Notes on Society and Culture With Family Planning

July 17, 2017 | Author: JM Urian | Category: Social Group, Sociology, Social Sciences, Statistics, Science
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Notes on Society and Culture with Family Planning

Course Description: This course is primarily intended to provide students with an overview on Sociology as a scientific study. This course will emphasize the nature, scope, basic concepts, theoretical formulations and method of sociology. Focus will be given on to analysis of current sociological phenomena in the Philippines today.

Course Outline: 1. Sociological Foundations 1.1 Role and Scope of Sociology 1.2 Nature and Role of Group Behavior 1.3 Culture and Behavior 1.4 Socialization, Conformity and Deviance 1.5 Social Processes 1.6 Philippine Values 1.7 Communication, Social Movements and Collective Behavior 2. Social Stratification 2.1 Social Class 2.2 Age, Sex, Gender, and Ethnicity 3. Institutional Behavior 3.1 Institutions 3.2 The Family and Responsible Parenthood 3.3 Religion and Society 4. Communities and Population Growth 4.1 The Rural and Urban Community 4.2 Population Growth and Distribution 4.3 Family Planning 4.3.1 Social, Economic, Health and Human Rights Rationale for Family Planning 4.3.2 Identifying and Measuring Populations in Need of Family Planning Services 4.3.3 Social, Cultural, Political, Religious and Ethical Barriers 4.3.4 Contraceptive Methods and their Programmatic Requirements 4.3.5 Information, Education and Communication Strategies

5. Social Change and Globalization 5.1 Social Change as a Multi-Causal Process 5.2 Theoretical Perspectives, Key Sources, Factors, Causal Patterns and Consequences of Social Change 5.3 Formations of Modernity: Social Processes, Political, Economic, Social and Cultural 5.4 Emergent Social Forces Radically Re-Shaping Modern Society 5.5 Globalization 5.5.1 What is Globalization? 5.5.2 Advocates and Critics of Globalization 5.5.3 Geographic Perspectives 5.5.4 Human-Environment Interaction 5.5.5 Environment 5.5.6 Population and Settlement 5.5.7 Cultural Coherence and Diversity 5.5.8 Geographical Fragmentation and Unity 6. Synthesis

1. SOCIOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS The Role and Scope of Sociology Sociology is the study of the science of society, social institutions, and social relationships; the systematic study of the development, structure, interaction, and collective behavior of organized groups of human beings. -

Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary. 10th ed., Springfield, Massachusetts; Merriam-Webster Inc., 1995.

Most young people want to find out how to make this a better world. Some would like to become engineers and design machinery to increase production of goods and services. Others wish to heal physical ills through modern medicine. Still others see a legal career as a way to fight injustice. All these careers, and many others, offer valuable and necessary ways to help humans achieve a better life. Some years ago, Fei Hsiao Tung, a young student in China, looking for ways to help people, came up with an answer relevant to the purpose of this study. He said: It has been over sixty years since I took up the study of Chinese society. In the summer of 1930 when I was twenty, I decided to switch from medicine to social science. I left Dongwu (Soochow) University in Peiping. My reasoning was that, as a medical doctor. I might cure the afflictions of a few; but not those of hundreds of millions engendered by an irrational society. What ailed society must be cure first. He writes of the study of Chinese society and describes sociology fairly well, since the study of any or all societies is the task of sociology was important we others thought that techniques of government, medical care, or business were all that we needed to have prosperous and happy nations? Before we try to answer that question, let us look again at what is meant by sociology. Suppose that when you go home next weekend your Lola asks, “Sociology? What is sociology?” If you reply, “Sociology is the scientific study of human social relationships with special emphasis upon groups and institutions,” she may say “Oh?” and you will guess that she is confused as you are. If you tell her “Sociology is the scientific study of social problems like ace relations, crime, divorce and such things,” this will give her some idea of what sociology is all about and may be a pretty good answer to give someone not familiar with the subject. This answer, however, will not be entirely correct, for sociology is much more that the study of social problems. As a student of sociology, you need a better understanding of just what it involves.

One of the best ways to understand sociology is to contrast it with psychology. The psychologist looks at the factors that influence the behavior of specific individuals. Sometimes these factors are general in nature, such as war, economic depression, or prosperity. At other times they are unique, such as the presence or absence of loving parents, the support or rivalry of brothers or sisters, or perhaps an extreme fear of the dark. Even general situations affects individuals in different ways. One child maybe demoralized by economic hardship while another is motivated to put forth extra effort. In any case, individuals vary enough so that understanding their behavior requires that the psychologist understands both the general influences to which these individuals have been exposed and the unique experiences which may cause them to differ from others in behavior and attitudes. Sociologists, by contrasts, are less interested in the individual than in the groups of which they are a part. They know that even though individual reactions vary, all must adjust in some way to social actions. A society in which crime is widespread affects us all; a society in which there is no freedom of expression will limit the behavior which individuals may choose. A society which discourages the accumulation of savings will have few individuals living in comfort. One could mention numerous other examples, but these may be enough to indicate that the social influences do affect our individual lives. That is why the young Chinese student decided to shift from a medical career concerned with the health of a few individuals to sociology which might enable him to learn how the lives of millions may be hampered by an irrational society in which human possibilities are frustrated.

The Sociological Perspective The word sociology is derived from the Latin word “socius”, meaning associate and the Greek word logus or science. Thus, sociology may be defined as the science of associates, or more broadly, as the scientific study of human society. This means that sociologists (scientists who specialize in the field of sociology) are interested in describing and explaining human behavior, especially as it occurs within the social contexts. Sociologists study social groups, social institutions or entire societies. Typically, they are interested in whether behavior that takes place within these social contexts conforms to some systematic pattern. For example, a sociologist might find that members of street gangs tend to come from poorer urban families or that university students tend to act in certain predictable ways in the classroom.

Social Influence in Operation Natural and social scientists agree that the relationship between nature (what you inherit) and nurture (what you learn) is a complex one. Sociologists ask, “Why does human behavior follow regular patterns?” the answer must lie in the many ways by which different social groups and relationships affect our lives. If you pause to reflect upon your own life, this would be quite

clear. Your growth as a person has been uniquely affected by your social relationships. Think, for example, of how your parents have influenced you, both by what they have taught you and by the opportunities they have (or have not) been able to provide. Similarly, the teachers you have had, your friends, your participation in various social activities, and your religious exposure have all had a great deal to do with the type of person you are. Sometimes. Social influences are more difficult to identify. For example, annual decisions about how the federal budget of the Philippines is to be spent may have a great influence upon all our lives, yet most of us are not aware of how these decisions are made nor how the budget is apportioned among the various government agencies. Similarly, the rapid population growth in farming. Community may result in a pattern where the average farm becomes smaller every year. Even though these may be substantially reduce levels of living, the changes may occur so slowly that most members of the community are unaware of them. The intellectual challenge of sociology stems largely from the fact that it is up to the sociologist to trace these important, sometimes hidden, interconnections. Some sociologists use the term social forces to describe the social factors that may influence the behavior of individuals or groups. Our thoughts and actions usually conform to those which are seen as “normal” and “proper” by other group members. Our chances for success in life will also be affected by the groups or social categories to which we belong. Thus, whether someone is rich or poor, Muslim or Christian, male or female has a very important influence upon the course of his or her life. One of the best examples of sociological perspective is provided by Magdalena’s study of conflicts which occurred between Muslims and Christians in the Mindanao-Sulu region during the early 1970’s.For a sociologist, the occurrence of conflict is not, strictly, a random process. That is it does not occur merely because of chance. Nor would sociologists simply assert that conflict can happen anywhere because it is simply “human nature”; rather, a sociologist would look for a certain social forces that set the stage for the occurrence of intergroup tensions and violence. Since these conditions are not equally present in all communities, it follows that some settings are more likely to be characterized by violent clashes than are others. A good novelist or even a newspaper reporter might also try to explain why Muslims and Christians were fighting with one another during this period, but they would be more likely to concentrate on some single violent incident, perhaps one they witnessed personally or heard about. They would also be unable to offer any real proof that what happened followed a more general pattern. A sociologist would try to overcome these limitation. He or she would collect information on many cases of inter-group violence as on cases where the Muslim and Christians were able to live together peacefully. Then, the sociologist would see if the communities characterized by violent incidents were in any way different from those free from this problem. If such differences could be found the sociologist would feel closer to understanding the social causes of intergroup conflict.

Magdalena collected information from a sample of 80 municipalities in the MindanaoSulu region. From this, he recorded the number of violent incidents reported in the national news which occurred between Muslim and Christians between the 1970 and 1972. He then checked the census to see if communities which had a higher level of such incidents were also characterized by certain indicators of “social strain”. He found a strong evidence that this was indeed the case. Towns with a large number of violent incidents were, moreover, found to have high levels of “relative deprivation” (education levels high, but level of living still low). In addition, these communities were characterized by populations which were largely Muslim, but which had high levels of in-migration by Christian settlers. Apparently, this pattern of rapid inmigration had resulted in power struggles between the two religious groups which, eventually, resulted in intergroup tensions and violence. Although these examples of sociological perspective have focused on two important social problems of Philippine society (rural poverty and intergroup violence), it should be noted that sociologists are interested in all forms of human behavior, even those which do not have any obvious “problems”. Thus sociologists have studied such varied topics as child rearing practices, Philippine folk religious beliefs, relationships between market vendors and clients, and even the spot of cockfighting.

Use of the Scientific Method in Sociology Science is not only a collection of statistics or facts. It is also a means for collecting and verifying information. This procedure is known as the “scientific method”. Perhaps the most basic characteristic of the scientific method lies in the fact that the scientist bases his conclusions on empirical observations. The scientist must also be objective as possible and concerned about the validity and reliability of his measures. In general, scientific research must be conducted in such a way that it may be replicated in further studies. But what do all these terms mean? For a sociological study, to be empirical, it must be based on observations of actual human behavior and not on commonly accepted ideas, personal impressions, the writing of noted philosophers, or images from the mass media. Sociologists also strive to be objective and not let their personal values or beliefs influence their conclusions. Ideally, scientific studies should be widely circulated among other members of the scientific community, policy makers, and the public to provide opportunity for criticism and improvement, and for other scientists replicate their analysis. If these replications provide evidence different from the original study, the conclusions may have to be restudied. In making their observations on human behavior, sociologists must also be as precise as possible. This means they must always be concerned about the possibility of error in their measurement of concepts (ideas that embody common or generalized elements found in a number of specific cases) and variables (things which differ from person to person, group to

group, time to time, or place to place). For example, persons asked by interviewers to state their income may not be able to estimate the figure exactly or may not want to reveal this information to a stranger. Similarly, official records of crimes or of births and deaths may be incorrect because certain cases are never reported to the proper authorities.

The Use of Research Techniques in Sociology One of the most common techniques employed by sociologists is the survey. Typically, a survey concentrates on asking a set of standardized questions to a portion, or sample of the general population. If this sample has been chosen randomly (in such a way as to ensure that all potential respondents have an equal chance of being selected), statistical procedures may be used to estimate – with some known probability or error – the extent the study’s findings may be said to apply to the larger group or population from which the respondents were chosen. Surveys are a great help in determining the characteristics of a population, such as its average level of education, or the attitudes toward various family planning techniques. As we have noted, however, responses to interviews and questionnaires are not always accurate. Respondents may not understand some questions or may wish to conceal their true opinion or behavior more carefully, and may give superficial answers. Some of the problems may be overcome by designing the questionnaire more carefully and by training the interviews to encourage accurate and true responses. Sociologists, who remain concerned about the limitations of survey research may employ qualitative technique, such as participant observation, instead of quantitative techniques. In this approach, the sociologist becomes friendly with the members of a group and joins them in their daily activities. Instead of asking them a set of standardized questions, he/she simply talks with them and observes their activities until the underlying patterns of their behavior become apparent. For example, Santos used participant observation to study marijuana use among a group of college students in Luzon. This technique was useful and appropriate because it was doubtful if a survey could have gained truthful responses on this sensitive truthful (and illegal) behavior. Maintaining scientific objectivity when using this method might be difficult too closely with the group he/she joined to observe. An offshoot of the participant observation technique which seems especially appropriate for the Philippines is known as “participatory action research”. As described by Ledesma, this technique is: (1) participatory in that data-gathering, analysis, and reporting are done by and for the local communities themselves; (2) action-oriented in that research findings are utilized immediately by local communities to help solve (their) problems)

(3) research in that a systematic manner adhering to the basic norms of social science investigation is used Participatory action research requires the existence of certain necessary preconditions, such as a basic level of community organization. These techniques are some of the methods most commonly used by Philippine sociologists to collect data. Each has its limitations, so when sufficient time and funding are available, the researcher might decide to employ more than one method so the strengths of one can be used to offset the weaknesses of the other. For example, a researcher may initially employ some form of participant observation to gain greater insight into the thoughts and actions of the study population; at a later date, a survey would be conducted to see if statistical evidence can be gained to confirm previous insights.

The Development of Sociology In contrast to such discipline as biology or chemistry, sociology is a relative newcomer to the field of scientific inquiry. Indeed, the word “sociology” was not even used until the nineteenth century, when it was coined by the French social philosopher, August Comte. The fact that sociology was first begun about a century and a half ago in Europe is due to two main factors. First, this was a period of unprecedented social change, exemplified by the Industrial Revolution, the rise of large urban centers, and increasing contact with non-European societies in Africa, Asia, and the Americas. Socially-aware persons began to wonder about the forces bringing about these massive changes, as well as how to alleviate some of the social problems which seemed to result. A second important factor was the intellectual climate of the times. During the so-called “enlightenment” period, philosophers had increasingly concentrated on the ways by which human reason could be used to improve the world. The natural science, too, were just beginning to show how new knowledge and inventions would result once the scientific method was systematically applied. Eventually, the connection was made – why not apply the tools of science to the study of our social surroundings? Some of the major “founding fathers” of sociology include Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, and Max Weber. While these three thinkers differed on fundamental issues, they all had a burning passion for uncovering the social forces at work in the societies in which they lived. Thus, Durkheim’s major work, entitled Suicide, described some of the social conditions of his time which he felt were operating to increase suicide rates. According to this early sociologist, European societies were becoming increasingly fragmented and individualistic, so new social groups were needed which could claim the whole-hearted allegiance of modern man while, at the same time, imposing the social discipline that comes from following the basic rules (norms) of society.

In contrast, Karl Marx stressed the ways material and economic factors were changing society. He argued that changes in the “means of production” (economic technology) were affecting relations between social classes. For example, the rise of the factory system was soon translated into increased political power for the capitalist class, paralleled by a decline in the power held by the landed-agricultural nobility. Marx argued that the economic conditions of the laboring classes were growing worse and felt that a political revolution was needed to restore economic and social equality. Like Marx, Max Weber believed that economic factors play a key role in bringing about social change. Of additional importance, however, are the values imparted to men by their society. Thus, the great religious changes which took place in Europe during the period of the Protestant Reformation were seen by Weber as having some resulting effects, such as the growth of the capitalistic economy. For this reason, Weber argued that sociologists must try to understand how the people whom they study view the world as well as to measure more objective factors, such as technology or economic relationships. During the past half century, sociologists from the United States have played in an increasing role in the discipline. American sociology has tended to emphasize empirical observation and statistical methods. The sample survey technique and public opinion polls were first developed in the United States and continue to be used regularly by American sociologists this has led to a greater mathematical rigor than was possible in the early years of sociology, but is not without drawbacks. Thus American sociologists have often been charged with being more interested in methodological and statistical issues than in asking the “big questions” about the changing nature of contemporary society. Because Philippine sociology has been greatly influenced by contacts with American social scientists, some of these same criticisms may be made of sociological research conducted in the Philippines. As described by Abad and Eviota, however, Philippine sociologists have recently been developing “concepts and methodological strategies which account for the uniqueness of Philippine culture”. Recently more attention has been focused on such major Philippine social problems as rural poverty, land reform, rapid population growth, economic inequality, and changes in the traditional cultural outlook. In many cases as a critical stance has been taken and Philippine sociologists have been influenced as much by concepts and theories developed in other Third World setting as by those from the United States. One of the dilemmas faced by contemporary Philippine sociologist is that they may feel pressured, either by the sponsors of research or by their own value commitments, to slant research reports. However, yielding to that temptation ends their usefulness. Unless research is considered honest, it loses credibility and is of no value to anyone. It is difficult and perhaps impossible, to be completely objective, but a rigorous adherence to scientific methods will minimize individual bias.

The Use of Statistics in Sociology

While there are many techniques of sociological research, it is probably fair to say that the principal activity of sociologists consists in the compilation, comparison, and interpretation of statistical facts. For example, consider this question: Does the greater freedom and independence of women in an industrial society cause them to avoid marriage? This may be easily answered by reference to the Philippine Census reports showing that the proportion of single women aged 30 to 34 dropped from 12.32% in 1948 to 11.61% in 1960. Statistics on industrial employment show a steady increase in the proportion of women employed in factories and offices during the same period. Since the proportion of women employed in industry increased, one may conclude that the factory is not the enemy of matrimony. There are many people who “have no use for statistics”. Often they do not like statistics because they do not understand them. Statistics, like guns, are dangerous when handled by the untrained and many be abused by the careless and the unscrupulous. These who know the uses and abuses of statistics realize that they are nothing more or less than organized, measured facts. They are as trustworthy or untrustworthy as the scientific competence of the person compiling them. To reject statistics is but a way to reject facts. While this is not a study or discussions on statistics, it may help every student to understand the inevitable reference to statistics if we define a few terms – mode, median, mean, correlation, and causation. The mode is simply the number which appears with the greatest frequency. The mean is another term for average and median is a number which has an equal number of items both above and below, thus putting it in the midspot of the median. Correlation is a different type of concept and refers to the relationship of two variables. If, for instance, there was a correlation of zero point three (0.3) between grades in general and grades in English, we might assume that competence in English had an important effect on academic ability in general or vice-versa. By the way, 0.3 is considered a fairly high correlation and it is seldom that we find a larger correlation than this when we study social relationships. Statisticians, however, like to remind readers that correlation does not necessarily equal causation. In order for us to say good grades in English cause good grades in general, two other conditions must be met. The first is that we must eliminate the possibility that some other cause might be explaining both sets of grades. The second is that we must be able to show that one of these is prior in time to the other. Sociologist undertake a great many statistical studies. Regardless of its nature, almost any research is likely to involve, at some point, statistical organization and comparison of facts. The sociologist must be something of a statistician; the citizen who hopes to be intelligently aware of the world he/she lives in must have some understanding of statistical interpretation. The census and other sources of easily available data will provide the sociologist many of the statistics he/she needs for an understanding of social life. In other cases, field studies would have to be undertaken in order to get the factual information needed. Whether statistics are gathered by someone else or gathered from personal survey, a knowledge of statistics is vital. The first task of the sociologist is to gather the data required to begin an analysis of social life. The gathering of data, however, is only a start, for the sociologist is really interested in the relationships which are found between various types of social phenomena. For instance, data could be obtained about the degree of juvenile delinquency (this could be difficult) and the

availability of recreational facilities, but this does not prove whether recreational facilities influence the conduct of youth who are equal in other respects. When sociologists attempt this type of study, they may find that recreational facilities are a major antidote for crime, but it is more likely they will simply gain some insights into the role of recreation as one of the many factors which influence social behavior. In earlier days, sociologists were often intrigued with the idea that one or two factors played a major role in forming personality. Now they are inclined to think that every part of a person’s social life must be analyzed in relation to his/her total activities.

