Norman de Garis Davies - Two Ramesside Tombs at Thebes

PUBLICATIONS OF THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART EGYPTIAN EXPEDITION EDITED BY ALBERT M. LYTHGOE CURATOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF EGYPTIAN ART

ROBB DE PEYSTER TYTUS MEMORIAL SERIES VOLUME V

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS AT THEBES

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PLATE I USERHET'S FAMILY ENTERTAINED BY THE TREE-GODDESS. DETAIL FROM PLATE IX Painted by N. de Garis Davies (See pages i5-i9 and Plate X)

THE METBOPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ABT

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS AT THEBES BY

NORMAN DE GARIS DAVIES WITH PLATES IN COLOR BY N. DE GARIS DAVIES, H. R. HOPGOOD C. K. WILKINSON THE LATE NORMAN HARDY AND NINA DE G. DAVIES OF THE EGYPTIAN EXPEDITION

NEW YORK MCMXXVII

IN MEMOBY OF BOBB DE PEYSTEB TYTUS THIS VOLUME HAS BEEN PUBLISHED BY THE METBOPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ABT WITH A FUND GIVEN FOB THAT PUBPOSE BY CHABLOTTE M. TYTUS MCMXIV

PREFACE THE completion of this selected edition of five Theban tombs, by which, I venture to think, the coloration employed by skilled Egyptian artists has been set before the public with a degree of exactitude not before attained, is an occasion on which feelings of gratitude are naturally aroused and may therefore fitly be expressed. They are due, of course, in the first place to Mrs. Tytus, who in these books has raised so happy a monument to her son and to his tastes that many another mother, under a similar loss, will envy her the inspiration and opportunity. But the project would scarcely have reached its successful end but for the resolute zeal of the Editor, Albert M. Lythgoe, nor emerged with this measure of credit in respect of format and typography had it not been for the expert guidance of H. W. Kent, Secretary of the Museum, in cooperation with the late Walter Gilliss, publisher of the volumes. To the habitual care and scrutiny of Winifred E. Howe, Editor of Museum publications, is due the clerical correctness of the series. I am also greatly indebted to those who have striven with me, often under trying conditions, to mete out sympathetic justice to the line and color of the ancient artists. Three of these, Launcelot Crane, Norman Hardy, and Francis Unwin, have already passed beyond the reach of thanks, but I can still express my gratitude to Emery Walker, veteran of a splendid era, for watching over the reproduction of the paintings with the sympathy of an artist as well as the skill of a master-printer. I have also become aware from time to time that the staff of the Egyptian Department was laboriously contributing to the perfecting of these memorial ix

PREFACE volumes in various ways, thus greatly lightening my responsible task. No servant of an enterprise can have had more sympathetic control or more generous help, and I regret that I can requite both only by these poor words of sincere thanks. N. DE GABIS DAVIES.

Oxford, June, 1927.

CONTENTS PAGE

PREFACE

ix

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xiii

INTRODUCTION xv The significance of the Ramesside era; its effect on sepulchral art; rare exceptions; its increased freedom; its richness of color; its weak features; other characteristics; hindrances to a just estimate; the transitional period; outstanding examples.

CHAPTER I THE TOMB OF USERH^T The site of the tomb; the exterior and entrance; the interior; provision for sepulture; the ceilings; the mural subjects. North wall, east side: the worship of Osiris; Userhet's dress; its evidence of date and function; its decorative merit; Userhet's wife; other relations; lower scene, worship of Thothmes I; Userhet, priest of the cult; his female relations; four inharmonious additions ; the first two rites; the third rite. South wall, east side: worship of Mont; upper scene, Osiris the judge; Userhet's purification; his prayer to his judges. East wall: the hospitality of Nut; the guests; the goddess; use of shading and graded color; speech of Nut; the subscene. Features of the west bay. West wall: a scene of recreation; the family adore Mont; an involved genealogy; Userhet's father. North wall, west side: anniversary of the burial of Thothmes I; the mortuary bark; perambulation of the statue; Userhet's own burial provision. South wall, west side: his hopes in death; his rewards in life; xi

i

CONTENTS his honors in death; his burial rites; Userhet welcomed by the West; his salvation endangered by a usurper; the last judgment. The stela. Ceiling texts.

CHAPTER II THE TOMB OF APY 3i Recent history of the tomb; its location; the exterior; its garden; provision for ritual; the entrance; the interior; the inner rooms; inscribed stones from the excavations; other objects; the chapel. West wall: scenes of worship; the gods; a parallel scene; the deities; Apy's relatives. South wall: the meal of the dead; details; special features; stained dresses; their meaning. East wall, south side: its subject; a design borrowed from El Amarna; the figure of Apy; the distribution of rewards; burial of Apy; the procession; Apy's house; exceptional beauty of the scene; special features; the pond; the servants; the garden; a domestic scene; a religious festival. East wall, north side: sowing and harvest; winnowing, storage, and harvest; marketing the grain; shipmen on shore-leave; the ships; the grain-store; the gleaning; the yield of the marshes; fishing from the shore; fishing from boats; netting birds; the sportsman's efforts; treatment of the catch; a scene of vintage; the wine-press. North wall: burial furniture, royal and private; refurnishing a royal sepulcher; form of the naos; its decoration; a cubicle; its use as a catafalque; its construction; its decoration; its furniture; the workmen; the destination of these objects; Apy's equipment; probably a typical one. Fragments of destroyed surfaces. North lunette: the cult of Amenhotep I; burial rites; a royal appearance. South lunette: a scene of sport. Vaulted ceiling: the hospitality of Nut; merits of the scene; a scene of offering; unplaced fragments; the message of these paintings. INDEX

77 xii

ILLUSTRATIONS Plate I (Frontispiece) Userhet's family entertained by the tree-goddess (detail from Plate IX) In color II Two views of Sheikh Abd el Kurneh and Tomb 51 Photogravure III Plan and sections of Tomb 5i . . . . I n line IV Interior of Tomb 5i Photogravure V North wall, east side In line VI Details from Plates V and XIII . . . Photogravure VII An offering to Osiris (detail from Plate V) . In color VIII A tribute to Thothmes I (detail from Plate V) In color IX East wall In line X Details from Plate IX Photogravure XI South wall, east side . . . . . . In line XII Details from Plates XI and V . Photogravure XIII South wall, west side In line XIV Adoration of ythe deities of the West (detail from Plate XIII) In color XV West wall In line XVI North wall, west side In line XVII Details from Plates XI and XVI . . . Photogravure XVIII Frieze and decoration of ceiling . . . In line XIX Fragments and graffiti In line XX Two views of the necropolis of Deir el Medineh and Tomb 217 . . . . Photogravure XXI Plan and section of Tomb 217 . . . . I n line ••*

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ILLUSTRATIONS Plate XXII XXIII XXIV XXV XXVI XXVII XXVIII XXIX XXX XXXI XXXII XXXIII XXXIV XXXV XXXVI XXXVII XXXVIII XXXIX XL XLI XLII

Interior of Tomb 217 West wall, north side Apy and his wife adore Osiris and Hathor (west wall, south side) . . . . Presentation of food to the dead pair by their children (south wall) South wall and details from it East wall, south side, upper part East wall, south side, lower part Apy's house and garden (detail from Plate XXVIII) East wall, north side East wall, north side, and north wall Details from Plates XXX and XXIV . A vintage scene (detail from Plate XXX) Goats led to pasture (detail from Plate XXX) The yield of the marshes (detail from Plate XXX) North wall, upper part . . . . . . North wall, lower part . . . . . A catafalque (detail from Plate XXXVII) A catch of fish (detail from Plate XXXVII) . Fragments of sculpture and painting Smaller fragments of lost scenes (Nos. 1 to 26) Fragments of figures, flowers, etc., from lost scenes (Nos. 27 to 57) . . .

