkey is a safe haven and homeland. You are most welcome as well, because Anatolia belongs to you; and make sure that Sarajevo is ours. If you come to Turkey for whatever reason, you will be most welcome; but first and foremost we want you to be safe and secure here as the owners

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of Sarajevo and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Therefore, we have to deal with what happens in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a matter of responsibility. Despite all our political responsibilities, we intensified our efforts on Bosnia-Herzegovina. When we met with Secretary Hillary Clinton in Zurich to talk on the Armenian issue, I raised the Bosnian issue and we discussed Bosnia longer than the Armenian issue. Then, H.E. President Haris Silajdžić came to Ankara where we had many deliberations last week and I decided to change my schedule and came to Sarajevo. A Western Diplomat reportedly asked “Why are you, the Turks, parachuting on this issue” to question our involvement in Bosnia-Herzegovina. I responded to our Ambassador who brought the news that “We did not go to Bosnia with parachutes, we went there by horse and stayed there with Bosnians sharing the same destiny”. Our understanding is that whatever happens in the Balkans, Caucasia and the Middle East is just like a national issue. Whatever happens, one day I will be in Iraq, another day in Azerbaijan, or Bosnia, as Turkey’s Minister of Foreign Affairs. Again, with Secretary Clinton I made a joke in June, saying “When I sit in Ankara and make a one-thousand-kilometers-wide circle around my office, there are 72 countries all of which include our relatives. Every day in our Office at the Ministry, news could arrive from any of these countries and could change our schedule. This is a clear reflection of our “historical depth” which underlines our “strategic depth”. In June, I went to North Afghanistan to Mesari-Šerif (Mazar-i Shareef) and visited six cities. Usually when Western Ministers and diplomats visit the country, they usually meet at the Kabul Airport and return to their countries. Only the Turkish Ministers can safely visit six cities in Afghanistan in succession without any difficulty. Because, just like Bosnia-Herzegovina, Afghanistan is our country, we do not feel as foreigners in Afghanistan. In Mazar-i Shareef, the governor of Belh sat next to me and started to ask: “Oh Minister, we need a school, a hospital and a park”. I called the TIKA Coordinator and asked him to take notes. The Turkish journalists traveling with us were surprised and said that “He was requesting as if you are a Minister of Afghanistan, or he is the Governor of Konya”. Indeed, he was so relaxed, because he thought that I have to meet those demands. For him Turkey is a great country and the Turkish Minister has a capacity without limits, he is supposed solve all their problems. It is our historic duty. After two or three weeks, I went to Sandžak (Sandjak) with a delegation and there as well, the people of Sandžak started to ask for a school and their needs. Because they were thinking that, the Turks were responsible to accomplish all those demands and they were right. For them, Turkey means a political center; for them Turkey is a place

Address of H.E. Prof. Ahmet Davutoğlu, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Turkey

where they can go for a shelter; Turkish people or statesmen are capable people who could find solutions to their problems. We can not be weak, from their perspective. Therefore, our foreign policy must be proactive, we cannot ignore any of these geographies. For example, a Bosnian and someone from Dagestan in Russia may be far away from each other. One of them is a Russian citizen, or an Azari; and the Bosnian is in Bosnia-Herzegovina. But in an apartment block in Turkey, a Bosnian, an Azari, an Albanian and a Chechen could live together. You may see that the countries we mentioned could be geographically far away. But in Turkey, people originally from these countries are living in the same house because of this historical legacy. Therefore, our foreign policy aims to establish order in all these surrounding regions; the Balkans, the Middle East and Caucasia. Because, if there is no order, then, we will pay the price together. For a diplomat from the West or another part of the world, the Bosnian issue is a technical issue to deal with, a technical diplomatic process. But for us, it is a life and death issue, it is so important. The territorial integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina is as important for us as the territorial integrity of Turkey. The prosperity and security of Sarajevo is as important as the security and prosperity of Istanbul. This is not only the feeling or responsibility of our statesmen; this is the feeling and emotion of any individual Turk living in Turkey. During the Bosnian War, the first person who was martyred by the Serbs came from Bitlis in Eastern Anatolia. Did he think that Bosnia was a far away place? Absolutely not; he saw Bosnia as his own homeland. Today, I reminded to our leaders here as well that there were two large-scale spontaneous demonstrations in Turkey during my lifetime. One of them was in 1993 when there arrived news that the Serbs used chemical weapons in Goražde. The broadcast was made at seven or eight o’clock in the evening and in two hours hundreds and thousands of people gathered in the streets spontaneously. If they were asked to walk Bosnia that night, they would not hesitate. This is the way we are linked to each other. In short, our history is the same history, our destiny is the same destiny and our future is the same future. Just like the rise of the Ottoman Balkans in the 16th century as the center of world politics, we will make these regions and Turkey the center of world politics in the future. This is the objective of Turkish foreign policy and we will achieve this. We will reintegrate the Balkans region, the Middle East and Caucasia based on the principle of regional and global peace for all humanity. Thank you very much for inviting me and “Allaha emanet”.

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IRCICA Genel Direktörü ve BALMED Başkanı Dr. Halit Eren’in Açış Konuşması

Sayın Bakanım, Bosna Hersek Güvenlik Bakanım Sayın Sadık Ahmetović, Sayın TİKA temsilcisi, Sayın Saraybosna İleri Araştırmalar Merkezi Direktörü ve mensupları, Kıymetli Misafirler, “Osmanlı Mirası ve Günümüzde Balkanlarda Müslüman Toplumlar” konulu uluslararası konferansın açılışı vesilesiyle sizleri saygıyla selamlıyor, hepinize hoşgeldiniz diyorum. Sayın Bakanım, Balkanlar Medeniyet Merkezi BALMED’in T.C. Başbakanlık Türk İşbirliği ve Kalkınma İdaresi Başkanlığı-TİKA ve BALMED’in Bosna-Hersek temsilciliği ile Saraybosna İleri Araştırmalar Merkezi’nin birlikte düzenlediği bu konferansı teşrifiniz bizler için gerçek bir onur ve iftihar vesilesi olmuş, BALMED’in bu tarihî gününe anlam ve önem katmıştır. Zatıalinize ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükûmetine desteklerinden dolayı müteşekkiriz. BALMED, tarihte ve günümüzde Balkanlar’daki kültür ve medeniyet zenginlikleri ile Balkan kültürlerinin başka kültürel havzalarla etkileşim içinde gelişim süreçlerini incelemek, bu kültürleri dünyaya tanıtmak, bu konulardaki bilimsel ve akademik incelemeleri teşvik etmek, kültür mirası varlıklarını araştırmak, sanat ve mimarlık alanındaki tarihî eserlerin restorasyonunu sağlamak gibi amaçlarla üç yıl önce kurulmuş bir sivil toplum kuruluşudur. Statüsü ve hedefleri gereğince faaliyetlerini Türkiye ve Balkan ülkelerinde ilgili devlet kurumlarıyla koordinasyon ve akademik kurumlarla işbirliği içinde düzenleyen BALMED, benzer alanlarda faaliyet gösteren diğer kuruluşlarla 21

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güçlü ilişkilerin tesisine de önem vermektedir. Balkanlar kültür manzarası, daha ilk bakışta göze çarpan çeşitlilik ve canlılığıyla günümüzde uluslararası kamuoyunda önemi gittikçe artan dinler ve kültürler arası diyalog konusunu doğrudan çağrıştırıp düşündürmektedir. Bölgedeki kültür mozayiği buradaki toplumların dinler ve kültürler arası ilişkiler açısından tarih boyu yaşadıkları çeşitli tecrübelerin bir aynasıdır. Uyumun uyumsuzluğa, adaletin adaletsizliğe, yakınlaşmanın yabancılaşmaya galip geleceği, düşmanlıkların silineceği bir dünyaya dair bitmeyen arayıştan dünya toplumları içinde Balkan milletleri ciddi bir pay almıştır. Geçtiğimiz yüzyıllarda Balkan kültür ve medeniyeti, çok dinli ve çok kültürlü Osmanlı sentezinin merkezinde yer almıştır. Balkanlar’daki Osmanlı hakimiyeti bir medeniyet mozayiğinin de tarihi olmuştur. Osmanlı’nın rüyası olan Eflâtun’un ideal devletinin temelleri Balkanlar’da atılmıştır. Balkanlar’daki altı yüz yıllık Osmanlı tarihinin başlıca mirası nüfusun kültürel çeşitliliği olmuş ve bu yapı Osmanlı idarî sisteminin İslam’ın evrensel hoşgörü prensiplerini uygulayan özellikleri sayesinde uyum içinde korunmuştur. Kültürel değer ve kimliklerini muhafaza eden Balkan toplumları aynı zamanda Osmanlı Devleti’nin bölgeye verdiği büyük önem dolayısıyla çok ciddi imar hizmetleri almış; vakıflar, kütüphaneler, okullar ve değişik inançlara ait çok sayıda ibadethaneler inşa edilmiştir. Osmanlı’nın dünya tasavvurunda da Balkanlar’ın önemli bir yeri vardır. Modern Türk şiirinin kurucularından Yahya Kemal, 1884 yılında hem anne hem de baba tarafından “Evlâd-ı Fatihan” torunu olarak, o sırada bir Osmanlı şehri olan Üsküp’te dünyaya gelmiştir. “Kaybolan Şehir” adlı şiirinde Yahya Kemal, Üsküp’ten “Bursa’nın Şar Dağı’nda devamı” diye bahsetmektedir. Üsküp’teki çocukluk günlerinin muhitinin ise uhrevî bir âlem olduğunu belirtmektedir. Bu uhrevî âlemin son temsilcilerinden birisi olan bilge kral Aliya İzzetbegoviç’i bu vesile ile saygıyla yâd etmek isterim. Osmanlı döneminde yüzyıllarca barış ve uyum içinde yaşayan Balkan toplumları sonraki dönemlerde ciddi sosyal karmaşalar ve siyasi baskılarla karşılaşmış, bölgedeki kültürel farklılıklar kötü niyetli bazı odaklar tarafından istismar edilerek geniş çaplı insani trajedilerin yaşanmasına yol açılmıştır. Tüm bu tecrübeler Balkanların sosyal ve kültürel yapısına, millî ve kültürel kimlikler ile ortak toplumsal bilinç oluşumuna ve Balkan toplumları arasındaki farklılıklara rağmen bir kader birliği ifade eden tarihî miras ile ortak gelecek algısına yansımıştır. Balkan medeniyetinin İslam medeniyeti ve müslüman toplumlarla etkileşim sonucu gelişen karakteri ve bundan doğan zengin İslam kültür mirası yirminci yüzyılın sonlarına kadar pek gözönüne çıkamamıştır. Ancak 1990’lardan itibaren yerleşen

IRCICA Genel Direktörü ve BALMED Başkanı Dr. Halit Eren’in Açış Konuşması

çok taraflı dış ilişkilere açık uluslararası politikalar tüm milletler arasında olduğu gibi bu bölge ile tarihten gelen irtibatları bulunan milletler arasında da ortak kültürel zemin üzerinde güçlenen beraberlikleri desteklemiştir. Birazdan örneklerini vereceğim gibi, aynı dışa açık politikalar sayesinde sağlanan olumlu ortamda tarih ve kültür araştırmaları dâhil olmak üzere Balkan incelemeleri alanında hatırı sayılır gelişmeler sağlanmıştır. Bu çerçevede özellikle, toplumların birbirleri hakkındaki bilgilerini objektif ilmî araştırmalar yoluyla tazeleyen ve gerektiğinde tashih eden kurum ve girişimlerin uzun vadede toplumlar ve kültürler arası dayanışmaya doğrudan hizmet etmiş olacakları vurgulanmalıdır. Hem BALMED’in hem de hâlen Genel Direktörlüğünü yürüttüğüm İslam Konferansı Teşkilâtı/İslam Tarih, Sanat ve Kültür Araştırma Merkezi-IRCICA’nın faaliyetlerinin dayandığı temel prensiplerden birisi budur. Toplumların ortak problemlerinin çözümünü hedefleyen uluslararası kültürel işbirliği projeleri bağlamında Balkan ülkeleri hükümetleri ve gerek akademik gerekse kültürel kurumlarla ilişkilerimizde karşılaştığımız olumlu yaklaşımlar çalışmalarımızı teşvik etmiştir. IRCICA şimdiye kadar pek çoğu kendi konularında kaynak kitap olarak kabul görmüş yüzden fazla kitap yayınlamıştır. Ayrıca altmış üç kongre, 300 civarında konferans ve 220’den fazla sergi organize etmiştir. Dünyanın çeşitli bölgelerinde hükümetler, üniversiteler ve kültür kurumlarıyla işbirliği halinde düzenlediğimiz ve o bölgelerdeki İslam medeniyeti tarihi, bilim, mimarî, şehircilik, sanat, dil ve edebiyat, kültür mirası konularını ele alan kongreler serisi içinde “Balkanlar’da İslam Medeniyeti” konusundaki kongrelerimize burada dikkatinizi çekmek isterim. Balkanlar’da İslam Kültür ve Medeniyeti ile ilgili olarak düzenlediğimiz kongrelerden birincisi 2000 yılında Sofya’da, Yüksek İslam Etütleri Enstitüsü, Bulgar Bilimler Akademisi’nin Balkan İncelemeleri Enstitüsü, Sofya Üniversitesi Doğu Dilleri ve Kültürleri Enstitüsü, Sofya Millî Kütüphanesi, Sofya Azınlıklar İncelemeleri ve Kültürlerarası İlişkileri Merkezi ve İstanbul İSAR Vakfı ile işbirliği içinde düzenlenmiştir. Hem Bulgaristan hem de Balkanlar’da alanında bir ilk olan bu kongreye Arnavutluk, Azerbaycan, Bosna-Hersek, Bulgaristan, Kanada, Kosova, Makedonya, Romanya, Sırbistan ve Türkiye’den 63 değerli katılımcı bildiriler sunmuşlardı. “Balkanlar’da İslam Medeniyeti” konulu ikinci kongre 2003 yılında Tiran’da dönemin Arnavutluk Başbakanının himayelerinde yapılmıştır. Yüzden fazla araştırmacının doksan yedi bildiri sunduğu bu kongre Arnavutluk Bilimler Akademisi, Arşivler Genel Müdürlüğü, Tiran Üniversitesi ve İSAR Vakfı tarafından düzenlenmiştir. Aynı temalı üçüncü kongre ise 2006’da, Romanya Cumhurbaşkanı’nın himayelerinde IRCICA ile

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Bükreş Üniversitesi Türkiyat Bölümü ve Romanya Akademisi tarafından ortaklaşa düzenlenmiştir. 2000 yılından bu yana Balkan hükümetlerinin bu yüksek seviyedeki himayesiyle düzenlenen bu kongrelerin dördüncüsü 2010’da Makedonya’da, Bilimler Akademisi ile ortaklaşa düzenlenecektir. Bu çalışmalar dışında, IRCICA’nın yazılı kültür mirası üzerinde yaptığı bibliyografya çalışmaları da Balkan ve Türk toplumları arasındaki kültür alışverişini ortaya çıkarmaya yardımcı olmaktadır. El yazması İslam eserleri ve kültür kaynakları üzerindeki çalışmalarımız çerçevesinde 1990’da yapılan ve Macar Bilimler Akademisi ile düzenlediğimiz seminer Doğu Avrupa’da bulunan ve Müslüman milletlerin dillerindeki yazma eserleri konu almıştı. Ayrıca katalog ve bibliyografyalarımızda OsmanlıBalkan yazılı kültür mirası da diğer bölgelerin kültür tarihiyle beraber yer almaktadır. Osmanlı’nın son dönemlerinde Balkan ülkelerinden gelip Türkiye’ye yerleşerek tarih, felsefe, müzik alanlarında kitaplar yazan; Avrupa’da çıkan bilim, mühendislik, coğrafya kaynaklarını Türkçe’ye çeviren şahıslar ile Türkiye’den Balkanlara gelmiş Türklerin çalışmaları kayda geçirilmiştir. Osmanlı dönemi bilim tarihiyle ilgili on beş ciltlik biyo-bibliyografyalar serimizde ise Balkan ülkelerinde astronomi, matematik, coğrafya, müzik, tıp, eczacılık, veterinerlik, askerî sanatlar gibi alanlarda eser veren bilimadamlarının çalışmaları kaydedilmiştir. Bu ülkelerin kütüphanelerinde bulunan ve Osmanlı döneminde bu ülkelerin dilleri ile Türkçe, Arapça ve Farsça yazılmış binlerce yazma ve basma eser, burada yürütülmüş ilmî ve edebî faaliyetin ürünleridir. BALMED’in faaliyet alanına giren birçok konuda günümüzde hala birtakım eksiklikler ve önemli ihtiyaçlar bulunduğu görülmektedir. Bu ihtiyaçlar bölge üniversitelerinde katıldığımız toplantılarda, özellikle İslam incelemeleri ve Türkiyat bölümlerindeki görüşmelerimizde ve bahsettiğim kongreler ile bibliyografya çalışmalarında açıkça ortaya çıkmaktadır. BALMED programına yakın zamanda alınacak önemli inceleme alanlarından biri, Balkan ülkeleri ile Türkiye arasındaki karşılıklı tarih literatürüne dairdir. Başka bir deyişle, Balkan ülkelerinde yazılmış Türk kültür ve tarihiyle ilgili veya Türk tarihine değinen kaynaklar ile, Türkiye’de bulunan Osmanlı dönemi tarihçilerinin Balkan ülkeleriyle ilgili tutmuş oldukları kayıtlar üzerindeki incelemelerin ve bilgi birikiminin arttırılması gerektiği ilgili uzmanlarca tespit edilmektedir. Türkler ile Balkan milletleri arasında yüzyıllar süren siyasî, kültürel ve ekonomik temaslar neticesinde Türkler ve Türkiye ile ilgili Boşnak, Arnavut, Bulgar, Romen belgeleri ve diğer ülkelerdeki belgeler ile bu toplumların tarihi ve kültürü hakkındaki Türkiye’de bulunan belgeler son derece hacimlidir. Yirminci yüzyılın ikinci yarısından günümüze kadar bu alanlarda ilim adamları tarafından karşılıklı gayretlerle, kronikler ve arşiv bel-

IRCICA Genel Direktörü ve BALMED Başkanı Dr. Halit Eren’in Açış Konuşması

geleri üzerinde çeşitli çalışmalar yapılmış olsa da, bu alana daha fazla kurumsal destek verilmesi gerekmektedir. IRCICA ve BALMED dışındaki araştırma kurumları ve tabiatıyla üniversitelerimiz tarafından bu alanlarda değerli çalışmalar yapılmaktadır. Bu tür çalışmaların Balkan ülkelerinde ve Türkiye’de bu alanlara artan ilgi neticesinde ve ilk elden tarihi kaynaklar olarak büyük önem taşıyan devlet arşiv belgelerinin araştırmacıların kullanımına açılmasıyla gelişeceğini ümid ediyoruz. Biz kendi açımızdan, Balkan ülkelerinden siyasî tarih, sosyal tarih ve kültür tarihi uzmanlarıyla yıllardan beri sürdürdüğümüz işbirliği neticesinde karşılıklı olarak eserlerin Türkçe ile bölge dilleri arasında tercüme edilip yayınlanması dâhil olmak üzere birçok çalışma gerçekleştirdik. Bugün de bu ülkelerden çok değerli akademisyenlerle ilişkilerimiz sürmektedir. Son zamanlarda bu ülkelerden uzmanlarla yaptığımız ortak çalışmalar arasında, IRCICA’nın daha önce Türkçe, İngilizce, Rusça, Arapça basımları yayımlanan “Osmanlı Devleti Tarihi ve Medeniyeti” kitabının Boşnakça basımını Saraybosna Şarkiyat Enstitüsü’nün, Arnavutça basımını ise TİKA ve Arnavutluk İslam Düşüncesi ve Medeniyeti Merkezi’nin değerli işbirlikleri sayesinde gerçekleştirdik. BALMED’in önem verdiği bir diğer konu, Balkan ülkelerinde Türk tarihi ve kültürü incelemelerinin ve Türkiye’de Balkan toplumlarının tarih ve kültürüyle ilgili araştırmaların geliştirilmesinde lisansüstü tezlerin oynadığı önemli rolü dikkate alarak, bu çalışmaları teşvik edici programlar yürütmektir. Ayrıca başlangıçta değindiğim gibi, Balkanlardaki mimarî ve şehircilik mirası da başlıca faaliyet alanlarımızdan birini oluşturmaktadır. Bugüne kadar IRCICA ve İSAR Vakfı bünyesinde yaptığımız mimarî inceleme ve koruma çalışmaları, özellikle Mostar’da 1994-2004 arasında yapılan yıllık atölyeler, Balkanlar’daki Osmanlı mimarî eserleriyle ilgili yayınlarımız yoluyla edinilen tecrübenin aktarılmasını sağlamış, ayrıca çeşitli Balkan ülkelerinde camiler, sebiller ve başka anıtların restorasyonu uluslararası ekip çalışmaları yoluyla gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bundan sonra da BALMED gerekli ihtiyaçları yerinde tespit ederek çeşitli fonksiyonlar için inşa edilmiş İslam mimarî mirasını temsil eden binaları restore etmek ve korumak için projeler yürütecektir. BALMED Balkanlar’daki tarihî mirası geniş bir bakış açısıyla ele alıp bu mirasın kültürel kimliğini korumak ve tanıtmak amacındadır. Bu doğrultuda ilgili ülkelerde kamu kurumları, üniversiteler ve sivil toplum örgütleriyle yoğun bir işbirliği içinde çalışmalarını sürdürecektir. Balkanlar’daki Osmanlı mirasının ele alınacağı bu toplantı, Balkan ülkelerindeki genç Müslüman aydın ve bilimadamlarını bir araya getirmektedir. Önümüzdeki dönemlerde daha geniş kapsamlı, farklı din ve kültürlere mensup entelektüel ve

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bilimadamlarını bir araya getirecek toplantılar yapmayı planlıyoruz. Bu toplantının başarılı geçmesini ve hayırlara vesile olmasını temenni ediyorum. Sözlerimi noktalarken, toplantımıza şeref veren T.C. Dışişleri Bakanı Sayın Ahmet Davutoğlu’na şükranlarımı sunmak istiyorum. Katkıları için T.C. Başbakanlık Türk İşbirliği ve Kalkınma İdaresi Başkanlığı-TİKA’nın Başkanı Sayın Musa Kulaklıkaya’ya ve Bosna-Hersek Koordinatörü’ne teşekkür ediyorum. Bu konferansın düzenlenmesi sürecinde sağladıkları yüksek işbirliği ve önemli katkıları için Saraybosna İleri Araştırmalar Merkezi Direktörü Sayın Ahmet Alibaşiç’e candan teşekkürlerimi sunuyorum. Ayrıca bu toplantının organizasyonunda fiilen en büyük paya sahip olan BALMED Saraybosna temsilcisi Sayın Süleyman Mert Hangün’e de canugönülden teşekkür ediyor, Sayın Bakanımı ve kıymetli davetlileri saygıyla selamlıyorum.

The Imposing Challenge of the Ottoman legacy Ahmet Alibašić*

Your excellencies Dear colleagues and students Ladies and gentlemen Good evening, Dobro vam veče, iyi akşamlar and Assalamu alaikum Allow me first to welcome our guests to our beloved country often described as the country of three peoples, four traditional religions and a thousand problems – real and artificial. We have gathered to discuss one of those ‘problems’; an issue that hovers over the heads of everybody when the nature of this and other torn Balkan societies is discussed, i.e., The Imposing Challenge posed by the Ottoman legacy. The issue is not a new one. It has been with us for decades and centuries but it has not been concluded in a satisfactory way for anybody. We here in the Balkans still hold parallel truths about our common past, we tell our children divergent stories, we teach them conflicting histories. To be fair to everybody, it is not an easy to settle this issue and leave it behind. For Muslims of the Balkans the dilemma is what to do with a legacy that constitutes a key component of their national identity but is perceived by their fellow citizens as their national tragedy. How do you mark, grieve or celebrate dates which simultaneously meant the end of the independence of your homeland and the beginning of your religious identity – both very dear to you? For non-Muslims the challenge is equally formidable: how do you manage the * Director, Center for Advanced Studies 27

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intense negative feelings about the Ottoman history that were inculcated in you by your family, your school, and your culture when you know that the same names, events and dates evoke opposite emotions in the hearts and minds of your neighbors next door. This is certainly not an easy intellectual and emotional exercise – and I would like to emphasize both; cognitive and emotional sides of the process - even without any manipulation, fear and hate mongering on the part of extreme nationalists. When the issue is politicized, as actually is the case, the task of reconciling centuries of our common past with the requirements of the present and future common living becomes even more difficult. As organizers we hope that during these three days we will make some progress along this thorny road of reconciliation with our common past. We also hope that this conference will be an important step towards more intensive future cooperation between the Balkan intellectuals and researchers in various fields. As a Bosniak I must say that we are also very glad that the Republic of Turkey is back diplomatically in the region. We are hopeful that it will contribute significantly to the resolution of a number of burning issues. Finally allow me to express my gratitude to BALMED, TİKA, the Ministry of Civil Affairs and a whole lot of people who made this event possible. I wish you a pleasant stay in Sarajevo. Thank you for your attention. Tesekkur ederim.