Is Common Sense Enough? Since sociology does with topics which are a familiar part of our daily living, the accusation sometimes made is that the sociologist is simply one who uses tortuous language to discuss subjects which could be handled by a simple common sense approach. Undoubtedly, common sense is required of the sociologist as well as others but, by itself, does not give us reliable knowledge about social life. Roucek and Warren indicate some of the shortcomings of the exclusive reliance on a common sense approach: COMMON SENSE SAYS

SOCIOLOGICAL INQUIRY FINDS

A person honest in gambling will be honest in Honesty in one situation tells relatively little business. about behavior in a different situation. You can tell a criminal by his/her facial There is no relation between behavior and any features. type of physical feature. The genius is generally impractical, and unsuccessful.

unhealthy, The genius and near-genius are usually above average in health, emotional adjustment, and income.

To promote change, get the backing of The common tao often refuses to follow prominent citizens. prominent leaders who favor change and is more impressed by leaders in his/her own group. The Chinese are clannish and will have little Chinese intermarry with Filipinos and adopt to do with Filipinos. customs and attitudes when given the opportunity. High business profits take money away from High business profits provide funds for more laborers. development, more jobs, and higher wages.

COMMON SENSE SAYS

SOCIOLOGICAL INQUIRY FINDS

Men are intellectually superior to women.

Neither sex is superior in inherited intellectual capacities.

Colds are caused by wet feet and chills.

Colds are caused by viruses, although exposure may lower resistance.

“Everyone knows” that immigrants contribute more than their share of crime, but it just happens not to be true. “Everyone knows” that hereditary traits are transmitted from mother to child through the blood stream, but it just isn’t true. Common sense is often mistaken and the only way of determining when it is and when it isn’t is through rigorous scientific investigation. But even when common sense knowledge is essentially true. It is most often started in such vague form that it is practically useless, if not misleading. Such statements as “You can’t change human nature” can be true or false, according to what is meant by human nature. The sociologist’s use of obscure terms is not usually an attempt to impress. It is rather the use of precise concepts whose meaning is agreed upon by specialists, in order that precision of meaning may be communicated.

Models of Society: Competing Perspectives As with practitioners of any science, sociologists seek to generalize about the phenomena they study. This means they would like to discover some underlying principle or idea which can explain all occurrences, not just a few cases. Two of the major theories in sociology are the “functionalist” and “conflict” models of society. According to the functional model, the different parts of society are closely inter-related. Like the different organs of the body, the institutions of society are seen as distinct to structure but united in their contribution to the proper functioning of society as a whole. For example, the family system serves the larger social needs of biological reproduction and child rearing, while educational institutions serve to transmit certain skills and values to the younger generation. Functionalists are also interested in investigating how changes in one part of society are likely to have resulting effects on other social patterns. For example, the change from agrarian to an industrial economy may have many effects on the family. The type of family system which

worked most effectively in the rural, agricultural economy may no longer function well in an urban, industrial setting. In contrast to the functional approach is the conflict model of society. According to proponents of this theory, social institutions are seen as having arisen, not so much because they serve the interests of society as a whole, but because they worked to the advantage of certain socially powerful groups. Moreover, since society is seen as composed of groups which are in conflict over scarce and socially-valued resources, one group’s gain will be translated into a loss for the remaining members of society. Conflict theorists tend to be most interested in who benefits. They tend to see institutions of social control, such as the police and military, more for the protection of the rich and their property than for the good of the community as a whole. Various organs of the mass media are seen as controlled by socially powerful groups to manipulate and control public opinion. Throughout the discussion, reference will occasionally be made to the functionalist and conflict models of society. This is to show how the various specialized studies conducted by sociologists may be related to the broader sociological theories. It will be well to keep in mind, however, that these competing models are still very much open for debate. Clearly, they should not be considered equally factual in nature as, for instance, an estimate of the Philippine birth rate or even a listing of major Philippine values. What these competing models can do, however, is to enrich the student’s understanding of how all of us (both professional and student sociologists) can use the sociological perspective to better understand our society and the role we play in it. CONFLICT AND FUNCTIONAL VIEWS Functional

Conflict

Society is a collection of teams which work Society is the field of conflict. together. Social class prepares people to work together.

Social class enables people to combine forces against other groups.

Values evolve by social consensus.

Value consensus is an illusion maintained by a dominant group for its own interests.

Churches and schools cultivate common Churches and schools cultivate values which values. protect the privileged. Government enforces rules for the common Government enforces rules which guard good. privileges of dominant class. Inequality arises because of differing Inequality is unjust and is caused by power contributions and abilities of individuals and differences. groups.

Sociology and Group Values Both fears and hopes are often express about the effect the study of sociology may have on the values cherished by certain institutions. Actually, sociology is a science which, like physics or chemistry, may be used for purposes serving different goals. The study of group organization, for example, is important for any group and would be equally useful to Christians or Muslims, democrats or fascists, capitalists or communists. The principles of public opinion formation may be used to convert the heathen, promote foreign policy, conduct a political campaign sell soap, or promote any other activity in which people are interested. The sociologist as an individual will probably prefer some groups to others, but sociology as a science is neutral. This is brought out clearly in a discussion of the relation of Catholicism to sociology. The opinions hesitated here would apply equally to other social groups who may be concerned about the effects of sociology on their beliefs and institutions: “Observations, descriptions and classification of social facts do not depend on faith and morals; sociology is concerned with things as they are and not as they ought to be; the supernatural is of no concern except as it appears in the natural order and becomes observable to the scientists. The same applies to the theory of sociology; being scientific, this must be formulated so that its truth can be demonstrated, not directly but indirectly, and the facts apprehended must be guaranteed by the postulates. There does not and cannot exist a Catholic theory of sociology; there can be only sociological theories.

One reason for the ethical neutrality of science is that there are many questions not susceptible to scientific treatment. Questions like Is there a God? and What is the purpose and destiny of the human race? are not scientific questions because they cannot be treated factually. Such questions are important but the scientist has no tools for handling them. Scientists can study human beliefs about God, or a person’s destiny, or beauty, or anything else, and they may study the personal and social consequences of such beliefs; but these are studies of human behavior, with no attempt to settle the truth or error of such beliefs themselves. Sociology as a social science cannot tell us what we should want, it may tell us how to get what we want. Sociology cannot protect us from disaster through wrong choices, but it may protect us from disaster caused by ignorance of the consequences of our actions. A program of Christian social action may make use of sociological knowledge, along with knowledge from medicine, psychology and other fields. There is also a field known as sociology of religion is which sociological methods are used in studying religious behavior and religious institutions with neither condemning nor supporting them. Sociology is a science, not a set of values or an outline for living. The technical or applied social sciences such as politics, education, social services, and economics are related to sociology in a different way. They are, in differing degrees, applications of the principles that sociology and psychology deal with specifically. Hence, sociology may be regarded as fundamental to the other social sciences. One might also note here that professors of other disciplines claim that what they study is also fundamental to the others. The economist, for example, is interested in the factors which influence business activity. He/She soon learns that to understand business activity, he/she must know something about the manner in which people usually operate in human groups. The sociologist is not interested in business as such, but is interested in social patterns which govern the actions of labor leaders, business promoters, consumers, and workers. The same type of analysis could be made of political science, social welfare, and education. The major task of the sociologist is to study human groups and, by so doing, he/she helps the specialized sciences in their tasks and from them obtains more data which may be used in the analysis of group conduct. There are also some specific fields such as criminology, the family, population, race relations, and the like, which did not receive much academic consideration until the sociologists made them the object of scientific inquiry. Finally, we have become interested in the way patterns of human association affect various areas of human life which have long been the subject of study, and this we have the sociology of law, religion, education, and industry, to name a few which are fairly well developed. Sociologists find that every kind of human activity is affected by the way in which social influences (or if you prefer, group pressures) encourage or discourage moral behavior, crime, scholarship, religious faith, business enterprise, athletics, or any of the many ways that people interact with one another. This does not mean that people do not have responsibility for their own actions. It does mean that the ideas which influence us are those which we select from the various groups we have encountered. All persons can excuse their actions on the basis of group pressure. The wise person is the one who looks critically at all groups and uses those ideas which lead to a more satisfactory life.

Remember the young Chinese student who was impressed with the importance of studying society and we wondered why he felt there was value in studying group relations? Two answers seem appropriate. First, as he says, millions of people are affected by society, whether it is good or bad, rational or irrational. Second, the individual and his/her ideals and ambitions are primarily determined by the groups with which he/she come in contact.

2. THE NATURE AND ROLE OF GROUP BEHAVIOR Bureaucratic processes in large organization have instilled in most government employees a respect for technocratic knowledge and expertise and a disdain for their client’s capabilities in conceptualizing, designing, and implementing programs. -

Ma. Concepcion P. Alfiler, Philippine Administration, January 1983, p. 35.

Journal

of

Public

The foregoing statement is another way of saying that people with presumed expertise are often ignorant of the requirements of successful group activity. It is here that the sociologists may make a contribution to the planners of government programs and the promoters of private business – all of whom are doomed to failure unless they can be successfully involve groups of people in the plans they expect to implement. The human group is the fundamental object of scientific analysis for the sociologist just as the living organism is for the biologist. Thus a logical way to approach the study of sociology is to examine the concept of group from a sociological perspective.

The Individual and the Group Group life is indispensable to the individual. If it were not for the protection, care, and attention that an infant receives from his group, it is doubtful if he could survive. When a child is born he is physically, psychologically, and socially helpless. He is completely dependent upon other human beings for his physical needs and organic wants. As he grows older and develops physically and socially, he plays with other children in the neighborhood. He begins to realize that more and more pleasures are possible only in groups. A child cannot play hide and seek by himself; a boy cannot play baseball alone, nor can he indulge in other competitive games by himself. He has to belong to a team in order to enjoy certain types of fun. Many satisfactions in life are thus enjoyed only through human association and group life. An individual finds himself belonging to a complex of social groups. He belongs to the family group, the play group of children, and the neighborhood group. When he goes to school,

he joins the school group, clubs, athletic societies, debating teams, and religious organization. As he matures he joins groups in which he works for a living for himself and his dependents. He becomes a member of church groups in order to satisfy his need for religious guidance and inspiration; he fraternizes with other members of his group for the pleasure of social interaction. Sociology is primarily concerned with studying man in his social relationships. Two of the most important factors in social relationships are the interaction with others which takes place within the group and the culture which is transmitted by the group. This discussion and the following are devoted to the nature and influence of culture and group interaction. The rest of the discussions is concerned mainly with an elaboration of the themes in different areas of social life.

Definition of a Group The group is defined as any number of persons who share a consciousness of membership and interaction. A group is not a mere collection of individuals but an aggregate of personalities acting and interacting with one another in the process of living. To be a member of the group, one must participate in the common life and activities of the group. For example, a collection of people on a bus is a mere collection of persons, not a group. They are bound up with their individual desires, lack any kind of feeling of unity with each other, and are thrown together merely because they use a common method of transportation. But let some event happen which draws them together and the situation is entirely different. If the bus is stopped by the bandits and the passengers are forced out of the vehicle, then the processes of group life begin to operate. A feeling of a significant common identity emerges, some individuals become leaders and others become followers: the response to the situation is in terms of the group as a unit. Under these circumstances or any others, which give the passengers a common concern and sense of responsibility, genuine group of life emerges.

Nature and Character of Groups While there is some evidence that the tendency for grouping is not confined solely to humans, there are certain characteristics that make human groups unique and different from the bonding together of the lower forms of animals, such as a pack of wolves, a school of fish, or a colony of ants. In human groups there is a level of consciousness that accompanies the process of group formation. Lower animals do not, in all likelihood, give any thought to their relationships with one another. Dogs would hardly think of forming a “canine relations committee” to promote a harmonious relationship among different breeds. On the other hand, humans worry about whether they are in the right company, whether marriage with a right person from another race or religion is the “right” thing, and they verbalize their pleasure in “getting to know others”. Much

of human behavior is influenced by this consciousness as people attempt to initiate and sustain desirable relations and to terminate or avoid undesirable ones. Another aspect of human consciousness as related to group membership is the degree to which the group is determined by the meaning that persons have one another. With animals, living together refers to immediate physical presence. A wolf pack, for example, is simply a number of wolves who travel together. With man the situation is quite different. Isolation – the absence of group membership – is by no means synonymous with physical separation. Being “lonely in a crowd” is a recognition of the fact that a person may often feel dissociated from other people in his immediate group. On the other hand, people may feel quite close to loved ones from whom they are far removed physically. A man and a woman may be married even though separated and communicating only by letter or telephone. No sociological study of human groups can avoid a concern with the way people themselves conceive their relationship with others. The moral indoctrination of the young in society is likely to be laden with rules related to the formation of group membership: marry your own kind, choose the right friends, join the Scouts, the YMCA, the Catholic Women’s League, etc. In choosing associates and maintaining relations with them, a person is likely to be made continually aware that he is conforming to, or deviating from, the expectations of others.

The Effect of Isolation Group life is indispensable to all humans. Individual strength and character come from association with the group. All people, regardless of race or culture, find personality fulfillment through group life. When an infant is born, he is completely dependent upon other humans for his physical, social and emotional needs. Without the protection, care, and attention of the group, survival would be doubtful. The process of becoming “human” takes place through the group. Most human activities cannot be enjoyed apart from a group. There is a certain case such of a child named Anna. The story goes this way, entitled as “Achievement and Isolation”: At 5 ½ months, Anna was brought into her grandfather’s house. She spent the next 5 ½ years lying on a bed in a dark and scarcely furnished room upstairs. Anna’s mother worked all day on the farm and was away from home most evenings, so Anna saw almost nothing of her or anyone else. She was seldom fed, seldom cleaned, seldom moved, and, apparently, never spoken to or loved. When Anna was discovered at age six, she was malnourished, sick, and filthy. She was totally lacking in any of the social skill that primary relations normally provide. She could neither walk nor talk. She gave no evidence of intelligence or communication

After about two years of professional care, Anna demonstrated a mental development approximately that of a one-year old. She could walk and feed herself, but she still could not talk. By the time of her death at ten years of age, she was talking at about the level of a normal two-year old and had made further progress in caring for herself and dealing with others. - Kingsley Davis, “Final Note on a Case of Extreme Isolation”, American Journal of Sociology 52 (March 1974): 432-437. This case is one of the several in which individuals, deprived of group contact, failed to develop what are usually considered minimal human capabilities. Much of what we call human nature are really traits and characteristics acquired through cultural exposure and interaction with others. Speech is one example. Children are not born predisposed to speak one language or another. This illustrated by a story, possibly, apocryphal, concerning a deliberate attempt to avoid language socialization: Seven hundred years ago, Frederick II, Holy Roman emperor, conducted an experiment to determine what language children would grow up to speak if they had never heard a single spoken word. Would they speak Hebrew – then thought to be the oldest tongue – or Greek or Latin or the language of their parents? He instructed foster mothers and nurses to feed and bathe the children but, under no circumstances, to speak or prattle to them. The experiment failed, for every one of the children died. Whether or not this story is historically true, it illustrates an important aspect of human development. Our potentialities are not developed automatically with age, but are dependent on the kind of group contact we experience. This applies not only to language but to art, sports, religion, business, school work, and every kind of activity. Kinds of Group Life Human social groups may be classified in numerous ways. Many attempts have been made to do this, and the most common basis to differentiation has been according to function and structure. Social groups may be voluntary or involuntary, social or anti-social, permanent or impermanent, public or private. However, all groups, regardless of the basis of their classification, may be considered under the heading of primary or secondary. Primary groups are small “face-to-face” groups in which contacts are direct, personal, and immediate. They are characterized by a strong “we” feeling. The term primary groups was popularized in sociological literature by Charles Cooley, who called them the “nursery of human nature”. He describes them as: “… those characterized by intimate face-to-face association and cooperation. They are primary in several senses, but chiefly in that they are fundamental in forming the social nature and ideals of the individual. The result of intimate association, psychologically, is a certain fusion of individualities in a common whole, so that one’s

very self, for many purposes at least is the common life and purpose of the group. Perhaps the simplest way of describing this wholeness is by saying that it is a “we”; it involves the sort of sympathy and mutual expression. One lives in the feeling of the whole and finds the chief aims of his will in that feeling. These groups become very effective because they are personal in nature; they have the elements of intimacy. Although such direct contact as face-to-face relationship is generally present, it is not absolutely indispensable. What is indispensable is the intimacy and fusion of personalities. It is possible that two persons may carry on a correspondence, as between pen pals before or nowadays as text mates, having all the elements of a primary relationship even when they have not met. The relationship involves identification and subordination of one’s wishes and ambitions to the good of the group. The primary groups, because of their intimate contacts, exercise a tremendous influence on the individual members. They exert a direct and lasting influence upon the origin and growth of a person’s basic ideals in life. The family, the neighborhood group, the work group, the school group, and the play group of children are examples of primary groups. It was Cooley’s view that primary groups are the central and crucial unit of social organization down through the ages and in all societies. They are fundamental because they express and respond to a universal “human nature”. Cooley pointed out that no matter how rational, formalistic, and complex a society grows, the need for small, informal, responsive, affective, inclusive, and spontaneous relationships always exists. Primary groups will persist in a secondary group-dominated world because the human need for intimate, sympathetic association is continuous need. People cannot function well unless they belong to a small group of people who really care what happens to them. Whenever people are ripped from family and friends and thrust into large, impersonal, anonymous groups, as in a college dormitory or an army camp, they feel such a great need for primary groups that they promptly build them again. Primary Groups Socialize the Individual The family provides companionship and fellowship. Its members acquire the “we” feeling; their contacts are intimate, personal, and face-to-face. In the family the members learn to cooperate with one another and to recognize the feeling of responsibility and duty to the people. A child is born into the group as a helpless being devoid of knowledge of the social world. He is born with certain potentialities, impulses, tendencies, muscular coordination with his parents and those immediately around him develop his feelings, attitudes, and habits. As the child acts, those around him react by showering him with encouragement, approval, and praise when he is good; but they will also rebuke, frown, blame, and even punish him when he is bad. Through the process of reward and disapproval, the child learns early in life the patterns of behavior expected of him by his primary group.