xiv

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INTRODUCTION THE movement associated with the Aton heresy is often regarded as lying like a great geological fault across the regular course of Egyptian history. But, in art at least, the changes which appear with the Ramesside dynasty towards the close of the fourteenth century B. C. better deserve the name of a revolution by reason of their permanence and deep-seated character, unless, indeed, by revolution we intend something violent, and therefore transient, and ought to regard any permanent change, however striking and mysterious in origin, as a national development rather than an upturn. Did the Egyptian nation in the Ramesside era find itself, for good or ill, or were the profound transformations then noticeable the abiding consequences of a political misadventure? Are we to regard Egypt as having died from an enforced change of air after a protracted illness, bravely but hopelessly combated through a long alternation of illusive recoveries and periods of prostration ? Was the coup d'itat of Akhnaton one in essence, though in form bitterly in conflict, with the permanent breach in Egyptian history associated with the name of its eponymous, though belated hero, the great Osymandyas, both being attempted solutions of the problem presented by the entrance of this strongly featured nation into a society of vigorous civilizations P These are large questions which cannot be gone into here, where we are concerned only with art, indeed only with the art of painting. Had we to deal with all the forms of civilization, or even with sculpture as well as painting, there might be many meritorious achievements XV

The significance of the Bamesside era

Its effect on sepulchral art

INTRODUCTION Its effect on sepulchral art

Bare exceptions

Its increased freedom

to put to the credit of the new age. In sepulchral art the result was disastrous. As aesthetic productions, the painted tombs of Thebes in which Ramesside modes are fully shown cumber its restricted sites. The deeper causes of this debacle, the way in which the new art-forms obtained authority, the proportions in which the living, but discredited, school of Akhetaton and the smouldering traditions of the Theban schools contributed to the resultant type cannot be discussed here. This perhaps may be said —that it may well be that after the victory of the Aton, many a secret adherent of the ancient faith, when forbidden a decorated tomb of the old sort, found a substitute in illustrated papyri, and that a school of priestly scribes arose to furnish them, which, on the restoration of the established faith, not only saw new prosperity, but exercised the strongest influence on mural painting. Such influences, not being born of man's aspirations nor cradled in the workaday world, left sepulchral art uninspired and jejune to the last degree, except where, in dealing with the transition from human scenes to the world beyond, it depicted the Elysianfields,or the garden where god and man met. This limitation of subject matter was the real death-blow to art. Egyptian draughtsmanship may be meditated and conventional, but in the end it rests on observation. What inspiration could an artist find in gods and demons, temple furniture and rites, and the worshiping figures of his patron's family? Interesting episodes are nearly always the best painted, and many a dull tomb, like that of Huy or Userhet, wakes into beauty and brightness as it touches a dramatic scene. But these get rarer and rarer. The better side of the new art is the increased freedom which it at first permitted. The artist is not called upon to conform strictly to the ancient models in either pose or proportions, nor to lose his free impulse owing to the necessity of employing a prescribed curve and perfectly even line, and of using only such forms as look to a hard outline for completion. The rendering of form by unoutlined, or loosely outlined, color is permitted within limits. But such a deliverance would only result in beauty if the artist were trained to aesthetic sensibility instead of being drilled in xvi

INTRODUCTION conventional forms, an infinite advance of which the schools were quite incapable. Liberty side-slipped at once into laxity, and freedom was used to cover a host of sins and incompetencies. Instinct had made the older art a balanced whole; the new is inharmonious, for the independence given to line demanded a revised treatment of color. Hence, while in ink sketches the artist of this period commands just admiration, in paint he got no further than to make his outlines coarse and harsh, or, if bold, failing to register with the colored field. Another feature, which sometimes reaches beauty and often descends to hideousness, is the increased richness of coloring. In the dark caves of Thebes, which are none the less caves for being rectangular, the lawful limits in this respect are large, but Ramesside pictures generally manage to exceed them. They gain by replacing the old lilac ground by a whiter one, toned down besides by the mud surface under the thin priming, and by filling it up more completely. But what was given with one hand was taken away with the other. The addition of detail became a mania, a bewildering medley of uninstructive additions. Columns for text that might have formed panels of mosaic were left blank or daubed in in monochrome. Primary colors in gaudiest tones, outlined in black, give the tired eye no rest, and the poorer tombs afford a wearisome monotony of stereotyped figures in ugly reds and yellows. But where colors are more balanced, and rich metallic blues and greens mingle with the warmer tones, success in this genre may be attained, and this is especially the case in some of the floral borders and ceiling designs which are a feature of the epoch. The love of foliage and the more free rendering of trees is an undiluted gain, of which our two tombs furnish excellent examples. An essential failing of the Ramesside school is their mode of preparing the walls for painting. Cheap and superficial show being the watchword, the artist did not deign to supervise the creation of his surface, and to insist on one that could do justice to his skill. The splendid surface which the masons of the Eighteenth Dynasty had known how to give to their walls, so that they might fall down, break up, and be trodden under foot, and yet retain beauty, was no longer prescribed. The mud surface xvu

Its increased freedom

Its richness of color

Its weak features

INTRODUCTION Its weak features

Other characteristics

Hindrances to a just estimate

was mixed with coarse straw which invited devouring insects, and merely smeared with a thin wash of white or yellow paint, which rubbed away or dissolved under the least friction or dampening. As with all careless work, a Ramesside tomb in ruin is a sorry sight. The colors, too, are no longer carefully ground and mixed with a medium which gives them consistency, smoothness, and durability. The noticeable omission of textual comment in the later pictures might have been a real gain, if the artist had felt the more compulsion to make the scenes speak for themselves. But where it was due to lack of thoughtful interest in the action depicted, the result was the direct reverse. Prayers and wonder-working pictures having been relegated to papyri, the mural scenes either comprise enlargements from the vignettes of such, or are merely decorative, decoration being conceived as bright color and display. The deceased has no history save as the founder of a family, and his children are merely potential ministrants. Upon inexactitude of aim and execution, inexactitude of statement is sure to follow. Late tombs cannot be relied on to give faithful records of events, or of the form and color of objects depicted. The arrangement of subject matter in later tombs tends to be less unified and thought-out than previously, and the whole is often a conglomerate of items which there was some reason for including. Hence, while in earlier tombs excerpts lose by their isolation, this is often a distinct advantage to Ramesside groups. Since the looser drawing and the crowded detail of the pictures need space, those cast on a large scale are the most attractive. But when the incomparable miniatures of the casket of Tutankhamon are expanded fifty times by the decorators of Rameses II, with the changing shadows of incised figures as outlines and the harsh hues of painted sandstone as coloring, one feels they have been vulgarized. The former are jewels; the others an advertisement. The painting of the period may easily be undervalued owing to the rarity of examples which are in a good state of preservation. But this vulnerability is itself one of its demerits. On the other hand, modern tendencies in art may be inclined to judge too favorably experiments that xvm

INTRODUCTION are in fact nine-tenths failure, the more so as they afford a welcome relief from the long monotony of the ancient forms. If these were the features of the painter's art after the Restoration and before its complete decadence, there was also a short transitional period, reaching well into the reign of Rameses II, during which the permanent influence of the school of Akhetaton on Ramesside painting was doubly strong and carried over enough of the humanities, as well as of high artistic instincts, to produce works meritorious in themselves and an interesting addition to the limited art forms which Egyptian history records. The two tombs presented in this volume are among the few surviving exponents of this phase. That of Userhet, though considerably the earlier, makes no use of this advantage, for, if one of its subjects shows the new type at something like its best, others exhibit the worst side of Ramesside painting. Whether this is due to different hands or periods of execution, or is merely a lack of steadfastness and industry, is an open question. In the latter case we should have to forgive the artist's sins because he really loved a little. In the tomb of Apy, on the other hand, nearly everything has merit of one kind or another, and, what is rarer, individuality; though what is now lost seems to have been more commonplace. The difference may be explained by the one being the tomb of a priest, the other that of an artist, pointing to two Theban schools, one in closer touch with the church, another at Deir el Medineh, which preserved some independence under royal patronage. The running comment on the scenes will afford further estimates of value. Tombs 19 and L\O might have been ranged with these as showing some exceptional power along with much that is of only average rank and, outside Thebes, the mortuary temple of Sety I as proving how colored sculpture at its best might steep a noble building in radiance. It is difficult to find in the mass of Ramesside tombs any which stand out as typical of the best efforts of the period; they would probably lie at Deir el Medineh (e.g., Tombs 1, 3, and 290). The tomb of Queen Nofretari might perhaps best serve the purpose, and, after it, those of the kings of the time. But these form to some extent a type apart. XIX