The Ottoman Legacy as a Common Layer of the Balkan Muslim Identities Ferid Muhić*

In the last decade of the past millennium, twelve years ago, Turkey celebrated seven hundred years of the establishment of the Ottoman State, and since then the interpretations of its impact, influence and general historic significance are still bitterly confronted. Controversies about the real character of the legacy of this huge military, political, economic, cultural and spiritual system which lasted almost 650 years are radical, and evaluations of every single issue are, more often than not, diametrically opposed. But it would be wrong to conclude that the dispute on Ottoman legacy is nothing but another case of civilization clash of the type suggested by Huntington notorious book, which attempted to confront Occidental (Christian) perspective against the Oriental (Muslim) perspective. Odd as it may appear, when we talk about general reception of the Ottoman Empire, the views are sharply divided not only within the Muslim world, but even inside the Turkey. Some influential Turkish intellectuals with radical views holds that the very act of celebration of Ottoman Empire (Osmanli Devlet) was in sharp contradiction with the Turkish Revolution, stating that the new Turkish Republic is total and complete negation of Ottoman State. They went so far as to write open letters to the president of T.R. protesting against the celebration. In contrast to this, we strongly believe that the general logic of historic argumentation does not support such extremely negative attitude and polarization. Quite contrary, sound and objective argumentation goes in favor of the conclusion which confirm the fact of uninterrupted historic continuity of many basic philosophic, * Professor, University of Skopje. 29

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spiritual and administration organizational qualities which connects not only the political unity of Turkish history and Turkish people, but also of the elements of cultural unity on all its enormous territory, pointing to a number of fundamentally positive results embedded in the practice of Ottoman Empire, which are progressive and anticipatory even today. We would like also to emphasize the fact that Turkish state authorities, notably the president Suleiman Demirel gave clear and straightforward support to the celebration affirming the fact that Ottoman Empire and Republic values are not necessarily in collision with each other. Even Turkish Army, which did not take part in public discussion, has participated in the celebration, with a very positive and inspiring effect on general public mood and opinion. The fact that widely spread ideologically inspired practice of deionization of the past and uncritical affirmation of the present, with all its negative impact, did not prevail, but was forced to retreat, both in theory and in practice, is of utmost importance for science as well as for the affirmation of the principles of tolerance and understanding in Turkey, in the Balkans and in the European relationship. Speaking about the toponym “The Balkans” it should be said that it also preserved strong elements of this negative ideological reception, remaining without a good reason, a synonym for “back warded, oriental, Islamic, barbaric, divided lands in permanent and irrational conflict”. For a long historical period, more than 2000 years, Balkans unified and modeled Greek-Roman-Slavic communities, remaining Ottoman for more than 550 years of its most recent history. All this evidence still is not correctly recognized. We see that even today the term “Balkans” is replaced with descriptive floscula “South-Eastern Europe”.2 This is completely meaningless since it deprives The Balkans from all its history and cultural peculiarity. In Roman times, Balkan was known as Haemus, preserving its identity, and the Turkish name “Balkan” does the same, even much more explicitly and in stronger way. Although the term designates “Mountain Chain”, its further derivation discloses even more power and beauty. Divided in two words, “Balkans” consists of “Bal” and “Kan” – namely “Honey” and “Blood”. Two most precious substances of life, unite in this syntagma means not only the sweet and healing qualities of honey, but also of life giving blood, energy, vitality, the virulent 2   Critical and well argumented comments on the misusage of toponym “the Balkans”, see in the article of Prof. Dr. Ilber Ortayli: “The Balkans and the Ottoman Inheritance” , published in The Great ottoman-Turkish Civilization, Ankara 2000, Vol. III, pp. 241-245

The Ottoman Legacy as a Common Layer of the Balkan Muslim Identities

and creative power of Balkan people. Be as it is, there is nothing in the history of the Balkans, which would rightfully include any pejorative context in its name, nor which would justify tendency to erase this toponym, and much less to be ashamed of it. Great deal of arguments against such a negative attitude toward the Ottomans and the Balkans is deeply impregnated in the speech which the president Demirel delivered to the Grand National Assembly on October 1, 1999, where, among other, is stated: “The Ottoman Empire of which we are the founders and the inheritors and whose seven hundred anniversary we are celebrating this year, has had a decisive role in the formation of Mediterranean and European cultural milieu for 624 years. The fact that we are the heirs of world empire that has ruled over the meeting point of three seas, three continents and various cultural traditions has a direct impact on our past as well as on our future. It is therefore an imperative to understand our history properly and grasp its place in the history of humanity.”3

With these introductory but indispensable clarifications, we could turn back to our main topic. The title clearly defines the topic, if not even the thesis, within two key points: That Balkan Muslim identities share one or more fundamental common feature, with plausible conclusion that this feature/s integrate them into a kind of social or cultural unity; 1

That by its organization, structure and practice, it was the Ottoman legacy which created the factors capable to complete this process of integration. 2

Concerning the first point, it should be demonstrate that the multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-religious composition of the population of Ottoman Empire did not prevent, at least in the Balkan territories, formation of a new type of social and cultural cohesion and interplay of different groups sharing basically common layer which resulted in creation of Balkan Muslim identities. As for the second point, it is necessary to connect the creation of Balkan Muslim identities, with concrete social, political and cultural practice of Ottoman Empire. The key point to be verified here is that the Ottoman Empire created and successfully implemented instruments to set the social, political and cultural conditions which not only did not prevented the process of integration, but even more, in fact does encouraged such informal   Website of the presidency: www.tccb.gov.tr

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processes of integration on deeper and higher, albeit informal level, resulting eventually in the formation of Balkan Muslim identities. The fact that ethnical Albanians, Croats, Serbs, Bosniaks, Montenegrins, Pomaks, Torbessh (Gorans) living today in the region of the Balkans, recognize and share the common layer as Balkan Muslim identities, evidently proves the first point. The list of instruments via which Ottoman Empire imprinted its legacy in this common layer of Balkan Muslim identities, should include several key factors. Administration laws The first and indispensable factor for successful formation of common layer for the Balkan Muslim communities was its specific approach of Ottoman legacy to the population. Needless to say, any social group, tribe, nation or state depends entirely on its population. Demographic structure of Ottoman Empire in the Balkans and elsewhere included high percentage of non-Muslims. The process of integration, the must for every state, was confronted with an exceptional diversity of the population living in the Empire. Main canal for its integration was the conversion to Islam. In Anatolia lands, the process started before the Ottomans, as early as late tenth and the beginning of eleventh century. Islam conversion in the Balkans was dated in the first half of the fourteenth century. But while the conversion to Islam in the regions of Anatolia lead to the process of Turkicisation, this did not happen in the Balkans. The cases of conversion to Islam and Turkicisation where not going hand to hand, and the conversion to Islam without being Turkicised was the general rule and widespread practice. The Muslim Albanians, Bosnians, Pomaks, Torbessh (Gorans) are widely known cases the practice of being Muslim without being Turkicised. The Muslims and non-Muslims had lived together for long time in Ottoman Empire. In the peak of ottoman Empire they lived in peaceful manner. So that the expression “Pax Ottomanica” was used to describe the peaceful and well arranged coexistence of the Muslims and non-Muslims. In this respect it is preserved the famous saying of Mahmoud II:”I would like to see Muslims in mosque, Christians in the church and the Jews in synagogue. There are no differences among each other. I feel love to all and my justice is equal to all. All of them are like my own sons.” But in reality, the differences remain to exist. Islamic Law categories the inhabitants of Ottoman Empire into two categories: Muslims and non-Muslims. Muslims existed divided into different groups but the Islamic Law accepts Muslims as single entity.

The Ottoman Legacy as a Common Layer of the Balkan Muslim Identities

Non-Muslims were divided into two groups: Pagans and The People of the Book. In as much as the People of the Book lived in Ottoman Empire they were called “Ehl-i Zimmet” – usually Zimmet – comprising the Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians, and those who idolize the stars – Sabils. The Christians were more populated, but the Jews had greater influence in economics. The Christians were categorized in two groups: Catholics (five groups); Non-Catholics (mostly Orthodox and Gregorians, plus five more sub-groups). In the beginning non-Muslims where from 20 ethnical groups. Among them 90% of Bosnians converted into Islam, as well as 80% of Albanians.4 It is important to say that the Ottoman Empire was multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multilingual state namely, that its population was far from being homogenous. Social and inter-cultural communication between Muslim and non-Muslim population, who were living together, was pragmatic and political imperative. They all were united by the drive to include into the dominant culture, be it through Islamisation or otherwise. Factor of economy The influence of capitation tax – harac/ciziye – generally is over exaggerated. Muslims two paid heavy taxes, in fact heavier than non-Muslims. Military service was obligation only for Muslims. The fact is that the State did not carry out Islamic conversion as its policy.5 Third factor - Islam Organized strictly and completely in accordance with the supreme Islamic values. The social reality, in all its complexity, was based on religious, philosophical, social, economical, educational and legal premises of Islam. Its mind, as well as its body, its ideal and its logic, its spirit and its will, its character and its emotions, all were conceptualized, organized and plasticized in strict respect of the fundamental postulates of Islam. The understanding of lawful and forbidden, concepts of pride and shame, esthetic standards of beautiful and ugly, criteria of truth and false, final goals of science, ultimate ideals of education – all and every sector of social reality and 4   See instructive study of Yavuz Ercan: “Non-Muslim communities under the Ottoman Empire (Millet system)”. 5   For more detailed analysis of the composition of Ottoman Empire population, from the first up to the last century of the Ottoman Empire, see Yunus Koc:”The Structure of Population of the Ottoman Empire (1300-1900)”.

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subjective reception of the world, the life of each and every individual/citizens, was permeated and shaped to the tiniest details by Islamic World view –Weltanschauung. It is correct to say that out of the last seven centuries of its history, at least six hundred years Turkey was the most powerful Islamic state in the world, strictly founded on the key principles of Islam paradigmatic for the world of Islam, and leading in all its social, economic, philosophic, cultural and organizational aspects. To recover its Islamic legacy therefore, means for contemporary Turkey the quest to regain self-respect, to re-adopt its true identity, to fully understand its integrity. In all key aspects – on the level of philosophical concept, applied as political practice, and completed as the social reality, contemporary Turkey would do best to reintegrate elements of its Islamic character. By reclaiming and reaffirming its Islamic heritage, contemporary Turkey would not jeopardize its modern secular character, since it in no way contradicts its spiritual essence. It only will make greater its capacity to face the challenges of modern world successfully, as it will sharpen its self-esteem and self-consciousness, promoting thus contemporary Turkey to the status it deserves to its real splendor and significance as authentic political actor and genuine cultural factor of global importance. From the same perspective, it is necessary to point that the example of Turkey would have tremendous political, spiritual, and psychological implications on South Eastern Europe, primarily in the Balkans, where the legacy of Osmanli Devlet is still the strongest factor, making humanistic ideals and ethical values of Islam to be the most vital element of spiritual and axiological system of the region. On the other hand, the fact that the expression “Islam and society” – by no means is to be automatically understood as another way to address the subject “Religion and society”, is, more often than not, completely overlooked. Correctly interpreted, the difference between this two key notions, would clearly demonstrate that the framework of the “Religion-Society” relationship should not be understood as sufficient to explore the entire scope and integrating character of “Islam-Society” relationship. This is because the notion of “Islam” is not a synonym for the notion ‘religion”. The root of the mental situation called ‘religious belief ’ in Islam goes much deeper. As such, Islam presents a kind of specifically structured, internally organized model aimed to coordinate, integrate and harmonize all aspects of social life, with Islam as its functional paradigm and its axiological alibi. I other words, while the etymological root of the term “religion” points to the internal ties connecting a group of people (Lat. Religare; to tied together, to bond)

The Ottoman Legacy as a Common Layer of the Balkan Muslim Identities

the root of Islam is “Din”. And the word (term) Din, derived from Arabic DYN, has at least four primary meanings, conceptually interconnected in a way that its ultimate meaning presents the connotative unity. These meanings are: 1. indebtedness; 2. submissiveness; 3. acceptance of the authority of judicious power which regulates the state of indebtedness; 4. natural inclination or tendency to look for the loan giver.6 At this level, we have to point at least to two moments: 1. that connotation of “Islam” should not be used as synonym for “religion” – from which follows that history of religion/society/education relationship in non-Muslim countries can be of no conclusive, pragmatic, or comparative value for the same relationship in Muslim countries; 2. that the notorious division of social and political organization in two main types of society, generally labeled as theocratic and secular states – does not function in societies in which Islam prevails. To separate religion from society and still preserve both to function and coexist normally, in non-Islamic social background is possible; In the states organized in accordance with the principles of Islam (Din), to separate Islam from society is impossible without destroying the authenticity and identity of both: the Islam and the society. The inability to understand this difference and to accept the fact that no society based on the principles of Islam could be divided into so called “theocratic” and “secular” state, led Ziya Goekalp to conclude in his notoriously cited book (The principles of Turkism, 1923) that “…everything related to Turkish example is good, and everything belonging to the Ottoman model is ugly.”7 The result of this and many other ideologically inspired texts written in the meantime, was that the ‘Ottoman” and the ‘Turkish’ elements have been regarded as two separate and self-denying entities. Against this and all similar totally un-argumented exclusive confrontation of the notions “Ottoman” and “Turkish” (wrongly understood as synonyms for “theocratic” and “secular” state), clearly and persuasively speaks the fact that the Ottoman legacy is still preserved and inherited in all its former territories, including the Balkan, strongly shaping Muslim identities to these days. The fact that the new Turkish Republic had defined itself as the inheritor and the continuation of Ottoman Empire should not be overlooked. And rightfully so. Among many other examples, it will suffice to point to the case of Sudi of Bosnia (late XVI century), and ibn Hamza of 6   Excellent and exceptionally instructive discussion of all four primary significances of the notion Din, see in Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas: Prolegomena to the Metaphysics of Islam, Kuala Lumpur 1995, pp. 41-91. 7   Ziya Goekalp: ibid. p. 23.

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Algeria (same period) although both coming from most distant parts of the Empire greatly contributed to the Ottoman and Islamic humanism, exactly because for all people living in Ottoman Devlet, it was quite normal, and even substantial, share the same ideals and values in its vast territory. We could rightfully conclude that the process and long historic practice of shaping of ethnic identities in the Ottoman Empire decisively shaped all aspects of history of the modern Balkan region, becoming integral part of Balkan Muslim identities. The legacy of Ottoman Empire should be included into our understanding of this part of European social, cultural and political reality, in objective and historically correct manner. The Balkans have been the home to Greek-Roman-Slavic elements for more than two thousand years, including more than five hundred years of Ottoman Empire, which un-avoidable resulted in its basic unity expressed in organic interconnectedness of all aspects of its life. There were, of course, some negative elements in the Ottoman Empire legacy which affect these identities even today. The rough, or better to say the ruthless style of intervention of Ottoman State who tended to see itself as a sacred being, placing itself above all other values. This led to the absolutist approach requiring from its subjects absolute obedience such as it was represented in the case of abolition of the Janissary Corps 1826. But it is also true that the permanent idea which provided the continuity of the Ottoman Empire was the clearly defined system of state instruments which encouraged spiritual unity founded on the principles of voluntarily shared supreme values and ultimate goals expressed explicitly in the values of Islam. It is of utmost importance today to reclaim the positive impact of Ottoman legacy and culture, in order to eradicate internal ethnic, cultural, and religious conflicts in the Balkans, and to reduce the social and political tensions which were the direct outcome of misunderstanding, or even of intentional falsification of the true meaning of Ottoman legacy. If we are to revive and to affirm the integrity of historical consciousness, we have to abandon the aberrations of even today prevailing ideologically distorted perception and replace it with historically correct and more productive understanding of the true impact of this most important and most influential period of modern history of the Balkans.

TEBLİĞLER I ZLA G ANJA PROCEEDINGS

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Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Rumeli Araştırmaları Açısından Önemi Önder Bayır*

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü bünyesinde yer alan Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı dünya arşivleri arasında oldukça mühim ve itibarlı bir konuma sahiptir. Çünkü ihtiva ettiği belgelerin gerek sayısı gerekse bu belgelerin bilimsel ve kültürel önemi itibariyle dünyanın önemli arşivlerinden biridir. Osmanlı Arşivi’nde 100 milyona yakın belge 365 bin kadar da defter bulunmaktadır; ayrıca Osmanlı Devleti’nin irtibat halinde bulunduğu 40’a yakın Avrupa, Kuzey Afrika ve birçok Asya ülkesinin tarihine ait bilgi ve belgeler de yine bu Arşivimizde yer almaktadır. Bütün bunların yanı sıra Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Devleti’nin hemen her bürokratik kurumunun yakın dönem tarihine ışık tutacak belgeler de yine arşivlerimizde bulunmaktadır. Cumhuriyetin ilk yollarından itibaren Osmanlı dönemi evrakı üzerinde düzenleme çalışmaları devam etmiştir. Osmanlı Arşivi’nde gerçek manada tasnif çalışmaları Hazine-i Evrak’ın kuruluş tarihi olan 8 Kasım 1846 tarihinde başlamıştır. Bugün Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı bünyesinde bulunan Hazine-i Evrak’ın teşekkülünden hemen sonra tanzim edilen ve hâlen orijinal yapısını muhafaza eden İrade tasnifleri, Hatt-ı Hümayun tasnifi, Divan-ı Hümayun Sicil Defterleri gibi tasniflerin yanı sıra, Ali Emiri, İbnülemin, Muallim Cevdet ve Kamil Kepeci tasnifleri gibi II. Meşrutiyet ve Cumhuriyet’in ilk yıllarında teşekkül ettirilen değişik tasnif heyetleri tarafından meydana getirilmiş ve tasnif heyeti başkanlarının adı ile anılan fonlar da mevcuttur. Merkezî devlet dairelerinde, belgelerin saklanmasında ve korunmasında gösteri*

T.C. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanı 39

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len arşivcilik anlayışı, taşrada görevli eyalet beylerbeyileri ve mahallî kadılardan da istenmiştir. Taşra teşkilatı görevlilerine, karar ve işlemlerini defterlere kaydetmeleri ve bu defterleri muhafaza etmeleri emredilmiştir. Kanunî Sultan Süleyman devrinde Rumeli Beylerbeyi Mehmed Paşa’ya gönderilen 943/1536 tarihli fermanda9 “... Bu hükm-i şerîfüm sûretini defterde kaydeyleyüp ve kendüsin dahi ayniyle defter sandıklarında hıfzedüp dâimâ mazmûn-ı şerîf ile amel eyleyesin...” ifadesiyle defter sandıklarına işaret edilmiştir. Bu sandıkların saklandığı beylerbeyi arşivlerinden, Osmanlı Arşivi’ne vesika intikal etmemiştir. Ancak bazı eyalet merkezlerinde hâlâ Osmanlı dönemi vesikalarının bulunduğu bilinmektedir. Çekoslovak araştırıcı Josef Blaskovic’in bir makalesinde Gyöngös’teki bir vesikaya dayanarak Eğri Divânı’nın, Göngüş kasabasında 1647 yılında çıkan bir yangın üzerine toplanarak, dört yıllık vergi ve hizmetleri affettiğine dair ifadesinden, bir kısım eyalet arşivinin korunarak günümüze ulaştığı anlaşılmaktadır10. Osmanlı Arşivi’ndeki arşiv malzemesi öncelikle defterler ve belgeler olarak ayrılmıştır, bunlar da yine Tanzimat öncesi ve sonrası defter ve belge tasnifleri olarak incelenmelidir. Bu yazımızda Osmanlı Arşivi’ndeki zengin materyal içinde bulunan yalnızca Rumeli’ye ait fonlar ve katalog bilgileri hakkında malumat verilmiştir. Mühimme Defterleri Divân‑ı Hümayûn toplantılarında müzâkere edilen dahilî ve haricî meselelere ait siyasî, askerî, içtimaî ve iktisadî önemli kararların kaydedildiği bu defterlere “Mühimme Defterleri” adı verilmiştir. Osmanlı Arşivi’nde 961-1333/1553-1915 tarihleri arasında tutulmuş 419 adet Mühimme Defteri mevcuttur. XVI. yüzyılın ortalarından XX. yüzyılın ilk yıllarına ulaşan bir dönem içinde, küçük zaman bölümleri hariç ortalama 350 yıllık zaman dilimi itibarıyla, hiçbir doğu ve batı devletinde bulunmayan kültür ve tarih zenginliğini ihtiva eden Mühimme Defterleri, Osmanlı Arşivi defter serîleri içinde şüphesiz önemli yer tutar. Bu defterlerin ana konularını; devleti ilgilendiren siyasî, iktisadî, kültürel, sosyal ve harp tarihine dair üst düzey kararlar teşkil eder. Mühimme defterlerinde Rumeli’nin muhtelif bölge ve idarecilerine gönderilen pek çok hüküm bulunmaktadır.

 Kanûnnâme, Âtıf Efendi Kütp., nr. 1734, vr. 12a.  J. Blašković, “Osmanlı Hakimiyeti Devrinde Slovakya’daki Vergi Sistemi Hakkında” İ.Ü. Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Dergisi, İstanbul 1979, sayı 32, s. 191. 9

10

Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Rumeli Araştırmaları Açısından Önemi

Kaymakamlık Mühimmesi Padişah ve sadrazamın aynı anda Dersaadet’ten ayrıldığında, devlet işlerini tedvir etmek üzere tayin edilen Sadaret kaymakamının müstakil olarak akdettiği divânlarda alınan önemli kararların yazıldığı defterlere Kaymakamlık Mühimmesi denmektedir. Mühimme Defterlerindeki kayıtlar, mahalline —muhatap makama— gönderilen berat ve fermanların suretleri hüviyetindedir. Sadrazamın başkanlığında; kubbe vezirleri, Anadolu ve Rumeli kazaskerleri, defterdar ve nişancının katıldığı Divân toplantılarında alınan kararlar, padişah tasdikinden geçtikten sonra kronolojik sıra içinde defterlere kaydedilmiştir. Ahkâm Defterleri Ahkâm Defteri, Divân‑ı Hümayûn’dan çıkan hükümlerin kaydına mahsus olan defterlere genel olarak verilen addır. Bu hükümler, padişah adına hazırlanmasından dolayı ferman adını da alırlardı. Hükümler konularına göre değişik defterlere yazılırdı. Başlıcaları Ahkâm‑ı Mühimme, Ahkâm‑ı Şikayet, Ahkâm‑ı Rüûs ve Tahvil olup, Divân Sicilleri’nin bir kısmını teşkil ederlerdi. Muhteva itibariyle Şikayet Defterleri’nin devamı olan bu defterler eyaletlere göre tutulmuşlardır. Tarih olarak Şikayet Defterleri’nden 104 sene sonra (Mora Ahkâm Defteri hariç) hepsi 1155/1742 tarihinden başlayıp, II. Meşrutiyet dönemine kadar devam etmektedir. Vilayet Ahkâm Defterleri, eyaletlere göre şu şekilde tertip edilmiştir: Adana

Halep

Rumeli

Anadolu

İstanbul

Sivas

Bosna

Karaman

Şam‑ı Şerif

Cezâir ve Rakka

Maraş

Trabzon

Diyarbekir

Mora

Erzurum

Özi ve Silistre

Bosna Ahkâm Defterleri 1155-1285/1742-1867 tarihleri arasındaki hükümleri ihtiva eden 9 adet defterden oluşmaktadır. Bu defterlerde Bosna’ya bağlı Banaluka, Bihke, Hersek, İzvornik ve Travnik sancakları ile Derbend, Gradişka, Kostaniça, Pridor, Prinyavor, Teşne, Klivaç, Krupa, Petrovaç, Saneskimoşet, Sazin, Çaniça, Çelebi Pazarı, Foça, Foyniça, Visoka,

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Viçgrad, Bileke, Gaçka, İstolaç, Koniça, Liyobuşka, Lubin, Novasin, Trebin, Berçka, Blene, Graçaniça, Gradaçaç, Kladani, Magley, Srebreniça, Vlaseniçe, Bugoyna - Akhisar, Glamoc, İhlevne, Jobçe, Jopanyaç, Prozor, Yayçe ve Zeniça kazalarına ait hükümler vardır. Rumeli Ahkâm Defterleri 1155-1326/1742-1908 tarihleri arasındaki hükümleri ihtiva eden 85 adet defterden oluşmaktadır. Bu defterlerde Rumeli eyaletine bağlı Paşa livası (Sofya), Köstendil, Vize, Çirmen, Kırkkilise, Silistre, Niğbolu, Vidin, Alacahisar, Vulçıtrın, Prizren, İşkodra, Dukakin, Avlonya, Ohri, Delvine, Yanya, Elbasan, Mora, Tırhala, Selanik, Üsküp, Bender ve Akkirman sancaklarına ait hükümler bulunmaktadır. 986 Numaralı “Kâmil Kepeci Kataloğu”ndaki Ahkâm Defterleri 986 numaralı “Kâmil Kepeci Tasnifi Kataloğu”nda 927-1168/1520-1658 tarihleri arasındaki kayıtları ihtiva eden 61-73 genel numaralarda kayıtlı 13 adet Ahkâm Defteri mevcuttur. Bu seride iki adet 61 ve 62 no’lu, 927 (1520-1521) ve 951 (1544-1545) tarihli iki adet Rumeli Ahkâm Defteri mevcuttur. Muhtelif ve Mütenevvi Defterler Divân‑ı Hümayûn’un değişik kalemlerine ait veya müstakil olan defterler bu başlık altında toplanmışlardır. Değişik tarihli olup, 1 Numaralı Mahzen Defteri’nde s. 199-201 ve s. 276’da kayıtlıdır. Fakat tasnif faaliyetleri sırasında bu defterler, muhtelif ve mütenevvi olmaktan çıkarılıp ait oldukları fonlara dağıtılmışlardır. Bu grupta 3 numaralı ve 1251-1279 (1835-1863) tarihli Rumeli Jurnal Defteri Kâmil Kepeci Tasnifi, Divân‑ı Hümayûn Divân Kalemi 986 numaralı katalogda yer almaktadır. Tahvil (Nişan) Kalemi Defterleri Bu defterlerde timar kayıtları mevcuttur. Timarın ait olduğu bölgeyi (nahiye ve bağlı olduğu sancağı) gösteren başlığın altında timar sahibinin ismi ve timarın intikal şekli “an-tahvîl-i ...” şeklinde yazılıdır. Bunun altında timarın gelirini oluşturan yerlerin isimleri, hâsılları ve genel yekûn yer almaktadır. Daha sonra timarın veriliş aşamalarını anlatan izahat ile tezkirenin verildiği tarih kayıtlıdır. 986 numaralı “Kâmil Kepeci Tasnifi Kataloğu” 406 adet defter bulunmaktadır. Defterler analitik envanter sisteme göre tasnif edilmiştir.

Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Rumeli Araştırmaları Açısından Önemi

Bâb‑ı Âlî Mektubî‑i Sadr‑ı Âlî Kalemi Defterleri Sadaret Mektupçuluğu kaleminden yapılan bazı yazışmaların kayıtlarına mahsus defterlerdir. 986 numaralı “Kâmil Kepeci Tasnifi Kataloğu”nda 1-38 numaralarda kayıtlı 1186-1228/1773-1813 tarihleri arasındaki kayıtları ihtiva eden 38 adet defter mevcuttur. Bunlardan 6’sı Rumeli’yle ilgilidir. Tahrir Defterleri Tahrir defterleri, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’na dâhil memleketlerin sosyal, demografik ve ekonomik tarihine ait, benzeri başka hiç bir yerde bulunmayan mufassal istatistik kaynaklarıdır. Bu defterler 835-1300/1431-1882 tarihlerini ihtiva ederler. Defterhâne’de muhafaza edilen Tahrir Defterleri 1086 numaraya kadar olup mükerrerleri ile birlikte 1.100 adettir. Bunların dışında “Maliye’den Müdevver Defterler Kataloğu”nda da tahrir defterleri bulunmaktadır. Başmukâtaa Kalemi ve Bağlı Birimlerine Ait Defterler Mukâtaacı-yı Evvel Kalemi de denilen bu büro muhtemelen XVI. asrın ortalarında kurulmuştur. Başmukâtaa Kalemi, özellikle Rumeli’deki Filibe pirinç sahaları, Kratova, Kili, Varna, İbrâil, İsakçı, Tolcı, Maçin, Ahyolu gibi Tuna nehri kıyısındaki bütün iskele ve tuzlaların mukâtaa hesaplarını denetler, bu mukâtaalar hakkında çıkan emir ve nizamların kayıtlarını tutar ve muhafaza ederdi. Bu arada bazı vazife, has ve salyâne tahsislerine de bakardı. Rumeli’ye ait eminler ve diğer görevlilerin beratları, hüküm ve tezkireleri de bu dairedeki kâtipler tarafından yazılırdı. Görüldüğü gibi görev alanına giren mukâtaaların büyük çoğunluğu Rumeli’de bulunmaktaydı. Çeltik Rüsûmu Kalemi Defterleri (D.ÇRS.) Anadolu ve Rumeli’deki bazı çeltik nehirleri ve pirinç ekim alanlarının gelirlerine ait hesaplara bakardı. Ayrıca, Hıristiyan cemaatlerin ruhanî reislerinin pîşkeşleriyle ilgili hesapları da tutardı. Haremeyn Muhasebesi Kalemi ve Bağlı Birimlerine Ait Defterler (D.HMH.) Bu kalemin bir adı da “Evkâf Muhasebesi”dir. Haremeyn’e (Mekke ve Medine) ait ve bunlara bağlı vakıfların kayıtlarını tutar ve her sene muhasebelerini kontrol ederdi. Selâtîn denen büyük camilerin vakıflarına ve bu camilerde hizmet eden görevlilerin

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maaşlarıyla ilgili işlemlere bakardı. Mekke ve Medine’ye ait olup İstanbul ve Rumeli’de bulunan vakıf arazilere taalluk eden defterler ve kayıtlar burada tutulurdu. İstanbul ve Rumeli’deki din görevlilerinin dinî vazife ve tayinlerini mutazammın vesikalarını hazırlar ve bunları Maliye Kalemi’ne göndererek oradan beratlarının çıkmasını sağlardı. Ayrıca bazı kişilerin uhdesinde olan Haremeyn mâlikâneleri ve bunlara dair şartlar ve bazı Haremeyn mukâtaalarından tertip edilmiş olan eshâm ve “cihât” tevcihleri ile evkâfa mülhak olan esnaf ve sanat erbabı nizamı ve bazı emirler ile ilmuhaberler de buradan yazılırdı. Bunların yanı sıra bazı kale neferlerinin mevâciblerini, mütekâid ve duâcı vazifelerini de yine bu kalem denetlerdi. Haslar Mukâtaası Kalemi ve Bağlı Birimine Ait Defterler (D.HSK.) Padişah ve hanedan azalarıyla sadrazam haslarının kayıtlarının tutulduğu, senet ve emirlerin yazıldığı ve saklandığı kalemdir. Bundan başka âdet‑i ağnâm gibi gelir kaynaklarının hesapları da burada tutulurdu. Özellikle Rumeli’yle Güneydoğu Anadolu’daki bazı mukâtaaları ve mahallî kalemler ve bunların gelirlerinden vezir vs. haslarına karşılık ayrılan tahsisatı yönetirdi. Evlâd‑ı fâtihânın (Rumeli fatihlerinin evlâdıyla Rumeli bölgesi fetholundukça Anadolu’nun muhtelif yerlerinden getirilip buraya iskân edilmiş olanlar) muayyen maaşları, vergiden muafiyetleri ve diğer imtiyaz işleri de buradan yürütülürdü. Haslar Mukâtaası Kalemi’nin bağlı birimi olan “âdet‑i ağnâm” defterler 54 adet olup, 919-1251/1513-1835 tarihleri arasındaki kayıtları ihtiva eder. Küçük Evkâf Kalemi Defterleri (D.KEV.) Tanzimat’tan önce üç ayrı dairede idare edilen vakıfların bir bölümü “Küçük Muhasebe Kalemi” de denilen bu kalem tarafından yönetilirdi. Diğerleri Haremeyn Muhasebesi ve Anadolu Muhasebesi kalemleridir. Bu kaleme bağlı olarak bulunan vakıflar; İstanbul, Rumeli ve Anadolu’daki bazı vakıflardır. Bu vakıfların idarî işleri, hesapları, tayin ve tevcih gibi işleri Bâbüssaâde ağasının idaresindeki bu kalem tarafından yürütülürdü. Ayrıca nezareti sadrazamlara ait “sadaka tevliyetleri” adlı küçük tevliyetlerin defter ve hesapları da burada tutulurdu. Maden Mukâtaası Kalemi ve Bağlı Birimlerine Ait Defterler (D.MMK.) Maliye kalemlerinden birisi olan bu kalem, büyük gümrük mukâtaalarını, Anadolu ve Rumeli Kıptîlerinin cizyelerini, Eflâk ve Boğdan Voyvodalıkları’ndaki kefere cizyeleri-

Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Rumeli Araştırmaları Açısından Önemi

ni, Erdel Krallığı ve Dobrovnik Cumhuriyeti kefere cizyelerini, Serçin ve Derçin Gümrük Mukâtaasını, Mîzân‑ı Harîr Mukâtaasını, Emtia Gümrüğü, Efrenç Eşyası Gümrüğü ve Duhan Gümrüğü mukâtaalarını, maden mukâtaalarını, şaphâne mukâtaalarını, kantar resmlerini, istiridye ve midye çıkarıcılığı, haşhaş rüsûmu mukâtaalarını, Darphâne mukâtaaları ve Simkeşhâne mukâtaasını idare eden ve her sene muhasebelerini hazırlayan bürodur. Müteferrik Konulu Defterler Yukarıda belirtilen serîler dışında kalan hususlar için de Müteferrik Konular adlı bir katalog teşkil olunmuştur. 632 numaralı “Müteferrik Konular Defter Kataloğu”nda yekün 565 adet defterin hülâsası verilmiştir. Bunlardan 8 numaralı olanı Rumeli’deki Şahincilerin İsimleri ve Şahincibaşıların Tatbik Mühürlerini ihtiva eder Meclis‑i Vâlâ Riyaseti Defterleri (MVL.) Tanzimat ile birlikte Osmanlı Devlet Teşkilatı’nda yerini alan müesseselerden biri de Meclis‑i Vâlâ’dır. Islâhat hareketlerinin icap ettirdiği yeni nizamnâmeleri hazırlamak, memurların muhakemesiyle meşgul olmak, lüzum gösterilen devlet işlerinde rey vermek üzere 27 Zilhicce 1253/24 Mart 1838 tarihinde teşkil olunmuştur. Tanzimat’tan sonra işlerin çoğalması münasebetiyle “Meclis‑i Âlî‑i Tanzimat” ve “Meclis‑i Ahkâm‑ı Adliye” birleştirilerek yine “Meclis‑i Vâlâ-yı Ahkâm‑ı Adliye” adı altında bir meclise kalbedilmiş ve bu meclis, İdâre, Tanzimat, Adliye adlarıyla üç kısma ayrılmıştır. Hülâsa Defterleri: Anadolu, Rumeli, Dersaâdet ve Arabistan’dan gelen tahriratın hülâsa kayıtlarını ihtiva etmektedir. Genel evrak kayıt defteri olan Müzekkere Defterleri, meclisten çeşitli makamlara yazılan tezkirelerin Hülâsa Kayıt Defterleri, gelen arzuhallerin kaydedildiği İstida Defterleri bu nevi defterlerdir. Mühim ve adî hususların özetleri de ayrı ayrı defterlere kaydedilmiştir. Ayrıca, irâdesi çıkarılmak üzere Sadaret vasıtasıyla padişaha arz edilen evrakın hülâsa kayıtlarının tutulduğu Maruzat Defterleri vardır. Aynen Kayıt Defterleri: Anadolu, Rumeli, Dersaâdet ve Arabistan’dan gelen evraktan görüşülerek karara bağlananların mazbatalarını ihtiva eder. İlk yıllarda bu mazbataların İcra Defterleri’ne kaydedildiği görülür. Bu sebeple İcra Defterleri, tutulduğu yılllardaki bütün mazbataları içine alır. Meclisten çeşitli makamlara yazılan tezkirelerin aynen kayıtları da, Tezkire Defterleri’nde tutulmuştur. 1253-1284/1837-1867 tarihleri arasındaki kayıtları ihtiva eden 478 adet Meclisi‑i Vâlâ Riyâseti Defteri mevcuttur.

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Temettuât Defterleri (ML.VRD.TMT.) Temettû vergisi, tüccar ve esnafın senelik kazançları üzerinden alınan vergiye verilen addır. Temettû vergisinin adı daha sonra “Kazanç Vergisi”ne çevrilmiştir. Temettuât Defterleri’nde kaza, köy gibi iskân merkezleri hane hane ele alınarak herkese ait şahsî mal varlığı, emlâk, arazi, hayvanat, ürün vb. bilgiler kaydedilmiştir. Temettuât Defterleri’nin tasnifi ve kataloglanmasında o tarihlerdeki idarî taksimat esas alınmıştır. Defterler, içindeki bilgiler esas alınarak alfabetik olarak eyaletlere ayrılmıştır. Her eyalet de kendi içinde alfabetik olarak kazalara ayrılmıştır. Defterler 1256-1261/1844-1845 tarihleri arasında toplam 17.747 adettir. Bu defterler analitik envanter sisteme göre tasnif edilmiştir. 514 numaralı defter Niş, Rumeli, Selanik, Silistre, Sivas’a aittir. Rumeli Müfettişliği Defterleri İstanbul dışındaki Osmanlı devlet dairelerinden getirilen evraklar arasında Rumeli Müfettişliği evrakının önemli bir yeri vardır. Rumeli Müfettişliği 1877-78 OsmanlıRus Muharebesi neticesinde imzalanan ağır şartları havî Ayastefanos Anlaşması’nın tâdil edilmiş şekliyle kabul edilen Berlin Anlaşması gereğince özellikle Avusturya ve Rusya’nın müdahaleleri neticesinde tedricî olarak Kasım 1902’de tesis edilmiştir. Daha önce Kosova, Manastır ve Selanik olmak üzere idarî, adlî, askerî ve malî sahalarda yapılması düşünülen ıslahat çalışmaları, daha sonra diğer civar vilayetler de dikkate alınarak Yanya, Edirne ve İşkodra’nın da ilavesiyle Müfettişliğin yetki sahası altı vilayete çıkarılmıştır. Sadaret’e bağlı olarak görev yapan Rumeli Müfettişliği, bazen Sadaret’i atlayarak doğrudan Saray’la yazışmalarda bulunmuş, fevkalâde görev ve yetkilerle donatılmış bir müessesedir. Bu yönü ile günümüzdeki Olağanüstü Hâl Bölgesi Valiliği’ne benzetilebilir. Müfettişliğin işlerinin daha kolay ve hızlı yürütülebilmesi için Sadaret’te dört kişiden oluşan bir komisyon bulunmakta idi. Rumeli Müfettişliği evrakı içerisinde, belgelerin yanısıra 244 adet de defter tespit edilmiştir. 1319-1327/1901-1909 tarihlerini havî bu defterler, muhtelif mevzularda Sadaret ile Rumeli Müfettişliği’ne bağlı sancak ve kazalar arasındaki muhâberât kayıtlarını ihtiva etmektedir. 423 numaralı katalogda Rumeli Müfettişliğine ait 1319-1327 (1901-1909) senelerine ait 244 adet defter bulunmaktadır.

Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Rumeli Araştırmaları Açısından Önemi

Büyük Kale Kalemi Defterleri (D. BKL.) Önemli bir gider kalemi olan Büyük Kale Kalemi genellikle Mora ve Arnavutluk dışında kalan büyük kalelerin, müstahkem mevkilerin erzak, cephane, onarım işleri ve personelin maaş işlerini yürütürdü. Ayrıca Yerli Kulu askerlerinin (Mısır, Bağdat, Lahsa, Musul, Diyarbekir, Van, Bosna, Budin, Tımışvar, Şam, Halep, Kars ve Erzurum’a yeniçeri ve onların teşkilatına uygun olarak ulufe ile kullanılan askerler) yoklamalarına bakardı. Bu kalem ayrıca Hazîne tezkiresi vermeye de yetkiliydi. Bosna-Hersek bölgesindeki bütün kaleler Büyük Kale Kalemi’ne bağlı iken Podgorice Kalesi Küçük Kale Kalemi’ne bağlıdır. Küçük Kale Kalemi Defterleri (D. KKL.) Mora, Arnavutluk ve civarı ile Hersek’in bazı kalelerinin yerli kulu neferatının mevâcib (askerlere senede dört defa ve üç ayda bir muharrem, Rebîülâhir, Receb ve Şevval aylarında verilen ücret, ulûfe) hesaplarını tutardı. Mevâcibleri ocaklık olarak nehirlerin vâridatından veriliyorsa havaleleriyle tevcih tezkireleri de bu kalemden verilirdi. Maliye’den Müdevver Defterler Tasnifi 1945 yılında Maliye Bakanlığı’ndan yığın halinde devralınan 26.000’e yakın defterin tasnifidir. Muhtelif Maliye kalemlerine ait defterler olduğu gibi, arazi tahriri, saray, yeniçeri, mevâcip vs. gibi diğer cins defterleri de ihtiva etmektedir. Tasnif yapılırken önce eski harflerle her defterin üç nüsha fişi çıkarılmış ve fişler kronolojik, numara sırası ve konularına göre olmak üzere üç grup halinde kutulara yerleştirilerek araştırmacıların istifadesine sunulmuştur. Defterler 830/1427 yılında başlayıp 1346/1927 yılına kadar gelir. Çeltik Rüsûmu Kalemi Belgeleri (D.ÇRS.) Bu kalemin bir diğer adı da “Varidât‑ı Şıkk‑ı Sanî Kalemi”dir. “Çeltik Muhasebesi Kalemi” de denilen bu kalemin görevi; Hıristiyan cemaatinin ruhanî liderleriyle Rumeli’deki çeltik nehirleri başkanlarının pîşkeşlerine ve beratlarına bakmaktı. Küçük Evkâf Kalemi Belgeleri (D.KEV.) Maliye’nin gelir kalemlerinden olup, nezareti sadrazamlara ait olan “sadaka tevliyetleri” adındaki küçük vakıfların defter ve hesaplarını tutardı. Bu kaleme bağlı olarak bulunan

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vakıflar; İstanbul, Rumeli ve Anadolu’daki bazı vakıflardır. Bu vakıfların idarî işleri, hesapları, tayin ve tevcih gibi işleri Bâbüssaâde ağasının idaresindeki bu kalem tarafından yürütülürdü. Şarkî Rumeli Belgeleri (A.MTZ.RŞ.) 1877-78 Türk Rus Harbi sonucu olarak 13 Haziran 1878 Berlin Kongresi’nde Balkanlar ile Batı Trakya’nın kuzey hududu arasında Şarkî Rumeli vilayetinin kurulması kabul edildi. Vilayet; Filibe, Pazarcık, Zağra‑i Atik, Hasköy, İslimye ve Bergos sancaklarına tâbi 28 kaza ve bunlara bağlı yaklaşık 1.300 köyden teşkil edilmişti. “Şarkî Rumeli Nizamnâmesi” Osmanlı Devleti, Almanya, Avusturya, İngiltere, Fransa, İtalya ve Rusya tarafından 26 Nisan 1879’da imzalandı. Aleko Paşa vali tayin edilerek Şarkî Rumeli vilayeti resmen 17 Mayıs 1879’da kuruldu. Ancak daha sonra Aleko Paşa’nın Rus kumandanı ile işbirliği yapması sonucu bölge, Bulgar nüfuzuna girmeye başladı. Aleko Paşa görev süresini doldurup ayrılınca Vilayet Müsteşarı Gavril Efendi vezir rütbesi ile vali tayin edildi. Bir süre sonra milislerin desteğine güvenen Bulgar Liberal Partisi’nin 18 Eylül 1885’te yaptığı bir hükûmet darbesi ile vali tutuklanarak Şarkî Rumeli vilayeti Bulgaristan ile birleştirildi. Şarkî Rumeli belgeleri 1296-1327/1879-1909 tarihleri arasındaki muhaberât kayıtlarını ihtiva etmektedir. Yıldız Sarayı Arşivi Belgeleri II. Abdülhamid devrinde Yıldız Sarayı’nda biriken defter, belge ve gazetelerden oluşan fondur. Bu fonda, II. Abdülhamid’in özel olarak ilgilendiği konular, Sadaret’ten Saray’a sunulmuş, ancak irâdeleri sâdır olmamış tezkireler, şahısların Yıldız Sarayı’na sundukları çeşitli arîza, rapor ve ihbarlar, Kâmil Paşa, Cevdet Paşa, Namık Kemal, Midhat Paşa vb. önemli şahsiyetlerin metrukâtı, dış basında Devlet‑i Aliye ile ilgili çıkan yazılar, albüm ve resimler, kanun ve nizamnâme suretleri, Abdülhamid’e ait hususî el defterleri ve cüzdanlar ile haritalar bulunmaktadır. Devletlerarası ilişkiler, Şarkî Rumeli, Ermeni ve Mısır meseleleri, Girid hadisesi, sınır olayları gibi önemli devlet problemlerinden zaptiye jurnallerinde geçen adî vukuata kadar bu dönemin çeşitli özelliklerini yansıtan bir fondur. Sadaret Hususî Maruzat Evrakı (Y.A.HUS.) Sadaret makamının, yapılan işlerin neticeleri, dahilî veya haricî bazı mesele ve

Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Rumeli Araştırmaları Açısından Önemi

hâdiseler hakkında padişaha bilgi vermek maksadıyla, Saray’a takdim ettiği hususî maruzatı muhtevî olup, umumiyetle beyân‑ı hâl ve arz‑ı malûmattan ibarettir. Yıldız Sadaret Hususî Maruzatı büyük bir ekseriyetle haricî meseleler, özellikle Şarkî Rumeli, Ermeni meseleleri, Girid hâdisâtı, Mısır meselesi, İtalya’nın Afrika’ya dahli ve benzeri hâdiseler, devletlerarası münasebetler ve Osmanlı Devleti’nin takip ettiği siyaset bakımından ve ayrıca, dış basında Osmanlı Devleti’ni ilgilendiren yazılar ve bunlarla ilgili yazışmalar cihetiyle ehemmiyet arz eder. Perakende Evrakı Müfettişlikler ve Komiserlikler Tahriratı (Y. PRK. MK.) 1293-1326/1876-1909 tarihlerini kapsayan ve 4273 adet belgeden oluşan bu katalog, şu belgelerden oluşmaktadır; Müfettişlik ve Komiserlikler tahrîrâtı, Rumeli Vilâyâtı Müfettişliği ve Rumeli vilâyetleriyle ilgibi belgeler, Mısır Fevkalâde Komiserliği (Mısır ile ilgili belgeler), Bulgaristan Komiserliği (Bulgaristan ile ilgili belgeler), Müfettişlik ve komiserlikte görevli personelin yazıları ve gönderen ve alanı belli olmayan fakat Rumeli vilâyâtı, Bulgaristan ve Mısır Fevkalâde Komiserliği ilgili yazı, layiha ve müsveddeler. Dahiliye Nezareti Tesrî-i Muamelat ve Islahat Komisyonu (DH.TMİK.S.) 1312/1894 yılında kurulan bu komisyon, adından da anlaşılacağı gibi ıslahat ve muamelâtın hızlandırılması için kurulmuştur. Bu fonda yer alan belgelerin konuları genel olarak şöyledir: Rumeli ve Anadolu vilayetlerindeki ıslahat faaliyetleri, özellikle Anadolu Vilayatı Müfettişi Şakir Paşa’nın denetimi altındaki ıslahat hareketleri, ziraatin geliştirilmesi ve ıslahı için yapılan çalışmalar, idari ve mülki taksimattaki değişiklikler, jandarma teşkilatının kurulması, zabtiye alaylarının jandarmaya tahvili, vergi düzenlemeleri ve vergi tahsilinin tahsildarlara bırakılması, Osmanlı Devleti bünyesinde bulunan yabancıların yönetimde nüfusları oranında temsil ve istihdamları, sosyal ve ekonomik konulardaki diğer ıslahat faaliyetleri. Emniyet-i Umumiye Müdüriyeti Seyrüsefer Kalemi (DH.EUM.SSM) Görevi esas itibarıyla, yurda giriş ve çıkışların denetlenmesi, yurt içindeki seyahatlerin kontrolünden sorumlu olan Seyrüsefer Kalemi’ne ait olan 1333-1340/1915-1921 yıllarını kapsayan bu katalogda yer alan belgeler şu konuları ihtiva etmektedir: Seyahat Varakası talepleri; yurt içinde ve yurt dışında seyahat edecek yolcuların listeleri; Seyahat Varakası ile seyahat eden yabancılarla ilgili bilgiler (sayıları, tabiiyet, kimlikleri)

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ve raporlar; Balkan Treni ile gidip gelenlerin listesi; seyahat edecek yolcular hakkında muameleleri gösteren talimatnâmeler; bazı özel kişilere seyahatleri esnasında kolaylık sağlanması; pasaport vize işlemleri; tren veya vapurla gelip giden yolcuların kontrolü; emniyet müfettişliklerinde ve Istıtlâât memurluklarında görevli polisler ile ilgili işlemler. Vilayet ve Müfettişliklere (Taşra Arşivleri) Ait Belgeler Bilindiği gibi Osmanlı Arşivi’nde muhafaza edilen arşiv malzemesinin büyük çoğunluğu, Osmanlı Devleti’nin İstanbul’daki merkezî devlet dairelerine aittir. İstanbul dışından getirilen belge ve defterler taşra evrakı olması dolayısıyla, merkezî evrak fonlarından ayrı tutularak taşra evrakı (TŞR.) kodu altında tasnif edilmiştir. Arşivimizde bulunan taşra arşivleri evrakı, Kıbrıs ve Rumeli Müfettişliği evrakıdır. Rumeli Müfettişliği Belgeleri (Taşradan Gelen Belgeler) (TFR.) 1902 yılında ihdas edilen Rumeli Müfettişliği; Manastır, Selanik, Kosova, Yanya, Edirne ve İşkodra ile bu vilayetlere bağlı sancak, kaza ve nahiye ve köylerine ait tahrirat kayıtlarını ihtiva etmektedir. Rumeli Müfettişliği buralardan Bulgar, Rum, Sırp ve Arnavut eşkıya çeteleri ile fesat komitelerinin zararlı faaliyetleri; yabancı devletlerin zabitleri tarafından yürütülen jandarma ve polis teşkilatı; konsolosların faaliyetleri; Patrikhâne faaliyetleri gibi önemli konularda gelen yazıların dışında, diğer idarî, malî, iktisadî, siyasî, ziraî, adlî ve ticarî konulardaki bütün resmî yazıları ihtiva etmektedir. Kendisini aşan konularda padişah ve sadrazamın emirlerine göre hareket eden Rumeli Müfettişliği, işlerin süratle yapılabilmesi için iyi bir denetleyici ve organizatör olmuştur. Rumeli Müfettişliği Evrakı’nda, umumiyetle şu hususlar yer almaktadır: Tâyin ve terfî işleri, maaş talepleri, çete ve eşkıya faaliyetleri, vergi ve iltizâm işleri, Rum-Bulgar mezhep çatışmaları, adî türden adlî ve hukukî vakalar, idarî yolsuzluklar, jandarma ve polis tenkisatı, bölgenin imar faaliyetleri, Rum ve Bulgar papaz ve daskallarının bölücü faaliyetleri vs. Rumeli Müfettişliği 12 kalemden ibaret olup, evrakı şu kısımlara ayrılmıştır: Rumeli Müfettişliği Arzuhalleri Rumeli Müfettişliği Edirne, Yanya ve İşkodra Evrakı 3 Rumeli Müfettişliği Jandarma Müşiriyet ve Kumandanlığı Evrakı 4 Rumeli Müfettişliği Konsolosluk, Sefâret ve Müfettişlikler Evrakı 1 2

Osmanlı Arşivi’nin Rumeli Araştırmaları Açısından Önemi

Rumeli Müfettişliği Kosova Evrakı Rumeli Müfettişliği Makâmât Evrakı 7 Rumeli Müfettişliği Manastır Evrakı 8 Rumeli Müfettişliği Müteferrik Evrak 9 Rumeli Müfettişliği Sadaret ve Başkitâbet Evrakı 10 Rumeli Müfettişliği Selanik Evrakı 11 Rumeli Müfettişliği Umum Evrak 12 Rumeli Müfettişliği Defterleri Kataloğu 5 6

288.213 belge 244 deftere sahip bu fonun 37 adet belge, 1 adet de defter kataloğu vardır. Büyük Kale Kalemi Belgeleri (D.BKL.) Önemli bir gider kalemi olan Büyük Kale Kalemi genellikle Mora ve Arnavutluk dışında kalan büyük kalelerin, müstahkem mevkilerin erzak, cephâne, onarım işleri ve personelin maaş işlerini yürütürdü. Ayrıca Yerli Kulu askerlerinin (Mısır, Bağdat, Lahsa, Musul, Diyarbekir, Van, Bosna, Budin, Tımışvar, Şam, Halep, Kars ve Erzurum’a yeniçeri ve onların teşkilatına uygun olarak ulufe ile kullanılan askerler) yoklamalarına bakardı. Büyük Kale Kalemi ile Haslar Kalemi evrakı içinde bulunan “hüccet‑i zahriye”ler diğer evraktan ayrılarak, mukâtaa isimlerine göre kendi içerisinde kronolojik sıraya konduktan sonra her yılın bitimine tekabül eden dosyalarda toplanmışlardır. Bu durum katalog sahifelerinin açıklamalar kısmında gösterilmiştir. Küçük Kale Kalemi Belgeleri (D.KKL.) Mora ve Avlonya’da bulunan kalelerin ve müstahkem mevkilerin erzak cephâne, onarım işleri ve personelin maaş muamelelerinin yürütüldüğü yerdir. Ayrıca bu kalelere ait ocaklık (kale muhafızlarının veya şehir yerli neferlerinin ulufelerine karşılık olarak tahsis olunan öşür veya örfi hasılat) şeklindeki mevaciblerine bakmak da görevleri arasındaydı. Eyâlât‑ı Mümtâze İrâdeleri Eyâlât‑ı Mümtâze, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’na bağlı hususî imtiyaz anlaşmalarıyla idâre olunan eyaletlerdir. Bunlar, devlete maktû bir vergi ve bazıları sefer zamanında asker vererek, dahilî işlerinde tamamen serbest bulunurlardı. Muhtelif tarihlerde gö-

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rülen Eyâlât‑ı Mümtâzelikler şunlardı: Mekke Şerifliği, Mısır Hidivliği, Sisam Beyliği, Cebel‑i Lübnan Mutasarrıflığı, Kıbrıs Adası, Bulgaristan Prensliği, Bosna-Hersek, Kırım Hanlığı, Erdel Krallığı, Eflâk-Boğdan Voyvodalığı ve Aynoroz Emaneti. Bu teşekküllerden 1908 inkılâbından sonra elde kalanlarının imtiyazları ilga olunmuştur. Mesâil‑i Mühimme İrâdeleri Hazîne‑i Evrak’ın kuruluşu sırasında yapılan ilk tasnif talimatnâmesi esaslarına göre Abdülmecid’in tahta çıkış tarihinden itibaren H. 1265 yılına kadar mühim meselelere dair irâdeli evrak bölümlere ayrılarak gruplandırılmıştır. Sadaret Eyâlât‑ı Mümtâze Kalemi Belgeleri (A.MTZ.) Eyâlât‑ı Mümtâze, idare şekilleri muâhede ve imtiyazlarla belirlenmiş ve dahilî idâreleri hususî kanunlara tâbi olan yerler hakkında kullanılır bir tabirdir. “Vilâyât‑ı Mümtâze ve Muhtâre” de denirdi. 1908 Temmuz inkılâbına kadar her türlü imtiyaza mazhar olan yerler şunlardı: Mısır Hidivliği, Sisam Beyliği, Cebel‑i Lübnan Mutasarrıflığı, Kıbrıs Adası, Bulgaristan Prensliği ile Bosna ve Hersek. Bu eyaletlere taalluk eden işler, Bâb‑ı Âlî’de “Eyâlât‑ı Mümtâze Kalemi Müdürlüğü” tarafından görülürdü. Eyâlât‑ı Mümtâze Kalemi’ne, bu eyaletlerden hemen her mevzuda (bilhassa adlî, iktisadî, askerî, maârif vs.) tahrirât havale olunur ve icâb eden yerlere sevk olunurdu.