Primary Group are Sources of Fundamental Social Ideals

We have mentioned that groups consist of a number of interacting personalities. Interaction consists of cooperation or conflict. In the life of an individual, there are clashes of interests, wishes, values, or attitudes. At the same time, there is cooperation; through processes of adjustment, the fundamental human values emerge in the personality of the individual. This situation constantly occurs within the primary groups. In the quarrels of the childhood, the individual obtains his first lessons in tolerance, understanding, sympathy, cooperation, mutual regard and respect for one another. Within the family group the child learned the fundamental and basic patterns connected with sex, parenthood, and kinship. The ideals of service, freedom, justice, and toleration are formed largely in the experiences of neighborhood life.

Secondary Groups Secondary groups are those which do not necessarily involve face-to-face association or intimate and personal relations. The members are aware of them and take cognizance of them, but they do not feel that their lives are bound up in them except in time of social crisis. The members may be separated from one another by distance or by lack of personal physical contact. Their contact may be through correspondence, through the press, through the radio, telephone, and other means. The essential characteristics of secondary groups is their casualness in contact. Relationships within the secondary groups lack the intimacy and that “we” feeling so conspicuous within the primary groups, but the face-to-face contact may not be excluded. For instance, a student in a very large class sees and hears the lecturer, but he may never get to know him. Many teachers and businessmen are members of professional organizations, but their participation in these groups has not extended beyond paying the annual fees. Secondary groups may be governmental units, political parties, religious organizations, athletic and social clubs, and business corporations. The possibilities are varied and numerous; society is full of different types of groups. The primary groups existed from primitive times, and for a considerable number of years they were the only forms of human association. The secondary groups are a later development and did not emerge until civilization was far advanced. Acuff and his associates cite as one of the paradoxes of the secondary group the fact that it frequently requires persons to become nonpersons (only roles) by not allowing their emotional or affective involvement to enter the situation. They use as an illustration the example of an old man who had been struck by a car and was being undressed in the hospital emergency room. He resisted because there were women present. The young, impatient intern then bluntly told him: “Those are not women; they are nurses.” In this particular secondary social setting, the nurse was a nonperson. Primary groups are concerned with relationship; secondary groups are justified by their ability to reach goals. A good Mah Jongg group is one that has fun; a good business corporation is one that makes money.

The concepts of primary and secondary groups are often confused because the two overlap. A work, for instance, may have both primary and secondary aspects. The work group is organized to get a job done and this is a trait of secondary groups. However, the work groups is also concerned with relationships and pakikisama. Its members tell stories, crack jokes, and encourages intimacy on a first-name basis. This is the primary group aspect and it may either reinforce the secondary goals or work against them. If the group sees its interests and those of the employer as the same, it will encourage mutual helpfulness in reaching production goals. But if conflict is present, the group may limit production and hold back ambitious workers who are regarded as “rate busters”. Most secondary groups also harbor primary groups and thus are committed both to goal attainment and to fostering pleasant primary relationships. The factory, office, or school have definite secondary goals to meet, but also develop small-scale associations of mutually agreeable persons who derive an emotional satisfaction from the relationship. In fact, some husbands or wives may be jealous of the primary group attachments their spouses form with the opposite sex in the work place.

Gemeinschaft and Gesselschaft Somewhat similar to the concepts of primary and secondary groups are the concepts of gemeinschaft and gesselschaft developed by the German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies. These terms do not have any direct translation in English or in Filipino, so sociologists continue to use Tonnies’s original terms. There is a rough English equivalent in the terms “community” (gemeinschaft) and “society” (gesselschaft), but by no means do these represent the same thing in the two languages. In Filipino, the closest equivalent to the concept of gemeinschaft is the popular term bayanihan which suggests mutual helpfulness and implies the existence of a small intimate group. Gemeinschaft is a social system in which most relationship are personal or traditional and often both. The concept of gemeinschaft was inspired by the lingering German peasant communities which still carried some of their feudal heritage. These were communities in which written agreements were rare and people lived on the basis of customary arrangements. People were surrounded by relatives, and the exchange of money was less important than the direct barter of goods and services. Except for occasional feast days, life was monotonous but seldom lonely. The resemblance to the rural barrios in the Philippines is obvious. There seems to be no Filipino word which quite captures the meaning of gesselschaft either, and there is no exact English equivalent. In the gesselschaft the community of tradition and unwritten custom has been replaced by the society of bargaining and contracts. People are separated from their relatives and live among strangers. The gesselschaft flourishes in the

modern metropolis. Some of the contrasting aspects of the bayanihan. Some of the contrasting aspects of the bayanihan and the gesselschaft relationships are summarized in the following:

COMMUNITY RELATIONSHIPS ______________________________________________ Bayanihan Gesselschaft ______________________________________________ Customary Communal Personal Informal Sentiment General

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Efficient Individual Impersonal Formal, Contractual Realistic Specialized

General Character of Groups “In-Group” and “Out-Group” Feeling. During the Japanese occupation of the Philippines, guerilla units were formed everywhere. One such unit was organized in Polo (now Valenzuela), Bulacan, which is not far from the city of Manila. Nearness to the city and the fact that Polo is a town directly in the path to the central provinces attracted many strangers who were either evacuees or just passers-by. Whenever any of these persons were in town, the first thing the townsfolk did was to find out who the stranger was, what his purpose was, and how long he was staying. Any outsider from the group was considered a prospective Japanese spy, and therefore an enemy. He belonged to the “out-group” and the “in-group” would not accept him until he could prove his motive and identity himself completely with the “in-group”. The out-group and in-group relationships exist whenever there is a feeling of strangeness or enmity between groups. We feel suspicious, antagonistic, and scornful toward the members of the out-group, but we are predisposed to be understanding and sympathetic to anyone in the ingroup. An illustration of the in-group, out-group feeling may be seen in the sentiments and attitudes of many Filipino Muslims who consider Christian Filipinos su mga Filipino aya (those Filipinos). Similarly, both Christians and Muslims talk of Moros rather than of Muslim Filipinos. In–groups and out–groups are important because they affect behavior and attitude. We expect support and understanding from fellow members of an in-group. We expect indifference or hostility from those in the out-group. Among some primitives the in-group was determined by kinship. When two strangers met, the first thing they did was establish a relationship. If kinship could be established, they were friends – both members of the in–group. If no relationship could be established, they were enemies and acted accordingly.

Modern society is based upon many ties beside those of kinship, but the establishment and definition of in-groups is equally important. People placed in a new social situation will usually make cautious conversational feints to find out whether or not they “belong”. When they find themselves among people who are of the same social class, the same religion, the same political views, people who enjoy the same sports or music, then they have some assurance that they are in the in-group. Members of the in-group are likely to share certain sentiments, laugh at the same jokes, and define with some unanimity the activities and goals of life. Members of the same cultural traits, but they lack certain essentials to break into this particular social group. The out-group and in-group feeling can be found in either the primary or the secondary group. In modern society, we find that individuals belong to so many groups that they may have a number of both in-group and out-group relationships which overlap. One may be a member of a senior class in which a freshman will be considered as belonging to an out-group; yet the same senior and freshman may both be members of an athletic team in which case, they have an ingroup relationship to each other. Thus, we find that in modern social groups the in-group or outgroup relationship does not have the same meaning and intensity as it would in a more simple society. Some in-group, out-group relations are more salient than others. A Catholic Cebuano physician might feel less social distance with Protestant Tagalog physicians than with Catholic Cebuano laymen. On the other hand, a Muslim farmer might feel closer to Muslim jeep drivers than to Christian farmers.

Ethnocentrism Ethnocentrism is the extreme preferential feeling which individuals have for the customs of their own group. It is the idea that one’s group is more important than any other. It is an expression of group solidarity combined with antagonism toward outside groups. Under the Nazi government of Germany, the Germans were taught that they belonged to the “master race” which was superior to all others. The Japanese before the World War II believed that they were the “chosen people” to lead all Asiatic races in a co-prosperity sphere. The Americans think of the United States as the most democratic country in the world today. Filipinos believe that they are the most modern of the Oriental peoples. Interestingly enough, every country has something equally outstanding of which to boast. Even the primitive tribes are inclined to regard themselves as better that other groups. In fact, the more limited the contacts with the rest of the world, the greater is the degree of ethnocentric feeling. Ethnocentrism is important to the group because it serves to develop and reinforce the solidarity of the group and strengthen their “we” feeling. Ethnocentrism does not necessarily have any rational basis. It may lead the group to exaggerate its virtues and ignore its weaknesses while being unaware of the very real virtues of other groups. In war such an attitude leads a group to underestimate the enemy and often results in disaster; in peace and in attitude my blind the group both to difficulties is has to overcome and opportunities which may enrich it. Even primitive societies have a naïve belief in their superiority. Worsley describes the New Guinean’s (also known as Irian) evaluation of the Europeans:

The Europeans were not regarded as all-powerful but as rather pathetic, ignorant people who could easily be cheated or stolen from. Their ignorance of sorcery was lamentable. “These men are not men: they are merely gods,” said the natives, judging the Europeans to be beings whose lives were inferior to those of living men. Again, they spoke the (New Guinea) tongues very badly; why should one try to make out their uncouth speech? As illustrated below, geographical names are often ethnocentric. The Philippines is less ethnocentric than many countries, since it is still named after King Phillip of Spain. Street names, however, do sometimes manifest an ethnocentric tendency. The boulevard around Manila Bay was named Dewey Boulevard by the Americans in honor of the American admiral. After independence, this was changed to Roxas Boulevard in honor of the late president.

ETHNOCENTRISM AND AFRICAN PLACE NAMES Before African Rule Dahomey Belgian Congo Gold Coast Nyasaland Leopoldville Lorenco Marques Bathurst Fort Lamy Southwest Africa Tanganyika Rhodesia

After African Rule Benin Zaire Ghana Malawi Kinshasa Maputo Banjul Njamea Namibia Tanzania Zimbabwe

This is the case of ethnocentrism on both sides. Europeans tended to select names which emphasized European influence while Africans reversed the process when they gained power.

Xenocentrism Xenocentrism is the exact opposite of ethnocentrism and means a preference for things foreign. It is the conviction that what comes from far away has a special quality or charm which the local product can never equal. It is the enemy of Filipino nationalism and preserves the colonial mentality which feels that anything indigenous is inferior. It makes people pay high prices for consumer goods they feel indigenous goods can never equal, such as foreign cigarettes,

liquor, or Paris-designed clothing. It encourages an over-evaluation of foreign and a neglect of local authors. It makes people spend money on foreign travel and neglect beautiful spots in their own country. While it is especially virulent in the Philippines, it is found everywhere, even in countries which many Filipinos consider the acme of perfection. In contradiction to xenocentrism is xenophobia, which is a distrust of anything foreign and is equally irrational. The reasonable individual knows that no country or locality has a monopoly on charm or quality and no country is without special virtue.

GROUP PRESSURE ON INDIVIDUALS Group life may be stimulating or monotonous depending on the kind and amount of stimuli present. Life in the group is sometimes satisfying, but at other times it may be frustrating. Individuals in the group are generally sensitive to one another’s opinions; they seek group approval and avoid group disapproval. Hence, the group can and does exert pressure on the activities of individuals. The individual in the group is not completely free to choose any course of conduct that he desires. Whenever he deviates from the group opinion, his activities are restrained through disapproval and punishment. This group pressure may be direct or indirect, but it is always present. It is the intense interaction within the group and the concern with group loyalties which led to gang (barkada) wars and fraternity rumbles. This may be seen in Jocano’s list of the ten basic rules observed by a gang: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Uphold group loyalty with your life. Do not squeal; if you do, you and your family will suffer. Do not be selfish; share with your gangmates what you have. Do not form another group which will lead to the disorganization of the unit. Do not steal from or deceive a gangmate. Do not keep your weapon after having used it; if possible, use somebody else’s weapons for whatever you do. 7. Do not molest any member of your gangmates’ families, especially their women. 8. Do not be careless; avoid being caught. 9. Do not disobey the leader, especially during critical situations. 10. Preserve your tattoo; it is a symbol of your identity.

When the interests of the individual conflict with those of the group, he has four alternatives. He may submit to the mores of the group and stifle his own ideas; he may work within the group to change some of its ideas and so become a reformer; he may become a revolutionist and seek to change the nature of the group by force; and finally, he may leave the group and seek fellowship with another which is more to his liking. In the bayanihan type of

society, it is very difficult for the individual to resist group pressure; in the gesselschaft, group pressure is still strong but it is easier for the individual to change his group relationship. Group pressure often operates on the unconscious and unorganized level. The folkways, mores, and group ideals are the forces involved, and they are made effective by public opinion and gossip. Unorganized and informal forms of social control are found to be more effective than laws and regulations. Human beings have a strong desire for acceptance and approval, and this feeling is the basis of social control through informal methods. A growing recognition of the value of group activity in helping individuals has led to a group approach to many situations once regarded as individual. In mental institutions, patients are helped backed to health by group therapy in which they share their fears and profit from the knowledge that they are not alone. Those who remember hours of lonely practice in learning musical instrument would be interested to know the success in group piano instruction may make the lonely practice session outdated. Teachers have found that students in group sessions have greater interest, are less likely to give up, and learn more rapidly. People with less commendable objectives have also discovered the power of group participation. Santos found that marijuana addiction both formed the basis for group solidarity and was kept alive by group interaction. Smoking a “joint” as well as getting supplies of the drug was the nexus of group life. In other words, group reinforcement may play a vital role either in strengthening addiction or in breaking it.

Groups and Personality To a large extent, groups determine the personality of the individual. The type of personality an individual acquires will depend upon the extant and kind of his experiences in the different groups of which he is a member. Groups are composed of individuals acting and interacting upon one another; thus a continuous process of adaptation and adjustment takes place. Personality emerges out of this process of interaction and adjustment in the group. Two important factors should be considered in the study of personality – the factors of heredity and environment. The Hereditary Factors of Personality Heredity does not develop human nature by itself without assistance, but it furnishes the raw materials out of which experience will shape and mold personality. Each individual is born with certain biological structures inherited from his parents, who in turn inherited them from their ancestors. These biological structures include the nervous system, the ductless glands, the organic drives, and the general and specific capacities for mental behavior. Heredity furnishes the mechanisms, but experience determines the way they will be used. Although intelligence is partly hereditary, a degree of mental alertness can be acquired. Hunger is a native and innate

drive, but the different attitudes and habits built around it are a result of conditioning and experience. Personality develops through contacts resulting from the varied interactions and adaptations of different individuals in their collective efforts to satisfy their human needs and wants. These interactions are learned behavior which is commonly found in all cultures and in all ages. In any group life, there is leading, following, teaching, imitating, fighting, praising, blaming, and ostracizing. These processes furnish the social experience necessary for the formation of personality. Specific events and circumstances in the environment influence the development of personality. These are social situations characteristic of group life. The individual finds himself in a series of social situations to which he must react. For example, the child is early infancy must learn to control his physiological tensions and visceral tensions in accordance with approved usages of his family and social group. When he is hungry and he cries, he is not fed until it is time to feed him. He must learn to control the contradictions of the muscles of his stomach and put up with his hunger feelings and endure the intervals between feeding times. The child must learn to manage and control his bladder and bowel movements to conform to the requirements of the group. Even his emotional reactions must be controlled and trained. His energies must be directed toward socially approved channels. His ways of feeling, thinking, and behaving are patterned after those of his own group. Thus the experiences of early childhood are of the greatest significance in the development of personality.

MECHANISM OF SOCIAL INTERACTION We have learned that individuals are born into established groups and receive stimuli to which they react and so develop their personalities. We have learned the significance of the process of interaction and the value of group experiences in affecting personality. Whether an individual becomes a leader or follower, a bully, or a liar; whether he feels superior or inferior; whether he is selfish or unselfish depends upon how he meets the challenges of social experience. The development of social attitudes which affect the growth and development of personality depends upon how an individual makes use of certain fundamental behavior mechanisms. These are imitation, suggestion, empathy, and identification. Imitation is a reaction both unconscious and conscious. The blundering and grouping ways of an infant in learning such motor reactions as closing and opening the hands and articulating sounds in his first attempts at learning speech are illustrative of unconscious imitation. Imitation means copying an object or action. Conscious imitation involves setting up a model or pattern. This implies selection and deliberation. However, imitation is possible only if one already possesses the behavioral patterns necessary to imitate a particular behavior. A child

cannot take on the mother’s manner of speaking if he was not yet acquired the ability to speak. Likewise, one has to have previous lessons in music if he wants to imitate the techniques of the masters. Suggestion and imitation in many cases overlap, but they are actually independent of one another. The main difference between suggestion and imitation is that in suggestion, the tendency to react is already present and can be directed in any situation almost automatically, while in imitation, the tendency toward action has to be motivated and aroused. In ordinary life someone may suggest some course of action and almost unconsciously the suggestion is carried out, especially if the initiative comes from a respected or beloved person. In a child, the response is almost automatic. A tone of voice, a look, or a word is enough to convey to the child what an adult in authority wants him to do. A child’s response to suggestion is not always positive. Sometimes resentment and defiance are shown against a person in authority. In this case, the child’s response is negative and aggressive. There is a tendency to thwart every suggestion coming from a disagreeable source. Empathy is the ability to put one’s self in place of another and to feel as the latter would if confronted by the same circumstance. When he watches a baseball game, he identifies himself with the pitcher or the catcher and he responds to what he sees. In watching a movie, the audience gets vicarious experiences through living the life of the hero or heroine in imagination. Imagination plays an important role in arousing sympathy, although it is difficult to imagine what one has not actually experienced. We shudder when a person falls because we have gone through the experience of falling and suffering. The degree and intensity of our sympathy depend upon our past experience in a similar situation. Identification is closely akin to empathy. It is the ability not only to place one’s self in the position of another but actually to feel that he is that other person. In our sympathy with the misfortune of another, we are not satisfied with the thought that we have suffered as he is suffering, but we feel that his pain is also ours. Exclusion from the in-group can be brutal process. Most primitive societies treated outsiders as part of the animal kingdom; many had no separate words for “enemy” and “stranger”, showing that they made no distinction. Not too different was the attitude of the German Nazis who excluded Jews from the human race. It is impossible to understand the repeated brutalities of history without understanding ingroups and out-groups. This distinction makes it psychologically possible for even decent and humane persons to commit cruel acts. People who commit atrocities on out-groups are often quite compassionate toward fellow group members. On the other hand, persons may become identified with a group different from the ancestral one. The late Pedro Abad Santos was a rich landowner in Pampanga. Because he sympathized with the lot of the small tenants, he became their leader, and their disputes and

problems with the other landlords became his. He devoted his life to the amelioration of the common tao. In this fashion, he sought to identify himself with the tenant group. The fact that in-group and out-group classification cuts across many lines does not minimize their intensity; the subtlety of some distinctions makes exclusions even more painful. One may crave membership in a group which excludes him. Stereotypes Out-groups are generally perceive in terms of stereotypes. A stereotype is a group-shared image of another group or category of people. Thus, Ilongos are stereotyped as mayabang or hambog (boastful, braggart); Maguindanao or Maranaos as polygamous, fierce, and treacherous; Ilocanos as frugal and stingy; Leyteños as impulsive and violent; Boholanos as greedy; etc. People, no matter how educated, appear to engage in stereotyping. For instance, a book entitled The Filipinos in America, written by a Filipino author, contains paragraphs of ethnic stereotypes that are, in many cases favorable but are still stereotypes. For example, he says: Inclined toward the less rewarding occupations, materially speaking, the Visayans in the United States are either musicians, music instructors, singers, painters, writers, or film editors. They seem to possess a talent equal to their ambition for success, the kind that rates a magazine cover in Las Vegas, and the kind that draws critics from faraway Italy. But while artists by nature, they do not without their share of surgeons, engineers, lawyers, nurses, and small-time businessmen. Stereotypes are applied indiscriminately to all members of the stereotyped group (all Ilocanos are frugal), without allowance for individual differences. Stereotypes are never entirely untrue, they bear some resemblance to the characteristics of the persons stereotyped or they would not be recognized. But stereotypes are always distorted in that they exaggerate and universalize some of the characteristics of some of the members of the stereotyped groups. Just how stereotypes begin is not known. Once a stereotype has become part of the culture, it is maintained by selective perception (noting only the confirming incidents or cases and failing to note or remember the exceptions) and selective interpretation (interpreting observations in terms of the stereotypes). It is also maintained by selective identification (mukhang tagabaryo – they look like they are from the rural areas) and by selective exception (He’s not behaving like a Tagalog). All these processes involve a reminder of the stereotype, so that even the exceptions and the incorrect identifications serve to feed and sustain the stereotype. One example of stereotyping is found in a survey of the opinions of Chinese and Filipino students in a Manila university. They were asked to appraise Chinese, Filipino, American and