The transitional period

Outstanding examples

CHAPTER I

THE TOMB OF USERHET

CHAPTER I

THE TOMB OF USERHET T H E tomb of Userhet is quarried in the north wall of a deeply sunken courtyard which has been formed in the very last slopes of the foothills of Elwet Sheikh Abd el Kurneh, under a little eminence called Kom el Ahmar. 1 The court is entered from the east and contains four inscribed tombs. 2 On the south is that of Neferhotpe of the time of Harmhab, on the east that of Amenwahsu of the reign of Rameses II, and on the west that of Khensmose, which is somewhat later in date. Userhet's period being that of Rameses I and Sety I, the little court furnishes a history of the art of the first half of the Nineteenth Dynasty. The greater part of the courtyard is now taken up by the brick porch and walled forecourt of the latest tomb (Plate II, B). In the rock of its northwest corner Userhet cut a stela with a pave-

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The

exterior

and entrance

ment of masonry in front of it, and framed it in sandstone (Plates III, XIX, and pp. 28, 29). It must, therefore, have been rectangular in shape and have carried a corniced lintel. Another small stela of mud, having a rough slab of rock in front of it, is found on the west side of the entrance to the tomb. The sandstone base of a column, which remains on the east side of the doorway, must have 1

Tomb 5i. See Gardiner and Weigall, Topographical Catalogue of the Private Tombs of Thebes, p. 20 and Pl. V. It was discovered by Bobert Mond in 1903 (Annates du service des antiquites de VEgypte, VI, p. 69), and the work of tracing and painting its scenes was begun by me in the spring of 1909 (Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, March, 1911, pp. 49, 58, b%). The only object found in the clearances I made was a charred wooden shawabti figure of a 1 2 A few of the lowest steps of a rock stairway in the southeast corner of the court exist, and suggest that it was at first entered in this way. Debris still obscures the true approach.

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The exterior and entrance

The interior

Provision for sepulture

been one of a pair supporting a porch of some sort, or might even be one of four carrying a portico along this side of the court. The rock is here so poor that it can be loosened with the hand; but at that date may have been firm enough to have borne light roofing blocks, though there is no trace of a bed for them on the cliff. In front of the doorway there is a pit in the rock, and beside it a raised sill, the purpose of both these provisions being to hold back the water with which any torrential rain would flood the sunken area. Inside this sill a wooden door was fitted, as a surviving pivot block shows. The sandstone framing of the doorway has disappeared,1 but the lower course of the masonry lining of the reveal remains on the east side, and three sandstone slabs were found which evidently belong to it (Plate XIX, 3 and 5), showing a painted figure of the owner entering the tomb, salutations to the setting (?) sun, and assurances that the deceased "shall take possession of his pyramidal tomb . . . and hand over his staff to the coffin" (that is, shall lie down to rest). Entering the tomb, we descend by a step of some height into a small transverse chamber, brightly painted on both sides (Plate IV), and then pass through a second doorway in the axis into an undecorated hall, square in shape and feigning to have its roof supported on four rock pillars and architraves. The framing to the entrance of this room was probably only in plaster; the present brick lining of the eastern reveal is a later addition. The pillars and cambered ceiling of this inner room are smeared roughly with mud. At the far end of this hall a third doorway, framed in plaster like the second, leads to a small and low room, which forms an antechamber to the sepulcher proper. The entrance to this is of the smallest dimensions, and is preceded by a tiny enclosure of brick, which, if original, may have formed a sort of shrine before the walled-up door. Through this one drops into a low and rough gallery, which has a knee-shaped bend and ends with a ledge for the reception of the coffin. Two other places of burial are provided in the pillared hall. One in the southwest corner is merely a narrow loculus at floor level, the other, in the northwest corner, consists 1

We may have a relic of it in five or six small inscribed fragments found in the debris.

THE TOMB OF USERHET of a shallow pit, surrounded by a parapet of rock, which gives access to a rough chamber. Such wretched burial places are common at Thebes, even in tombs of considerable pretensions. The ceiling of the outer (transverse) room is flat, but bays are marked off by a heightening of the central portion of the ceiling which here takes the shape of a canopy with the rise set towards the back of the room: this reversal of the natural direction is adopted in order to gain strength by following the upward trend of the ground above. This demarcation of the axial passage to the burial chamber, and its continuation in the pillared hall as a lightly vaulted nave, thus remind us that the primitive tomb is essentially a passage to the place of interment and the chambers mere extensions, or bays, to right and left of it. The canopy is not painted, and of the two flat ceilings of the bays only the eastern one is decorated, and that incompletely; the farther end of the pattern being only in draft, and its three longitudinal texts without their conclusion in the name of the owner and his apologia.1 The transverse band near the central portion of the ceiling, however, does end in the name and titles of Userhet, thus removing any suspicion that the tomb might have been originally made for an undetermined member of the priesthood of Thothmes I. We may now turn to the mural scenes in the outer chamber. They concern: (i) The service of the gods and the deified king, Thothmes I, by the priest Userhet, with his own reward in burial privileges added as a subordinate subject (back wall, lower scene on east side of front wall, upper scene on west wall). (2) The purification, judgment, and justification of Userhet, and his rewards on earth in life and death (front wall). (3) The enjoyment by Userhet of his sepulchral garden (end walls). 1

For the design, which is the same on both sides of the midrib, see Pl. XVIII, B. Black whorls start from a green center on a yellow ground and leave fields occupied by rosettes which are on a red or, in alternate diagonals, on a blue ground. Where the rosette is against red, its heart is blue, and vice versa. Its rim is white, with black outlines and divisions. Where the design is left incomplete, the green center (without whorls) on a yellow field alternates with a blank field, the red lines of the drafting squares being visible in places. For variant forms of the design see my Five Theban Tombs, Pl. X X ; Tomb of Puyemre at Thebes, I (vol. II of this series), Pl. XXIX, E; Tomb of Two Sculptors at Thebes (vol. IV of this series), Pl. XXX, F. The soffit of the entrance carried the same pattern (from two sandstone fragments). For the texts, see p. 29.

Provision for sepulture

The

ceilings

The mural subjects

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS North wall, east side

The worship of Osiris

The two panels which fill the back wall in the right (east) bay have as their main subject the worship of Osiris and his train (Plate V, upper half), and of King Thothmes I and his queen (lower half). These scenes are almost counterparts, and yet at every point slight differences of coloring or detail have been introduced as pleasant variations. The picture is bordered at the top by a heavy frieze of a Ramesside type, formed of alternate symbols of the guardians of the necropolis, Anubis and Hathor, separated by a single kheker ornament in its later form.1 Hathor is represented by her head, set on a neb basket, and wearing a crown of feathers, indicative, perhaps, of a southern origin; Anubis by the dog, watchfully perched on his eminence in the necropolis.2 The base line is formed by a yellow band within a double border of red, and the two pictures are separated by a garland of petals which serves as a frieze to the lower scene — an unpleasant innovation which, happily, did not find much favor. The naos of Osiris (Plate V) stands below a ridiculously light baldachin, which it completely fills. Its heavy entablature is hung with bouquets and garlands wherever the artist can find space for them. The symbolic skin stands on its post before the god, its red jar before it.3 The passion of the artist for ornament has turned the pedestal of the shrine into a lake from which two papyrus stems, entwined with graceful weeds, spring, as well as the mystic lotus, whose offspring is the four genii of the dead. The gods in attendance, Hathor-Semyt, Ma r et (?), and Anubis, vie in their attentions to the god, supporting his shoulders, his arms, and his whisk. Osiris, whose green complexion betrays his origin as a god of vegetation, sits on a throne adorned with bright bands of blue, red, green; his crown has the same rainbow hues. His necklace of beads has a square clasp or pendant which serves also as an amulet for his back. A broad collar, a heavy pectoral decorated with figures of 1

See Mackay in Ancient Egypt, 1920, p. n 3 . P1. XVIII. The pedestal of Hathor forms a rebus for her title "lady of the necropolis ("^f H+H)"; that of Anubis has reference to his epithets "guardian of the divine shrine (G)" and "head of his hill (u=J)." 3 This might be a waterskin with the vessel into which it drips, symbolical of the refreshment which the gods provide in an otherwise arid underworld; but it weighs against this that the tail is often preserved and the hind legs removed. The skin is that of a preternatural animal: see Pl. XXIV. Cf. Newberry, Beni Hasan, II, Pl. XVI. 2