Osmanlı Arşiv Belgelerinde Bosna’dan Anadolu’ya Göçler: 1877-1910 Cevat Ekici*

Göç olgusu tarih boyunca kesintisiz bir şekilde çeşitli sebeplerle devam etmiştir. Bu göçler çeşitli kavim ve milletlerin isteğine bağlı olarak gerçekleştiği gibi, istek dışı birçok sebeple de olmuştur. Bahsettiğimiz insan hareketliliği yerküre üzerinde bazı sosyal, siyasal ve kültürel sonuçları da beraberinde getirmiştir. Asıl yerlerinden ayrılan topluluklar anayurtlarında oluşturdukları kültürel, sosyal, dinî birikimlerini yeni yurtlarına taşımışlar ve yepyeni sentezler meydana gelmesine sebep olmuşlardır. Göçmenler için en büyük sorun yeni yurtlarına uyumdur. Bir daha geri dönmemek üzere yapılan göçlerde en ideal şartlar aranmıştır. Bu şartların genel çerçevesini ise tabii ki göç edilen yerlerdeki iklim ve coğrafî şartların aslî vatana azamî derecede benzemesi oluşturur. Bir diğer ve vazgeçilmez husus ise inanç ve değerlerin yakınlığıdır. Göçmenler uzun yıllar ya da yüzyıllar yeni yurtlarında göçmen oldukları hatırlatılarak yaşarlar. Fiziksel özellikler, dil ya da lehçe farklılıkları bu hatırda tutmanın en belirgin sebepleridir. Yerlilerle göçmenler arasında din, dil, ırk gibi tüm özellikler benzeşse bile bazen bu konularda gerginlikler de yaşanır. Yenilerin kendilerini kabul ettirmeleri zaman alır. Bu husus genellikle böyle olsa da bazı göçmenler için durum böyle değildir. Türkiye’de bulunan Bosnalı göçmenler uyum sorunları yaşamış olsalar bile günümüzde bu tür sorunları yoktur. Bosna’dan günümüz Türkiyesi’ne göçlerde entegrasyon sorunları ortak kültür ve inanç değerleri sebebiyle minimum düzeyde kalmıştır. Bu husus daha sonraları da neredeyse tamamen ortadan kalkmıştır. * Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Tanıtım Hizmetleri Koordinatörü 53

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OSMANLI MİRASI VE GÜNÜMÜZ BALKAN MÜSLÜMAN TOPLUMLARI

Göçmenlerin bir diğer özelliği de yeni yurtlarına entegre olsalar bile anayurtlarını unutmamalarıdır. İşgal ve savaş gibi zorunlu şartlar sebebiyle geride bırakılan akrabalar, emlak ve araziler bu hatırda tutmayı sağlayan en önemli amillerdir. Kişiler arasında devam eden bu irtibat, kültürler ve devletler arasında oluşacak ilişkilerde de önemli bir durum olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Dağınık olarak yerleşen göçmenler çeşitli dernek ve vakıflarla yeni yurtlarında ilişkilerini diri tutmaya çalışmaktadırlar. Bu dernek ve vakıflarla organize olan göçmenler aynı zamanda geride bıraktıkları yurtlarında bulunan akrabaları sayesinde birer köprü durumundadırlar. Göç ve göçmenlerin genel karakteristiğinden sonra Bosna’dan Türkiye’ye yapılan göçlerin tarihi ve arşiv belgelerine göre Bosnalı muhacirlerin yerleşim yerleri, karşılaştıkları sorunlar gibi hususlardan bahsetmek istiyorum. Bu çalışma bu konuda giriş niteliğindedir. Bazı örnek arşiv belgelerinin incelenmesi ile göç sürecinin doğru anlaşılabilmesi, muhacirlerin akraba ve geçmişleri ile irtibatlarının doğru sağlanabilmesindeki önem vurgulanmaya çalışılacaktır. Bosna’dan ilk defa göçler Avusturya’nın Berlin Anlaşması’ndan sonra bölgeyi işgali ile başlamıştır. Avusturya’nın Müslümanlara yönelik çeşitli hukuk dışı uygulamaları göçe sebep olmuştur. Bosna-Hersek’te bulunan dört yüz bin Müslümanın göçü bölgede nüfus dengesini Hristiyanlar lehine değiştireceğinden Osmanlı Devletinin ileriki yıllarda burada yapabileceği hamleleri sekteye uğratabilecekti. Ayrıca büyük ölçüde gerçekleşebilecek göçün çeşitli sosyal ve iktisadi sıkıntıları da beraberinde getirmesi kesindi. Yine Osmanlı Devleti bu yıllarda iç ve dış sıkıntılar sebebiyle ekonomik olarak hayli zor durumda olduğundan göçmenlere istediği gibi imkânlar sağlamaktan mahrumdu. Bu sebeplerden dolayı Osmanlı Devleti göçe sıcak bakmıyor ancak bütün bu olumsuzluklara rağmen göç etmek isteyenler olursa onlara da olumsuz cevap vermeme kararı alıyordu.12 Bu çerçevede başlayan göçlerin ilk merkezlerinden birisi İstanbul olmuştur. İstanbul’da yoğun olarak toplanan muhacirlerin bütün vilayetlere iskânı için şartların elverişli olup olmadığı sorulmuştur. Bu soruya: İzmir Valisi, Menemen’de ziraate elverişsiz 10.000 dönüm arazi ve Çeşme’de sahilde 140 hane iskânına elverişli arazi olduğu, Edirne valisi, Midye’de 140, Ahtabolu’da 20 hanenin, Kastamonu Valisi, Bartın’da 100 Sinop’ta 500 hanenin, Konya Valisi, Antalya sahilinde 700 hanenin,  Y.A.RES, 3/7

12

Osmanlı Arşiv Belgelerinde Bosna’dan Anadolu’ya Göçler: 1877-1910

İstanbul Belediyesi, Silivri ve Terkos’ta vakıf arazilerinden Istranca merasıyla Elecek ve Balabanburnu isimli yerlerin iskâna elverişli olduğunu

bildirmiştir.13 Üsküdar’a gelen muhacirler ise Hazine-i Hassa’ya bağlı çiftlik arazilerine yerleştirilmişlerdir. Bu muhacirler 32 hane olup, toplam nüfusu 139’dur. Bunlar 32 erkek, 29 kadın, 44 erkek ve 31 kız çocuğundan oluşmaktadır. Bu muhacirler Varna yolu ile Gradişka kasabasından gelmişlerdir.14 Bir taraftan göçler devam ederken Avusturya Devleti Bosna-Hersek’te Müslümanlara çeşitli işkenceler yapıyor, mezarlıkları imha ediyor, arazi yazımında miras hukukunu çiğniyordu. Osmanlı Devleti bu gibi durumların önüne geçilmesi için Avusturya nezdinde gerekli girişimlerde bulunmak için karar almıştı.15 Ayrıca Türkiye’nin başkenti olan Ankara şehrine yerleştirilen muhacirlerden bahsetmek gereklidir. Temmuz 1901 yılında 1457 hanede 6802 muhacir Ankara’nın çeşitli yerlerine yerleştirilmiştir.16 Yerleşim mevkilerinin de isimleri değiştirilerek yeni isimler verilmiştir.

Haymana Kazası

Gelinen Şehir

Hane Sayısı

Yerleşim Bölgesinin Eski İsmi

Yerleşim Bölgesinin Yeni İsmi

Tuzla Hersek Mihiyac Travnik Banaluka Mostar Bihke Saraybosna Travnik Tuzla

74 11 6 26 57 4 1 15 31 12

Ördek Gölü Kesikkavak Yayla Koyak Çingirli Barutlu Hoşlar Öreni Karapınar Üçpınarlar Tatarhamzalı Zir Merkezi İnceğiz Çemen

Burhaniye Kadiriye Süleymaniye Hamidabad Ahmediye Bayezid Tevfikiye Fatih

 DH.MKT, 1343/20, 17 Aralık 1883   Y.MTV, 53/10, 28 Temmuz 1891 15   Y.A.RES, 117/77, 14 Ağustos 1902 16   Y.MTV, 218/79 13 14

55

56

OSMANLI MİRASI VE GÜNÜMÜZ BALKAN MÜSLÜMAN TOPLUMLARI

Zir Kazası

Sivrihisar Kazası

Yerleşim Bölgesinin Eski İsmi

Yerleşim Bölgesinin Yeni İsmi

Zıll-ı Hamidi Halimiye

4

Afşar Hacıuzun Dutluca, Kapaklı, Surtak

49 25 28 3 237 2

Sivrihisar Mahmudiye(Güğüm) Orhaniye(Pelek) Osmaniye(Başpınar) Mecidiye(Yayla) Hüdavendigar(Kuşcağız)

Gelinen Şehir

Hane Sayısı

Bihke Banaluka

16 23

Saray Tuzla Travnik Banaluka Mostar Saraybosna Bihke

Mesudiye

Ankara ve İstanbul dışında Bursa, İnegöl, Karamürsel gibi Türkiye’nin çeşitli şehirlerinde iskân gerçekleştirilmiştir. Avusturya’nın 1909 yılında Bosna’yı ilhak etmesi üzerine Osmanlı Devleti ile Avusturya-Macaristan Devleti arasında 26 Şubat 1909’da 9 maddelik bir protokol imzalanmıştır. Bu protokolün 3. maddesi Bosna-Hersek halkından isteyenlerin Osmanlı topraklarına göçlerini serbest bırakmaktadır. Bu göçmenler geldiklerinde Osmanlı tebaası sayılacaklardır.17 İmzalanan bu protokolde göçmenlerin Bosna’da kalan emlak ve arazileri hakkında Osmanlı kanunlarının geçerli olacağına dair bir hüküm olmadığı için muhacirler haklarının müdafaası için Bosna’daki ilgili mahkemeye başvurmak durumunda kalmışlardır.18 Göçmenlerin arazileri üzerinde istedikleri gibi tasarruf etme haklarını veren protokole19 göre Bosna-Hersek ahalisinden olup, ilhaktan önce Osmanlı topraklarına gelerek nüfus cüzdanı alanlar ile bir yıldan fazla ikamet edenlerden geri dönmek isteyenlere Osmanlı vatandaşı gibi davranılması, diğerlerine ise Avusturya vatandaşı gibi davranılması öngörülmüştür.20

17  HR.HMŞ.İŞO, 36/4 18  HR.HMŞ.İŞO, 29/2-4 19  HR.HMŞ.İŞO, 29/2-1 belge sıra16/1,2 20  HR.HMŞ.İŞO, 29/2-1

Osmanlı Arşiv Belgelerinde Bosna’dan Anadolu’ya Göçler: 1877-1910

Sonuç Göçmenlerin çoğunlukla maddi birikimleri ya asgari ölçüye inmiştir ya da kaybolmuştur. Bu husus onların girişimci yanlarını kuvvetli bir şekilde ön plana çıkarmalarına sebep olur. Yeni yurtlarında kendilerini topluma kabul ettirmek ve başarılı olmak durumundadırlar. Bu sebeple göçmenler yerli toplumlar için de bir çeşit enerji kaynağı olurlar. Bosna-Hersekli göçmenler de geldikleri günlerden beri enerjik ve Türk toplumuyla barışık bir şekilde yaşamaktadırlar. Bu çalışmada özellikle Bosna-Hersek’ten Türkiye’nin iki önemli şehrine yapılan göçler incelenmiştir. Bunun sebebi coğrafi olarak aralarında mesafe bulunan bu iki toplumun iletişiminde, büyük ve önemli şehirlerde yaşayan göçmenlerin karar alma mekanizmalarına yakın oluşlarının etkisidir.

57

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks Olsi Jazexhi*

Turks as the other of the Albanian In his book ‘Escaping from the East: Albanian Orientalism from Naim Frashëri to Ismail Kadaré (2006) Enis Sulstarova has amply demonstrated the Orientalist spirit permeating the literature, historiography and contemporary political debates that underscore the modern identity of the Albanians. Even though Albanians are supposed to be a predominantly Muslim nation and their contribution to the Ottoman Empire is well known,1 with the creation of Albania after the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the national narrative of the Albanians was constructed in a way that portrays Europe and the West as their main aspiration. The tendency of the Albanian speaking elites to distance themselves from the Ottomans became a political necessity since the Congress of Berlin in 1878, when the withdrawal of the Ottoman Empire from Europe became apparent, and the Albanian Rilindas2 and their Austro – Hungarian patrons, worked for producing another type of Albanian – in oppositione to the Turk.3 As a result, the general trend of Albanian national romanticism has been to depict the Ottomans and their empire in Albania as an era of obscurantism, while the “Albanians” from collaborators – are depicted as opponents of the Turks. Even though many Albanian speaking Muslims associated and even imagined themselves   Ph.D., Free Lance Researcher.   Sami Frashëri: VEPRA 9 , Personalitete shqiptare në Kamus al-A’lam të Sami Frashërit, LOGOS-A Shkup 1994 2   The word Rilindas and Rilindja are used in the Albanian historiography for describing the so-called national re – awaking of the Albanians. The term is very similar with the Italian Risorgimento 3   for more on this subject see the editorial of Fatos Lubonja, Përpjekja nr. 20/2005, Religion and Albanians *

1

59

60

THE OTTOMAN LEGACY AND THE BALKAN MUSLIM COMMUNITIES TODAY

as “Turks”,4 the national narrative of the Albanians, maintains that they are ancient Europeans, and the Ottomans their other. Fatos Lubonja has noted that the depiction of the Ottoman period as an era of a total obscurity and the subsequent distancing from the Ottomans, served the nationalists’ aim for creating the myth of reborn Albania that emerged thanks to her national heroes who fought with ‘riffle and pen’ against the obscurantist Turk. The imagined historical record of the “Albanian” – that one can read in Albanian history textbooks, finds him portrayed as being one of the most ancient peoples of Europe. The narrative shows the Albanian being first a Pelazgian and Illyrian, than progressing through his Illyrian states and Rome, transiting through Byzantium, invaded by the Ottomans and then culminating in the 20th century when he creates his modern nation state.5 As Nathalie Clayer has shown, this teleological narrative of the “Albanian” was the main platform on which European romanticists and Albanologists depicted the “Albanian” during the 19th century, while they were discovering the “Greek”. People from Johann Georg von Hahn to Ami Boué, Byron, Ippen, Hecquard, Leake and Pouqueville were some of the most important Western romanticist and scholars who built their theories and predictions on the Albanians. Their “discovery” of the “Albanian” had an important impact on the works of Albanian Rilindja which used their theories for constructing the imagined community of the Albanians.6 Even though the thinkers of the so-called Albanian national re-awakening were not a monolithic block and their ideas on the imagined Albanian varied substantially (often depending on their religious, linguistic or regional affiliation), an important theme that united them all was their depiction of the Turk as the “other” of the Albanian. One of the reasons why Albanian nationalists projected the Turks as such is related even to the loyalty that many Albanian-speaking Muslims had towards them and the popular identification that many Muslims made with the Turks.7 Sami Frashëri, one of the most important Bektashi-Muslim Rilindas, who laid the platform of Albanian nationalism in his book Shqipëria, ç'ka çënë, ç’është e ç’do të bëhetë?, (Albania What Was, What is and What Will Become) (1899) noted with concern the absence of nationalism among his people: see for example my forthcoming article: Olsi Jazexhi, Turks into Albanians, at Përpjekja nr. 26/ 2008   See Historia e Popullit Shqiptar 4, Shtepia Botuese e Librit Shkollor 2003 6   For more on this subject see NATHALIE CLAYER, Aux origines du nationalisme albanais. La naissance d’une nation majoritairement musulmane en Europe, Paris, Karthala/CERI, coll. « Recherches internationales », 2007 7   Olsi Jazexhi, Turks into Albanians, Përpjekja nr. 26/ 2008 (forthcoming) 4  5

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

In our birthplace, religion is more important to the people than nation; thus a Greek for example after changing his faith changes his nation too, and if he becomes Catholic he says I am a frënk (Frank), if he becomes a Muslim he says I am a Turk. 8

The absence of nationalism was noted with concern even by Vaso Pasha, a Catholic Rilindas, who in his famous poem «Oh Albania, Poor Albania» recognized that the Albanians were: « ... split in hundred factions, Some say we have faith and some we had deen, Some I’m Turk, some I am Latin, Some I’m Greek, some I am Slavic.»

In the conclusion of his poem Vaso Pasha, like many other Rilindas, was appealing to the Albanians to: «not look to churches or mosques», because «The faith of the Albanians is Albanianism!»� However, when Albania was created as a state by the Great Powers in 1913, the imagined Albanians did not show themselves ready to become a nation as the Westerners and the Rilindas expected them to be. The civil – religious war that engulfed the country from 1913 to 1915, where many Sunni Muslims wanted to remain with Turkey and proclaimed themselves Osmanlis, the Orthodox wanted Greece and many Catholics sided with Serbia and Montenegro; shows the difficulty that a country with three faiths had to undergo before becoming a nation. The politicians who ruled Albania from 1920 to the middle of 20th century had to fight for transforming the three existing Ottoman “millets” into a nation, and make Albanianism their civic religion. Politicians like Ahmet Bey Zogu who ruled the country from 1920 to 1939, undertook “Occidentalizing” and secular reforms and legitimized their rule in the name of Westernization. But the opposition attacked Zog and his regime by comparing them with their Ottoman predecessor and labeling Zog a sultan, an oriental satrap and depicting his reforms as being Turkish.9 The political tradition of the Albanian elites that demonizes the Turks, the Ottomans and the Orientals and portrays them as source of backwardness, fanaticism, the old and the other is labeled by Sulstarova as a desire for “Escaping from the East” or as an Albanian form of Orientalism. This syndrome, which is at the cornerstone of 8  9 

Sami Frashëri, Shqipëria, ç’ka çënë, ç’është e ç’do të bëhetë?, Bukuresht 1899, (Prishtine 1999), 67 Enis Sulstarova, Orientalizmi Shqiptar, Përpjekja 20/2005, 42 – 60

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THE OTTOMAN LEGACY AND THE BALKAN MUSLIM COMMUNITIES TODAY

the modernization process in Albania, was vigorously pursued even by the communists. The communist regime which proclaimed its messianic mission of “liberating” and “emancipating” the Albanians from their feudalist past, replaced the Occidentalizing slogans of their nationalist predecessors with their plea of creating the new man of socialist realism. They accelerated the process of secularization and modernization of Albania by declaring war on all the religions and finally banning them in 1967 and declaring Albania the first atheistic state of the world.10 However the communists singled out the cultural remains of the Ottoman Empire as the worst heritage that the country had to get rid off if it was to be really modern. The anadollaks (Anatolians), beys, ağas, kulaks, hojas, dervishes, Muslim and Christian clergy and their believers become part of communists’ jargon, for depicting the enemies of progress. The cultural war against the Ottoman traditions that the communists undertook during their rule was known as “lufta kundër zakoneve prapanike” or “the war against obsolete practices”. This war was conducted through arts and media, school textbooks and state propaganda. The communists removed hundreds of Turkish words from the Albanian language during their reforms for “the purification of the language”.11 While in media and arts, they singled out Muslim and Turkish officials as symbols of the feudal past that had to be eradicated in order of creating the new man of socialist realism. Hundreds of novels and movies produced during these times [e.g. “The Bloodstained Land” (1976)12, “The Second November” (1982)13 and The Prefect (1948)14] depict the pre-communist establishment of Albania as feudalistic and Ottoman. Here the Muslim clergy and the feudal rulers are shown talking in a Turkish-loaded language, while suppressing the free and progressive Albanians. Albania is depicted as suffering under the Turkish yoke [e.g. “Life or Death” (1979) movie15], while Islam and the Quran are shown as source of inspira Anton Logoreci (1977) The Albanians: Europe’s Forgotten Survivors, London Victor Gollancz Ltd. 155 11  Kristina Jorgaqi, Ndërhyrjet e Planifikuara Për Zëvendësimin e Huazimeve Në Shqipen Standarde, Përpjekja 09 / 1996: 159 – 167. 12  See: Tokë e Përgjakur (1976), Kinostudio Shqipëria e Re. Screenwriter: Kiço Blushi and Nexhati Tafa. Producers: Ibrahim Muço and Kristaq Mitro. The movie is based upon the novels of Naum Priftit ‘Litari i Zjarrtë’ and ‘Fortesa’ of Teodor Laço. Available at: http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=5534412945423304241&q=kico+blushi&ei=9tlCSMDCG5eG2wKllLj0CA 13   Nëntori i Dytë (1982), Kinostudio Shqipëria e Re. Screenwriter: Kiço Blushi and Dhimitër Shuteriqi. Producers: Viktor Gjika. Available at: http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=51371499642207436 12&q=nentori+i+dyte&ei=F85YSPbTLoTw2QLY06z8Dg 14   Prefekti (1948), Producer: Besim Levonja. Available: http://video.google.it/videoplay?docid=120 0725622549714798&q=prefekti&ei=0ihDSI3wEIem2gL4_dmNCQ&hl=it 15   Liri a Vdekje (1979), Kinostudio Shqipëria e Re. Screenwriter: Vath Koreshi. Producers: Ibrahim Muçaj 10

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

tion for the Turkish zealot who wants to eliminate the Albanian language and nation. The main thesis of the communist historiography and art was that the Ottoman invasion and its five hundred years rule upon Albania cut the country apart from her natural development in Europe and plunged it into five hundred years of darkness. Communists’ fight against the Ottoman past was very successful. Ermal Hasimja has shown that by 1989 they had managed to wipe out almost totally the Muslim names from the new generation of Albanians educated in the schools of Tirana.16 The thesis of Turkish obscurantism and Muslim fanaticism continues to dominate much of the Albanian intellectual establishment even after the fall of communism. When Fatos Nano, become Prime Minister of Albania in 1997 he declared that his government would reverse the effects of the last 555 years of history – referring obviously to the Ottoman period and its sympathisers.17 The myth of Ottoman obscurantism versus Albanian bravery haunts the Albanian culture today in all its aspects, since the hundreds of images that communism created in literature, painting, sculpture, movies and dramas have made this cultural legacy almost inescapable. 18 The image of the obscurantist Turk follows the Albanian everywhere in his life. When he attends his primary school and gymnasium, when he watches the movie “Scanderbeg” (1953) where the Turks are shown destroying Greek and Roman statues, when he reads novels like “The Castle” (1970) or “The Perverse Year” (1990) of Ismail Kadare, when he watches the “Prefekti” comedy, or the latest movie of Fatmir Koçi “Time of the Comet” (2007)19 or reads the novel of socialist politician Ben Blushi, “Living in an island” (2008), Albanians are taught to view the Turks as enemies of civilization. Extracts from the above novels and works of art are to be found even in the Albanian history and literature textbooks that we shall analyze in this paper. A collateral damage of Albanian elites’ imagined war with their Turkish past is even Islam, which as Ismail Kadare declared in 1991 has no place in Albania, since: Albania’s future is towards Christianity, since it is connected with it culturally, old memories and its pre-Turkish nostalgia. With the passing of time, the late Islamic religion that came with the Ottomans should disappear (at first in Albania and and Kristaq Mitro. Available at: http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-161569636879001462 16   Ermal Hasimja, Emra dhe identitete: përse nuk quhem Besim?, Universiteti Europian i Tiranës. Online at: http://www.hasimja.com/files/Emra%20dhe%20identitete%20perse.htm 17   Olsi Jazexhi, The Political Exploitation of Islamophobia in post–communist Albania, International Islamophobia Conference, Istanbul. December 2007 18   Enis Sulstarova, ORIENTALIZMI SHQIPTAR, Perpjekja 20/2005, 42 – 60 19   a presentation of this movie can be found at: http://www.timeofthecomet.com/index.html

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THE OTTOMAN LEGACY AND THE BALKAN MUSLIM COMMUNITIES TODAY

then in Kosovo), until it will be replaced by Christianity or, to be more exact, the Christian culture. Thus from one evil (the prohibition of religion in 1967) goodness will come. The Albanian nation will make a great historical correction that will accelerate its unification with its mother continent: Europe.20

Research scope In order to better understand how the Ottomans, Turks and Islam are represented in the school textbooks of Albania, we have selected the main history and literature texts that were used in Albania as of 2007 for teaching gymnasium students during their four grades of the high school system. The books that we shall analyze are the following: Letërsia 1 (Literature 1) for the 1st grade gymnasiums, Shtëpia Shkollore Albas 2006 (b) (hereafter Letërsia 1) 2 Letërsia dhe Gjuha Shqipe 2 (Literature and Albanian Language 2) for the 2nd grade gymnasiums, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor e Re, 2004 (hereafter Letërsia 2) 3 Letërsi dhe Gjuhë Shqipe 3 (Literature and Albanian Language 3) for the 3rd grade gymnasiums, Shtepia Botuese e Librit Shkollor e Re, 2004 (hereafter Letërsia 3) 4 Letërsi dhe Gjuhë Shqipe 4 (Literature and Albanian Language 4) for the 4th grade gymnasiums, Pegi, 2007 (hereafter Letërsia 4) 5 Historia 1 (History 1) for the 1st grade gymnasiums, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor, 2003 (c) (hereafter Historia 1) 6 Historia 2 (History 2) for the 2nd grade gymnasiums, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor, 2000 (hereafter Historia 2) 7 Historia 3 (History 3) for the 3rd grade gymnasiums, Shtëpia Botuese Media Print, 2006 (hereafter Historia 3) 8 Historia e Popullit Shqiptar 4 (the History of the Albanian People 4) for the 4th grade gymnasiums, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor 2003 (c) (hereafter Historia 4) 1

Despite the frequent change of the school curricula in Albania,21 the content of   Ismail Kadare, Nga Nëntori në Nëntor, 1991, quoted by Rexhep Qosja in Gazeta SHQIP, 15.06.2006   Erind Pajo (2007), «Albanian schoolbooks in process of societal transformation: review notes» in Christina Koulouri, ed.: Clio in the Balkans. The Politics of History of Education, Thessaloniki: Centre for 20 21

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

the books has not changed a lot from what the Albanians where taught about the Ottomans during the era of communism. As Adanir and Kostovicova have noted, the Balkan historiography concerning the Ottoman Empire has been ideologically engaged since 1945. The ideological role of history was altered following the demise of communism in Albania, but not removed.22 The overwhelming majority of the authors who wrote the books we shall analyze here are people who were educated during the era of communism. As a result the themes that were produced during the era of communism about the Ottomans and the Turks have not changed a lot even in the post-communist editions. Kostovicova notes that ‘the altered content in the Ottoman period primarily concerns the Albanian self-presentation rather than the Ottomans. Changes meet ideological imperatives of the period in which the textbooks are written, but the dominant perception of the Ottomans remains unchanged’.23 From a survey that I have done to the names of the authors who wrote the books of Historia 1, 2, 3, 4 and Letërsia 1, 2, 3, 4 they are dominated by men and the majority of them bear names or surnames that indicate a Muslim origin. Muslim named authors are followed by Orthodox Christians, while the Catholics constitute a minority. Nevertheless, the religious names or surnames of the authors should not be overestimated here, since religion was not practiced, but rather fought against during the generation of the authors of our textbooks.24 Indications on the religious name or surname of the authors Author’s name

History 4 History 3 History 2 History 1 Literature 4 Literature 3 Literature 2 Literature 1 Total

Muslim

Orthodox

Catholic

Total

6 5 2 3 6 4 3 3 32

1 1 2 2 5 2 1 2 16

0 0 1 0 1 0 2 0 4

7 6 5 5 12 6 6 5

Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeastern Europe: 447 – 448 22   Denisa Kostovicova, “The Portrayal of the Yoke: The Ottomans and their Rule in the post-1990 Albanian-language History Textbooks”, Internationale Schulbuchforschung, 2002 (Vol.24). 257-278 23   Ibid 24   religion was violently prohibited in Albania from 1967 - 1990

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THE OTTOMAN LEGACY AND THE BALKAN MUSLIM COMMUNITIES TODAY

Authors being male or female

Sex History 4 History 3 History 2 History 1 Literature 4 Literature 3 Literature 2 Literature 1 Total

Men 6 3 4 3 7 4 5 3 35

Women 1 3 1 2 5 2 1 2 17

Total 7 6 5 5 12 6 6 5

In spite of the number of authors with some form of Muslim ancestry, one must note here that writers covering the bulk of the history lessons dealing with the Ottoman Empire and the Turks in Albania are overwhelmingly Orthodox Christians. The greater part of the information about the Ottomans in Historia 1, Historia 2, and Historia 4 where some 131 pages are dedicated to this history, comes from Petrika Thëngjilli. Other authors who contribute are Llambro Filo, Ilira Sulo and Gazmend Shpuza. In Letërsia textbooks the identification of who writes what is more difficult. Another important observation that we must make here, is related to the cultural content of the books. In literature textbooks for example, the foreign literature offered is from overwhelmingly Christian, American and European authors and there are no texts coming from foreign Muslim authors. When it comes to Albanian authors, these literature textbooks have Christian authors who dominate over the Muslims. In “Letërsi dhe Gjuhe Shqipe 4” textbook for example, the works of 14 Christian Albanian authors are offered in contrast to 5 Muslim-named authors.25 In Letërsia 3 there are 8 texts coming from Albanian Christian authors and 3 from Muslims.26 In Letërsia 2 the writings of 14 Albanian Christian and 6 Muslims authors are presented.27 While in Letërsia 1 we find the works of 2 Christian and 2 Muslim Albanian authors presented.28 However the names of Muslim named authors does not mean   See: Letërsi dhe Gjuhë Shqipe 4 (2007), Pegi, Tirane, 324. I have to specify here the term ‘author with Muslim names’ since people like Ismail Kadare or Faik Konica have denounced Islam or called on Albanian Muslims to revert back to Christianity in some of their writings, and their clasiffication as Muslims would be abusive. 26   Letërsi dhe Gjuhë Shqipe 3, Shtepia Botuese e Librit Shkollor e Re, 2004, 423 – 424 27   Letërsia dhe Gjuha Shqipe 2, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor e Re, 2004 28   Letërsia 1, Shtëpia Shkollore Albas 2006, 3 – 5 25