Japanese by choosing between opposite traits. Maximum agreement with the indicated characteristic was expressed by a score of 35 and maximum disagreement by a score of 41, while intermediate judgments were expressed by smaller scores. The judgment was on the group’s similarity to the first word in the line, not its opposite. Thus in the score of 32 indicated that Chinese were considered thrifty. The researchers summarized the findings on Filipinos as follows: Filipinos are judged relatively “loose”. This appears where the Filipinos are significantly judged to be relatively generous, spontaneous, lenient, gay, flexible, cooperative, and trusting. However, Filipinos are not judged as unmixed examples of impulse expression on a “Latin” or “Mediterranean” model. The most striking instance is … where Filipinos are judged tactful (and devious) rather than frank (and tactless). This finding corresponds to the observation of anthropologists that Filipinos tend to preserve “smooth interpersonal relations” by avoiding the statement of unpleasant truths. JUDGMENT OF NATIONALITY QUALITIES OF FILIPINO AND CHINESE UNIVERSITY STUDENTS

Scale

STIMULI Chinese scale

a. Thrifty - Extravagant b. Generous - Stingy a. Self-controlled - Impulsive b. Spontaneous - Inhibited

American scale

Japanese scale

32 7

Filipino scale -18 17

-20 28

23 7

24 6

-8 8

11 22

13 15

a. Independent - Conforming 16 b. Cooperative Uncooperative 11

-28

35

18

16

28

17

a. Tactful – Tactless b. Frank – Devious

12 -5

25 41

19 4

17 1

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS One of the effects of American control of the Philippines was an enormous increase in the number of voluntary associations. Voluntary associations are nongovernmental groups which persons are free to join or not, although they may lose certain benefits if they are not members.

Years ago a French observer commented on the American scene in terms that now would apply to the Philippine as well: Americans of all ages and all dispositions constantly form associations … The Americans make associations to give entertainments, to found seminaries, to build inns, to construct churches, to diffuse books, to send missionaries to the antipodes; in this manner, they found hospitals and schools. If it is proposed to inculcate some truth or to foster some feeling by the encouragement of a great example, they form a society. Wherever at the head of some new undertaking, you see the government in France; a man of rank in England; in the United States, you will be sure to find an association. Voluntary associations have the advantage of providing for group action when there is not enough consensus to support government activity. Sometimes, the task will be taken up by the government after the voluntary association has pioneered. Thus, the work of planned parenthood associations was followed by a government program for population control. At other times, it seems appropriate for the activity to remain strictly voluntary. For instance, the country clubs which provide golf courses for the affluent are unlikely to be taken over the government. Other voluntary association includes religious groups such as the Knights of Columbus, fraternal associations, luncheon clubs, women’s organizations, professional associations, and many others – listing would require several pages. Sometimes, these associations are actively involved on governmental affairs as the NAMFREL (National Movement for Free Elections). In addition to the specific services they provide, voluntary associations are a feature of a democratic action which enable citizens to work in an organized fashion for activities or causes which concern them. Education, for instance, has benefited greatly from the activities and fund raising of parents-teachers associations. Participation is often class linked. Wealthy people, typically, will belong to many associations, while poor people belong to few, if any. When associations are small, they run on a primary group basis with a great deal of interaction between officers and members. As they grow larger, they assume a bureaucratic character.

FORMAL BUREAUCRATIC ORGANIZATION Much social activity is carried on by secondary groups and implemented by a bureaucracy. Government is a major example, but bureaucratic patterns are also found in education, religion, and business as well as some of the voluntary associations. A bureaucracy is defined as “a pyramid of personnel who conduct, rationally, the work of a large organization.” Its features include specialization, merit appointment, impersonality, and a chain of command to see that orders are faithfully followed. To see how bureaucracy develops in all large organizations, let us follow the pattern in a growing business concern. With only two or three employees, the work is divided by mutual agreement and each employee has access to any supplies which are needed. When the work force grows to seven hundred, the situation changes. Then one needs a specific list of duties for each person along with a formal system of controls to keep supplies in order and to prevent thievery. Very little is done informally and usually a written record is kept of all transactions.

Bureaucracy is a good way to get things done and to limit corruption, but it has problems. One is that, sometimes, the routine becomes so important that employees cease to think about the ends they are trying to accomplish and simply go through the motions regardless of the results – thus practices may continue long after they have ceased to be effective. One of the classic examples is the continuation of providing horses in a mechanized army. Bureaucracy is both essential in a large organization and subject to abuses. Many of the courses in college labeled Business, Public, or Educational Administration are devoted to trying to maximize the efficiency of bureaucracies while minimizing problems.

Networks The tendency of middle and upper-class people to join several voluntary organizations is related to their realization of the value of networks. The network consists of a number of individual acquaintances with memberships in various organizations. Thus, one individual may be a member of the Chamber of Commerce, others of the Rotary club, a religious organization, a university alumni chapter, a political party, and an informal group which gathers in a bar for after-work cocktails. Comments in one group setting spread to another and a comparatively few individuals may influence a great deal of group activity. Social power is determined, in part, by the link to the organization. The individual who belongs to an important network is in a position to affect group action in a variety of spheres. Conversely, one with a limited network of group contacts is likely to find that his or her influence is also limited.

Group Dynamics Mentioned in the early discussions, there were some experts who got frustrated because of their inability to involve groups in their plans. A realization of this problem has led to a scientific study of groups which is called group dynamics. One of the findings of group dynamics is that the structure of the group makes a difference in the interaction of its members. For instance, there is a greater feeling of equality and satisfaction in the circle where no person is considered the leader. On the other hand, production is greater and the quality is more uniform in the wheel where the one in the center is the leader. In contrast to its lower production, the circle was found to adapt to new techniques more rapidly than other patterns did.

Which person is located so as to be best informed and most influential? Position affects communication. Each circle represents a person and spokes represents communication channels. In the Philippines the major problems in work groups have not been so much those of structure as of conflicting values. For the most part, workers have grown up in a system of values typified by the traditional family. Thus the worker is accustomed to doing as he is told, but also expects to be surrounded by a warm, friendly group which knows him personally and where his status is determined by age, sex, and kinship. By contrast, the manager has often been educated in an achievement-oriented society in which status is determined by ability to produce, workers are impersonal and interchangeable units who can be moved about as needed, and innovation is prized. Such manager-worker, interaction often leads to mutual discontent. Workers feel that management is callous and inconsiderate, while management feels that workers are immature, incapable of being trained, and lacking in responsibility. Two main approaches are made to this situation. One is that management should follow policies consistent with the traditional expectations. Change should be introduced cautiously and leaders should be those whose age, sex, kinship status, and perhaps ethnicity are compatible with high status. The other approach is that efforts should be made to develop the positive type of qualities. This means that attempts will be made to involve workers or members of other groups in a type of participation which is new in their experience. This is not a simple process and, at first at least, will slow down group response. Hopefully though, in the long run, it will develop people equipped to function at a high level in group situations.

FACTORS THAT PROMOTE/IMPEDE PARTICIPATION AT THE INDIVIDUAL LEVEL

Promoting Conditions 1. Realizes that what he thinks and feels is important and that he can think and talk intelligently. 2. Is confident that he has the capability to mold himself and his environment. 3. Is conscious and aware of the societal factors that impinge on him as an individual. 4. Has actual experience in participating in group problem analysis or problemsolving situations.

Impeding Conditions 1. Feels that what he thinks is not important; can hardly articulate his thoughts. 2. Feels incapable of acting on his own or transforming the environment. 3. Is not aware of the socio-politicoeconomic conditions that influence his life. 4. Has no notion nor experience in any collective involvement which entails discussion and analysis of issues with other individuals.

USE OF STATISTICS In studying group dynamics as well as other social relationships, sociologists make frequent use of statistics. There are many people who “have no use for statistics”. Often they don’t like statistics because they do not understand them. Statistics, like shotguns, are dangerous when handled by the ignorant and may be abused by the careless and the unscrupulous. Those who know the uses and abuses of statistics realize that statistics are nothing more or less than organized, measured facts. They are as trustworthy or untrustworthy as the scientific competence of the person compiling them. To reject statistics is but a way of rejecting facts. While this is not a discussion of statistics, it may help to understand the inevitable reference to statistics if a few terms are defined. These are mode, median, mean, and correlation. The mode is simply the number which appears with the greatest frequency, the mean another term for average, and median a number which has an equal quantity of items both above and below, thus putting it in the midspot or median. Correlation is a little different type of concept and refers to the relationship of two variables. If, for instance, there was a correlation of zero point three (0.3) between grades in general and grades in English, we would assume that competence in English had an important effect on academic ability in general. By the way, 0.3 is considered a fairly high correlation and it is seldom that we find a larger correlation than this when we are studying social relationships. Sociologists undertake a great many statistical studies. Regardless of its nature, almost any research is likely to involve the statistical organization and comparison of facts at one point or another. The sociologist must be something of a statistician; the citizen who hopes to be intelligently aware of the world he lives in must have some understanding of statistical interpretation. The census and the other sources of easily available data will provide the sociologist many of the understanding of social life. In other cases he will have to make field

studies himself in order to get the factual information he needs. Whether he uses statistics gathered by someone else or he conducts his own survey, a knowledge of statistics is vital in his work.

3. Culture and Behavior The Tinguians have a culture . . . akin to the better known Igorots of Mountain Province. Their attire is multicolored, notably the batik; their men are in G-strings; their women wear bead necklaces, antique jewelry (that are often the envy of many a sophisticated Ilocano matron) and are tattooed. Their music is provided by . . . musical instruments a gansas (gong) and cymbals (which somehow betray and Islamic influence, and their dances are semiprimitive. Their burial practices – wherein their dead are buried in an upright manner, whether sitting or standing, but mostly sitting or standing, but mostly sitting – are quite unique. Their modes of marriage, wherein the dowry is an inevitably feature, is often characterized by lengthy and prolonged celebrations – the longer, the more prestigious – which often lasts for a full moon (their way of reckoning a calendar month). On such occasions, cows, carabaos, goats, dogs, deer, wild boar, and chickens are slaughtered for the feasting of the entire populace. -Nid Anima, Death of a Culture: Tinguian (Quezon City: Omar Publications, 1982), pp. 5-6. This brief description of Tinguian culture is typical of mountain groups in the Philippines. Often such a culture is regarded as “primitive”, but it is actually a complex pattern designed to provide the “right answer” to Tinguians in most of their daily life situations. As used by sociologists and other social scientists, the word culture is not just the culture associated with the sophisticated appreciation of literature and the fine arts. To the sociologist every person who learns and follows the way of his society has culture. Thus, the Tinguians are just as cultured as anyone else in the world. Or to take another example, the crudest bolo used by the Bagobos for wedding their farms is as much as a cultural object as the most highly sophisticated intercontinental ballistic missile of the USA or Russia.

Culture Distinguishes Humans from Animals Culture is what distinguishes man from the lower animal forms, making him unique. For whereas the “social” systems sustained by some insect communities are shaped exclusively by biologic-genetic forces, the social systems of man are shaped by culture. “Only men produce

culture, and in turn, culture produces men; i.e. culture shapes a man in terms of its own design, image, and style” and has enabled him to become preeminent in the animal kingdom. The importance of culture becomes apparent when we consider the limitations of man’s natural state. By nature man is a tropical creature. Without culture he cannot survive cold. He does not possess sharp teeth, claws, or great speed to defend himself. He has no natural tools for digging, climbing, or killing to obtain food. Human offspring are unable to care for themselves for years and so are burdens to the mother seeking to survive. Without culture man would be greatly disadvantaged compared to other animals and would perhaps hardly multiply in number. Fortunately, his highly developed brain enables him to create culture, which helps him overcome his physical disadvantages and allows him to provide himself with fire, clothing, food and shelter. The length of infancy insures that his progeny will have an extended training period in which to learn his culture.

Definition of Culture Like group, culture is a concept in sociology which has a common meaning expressed in a variety of definitions. The classic definition of culture indicates its inclusiveness and is provided by an eminent English scholar, E.B. Tylor. He defined culture as “that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, customs, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” Leslie A. White refers to culture as an organization of phenomena that is dependent upon symbols, phenomena which includes acts (patterns of behavior); objects (tools and things made by tools); ideas (beliefs, knowledge); and sentiments (attitudes, values). In this sense, culture means the entire life followed by a people and everything learned and shared by people in society. It includes all socially standardized ways of seeing and thinking about the world, establishing preferences and goals, and also consisting of the rules which generate and guide behavior. More specifically, the culture of a particular people or any society is “everything that one must learn to behave in ways that are recognizable, predictable, and understandable to those people.” Other anthropologists have developed another definition of culture based on the premise that all behavior is, in the final analysis, a product of how people think about things – their cognitions. Thus, they speak of the cognitive model of culture. Simply stated, this model views culture as a mental map which guides people in their relation to their surroundings and to other people. To be useful, this map must be shared, to a greater or lesser extent, by a number of interacting people or by a whole society or a significant part of it. To be sure, each person may have a slightly different map, each family a somewhat different version which it passes on to the next generation, but the general outline and the details of the map will be shared by a large number of people. Another way of expressing this is to speak of differing perceptions. Persons from varied cultural backgrounds see the same objects and situations differently. To an educated, sophisticated Manilan, for example, a tree may be a natural resource which provides lumber or

shade. But to a Tiruray in the mountains of Cotabato or to a Negrito in the hinterlands of Zambales, it may be viewed as a living thing with a spirit of its own and needs, wishes, perceptions, and desires. The differences in the perception of things define reality for people, and often that which governs our actions is not what we actually see but what we believe. When a group of people believes in the reality of omens and spirits, then omens and spirits are real to them, and this perceptions will govern their actions. The poet, T.S. Eliot, described culture as simply “The way of life of a particular people living on one place.” Culture also includes man’s material inventions and accomplishments such as tools, weapons, instruments, etc. Bolos, missiles, atom bombs, cars, etc. are part of man’s culture and form much of his social heritage. These material aspects of culture, called artifacts, tell much about the things that a people value and the processes with which that people provide solutions to their biological and cultural needs. In fact an anthropologist who specializes in archeology can reconstruct the social and cultural life of prehistoric peoples by examining carefully the material objects he unearths from archeological sites. For instance, on the basis of archeological findings, Professor Jocano estimates that a fairly complex human society existed in the Philippines 25,000 years ago. The cultural elements of human existence, however, are not primarily physical but mental or ideational. The things that really count are ideas and meanings. A piece of metal may be a material artifact, but the important thing about it is its meaning within a given cultural setting. It may be used as a weapon in one culture, but in another it may hang about a person’s neck as an amulet to ward off hostile environmental spirits. Scholars generally agree that “the key to culture lies in the minds of individuals, and that people’s mentifacts or ideas are the foundation of culture.

Difference between Culture and Society Sometimes culture and society are interchangeably. While these two concepts are interdependent and interrelated in that no society can exist without a culture and not culture can develop without a society, they are not the same. A society is a group of people bound together in a more or less permanent association organized for collective activity. A society is made up of individuals who are interacting with each other in a shared pattern of customs, beliefs, values and traditions. The common pattern to which they are reacting is the culture of the society. Culture is a system of behavior shared by members of a society while society is a group of people who share a common culture. A succinct definition of society is given by Horton and Hunt: “A society is a relatively independent, self-perpetuating human group who occupy a territory, share a culture, and have a most of their associations within this group.” Society and culture express different aspects of the human situation.

Language and the Transmission of Culture What gives human beings preeminence is the fact that they are the only living creatures known to be capable of communicating intricate systems of symbols, storing knowledge, and transmitting this knowledge to a new generation. Because of language, an individual does not have to start anew at birth to develop a way of life. He builds upon and improves the accumulated wisdom of the past. Without language, man would be little better off than the animals . . . In a society without language, each individual would have to begin exactly where his parents began; he could possess no habits, not group habits; his behavior, in short, would be confined to the organic level. In the same article, Professor Murdock cites evidence showing that nonhuman creatures have habit-forming capacity, social life, and intelligence, but they fall short of possessing culture. Recent studies have clearly demonstrated that the anthropoid apes possess intelligence, “insight”, or “ideation”, of an order comparable to that of man, inferior only in degree; that both apes and men, for example, solve the problems by intelligent behavior as opposed to the mere trial-and-error learning characteristic of the rest of the animal world. Yet, in spite of their intelligence, the apes lack culture. The great difference is the lack of language among apes. Language is the key factor in the human race’s success in creating and preserving culture; for without language, the ability to convey ideas and traditions is impossible. With language persons can perpetuate and pass on knowledge from one generation to the next. Language is also one way we classify human beings. One example is the higher prestige assigned to speakers of English in the Philippines.

Characteristics of Culture The first essential characteristic of culture is that it is learned. If a child born in the Philippines of Filipino parents were moved shortly after birth to Japan and brought up by Japanese parents, he would develop one of the traits of Filipino culture. Instead he would manifest all the behavior patterns of the Japanese, including language and dietary practices. Among the many sources of learning, the most important is usually the family or parents. Playmates, working companions, schools, churches, books, television, radio, and the like are additional sources. Although humans, like animals, learn much by simple imitation, many important parts of culture are taught largely by precepts. One can imagine the number of children who would fail to survive childhood if they had to learn the danger of poisons by experience rather than by being warned and scolded.