6

THE TOMB OF USERHET Anubis and of himself as "god of the West," and a fringed and tasseled waistband, make him as imposing as lavish color can suggest. The great pile of offerings before the naos is riskily balanced on four slender stands, the hearts, ribs, heads, and fat fore legs of the victims being scarcely recognizable as such, so overloaded are they with gaudy detail. The cucumbers (or are they honeycombs?) are cut open to show their structure, and the whole is garlanded and spread with foliage and bouquets. Black pellets of charcoal are sprinkled among the offerings in order to keep the scented oil burning (Plate VI, A).1 Userhet, who as priest pours oil of incense on the pile, has a shaven head, and wears, in addition to a simple necklace of gold disks, one of those elaborate collars which we shall see henceforth to surfeit, the lector's white shoulder sash, and a highly decorated apron resembling that of the king. The leopard's skin which he has donned carries the rich coloring of his insignia still further (Plate VII). The grouped marks are interspersed with stars, and the spotted edging has become a polychrome binding, both presumably sewn on, if they have any foundation in fact. The brilliant mottling and the blue markings on paws and tail are equally far from nature, so that the result, however rich, is far less pleasing than that which earlier artists achieved by their decorative rendering of reality. The fore part of the skin is brought over the right shoulder, so that the head rests on the chest; it is secured there by tying one paw back to the skin behind by a bright ribbon passing under the left arm.2 The skin shows cartouches on the shoulder as if the animal had been branded with them; they are placed, indeed, where royal names occur in the case of sphinxes, and hang on the upper arm of the priest where King Akhnaton wore the cartouches of the Aton.3 The cartouches are empty here, but should be those of Rameses I. The presence of the 1

The string of dates hanging from the stand is a somewhat unusual feature, strange to say. The artist must needs combine fruit in its green, yellow, red, and black stages on the same bunch. 2 Formerly the back aspect of the skin was shown: see Davies-Gardiner, Tomb of Amenemhet, Pl. XXXV. Here, both views are combined. The tail, of course, hung down between the legs behind. The stars are in the form of the word-sign for the underworld, whether they have that significance or not. 3 Cf. note i, p. 44-

The worship of Osiris

Userhet's dress

Its evidence of date and function

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Its evidence of date and function

Its decorative merit

Userhet's wife

name of the reigning king indicates the vice-regal functions of the priest; the royal presentation of a skin would be a formal conferment of the dignity. The apron has the same significance; for it carries the legend, "The good god, lord of the two Egypts, lord of ritual, great of might, beautiful (?) of justice in front of Amon, king of South and North, lord of the two Egypts, Menpehti-Re, son of Re, lord of diadems, Ramessu (Rameses I), to whom life is given like Re." The prenomen is repeated on the border of the apron.1 The ultimate and interested aim in depicting this act of sacrifice is naively disclosed by the scribe when he adds above the figure of Userhet, "For the ka of Userhet, chief priest of the royal spirit, Akheperkere." We have spoken with strong disapproval of the aesthetic judgment of the Ramesside decorator; but his treatment of the softly rippling white gowns, of which we have here some of the earliest examples, goes very far to make amends for it. Up to now the natural pleats into which the garment falls had been indicated by fine red lines; but these, being judged to give too hard an effect, were now reserved for the deep gathers at the waist, etc., the folds being continued as enlarging stripes of a faint gray tint, which becomes a delicate rose where the flesh color is supposed to shimmer through. This pleasant practice is general henceforth, and serves as a much-needed mitigation of the garish coloration of the scenes of the period.2 The figure of Userhet's wife is made very attractive by the gently curving stem of papyrus which she carries, no longer shaped by stiff convention but following the real growth, with feathery head and with luxuriant weeds twined round its bare stem. Her heavy wig is no doubt artificial, as we seefinetendrils of natural hair escaping from under it about the face (Plate VII).3 The cessation at the knee of the faint flesh color by 1

In Tomb 106 the forehead of the leopard bears the name of Sety I, under whom Paser was vizier. There is little doubt, therefore, that Userhet also lived under that king (see below) and his short-lived predecessor, Barneses I. But Apy's robe (p. 4o) carries in the same place the name of a long-dead king whose cult he served; so the test cannot be relied on implicitly. 2 See also p. 45. It may have been introduced by the school of El Amarna, but is not found in the fine painting of princesses there. Its retention, at least, must be put to the credit of Bamesside artists. Observation of the play of light and shade on the waves of sculptured skirts led to this representation in color. 3 The meshwork of hair is too delicate and faint to appear in Pl. V.

8

THE TOMB OF USERHET which the legs are carried upwards under the trailing skirt, hints at an undergarment for men and women alike, extending down to that point (with men, half-way down the calf). Here, as elsewhere, the artist allows himself a wide range in the depiction of flesh color. Various shades are used at caprice for the male figures, ranging from a warm brown through bright red to a light orange, and, for the women, from a light cream through buffs and orange to a pleasant brown, the maroon and yellow commonly used for the two sexes hitherto being the only tones avoided. Equally strange is the deep orange ground chosen for the lower part of the hair where it covers the person more thinly, oblivious of the fact that it lies against the white robe, and that quite another complexion has been selected.1 The artist cannot be said to have used his colors thoughtfully in this case. The lady is identified as "his wife, house-mistress and singer of Amon, Shepsut."2 A boy who follows with a bouquet and a sacrificial duck is entitled "the son, chief priest of Akheperkere, Thot(mose?)," and the following lady, "his wife (sister?), house-mistress and singer of Amon, " 3 The historicity of these relations of Userhet is as shadowy as is their condition. With the last figure deterioration sets in. The outlines are omitted or are faint, the complexion is ill-chosen, and every detail is slurred or indefinite. But it is not impossible that this weakening was more or less deliberately introduced as a foil to the picture on the end wall. In the lower scene the baldachin is replaced by a more solid structure, the god by King Akheperkere-Thutmose (Thothmes I of the early Eighteenth Dynasty), and the attendants by the queen, Ahmose.4 The capital of the column of the kiosk shows a debased combination of the lily and the open papyrus, unless, as the repetition of the abacus suggests, it is a joint representation of the two side columns, one for the south and one 1

Possibly wigs were made up on a foundation of this color. This syncopated form of the name Hatshepsut is used in all cases, except on the east wall. 3 The name of this second wife, if it was ever written, is blotted out by a daub of paint. A similar lady, whose identification has again not been permitted to survive, will be found on the opposite wall: see p. i3. 4 All three cartouches are written on an overlay of coarse plaster added within the ring. They are now so effaced as to be almost illegible. The queen wears a circlet of uraei on top of the vulture headdress, such as often forms a basis for more elaborate crowns (e.g. in Pl. XI). 2

9

Userhet's wife

Other relations

Lower scene. Worship of Thothmes I

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS

Userhet, priest of the cult

His female relations

for the north.1 The garlands which hang from the neck of the column, the architrave, the chair, and the vase of offerings are tasteless additions. The reverence paid to Thothmes is perhaps due less to his importance in history than to the benefit his cult had brought to the family of Userhet, in which the high-priesthood was as good as hereditary. The offerings laid before the deified pair are heaped up in a handsome golden bowl, demonstrating on what an exaggerated scale the pile is drawn. Userhet presents a duck on a hand-brazier. He wears the wig and the short beard that goes with it. The priestly skin carries the cartouches of Sety I on the shoulder, and they are repeated on the apron, as in the picture above. The inscription runs, "The good god, lord of the two Egypts, master of the ritual of the great ones of eternity, of Re, and of the (other) gods, the king of South and North, lord of the two Egypts, Menmatre, bodily son of the sun, his beloved Sety, [given] life like [Re]." Userhet is followed by "his mother, house-mistress and singer of Amon-Re, king of the gods, Henet-tawi." 2 This lady carries in one hand three ducks, a sistrum, and a menat of the new form, showing the royal head and collar at one end of the handle. A fanciful bouquet, made up in the shape of the sign which stands alike for "life" and "bouquet," hangs from her elbow. As in the picture above, the following lady, "his wife, house-mistress and singer of.. .,"3 is painted much less conspicuously, her sistrum being scarcely visible and her dress less elaborate (Plate VIII). She is accompanied by a little daughter, whose shaven head retains only two side-locks, or perhaps a narrow postiche which takes their place.4 1

The triple form shown on Pl. XXIV is in favor of a composite capital, however. For an earlier occurrence, see Davies, El Amarna, II, Pis. XXXII, XXXVII, and VI, Pl. VI. The reversed uraei at the left end of the cornice were noticed in Tytus Memorial Series, IV, p. L\I, note i. 2 In the superscriptions the cartouche and the name of Userhet, as well as the name and titles of Henettawi from "Amon" onwards, have been written on superimposed plaster. Henet-tawi, if authentic, must be the mother-in-law, for Userhet's own mother was named Ta-usret. The latter was a singer of Mont; hence, perhaps, the correction begins with the name of the god. 3 The name of this wife has been expunged, like the preceding one, and has never been replaced, or rather, as far as I can see, no name had ever been put in, though a note of it may have been. It thus corresponds with the case above, and this second wife either did not exist, or has been consigned to oblivion by Hatshepsut. Beyond the second column one can detect a very doubtful text in faint red ink h, .. [I JH " [daughter] /WWW U

of Tentant (or Tenton)." 4 Cf. Pl. XXIV.