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

that they should have pro-Ottoman or pro-Muslim feelings. On the contrary, many works that are given by Muslim named authors (e.g. Kadare, Konica, Frashëri) are anti-Turkish and anti-Ottoman, and Kadare can be singled out for his anti-Muslim bias. Anti-Ottoman remarks can be found even among many Christian authors, who in some cases show even signs of anti-Semitism. The books that we are using for this research are the officially approved textbooks that the Ministry of Education and Science of Albania requires all state and private gymnasiums of the country to use. The school textbooks are usually prepared by the Institute of Pedagogical Studies which is a branch of the Ministry of Education.29 In contrast to many other researches in this field, which study only the history textbooks for finding the representation of the other, here, I am making use of the literature textbooks as well. The reason is that literature is as powerful as history for promoting the values of a society. As we shall see below, the texts of literature that are taught in the schools of Albania are too nationalistic and anti-Ottoman and reflect the historical understanding / interpretation of the history that the Albanian state maintains as politically correct. Ottomans: the Asiatic horde that enchained the brave Albanian nation Scanderbeg and national resistance In the Xth section of Letërsia 3 textbook, the gymnasium students of Albania are presented with the life and the deeds of Marin Barleti, a Catholic priest who wrote the “Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi Epirotarum Principis”. Barleti is presented to the schoolchildren of Albania as one of “the most excellent representatives of Albanian humanism.” He is portrayed as a European humanist who escaped Albania when the “Ottoman Asian Hordes” cut off the Albanian culture from European Renaissance. The reason why Barleti is held at great esteem in Letërsia 3 and other Albanian textbooks is related to his historical masterpiece on Scanderbeg, the “national hero of the Albanians”.30 Even though Barleti claims that Scanderbeg was a Bulgarian,31 the national historiography of Albania maintains him to be the national hero of the Albanians. Scanderbeg was used by Albanian Rilindja to symbolize the modern identity of the Albanians. He was used even by Enver Hoxha, who as Egin Ceka has shown, 29  Erind Pajo (2007), op. cited: 445 – 461 30  Letërsia 3, p. 129 – 130 31  Fatos Lubonja, Historia, letërsia dhe libri “Të jetosh në ishull” i Blushit, Korrieri, 12 May 2008

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used the myth of Scanderbeg for legitimizing his grip on power and building the civic religion of his regime.32 Nowadays, the myth of Scanderbeg is used in the Albanian textbooks as a symbol of national unity and Albanian’s European identity. However his transformation into the national hero of the Albanians is one of the main factors, for the negative perception that the Ottomans and the Turks receive in Albanian textbooks. The history of the Turkish Ottomans vis-à-vis the Albanians is dealt at great length by Historia 4.33 This textbook which is named Historia e Popullit Shqiptar 4 (the History of the Albanian People 4) seeks to teach the history of the nation to 4th grade gymnasium students. When dealing with the Ottomans, Historia 4 depicts them as coming into the Balkans during the XIV and XV centuries, at times of great divisions and fatality for the peoples of peninsula. The Ottoman Turks are shown to be economically, militarily and politically superior to the peoples of peninsula. They are depicted as inrushing the Balkans from Asia and no ruler of peninsula can do anything about them. However, Albanians are shown as standing to the challenge and helping the Balkan peoples resisting the Turks. Albanians are shown resisting the Ottoman Turks in a number of battles. The textbooks of Historia 1 and 4, claim that Albanians contributed ¼ of the troops to the anti-Ottoman coalition at the Battle of Kosova. Contrary to the Serbian narrative, which claims that it was the Serbs who killed sultan Murat I, Historia 4 maintains that his killing was made by an Albanian boyar. The Serbian boyar, Miloš Obilić who is supposed to have killed the sultan, here is named Millosh Kopili or Milosh the Bastard. Kostovicova has interpreted the attempts of Albanian historiography to Albanianize the Battle of Kosovo as an attempt which aims “to suit the imperative of national unity behind a national claim to territory in the post-1990 period.”34 Historia 4 textbook dedicates some 107 pages or 28 lessons of the book (that is 1/3 of the book) to the history of the Ottoman Empire in Albania. Historia 4 maintains that with the defeat of the Balkan coalition in Kosovo, “the Albanian states” (which never existed) lost their independence. Albanians are shown as being one people, while the Ottoman sultans are shown as not only invading “the Albanian states” but even as taking infants and kids as hostages from Albanian princes in order   Egin Ceka, Ndërgjegje historike. Muzeu Kombëtar dhe Muzeu i Skënderbeut si institucione të religjionit civil shqiptar të komunizmit, Përpjekja nr. 21/ 2005: 121-147 33   Historia e Popullit Shqiptar 4, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor 2003, 64 34   Kostovicova, Op. Cited. 272 32

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

to secure their obedience.35 By reading the headings of Historia 4 we understand that the historical relationship between the Ottomans and Albanians is reduced to a narrative of conflict and defiance. Some of the titles of the lessons are: “The Albanian resistance against the Ottomans”, “General uprisings and the League of Lezha”, “The Victories of Lezha League”, “The Great Battles of 60-s”, “The continuation of war after Scanderbeg’s death”, “The war of liberation against Ottoman domination”, “Albanian’s conflict with Istanbul”, “Anti-Ottoman uprisings and the beginnings of the national re-awakening”, “The uprising of Kosovo in 1910”, “The implementation of total Ottoman domination in Albanian lands” etc.36 The first lessons that Albanian students learn about the Ottoman history in Albania can be found in the chapter «the Albanian - Ottoman War of the XVth century». The second lesson of this chapter presents to the readers the figure of Scanderbeg. A painting that accompanies the lesson shows Scanderbeg in a valiant pose, rallying the docile Albanians to fight against the Turks. The picture has an underlying note saying “the return of Scanderbeg to Kruja”. Scanderbeg is depicted as coming back to Albania with some hundred co-nationals after having escaped the Turks.� With him, the Albanians are depicted as being antemurale martyrs of Europe. They are shown as fighting some 25 successful battles in 25 years, against the most powerful sultans of the time, Murat II and Mehmet II.37 Historia 1 shows that after the Serbian defeat at Kosovo, only Scanderbeg and János Hunyadi were able to resist to the Turks.38 The first 7 lessons of Historia 4 that deal with the presence of the Ottomans in Albania are dedicated to the deeds of Scanderbeg. Here the Ottomans are portrayed in awe-inspiring colors. Exceptions to this depiction of the Ottomans can be found only in one of the lessons of Historia 1 dealing with the creation of the Ottoman Empire. Here the Ottomans are shown to be tolerant towards Orthodox Christians, Armenians and Jews.39 Nevertheless in Historia 4 the Ottoman Empire and the Ottomans are presented in negative terms. Scanderbeg, who according to the author led the national resistance, is depicted not only as being the commander-in-chief of the nation but also as the defender of Europe against the Turk. After narrating at length the deeds of Scanderbeg and the nation, the text-writers conclude that because of the   Historia 4 2003: 65   Historia 4: 345 – 346 37   Historia 1 2003: 165 38   Ibid 39   Historia 1: 159 – 160 35 36

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remarks he gained from many European personalities and his very important role in resisting the Turks, Scanderbeg deserves the title “hero of the nation”.40 The texts that deal with the deeds of Scanderbeg are accompanied by paintings of him and other Albanian warriors, presented in warlike positions and their names often written in Latin,41 so that the reader can have the impression that they fully belonged to the nobility of Europe. In the textbooks of Historia 4 and Letërsia 1, 3, 4 the mythicization of Scanderbeg goes hand in hand with the vilification of the Ottomans. The Turks are shown as burning, robbing and smashing Albania, and enslaving or slaughtering its population.42 The Turkish invasion is blamed for the destruction of cities, culture and political life of the country. The Ottoman invasion is shown to have cost Albania the loss of her best architectonic achievements like castles, cathedrals, churches, monasteries, works of art, documents and monographs.43 Ottoman sultans like Bayezid II are publicized as ruthless butchers. They chop off hands and feet of their Albanians prisoners and throw them from mountains. Children and women are sold into slavery. Mehmet II is shown as the greatest tyrant among the Turks while his soldiers massacre the Albanians.44 Whereas Murat II burns everything he finds on his way marching against Albania.45 Pashas, Timars and Resistance After dealing with the resistance of Scanderbeg, Historia 4 textbook covers the reforms that the Ottomans undertook in Albania after instituting their rule. The establishment by them of the “feudal - military system” is shown in better terms than the invasion. The authors recognize here that many Albanian towns were rebuilt after the Ottoman invasion.46 However, Albania of the XVI and XVIII centuries is depicted as a country in conflicts and wars of liberation. Some of the titles used for describing this time are “the war of liberation from Ottoman domination”, “the insurrection of the XVI century”, “Albanian assemblies”, “Balkan assemblies” and “military

  Historia 4 2003: 66 – 79   see pictures of the chapter «Albanian – Ottoman War of the XVth century» on Ibid 2003 42   Historia 4: 79 43   Historia 4: 77 44   Historia 4: 75 45   Historia 4: 64 46   Historia 4: 81 – 83 40 41

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

insurrections”.47 Albanians are portrayed as cohesive freedom-fighters resisting the Ottoman yoke. In one of the lessons illustrating these Albanian wars the author inserts a painting from Eugene Delacroix “the Mounted Greek Warrior”48 with an underlying note: “an episode from the war with the Ottomans”.49 Despite the fact that during these times many Albanians were part of the Ottoman state and it was they who crushed most of these local rebellions and banditries, nothing is mentioned about it. The idea one gets by reading Historia 4 is that all Albanians fought the Ottomans, while the beys, the spahis and all other locals who sided with the Ottomans are treated like foreigners.50 Only Historia 2 recognizes that “some” Albanians contributed to the development of the Ottoman State during the XVI and XVII centuries. Here, the author mentions Koçi Bey from Korça and Mehmet Pashe Köprülü from Berat who are shown as apt individuals who strengthened the Ottoman state. However, the author does not refer to them as Albanians but mentions only their city of origin.� After dealing with the establishment of the Ottoman rule, Historia 4 deals with what the Albanian history calls the era of the Great Albanian Pashaliks. The XVIII and XIX centuries were times when the Ottoman Empire started to disintegrate. Local ayans from the Arab peninsula up to the Balkans resisted the central government, establishing their autonomous rule.51 This period was followed by the modernizing era initiated by Sultan Mahmut II who crushed the local ayans with the aim of centralizing the empire, and creating a new army based on western models.52 However the textbook authors fail to address the general context but treat the local Muslim ayans – or the pashas – in a nationalist framework and build a teleological timeline of conflicts that culminates with the pashas who are shown as being inspired by Scanderbeg. The autonomy that is professed by local pashas is interpreted as an attempt to create an autonomous Albania and their problems with each other or with the central government are simplified as “the conflict of the Albanians with Istanbul”.53 Historia 4 pays a special attention to two powerful pashaliks that existed in Al47  Historia 4: 85 – 87 48  a copy of Eugene Delacroix “Mounted Greek Warrior” painting can be found online at: http:// www.greece-athens.com/page.php?page_id=177 49  Historia 4: 85 50  see Historia 4: 85 – 88 51  Shaw, Stanford J. (1971) Between old and new: the Ottoman Empire under Sultan Selim III, 17891807. Harvard University Press, 211 – 283 52  Shaw, Stanford J. (1976-1977). History of the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey. Vol II, Cambridge University Press, 1 - 55 53  Historia 4 2003: 96

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bania in this time: the Bushati family of Northern Albania and Ali Pasha of Janina. The Bushatli pashas are depicted as religiously tolerant, fighting against “foreign” pashas and wanting to create an Illyrian Confederation in memory of Scanderbeg and throwing off the Ottoman yoke.54 On the other hand Ali Pasha of Janina is depicted as a cunning and violent religious fanatic. However, Ali, in the same way as the Bushatlis, is shown as wanting to create Albania.55 The author makes no mention of Ali Pasha’s and the Bushatlis’ role in defending the Ottoman Empire, or their suppression of Greek and Serb rebels. Their wars against the Venetians and other Europeans are largely ignored, and all their history is depicted as a conflict between Albanians and Turks. The conclusion of the story of the Great Albanian Pashaliks shows that the Albanian pashas failed to unite for creating Albania. The Turks defeated them. Their conflicts and those of other Albanian rebels of this period are absurdly presented as national movements aimed at removing non-Albanian officials from their land. But their endeavors and those of many other Albanian leaders, who come after the pashas, are shown as coming to a tragic end. Mehmet Reshit Pasha massacres all the leaders of Albania in a meeting that he organizes for them in August 1830.56 Tanzimat reforms and Albanian national awakening After dealing with the pashaliks, Historia 4 explains the changes that happened in the empire during the Tanzimat reforms. The authors of Historia 4 and Historia 3 maintain that the destruction of the Albanian pashaliks and Tanzimat reforms were like a second invasion for Albania.57 The teleological narrative built claims that the period from 1830 until 1912 is an era of “National Reawakening” for the Albanian nation, when the Rilindas fight with “rifle and pen” for wanting to return Albania in its glory as in the time of Scanderbeg.58 The reforms undertaken by the Ottomans at the time are shown as two-sided. On one side the authors praise the reformers of Sultan Mahmut II who wanted to introduce European reforms in the empire, while on the other hand they condemn their implementation in Albania since they replaced Albanian officials with foreigners who did not know the Albanian traditions. The Tanzimat officials are shown to have spoken the language of “stick and violence”. Another im  Historia 4: 89 – 91   Historia 4: 92 – 95 56   Historia 4: 96 – 98 57   Historia 3 2006: 132 58   Historia 4 2003: 108 54 55

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

portant objection that the text-writers have for the Tanzimat reforms is connected to the implementation of the millet system, whereby the Ottomans classified the Muslims as Turks, the Orthodox as Greeks and the Catholics as Latin. Such as a move, is viewed by the writers as being harmful and divisive for the Albanian nation.59 However, the authors recognize the development of Albania during the Tanzimat era and show that in these times Albanian towns, trade and emigration expanded. The following chapter which deals with the Eastern Question, the Congress of Berlin and the creation of Prizren League (1878), is shown as a new pinnacle of Albanianism. The authors depict the events leading to the creation of Prizren League in a teleological manner. Contrary to the facts, they portray the creation of the League and the conflicts that Muslims of northern Albania had with the invading Balkan armies and later with the Ottomans, as a “national” conflict. The League of Prizren is shown as an organization that was set up by the National Movement of the Albanians by ignoring its pan-Islamic character and the demands of the Muslims of Kosovo for preservation of Shariah, loyalty to the sultan etc.60 Kostovicova notes that the post1990 textbooks of Albania and Kosovo have played down the close association of Muslim Albanian conservatives with the Ottoman state, and reassert the argument of a unified nation.61 The authors of Historia 4 show the League as being nationalistic whereas the ulamas who organized it are depicted as putting Albanianism before the faith.62 In order to illustrate the creation of the League the authors have inserted a painting from Shaban Hysa that was produced in Albania in 1978, depicting League members as swearing to fight for the nation, while they are watched by Abdyl Frashëri, a nationalist of Bektashi affiliation from Southern Albania.� The authors connect the concerns of Kosovar Muslims that created the League with the activities of Albanian Rilindas who were in Istanbul and wanted to develop the Albanian language against the “Greco – Ottoman reaction.”63 The Rilindas are thus depicted as Albanians who fight with “Pen” for Mëmëdhenë – the motherland. After dealing with the events following the Congress of Berlin, Historia 4 deals with the birth of the Young Turk movement. The authors show it as a joint venture between the Albanians and the Turks, who wanted to remove the absolute rule of 59  Historia 4 2003: 110 and Historia 3 2006: 132 60  For more on the Islamic Identity of the League of Prizren see: Olsi Jazexhi (June 2007), Mbi identitetin islamik të Lidhjes së Prizrenit, Konf e Bashkesise Islame te Kosoves, Prizren, Kosova 61  Kostovicova, Op. Cited. 273 62  Historia 4 2003: 119 – 125 63  Historia 4: 135 – 138

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the sultan and stop foreign interference in the Empire. The authors recognize the role played by Albanians in the movement. Historia 2 gives a lot of attention to the Albanians who formed the Young Turk movement in order of opposing the “bloody” sultan Abdülhamid II.64 However when the Young Turks come to power they are shown as following reactionary policies and terrorizing the Albanians. In response to terror, Albanians have to fight against the Young Turk anti-Albanian obscurantism.65 The authors make no mention of the great support that the Young Turk policies got in Albania but depict the whole Young Turk era as an era of war and resistance. The authors bring the centuries-long Albanian – Turkish affair to an end in 1912 when the Albanian nation who had “resisted alone for three to four years the Turkish armies” declared its independence on 28 November 1912. Even here the authors fail to show the resistance that many Albanian speakers made to the idea of creating an independent Albania, or even to the fact that Albania was created as a state in 1913 at the behest of the Great Powers. On the contrary, with the proclamation of independence, Albanians are shown as putting an end to their five centuries of submission to Ottoman domination and having at least, the possibilities to escape from the backwardness in which foreign rule had degraded their country.66 Islam: a Turkish leftover on the Albanian soil On November 10th, 2005, the President of Albania, Alfred Moisiu, gave a speech in the Oxford Forum, entitled: “The inter-religious tolerance in the tradition of Albanians”. In his speech, the president said that “Islam in Albania is not native a religion but was brought into the country by the Ottoman army…”

and “Islam in Albania was not spread at the time of its origin and is not a residing religion, but a notion inherited in the languages and religious literature of those who brought it… As a norm, Islam in Albania is a shallow Islam. If you scratch any Albanian just a little you will uncover his Christian roots.”

The president went on to say that “You will find 15 centuries of Christianity in every   Historia 2 2000: 115   Historia 4 2003: 149 66   Historia 4: 161 – 165 64 65

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

Muslim of Albania” and that “it is not true that in our country there is a Muslim majority population” but “from the viewpoint of a religious timeline, all Albanians are Christian”. The president concluded “that until the appearance of the Ottoman political, military and religious factors, for the average Albanian, the important thing was being a devout Christian”.67

The above remarks that shocked the Muslim Forum of Albania and many Albanian Muslims in 2005, are, in fact the official view, which Albanian school textbooks convey about the history of Islam in Albania. In Letërsia 2 textbook, gymnasium students get this explanation about the Islamization of Albania: The High Porte managed to slowly Islamize Albania during the modern era, at a time when the pressure for abandoning Christianity was very high, as for example in the middle of the XVII century. It is probable that an important factor was the dhimmi system, whereby non-Muslim citizens of the Ottoman Empire were forced to pay taxes in order to “protect” themselves. This tax was increased without limit until the Christians would decide to embrace the religion of the subjugator, by benefiting after this a full status of a citizen of the empire. 68

The students of the gymnasiums of Albania get three kinds of views about Islam in their textbooks. Their first information about Islam comes from the Historia 1 textbook. Here, in the lesson “Birth and spread of Islam” they learn that Islam was born in Arabia, when a man called “Muhameti” proclaimed a new religion called Islam. The new religion that “Muhameti” offered to the Arabs was monotheistic, like Judaism and Christianity. The author then shows that Muhameti’s teachings against the gods of the Arabs caused a lot of anger. In order to save themselves from the persecution of the rich of Mecca, “Muhameti” and his followers left Mecca for Medina in 622, in a migration that is known as Hajj [sic]. While in Medina, “Muhameti” preached a holy war against the infidels. But in 630 Mecca surrendered to “Muhameti”, who was known as the Prophet by now. Thereafter the Bedouin tribes embraced Islam. After the death of “Muhameti” in 632 Abu Bekr become a Caliph and created the Caliphate. The fourth Caliph of Islam, Ali, was Muhameti’s cousin and son in law. However the killing of Ali in 661 from the leader of Syria who proclaimed himself a caliph divided

  See: The Muslim Forum df Albania, Press Release: Su: The President of Albania, Alfred Moisiu, insults the Muslims, date 11/11/2005. Available at: http://www.forumimusliman.org/english/ pershtyp7.html 68   Letërsia 2 2004: 28 67

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the Muslims into Shi’a and Sunni.69 After narrating the early story of Islam, Historia 1 deals with the achievements of the Islamic Civilization in the lesson “The Islamic Culture”. Here, the author recognizes the fact that Muhammad laid the foundation of a new society. Based on his teachings the Arabs are shown as developing a great civilization. Muslims are shown tolerant towards Christians and Jews but not with the others. The author recognizes the fact that Islam increased the role of women in the society. However, Muslim women are shown as still being in an inferior position to that of men. The limitation on women’s freedoms that are taught by the Quran, made them to wear burkah (perçe) when going in public. To illustrate the oppressed position of women, the author places one painting of two Muslim women. They are shown in a crumpled and funny dress, one wearing a burkah and another keeping a Bedouin hijab in form of an umbrella at the top of her head.70 If Arabian Islam is generally portrayed in positive colors, Historia 3, which deals with religions in today’s world, shows Islam as a religion with a large spread during the XXth century. But here the spread of Islam is shown as being parallel with the spread of Islamic fundamentalism, which has created problems of terroristic character in the world. Islam is also shown as being revived in many of its branches during the 20th century, such as into Shiism, Ismailism and Alawism. Islam has even been used as a political ideology against America in Iran.71 Finally, when it comes to Islam in Albania, the textbooks link its presence to the Ottomans. Historia 1 shows that it was the Ottomans who brought Islam alongside their empire. The Ottomans are shown as building many mosques and turning old churches into mosques.72 In Historia 4 the process of Islamization is shown as going hand in hand with the establishment of the Ottoman domination over Albania.73 According to the author the first centres of Islamization were the cities which were populated by Turkish colonists who built the first institutions of Islam. The lesson “Religions in Albania” of Historia 4 deals at length with the process of Islamization of Albania. Here the Islamization is shown as a process that had much more success in the cities and less in the villages. Islamization is shown as having been achieved by two means: freewill and compulsion. The author maintains that the Albanians   Historia 1 2003: 99 – 101   Historia 1, 103 71   Historia 3 2006: 240 – 241 72   Historia 1 2003: 166 – 167 73   Historia 4 2003: 104 69 70

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

of border provinces embraced Islam in order to protect their ethnicity against the Slavization and Hellenization. The same thesis is shown even in Letërsia 2 where the authors have inserted one article from Roberto Morocco della Rocca who claims that in the modern epoch Islam separated the Albanians from the Christian Slavs, by becoming a barrier against foreign cultures.74 Here Islam is shown positively as defending the borders of the nation. However, the other face of Islamization is that of compulsion. The idea that Islam was imposed by terror and that it is a foreign religion to the Albanians can be read in some textbooks in a blatant way, such as in of Letërsia 2.75 While in many other texts this can be understood by the way how the Turks – who bring the Islam – are depicted. In Historia 4 the Albanians living in cities are shown as embracing Islam for economic reasons, since trade and military career were monopolies of Muslims. In order to remain Christian, every male (15 – 80 years old) had to pay a head tax, which increased continuously. But in some regions of Albania some people are shown to defend Christianity by practicing two religions simultaneously. In the face of state’s compulsion they were declared Muslim but in private, Christians. The authors of Historia 4 show that if a Muslim wanted to become a Christians he had to suffer heavy penalties, such as imprisonment or death. Muslims are shown as being supported by the state and the system, while the Christians were unprotected people.76 To enforce the idea that Islamization was achieved through compulsion the author gives a number of missionary reports at the end of the lesson “Religions in Albania”. Here one can read reports where people of Dukagjini have become Turks (Muslims) only by changing their names, but in their hearts remain Christians. Another insert shows that the Ottoman states and Albania in particular is filled with people who claim to be Muslims but are Christians at heart. They have converted out of fear of paying the haraj. In another insert the Albanians are shown as naming their children first in the church by the priests, and later naming them as Muslims. And in another insert the Albanians are shown as irreligious lot, and that Islam is practiced among them without any conviction and for this reason it has lost its particular character.77 The last heading of the lesson “Religions in Albania” talks about the religious tolerance of the Albanians. The toleration here is dedicated to the ancestors of the Al  Letërsia 2 2004: 10   Letërsia 2 2004: 28 76   Historia 4 2003: 104 – 105 77   Historia 4, 106 74 75

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banians, the Illyrians from whom the Albanians inherited paganism. Albanians are depicted as pragmatic people in their history who shifted their religion for personal benefits. The author attributes some points even to the Quran which allows religious tolerance. However the greatest attribute for the tolerance of the Albanians is attributed to Bektashism, which, is claimed to have a democratic organization and for this reason it embraced the Christian viewpoints. At the end the author attributes a part of the religious tolerance of Albanians to the fact that Albanians are indifferent towards religions and their national self-consciousness is more important than the faith.78 Good Turks, bad Turks and turncoat Albanians who love the Turks Even though the general tendency of Albanian textbooks is to project the Turks as ruthless invaders, there are cases when the Turks are depicted as good human beings. The lesson: “The national Turkish Revolution. The Turkish Republic” of Historia 3, talks with sympathy about the Turkish nation. Here the author explains the events that lead to the creation of the Turkish Republic by Mustafa Kemal. Atatürk is depicted as a great military strategist who fought against the anti-nationalist sultan and foreigners for creating Turkey. The sultan is shown as: … the representative and defender of old feudal powers, conservator and traitor of national interests who had agreed to divide his own country.79 Under the leadership of Atatürk, Turkey is shown as a country that entered in the path of progress, emancipated the women, and built a national laic and democratic education. The author praises even Atatürk’s introduction of the Latin alphabet, which replaced the old one that was hard to learn for the masses.80 However the case of Atatürkist Turkey is the only exception when the Turks, suddenly become good Turks, and Turkey becomes a progressive nation. If we were to rate the textbooks of Letërsia and History for greatest number of negative depictions and epithets given to the Turks, the books of Letërsia stand in the first place. Here dozens of poems, stories and commentaries talk about the Turks in frightening manner. Gjergj Fishta for example in his poem Lahuta e Malcis shows the relations of the Turks with the Albanians in the following manner:

  Ibid   Historia 3 2006: 82 80   Ibid 78 79

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

Pesëqind vjet kishin kalue \ Cëse te buk'rën këtë Shqipni \ Turku e mbante në robin \ Krejt tu'e la t’mjerën në gjak, \ frymën tue ia xanun njak, \ as tu’e lanë, jo dritë me pa. \ kurrë të keqen pa ia da \ rrihe e mos e len me kja… \

Five hundred years had passed since this beautiful Albania enslaved by the Turk she was covered all, her in blood suffocating her to death forbidding her from seeing light keeping her in a long nightmare whipping and never letting her cry.81

Naim Frashëri is probably more influential than any other author of Rilindja on inspiring the Albanians to hate the imagined Turk. His poem «Histori e Skenderbeut» that in many cases is memorized by the Albanian schoolchildren, teaches the national narrative that many Albanians remember for the rest of their life as the God-given story of their nation. Frashëri’s poem depicts Albania as a prosperous country, living in some glorious past: Këndo, ëngjëll, urtësinë Edhe gjithë mirësitë, Skënderben’ e trimërinë, Q’i dha Shqipërisë dritë. Ish ver’ e po qeshte moti, Lulet kishin lulëzuar, E mbreti Gjon Kastrioti

\ Sing you angel for the wisdom \ and for all the goodness \ for Scanderbeg and his bravery \ who gave light to Albania \ it was summer, the weather was nice \ flowers had bloomed \ and the king Gjon Kastrioti

Në fron rrij duke menduar.