The poet, T.S. Eliot argues that not only does the family transmit culture, but that upperclass families have a unique obligation in that respect. He argues that one of the functions of the upper-class family is to serve as a model of the essence of the culture of the group. Upper-class culture is merely an aspect of the culture of the total society. However, the greater leisure, wealth, and prestige of the upper-class family gives it an advantage both in acquiring a complex culture and in transmitting it to the young. Eliot feels that without a fairly stable upper-class, culture will revert to simpler, cruder forms. The second characteristic is that culture is shared by a group of people. Each person probably has a few idiosyncrasies, things not done by anyone else within the group. These individuals habits are not part of the culture because they are not shared, but they could become so if they were learned by others and became the customary actions of a group. Third, culture is cumulative. Knowledge is stored and passed on from one generation to the next, and new knowledge is constantly being added to the existing stock. Each culture has worked out solutions to the basic problems of life, which it then passes on to its children. Consequently, the child gains free time to devote to making changes or improvements or facing the new situations he may encounter. The jeepneys and pedicabs in the Philippines are good examples of the cumulative quality of culture. Their invention involved the use of materials which are invented in different place of the world. Fourth, culture is dynamic. No culture is ever in a permanent state. It is constantly changing. The changes may be imperceptible, but they are changes nonetheless. The practices of today will never be the same tomorrow. The dynamic character of culture stems from its cumulative quality. A culture is always changing because new ideas and new techniques are added and old ways are constantly being modified or discarded. This is as true for the most isolated and simple complex society. The degree of change and the rate of change may vary enormously. Change is slow in a primitive, isolated society and rapid, but nowhere does the culture of a group remain static. In our age the rapid changes that occur from one generation to the next are brought about by new cultural ideas being introduced either from within or from without. Those changes that occur within the society are the result of discoveries or inventions, while those from outside are brought about through the medium of culture borrowing. Culture also grows by the spread of traits from individual to individual and from one group to another. The spread of a cultural trait is called diffusion. Diffusion taking place within the group – is sometimes called primary diffusion. Intergroup or intersociety diffusion is the passing of traits from one society to another. The term borrowing is used for the group that receives the new element. Diffusion is the principal source cultural change. Most cultures are built up through an accumulation of borrowed traits.

One form of diffusion is the movement of words from one language to another. Filipino languages have borrowed many words from Spanish, Chinese, and English. There is also a reverse process and Avelina J. Gil reports having come across some 350 Tagalog words which are listed in English dictionaries. A partial list includes the following: bagoong baguio balut bangos banig barong-barong barong tagalog bayong bruja caimito camisa chinelas

chopsuey cocoa duhat durian gabi gogo gulaman ilang-ilang jeepneys kaingin manga mani

querida saba salakot sago tienda tinikling tuba yoyo

Regardless of whether it is material or nonmaterial, the borrowed trait must be adapted or fitted into the culture of the group taking it on. Those new traits which are the most readily modifiable or which meet an existing need adapt themselves quickly to the new culture. Most borrowed traits tend to undergo some modifications as they are adapted into the new culture pattern. At times, though, a new trait may be completely taken over without adaptation. Presentday Filipino culture is the result of the borrowing of diverse culture elements and fitting them together to form a workable unit. Fifth, culture is diverse. The sum-total of human culture consists of a great many separate cultures, each of them different. Even in such a basic problem as providing someone to care for children during the years of infancy and youth, there are a great number of workable alternatives. People must be careful then to avoid assuming that their way of doing things is the only “practical” or “right” way. Finally, each culture is a whole, a system with many mutually interdependent parts. For example, the choice of a marriage partner involves many different parts of culture. Religion, economic class, education, and ideas of beauty and romance all play a role.

Culture as a System of Norm One of the salient qualities we have noted about culture is that it provides us with guidelines for action. It serves as a guide for proper conduct in our day-to-day interaction with others. Another way of saying this is that culture tells us how things should be done. Thus we say

that culture is normative since it regulates our actions and conduct. A norm is nothing but a behavior expectation, an idea of how people are supposed to act and behave. For example, in the rural areas of Visayas and Mindanao (and to a much lesser extent in the cities), when a family member dies, relatives, friends, and neighbors come and contribute some amount of cash to the family of the dead. The contribution is usually placed on a plate or in a box beside the dead person. They are no longer expected to help make the coffin. The bereaved family serves food to the visitors during the nine days of prayer, after the day of burial, during the last day of the prayer for the dead (katapusan or patapos), and at the end of the first year of the death (hubkas or babaing luksa). Another behavior expectation in the Philippine concerns the keeping of the family purse. Filipino husbands are expected to turn over their monthly income to their wives, who keep the family budget. In most American families it is the husband who keeps the family purse and makes the budget.

Folkways The term folkways comes from the title of a famous book on customs published in 1906 by the pioneer American sociologist William G. Sumner. This classic book, Folkways shattered many of the popular ideas about customs and culture patterns. Sumner brought forcefully to the attention of the students of his day the important fact that infinite variety of customs exist and that these customs have a strong compulsive nature. A society’s folkways are the norms which the members have come to accept as the proper way of dealing with their day-to-day problems of living and interacting with each other through either trial-and-error, sheer accident, or some unknown influence. Once established and accepted, these patterns are endorsed, by most members of the society and become the way of the folks or their folkway. Any single culture has such a wide variety of customs or folkways that to list them would be monumental task. It would be an unending task because new folkways arise and old ones may change or even die. The folkway of a group are the behavior patterns of its everyday life. The reason the sociologists adopted the use of the term folkway rather than keep the older term custom was to emphasize that these were the accepted behavior or ways of the folk or group. Folkways involve the way we eat, how we dress, and a myriad of other behavior patterns that we follow because they have been impressed upon us from the time we were born. Changes and additions are gradual, for folkways adapt themselves to each generation’s conditions of life. Many of the folkways that govern your behavior today will be quite different from those that will govern the behavior of your children. To observe changes in the folkways, all one has to do is to contrast the patterns of behavior that were followed by your parents with those that you follow at the present time. A generation or two ago the folkway which involved the segregation of girls in middle-class families was still strong enough to prevent many families from sending their daughters to the co-educational schools and colleges which were then just starting in the Philippines. Today coeducation is an accepted folkway among Filipinos.

As a member of a group you follow these folkway because, as the result of trial and error adjustments of the past, they are the practical solutions to daily needs. Pressures, both direct and indirect, operate on the individual to make him conform to these group habits. You follow customary practices so you will not be too different from the rest of your group and invite disapproval or ridicule. At times the social pressure that makes one conform to the folkways is so powerful that even the laws will be violated if it is necessary to do so to follow the folkway.

Mores Certain customary behavior patterns or folkways fall in a special category because they have taken on a moralistic value. These “special folkways which involve moral or ethical values are termed the mores of a society and involve respect for authority, marriage and sex behavior, patterns, religious rituals, and other basic codes of human behavior. They are considered essential to the group’s existence and accordingly the group demands that they be followed without question. To the group, the mores delineate the “right or proper” way to be behave contrary to this right way cannot be permitted. While the term mores is simply the Latin word for custom, the sociologist has designed it as a special word for the type of folkway which is simply which is all-compulsive. Mores define rules of conduct that are associated with intense feelings of right and wrong. A member of a group who violates the more for antisocial. In a sense he is an enemy of the groups, for he is attacking its moral and ethical foundation and hence- he must be punished as a warning to others that such behavior will not be tolerated. The strength of the mores is illustrated in the customary practices of certain societies which may require physical discomfort, pain or even torture to be borne in order to carry out the mores. The scarification and teeth-filing practices of primitive groups demonstrate that physical comfort is secondary to the accepted customary practice. In a tribe where teeth-filing practices may be found, not only will every boy and girl have to undergo this painful procedure, but they will be expected to comply without showing fear or revealing the pain they may suffer. Nor should the student think that mores of this nature operates so strongly only among primitive groups. A highly complex civilization such as that of classical Chinese society required an exceedingly painful foot-binding custom to be followed with respect to girls of the upper classes. The result of tight binding of the foot from early childhood was to create a small, hoofshaped foot. Through the centuries, the deformed foot had come to be regarded as a sign of status as well as an element of beauty. In short, the custom had come to be regarded for the physical pain that the small girl suffered during the years that her feet were tightly bound. The manner in which mores can make anything seem right is seen by comparing certain moral values in a society at different periods of its history as well as by comparing different societies. In most societies incest is abhorred and a prohibition against this behavior exists in the mores. A violation of the incest rule is severely punished, often by death in some simpler societies. Yet under certain circumstance and at special times, the mores might operate to make

incest the proper way. The required marriage of brother and sister of the royal family in such places as ancient Peru, Egypt and classical Siam (Thailand) illustrates the power of the mores to determine the apparent rightness of a form of conduct. Mores, like ordinary folkways, are subject to change, although it might be said that changes in the mores, generally occur more slowly than changes in the folkways. But they do change, and what may be considered right and proper at one time may be considered wrong at a later period in the same society. A common example used to illustrate this is to show how slavery at certain times in a people’s history may have been considered proper and right. In the early 19 th century, when slavery was still legal, even the Bible was quoted to show that slavery was not only proper but was still he will of God as well. Later the mores surrounding the slavery patterns were completely reversed so that slavery came to be considered immoral and wrong. Mores, then, are extremely powerful. The important thing is that to the members of a group following them, they are all-compulsive at the time they are operative.

Mores and Laws In certain societies many of them mores are formalized in the shape of laws. Not all laws are necessarily mores, nor all more part of the legal code. Ordinarily, however, the laws of a nation are simply framed by legalizing in the form of codes or formal statutes the ethical and moral values embodied in the mores of the group. At times in our modern society this legal formalization of certain mores brings about a type of cultural lag. Mores tend to change and many of our modern societies have found themselves with out-moded laws which people no longer follow. At an earlier period these may have been mores and were legalized in the statutes to intensify the conformance of the group to them. As the time changed, so did the mores, resulting in an outmoded law. Often these outmoded laws tend to be forgotten and may remain on the statute books for a generation or more without being repealed. Their main significance to a student of sociology is in their eloquent testimony of how mores change over a period of time within the same society. If the law and the mores should come in conflict, the mores may prove to be the stronger. Not frequently, we have instances where laws made for a group are broken without hesitation if the mores demand a different way of behavior. In the United States a law to prohibit the sale of liquor failed to work because the use of liquor was sanctioned by the mores of a large part of the population. Another example of the inability of law to counteract the mores is seen in the failure thus far of efforts to force the mountain peoples of the Philippines (and for that matter Southeast Asia in general) to abandon the practice of kaingin which they had long considered the “right” form of agriculture.

Tecnicways

The pace of modern life often forces adjustments which cannot be left to the slow pace of the mores and the folkways. These are known as tecnicways, or the social adjustment to technological change. Many examples of this type of change can be given. The mores have long sanctioned the idea that men could travel on the roads as they chose, but the spread of automobiles has forced the introduction of traffic laws. Such laws are not rooted in the mores and few people have a feeling of guilt when they disobey them, but they are a necessary part of every modern country. Similarly, tobacco farmers have long been used to growing crops in the manner they please, but when tobacco is grown for use in making cigarettes in distant markets, it becomes necessary to tell the farmer what kind of crop he can raise and the conditions of its cultivation. Education itself may be seen as tecnicway, and one often resisted by parents who wish to have their children work in the fields rather than attend school. The older mores sanctioned the parental control of the child’s time, but the complexity of modern society demands a type of education which the home is unable to give. Tecnicways represent a type of cultural change almost the exact opposite of folkways and mores. The folkways and mores develop without conscious planning over a long period of time. Tecnicways are the result of a purposeful scientific analysis of social needs and may be made effective in a short span of time. Tecnicways frequently meet opposition, but the trend of the times indicates that tecnicways will increase in the future and the power of the folkways will recede. At times, the changes forced, either by tecnicways or simply by massive diffusion from other societies, may be so great that the culture loses its unique character and ceases to exist.

Institution When the folkways and mores become so integrated that activities are formalized on a unit basis, they become the institutions of a group. An institution is an “organized system of social relationships which embodies certain common values and procedures and meets certain basic needs of the society.” In most societies there are usually five recognized institutions: the government or polity, the family, education, economy and religion. Culture and the Group It is through the possession of a common culture that the members of a society acquire the feeling of unity which enables them to live and work together as a functioning entity. The functions that culture plays for the group have been well summarized by the Gillens, who points out that the culture performs three important functions in group life: 1. It sets up a series of patterns for meeting the biological demands (primary drives) if the group members for sustenance, shelter, reproduction, and protection. 2. It provides rules that enable the individual members of a group to adjust to their environmental situation. This enables the group to act as a unit whenever the situation so demands.

3. Through the common culture, the members are provided with channels of interaction which help prevent conflict. It outlines for the individual the acquired needs of his group and provides for their satisfaction. Thus culture not only provides a pattern for the development of the individual but also allows a way in which the group can adjust to its basic needs.

Manifest and Latent Aspects of Culture Culture may be classified in manifest and latent aspects. The manifest aspects are those which are obviously intended and are usually applauded. The latent aspects are covert or hidden, are sometimes considered undesirable, and are often unrecognized. The manifest and latent concept is similar to that of intended and unintended consequences. A few examples may help to make these concepts more undesirable. Education is often cited in this regard. The manifest function of the schools is to educate the young: a latent function is to keep them off the labor market. Similarly, the manifest function of the prohibition of divorce is to prevent the breakup of families; a latent function is to maintain the querida system, since an aggrieved wife cannot threaten the erring husband with divorce. The manifest function of spraying with DDT was to destroy insect pests; a latent function was to destroy vital elements of the ecological system. Such a listing could be extended indefinitely; the point is that, in evaluating a cultural trait, it is necessary to look at both manifest and latent consequences.

Culture and the Individual As pointed out in a previous paragraph, the culture provides the individual with a large number of ready-made adjustments which he has only to learn. In most of his ordinary ways of behaving, the individual does not have to waste time in trivial-and-error methods, nor does he have to analyze and solve daily problems. By providing a set of “familiar stimuli to the individual to which he has only to respond in a familiar way,” a great deal of confusion in the life of the individual is prevented. Ordinarily, we do not realize how significant this familiar type of response has become to our behavior. You have only to be plunged into a different culture to realize how much of your life is channeled in ready-set ways. A Manila driver suddenly set down in Hong Kong where the traffic is on the left side of the road, would be plunged into an unfamiliar situation and would react in a confused manner. A Filipino student attempting to board a bus in San Francisco or New York City by the center door of the bus not only would find himself in a state of confusion, since his action would throw the other passengers momentarily into an unfamiliar situation. Confusion would result. Our daily life flows smoothly because our culture has mapped out channels of behavior for us.

The Organization of Culture Culture Traits and Culture Complex While the culture of a group is an integrated network of folkways, mores, systems of beliefs and institutional patterns, we can break this larger total system into simple units or elements called cultural traits. A cultural traits, either of a material or nonmaterial nature, represents a single element or a combination of elements related to a specific situation. It is cultural element which cannot be broken down into any smaller segments. Examples of cultural traits from lowland Filipino culture include such practices as the wearing of wooden clogs, kissing the hand of the elders after Sunday mass and the Angelus, the use of a bolo by the farmer, and the countless other single acts or objects. Yet simply to list the separate traits existing in a culture would result in a mere inventory which would not give an integrated picture of how the culture operates. Culture traits do not exist as separate, unrelated entities but operate meaningfully only in relationship to others. Clusters of culture traits are known as culture complexes which, in turn, group together to form a culture pattern.

Culture Patterns The clusters of related traits that are involved in wet-rice agriculture in the Philippines is an example of a culture pattern. This wet-rice pattern represents a complex of many cultural traits, involving the use of the carabao or water buffalo, a certain type of plow and harrow, a flooded field, special varieties of rice, special methods of planting and transplanting, and a host of other traits. All these complexes of traits form an integrated pattern which eventually results in a crop of rice.

Universal or Basic Culture Patterns Although basic may vary tremendously from place to place as to its content, there are certain basic patterns common to all cultures. These uniformities are called the universal patterns of culture. Since satisfaction of the wants of persons everywhere is basically the same, certain common denominators of behavior result. People in all societies face fundamental needs relating to the sustenance, to procreation, and to the protection of the group. Around these fundamental needs, people everywhere have built up parallel patterns of behavior. Wissler, an American anthropologist who first used the phrase universal culture patterns, set up these categories: 1. Speech and Language 2. Material Traits a. Food habits b. Shelter c. Transportation d. Dress

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

e. Utensils, tools, etc. f. Weapons g. Occupation and Industries Art Mythology and Scientific Knowledge Religious Practices Family and Social Systems Property Government War

Anthropologists have demonstrated over and over that regardless of complexity of detail, all cultures tend to conform to this fundamental plan.

Alternatives and Specialties Every society has customs which are required of everyone. It also has other patterns from which the individual is allowed to select two or more possibilities. Linton calls these choices alternatives. The Filipino may choose to follow one of several religious faiths or, at the price of some disapproval, none at all. He may travel by ship, bus, jeepneys, or plane. He may eat at home or in restaurants, remain single or become married. The marriage may be either a religious or a civil ceremony or both. The bride may be either a full-time housewife or a “working” wife. All of these are matters in which many societies allow no individual choice. In other words, actions, which are optional in some societies may be either required or prohibited in others. Some societies dictate he choice of religious faith, the manner of travel, the mode of marriage and the occupation of both the wife and the husband. On the other hand, some societies allow a choice which Philippine society denies. In many societies a couple may either remain married or secure a divorce. Other societies allow parents to either keep or destroy their babies and permit husbands to either forgive or execute an unfaithful wife. The fact that different modes of action are permissible in one society is no indication that the same choices will be allowed in another. Specialties are elements of the culture which are shared by some, but not all, groups within a society. Baby-nursing is obviously a female specialty not shared by men. Policemen and soldiers are expected to show bravery not required of other people. The physician is expected to ignore personal comfort in answering call for his services. Nearly every group in society – each age, sex, and occupational and religious group – has traits not shared by others in the same society.

Subcultures

Sometimes the special culture traits of a particular group are too numerous and too interwoven to be called “specialties”. Resident aliens in the Philippines develop a blend culture of both the Philippines and their mother country. Regional and religious groups long resident in the modes of Philippines have also developed ways of behavior that mark them off from the rest of the society. Economic groups, whether of high, low, or middle status, usually develop distinctive modes of conduct. The adolescent has special styles of behavior, thought, and dress along with a special vocabulary which adults can scarcely translate, so that one may speak of “teenage culture.” Institutions tend to develop specialized behavior patterns, so that one may speak of “prison culture” or the “culture of school” or of the factory. Patterns such as those, which are both related to the general culture of the society and yet distinguishable from it, are called subcultures. All societies have a common cultural core along with numerous subcultures. The individual lives and functions mainly within these subcultures.