An asterisk in the plates denotes ancient erasure. 10

\\

ill © l_i ^—=a

THE TOMB OF USERHET We now reach four little scenes of a different tenor at the end of the wall. The household of Userhet could not, apparently, furnish the two persons needed to complete the procession, so recourse was had to this unsightly expedient.1 In each of the four pictures the deceased pair is seen on the right, seated before the offerings. On the other side a sem-priest purifies the gift by fumigation and water, and four mourning women provide the human regrets which, as usual, harmonize so ill with confident faith.2 In three cases the pair are "Userhet, chief priest of the royal spirit, Akheperkere" and "the house-mistress, Shepsut," as we should expect. But in the lowest scene the offering is for the ka of a similar official, named Nebmehyt, and his unnamed wife; the priest serving them has the still more surprising superscription, "Purification for Osiris To, the blessed one." This and other appearances of unexpected personages in the tomb suggest that its decoration was not completed by Userhet himself, but after his death, by persons partly inimical. This would explain the extraordinary falling off in the paintings in the west bay and, to some extent also, on the south wall of the east bay (Plate XVII, A), as well as the erasures and substitutions which are frequent. These will be found to point to proposals to deprive Userhet of his tomb, on which a compromise was finally reached.3 In the topmost scene the rite is that of a libation, and the gift is a great bunch of onions bound round with the inevitable garland. Smoke seems to be rising as if lighted incense had been sprinkled on the offering. 1

Yet Userhet had two or three other sons (p. 29) for whom this would be the natural place. Were they sons by a second wife, and ignored by Hatshepsut? But, in that case, why was even the mention of this wife suffered by her? 2 These mourning women seem out of place in a rite which appears to be performed after, not at, burial. 3 My own suggestion is that this conspiracy was plotted by his mother Ta-usret and her nephews, or step-nephews, she having taken this Nebmehyt as a second husband after the death of Userhet's father. Nebmehyt's title, as given in the tomb of his son, Khons-To (Tomb 3i, of the time of Barneses II), is connected with the mortuary service of Amenhotep I I I ; but that of Thothmes I ran also in his family, apparently through one Neferhotpe\ who may have been a brother of his or of his wife Ta-usret. There would, then, have been an attempt, on the death of Userhet, to keep the high-priesthood of Thothmes I in the family of the nephews of Ta-usret (or of Nebmehyt), instead of letting it run in the earlier family also and descend to Userhet's sons. Nebmehyt here would, then, be Userhet's stepfather, and To either be To (alias Khons), son of Nebmehyt and "Ta-usret, singer of Mont," or a younger To, apparently a priest of Thothmes I, who is likewise mentioned in Tomb 3i. The appropriation of the benefit of a rite by the performer as well as the recipient is common in Tomb 3i (cf. p. 8). II

Four inharmonious additions

The first two rites

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The first two rites

The third rite

South wall, east side. Worship of Mont

The presentation of onions is frequently seen at this period; owing to its strong properties it was given ritual value as a means of restoring his senses to the dead.1 The second panel records a hotep dy nisut offering of all kinds of food, but only a great cauldron of beer or wine is shown.2 The illustration of the third rite is interesting. It depicts the making of a light for the dead but this is not shown in the usual way as a provision of fat and lighted tapers. Such are indeed depicted, but planted in the ground, not held in the hand, and are plainly formed of three strands twisted like a rope and lashed round at intervals. Each of the strands seems lighted separately. Between these tapers are candles of a very different form, which is often represented in tombs of the period, with flames issuing from the summit.3 It is probable that these lights are a larger form of the conical pastilles of scented fat, bound round with tape (?) to give them greater solidity. They are often mounted on a staff, as here, and carried in procession like cressets. The branching red tie which is seen in our picture is probably a means of securing this slowburning light to the pole (Plate XII, B). The altar which holds the offerings in the embrace of its two brazen (?) arms is only a more solid form of that noticed in the fourth volume of this series.4 The two scenes on the opposite wall (Plate XI) show the adoration of Osiris and his court of assessors, and the worship of the god Mont, in whose service Userhet's mother was nominally enrolled. The lower picture forms a pendant to the processional scenes on the wall just studied. The recipient of honors in this case is the hawk-headed god, Mont.5 This ancient god of Thebes, ousted by Amon, took refuge in Hermonthis, a few miles to the south, and there held a rival court. The companion assigned to him here is Meryt-seger, "mistress of the West and . . . of the em1

Binding on the onion as a tie was a ritual act. In Tomb 54 the dead pair are seen solemnly sitting, with onions hanging round their necks like flowers. Cf. p. 75. 2 Under the arms of the two priests is a note which may read,'' The servants of one whom the west favors, or "The priest, Hesamentet." A continuation of it may have been expunged. Note that where the recipient is bald, so also are the priests. 3 For a detailed discussion of this form of lamp, see Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, X, p. 9. 4 Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pl. XXVII. It is hard to imagine any real counterpart of this altar, unless there were two (or four) opposed pairs of arms, or unless the arms were merely engraved on its top surface. 5 The names of both deities are written on an overlay of the usual sort, and are scarcely legible. 12

THE TOMB OF USERHET balmer's house (?)."x As a consort of the gods of the dead (her name means "beloved of the Humiliator") she enjoyed much honor from the populace of Thebes. Userhet purifies the offerings laid before Mont by pouring red oil of incense among them. He is followed by two priests similarly attired and holding the same office as himself, and by three ladies, who may be their wives—if the last two had any other function than pleasantly to fill up the space. No excuse of relationship to Userhet is given for the appearance of three high-priests of the same cult.2 One is an Akheperkereseneb, whom we shall meet with again presently, and who, to judge by his name, must have come from a family devoted to the service of Thothmes I. The other priest is that Nebmehyt who unblushingly put himself forward on the opposite wall.3 His legend is original, as is also that of "his (Userhet's) wife, the house-mistress, Shepsut, favored of Hathor, lady of heaven and mistress of earth." As on the opposite wall, the censor admits that the next lady is "his wife and the object of his desire"; but, though she looks the part, he has obliterated her name. The last lady he will not allow to be heard of, deleting both her name and description (Plate XII, A). It is all very mysterious, and I see no explanation of these innuendos.

South wall, east side. Worship of Mont

In the upper picture Osiris is attended in the kiosk by the gods who assist him in his court of justice, "Thot, lord of Hermopolis, the just scribe of the company of gods," and "Anubis, foremost in the sacred shrine, in attendance (?) on the great god, lord of eternity, who made heaven and earth."4 Thot wears the combined forms of the full and crescent moon, whose movements his science regulates and records, and carries, instead of a real palette, a badly drawn pictograph for it. The speech he is said to be making is taken for granted. The Egyptians, like other ancient peoples, found it hard to compass the idea of an absolutely supreme

Upper scene. Osiris the judge

1

Originally there was another column of text behind Meryt-seger's crown, ending in W crP . Tomb 3i suggests, however, that there could be several contemporary high priests of the cult, or that they changed rapidly. Perhaps this king had more than one cult-place. 3 Nebmehyt's name is entered on an overlay of plaster, as is also the royal name within the cartouche. Something, if only a rough note, has been suppressed just below the line beneath these two priests' names (indicated by an asterisk); it seems in both cases to have begun with M\ "born of." 4 The title of Anubis is very faint and does not appear in the plate. 2

i3

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Upper scene. Osiris the judge