\

was meditating in his throne82

And then the Turks come. Frashëri shows them coming in awesome manner. They present a letter to their king and ask from him Albania. As the story goes, the Albanian king Gjon, is terrified by the mighty Turks, offers to them his kids as hostages and then Albania is invaded by the Turks which are described in the following manner: Turqit duall ng’ Azia Edhe në Evropë erdhë Rrëmet, posi mizëria E shumë gjakra derdhë

\ \ \ \

The Turks climbed from Asia and in Europe they came in millions moving in a horde and so much blood they spilled83

The poem of Naim continues in 18 pages of Letërsia 1 where students are presented throughout the poem with the Turkish atrocities, the return of their king, Scanderbeg, the betrayal of some of his Albanian commanders and the resistance of their national   Letërsia 1 2006: 76   Ibid: 91 83   Ibid 81 82

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hero. These myths are reinforced in the textbook even by the comments of the authors, and the required homework that teachers must make with the students. In page 105 for example students are asked: Can we say that Albanians managed to defend the European civilization in their 25 years of war?

What were the harms that the Ottoman yoke caused to our country during the past five centuries, when they cut us from the European civilization?84

The myth of Turkish obscurantism is reinforced even in the introduction of the poem of Frashëri where Dhimitër Shuteriqi comments: Naim wants to mobilize the Albanians to war, their last war of liberation: against that eternal beast, the empire of the sultans, and her present sultan, Abdülhamid, whom our Rilindas rightfully depicted as a monster (remember here the poem “Sulltani” from Cajupi). He was the bloodsucker of the Albanian nation, by denying to this nation its language and nationality, by keeping it in the worst political and social slavery, in the worst oppression and backwardness. But the Albanian now woke. He is in his path of national awakening. And he did never let his sword down. Scanderbeg and his deeds was nothing more but the greatest demonstration of our national spirit - Naim thinks.85

In the Letërsia books there are dozens of references that show the Albanian nation born out of the war with Turkey. The majority of the Albanian Rilindas are shown to have fought against or fought by the Turks. One example is Asdreni (Aleksander Stavre Drenova) who is shown to have taken part in a congress that wanted to unite the Albanians to fight Turkey.86 Ndre Mjeda is shown to have been arrested by the Turks, because of a petition that he made against the Ottomans in 1902.87 In Letërsia 4 there are even Greek authors like Nikos Kazanzaqis who hate and fight against the Turks, because “Greece was at war with Turkey, one was fighting for freedom, while the other had invaded and did not give her freedom”.88 The Turks are shown as slaughterers, butchers, dog-hearted, kidnapers of women, girls and children, even in the stories of Mitrush Kuteli.89 However apart from evil Turkey, the books of history and literature are filled even

  Ibid: 105   Ibid: 90 86   Letërsia 4 2007: 22 87   Ibid: 31 88   Ibid: 177 89   Ibid: 146 84 85

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks

with references to collaborator Albanians who adore their oppressive masters. These Albanians are usually shown as traitors, enemies of the nation against whom “real” Albanians should feel disgust. The most famous example of the Albanian traitor is Ballaban Pasha, an Ottoman general of Sultan Mehmet II, whom Albanian history depicts as a national traitor. This impression is reinforced even in Letërsia 1 where Ballaban Pasha is portrayed by the following: Muhameti brofi në këmbë Dhe mblodhi trimat… Cilit nga ju ia bën zemra Të më sjellë këtu Skënderbenë U përgjigj vetëm Ballabani Arbëreshi tradhëtar

\ Muhamet jumped to his feet \ and he gathered his bravest men… \ which one of you will ever dare \ to bring here Scanderbeg… \ responded only Ballaban \ the unfaithful Albanian90

Other “traitors” depicted in Letërsia 1 are people like Hamza Kastrioti and Moisi Dibrani, who betrayed Scanderbeg to the Turks.91 But apart from the early Turkish invasion, Muslim Albanians are depicted as people loving Turkey and hating Albania, even in narratives that are dedicated to independent Albania. Ismail Kadare’s novel “The Perverse Year” (1990) which is offered in Letërsia 1, demonizes the Muslim population of Central Albania who wanted to remain with the Ottoman Empire. Kadare depicts them as depraved, uncivilized, headstrong “Turkomans” who hate Albania. Kadare shows these Muslims as being organized in the armed bands of Essad Pasha. They roam Central Albania, beating their drums and wanting the return of Turkey. Their portrayal grows quite brutish when they are shown screaming “Dum Babën” (we want the Father), meaning the Turkish sultan, and singing an unbearable song: For Janah we left, but arrived in Jahanam / Albania you whore, poisoned our way.92 Muslim Albanians receive further negative depictions even in other stories, such as “The autumn of Jeladin Bey” by Mitrush Kuteli. Here, Kuteli depicts Jeladin Bey as one of the many dim-witted servants of Father Sultan. As with all the other beys of Ottoman Albania he is shown to abusing the rayas sexually, physically and economically.93

  Letërsia 1 2006: 60   Ibid: 102 92   Letërsia 2 2004: 204 93   Ibid: 141 – 148 90

91

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Conclusion In this paper we have summarized the main examples of how Turks, the Ottomans and Muslims are depicted in high school textbooks of Albania. The Ottomans appear as merciless rulers and suppressors of Albanians and, in many cases, their rule in Albania is simply labeled as a “yoke”. Since the Islamization of Albania was achieved during the Ottoman rule, Islam is overwhelmingly viewed as the religion of the invader. These negative depictions are part of the modern identity of Albanians. They first appeared in Albania during the Rilindja period of late 19th century, when a group of chiefly Christian nationalists wanted to cut Albania off from the Ottoman Empire. The vilifications of the Ottomans continued even during the time of the Kingdom in Albania, and were officially popularized during the communist era. By demonizing the Turks and the Muslims, Albanian policy and history makers have tried to construct an immaculate impression of Albanian nationhood. The Ottomans are the dreaded “other”. In order to make their point, Albanian textbook writers have identified the Ottoman Turks as enemies of the nation, against whom a superhuman nation is imagined to have fought. Factual information that shows the Albanian contribution to the Ottoman Empire is conveniently ignored and discounted, thus presenting a history that is utterly deformed. To convince Albanian students about their past enmity with the Turks and the glorious heroism of their ancestors, history and literature textbooks allocate a great amount of space to the history of the Ottomans in Albania. The textbooks analyzed in this paper make use of literary fiction, and isolated past incidents to misrepresent the Ottomans and their rule, and to simplify the history of Ottomans in Albania as history of war and conflict. Part of Albanians’ fight with the Turks is even Islam. If during the era of communism all the religions were prohibited in Albania, Islam - being more directly connected to the Turks - was treated more distastefully than the others. Albanian textbook writers depict Albanians as being Christian at heart, sometimes irreligious, but defenders of Europe, who were accidentally or violently Islamized. In the contemporary Albanian cosmology, Christianity is linked to the West, while Islam is understood to be an intrinsic feature of backwardness associated with the Orient.94 The depiction of the Turk as the other has left a negative and warped impact on the ways Albanians perceive their history and identity. As a result of this distorted   Erind Pajo (2007), op. cited: 457

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narrative, an accurate history of the Ottoman Empire is little known in Albania and Turks are imagined in murky colours. In the recent years, a number of Turkish diplomats have understood this handicap and are complaining to Albanian authorities about the distorted views that Albanian textbooks make of them.95 Muslims too, suffer from misperceptions in Albania because of this manipulation of history. In the recent years they have demanded the rewriting of their history,96 a notion that was impossible during the era of communism. However, the present “war on terror” has made the situation much harder for them and in the past years a number of Christian or ex-enverist politicians have openly attacked the Islamic identity of the Albanians.97 If during the era of communism, Islamophobia and Turkophobia were part of state’s propaganda against religion, with the fall of communism a number of Albanian intellectuals, and organizations are questioning the designs of Albania’s past history. As Europe is increasingly becoming a reference point in the political and cultural debates among Albanians, it is hoped that a more pragmatic view will be taken into consideration, for the better portrayal of Muslims and Turks in Albanian schoolbooks. However, until now, no European organization has raised this concern and the negative depictions are still going unnoticed in the school textbooks of Albania.

References Articles and conference papers Denisa Kostovicova, “The Portrayal of the Yoke: The Ottomans and their Rule in the post-1990 Albanian-language History Textbooks”, Internationale Schulbuchforschung, 2002 (Vol.24) Egin Ceka, Ndërgjegje historike. Muzeu Kombëtar dhe Muzeu i Skënderbeut si institucione të religjionit civil shqiptar të komunizmit, Përpjekja nr. 21/ 2005 Ermal Hasimja, Emra dhe identitete: përse nuk quhem Besim?, Universiteti Europian i Tiranës. Online at: http://www.hasimja.com/files/Emra%20dhe%20identitete%20perse.htm Erind Pajo (2007), «Albanian schoolbooks in process of societal transformation: review notes» in Christina Koulouri, ed. : Clio in the Balkans. The Politics of History of Education, Thessaloniki: Centre for Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeastern Europe Enis Sulstarova, Orientalizmi Shqiptar, Përpjekja 20/2005   Nis rishikimi i historisё mё Turqinё, Gazeta Start, 29/03/2008. Available at: http://www. gazetastart.com/?faqe=shfaqlajm&lajmid=2310 96   Letter from MFA to the head of OSCE mission in Albania: The Muslim Forum of Albania apeals to OSCE to help fighting Islamophobia and racism in Albania, June, 03, 2008. Available at: http://www. forumimusliman.org/english/osce.html 97   See some of the press releases of the Muslim Forum about these incidents. They can be traced at: http://www.forumimusliman.org/english/ 95

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Fatos Lubonja, Feja dhe Shqiptaret, Përpjekja nr. 20/2005 Fatos Lubonja, Historia, letërsia dhe libri “Të jetosh në ishull” i Blushit, Korrieri, 12 May 2008 Kristina Jorgaqi, Ndërhyrjet E Planifikuara Për Zëvendësimin E Huazimeve Në Shqipen Standarde, Përpjekja 09 /1996 Olsi Jazexhi, Nga Turq në Shqiptarë, Përpjekja nr. 26/ 2008 (furthcoming) Olsi Jazexhi, The Political Exploitation of Islamophobia in post–communist Albania, International Islamophobia Conference, Istanbul. December 2007 Olsi Jazexhi ( June 2007), Mbi identitetin islamik të Lidhjes së Prizrenit, Konf e Bashkesise Islame te Kosoves, Prizren, Kosova Nis rishikimi i historisё mё Turqinё, Gazeta Start, 29/03/2008. Available at: http://www.gazetastart. com/?faqe=shfaqlajm&lajmid=2310

Books Anton Logoreci (1977) The Albanians: Europe’s Forgotten Survivors, London Victor Gollancz Ltd. 155 Enis Sulstarova (2006), Arratisje nga Lindja, Tirane, Dudaj Nathalie Clayer (2007), Aux origines du nationalisme albanais. La naissance d’une nation majoritairement musulmane en Europe, Paris, Karthala/CERI, coll. «Recherches internationales» Sami Frashëri, Shqipëria, ç'ka çënë, ç’është e ç’do të bëhetë?, Bukuresht 1899, (Prishtine 1999) Sami Frashëri: VEPRA 9, Personalitete shqiptare në Kamus al-A’lam të Sami Frashërit, LOGOS-A Shkup 1994 Shaw, Stanford J. (1976-1977). History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Vol II, Cambridge University Press Shaw, Stanford J. (1971). Between old and new: the Ottoman Empire under Sultan Selim III, 17891807. Harvard University Press Documents Letter from MFA to the head of OSCE mission in Albania: The Muslim Forum of Albania apeals to OSCE to help fighting Islamophobia and racism in Albania, June, 03, 2008. Available at: http:// www.forumimusliman.org/english/osce.html

The Muslim Forum of Albania, Press Release: Su: The President of Albania, Alfred Moisiu, insults the Muslims, date 11/11/2005. Available at: http://www.forumimusliman.org/english/pershtyp7. html

Textbooks 1

Letërsia 1, Shtëpia Shkollore Albas 2006

2

Letërsia dhe Gjuha Shqipe 2, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor e Re, 2004

3

Letërsi dhe Gjuhë Shqipe 3, Shtepia Botuese e Librit Shkollor e Re, 2004

4

Letërsi dhe Gjuhë Shqipe 4, Pegi, 2007

5

Historia 1, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor, 2003

Depicting the Enemy: The Image of the Turk and the Muslim in Albania’s High School Textbooks 6

Historia 2, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor, 2000

7

Historia 3, Shtëpia Botuese Media Print, 2006

8

Historia e Popullit Shqiptar 4, Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor 2003 Movies

Tokë e Përgjakur (1976), Kinostudio Shqipëria e Re. Screenwriter: Kiço Blushi and Nexhati Tafa. Producers: Ibrahim Muço and Kristaq Mitro. The movie is based upon the novels of Naum Priftit ‘Litari i Zjarrtë’ and ‘Fortesa’ of Teodor Laço. Available at: http://video.google.com/ videoplay?docid=-5534412945423304241&q=kico+blushi&ei=9tlCSMDCG5eG2wKllLj0CA

Nëntori i Dytë (1982), Kinostudio Shqipëria e Re. Screenwriter: Kiço Blushi and Dhimitër Shuteriqi. Producers: Viktor Gjika. Available at: http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=513714996 4220743612&q=nentori+i+dyte&ei=F85YSPbTLoTw2QLY06z8Dg

Prefekti (1948), Producer: Besim Levonja. Available: http://video.google.it/videoplay?docid=12007 25622549714798&q=prefekti&ei=0ihDSI3wEIem2gL4_dmNCQ&hl=it

Liri a Vdekje (1979), Kinostudio Shqipëria e Re. Screenwriter: Vath Koreshi. Producers: Ibrahim Muçaj and Kristaq Mitro. Available at: http://video.google.com/videoplay?doc id=-161569636879001462

Time of the Comet. Available presentation at: http://www.timeofthecomet.com/index.html

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Roman Emperors and Ottoman Conquerors: Image of the Ottomans in the Balkans – Montenegro Case Omer Kajoshaj*

Every Montenegrin Orthodox, belonging to Serbian or Montenegrin nation, was he illiterate person or an academic, thoroughly settled in his vocabulary the term Turkish occupation of the Balkans (Novak Kilibarda, 2000)

My father used to say “I am Turk Alhamdulilah” he meant “Thanks God I am a Muslim”, however my first hero was Skenderbeg, son of Kastriots who protected the European Christiandom from the Turks. I could not understand how an Albanian peasant can be a Turk and neither could he believe that I admire so much the Skenderbeg. He had his reasons and I had mine too. His were kinship and religion, mine nationalism and animosity. Many factors shaped the perception of Ottomans within the people who lived in Balkans in the last century. Since the Turkish Empire didn’t collapse within the night its aftermath lasted for very long, and to the certain degree it can be said that it still last. Montenegro as a state with multinational and multireligious society can serve as a good example of how propaganda machinery can shape and reshape perceptions toward “others”. In the peak of “brotherhood and equality” ideology of Communist regime not only orthodox Montenegrins and Serbs, or catholic Albanians and Croats but also many Muslim Albanians and Muslim Muslims (today Bosniaks) had an aversion for the Turks. The demonization of Turks was a necessity in order to overlook long-lasting enmities between varieties of people who continued to live in Balkans as autochthon *

 

Director, Foreign Relations, the Islamic Community of Montenegro 87

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people overlapping claims as the lords of the lands of Balkans. By having the common enemy “brotherhood and equality” was bound to last forever. Therefore, not surprisingly even at the wedding ceremonies patriotic songs of heroes who fought against Turks predominated. As an Albanian (of Montenegro) at the primary and secondary school in the subject of Albanian literature I learned that majority of our greatest writers were Roman Catholics or Christian Orthodox. If it happened to be a Muslim, such as the grate Naim Frasheri, then he was a Pantheist, God is the Nature, a very progressive philosophical religion. The rest were illiterate. Because of Turks we were left five hundred years behind the rest of European people. We could not ever forget nor forgive what Turks did to “us”! However, as everything in this world is changeable, including thoughts, beliefs and perceptions, the “brotherhood and equality” collapsed! It was so unreal and fragile that, within the night changed to “enmity and divergence” and ended on suicidium. Then the fellow become foe and vice verse. After the independence of Montenegro on 2006 a new Era of cooperation with Turkey started. Although it is mostly based on diplomatic level and some attempts on trade and business cooperation. The Republic of Turkey opened its Embassy in Podgorica and assigned an ambassador. TİKA (Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency) office was opened and so far it implemented different projects in many regions of the country, a Montenegrin Turkish friendship association was founded. Many Bosniaks and Albanian Muslims have re-found close relatives in Turkey. That means it was not only the religion but also the kinship which bounce these people. Prominent intellectuals, writers and patriots were rediscovered such as: Ali Riza Ulqinaku and Avdo Medjedovic. However, generally speaking not much has been changed in the perception of Ottomans/Turks when we talk about Montenegro itself because the Muslim community is only 20% of the total population. The important question is what is today offered to the children and pupils in order to have a different perception from the one which dominated in the Balkans through XXth century. There is no a single book in Albanian, Bosnian or Montenegrin language which treats modern Turkey. This fact is not limited only within the borders of Montenegro. The governmental curriculum through its history text books continues the same path, unfair and unscientific when it comes to Ottomans/Turks. Pupils of the first

Roman Emperors and Ottoman Conquerors: Image of the Ottomans in the Balkans - Montenegro Case

year in Middle School on the fifth chapter will learn about Roman Empire and the pupils of the second year in the Middle School on the fifth chapter will learn about Balkan Peninsula at the time of the Ottoman Conquests. Strangely, it seems that the Romans were emperors and Ottomans conquerors! Montenegro In understanding the Montenegrin perception of Ottomans / Turks / Muslims it is essential knowing the concept “Montenegrin” itself. Generally speaking “Montenegrin” should be understood as acronym for all citizens of Montenegro, however it is not so! Based on the census 2003 only 43.16 % of the total population said that are Montenegrins. Despite the fact that the number of total population is significantly lower than in neighboring countries (the total population based on 2003 census, 670.000), Montenegro is considered as the most multiethnic one. There is no a dominant majority nation or ethnic group! Although the four main nations are: Montenegrins, Serbs, Bosniaks and Albanians, when talking about the perception of Ottomans of past or contemporary Turks the order would be; Serbs, Montenegrins, Albanians and Bosniaks. Serbs For the Orthodox and Catholics of Montenegro the Turks are “eternal culprits”. Miroslav Krleža, a Croatian author (died Dec. 29, 1981), once said: “Montenegrins, snow fell on Žabljak, should we blame Turks for!” The Serbs can never forget the “Battle of Kosovo Polje” June 15, 1389, nor can they forgive Turks for what happened on it. Not because of the Battle outcome itself but because The Battle of Kosovo is the Serbian principal concept of their history, heritage, tradition and national identity. The Orthodox Serbian Church is very influential on shaping the Montenegrin orthodox Serb’s perception of “others”, probably more than in Serbs of Serbia itself. This is a contemporary phenomenon which is very linked to the ongoing conflict between Serbs and Montenegrins. For Serbs the Ottomans, Turks, Bosniaks and Albanians (Muslims), are “the enemy” and Montenegrins are “the traitors”, those who, today, collaborate with “Turks” against Serbs. The main spokesman of this front battle is the current Metropolitan of the Met-

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ropolitanate of Montenegro and the Littoral, Archbishop of Cetinje and performer of the duties of the Patriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC), mr Amfilohije Radović, and one of theirs main “bible” is the poem The Mountain Wreath. The Mountain Wreath (Gorski vijenac), is a poem and play, a masterpiece of Serbian / Montenegrin literature, written by Montenegrin Prince-Bishop and poet Petar II Petrović-Njegoš, published in 1847. The play is based on a historical event in Montenegro that took place toward the end of the 17th century, known as “the Extermination of the Muslim Converts.” (Istraga Poturica). Although the historical facts about this event are somewhat uncertain, it is known that at approximately that time Montenegrins attempted to solve radically the problem of many of their fellow members who had agreed to being converted to Islam. The fact that Njegoš used this event only as a general framework, however, without bothering about the exact historical data, underscores his concern with an issue that had preoccupied him throughout his entire life: the struggle against Ottoman domination. This “preoccupation” continues to concern majority of Montenegrin Serbs, even today, one century after the Ottomans left! Montenegrins When talking about Serbs and Montenegrins, for sure, there is a difference between them, however not very visible, and many times confusable. This difference almost vanished within the whole XXth century. In 1921 Podgorica’s Parliament was abolished and Montenegro was annexed to Serbia. Although the AVNOJ’s Yugoslavia produced Republic of Montenegro and Montenegrin nationality there was no any vivid kind of Montenegrin patriotism on the scene. But, before the last “Montenegrin” breath Yugoslavia collapsed. And, in June 3, 2006, Montenegro became the 192nd member state of the United Nations. Following almost a decade of negotiations, Montenegro, after the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1992, entered first into a loose state union of Serbia and Montenegro in 1993.The thirteen years of transition to full independence in 2006 passed without any serious civil or political rights violations. On the beginning of pluralism in 1990 the Liberal Alliance of Montenegro (Liberalni Savez Crne Gore - LSCG) was founded. It was the first political party to advocate independent Montenegro, and was a strong supporter of the independence idea throughout its existence. It was also the only party that openly opposed to Montene-

Roman Emperors and Ottoman Conquerors: Image of the Ottomans in the Balkans - Montenegro Case

grin involvement into war in Croatia and bombing of Dubrovnik in 1991. Many Bosniaks and Albanians joined the Liberal Alliance, although, looking from today’s perspective, it was a paradox for the simple fact that Liberal Alliance in all its political rallies used the war flag and emblem of King Nikola (Kralj Nikola), who on 1912 conducted massacres on Muslims, Bosniaks and Albanians, through all “new” Montenegro. Muslims know this and know that “to be or not to be” was the question when they had to vote in Referendum for Independency on May 2006. The fact that the overwhelming majority of Muslims, Bosniaks and Albanians, said “Yes” in the Referendum, means that their presence was crucial for Montenegro and “Montenegrins” itself in achieving their long lasting dream, the statehood. From this point the Montenegrins, Bosniaks and Albanians of Montenegro are in the same frontline “against” Serbs of “not wanted state” of Montenegro. This not only affects the Montenegrin perception of Ottomans, Turks, Bosniaks, Albanians, as well as Muslims in general, but, to the certain degree it obliges them to reconsider the history of their past. And, for sure, it worsen even more Serb’s attitude toward Bosniaks and Albanians. Today many historians like Živko Andrijašević and Zvezdan Folić, writers like Novak Kolibarda and publicists like Rajko Cerović, publicly, through writings or speech, will demonstrate a diferent Montenegrin perception of Ottomans, modern Turks, Bosniaks and Albanians. In one symposium held on the year 2000, Novak Kilibarda said: In the Balkans, from ancient times onward, swapped many civilizations that disappeared after a long period as the state-legal formations, but remained as a permanent religious affiliation and cultural recognition. Invader, who was many, not only in the Balkans, last year, two, four or seven, was and went, often leaving the occupying consequences. Civilization, however, when the state - political blossomed and went, left lasting achievements.

Albanians The percentage of Albanians is low comparing to the three other nations who live in Montenegro. It goes around 7% of the total population, around fifty thousand. However it is very important minority because of the fact that in the two neighboring countries, Albania and Kosovo, live close to six million Albanians. Although the Orthodox people, Montenegrins, Serbs and others, were Albanians eternal enemies, they had (and to the certain degree have) a strong aversion toward

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Ottomans. The national identity of Albanians was formed within the fall of the Ottoman Empire, as a modern nation whose aspiration was Europe and the West. Consequently, in order to achieve this task they needed to run far away from the East as well as from their “past”. However, the Slavic enmity, Serbs, Greeks and Montenegrins, made them tramped between the East and the West. Who was really “the enemy”! Consequently, even today, their perception of Ottomans falls between the “saviours” and “eternal culprits”. Yes, the question “What Albanians think about Ottomans” is big, yet, the question “what Albanians think about themselves” is bigger! Bosniaks The Bosniaks who live in Montenegro similar to all Bosniaks of Former Yugoslavia were deprived of having their its own national identity. Through eroding their tradition and weakening their religion, they were destined for full assimilation to “somewhat else”, far from their origin and the similar rest. A new generation of “no-identity” was formed, the Muslims by capital M! But, it was not followed by the second one. Majority of Bosniaks who live in Montenegro after redefining their national identity, re-found their close ties with the Modern Turkey and the past Ottomans, as well as the period between the two. The kinship ties are so many that it forms the perception of the same belongingness. As the history recognizes “the remaining” of the past, when talking about the Bosniaks and their possibility of having any kind of animosity towards Ottomans as “conquerors”, it remains in the level of rare individuals. However, the “Bosniak” issue is not yet completed. There are in Montenegro still a significant number of Muslims by capital “M”.

The Turkish Muslim Minority of Western Thrace-Greece Tzemil Kapza*

The Region Western Thrace is located in the northeast part of Greece between the rivers Evros and Nestos, in the East and in the West, and Rodopi Mountains and the Aegean Sea, in the north and in the south. It is one of the nine regions of Greece. Its area is 8575 square kilometers and it is divided into three provinces. Xanthi, Rodopi, and Evros. According to population census of 18th March 2001, the total population of the Thrace region is: 362.038 Xanthi:101.856 (approximately 40% of the total population is Turkish minority) Rodopi: 110.828 (approximately 50 % of the total population is Turkish minority) Evros: 149.354 (approximately 15-20 % of the total population is Turkish minority)

According to the above figures the total population of the Turkish Muslim Minority of Western Thrace is estimated 127.000 (All Greek citizens, members of the Minority living in Greece including the Greek citizens living in Europe, USA, Australia and Turkey, the overall population of Greek citizens members of the Turkish Muslim Minority of Western Thrace becomes approximately 150.000) Continuing Violations againstthe Muslim Turkish Minority of Western Thrace Members of the Muslim Turkish minority who have been living in this region for centuries identify themselves as ethnic Turks. The legal status of this minority was es*

 

Journalist and Turkish minority activist from Western Thrace 93

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tablished with the Peace Treaty of Lausanne signed in 1923, the bilateral agreements signed between Greece and Turkey and the international instruments concerning human and minority rights which Greece has signed and ratified. In recent years the situation has relatively improved in Turkish minority’s living conditions and constitutional rights under government’s policy of “Equality before law and equal citizenship”. Yet there has not been progress in the field of minority rights. Greece alleges that “equality among citizens” policy provides sufficient reforms and continues to ignore its obligations regarding the rights of the Turkish Muslim Minority by violating the bilateral and international treaty obligations to which is a party. As I will explain in the next section of this paper, Denial of the Turkish Identity, Occupation of Our Charitable Foundations and practice of the state appointed muftis instead of our elected muftis continue unabatedly. More than 60.000 people still suffer from the deprivation of the article 19 of the citizenship law and the situation of minority education continues to be as miserable as ever. Denial of Ethnic Identity One of the major issues is the violation of the minority to identify itself as ‘Turkish’. In the 1950s, Greek authorities made it obligatory for the minority to be named as Turkish and its members as Turks. This policy later changed. On the other hand the Greek authorities continue to use the term “Greek minority” for the minority in Istanbul. But on the other hand the designation of the minority associations as Turkish is still forbidden. Xanthi Turkish Union’s 25 years struggle with the Greek law, has been finalized with the European Court of Human Rights notification on 27 March 2008 in writing. (Tourkiki Enosi Xanthis v Greece (no. 26698/05) The Court held unanimously that there has been a violation of Article 11 and 6.1 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Now, the Turks of Western Thrace are expecting Greece to respect the European Court of Human Rights’ decision and act accordingly. Freedom of Religion There has not been any progress towards the settlement of the outstanding institutional problem of Muslim religious leaders, the Muftis. The European Court of Human Rights concluded on two instances, i.e. Serif versus Greece (14 December 1999Case No: 38178/97) & Aga versus Greece (17 October 2003-Case No: 50776/99 & 52912/99), that Greece violated Article 9 of the ECHR. Given the finding that there

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has been a violation of Article 9, State continues to disregard minority’s elected Muftis and works through a number of appointed officers who lack credibility and respect even among their own people. The authority of the individuals appointed by the State to the Offices of Mufti in Komotini, Xanthi and Didimotiho is disputable since they are not recognized by the minority population. The minority, on its part, expects the government to cease interfering in the field of divine conscience and finally recognize minority’s right to elect its own religious leaders. Muslim Charitable Foundations Muslim Charitable Foundations (Waqfs) constitute an essential part of Minority’s cultural, historic and religious heritage. The government has appointed the people who currently hold positions in the governing councils of the Muslim Foundations. Disregarding their financial immunity, the State continued to impose excessive taxes and legal sanctions on the properties owned by the Muslim Charitable Foundations for ages. Minority’s inability to govern and have access to the accounts of these Waqfs also prevents them from dispensing the revenues obtained thereof towards society’s vital needs, such as the maintenance and improvement of schools and repairs or build mosques. Although Minister of Foreign Affairs Dora Bakoyanni announced the removal of taxes from the Waqfs on 9 February 2007 in her visit to Thrace, no action yet has been taken. The new law (Law no: 3647/2008) passed on 7 February 2008 was prepared without taking into consideration Minority’s opinions and proposals. The Greek State should recognise that the new law cannot be accepted or applied in its current form. Mosques in Western Thrace Mosques and minarets are one of the most important parts of the Muslim Turkish minority’s religious and cultural life. Although the historic monuments inherited from the Ottomans have been subject to systematic eradication, as of the year of 2006 there are 301 mosques in Western Thrace. 24 are closed and 277 of them still operate. Most of these mosques have minarets. In the last years only 14 minarets were built across the region. Much permission for building or restoring mosques and minarets are still pending in the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Education. Building a minaret up to 16 meters high was easier until the year of 2004. Since then, permissions for building mosques and minarets up to 16 meters and higher are still pending.