Cultural Relativism It is impossible to understand what the actions of member and values of other groups mean if we analyze them in terms of our motives and values; we must interpret their behavior in the light of their own motives, habits, and values. The same behavior has different meanings in different cultures, and we must look at the behavior in relation to the culture of the society in which it takes place. In short, the meaning of behavior is related to the culture in which it occurs. Many examples can be cited of behavior which has a different meaning in different cultural contexts. If an employee in a Manila business office stays home until noon or weekday, this probably indicates either illness or a lack of a sense of responsibility. The same thing could not be said of the farmer, since his labor varies with the season rather than with the day of the week and, during the interval between harvest and the next planting, he may have a little work to do. The interaction of Americans and Filipinos in business activities has also brought about behavior which has to be interpreted in the light of cultural backgrounds. Americans assume that a frank, concise, and rather brusque approach in which criticism is freely voiced is a sign of acceptance, whereas Filipinos tend to take this type of approach as kind of insult involving rejection and a loss of “face”. Although Philippine culture is assuming a greater degree of uniformity throughout the country, there are still subcultural differences which affect the meaning of behavior. One difference which is rapidly disappearing concerns the relation of clothes and modesty. Urban nightclubs sometimes come as close as the law allows to featuring “topless” entertainers as a deliberate type of sexual allurement. However, in the remote mountain districts barebreasted women go about their tasks with no thought of sexual suggestions but quickly run for cover when word spreads that lowlanders with a different cultural interpretation are in the vicinity. Similarly, if a lowland Filipino boy or girl announced that he was going to sleep elsewhere, this would be taken as a sign of revolt against parental authority.

Considerations of cultural relativism are often brought up in relation to the question as to whether subcultures should be exempted from laws which are otherwise applicable to the entire country. This has been especially true of laws relating to the marriage and divorce. Christian take Filipinos take it for granted that polygamy is wrong and, with somewhat less unanimity, have also agreed to outlaw divorce. But Filipino Muslims and some of the animistic mountain groups feel that these regulations are based on the culture of a Christian society and have no relation to their own norms the principle of cultural relativism has been used to support the stand that subgroups should be exempted from laws which run contrary to their mores. Sociologists are sometimes accused of undermining morality with their concept of cultural relativism and the claim that almost “everything’s right somewhere”. From this it may be surmised that if right and wrong are merely social conventions, one might as well do as he pleases. This is a grave misunderstanding. It is approximately true that “everything is considered wrong somewhere” – but not everywhere. The central point in cultural relativism is that in a particular cultural setting, certain traits are right because they work in that setting while other traits are wrong because they would clash painfully with parts of the culture. There may be some traits which should be judged wrong by an absolute in any culture. One, for instance, is human sacrifice which was widespread in the past, but which few people would defend today. Even here, however, it is necessary to understand the relation of the trait to the total culture. Human sacrifice was usually the final act in a ritual which emphasized the solidarity of the group and their belief in themselves and in supernatural powers. Hence, the trait cannot be seen in isolation, but must be looked at in relation to its context. If it is desirable to abolish this or other cultural traits, the question always remains, “What type of substitution or other adjustment will serve the function of the trait discarded?”

4. SOCIALIZATION, CONFORMITY AND DEVIANCE Culture trends to standardize personalities by channeling the experience of all individuals along the same broad stream. But life is made up of so many instances, so many situations, and such rich variety of experience, that absolute standardization can never be realized . . . Persons of identical status nevertheless do not have the same experience. The mother prefers one child over the other. Once child burns its finger; another does not. One infant falls into the river; another does not. No two persons ever have the same social experience, not even identical twins. -

E. Adamson Hoebel and Everett L. Frost, Cultural and Social Anthropology. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1946), 63.

It is clear that human society has enough common details so that all of us similar in some respects. Yet society is divided into groups that expose us to different types of experience. Some incidents, however, are unique to the individual and shared by no one else.

SOCIALIZATION The individual personality is shaped and developed within the society through the process of socialization, by which the individual internalizes culture and becomes an active participant in society. There is an ongoing series of processes and techniques that molds members of a society into an acceptable way of living and doing that society considers proper and desirable. In a broader sense, socialization is learning to be a member of a group. This process occurs through social interaction and transmission of the culture of the group. Human beings develop their potential by learning and interacting with others. Infants enter the world as dependent, helpless beings, aware of only of their physical needs and unable to satisfy them. They are subject to internal pressures and tensions, to instinctive biological drives. They function with behavior patterns similar to those of a newborn animal, but with one great difference – they have unique and awesome potential to produce and use symbols and language in communication and interaction. The family is the first agent of socialization satisfying the infant’s primary drives. The mother eases hunger and ensures that her child is warm, clean, and helped to sleep. She provides affection, protection, and closeness while shaping aggressive and competitive behavior. Parenting choices early on determine whether the developing child views the world as friendly or hostile. Socialization is based on the communication of meaning and value. In earliest infancy, bonding takes place by mutual communication between infant and mother. The child’s messages are in the form of cries, smiles, and other body language. The mother responds to these messages. From her behavior, the infant’s behavior acquires meaning. Each interaction with a family member is a contingency dilemma, the solution of which teaches the infant how to get rewards and avoid unpleasant consequences. Parents further define behavior as the child grows. The proper role for each stage of development is learned. If mutual expectations are met, the child will modify behavior to meet the changing expectations of family and society. With growth, the child acquires language, slowly at first but with increasing rapidity. Language enhances communication and enables the child to better meet parental expectations. With verbal communication come values and attitudes as a child tries to mirror his/her parental modes. These aspects of socialization are called identification and internalization. This process by which an individual internalizes values and attitudes, beliefs and convictions, norms and sanction and acquires the culturally accepted behavior patterns of his/her group is what we have to label as socialization.

Anthropologists named the early stages of socialization child rearing. The patterns of child care, the behavior which is emphasized or discouraged, and the pattern models which are rewarded or punished are all culturally determined. Such cross-parent child-rearing practices explain similar personality configurations on a society. Thus, our knowledge of Philippine child-rearing patterns aids us in understanding the Filipino personality. Widely spread behavioral norms such as respect for elders, utang-na-loob (reciprocity), pakikisama (maintaining harmonious relationships, courteous language, hiya, and amor propio emerge from similar parenting styles.

Theories of Socialization Social scientists maintain that human behavior is learned from others rather than determined biologically. Some theories that support this explanation are the reinforcement theory, cognitive theory, symbolic interaction theory, and interpersonal theory. Reinforcement theory, as described by Thorndike and Skinner, claims that the individual can be conditioned to act in any way if the appropriate rewards and punishment are repeatedly applied. In contrast, cognitive theory is concerned with the internal state of the individual, his/her perceptions and increasing abstract reasoning ability, as he/she learns, at varying ages, participate in society. Symbolic interactions claims that individuals are capable of creating their own solutions to life’s problems. It emphasizes the role of language in socialization and focuses on the individual’s self-concept arising from interaction with others. Thus, the symbols to which people attach meaning and value are the basis of human communication. Cooley maintained that each person develops a self and feelings about this self through interactions with others. He emphasized this point in his concept of the “looking-glass self”, with the notion that a person’s self is a reflection of how others perceive him/her. There are three steps we follow in the process of building our looking-glass self: (1) our understanding of how we look to others; (2) our notion of the way others judge the image we think they perceive; and (3) our interpretation of the importance and meaning of the judgment of others. In infancy and childhood, we gain impressions of our looking-glass self primarily from our parents and other family members with whom we have intimate contact. A child who learns from his/her family that he/she is inferior may cling to a feeling of inadequacy even though he/she attains spectacular success in later life. Conversely, a child who develops self-confidence from his/her family may preserve that feeling even though he/she meets with disappointment in adult life. In later life, however, we do tend to become discriminating in the selection of our social mirrors. This means that as we mature, we select reference groups to whom we give special attention. Our reference group consists of people whose opinions and judgment we value. This varies with different individuals – the scholar would probably be concerned about the reactions

of other scholars, the adolescent about his/her image with his/her peer group, and the student about the opinions of teachers and classmates. It is not necessarily true that the image we get from our reference groups is an accurate one, since our perception and interpretation may be faulty. It may be that an ego-boosting remark we take at face value is flattery, while a scolding may have been caused by the boss’ headache rather than a reaction to our inadequacy. Life is a continual round of reappraisals, with many chances of making mistakes in forming the looking-glass self. As with other explanations of how we create ourselves, however, it is important to note that things we learn earliest are those most difficult to change in later life, thus, early influences and images tend to dominate our lives. Sullivan’s interpersonal theory emphasizes that human beings are the product of their relationships with significant others (like the reference group), or individuals important to them. Individuals seek goals of satisfaction and security (feelings of belonging). Anxiety is that result of a feeling of alternation and disapproval. In relating to others, individuals develop many ways which are designed to reduce tension and conflict in interpersonal relations. For example, the child tends to emphasize those aspects which are pleasing to significant adults. In focusing on those performances which bring favor or disfavor, the self is developed as a system of reflected appraisals. A child is born into a society with an established pattern of role relationships. There is a range of behavior expected between various persons depending on sex, age, status, and other factors. Each individual develops a concept of self as a result of early relationships which become increasingly difficult to change as more learning takes place. This self-concept is learned from significant other people and leads to predictability within the family. An individual’s personality develops within the matrix of interpersonal experiences – he/she becomes, in part, a compromise between their expectations and individual’s own capacities. Personality patterns are learned and since the demands of different cultures are different, so are the personalities which emerge as responses to those demands. The emphasis is on current motivation – the present determinants of behavior. As the prescribed roles change, so does the child, sometimes gradually, sometimes abruptly. Role definitions change with age; therefore, the child’s behavior also changes. New behavior is a fulfillment of shared expectations rather than an expression of earlier childhood expectations. Since interpersonal theory is culturally oriented, it is necessary to look for different personality dynamics, different areas of conflict, and different personalities. This theory provides the concepts needed for the understanding of differences and offers the possibility of identifying other conflict areas which would be denied by a more instinctive theory with its emphasis on physiological universals. The theory also points to areas of fruitful inquiry since it emphasizes the importance of role models and the expectations of significant others. It is important to consider the attitudes and reports of mothers, as well as the activities the child shares with the mother or with significant older persons.

None of these theories is wrong. All can be helpful in describing and explaining the intricacies of human socialization. Because of its group emphasis, symbolic interaction is the theory with which sociologists are most comfortable. Socialization in the Philippines Studies in the Philippines child-rearing practices have been conducted by a number of social scientists. Psychologists Guthrie and Jacobs describe the expectations and behavior of Philippine parents toward their children. They attempt to interpret the role of early childhood experience in the determination of Filipino adult behavior and personality using Sullivan’s theory of interpersonal relationships as a basis. In the Filipino family, children are generally considered assets, blessings, “gift from God”. Family life is centered on them. Filipino children are usually breastfed on a flexible schedule for about a year. Their other needs are taken care of as long as possible. Dependency becomes a conflict area only when disapproved and is usually interpreted in the framework of close interpersonal relationships and respect. Parents teach their children how to handle hurt, anger, fear, and curiosity and to control their whims or desires in culturally approved ways. Filipino children have many opportunities to observe adult models since they are not excluded from adult activities and are generally surrounded by many members of the family. Since they are in continuous contact with adults, they soon learn the techniques of dealing with stress and of getting along with others. Modesty, respect, self-control, and hiya serve to suppress expressions of anger or disobedience. In a wide network of interpersonal relationships, Filipino children learn the value of utang-na-loob – a pattern of reciprocal obligations, gratitude and loyalty. They become considerate of others and sensitive to what others think of them. Age, sex, and role are important factors to consider in raising children. Role behavior is related to the position and status of the individual in the family and that of the family in the community. The older children have special tasks and responsibilities toward the younger ones and in turn are entitled to a certain respect. After the age of five, sex roles become somewhat more defined. At puberty, work and play activities for boys and girls are more clearly differentiated. Masculine and feminine role expectations are communicated to young adolescents as they approach manhood or womanhood. Special tasks and responsibilities are taught to the child through demand training which takes place when the child is able to understand instructions. The most consistent form of demand training, particularly among lower-income families, is asking the child to do errands. This is practiced to a lesser extent in the middle- and upper –income families where domestic helpers do the errands. Parental values and expectations as well as concepts of ideal behavior influence parents’ behavior toward their children. Expectations still emerge from the traditional culture. Filipino parents value respect, obedience, gratitude, and trust in God. However, modern influences like education, mass media, and exposure to other cultures often cause the younger generation to

question the ways of their parents. The result is a mixture of old and new patterns. Attitudes and practices surrounding birth, feeding and weaning, toilet training, dependency, hostility, and sexuality are undergoing change even as some traditional elements remain. As the Filipino child grows older, the influence of playmates in the neighborhood, the peer group, and later, classmates in school becomes greater. Paz P. Mendez and F. Landa Jocano describe peer influence on the Filipino adolescent. Sociologically speaking, adolescence is that stage in life where the individual emerges from the family cocoon to widen his/her social circle. It does not constitute emancipation for the kin nor the replacement of the family. Filipino adolescents develop close ties with a peer group, the barkada. Peers are considered a very important reference group. In selecting friends, adolescents place high value on personality and similarity of interests, and are quite selective. Members of the barkada feel very comfortable with each other on boy-girl relationships, school, family, sports, and recreation. The barkada fosters unity and cohesion among its members, especially during joint activities, whether picking fruit from a neighbor’s yard, dancing in town fiestas, or doing volunteer work in beautifying the church or town plaza. In urban areas, the barkada find themselves watching movies, eating, or shopping, joining sports or beautification activities in the residential subdivisions, or just studying together. These Philippine patterns of socialization throw light on Filipino personality traits such as hospitality, politeness, close emotional family ties, utang-na-loob, pakikisama, hiya, amor popio, and sensitivity, and the often contrasting modern characteristics of practicality, autonomy, success, achievement, progress, and productivity now espoused mainly in urban areas. In fear of too rapid change, family-life movements and organizations in the local, regional, and national levels, and in church, in government, and in civic agencies give much attention to the culture-preserving primary role of the family in the socialization and development of today’s Filipino youth. Formal education also plays an important role in Philippine socialization, since high premium is placed on college degrees and titles. Nonformal programs like seminars, workshops, and skill-training courses also prepare the individual to be a responsible and productive member of society. The government has acknowledged the tremendous contribution of nonformal programs to socialization with the institutionalization of the Bureau of Nonformal Education in the Department of Education. The Philippines has joined the worldwide movement of basic knowledge, skills, and values that allow adults and out-of-school youth to improve the quality of their life and increase their opportunities to participate in the development process. Membership and participation in religious activities in the parish and in the barangay also play a part in the socialization of the Filipino. Later, adult socialization continues on the farm, in the factory, and in other work environments. With the influx of modern ideas and better education, Filipino women – who comprise half of the population – have become more aware of their rights and have organized women’s groups. Through wider participation in activities outside the home, in the labor force, in the professions and in other community affairs, Filipino women play an increasingly significant role in the development of society. Quite a number, including the first woman president, Corazon C. Aquino (1986-1992), have made an impact on both national and international movements. But

though Filipinas have both status and power vis a vis men, public leadership positions come slowly. Equal pay for equal work, protection from unfair labor practices, and liberation from sexual harassment and exploitation in the workplace still remain to be achieved particularly for women from lower-income groups. CONFORMITY Human life is a group life. It is people living together, sharing a common culture that regulates their collective existence and provides methods for the satisfaction of their needs and their adaptation to their environment. Normative systems prescribe the behavior required of members to maintain order and stability and to coordinate the people’s activities in the pursuit of group goals and objectives. Norms are rules and regulations, formal or informal, which specify (1) the modes of behavior and the acceptable means to achieve desired ends, (2) the specific roles of individuals occupying different positions, and (3) the actions permitted or prohibited to certain members of a group. Since members of a social group are bound together by their adherence to a common culture, it is easy to understand why some degree of conformity to group norms is necessary. The erosion of confidence in the cultural norms of a social group leads to anomie – lawlessness and social instability – and tends to destroy the group, just as the deterioration of the cement which blinds bricks together in a wall will leave only a pile of rubble hardly resembling the original structure. Thus, the continuity of social life is safeguarded by formal or informal means of social control, censure, and punishment of those members who refuse to follow the acceptable patterns of behavior. Social order can be maintained only if social life is organized and institutions defined and regulated through folkways, customs, mores, rules, and laws.

Conformity and Social Control Social control, then, is the process by which conformity and adherence to socialization and approved values are ensured. The means of social control in a group are varied. They range from the socialization process itself, in which the members are taught what is considered to be desirable or undesirable, to coercion, physical violence, propaganda, and other less obvious ways of imposing conformity. In modern times, the influence of mass media – newspapers, radio, cinema, and TV – is recognized as a powerful means of social control under most circumstances. In the hands of those with no loyalty to the culture, however, the media can be used to undermine norms. Some of the pressures toward conformity come from individuals, since most of their needs, interests, and desires can be satisfied only with their social group. In a sense, these are developmental, since they are acquired by the person in the course of social experiences. Other forces that ensure conformity are external, derived from the demands of social life. Formal and institutionalized means of social control are enforced by authority, power, law, government, and

religion. Informal control consists of mores and traditions, unwritten standards and values, and sanctions and punishment. The individual acquires the internal constraints that encourage conformity in the process of socialization which begins in the family, the peer group, and the school. In the course of socialization, the individual learns to be sensitive to the judgment, opinions, and expectations of others. These serve as effective instruments of social control. DEVIANCE For the most part, human behavior does follow the social norm, but there are occasional individuals whose behavior does not agree with the practices of society. These individuals have developed a general attitude or specific interest which society does not encourage. In a society which emphasizes a sense of the group or community, an independent-minded individual may be looked upon as lacking loyalty. Among cultures that have a tendency toward understatement and nonverbal communication, frankness may not be appreciated. Women and young people who are outspoken may be considered aggressive or disrespectful. In most cases, socialization effectively develops conforming citizens. However, human nature and society are too complex for us to expect absolute uniformity. Deviation does occur. There will be some individuals whose actions do not coincide with the type of behavior desired by the society. In a closed, traditional society, such individuals are often shunned and/or isolated by group members. In an open and more democratic society, they may be tolerated and have some chance to influence the values of the group. Given the opportunities, they may become great inventors and social innovators. In a rigidly authoritarian society, however, they could become frustrated or persecuted victims of strict adherence to traditional norms and standards.