Userhet's purification

His prayer to his judges

and invulnerable godhead; so that Osiris, weak too through his former mortality, has to rely on the magic properties of a pectoral and needs the support of his entourage. A figure of Userhet is placed at the other end of the scene, as if he did not venture to sit down near the gods until he had undergone ritual purification. The real reason may be that the designer of the scene was graveled for lack of matter, and dully filled up the space with a second figure "adoring Osiris... ruler of the living " The customary injunction, "Pure, pure (four times)," is reflected by the eight figures of priests with eight vases, who, after all, manage to throw only four streams of water. The candidate for purification kneels on a white pedestal, which we may imagine to be a slab of alabaster, insulating him from the impurities of earth. He clasps anxiously to his bosom the heart-amulet with its reassuring inscription, as if he foresaw the future. For his friends proved treacherous: the text, which put into the mouth of the priests on either side the formal words, "Pure, pure, for the Osiris Userhet, justified and assured of honorable retirement in peace," has been tampered with. On both sides the name has been blotted out, and the names of Akheperkereseneb and "his son . . . " inserted on an overlay.1 Userhet, fresh from the purifying rite and relying all the more on the ostentatious liberality of his gifts to the gods, squats contentedly in the presence of Osiris with a little reservation of food for his own use. His piety is far better than his syntax, for his prayer is a stuttering affair. "Said by Osiris for the ka of the chief priest of the royal spirit Akheperkere, Userhet, the justified one. He says, 'Homage to thee, lord of eternity and to (?) the princes (?) of endless eternity, that they may grant a happy life in following thy ka, and, after old age, proper burial on the west of Thebes, in the Place of Justice, to the ka of the chief priest, Userhet.' " 2 1

1 think that I can detect the name of Userhet underneath in both cases. The two cartouches also have been overlaid, and that on the right has been left vacant, but it is almost certain that it was originally that of Thothmes I. For Akheperkereseneb, see above and p. 22. 2 The signs " ft O 8 have been painted out by a censor as inadmissible; but a reference to other gods is needed to justify the plural pronoun which follows. He would have done better to strike out the opening words "Said by" and "for the ka of." The speech is some evidence that the "Place of Justice," so often heard of, includes this part of the necropolis.

i4

THE TOMB OF USERHET His speech may well falter, for he sits before three ogdoads of gods in His prayer to his judges

separate halls. Their presence is no doubt called for, but the array of gods and of altars is a blot on the scene. The addition of Osiris to the groups turns two of these ogdoads into enneads. The first house contains "Osiris, (head)1 of the gods of the eastern heaven, lords of eternity; of all the gods who rest in the necropolis; and of all the lords of eternity in the presence of Onnofer." In the second group, Osiris presides over the companies of gods of the southern, the northern, and the western heavens. The third ogdoad is a made-up lot, amongst whom Userhet can only recognize the four genii of the dead (Plate XVII, A). The end wall of the east bay (Frontispiece and Plate IX) presents us

East walL The

with what is perhaps the most meritorious example of Theban painting hospitality of the Ramesside era, though some features detract from its effect and it has suffered considerable injury. The hospitable reception of the dead by Nut, the goddess of the sycamore, is a very common subject after the Eighteenth Dynasty and is often attractively treated, but generally on a small scale, and with the goddess issuing, like a dryad, from the limbs of the tree.2 Our artist, however, had the merit of perceiving that the subject was aesthetically worthy of being carried out on large lines, and that, as the human interest outweighed the rather obscure personality of the goddess, the tree, under the shade of which her guests rested, would serve better as a background to their figures than as her abode. Moreover, he employs the unusual method of setting his figures against a yellow ground, thus giving solidity to the sparse foliage of the tree. The rich effect of this part of the picture is indeed set in too violent a contrast with the empty columns of the space beyond, and its graceful curves are spoilt by the harsh figure of Nut, the absurd travesty of a tree on her head, the geometrical ponds, and the circular garnishing of the dish below the chair. Its creator evidently had not mental energy enough to make the 1

Is this a right appreciation of the hiatus involved in "Osiris of"? A good example of the customary scene will be found in Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. i85. A representation in Tomb 63 (reign of Thothmes IV) must be one of the earliest, for the later papyrus of Iuya illustrates Ch. LXIII A of the Book of the Dead by a man receiving a cup from a tree merely. The appreciation of a tree as a background is already manifest in Tombs 57, g3, 96B, 332, and our design is imitated in the contemporary tomb, No. L\I (now greatly damaged). 2

i5

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS East wail. hospitality

The

guests

whole of the picture harmonize with the happily conceived group on the left. He may have judged that the accident—if accident it was—which had left the frieze a careless sketch and the adjacent scenes unprepossessing as well as light in tone, provided a useful foil for the rich and detailed coloring of his picture; but he had not the power to make the surroundings finished yet helpful accessories, to cast the goddess in a form which should be in keeping with the rest, or to find a better alternative to a tightly packed text than its empty scaffolding. The subscene, however, is a praiseworthy conception. Its solidity and quiet movement, its stiff symmetry relieved by the curves of the boats and the graceful lines of the floral decorations, make it a frame which successfully cuts off the main picture from the bars of crude color below. (For the incomplete ceiling-decoration and friezes in the vicinity, see Plates IV, A and X, A.) The imposing figure of Userhet (unnamed) is in gala dress. He wears ,

.

on his head an elaborate fillet (made, perhaps, of a strip of gold-leaf laid on a broader red ribbon worked with beads) and a high form of the festal cone, which at this time shows some sign of no longer being, as before, a mere dab of ointment, but only a reminiscence of it, or a cap which hid it.1 Besides the usual collar and garland, a talisman, combining the symbols of endurance and security, hangs round his neck, and a beaded band crosses his chest in both directions. He receives in a richly decorated cup one of the three streams which issue from the vase of the goddess and does not hesitate to take the fruit direct from the tray in her ministering hand. His wife and mother sit on chairs beside his, their left hands resting on his shoulder and arm, while with the cups in their right hands they too accept the heavenly draught. Textual notes being excluded from the scene, their names are written on their forearms.2 The unusual naturalness of their complexions adds greatly to the charm 1

Cf. the decorated cone in Davies, El Amarna, VI, Pl. I. On the other hand, see p. 44They are thus seen to be "His wife, house-mistress and singer of Amon, Hatshepsut" and "(His) mother, singer (of) Mont, Ta-usret." The text is just legible on Plate X, B. | ^ ^ " J r f j r i l tl I a n d ^ "^ ^ ^ s==5 t k o % "' R ^ Jj -^ J %>. I t is unusual to find mother and wife seated together thus, but there is an example of mother and sister seated with the man in Tomb 3i, and of a wife and her mother seated facing him in Tomb 56. Mummies found at Thebes by our Expedition show that the writing of texts on the upper arm was not unknown; so a fitting place has been chosen for it. 2

16

THE TOMB OF USERHET of the picture for us, Hatshepsut being presented as a deep brunette and the mother a good deal fairer. Their souls fly above them as semi-human birds; but, while the artist has drawn to the life the sparrows which, unabashed, enjoy the supernatural fruit, he has left the spirit-birds ghostly sketches scarcely discernible amongst the foliage. He has, however, found a place beyond the tree for fully and charmingly executed figures of the souls of Userhet and his wife as a pair of humanheaded hawks. They stand on the margin of a T-shaped pond and, developing human arms and hands at need, scoop up the water in their little palms and drink their fill also. Necklaces, to which counterpoises are attached behind, serve to conceal the awkward point of junction of bird and man. The goddess, being divorced from the sycamore, is shown with a tree,

The

The

goddess

or what is meant for it, on her head, while the platform under her feet is transformed into a pool in token of her mission of refreshment.1 She is clothed in a robe of cerise red with a net of oblong blue beads, alternating with tiny gold ones, thrown over it. She carries a vase with a device of an offering to Osiris on it, and a mat of loaves and fruit— grapes, figs, a pomegranate, and a melon—resting on a thick pad of foliage.2 A round dish of the fruit, set out on a gay napkin, is also placed on a garlanded stand by the side of Hatshepsut, the dish being tilted up so as to show its full shape and contents.3 The guests of the goddess sit on richly ornamented chairs, and their feet rest on simple wooden footstools.4 1