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There are 161 mosques in Komotini. 157 operate and 4 are closed. 11 new mosques and 12 new minarets were built in Komotini in the last years. The total number of mosques in Xanthi is 115. 97 mosques operate and 18 are closed. 10 new mosques and one minaret were built in the last years. 23 out of 25 mosques operate in Alexandroupolis, while 2 new mosques and one minaret are to be built. Permission Procedure The law no 1363/1938 which was later replaced by law no 1672/1939 conducts the procedure of getting permission to build any kind of house of prayer as well as mosques and minarets. This law later was changed by the new law 1577/1985. According to article 21, paragraph 2 of this law the height of the minarets has been reduced from 16 m and over to 7.5 m. However in the same paragraph, there is a “deviation” (discretionary power) which gives the right to the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Education for “reasonable” and special cases to give permissions for the heights of minarets 16 m and over. According to this law, permissions for mosques, minarets and any other kind of house of prayer needed the authorization of the bishop of the region. The authority, which was given to the region’s bishop was transferred to the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Education in 1997. The Bishop of Komotini and Maronia region in many cases used the right to veto or postponed the permits. Furthermore in some cases he recalled his permissions. For example in July 1995 the Bishop of Komotini and Maronia region signed the 16m permission of the Peleketi (Arabacıköy) minaret. The same bishop in 13 November 1996 recalled his permission of 16m and reduced it to 12m on the bases of the Greek Orthodox community’s objections living in the same village. After the transformation of the authorization of the bishop to the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Education, up to the year of 2004 many applications for building minarets were approved. However, this is not the case since then. Many applications for building mosques and minarets up to 16m were refused or not answered at all by the Ministry. Applicants complain that the “deviation” (discretionary power) of article 21 is used more for political pressure rather than positive measures. MP of Rodopi Region Ahmet Hacıosman, led a question to the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Education in 15 May 2008 regarding the permissions for building

The Turkish Muslim Minority of Western Thrace-Greece

minarets in the Venna (Demirbeyli), Kallindirio (Kalenderköy) and Filira (Sirkeli) villages of the region of Rodopi. Minister of Education and Religious Affairs of the period Evripidis Stilianidis in his answer stated that the law permits of the length of the minarets is only 7.5 m and that the bill should be implemented. The problem mentioned above is still to be resolved. The issue in question is not only limited to the heights of the minarets. The Greek Administration often raise difficulties for giving construction permits for restoration attempts of old mosques. In some villages, restoration permit applications of the members of the Minority have either been repeatedly denied or procrastinated. In some cases, because the restoration applications have been denied, these old ruins present a danger to the community of the villages. Expelled Citizens Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship Law (no: 3370/1955) was an obvious case of racial discrimination and a flagrant violation of the fundamental right to citizenship. It was in breach of the Greek constitution and international law. It provided that: “A citizen of non-Greek origin leaving Greece without the intention of returning may be declared having lost Greek citizenship.” On 23 January 1998, Article 19 of the Greek Citizenship was repealed by the Greek Parliament. This act was welcomed both by the international community, as well as within the ranks of the Turkish minority. However abolishment did not include a retroactive effect. The Minister of Interior on April 2005 announced the number of Muslim Turks deprived from the Greek citizenship until 1998 was 46.638. So far, no steps have been taken in order to reinstate thousands of unlawfully expelled citizens and their children who continue living abroad. Education There are 193 minority primary schools, two secondary and high schools in Western Thrace. The curriculum of these schools is bilingual. The statue of the minority education system in Western Thrace was established by the Peace Treaty of Lausanne and the bilateral agreements signed between Greece and Turkey. All these schools have autonomous status. According to international and bilateral instruments these schools are managed by the minority. In the last decade the situation of the private minority education has been changed and the mother tongue (Turkish) curriculum

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has almost collapsed. In this paper you will find the latest information about the Turkish minority’s educational system and the changes in it. For the development of a community in political, social and economic level, education plays a decisive and major role. Taking this into account, the role of the education gets more importance while we are referring to the minority groups within majorities. In Western Thrace region of Greece, minority education has been subjected to pressures caused by numerous problems accumulated over the years. The status and the principles governing the minority education have undergone radical changes due to the interventions, which have been an extension of the political, social and economic circumstances, and difficulties that have dominated the region for decades. Consequently, an extremely complicated set of regulations has emerged, which is inconsistent within itself and incompatible with the delicate balance established by bilateral and international agreements that Greece signed and ratified. According to articles 40 and 41 of the Treaty Peace of Lausanne of 1923, Turkish minority’s education has an autonomous statue. These articles provide equal rights for the minority to establish, manage and control at their own expenses any school. However local authorities systematically undermine the autonomy of the minority education system trough different ways such as selection, training and appointing teachers to these schools. Minority students are subject to a 6 year compulsory education, thus unable to benefit from the 9-years compulsory education applied to the Greek majority since 1976. There are no longer well-trained teachers for the instruction in Turkish. By establishing nurseries teaching only the Greek language in almost every village inhabited by Turks, Greece violates the right of the minority to learn the mother tongue, which is protected by national, international and bilateral instruments. In its current form, the Minority Education System does not reinforce and promote relations between the State and the Minority. On the contrary, it creates tension and crisis of trust. This state of affairs not only undermines the obligations that Greece has undertaken by treaties and agreements, but it also contradicts with the EU legislation. The current distorted structure of the Minority Education drives the minority children who enjoy both Greek and EU citizenship, into becoming inadequate, second-class citizens.

The Turkish Muslim Minority of Western Thrace-Greece

Recommendations Respect the collective usage of individual right and recognise the existence of a ‘Turkish’ ethnic and linguistic minority in Greece. 2 Ratify, without delay and without reservations, the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. 3 Sign and ratify, without delay and without reservations, the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages. 4 Demand that Greek authorities take steps to ensure the immediate rectification of the unfortunate consequences arising from deprivation of Greek citizenship on the basis of former Article 19 of the Citizenship Code for all persons concerned, especially ethnic Turks. In particular, we urge the authorities to genuinely facilitate these persons’ recovery of their citizenship by removing any obstacle, including the need for them to go through the naturalisation procedure. 5 To ensure the revision of the new law No: 3647/2008 regarding the pious foundations (Waqfs) passed by the Greek Parliament and entered into force on February 29, 2008, which was prepared without taking the opinion and will of Western Thrace Turkish minority and recognise that it cannot be accepted or applied in its current form. 6 Ensure immediately that freedom of association is guaranteed by the Greek Constitution for all persons concerned and demand that the Greek authorities abolish all restrictions to the freedom of association for ethnic minorities, especially ethnic Turks. Remembering that it is prohibited using the denomination “Turkish” in names for associations by the Supreme Court which suited a prohibition procedure against the Turkish Union of Xanthi founded in 1927 and ruled out the foundation of the Cultural Association of Turkish Women of the Region of Rodopi, we urge the Greek State to immediately end the abuse of the right of freedom of association so that civil and political rights of ethnic minorities are guaranteed for all persons concerned. We further urge Greece to respect and act according to the recent written notifications of European Court of Human Rights on the cases of Tourkiki Enosi Xanthis and Others v. Greece (no. 26698/05) and Emin and Others v. Greece (no. 34144/05) which resulted in favour of the said associations. 7 Ensure the equal opportunity for the instruction in mother tongue and the state language. Greece should also take immediate steps to ensure that the rights to education for the ethnic minorities are guaranteed so that children in Western Thrace have a bilingual preschool education. Remembering that the ethnic Turkish mi 1

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nority has the right to take education in its native language according to the Treaty of Lausanne, we in particular urge the Greek State to abolish the discriminatory clauses of the new Preschool law that anticipates the Greek language is a must in preschool education. 8 To revise the new law which is not in line with the right to the free flow of information, freedom of expression and pluralism and makes the appropriate urgent changes, as the recent law on media (Law no: 3592/2007) fail to guarantee the use of minority languages in the media. 9 To ensure the full implementation of the provisions of the 1990 CSCE/OSCE Copenhagen Document that Greece has signed and ratified. 10 To take into consideration the Resolution adopted on the eleventh session of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference on Muslim Communities and Minorities in non-OIC member states. (OIC/SUM-II/2008/MM/RES/final, 13-14 March 2008).

Surviving elements of Ottoman legacy in the Balkans in non-Muslim Communities and cultures Dino Mujadžević*

The topic of this paper, assigned to me by organizers, is clearly stated in the title. Nevertheless, let me begin by stressing my limitations as an author concerning the topic, although I belive that I have something to say about it. I’m a younger professional historian with the education in field of history and Turkic studies. My previous research concentrated on political history of the 16. century Ottoman rule and 20. century communist rule in Croatia. Given the broadness od subject I’m writing about this time, I had to step out of area of my immediate expertise and go sometimes in areas I’m less familiar with. Therefore I chose to be short on some of these questions and more extensive on others. Due to my limited knowledge and experience, I focused mostly on surviving elements of the Ottoman influence in Western Balkans; Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia that is. Other parts of Balkans were included when my knowledge made it possible. I must also mention that I tried to distance myself from any type of bias, both Eurocentric or pro-Western and Islamo-centric or pro-Ottoman. As I am familiar with sources and literature produced by both sides, I tried to adress Ottoman legacy in Balkans from both perspectives and choose what I deem to be real and relevenat for us today. May I state clearly that I don’t support cultural relativism and I certainly don’t accept cultural supremacy of neither Western, neither Ottoman culture. I firmly belive that both traditions cannot be judged or dissmised as a whole and that they both have different positive and negative sides. Islamic and Ottoman culture has *  Croatian Institute for History, Departement for History of Slavonia, Syrmia and Baranja in Slavonski Brod; lecturer of Islamic Civilisation at Philosopical Faculty, Departement of Turkology, Zagreb. 101

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been for centuries dismissed and despized by Western authors. Classical and Modern Western culture has been in last decades totally deconstructed by postmodern and Islamic authors. I think it is not prudent to reject totally or accept exclusively any one of these sides. It is time to be open to arguments of both sides, separate irrational judgments from serious observation and to create picture of past and present based on reality. The Ottoman conquests in 14, 15. and 16. centuries and subsequent Ottoman rule in Balkans were some of most important historical events (or rather series of events) that ever happend in Southeastern Europe. The influence of Ottoman arrival and dominance is paramount in history of Balkans and is still effecting lives of dozens of millions Muslims and non-Muslims in this area. There are only few events in regional history which had impact comparable to Ottoman one. Among them we can count Roman conquest in 2. and 1. century BC, Slavic migration in 6. and 7. century and advent of Christianity in early Middle Ages. My oppinion is that even modern catasthropes like both World Wars and Balkan War in 1990s. cannot match the lasting effect of Ottoman conquests.2 Possibly the most important Ottoman legacy for non-Muslims in Balkans is Ottoman influence on Nation- and state-building in 19. and 20. century.3 Let me explain this point. By annexing the territories and destroying political elites of the small Balkan Christian kingdoms Ottoman State in 14. and 15. century managed to unite virtually whole Balkan Peninsula ending the political fragmentation that existed before. It is fair to speculate that history of this area would be very different otherwise, because modern nation-state building in modern times would be happening in probably more fragmented enviroment and would end up with very different situation than it is today. It is very risky and probably not very scholarly to speculate on outcomes of alternative history of Balkans, but allow me to engage in this game for a minute. If there were no Ottomans, non-Muslim nations and/or ethnic groups in Balkans would be probably more numerous and smaller than they 2   For general introduction to history of Ottoman conquests, rule, decline and legacy in Balkans see. L. S. Stavrianos: The Balkans since 1453. London 1958, p. 33-214.; Historija naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 2. Beograd-Zagreb 1961.; Peter F. Sugar: Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule 1354-1804. Seattle 1977.; John V. A. Fine, Jr: The Late Medieval Balkans. Ann Arbor 1987, p. 406-611.; Georege Castellan: History of Balkans. New York 1992, p. 49-322.; L. Charles Brown: Imperial Legacy. The Ottoman Imprint on the Balkans and the Middle East. New York 1996, p. 45-99.; Mark Mazower: The Balkans. A Short History. 2000., p. 55-90. 3   For general survey about nation-state building in 19-20. centuries Balkans see Charles and Barbara Jelavich: The Establishment of the Balkan National States. Seattle 1977.

Surviving elements of Ottoman legacy in the Balkans in non-Muslim Communities and cultures

are today. What actually happened and what is my justification of this hypothesis? Here are some examples. During the Classical period Ottomans eleminated several Byzantine and Serbian states or proto-states in 14. and 15. century. Byzantine emperor and his dynasty were removed permanently from power in Constantinople, but Ottomans also ended the independent rulers that broke way in past from central power of Byzantine empire, such as lords of Trapezunt and despots of Morea. Before the final conquest of Serbian Despotovina in the middle of 15. century, Ottomans eliminated series of other independent Serbian feudal lords like Mrnjavčevićs in Macedonia. Simmilar situation was in Bosnia. It wasn’t only Bosnian kingdom that was elimineted. Independent feudal lords in Podrinje and Herzegovina region, like Kovačevići and Kosače, were also removed permanently.4 Once under Ottoman rule Greek, Serb and other Christian groups were included in millet system which allowed for cultural and ecclesiastical autonomy for these communities. In absence of Christian political elite non-Muslim population was led by church elite which was in turn allied, and somtiems related to, Ottoman ruling establishment. With official Ottoman blessing, Greek and Serb Ortodox Churches in 16. and 17. century united the whole Serb and Greek population under its wings in Ottoman realm, but also succeeded to spread its rule or influence over other surrounding Balkan Christian groups in Ottoman territory. In absence of regular Catholic hierarchy Catholic Franciscan province of Bosnia during the 16. and 17. centuries enlarged its influence managed to unite Catholic population in Bosnia and surrounding regions under its jurisdiction. Some of these ecclesiastic arrangements under Pax Ottomanica resulted with changed confessional and ethnic situation in the field. The Greek Ortodox Church (Patriarch of Constatinople that is) managed to get a lasting grip on Albanian, Bulgarian, Macedonian and partially Vlah Ortodox population. Serb Ortodox Church manged to incorporate parts of Vlah population and even temporarily some Catholics in Bosnia. In time, some of non-Greek or non-Serb Christian groups were fully assimilated into dominant culture of their Church. For example Ortodox Vlahs of Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia and Montenegro, were assmilated into Serb identity with help of Serb Ortodox Church even before modern nationalist movement in 19. century although they were considered as group separate from Serbs in mediaeval   For history of Christian states in 14. and 15. c. in Balkans see Fine, The Late Mediaeval Balkans, p. 217-404, 453-611.

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Serbian state. Greek and Serb Churches under Ottoman rule could transgress preOttoman political fragmentation, unite and even expand population gravitating to etno-confessional culture which was associated with them. This cultures became foundation of national and nation-state building movements in 19. century and resulted in ethnic framework of today. Without Ottoman intervention in history of Balkans we would be probably witnessing several separate national identities and states in place of contemporary unified and monolitic Serbian or Greek national identities and states. 5 Somewhat differtent is example of Ottoman influence on ending of political fragmentation in Croatia. Its Western part never came under Ottoman rule, but became nucleus for future Croatian statehood and nationalism precisely because of Ottoman influence. Untill the early 16. century Croatia and Slavonia were two sepatate autonomous dominions —although historically connected— under Hungarian crown, but Ottoman excursions and conquests of parts of their territory led in first half of 16. century to their de facto political unification due to reasons of defence and mere survival. Modern Croatian nationalism emerged in 19. century from the this political tradition and shared Catholic culture of united Slavonia and Croatia. Without Ottomans there would probably be separate Catholic groups of Croats, Slavonians and Dalmatians!6 Migrations of Christian population, either fleeing from Ottoman army or rule, either as a result of Ottoman state policy of resettlement, besides its influence on creating and spreading of some ethnic and religous identities, left one other lasting blueprint. That was mixing of different ethnic identities in relatively small area. Probably, nowhere in Europe so many ethnic and religous groups co-existed, for better or for worse, as in some parts of Balkans during Ottoman rule. Beside the fact that Muslims, Christians and Jews coexisted freely, but sometimes uneasily, it is worth noting that different Christian ethno-religous communities lived dispersed and mixed. Probably most famous example is territory of Ottoman eyalet Bosnia where two different South Slavic Christian communities, Roman Catholics and

  For history of millet system and above mentioned Christian communities in Balkans see: Laszlo Hadrovics: Le Peuple Serbe et son Eglise. Paris 1947.; Steven Runciman: The Great Church in Captivity. Cambridge 1968.; Srećko M. Džaja, Konfessionalität und Nationalität Bosniens und der Herzegowina, München 1984. 6   For history of national unification in Croatia see Ivo Banac: The National Question in Yugoslavia. Ithaca 1984. 5

Surviving elements of Ottoman legacy in the Balkans in non-Muslim Communities and cultures

Ortodox, since 16. and 17. century have lived allmost all over the area, but largely dispersed, living side by side.7 Large areas where one group lived exclusively where rare. This ethno-religous pathchwork created serious problems during the nationalist revival and state building period in 19. and 20th century. Serb and Croat nationalisms in Bosnia and Croatia competed for the same territories. One solution for this problem was supporting the idea of Yugoslav unity, which aimed to nullify reciprocal exclusion and ethnic fragmentation, wich was clearly leading to conflict. The other solution was exclusion itself —chauvinism and genocide— which sadly expressed themselves in Second World War and during the Balkans wars 1991-1995. It is needless to say that this Ottoman influence on very forming of national identities and respective movements is virtually unknown today in these countries. Classic nationalistic historiography in Balkans does not except, or rather mentally blocks, Ottoman influence in this respect. By accepting it would deny nationalist mantra that national identites always existed in this or very simmilar form and that forming of the national state was always on mind of “nationally consicious” people during of pre-history of Balkan nations. Reality is that non-Muslim nations in Ottoman Balkans didn’t exist at all or existed in a way which is very remote from modern idea of nation. Sadly, today even serious scholars, acquiented with fashionable postmodern theories, are unaware of the basic historical facts and do not have historical perspective. They do not question contemporary national identities as constructs of historical coincidence or forces from outside, but only concentrate on social, linguistical and cultural deconstruction of modern national identities and its contents. My oppinion is that is needed and fair to fully acknowledge Ottoman essential influence in forming the framework from which modern national and ethnic identities emerged. To put it plainly some of contemporary nations —such as Croatia— wouldn’t probably exist if it was not for Ottomans!8 In addition to expanding the enviroment for future nationalist movements of non-Muslim groups in Balkans, Ottomans provided one more “service” for them. Shaking off the Ottoman “yoke”, removing its aledgedly very oppresive rule and

7   For history of Ottoman Bosnia see Hazim Šabanović: Bosanski pašaluk. Sarajevo 1959.; Noel Malcolm: Povijest Bosne. Zagreb – Sarajevo 1995, p. 57-143.; Mustafa Imamović: Historija Bošnjaka. Sarajevo 1998, p. 95-342. 8   On topic of myths and misconceptions, especially concerning the Ottomans, in historiography in Balkans, see Historijski mitovi na Balkanu (zbornik radova). Sarajevo 2003.; Ulf Brunnbauer (ed.): (Re) Writing History: Historiography in Southeast Europe after Socialism. 2005.

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backward culture and even Muslim population that came along with it, became rallying point, main theme and even the chief purpose of above mentioned national movements in 19. and 20th. century. As it is too well known, in mental maps of non-Muslim nationalists Ottomans became proverbial “others”, sholarly example of a undisputed fact that national and nationalistic and other movements are alway based on total exclusion and negation of certain entity and its sometimes extremely irrational moves are fueled on hate towards it. It is cliche, nevertheless worth repeating, to say that 19. and 20th century national cultures of above mentioned and other non-Muslim etnic groups in Balkans, are significantly dependent on antiOttomanism. It is no exaggeration to note that flight from the Ottoman and Muslim political and cultural realm became most important obsession in new Balkan states. Non-Muslim groups in Balkans even today haven’t recovered fully from this fixation. Main cultural texts in this cultures, such as early modern vernacular literature or more importantly epic oral poetry, are usually dealing with war with Turks and are still thought in schools reproducing in this manner negative stereotypes about Ottoman rule. Historiography of these ethnic groups is still mainly closed for accepting Ottomans as anything other then foreign intrusion that stopped earlier, aledgedly normal, historical developement. Ottoman influences on developement of material culture and Muslim victims of Christian persecution are almost never mentioned. Even though anti-Ottoman and recent ethnic wars eneded and ethnic persecution and discrimination of Muslims stopped, non-Muslim groups in Balkans are still largely culturally dependent on fear and hate of Ottomans and Muslims to define their identities. It is somewat ironic, but nevertless true, to count this as continous Ottoman influence among non-Muslim ethnic groups even today. One of the most importan aspects of Ottoman influence on modern nonMuslim population is linguistic one. This aspect has several sides, but one of the most unknow, yet by far the most important, is Ottoman influence on spreading of languages and dialects of non-Muslim groups. This problem is closely related to the question of spreding or disappearing of certain Balkan ethnic groups and developement of political or qusi-political entities both inside Ottoman realm and in its proximity, which has been disscused previously in this report. Firstly, Ottoman military excursions and territorial advances in 15. and 16. century in Balkans led to large migration of Christian population towards regions under Christian rule which were at that time considered safe. Deserted areas that came under Ottoman rule were resettleded by largely Christian immigrants from east. Simmilarly territories that

Surviving elements of Ottoman legacy in the Balkans in non-Muslim Communities and cultures

remained under Christian rule were populated by new Christian immigrants, mostly fleeing before the Ottoman advance or coming directly from Ottoman territory.9 One of the most striking examples for that process is difference between lingustical situation in Bosnia, Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia before and after Ottoman conquests in 15. and 16. century. The most important feature of these changese is large spreading over these areas of neo-štokavski Southern Slavic dialect, largely spoken by Ortodox Vlah population, and paralel spreading of variant of old štokavski dialect, spoken largely by Catholic Vlah population. Vlahs of both Christian denominations replaced lingustically and culturally different Catholic population of Una and Vrbas valley, inner Dalmatia, Lika, Banija and contemporary Slavonia and Vojvodina, which left in organized or unorganized fashion for secure places in western Hungary and Austria. Linguistical implication of these events are immense for whole Southern Slavic area. Štokavski dialect in different forms became exclusive language of Ortodox Christians and Muslims of South Slavic origin and also most common dialect among Catholics of Bosnia and Croatia. Solidly čakavski Catholic city of Dubrovnik od Middle Ages by late 17. century was speaking in neo-štokavski dialect closely related to language of Ortodox Vlahs of eastern Herzegovina which expanded due to migrations during the Ottoman conquest! During the era od nacional renaissance among Serbs and Croats in first half of 19. century neo-štokavski was selected by both national groups as basis for standard Croatian and Serbian languages. Serbs choose it naturally because it was almost universal vernacular among them. Croats took it because it was language of Baroque literature of Dubrovnik, understendable to most of Croats, but also in hope of cultural unification of Croats and Serbs under common Yugoslav identity. Among other notable examples of Ottoman influence on language patchwork of non-Muslim groups in Balkans one should mention spreading of Albanian language to the north and east by means of settlement in places which previous inhabitants left and by assimilation of domestic population. Albanian speakers in these areas were both Muslim and Catholic.10 It is of course very well known and documented that Ottoman-Turkish language, official language of state and lingua franca among non-Turkish subjects of Empire, exercided great influence on languages of non-Muslim etnic groups under and in  See. Historija naroda Jugoslavija, vol. 2. For history of Croatian and other South Slavic literrary languages see: Zlatko Vince: Putovima hrvatskoga književnog jezika. Zagreb 1990. 9

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proximity of Ottoman rule in Balkans. Untill 19. century this influence was primarily over spoken everyday language of non-Muslims since literary and liturgical languages of the eccesiastical elites were either classical and fossilized versions of spoken language (in case of Greeks) or outright foreign dead languages (Latin among Catholics, Greek among Ortodox Albanians, Old Slavic among Serb, Bulgarians and Macedonians), which were unpenetrable for influences of everyday life i.e. OttomanTurkish language. Everyday vernacular languages of non-Muslim groups were influenced mostly and significantly by Ottoman-Turkish vocabulary and to the lesser extent by its grammar and phonetics. Ottoman-Turkish loan words formded the bulk of words used for items and ideas of material culture, expecially those related to urban life, housing in general, hygene, trade, traffic, crafts and military. It is worth noticing that loan words actually reflect the fact Ottomans had tremendous influence on material culture, urban culture in particular, of non-Muslim population in Balkans, which will be explained later. Paradoxally, the nationalist revival in 19. century, which was concentrated on aim of liberations from all forms of Ottoman presence, led to introduction of many Ottoman-Turkish loan words to standardized versions of national languages. This happened because nationalist intellectual elite rejected old ecclesiastical languages and embraced vernaculars or earlier forms of literary languange close to it. These idioms were, of course, immensly infuenced by Ottoman-Turkish language. Inspite of the fact that some of the Ottoman-Turkish loan words were replaced by words coined from the indigenous lingusitical roots or Western loan words, these national standard languages even today contain many Ottoman-Turkish loan words, some of them essential to the vocabulary. Very interesting is example of Ottoman-Turkish linguistical influence is a Croatian case. After accepting the neo-štokavski dialect, which was significantly influenced by Ottoman-Turkish vocabulary, in first half of 19. century as a basis of national language for Croats, Ottoman-Turkish loan words were introduced by press, literature, birocracy, military and school system to every part of what is today known of Croatia, even to the speakers of dialects that didn’t previously use Ottoman-Turkish loan words at all. Ottoman-Turkish loanwords accepted by national elite were ironically seen as more Croat or natioinal than German, Italian and Hungarian loan words. Ottoman-Turkish loan words penetrated households in Zagreb, Međimurje, Gorski Kotar and Hrvatsko Zagorje which were never under Ottoman rule and had little or no conntact with Ottoman culture! The Ottoman influence on historical and contemporary popular cultures of non-

Surviving elements of Ottoman legacy in the Balkans in non-Muslim Communities and cultures

Muslim ethnic groups in Balkans was probably the most defining outside factor for these cultures since advent of Christianity in early Middle Ages. One of the most striking examples concerns musical influence. Traditional urban and rural folk music of Balkans was largely shaped by Near Eastern and Central Asian influences brought in by Ottomans. Instruments, style of singing, playing, dancing, whole melodies and complete lyrics were taken over in Balkans, sometimes in completely unchanged fashion. Contemporary commercial popular music in Balkans is somewhat sad and distorted reminder of this process.. Other nobale areas of Ottoman influence on nonMuslim cultures are traditional oral poetry and storytelling, dressing (today only visible for those fammiliar with folk costumes), cuisine, social relations (courtship with women, family, community) Non-Muslim historians and other intellectuals from Balkans and West have been describing Ottoman rule since early 19. century as having been catastrophic for non-Muslims. To prove this such authors usually listed real or aledged Ottoman war atrocities, de-christianisation as opposed to islamization, misgovernemet, religous and social opression of Christians, but probably most important and at the same time the most speculative allegation against Ottomans was that Ottoman rule separated Christian Balkan natiosn from main currents of thought and material developement that led to political and cultural enlightment and emancipation, industrial revolution, creation of modern national states, which was typical for the other parts of Europe. According to this narrative Balkans even today remaines backward in every aspect compared to Western Europe because of Ottomans who separated it long enough from Western influences. In addition to being culturally oppressive and conservative, Ottomans aledgedly didn’t bring themselves nothing new and valuable to Balkans and actually destroyed existing order and introduced social regression.11 Oppinion of this autor is that Ottoman culture, as Muslim culture in general since 12. century, was indeed conservative and static. Although Ottomans menaged, generally speaking, to advance Balkans socially and materially during their rule compared to situation before 15. century, they were not open to change themselves beyond that level. Radical social and material progress of Europe in 17., 18. and especially 19. century was not possible in unreformed Ottoman enviroment. In addition to being itself conservative, Ottoman state untill 19. century prevented 11  For this school of thought see e.g. Branislav Đurđev: Jugoslavenske zemlje pod turskom vlašću, do kraja 18. stoljeća. Zagreb 1962.; Also see this author’s contributions in Historija naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 2.