Deviance and Social Change Moreover, it must be recognized that society is not a static structure that can exist without change. Any social group is dynamic both in process and structure. Group life requires some room for freedom and creativity. Progress cannot be achieved without some degree of deviation and change. Absolute conformity to social norms stifles the individual and leads to passivity, indifference, and stagnation. The occurrence of rallies, pickets, strikes, civil disobedience, student activism, and other forms of demonstrations and rebel movements may be viewed as signs of protests against the prevailing norms and practices of the established social, political, and economic order. New ideas and changing values and attitudes lead to new behavior and may be escalate into social movements and start social change. Social change refers to a significant shift or modification in the lifestyle of a society, affecting major segments of the population and bringing about transformation of its social structure, its institutions, and its traditional values and patterns of behavior. Social change may

lead to either development or retrogression. The deviant may be an innovative thinker championing constructive ideas, a radical misfit attacking the social order, or a maladjusted person caught in the grip of a destructive vice. Though revolution can bring about rapid change in political institutions, socio-cultural change always occurs slowly. This explains why most revolutions ultimately fail. Seventy years of the Communist Revolution failed to create the “New Soviet Man”. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) broke apart into Russia and other states. The Russians survived a 70-year attempt at resocialization.

Form of Deviant Behavior When an individual’s behavior transgresses the norms of the group, he/she is subjected to negative social sanctions such as disapproval, ridicule, deprivation, or punishment. One may deviate either by resisting social norms or by observing them more fully than the average person. Florence Nightingale, who introduce wartime nursing, and the infamous murderer Jack the Ripper, are both deviants. The saint and the criminal, the genius and the school failure are all deviants. The constructive type of deviant retards it. Both, however, may suffer because their behavior varies greatly from that of the average person. Either type is an interesting social phenomenon, but in this text, our emphasis will be on the destructive type. Techniques for social control are never completely effective in any society. Some amount of deviations is tolerated as long as minimum conformity to the cultural standard is maintained. Deviation itself is patterned rather than random. Merton points out four distinct forms of deviance: innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion. Innovation, as a form of deviance, refers to the use of new or illicit techniques to achieve desired ends. When society’s goals are stressed more heavily than the methods by which they are reached, people are likely to disregard moral or legal standards to achieve them. The individual acquires the cultural emphasis of the goals without internalizing the norms by which they are reached. For example, people in business may use unfair practices to gain big profits, students may cheat on exams or use bribery to obtain high grades or a pace in the government board exams. However, innovation may also mean the individual finds ways to an approved goal which saves him/her time and effort, without the use of illicit means. This type of innovator is what modern society rewards – a person able to save time and effort while achieving desired social goals. Realism results when one who cannot achieve valued goals gives up trying but continuous to conform to prevailing rules and outward forms to ally the anxieties created by lowered levels of aspiration. An example is the meticulous, rule-abiding official or the cautious, fearful employee who over – conforms. Retreatism is a total escape from a situation where one cannot achieve desired goals and gives up all sanctioned means to reach them. Retreatism is, thus, a complete rejection of valued

ends and approved means. We may consider drug addicts, alcoholics, and prostitutes as falling under this category. Rebellion results from the frustration generated by very limited opportunities to reach desired goals and leads to alienation form the norms, standards, and institutions by which the goals are normally reached. Rebels advocate change and the introduction of new values and institutions. Examples are student activists who reject prevailing norms and resort to disapproved means, including violence, to achieve their ends. Drug abusers, some from affluent and prominent families, may have started on drugs as a form of rebellion against any number of factors – parental neglect, over-permissiveness, rigid authority, corruption. Drug addiction is often a misguided attempt to shake off social control. Individuals, having been warned against drugs by parents and teachers, suspect that these authority figures are trying to deny them something that must be very good. As adolescents, they are looking for ways to evade being controlled and to manifest their independence. They little realize that drug addiction becomes more confining than the most rigid adult control. Teachers, physicians, and parents object to drugs not because they wish to control the youth; rather, they wish to guide them toward freedom of choice, as they know that free choice ends when slavery to drugs begins. The deviant-turned-drug-addict has given up on life and has abandoned real independence. To a great extent, drug therapy centers on helping the individual regain lost freedom. In Jocano’s study of slum dwellers in Manila, he points to the street-corner gangs (kantoboys and barkada) as a prominent feature of slum life. Street-corner gangs get involved in street fights and petty crimes and often end up as criminals later in life. He reveals how deviant females become involved in prostitution and other activities. These deviant groups develop their own distinct subculture. They have goals, set up norms, and put up sanctions, creating their own forms of social control. The youthful deviant may be manifesting independence, but he/she is definitely a conformist in the barkada. Aldaba-Lim states that, in the mid-eighties, a new breed of vulnerable children and youth drug dependents, teen-aged mothers, and child prostitutes has arisen in the cities and capitals of the developing world, including Manila. These street children have lost the basic support mechanism of their families, are left on their own, and are subject to abuse, exploitation, and other dangers. As is true in other developing nations, there are deep economic roots to the problems of child abandonment and prostitution in the Philippines, Aldaba-Lim asserts that the real problem of the street child is not abandonment but poverty – of the land, of education, of potential, of esteem, of opportunity. A poverty of the body and of the spirit. This problem is on-going. There are millions of street children roaming Philippine urban centers. Almost a hundred thousand live in the streets of Metropolitan Manila. Despite programs such as day-care centers, street schools, and shelters supported by government and nongovernment organizations, this number is expected to grow as a comprehensive solution to the problem of poverty eludes political and social institutions. The Philippines is the only country among the Northeast Asian and Association of Southeast Asian (ASEAN) countries where the incidence of poverty and the number of poor families actually increased during the 1980’s. The

new addition to the ranks of the poor numbered about 3.1 million from 1985 to 1991 (giving a kind of glimpse but not the updated figure). Individual or group deviation gives rise to social problems. Deviant behavior is a disregard for standards of propriety. It varies from mild misdemeanors, amusing or irritating eccentricities, apathetic neglect of responsibilities, violations of the law, and covert defiance of sexual mores to delinquency and crime. To some extent, deviance may represent a failure in socialization. Deviant behavior, however, is too complex a phenomenon to be explained solely by faulty socialization. Changing conditions in society like economic crisis, political instability, and more decadence often result in social disorder. Deviance often becomes a problem because of the intolerance of a conforming society. Drug addicts turn to crime because outlawing of drugs has made the drugs too expensive for them to buy on an average income. Similarly, homosexual behavior may become flagrant because homosexuals feel unable to openly proclaim their sexual preference. Though society may “cause” deviant behavior, it does not invalidate its consequences. The drug addict inevitably suffers from a slowness of response which is likely to cause accidents in an industrialized society. Also, drug-induced lethargy and lowered energy output could seriously hinder social advance if drug addiction affected a high proportion of the populace. Homosexuality has problems regardless of the attitudes of “straight” society. Perhaps the most dramatic is the association of homosexuality with the dreaded acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), a disease for which there is no cure even until now. Medical reports indicate that homosexual activity and use of nonsterile drug paraphernalia are major factors related to the transmission of AIDS.

Crimes Crimes involving assault against persons and property are found in every nation, and the Philippines is no exception. The use of bodyguards and the presence of authorized and unauthorized vigilantes testify to a growing fear of criminal activity. Total crimes in Manila have increased, particularly heinous crimes such as rape, armed robbery, and kidnapping. This has prompted police authorities to equip their staff with more powerful firearms to cope with rising crime. The general upsurge in violence in the countryside, partially the result of New People’s Army (NPA) and Muslim separatist group activity, has made many once-quiet rural districts even more perilous than the city slums. There are no simple answers to the crime problem. Police and courts are essential, but their effectiveness is greater when supported by a unified citizenry. If there is a general moral consensus and relatively few deviants, crime is minimized. When there is conflict and no general respect for law, crime abounds. Poverty usually increases

the crime rate, but prosperity is never so great that some people do not find crime tempting. Crime is usually of greatest in rapidly growing areas with large numbers of teenagers and young people rather than in relatively stable communities. The greatest deterrent to crime is a cohesive family system accompanied by effective schools, strong churches, a dependable economy, and population stability. To the extent that areas lack any of these, they will be faced by high rates of criminal activity.

CRIMES and DELINQUENCY 2014 Reported Crimes Total 1,161,188 Solved -------Efficiency Rate (%) -------Index Crimes 492,772 Crime against Persons 258,444 Murder 9,945 Homicide 5,520 Physical Injury 232,685 Rape 10,294 Crime against Property 231,005 Robbery 52,798 Theft 164,589 Carnapping 12,517 Cattle Rustling 1,101 Solved -----Efficiency Rate (%) -----Non-index Crime 510,378 Solved -----Efficiency Rate (%) -----Crime Rate (per 100,000 population) Philippines 1,004 Index 493 Non-index 511

Source: Philippines in Figures 2015

2012

2013

217,812

1,033,833

79,878

295,237

36.67

28.56

129,161

457,944

51,069

245,821

8,484

9,072

3,022

6,409

34,825 4,378 78,092

222,931 7,409 212,123

26,968

52,578

43,606

146,583

6,919

11,326

579

1,656

50,142

112,634

26.1

24.6

88,651

575,889

60,574

182,603

68.33

31.71

226

1,053

134

466

92

586

5. SOCIAL PROCESSES The more things change, the more they stay the same. - Old, old, cliché Society constantly changes. The ways in which changes occur are called social processes. A concise definition of a social process is that it is the “repetitive interaction that creates patterns of interaction called social structure. This underlying form of social organization affects and sometimes dominates the behavior, attitudes, and values which explain other social processes. Those processes include here are competition and conflict, assimilation and acculturation, cooperation and differentiation, stratification and amalgamation. These social processes always involve more than one person, but they may apply to large or small groups. Since much of the activity of social life may be understood in terms of these processes, it may be helpful to make a in brief analysis of each type, but first it is a must to see and examine social structure.

SOCIAL STRUCTURE There are three and only three dimensions that describe the ways in which people can interact. These are direction, number and intensity. In direction, individuals can interact with people at the same social level as themselves (horizontal interaction) or with people either socially above or below them (vertical interaction). In number, individuals can interact either horizontally or vertically with one other person (dyadic interaction) or with more than one person (polyadic interaction). In intensity, individuals can interact with others vertically or horizontally, dyadicly or polyadicly; and, infrequently, on a single matter of little importance (single stranded) or, frequently, on many matters of great importance (multistranded). Interaction between Social Classes The terms horizontal and vertical are used to designate different types of class relationships. If one has horizontal relationships, this means that interaction is confined largely to those of the same social class. Thus, the rich would associate with the rich, the poor with the poor, and the middle classes with other in-betweens. Horizontal relationships seem like the most natural type to many people, since those at the same class level are likely to face common problems and are inclined to have a similar view of life. Those who do not react this way, especially if they are of a lower class, are often accused of lacking class consciousness. In spite of the supposed ease of interaction with those of the same class level, the Philippines has many examples of vertical relationships. Two kinds of structure dominate Philippine life – vertical and horizontal.

Vertical relationships externals to the extended family are often in the form known as a patron-client relationship in which the rich family is the patron, protecting the other family in times of trouble, through some forms as loaning or giving money, helping to see that education is available for the children, providing emergency health care, and the like. The poor family, in return, may render personal service and often political support to the patron family. If life is seen in terms of conflict, the conflict will be not between different social classes, but between two or more sets of patrons and clients. The patron-client relationship create a vertical, dyadic, multistranded structure. Relationships within a family are mainly horizontal, dyadic, multistranded structures even as though, within the nuclear family, the relationships are polyadic and not dyadic. Each of these structures has different behavior and value rules pertaining to communication, needs fulfillment, and stability.

Communication Behavior and Value Rules In a multistranded relationship, communication is informal and carried out face-to-face. This is called communication behavior. In a vertical relationship, messages flow in vertical patterns with more messages from top (patron) to bottom (client) and fewer from bottom to top. Horizontal communication is limited, even frowned upon, because the goal is to keep clients oriented toward the patron’s need. In a horizontal, multistranded relationship, vertical communication is limited and is used to connect the family to the larger world. This is known as communication direction. In a vertical relationship, peremptory commands come from above, humble requests from below. Polite terms are used to distinguish the command role (patron) from that of the subordinate (client). These are referred to as communication styles.

Need Fulfillment Behavior and Value Rules In vertical relationships, the value of things exchanged appear unequal to the external observer, but to those in the relationship, they appear equal. Good patrons must provide whatever they can for their followers. This often leads, in political and economic life, to what other cultures may call cronyism, favoritism, and nepotism. To Filipinos, this behavior is generally seen as necessary and acceptable as long as it does not exceed some unstated norm. In horizontal, multistranded, dyadic relationship, the needs of family members are usually dissimilar. But things exchanged to meet needs are of roughly equal value.

Participation Behavior and Value Rules In patron-client relationships, clients are easily and frequently mobilized by patrons. In agriculture, clients, when called, quickly appear to work the patron’s land. Politicians build extensive patron-client networks to gain both votes and campaign workers. Business managers likewise find that client workers can be motivated to greater productivity.

Stability Behavior and Value Rules Multistranded relationships are highly stable. The degree of stability is inversely related to the speed of change. This is because the greater the number of strands which tie people together, the more upsetting change is. On the other hand, though change may be slow, these relationships create strong feelings of belonging. Few individuals feel either alienation or anomie.

Social Structural Norms Structures require glue of some kind to hold them together. In vertical or horizontal, multistranded societies, a set of social norms serves as the glue. These norms have different names in different multistranded societies, but regardless of name, they perform similar functions. In the Philippines, patron-client dyads and horizontal, multistranded relationships are supported by the norms of utang-na-loob, hiya, and compradrazgo (ritual parenthood). Utang-na-loob informs people of the continuing obligation they owe others, whether they are at the same or at different social levels. Hiya is the sense of shame felt by individuals and their kin when debts of obligation are unpaid. Compradrazgo is used to link families to the larger world. Usually, the family attaches itself to important patrons, the ritual parents, who can help the family survive. More often, ritual parents are higher on the social ladder, although occasionally, they may be of the same social level, and serve to expand the size of the kinship group.

STRATIFICATION It is customary for the geologist, in analyzing the earth’s surface, to indicate different layers (strata) which have different geological characteristics. In somewhat the same way, the sociologist looks at society as comprising different class layers or strata and thus speaks of stratification. Stratification involves a great many aspects since it means that people in different strata have different privileges, different responsibilities, different education, and different attitudes

toward religion, government, and family. The basis for stratification is the difference in wealth and income. In rural Philippines, these differences are expressed primarily – but not exclusively – in land ownership. In the past, it was not uncommon for a few hundreds or even thousands of hectares of land while many others were landless. Some individuals were very large landowners; others were moderate or small landowners; others were tenants; and still others, the agricultural laborers, with no claim to even a parcel of land. Land reform has altered this situation in many parts of the country and is still important although, as Malcolm Churchill states, it is now important for equity reasons, not for economic reasons. Population has grown so rapidly, it has already outstripped the availability of land, and land reform can, therefore, no longer make a significant contribution to economic growth. There simply is no longer enough land to go around, leaving many rural people landless and entirely dependent on wage labor. In urban areas, stratification is manifested through prestige and income in different professions and business occupations. The physician has more prestige and income than the wage laborer and, therefore, occupies a higher rank in stratification. Likewise, the army general is regarded differently than the junior-grade officer or the private. Rural society tends to have relatively few occupations and a great gulf exists between large landowners and the rest of the rural populace. Urban society also often has a great gulf between the top and bottom brackets, though it tends to develop many occupations of intermediate prestige and income which constitute the middle class. Stratification in the Philippines has not been so much a way of separating different groups of society as it has been a way of bringing them together. Many observers have remarked on the presence of vertical patron-client relationships where an individual in the lower class, usually a tenant or farm laborer, follows the lead of the more substantial landowners. He/She looks to them for favors and, in return, assists them with labor and votes during elections. Thus, the factions in the rural scene are more likely to be between various groups of tenants and landlords than a division between different social-class groups. Similarly, a tradition is established whereby leadership is expected to come from the upper strata. This vertical relationship minimized some of the stress and conflict which might otherwise occur in the rural society though it may reduce the initiative of those in the lower strata.

CONFLICT AND COMPETITION The two processes are often confused both in theory and in practice. They each imply a struggle for scarce goods. In conflict, the struggle is carried on by eliminating or weakening those who might become competitors. In competition, the struggle is carried on through the development of excellence. Thus, if two store owners were in competition, each owner would endeavor to attract customers by selling goods at lower prices and by giving better service. If they were in conflict instead of competition, they might seek to physically harm one another or destroy each other’s property.

Conflict Whenever human beings are gathered together, conflict usually occurs. This conflict often comes about because one party or the other finds that his/her amor propio has been hurt. Philippine culture has devised a number of techniques, known as pakikisama in some areas, which are designed to prevent or minimize conflict arising from this source. Conflict also occurs because people feel that others have not kept their status obligations – that landlords have not been sufficiently considerate of their tenant, parents of their child or children of their elders. Group conflict results not because of personal wrongs, but because of identification with groups thought to have opposing interests. It often takes two forms in the Philippines. One is conflict between economic groups; the other is conflict between ethnic groups. A persistent conflict between ethnic groups is that between Christians and non-Christians in Mindanao, one which has revolved around land ownership. The non-Christian family does not have a legal document to prove their ownership of a piece of land. They have always lived there and assumed that the land was something that could not really be sold. The Christian settlers, however, are generally family with legal forms governing land ownership and have obtained the proper papers. Thus, a varied definition of land ownership is involved. Non-Christians frequently feel they are being defrauded of what are rightfully theirs, while the Christians feel that they have complied with all the requirements of law made for the transfer of land. This kind of tension has erupted in Muslim-Christian conflict and there is also occasional conflict between members of smaller non-Muslim groups and Christian settlers. Economic conflict often involves a landlord and tenant. During the last three or four centuries, there have been occasional instances when usually a forceful leader and proceeded to attack the haciendas of the landlords and sometimes the towns in which absentee landlords resided. The tenants would loot, rape, and kill in their desire to avenge real or fancied wrongs. Such movements, sometimes classified under the term colorum, frequently had somewhat of a religious base with the leader claiming to have a divine type of revelation. These revolts were local in character and were eventually put down. Later, the socioreligious movements were joined by NPA which had a Communist base. These movements kept some parts of the country in considerable turmoil. The peasant movement frequently became a government within itself, which levied taxes and took vengeance on those who informed the government authorities against them. These movements have never had enough nationwide appeal to alter the balance of Philippine politics, but they have been quite significant in several local areas. Sometimes labor disputes reach the conflict stage. When this happens, the labor union tries to drive the employer out of business or the employer seeks to destroy the union. The union’s weapon is a strike, which prevents the employer from doing business, while the employer’s weapons is a lockout, which deprives the labor union members of wages.