For the goddess in this form, see Davies, Tomb of Nakht at Thebes (vol. I of this series), Pl. X. The careless painter has given to her feet a sickly yellow hue that goes ill with the warm color of her arms. With the 6a-birds it is the faces which are too pale. 2 What looks like a cut melon might be a honeycomb, in which case it would be wild honey, and also the product of the tree. Cf. Pl. V. 3 Cf. Pl. XXV. 4 The addition of the five toes to the outer foot, as seen by the eye in echelon, has a curious history. It appears at Thebes in the reign of Thothmes IV (Tombs 38, 54) in single instances. Yet it is not found in the fine sculptured tombs of the time of Amenhotep III (once in the painted tomb, No. 8), though regularly at El Amarna. It is by no means common even in the finest Bamesside tombs and thus wears the character of a questionable innovation, the experiment being first made on the body of a common person, such as a dancing girl, and confined to a single figure in a tomb. The large figures almost all have it in the tomb of Apy (Pis. XXII-XXV).

i7

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Useofshadmg

^ feature calling for special notice is the appearance of shading in

and graded

color

this picture, for the first time in Egypt, so far as I know.1 The indications are very slight, consisting of deepened color on the cheeks of the ladies and of Userhet, under the chin, between the lips, under the heel of Hatshepsut, and, to a slight degree, under the eyebrow. This might be taken as merely an observation of local accentuation of color, not of shadow, refusing to the artist the discovery of how modeling is indicated by light and shade. But the tomb of Queen Nofretari exhibits a more advanced use of these devices on the person of the rosy-fleshed queen, though not on the gods and goddesses. It is clear that the artist there observed the play of light and shade on the reliefs he was painting and reproduced this to some extent, yet not so softly or exactly that the effect is generally pleasing.2 In Userhet's picture the variations of color which the large scale of his figures invited are very unobtrusive, but, none the less, they amount to an aesthetic heresy, which, if followed up, would have completely altered the fundamental character of Egyptian art. In other respects also our artist gives rein to an unusually keen color sense. In the hands of the Egyptian painter color was more often conventional than imitative, complexions, among other things, coming under this rule. But a real appreciation of the tone of the Egyptian skin is shown in the flesh color of Hatshepsut here, and this breach of convention is reflected also in the vivid yellow, blue, and orange on the bole and larger limbs of the sycamore. The painter has noticed with pleasure how the smooth bark of certain trees takes on hues which are far from 1

This innovation was to some degree a development. Already in Tomb 69 (of the reign of Amenhotep III) we see the deep dimple in the corner of the mouth indicated by a black spot. The nostril was soon marked in the same hard way, and the two are an unpleasing feature of Bamesside art. Inner form was being increasingly shown in the lines about the mouth, the fold of the eyelid, the muscles of the arm and leg, the saliences of the knee and the ankle, the creases of the neck and abdomen. These fines needed only to be softened into a shadow, as the lines of the skirt were being expanded into soft stripes. A similar feature may be observed in the figs in this picture. The dimpled eye of the fruit, which in reliefs is indicated by a depression, rightly observed in perspective and so placed on the fruit, is imitated here by a black oval ring. Facial lines are used in Tomb g3 (on monkeys) and in Tombs 49 and 181. Muscles, knees, and ankles are shown by line in Tomb 1. Cf. Pis. X X I I I - X X V and Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pl. XIV. 2 This, too, may well have been a product of the heterodox movement, but I cannot agree that the painting in the Ashmolean Museum affords clear evidence of shading, still less of the emphasis on the high lights which Prof. Petrie claims to be, or to have been, visible. See J.E.A., VII, pp. 4. 221, 225; and Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1922, Part II, p. 52.

l8

THE TOxMB OF USERHET being uniform or dull, and he breaks through the traditional rule that a flat red or yellow is the only permissible color for growing wood.1 The empty columns above the head of Nut may safely be filled from other sources. "The speech of Nut, the great one, wonder-working in this her name of the sycamore: T have presented thee with this cool water that thy heart may be refreshed thereby—this water which comes from thy pool in the necropolis on the west of Thebes. Thou hast received dainty food in the fruit which springs from my limbs. Thy birdsoul sitteth in my shade and drinks water to its heart's content.' " 2 The subscene represents the voyage to and from Abydos, undertaken that the dead may pay homage to Osiris there and make his apology, as it were, for not being buried at his side. We do not know what exact practice is reflected in this double picture which is so common in tombs; here at least a purely symbolic stage has been reached. The boat is ridiculous, even as a river craft, though the form of fitting a mast and sails to it on the return voyage is still observed. The cabin seems to be a union of the open shelter under which the statues were once conveyed to Abydos with the curtained catafalque in which the coffin was drawn to the tomb. The texts appended are threadbare phrases, full of scribal lapses. The decoration of the west bay of the tomb shows little merit in design and less in execution, a falling off for which we have been prepared in a measure by some of the scenes at the other end of the room. Any theory, based on intrusive names, that these scenes were completed after Userhet's death, must take account of the fact that they include those most personal to himself and most reminiscent of an earlier style. The bare ceiling shows, at any rate, that this bay was least considered, and the careless execution would seem to indicate that a second and poorly qualified decorator was employed here. The subjects in some degree con1

"(The sycamore has) fruits that are redder than jasper. Its foliage is like malachite and is . . . as glass. Its wood has a hue like that of feldspath" (Erman, Die Literatur der Aegypter, p. 312). 2 From Tomb 106. This traditional speech may have been omitted the more readily by our designer as it came better from the dryad goddess than from one in completely human shape. One sees from it that the owner of a tomb was theoretically so happy as to have the goddess as a permanent denizen of his garden. No tomb yet found, however, shows more than an apology for such a pool, and the garden seems often to have amounted only to a stunted shrub (p. 35).

19

Speech of Nut

The subscene

Features of the west bay

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Features of the west bay

West wall. A scene of recreation

The family adore Mont

tinue those of the east bay. As we had there the adoration of Mont and of Thothmes I, the refreshment of Userhet in the garden, and his purification before Osiris, so here we find the worship of Mont repeated (Plate XV), Userhet and his wife disporting themselves again in their garden (Plate XV), the cult of the statue of the king, and the judgment and rewards of Userhet (Plates XIII and XVI). If Userhet's natural interest in his own personal story and fate inspired the great picture on the end wall of the east bay, the same impulse seems to have been operative in the design which occupies the lower part of the opposite wall (Plate XV), though it is unhappily in a state of ruin. The figures in it are clumsy, but its freedom of treatment makes it stand out from the scenes around it, like its companion picture. On the left, Userhet and his wife sit together under a pergola, between the columns of which a vine spreads its pleasant shade. Shepsut squats comfortably on a hassock behind her husband, who is provided with a stool. The right arm of Userhet is bent back, presenting a fishing rod and line to his wife, which "the favorite of Hathor" grasps, at the same time holding out something to her husband.1 The vine is treated freely, yet with great decorative effect. The leaves are for once real vine leaves, and, when it suits his design, the artist introduces also the folded leaf.2 A large white hound can just be detected under the stool. What lay beyond the pair is destroyed, but two little fragments found in the rubbish show a wreathed column which can only come from this scene. Close to the pergola, then, was a pond, the banks of which were planted with flowering shrubs.3 The scene above this is interesting only for the text accompanying it, for its execution would do little credit to the cheapest monument of the 1

The scene can be interpreted, thanks to a parallel picture in Tomb 324, though it is equally damaged. There the owner is fishing with two rods and double lines. With the one he has caught two fish; the other he is holding back, as here, and his wife is putting new bait on the hook for him. This design is repeated in Tombs i57 (Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, II, p. n5) and 2i5. In both these cases the wife also assists, no doubt by baiting the line. The scene is a pendant to the hospitality of Nut, both pictures depicting the enjoyment of their garden by the owners. For the attitude, see Steindorff, Bliitezeit des Pharaonenreichs (1926), p. i85. His head and titles, as well as the edge of the pool, are on fragments replaced by me. For the use of rod and line, see Klebs, Reliefs des alten Reiches, p. 76, and Tomb g3. 2 Cf. Pl. XXXIII and Davies, El Amarna, II, Pl. XII. 3 Painted in yellow against the black of the banks. So in Tomb 324 and in the northern palace at El Amarna (Bulletin of M. M. A., Dec. 1926, Part II, p. i4). 20