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Western influences from outside to spread significantly over its territory. Nationalist revivals and state building movements of non-Muslim groups in 19. century Balkans had to build their cultures and states, modelled on Western examples, from scratch. This should be taken literally because signs of previously dominant Ottoman culture were destroyed or marginalized and institutions were dismantled. In this enviroment building of modern nation-states was slow and painful; modernization in Balkans was constantly delayed during this era. The burden of building modern nationstates in Balkans was extremely heavy on living Christian and especially Muslim population. Wars with Ottomans and Christian rivals, partially legacy of ethnic fragmentation of Ottoman era, materially and mentally exausted Balkans societies in 19. and 20. century. Even after winning independence, new national states in Balkans tried largely unsuccesfully to reach Western level of developemnt and make up for the time lost between 15. and 19. centuries. As I prevously said, I accept the notion that Ottoman rule in effect prevented early developement of societies built on Western European model in Balkans. However, it would be unjust to blame only Ottoman closed, static and inherently religous culture, as opposed to Modern European culture, for failure of Balkan states with non-Muslim majority to reach Western European level of developement. Other factors influenced contemporary relative social and material backwardnes of these areas. We should also count in constant wars and instability of Balkans after 18. century, which was caused jointly by Christian Balkan states, Great Powers and Ottomans themselves. The other reason for delayed moder devolepemnt in Balkans could be found in cultural difference of Balkan cultures, namely Ortodox Christian cultures, from Western cultures which were based on Protestantism and Roman Catholicism. Mediaeval and later Ortodox Christianity shares some qualities with Ottoman Muslim culture: it was basically static and conservative culture oriented towards spirituality. Oppostion between Ortodox traditionalists and pro-Western reformers still today deeply divides Ortodox cultures in Balkans. To my knowledge the most spectacular and clearly visible example of Ottoman influence on social fabric, material developement and culture can be seen in my home country of Croatia. Inspite all historical and cultural regions Croatia is even today divided in two distinguishable regions, Western and Eastern. Border between them and cutting the country in half is approximative to the Ottoman-Habsburg border established during 16. century. Eastern Croatia, once Ottoman territory in 16. and 17. century, was settled during that time largely by Ortdox and Catholic pastoralists

Surviving elements of Ottoman legacy in the Balkans in non-Muslim Communities and cultures

coming from Bosnia and beyond. It is needless to say that this population was culturally shaped Ottoman experience. After Habsburg and Venetian reconquista at the end of 17. and 18. century Western institutions, farming, industry and social and culutral influences began to spread, but It is still today behind in every aspect of social developement compared to Western Croatia which has been continously politically and culturally dependent on West during the time of Ottoman rule in Eastern Croatia. Eastern Croatia is today politically conservative, economically pasive and dependent on state support. It is also culturally simmilar to the rest of Balkans. Although Ottoman rule effectively slowed and even prevented full modernization in Western fashion in Balkans, it is completely false to belive that Ottoman rule in Balkans was a step back in respect of social and material progress. Of course, Ottoman arrival was usually violent and accompanied with considerable cost in human lifes and material destruction. But, in the long run the result was, generally speaking, a positive one if we take in account higher standard of civilisation that emerged afterwards and affected the life of non-Muslims. The change was dramatic. Mediaeval Balkans had no big towns in inlands and population density was low. The only significant urban life was present at coasts of Egean and Adriatic seas. The crafts and mining were largely underdeveloped. Communications and roads were rare and rudimental. The area was largely politically divided and unsecure. During the Ottoman classical period Balkans emerged with new, previously unseen, urban and road network. Population, non-Muslim included, considerably grew and trade and crafts flourished freely without major political and security impediment for significant period of time. Big towns as Skopje and Sarajevo, as many others smaller ones, developed in inner Balkans, sometimes on places where prevously only very small villages existed. The city of Sarajevo was untill the middle of 19. century probably the largest and most populous town in territory of former Yugoslavia. To put it rather simple, Ottoman arrival was actually to my oppinion one step forward in improvement of general social and material welfare, but it eventually stopped there and couldn’t go further to match developements in Europe.12 It is needless to say that economically flourishing Ottoman Balkans that benefited Muslims and non-Muslims is largely forgotten and unknown even for 12  For history of cities and towns see Nikolaj Todorov: The Balkan City 1400-1900. Seattle-London 1983.; For history of Sarajevo during classical Ottoman age see Behija Zlatar: Zlatno doba Sarajeva. 16. stoljeće. Sarajevo 1996.

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contemporary educated and informed non-Muslims. Historical memory, produced by historiography, literrature and school systems, concentrates only on real and fictional disadvantages of Ottoman system for non-Muslims. Although non-Muslims were realy politically marginalized and more vulnerable to state opression, narrative of mainstream Balkan historiography greatly exgerates their plight. Social and material advance that non-Muslims experienced after Ottoman conquest is even today largely ignored. In a somewhat desperate, but understandable push to catch up with West non-Muslim nationalist elites in Blakans irrationally erased Ottoman legacy from their memory and sometimes even from the face of the Earth. NonMuslim nationalists of the past couldn’t conceive any progress outside the framework of modern Western current. According to them social reforms and material couldn’t be achieved in any type of harmony with Ottoman legacy or even on basis of it, so Ottoman legacy in every aspect had to be demonized and dismantled. Such a manic quest for modernisation eventually empoverished their societies and didn’t bring about desired goals of achieving Western ideals. By avoiding or removing its Ottoman past Non-Muslim Balkan societies are loosing important experience and at the same time waging constant war aginst themselves. Non-Muslim intelecual elite should understand that only by fully incorporating and appreciating Ottoman legacy, which is after all these decades of cleansing still living, especially in popular culture, neurotic nature of political, social and cultural situation could be avoided. In order to stop running from themselves Non-Muslim societies should stop being biased and accept and make peace with Ottoman past. My oppinion is that vice versa should be applied for Muslims societies in Balkans, which should stop glorify uncritically Ottomans. Only by full reciprocal appreciation of what was valuable about Ottoman experience and what was truely negative about it, the Ottomans could stop being problem and some sort od shadow that is haunting both non-Muslims and Muslims even today.

Integration of Religion within the Identity of the Albanian Muslims Dr. Musa Musai*

1

Introduction

Events and phenomena experienced in one of the earliest inhabited centers of Europe, the Balkan Peninsula, both in the past and the present have preserved their importance on world scale. Except for being a significant stage for subjects of philosophy, culture and civilization, the Balkan territories were equally important for wars and conflicts. Alongside Christianity, which was spread earlier, Islam was also spread in the Balkans, which in fact was the reason for the beginning of a new period in these parts. Although there are different opinions among historians regarding the period of the spread of Islam here, one fact seems to be undeniable in this regard, and that is that after the 14th century for at least five centuries one culture and spirit of a State governed by Islamic norms was prevalent in the Balkans. Hence, the presence of the Ottoman Authority remains to be an undeniable historical fact.1 Indeed, to investigate the integration of the religion-identity amongst the Albanian Muslims in such conditions is not to be taken easily, particularly when one has to analyze the Islamic as well as the Ottoman cultural heritage among the Albanians. Also, there is something else that should not be left without mentioning, and that is the detachment of contacts of a considerable part of the Albanian corpus (in particular those in Albania), with any sort of religious values for a long period of time. But, this in no case sweeps away the importance and significance of studying and *  Professor, University of Tetovo 1  Nexhat Ibrahimi; Islami në trojet iliro-shqiptare gjatë shekujve, Logos-A Skopje 1998, p. 207-211. 113

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investigating the integration of religion within the identity of the Albanian Muslims; on the contrary, it makes it even more attractive and more important. Hence, one of the primary problems of our study is the formation and stratification of the identity among the Albanian Muslims (and here we mean their national and religious identity), as well as the positions of religion vis-à-vis identity. It should be noted that when we say Albanian Muslims, in this study we mean the Albanians from Albania, Kosova and Macedonia. The issue of religion or of the religious concept among Albanians is not a subject that can be analyzed by or responded to only one person, but as such it pertains to the sentiments, attitudes and deeds of each and every member of that belief. So, it’s understandable that to analyze the religious life as a complex issue in full involves many segments in the life of a society, and in particular of people who live by it for more than 600 years. This is why we say that Islam among Albanians is not merely a cultural and religious heritage, but rather it is present in every footstep of Albanians living in the abovementioned territories; it is a belief by which Albanians breathe and live. One can see it in every pore of life, which is verified by this study as well, performed in the field of Psychology of Religion. Along with the echo of dissolution of the Eastern Block in the 1990’s, the spirit of these changes was felt in the Balkan Peninsula too. In particular, with the dissolution of the ex-Yugoslav republics a new period of the history in these parts begun. The newly created situation and the wars waged during the 1990’s, were the forerunners of the fact that it will be impossible for the people of the Balkans to have a little bit longer peaceful period. At the same time, after the fall of communism in Albania for the first time in 45 years the freedom of expression and belief was felt. Given the subjects as well as the socio-cultural events which are incorporated within the framework of this study, the primary issue of this research can be set forth as the question: “What is the present situation of the integration of religion within the identity of the Albanian Muslims? Is there any relation between the religious and sociocultural (demographic) factors within this integration?” And in that respect what is the relation or relations between variations of religiousness and the events or phenomena that are thought to have influence on the individual and social identity? In this context the knowledge regarding the identity and conditions of the religious life (religiousness) in correspondence with the research model are being gathered through a questionnaire prepared within previously determined criteria

Integration of Religion within the Identity of the Albanian Muslims

and frameworks. In this study effort has been done to describe and determine the interrelation and impact between the socio-cultural and those factors or variations of religiousness, derived as a result of factorial analysis implemented in this study. Based on the situation the relation between socio-cultural features and actions, attitudes and common points of the system of belief was analyzed. The primary purpose of the study was the determination of the social integration, whose social index is the relation identity-religion and pointing out to the patterns regarding the reflectors of the cultural and religious identity of the Albanian Muslims, who live in various socio-cultural and geographical environments. As an appendix to this purpose was the preparation of comparison between various groups according to demographic variations (like gender, age, marital status, education, incomes, country, region and alike), aiming at determining the socio-cultural factors arising differences in perception of compositions of the religious life, like “worship and social relations”, “relation towards conditions of religious belief”, “the consciousness of religious and social solidarity”, “respect towards traditional and religious values”, and “the perception of social and religious sentiment”. Within the framework of the exposed issue of this study some other sub-issues will be also reviewed as complementary and complete composition of the main issue, namely: To what degree are the religiousness and religious positions of the representative group (respondents) of this study consisting of Albanian Muslims? 2 How has the same group moulded the composition of the social and religious identity? 3 Are there any differences and similarities in the structure of the situation of religiousness and identity of Albanian Muslims from the aspect of factors like the country, age, gender, region, education and socio-economic situation? 4 Does religion have any influence in their social life? If yes, in what directions it is oriented? And what are the differences between them with regard to the perceptions of the religious life and social identity? 1

2

The method of study

In the theoretical part of the study by using documentary techniques and methods efforts have been made to offer explanations and acquiring knowledge in the most objective way and with certainty on the topics of discussion. In the applicative part

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of our study the investigating model was chosen, while in the efforts for acquiring knowledge the most appropriate and most efficient technique was proven to be the questionnaire technique of inquiry and while analyzing the data the statistical techniques were used. Results are part of the inquiry performed in 2004 in Albania, Kosova and Macedonia with more than 900 participants. The data collected by the questionnaire applied have been introduced in the statistical analyzing program SPSS 11.0 and all evaluations made here are a result of that program. 3

The results of concrete analysis

Under this subtitle, by using the method of Principle Component Analysis aiming to determine the sub-dimensions of variables of our study, primarily the values of the index of homogenous dispersion of data were checked, like the values of the appropriate (adaptable) representation of Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin between the “Bartlett’ Test of Sphericity” and supporters of concrete analysis regarding how comprehensive were their mutual statistical interrelations. To confirm if the statistical data do represent a homogenous dispersion, the adaptability of the representation value at Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin must be above 50. This value in checking of our measurer was 94.2. For suggesting that their mutual interrelation was with appropriate comprehensiveness it is necessary the degree of the comprehensiveness control of “Bartlett’s Test of Sphericity” to be less than .05. Regarding our measurer we have to admit that this value was very comprehensive with the degree (,000). Attitudes and actions that reflect the religious and social life of the Albanian Muslims are gathered in 5 dimensions. In this regard the attained results after concrete analysis for each dimension are presented separately (See tables 1,2,3,4,5). In the first two columns of the tables the number of questions of the questionnaire as well as the value of factorial points is given (like ,786). In the third column are the data of the sub-factors or issues that are collected under that dimension, namely the text of the questions asked. Follows the number of those who have answered to the questions of the religiousness questionnaire (N), and than for each particular saying an arithmetical average (X) is given attained at the measurer’s base where 5 grade evaluations are done, and in the last column the standard deviation is given.

Integration of Religion within the Identity of the Albanian Muslims Table 1: The dimension “Worship and social relations” in the measurer of the religious life among the Balkan Muslims (Factor-1)

N

Arith. Aver.

Std. Dev.

Perform five daily prayers

854

3.25

1,453

,731

Read the Qur’an

854

3.09

1,342

,725

I do my buy-sell at a Muslim

854

3.59

1,220

q.41

,719

I observe religious norms in dressing

854

3.61

1,218

q.30

,670

If I don’t have any obstacle I go to mosques

854

3.36

1,392

q. 46

,668

I solve social problems relying on religion’s beliefs

854

3.70

1,232

q.52

640

Do you attach importance for your neighbors and friends to be religious or not?

854

3.63

1,158

q.57

,637

How much do you care that the party you are voting to attach importance to religion?

854

3.63

1,279

q.39

,556

How important is for you the religious belonging in the issue of finding your spouse?

854

4.15

1,155

q. 51

,532

What is your position on premarital relations boy-girl and how you evaluate them?

854

3.23

1,417

519

On your opinion what is the role of religious leaders in formation and safeguarding the national identity?

854

3.80

1,105

,515

What is your personal and your family’s view and action regarding the slaughtering of qurban?

854

3.40

1,439

,513

Do you agree with the idea that “Muslims should perform their marriages with religious ceremony”?

854

4.17

1,036

No. quest.

V.F.P*

q.33

,786

q.32 q.42

q.56

q.34

q.38

Questions

Factor 1: “Worship and social relations”

Clarifying of the variation % 34.982

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According to the analysis in Table 1 it is clear that the first factor at the “Measurer of Religious Life” consists of 13 questions that are inquirers of the religious life/religiousness and we called it the Dimension of the “Worship and social relations”. Sayings that compose the second factor of the Measurer of Religious Life, generally reflect the positions and worldviews that involve fundamental issues of the belief of Islamic religion. We named this measurer as “Relation to the religious beliefs”. Based on final results of the analysis made until now it is possible to order the sub-factors involved in this dimension of the religious life according to the influence and importance attached to them. If we take as a basis the concretely estimated points and arithmetical averages of the collection of common beliefs, which pertain to this dimension, we say that in the first three places are placed accordingly: 1) “Muhammad a.s. is the Messenger of God” (v.f.p2 : ,794; arith.aver.=4.76); 2) “The Qur’an is the Word of God” (v.f.p ,777; arith.aver.=4,73) and 3) “All explanations of the Glorious Qur’an are true and valid at all times” (v.f.p. ,741; arith.aver.=4.61). Table 2: The Dimension of “Relation to the religious beliefs” in the measures of the religious life for the Balkan Muslims (factor-2)

N Arith. Aver.

Std.Dev.

Muhammad is the Messenger of God The Qur’an is the Word of God

862 862

4.76 4.73

,741

“All explanations of the Glorious Qur’an are true and valid at all times”?

862

4.61

q.14

,684

I believe that “There is the hereafter after death”

862

4.53

q.16

,673

862

4.51

q.13

,621

862

4.37

q.17

,609

862

4.47

q.10

,560

862

4.27

No. quest.

V.F.P*

q.12 q.11

,794 ,777

q.15

Questions

“Ibadats are useful and should performed regularly” “The good and the evil comes from God” “Religion helps in perception of comprehensiveness of life and in many answers in that regard” “I’m a person with complete belief”

Factor 2: Relation to the religious beliefs

 value of factorial points.

2

Clarifying of the Variation % 6.962

Integration of Religion within the Identity of the Albanian Muslims

In the dimension that we called “The consciousness of social and religious solidarity”, actions and attitudes that involve beliefs and religious sentiments common to this population are gathered, such are the sayings: “A Muslims should circumcise his son; actions like participation in funerals and on condolences increases the consciousness of companionship and responsibility, visits to the family for Eid celebrations strengthen the sentiments of closeness and support among the relatives”. These are actions that in fact present common visions and thoughts united around the thoughts, sentiments and religious beliefs of Muslims in these parts. Table 3: The dimension of “Social and religious consciousness” in the measurer of the religious life for the Balkan Muslims (Factor-3)

No. que.

V.F.P

Questions

p.50

,689

Muslim male children must be circumcised

p.37

,670

Participation in funerals and going for condolences is a religious duty among Muslims

p.36

,585

The visit of relatives in religious celebrations are very important and strengthen the sentiments of closeness with each-other

p.40

,563

How important are religious celebrations to you

Factor-3: Social and religious consciousness

N

Ari. Av.

Std. Dev.

864

4.63

,775

864

4.45

,795

864

4.57

,676

864

4.09

,974

Clarifying of the Variation % 5,206

According to these results it can be seen that while clarifying the social dimension of the religious life mostly on the surface come the actions like mortuary and condolence ceremonies, child circumcision, celebration of religious ceremonies and visits to the relatives. According to the analysis in Table 4, it is clear that the fourth factor at the “Measurer of religious life” consists of 3 questions that detect or are the inquirers of the religious life/religiousness of the Balkan Muslims. Given the sub-factors that fall within these factors, we named it as the Dimension of “Respect for the inherited and religious values”.

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Table 4: Dimension of “Respect for the inherited and religious values” in the measurer of the religious life for the Balkan Muslims (factor-4)

No. que.

V.F.P

q.49

,772

q.22

,719

q.19

,463

Questions “Holding of Mawlid protects the Muslims” from misfortunes and brings them good “Holding of Mawlid strengthens the awareness of brotherhood and companionship among Muslims” “Respect must be shown to the men of science and religion need respect”

Factor-4: Respect for traditional and religious values

N

Ari. Av.

Std. Dev.

864

3.45

1,190

864

3.80

1,034

864

4.40

,710

Clarifying of the Variation % 4,105

Religious beliefs that are included in the 4th table, represent socio-cultural values and traditions that play an important role within the religious life. These inherited values are mostly interrelated with some ceremonies of mawlid, as well as the respect towards men of science and religion. Results of Table 5 form the 5th factor pertaining to our measurer of the religious life. Given the sub-factors that are involved within this factor, we defined it as the dimension of “Religious and social perception” of the religious life. Table 5: The dimension of “Religious and social perception” in the measurer of the religious life for the Balkan Muslims (Factor-5)

No. que.

V.F.P

Questions

N

Arith. Av.

Std. Dev.

q.55

,704

“Does national sentiments come before the religious ones among the Muslims of your country”

862

2.68

1,145

q.18

,604

Are the Muslims of your country “believers with little religious knowledge”

862

2.27

1,478

q.45

,478

What is the situation with support among the Muslims in your country?

862

3.06

1,248

Factor-5: Religious and social perception

Clarifying the Variation % 3.733

Integration of Religion within the Identity of the Albanian Muslims 3.1

Demographical features and religious life of Albanian Muslims

Studies performed so far regarding the relation between religion and identity, show that more or less deeper and determining influence have the beliefs and religious positions in the relation of the individual with other people, in moral actions, in the worldview as well as with individual’s sentiments and thoughts in general. If we want to take an example in formation of the character of a certain individual, who represents the afterwards formed personality, or let us say the socio-cultural features that come from the surrounding unto the person, it is impossible in all these processes not to recognize the role and influence that religion has upon these relations.3 In this study religiousness represents the relation pertaining to the conditions of the Islamic religious belief and worship, as well as the relation with tradition, customs and habits that are extended and have their impact on the system of moral and religious values, which fall within the culture of the Muslim societies of these parts, because actions and attitudes, thoughts and sentiments, values and common belief that direct and give meaning to the life of the individual and society are factors that establish the relation and provide continuity between the past, the present and the future of a society of a people, religion is lived and experienced within this cultural heritage by virtue of language, tradition and customs. Transitory social and cultural periods experienced by the individual and the society, changes that occur as a result of modernity, the level of the economic and technological development and alike, or in a word the social and cultural factors of impact are the main causes of radical changes within human minds. This change will show itself with respect to the spectrum of treatment of religion as well as in search for answers to the needs of time within the religion itself. Religion is continuing its existence within the system of relations that in vertical and horizontal line regulate the life of the individual and of the society. In this regard it is recognized that in the way the worldview of the religious life and religiousness among the Albanian Muslims is determined it is as such a direct or indirect reflection of the daily life of individuals and societies vis-à-vis societies and conditions of the Islamic belief and performance of acts of worship. As emphasized above in given explanations, by religious life we mainly mean 3   Uysal, Veysel; Dinî Tutum Davranış ve Şahsiyet Özellikleri, M.Ü. İlahiyat Fakültesi Vakfı Yayınları, Stamboll 1996, f. 87; Günter Kehrer, Din Sosyolojisi transl. M. Emin Köktaş, Din Sosoyolojisi, Evaluated by Y. Aktay-M. E. Köktaş, Vadi Yayınları, Ankara, f. 74.

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the age in which one lives, the way in which the Albanian explains or presents his religious identity and personality in the religious and social spirit. Hence, our aim regarding the use of the notion religiousness stands in the fact that by it we deal with the relation of Albanian Muslims towards the system of moral and religious values laid down in their culture, as well as the main issues with regard to the conditions of belief and practices of worship as such. What kind of relations are there between the religious life and some demographical features, such as gender, marital status, country, level of education, incomes? Which demographical factors have influence and aid to the religious life of Albanian Muslims? In the direction of finding answers to questions as these above, analysis have been made, which as their base have had the data or results of this study, among which the factors that comprise the religiousness have been treated as dependant changes, while demographical changes as independent variations. According to the conclusions of the performed analysis it was noticed that several factors of independent changes have opened the way to the differences of dependent changes, namely of changes in religiousness, while some others not. As a clarifying example for this we can see that regarding the positions and actions towards the second dimension of religious life, which we named as “relation to the conditions of belief”, as well as in the third factor of religiousness named “religious and social consciousness of solidarity”, there is no substantial difference in the positions and actions between female and male gender in relation to these two factors. Features such as religion, gender, ethnic identity, country are integral parts of the identity, but at the same time they are defined as demographical features too. Under this subtitle, in order of determining and investigating the relation and differences between demographical features with the variables of religious life according to the varying states of variables the techniques of T-Test and ANOVA were used. In these analyses the demographical features such as “gender, age, marital status, country, level of education and occupation” are taken as an “independent variable”, while 5 factors (variables) of the religious life are reviewed as a “dependent variable”. In the tables bellow are reported only those averages of results in which the significant difference between two different factors is noticed. With respect to the demographical variables one of the independent factors that can have impact on the religious life and that can open the way to differences between respondents is gender.

Integration of Religion within the Identity of the Albanian Muslims 3.2

The religious life according to countries

Another independent variable that pertains to the religious life is the factor “country” (or state). As it is known, the environment or the country in which one lives, opens the way to some differences with respect to the worldviews of religious life among people who live in Balkan countries, and this was confirmed by our observations. One of geographical and socio-cultural influents that we have analyzed in our study, was the factor country as an integral part of the identity. Thus it was analyzed and investigated wheather the differences between countries where Albanian Muslims live, are an influenting factor that opens the way to the differences regarding the religious life among them. So, to answer the questions regarding the factor country and the religious life we should look at the results offered by the Sheffe testing. Table 6: Differences between Respodents of three countries with respect to the dimensions of the religious life

Factors of Religiousness

Country

N

Arith. Average

Worship and Social Relations

1) Macedonia 2) Albania 4) Kosova

293 275 285

3.88a 3.06c 3.69b

,596 ,942 1,004

50.163

Relation Between Beliefs

1) Macedonia 2) Albania 4) Kosova

293 275 285

4.64a 4.33c 4.60b

,466 ,728 ,608

16.719

Consciousness about Religious and Social Solidarity

1) Macedonia 2) Albania 4) Kosova

293 275 285

4.53b 4.11c 4.51c

,625 ,666 ,474

38.032

Respect towards Traditional and Religious Values

1) Macedonia 2) Albania 4) Kosova

293 275 285

3.96 3.84 3.79

,742 ,749 ,793

3.470

,016

Religious and Social Perception

1) Macedonia 2) Albania 4) Kosova

293 275 285

2.53a 2.61c 2.77b

,585 ,958 ,898

6.368

,000 a,b a,b-c

Std.S.

F

P ,000 a-c b-c ,000 a,b,c ,000 a,b,c

123

124

THE OTTOMAN LEGACY AND THE BALKAN MUSLIM COMMUNITIES TODAY

According to the results of this table the averrage of our respondents who live in Albania in three of five dimensions has reached lowest points. Thus, for example, in the dimension “Worships and social relations” there is a clear difference between the average of Albania (3.06) and averages of Macedonia (3.88) and Kosova (3.69). In the dimension “Relation between conditions of Belief” the significant difference is noticed between the state of Albania with Macedonia and Kosova. Likewise the religious positions and actions that pertain to the dimensions “Worships and social relations” and “Relation towards conditions of the belief”, significant differences can be also noticed between the averages that reflect the “conscience of religious and social solidarity”. According to the results regarding the “conscience of religious and social solidarity”, respondents from Albania have attained lower grades than those of Macedonia and Kosova. The difference between the averages of these countries was significant in the level p