Usually, strikes do not quite reach the conflict stage and are a means of testing the intensity of feeling. That is, they indicate both how strongly a business will resist the union’s demands and how strongly workers will resist an employer’s offers. Ordinarily, both sides are anxious to settle and agreement is reached. However, strikes can reach a destructive conflict phase and labor legislation seeks to prevent this. In a high-unemployment society, however, the union’s strike weapon is far less effective than in a nation whose labor is scarce. Disputes between different groups within a nation have sometimes reached the stage of civil war as in the mid-1990s situation in Bosnia when other alternatives failed and two sides resorted to armed conflict. The cost of conflict is evident to the casual observer. In addition to the loss of life and property, there is also the disruption of social relationships. When conflict is at a high pitch, it is practically impossible to carry on the normal processes of human living. Anyone who has the ability to reflect on social cost is therefore anxious to limit or avoid conflict, if at all possible. Because once begun, the conflict process is difficult to stop. Each aggressive act instigates a still more hostile retaliation. The conflict process tends to grow more bitter as it proceeds. Grievances are told and retold within each group and hostile attitudes are intensified. As a result, each group develops a set of moral arguments which justify a chain of even more savage retaliations. Conflict may frequently escalate to a point where the cost of the battle is far greater than any possible gains which might be won. Having detailed the cost of conflict, we should perhaps ask if there are any possible gains from conflict. The major gain is probably that conflict forces us to face issues and to do something about them. In this respect, group conflict may be compared to the effect of a fever in the human body – costly and dangerous but calling attention to deep-seated troubles which must be remedied if health is to be maintained. Just as the treatment of a fever goes beyond merely maintaining order and tries to treat the basic disturbance. The end result of the conflict maybe the issues are resolved – at least for a time – in a fairly definite manner. An example might be seen in the religious differences. Instead of just piously deploring the conflict, the moderates became committed to a definite program – the separation of the church and state – so that religious differences might be tolerated. Perhaps, if the Philippines had been forced in times past to reach some definite resolution of Muslim-Christian differences, later conflict might have been avoided. As indicated before, some sociologists see conflict as the major social process. They interpret social life as a constant conflict interrupted by an occasional truce. Other sociologists see social life as, primarily, cooperation disturbed by occasional conflict. The cost of conflict has stimulated efforts to settle disputes without a resort to violence. Foremost among these are the establishment of courts of law. Persons who feel they have been injured by other people may bring suit for compensation. Thus, they have a chance to protect their interests without engaging their opponent in armed combat. The substitution of judicial decision for personal conflict is one of the high achievements of a civilized society.

Since courts tend to be slow and litigation expensive, there is sometimes an agreement to use the less formal process of arbitration. Under this system, two or more disputants agree to accept the decision of a third party. This process is often used in labor relations as a means of protecting both employees and employers while avoiding strikes. All of these alternatives in conflict are very likely to involve compromise. Opponents have to settle for less than their complete objectives to come to an agreement. Compromise is always difficult and often seems like a surrender of noble ideas. However, it may contribute more to human progress than a conflict which kills people and destroys national property.

Competition Competition is both personal and impersonal. It has often been said that other than romantic, there is relatively little intense personal competition in rural Philippines. This, however, is not to say that there are no clear-cut illustrations of competition in the rural scene. Certain aspects of the barrio/barangay fiesta are strongly competitive, for example, the race for barangay queen or muse. The competition surrounding this event may reach an intensity which produces some conflict and results in families spending large sums preparing and presenting their candidate to the community. The barangay public schools is a principal purveyor of competition in rural Philippine life. The vying for scholastic honors and other positions of prominence sparks sharp competition among those who can stay in the running. The same children and families may be involved year after year. Such competition is not limited to the child alone; it may extend to whole families and may even result in “bad blood” between family groups, where real or imagined injustices are involved. Rural athletic events, especially basketball, volleyball, and softball, contribute to the development of the spirit of competition between teams and barangays. Certain barangays become well-known for producing hard-fighting teams and these teams extend the image of the barangay as they match skills with other barangay teams. In spite of this, college physical education teachers complain that one of the many deterrents to the healthy development of highly skilled teams is that a spirit of competition, as well as training in the basic playing skills, has to be built up. They have noted this lack of competitive spirit in students from the rural areas. In urban areas as well, intense personal competition is found in the classroom and in romantic situations. Everyone knows the joy of being favored by one of the opposite sex and the pain of being rejected. Marriage, supposedly, limits, even if it does not end, this romantic competition. The ranking of students by grades is a form of competition in which the top student may get a scholarship and the bottom one flunked. Contests for political office or for leadership positions in organizations also involve keen competition.

Effects of Competition Competition operates as one method of allocating scarce rewards. Who can best cultivate a particular section of farmland? This could be decided on the basis of land title. But if a family is going to keep the title, it must be willing to exert the energy and care required to enable it to meet the cost of operation and still make a profit. Who are to be hired by the upper echelons of government and business? Those who have competitively demonstrated their superiority. Who are to enjoy the luxuries of society? Those whose competitive prowess in business, farming, or other activities has brought them this kind of reward. It would be possible to allocate scarce goods by other methods. We might ration goods on the basis of need, age, or social status. We might distribute scarce goods by lottery or we could divide them equally among all people. Each of these methods creates difficulties. Needs are highly debatable; people do not have identical needs and it is difficult to figure out whose needs should be considered the most important. Giving equal rewards to people who are unequal in their needs, effort, or abilities seems certain to be disputed. Competition is an imperfect method of assigning rewards, but it works and eliminates a lot of arguments. To some extent, competition promotes the activity of the total group. When people strive for scarce prizes, they necessarily exert themselves in ways that contribute to group welfare. Any teacher knows how a contest may energize lethargic students. The thrill of a race or contest is one of the best incentives to stimulate creative effort. This has even been applied in Socialist countries which formerly abhorred the idea of competition but now have factories engaged in contests with each other for maximum increase in production in what is frankly described as “Socialist competition”. The farmer may be only dimly aware of impersonal competition, but he/she feels its effects keenly. For instance, sugar from the Philippines is in competition with sugar form Brazil. If Brazilian sugar planters can produce sugar more cheaply than Filipino planters, the price will fall and Philippine producers will either have to accept lower returns or shift to another crop. On the farm, the one with the plow and the carabao is in competition with the one with the tractor. The extent to which one or the other will be used in a farming operation depends on their respective performance in terms of capital and labor costs. Thus, a great deal of rural life is determined by forces of competition, of which the farmer may be only dimly aware. These competitive forces may stimulate farmers to greater effort, but these also limit the adjustments they can make. The limitation comes from the fact that any change in farming operations, which increases costs, may damage the competitive position of the farmer in either the national or the international market. Advertisements in the newspapers, TV, and radio are constant reminders of business competition. Businesses seek patronage by convincing consumers that their products are cheaper or of better quality than those of their competitors.

Limits to Competition There are, of course, limits to the extent competition may stimulate human energy. Some people may feel inferior or be so discouraged by frequent losses that they refuse to compete. Consequently, competition must be restricted so that all contestants feel they have a chance. A business concern will frequently have a contest so arranged that all the salespeople stand to win something even though only one can get the first prize. In golf, players will assign a number of strokes to be taken off the score of those who are less skillful to keep the game on a more even basis. Governments set minimum wages to create a floor beneath which the wages of the less capable will not be allowed to fall. Promotion may be based on seniority as much on merit. A final difficulty with competition is the tendency to turn competition into a conflict. To accept defeat while a coveted reward is claimed by a more skillful competitor is not easy and the rules of competition are often broken by a resort to conflict. Indeed, competition is not applicable in every situation and creates difficulties, but it remains a useful process in social life.

ASSIMILATION AND ACCULTURATION Assimilation is the term used for a process in which an individual entirely loses any awareness of his/her previous group identity and takes on the culture and attitudes of another group. Thus, if an Ilocano moves to a Visayan area and comes to the point where he/she speaks only Visayan and assumes the folkways of the local group, we can say that he/she has become assimilated. This undoubtedly happens to many individuals over a period of time, but as migrants usually move in groups, there is a tendency to cling, at least in some degree, to ancestral customs. Acculturation, on the other hand, does not imply the loss of an older culture, but merely the acquisition of some new traits from another culture. Thus, to go back to our previous example, if the Ilocano learns a Visayan dialect but also speaks Iloko, we can say that this a form of acculturation. It is also acculturation when a farmer learns about new seed, a new fertilizer, or a new political philosophy. Acculturation is favored by contact of any kind, especially when the contact occurs under the terms in which the new trait has been given a favorable status. When rural migrants first move to the city and gradually learn some urban customs, they are becoming acculturated. When they think, feel, and act like city dwellers to the extent that they feel out of place in the rural barangay, they have become assimilated. The interaction of Filipinos with Americans in the Philippines may be considered an example of acculturation. Many Filipinos learn English language and at least some of the mannerisms of Americans, but do not abandon Filipino folkways or languages and so could not be regarded as assimilated. Likewise, a California study indicated that this may be true, for a time at least, of Filipinos who have migrated to the United States. Filipinos living in San

Francisco are found to cling to some Filipino customs even though they have adapted, in many ways, to American culture. COOPERATION Competition and cooperation are not necessarily antithetical, although they may seem to be. They are actually two different means of obtaining similar ends. Cooperation has been defined as the association of people for a common belief; a form of social interaction of people working together for a common purpose; the act of working together to one end. It is the bayanihan spirit, one of the chief characteristics of Philippine rural life. It can be illustrated by “the house that walks” in which the cooperative effort of from 10 to 50 men, depending on the size of the house, are cooperatively coordinated to move a rural home from one location to another. Cooperation is still the basic method of accomplishing most of the arduous tasks in the rural areas. Not only house-moving but house-building, planting, harvesting, preparations for such functions as weddings, christenings, birthdays, funerals, recovery from disaster, and the like are all accomplished with the exchange of nothing more than the physical effort required and a little sumsuman (“something to eat and drink”). What was known as the “work bee” or “work ring” in American rural life some years ago is still a part of the Philippine rural scene. If the process of cooperation, which is in effect in many parts of rural Philippines, were suddenly called to a halt, a vital part of its life would cease. Some observers have called it a “symphony of rural life”. Most of the cooperation is carried on with a minimum or even the complete absence of formal arrangements. Participants in the process take their roles without official assignment. The use of the sahid with its small puyo net, in fishing barangays clearly illustrates this. Here, as many as a hundred people may be cooperating to drag in the half-kilometer net with no more than one or two persons in a semi-formal role of leadership. The catch is shared cooperatively, with the division being made in an informal, yet basically systematic, fashion. While the bayanihan type of cooperation is still a factor in rural life, its use seems to be decreasing. As farming becomes more scientifically planned and less a traditional way of life, there is a tendency to put more activity on a cash basis. When labor is paid wages, the farmer can calculate the cost fairly accurately. When there is an expectation of reciprocity. This involves the returns of labor at a future date when farmers may prefer to be busy with their own affairs. Likewise, it is hard to arrange reciprocity for landless workers who do not operate a farm of their own. Bayanihan cooperation is still present, but is no longer taken for granted as it was some years ago. The suki relationship between sellers and buyers is another form of cooperation. Ordinarily, the interests of buyers and sellers are regarded as antagonistic, since the buyer hopes for a low price to be as high as possible. In the suki pattern, the antagonistic motives are minimized. The buyer agrees to patronize a particular seller who, in turn, will offer a discount and sometimes, credit. The seller is assure a steady market, while the buyer receives concessions of a kind not usually given. In this fashion, the buyer-seller relationship is changed from one competition or conflict to one of cooperation.

Organized Cooperation Bayanihan type of cooperation is spontaneous, traditional, and usually restricted to those with whom one has links of reciprocity for kinship or previous favors. It may not be helpful in other types of joint effort which are deliberate or enacted rather than traditional and spread beyond the immediate group. A major example of this type of cooperation is the formally organized cooperative society. This society is organized to help the members in terms of buying supplies, getting loans, marketing products, or securing needed services such as irrigation. It consists of an agreement to proceed in a common fashion to share costs and profits, either equally or according to contribution. Although cooperative societies got off to a slow start in the Philippines, the early 90s saw a resurgence of interest as various NGOs pushed the basic idea. They are often urged as a means by which farmers may reduce the expenses of using the middleperson and thereby increase their incomes.

Symbiotic Cooperation Another type of cooperation might be termed symbiotic. This is not traditional cooperation such as the cooperative society. It consists of a recognition of the fact that our entire life is made up of cooperation with many people whom we may never see and of whose existence we may not even be aware. The farmer is this cooperating with the shipbuilder who makes the vessel by which sugar and copra may be transported to another country. Similarly, farmers cooperate with urban laborers for whom they raised food. Conversely, urban laborers cooperate when they make farm implements, clothing, and radios for farmers. The marketplace draws people into a network of cooperation even though the motivation for each transaction is personal profit. The motive is elf-interest, but the effect is to maintain a network of cooperative relationships in which people work to furnish the goods and services desired by others. In this sense, our entire life depends on how smoothly ad successfully the symbiotic cooperation is carried out. Everyone engaged in symbiotic cooperation may be thinking of his/her profit, but the pursuit of self-interest leads to the activity which is helpful to others. The main ideological dispute is not between those who reject cooperation and those who exalt it; it is between the advocates of different types of cooperation. The classic economist believes that the most effective integration of human effort would be guaranteed by a policy of allowing people to be governed entirely by their pursuit of self-interest in the marketplace. If they produce goods or services which are not needed, an unfavorable reaction such as a fall in prices would call them back to the proper cooperative relationships. Others, however, advocate various forms of organized cooperation ranging from the consumer cooperatives to the enforced overall planning of the Communist ideal as was enforce in the former Soviet Union. The Philippine economy is a blend of symbiotic and deliberate cooperation.

DIFFERENTIATION The rural barangay is frequently regarded as a homogenous group entirely devoted to farming. Everyone living in the barangay is engaged in farming except for an occasional teacher or government worker. This picture has been changing with the appearance of specialized organizations which have specific and limited missions. Eisenstadt had defined differentiation as a description of “the ways through which the major social spheres of society become dissociated from one another, attached to specialized collectives and roles and organized in relatively specific and autonomous symbolic and organizational frameworks within the confines of the same institutional systems”. Insular government agencies have, from the beginning of the American regime, served the Philippine farm and other rural needs “in relatively specific and autonomous framework”. Farming is still the predominant interest in rural areas, but the present larger barangay is marked by the presence of various agencies which have only a tangential connection with farming. There will be a family planning unit, a puericulture center, a barangay school, perhaps a high school, a variety of agricultural service agencies, a social welfare office, and an assortment of commercial establishments. People working in these establishments will usually be paid a salary which does not fluctuate in terms of agricultural prosperity – at least not directly. This greater specialization is bringing to the rural community something of the differentiation of people and associations found in urban life.

AMALGAMATION Amalgamation is the opposite of differentiation since it reduces the number of social units while differentiation increases them. It is seen most obviously when the two families are united through the marriage of the son of one and the daughter of another. Amalgamation, through intermarriage, often supports acculturation and assimilation. When “two become one”, they may also bring together divergent cultures, as in the case of marriage involving those of Chinese and Filipino ancestry. Amalgamation is not restricted to intermarriage and may involve business firms, political parties, or even nations. In fact, one of the favorite activities of businesspeople is joining together what had been two competing firms. The amalgamation of nations is occasionally attempted but, at least in the twentieth century, has seldom been successful. For instance, in the 1960s, Singapore amalgamated with Malaysia, but differences were too great and the two areas separated after a few years. Amalgamation on the religious scene occurred when several Protestant churches combined in the Philippines. Conversely, either the World Council of Churches or the United Nations is not an amalgamation, since the participating churches or nations keep their separate identities although they agree to cooperate.

6. PHILIPPINE VALUES No elite anywhere in the world has pardoned so many of its errant members as the Philippine elite. Despite all the financial corruption, political mayhem, personal violence, and treason of the last 45 years, few if any members of the elite have been punished – not even martial-law torturers, the coup leaders who nearly wrecked the country in 1987 and 1989, nor the contractors who stole from the Mount Pinatubo rehabilitation funds. - Dennis Murphy, The Manila Chronicle, January 4, 1993.

Value is a word indicating worth. In business it denotes a product’s desirability in relation to its price (e,g, carrots are of good value – they are nutritious and inexpensive). In other realms, values are indicated comparatively as in “I value saving money more than having a good time”. In brief, value is the worth of something. In the social sciences, values are deep-rooted motivators of behavior. They define what is important to us and indicate the course of action we may take when confronted with choices.

TRADITIONAL PHILIPPINE VALUES: AIMS, ASPIRATIONS, AND GOALS In recent years, many social scientists have appraised Philippine values. This is not a new endeavor, as we can glean from Dr. Jose Rizal’s reactions to the supposed “indolence” of the Filipino, from textbooks written by Camilo Osias in the mid-twentieth century and even from the works of writers during the early Spanish period. Those values we have “designated” as Filipino are not unique to the Philippines; they are found in different countries throughout the world. The justification for designating these values as Filipino is that they seem to be more influential here than in most other countries.

Smooth Interpersonal Relationships (SIR) It has been discussed aforementioned that social acceptance continues to be a prime value in Philippine society. Filipino choices are motivated by traditional values rather than by absolute standards of right and wrong. Social acceptance is a traditional value and, as the paragraph indicates, crosses all social levels. It is an important Filipino need which depends on the

maintenance of Smooth Interpersonal Relationships (SIR). People are reluctant to take action which will impact unpleasantly on those in their peer group. Father Frank Lynch defined SIR as : “. . . a facility of getting along with others in such a way as to avoid outward signs of conflict, glum or sour looks, harsh words, open disagreement, or physical violence. It connotes the smile, the friendly lift of the eyebrow, the pat on the back, the squeeze on the arm, the word of praise or friendly concern. It means being agreeable, even under difficult circumstances . . . a sensitivity to what other people feel at any given moment and a willingness and ability to change tack (if not direction) to catch the lightest favoring breeze. Every society places some emphasis on smooth relationships and the avoidance of open quarrels, but not to the extent practiced in the Philippines, Americans, for instance, are often described as openly expressive of their feelings without much regard for the sensitivity of others. Reflecting not only on his own studies, but also on several others, Lynch found that the high desirability of SIR in the Philippines had been adequately demonstrated.

Maintaining SIR Life often involves us in conflicting situations. Romantic love may mean competition for the affections of one of the opposite sex. Parents and children may differ as to which occupations are more desirable. Landlords and tenants may not agree on what to plant or how to cultivate crops; several students may compete for an office which only can occupy; some citizens may feel that intensive farming is the only way to eliminate poverty; other stress desirability of replacing farms with factories. When people are divided in many ways, how many harmony, or at least the appearance of harmony, be maintained? Three of the ways which may be used to preserve smooth relationships are euphemism, pakikisama and the use of a go-between. In the desire to please and to avoid hurting others, Filipinos employ euphemistic language gave indirect answers, try hard not to say no, and remain silent to convey their disagreement. There is also a tendency toward giving overt approval regardless of real feelings

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