THE TOMB OF USERHET most debased period. It represents the worship of a hawk-headed deity, presumably Mont,1 by three men, the first of whom wears round his neck the seal of a vizier, and the other two the priestly skin. Their names, written on a wash of coarse plaster, by which the original text, consisting perhaps only of a rough draft, has been obliterated, conform to the dress and thus may reiterate the suppressed text more or less exactly.2 They are "The prince, superintendent of the city, and vizier, Imhotpe. His beloved son, high-priest of Amon, Hapuseneb. His (Userhet's) father, high-priest of Amon, Khensemlhab?]. Their son (that is, "descendant") who immortalizes their names, high-priest of the royal spirit Akheperkere, Userhet, who is (also) called Neferhebef." These excerpts from the family have been described as deliberate misstatements, designed to give undue importance to Userhet.3 But the personal history of the viziers and high-priests of Egypt must have been available, and this assertion could be checked by them and by the records in Hapuseneb's tomb hard by. The aim here is not to give us Userhet's descent, but to show that his family had been linked with the living Akheperkere before it served him as a god and had held supreme offices, civil and religious, under his successors. There seems to have been some urgent need at the moment to safeguard the hereditary claims to Userhet's office, so his tomb was made to serve as an advertisement for his heirs rather than for himself. I suspect that this allusion to family history is the work of the same hands that inserted unrelated names here and there on the walls, with the object of pointing out that from early days the family had provided high-priests of the cult. So far as we can check them the names are not fictitious. Imhotpe was vizier under Thothmes I, and Hapuseneb under Hatshepsut.4 Hapuseneb names as his father one Hapu, a modest third lector of Amon; but we have no proof that even Hapu was a son of Imhotpe. Taking "son" as meaning "son of his son," 1

The original design provided the god with high plumes. The parts of hjs figure below the breast, as well as the four stands supporting the offerings, are fragments fitted up by me. 2 The later origin of the names is evidenced also by the addition of the stroke to the ntr and hm signs, a feature seen also in one of the superimposed names on Pl. XI. 3 Legrain in Annates du service, VIII, p. 258. 4 Weil, Die Veziere Aegyptens, p. 68; Sethe, Urkunden, IV, p. 472, 1. 1. 21

The family adore Mont

An involved genealogy

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS

Userhet's father

North wall, west side. Anniversary of the burial of Thothmes I

however, the relation is possible.1 At the best, then, this list seems to be based on family traditions, and devoid of historical value. Imhotpe's father was a tutor of the children of Thothmes I and very unlikely to be "Khensem . . . , high-priest of Amon." This man, then, must be Userhet's own father, through whom he is connected with these distant dignitaries, and thus Ta-usret's husband. We have as yet no other record of his holding this office (under Harmhab?). Our trust in the story is not increased by the additional name of Neferhebef given here, and here only, to Userhet; but it may be supplied to give weight to a semi-legal document.2 Userhet has "revivified" the names of his ancestors very insufficiently and unsatisfactorily.3 The scene on the west side of the back (north) wall (Plate XVI) is divided into three registers, and it is not easy to say whether they deal with one subject only. The upper scenes probably depict a celebration of the anniversary of the king's burial, at which the rites were reenacted by land and water, the statue here taking the place of the coffined mummy. The lowest scene is concerned with the presentation of burial furniture, but, though Plate XXXVII shows such equipment being made for the use of a dead king, and though a cartouche is seen (in a title?) near the recipient on the left, the figure is scarcely compatible with that of a monarch. X

A vizier Hapu existed (Tomb 66 and Daressy, Recueil de cones funeraires, No. 270) and was buried close to Hapuseneb; but we can only suppose this to be Hapuseneb's father if we presume that his title was challenged and that he speedily died, leaving the office to his son, who also only held it briefly—for the latter does not claim the rank either for himself or his father in his tomb. It may be that Hapu and his son were made viziers by Hatshepsut against the will of other parties in the State, that both paid for it with their lives, and that neither was acknowledged as such by the triumphant party or afterwards. Hence the silence here also as to the vizierate of Hapuseneb, the title given him being that which he commonly uses. 2 A record in the tomb of Hapu that his eldest son was a web-priest of Amon, Neferhebef, gives weight to suspicion. Perhaps "called Neferhebef" on Pl. XV belongs to Hapuseneb's name and has been misplaced. 3 The question of a trumped-up genealogy is affected by a similar occurrence in the closely related tombs, Nos. 31 and 324, where a hitherto unknown vizier, Usermont, is introduced without its being clear how he is related to the families. Yet he appears to be authentic. Thus, though a family might make use of a distant member for its glorification, that does not involve it in mendacity. Hapuseneb had a son Akheperkereseneb, high-priest of Thothmes I (Griffith in Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 1889, p. i n ) . Though this name would be easily assumed by any one in the service of that king, the like-named person twice introduced on these walls may well be he, and meant to be a forced spokesman for the family, like Imhotpe and Hapuseneb. Probably the same is true of Amenmose' (p. 27), who seems to be of the same early date. Thus, Nebmehyt on Pl. X I may have followed Akheperkereseneb at the same distance in time that intervenes between Khensem . . . and Hapuseneb, and so be of Userhet's own period.

22

THE TOMB OF USERHET The gifts, then, are for Userhet himself, and the representation is to be taken in connection with that on Plate XIII. In the center of the topmost scene we see the doorway of the temple through which Userhet has just passed into the inner court or shrine, there to adore the king, screened from view by drawn curtains within the naos of his portable bark. The royal head, wearing the atef crown, adorns the prow and stern of the bark. Incense burns before it in dishes on top of the stands of offerings, and from these a bouquet is presented by a priest to Userhet in token of the good will of the deified king. A long file of servitors in the outer court brings further supplies for his service. In the middle register the standing statue has been unveiled and, attired in full gala costume, is being dragged by men on its sled-shaped base, so as to simulate the power of walking. To add to the illusion, lectors walk on either side, shading the king's face from the sun's rays, but the use of incense betrays the truth. The figure is black; primarily, no doubt, because the cult statue was of ebony.1 Five women greet the appearance of the king with signs of grief, as if for one newly dead, and five men lead the procession. They form a group of officials without apparent gradation or appropriateness of rank. The first, who seems to stand apart, is a prince, named, perhaps, Ahmose. He is followed by an overseer of the treasury of silver (?), Nebmehyt (?), an overseer of . . . , Amenhotpe, a lieutenant of the army (?), Mamheka, and by one Imhotpe (?).2 In front of the procession is a lake enclosed by banks of black earth and surrounded by a garden. Here the next part of the program is being carried out. The royal statue has been embarked on a skiff and receives the attention of priests there, while three men running along the 1

When depicted in person the king is red (Pl. V). The figures of kings supporting insignia of gods, etc., in works of art are very often black: cf. Naville, Xlth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Bahari, Part I, Pl. I. For royalties of black complexion, see Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, p. 33. A fragment which shows the head of the king (Pl. XIX, 4) must be that of the royal ka, carried on a pole behind the statue. For a photographic record of the scene, see Wreszinski, Atlas zur altagyptischen Kulturgeschichte, Sheet 173 (wrongly attributed to Tomb 5o). The separating borders of blue petals stop half-way across the wall simply because there was scanty headroom for the desired scene beyond this point. 2 Is Ahmose an ancestral vizier again—he of the time of Hatshepsut? In the last column of text all but hip is on an overlay.

23

The mortuary bark

Perambulation of the statue

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Perambulation of the statue

Userhet's own burial provision

South wall, west side. His hopes in death

bank drag the bark round the piece of water. A swimmer keeps the towrope clear of weeds.1 Frail booths, surrounded by a paling of canes, such as are provided for the entertainment of the dead on the day of burial, are dispersed among the trees of the garden.2 It is not inappropriate that Userhet, who had so often repeated masses for the soul of Thothmes I, should in this lower picture link his hopes for fitting burial with those of the king. On the left we may imagine Userhet ("chief priest of Akheperkere in the temple Chnemetankh") seated, for his hand is stretched out to touch the specimen gifts of a pectoral (?) and a cartonnage mask which "his son . . . who immortalizes his name" brings. Behind this son are other donors with offerings of food, and an array of furniture. This includes collars, ritual outfits,3 a censer, braziers, and a libation vase, three masks, several complete mummy coverings, coffins, or statuettes, and further supplies of food. The west side of the south wall (Plate XIII) is occupied by what amounts to a pictorial epitaph in three such phrases as "Honored in life by the king; mourned in death by his friends; welcomed in heaven by his god." The Egyptian was as far as can be from regarding life as a many-colored stain on the white radiance of eternity. For him, on the contrary, life set the norm of all future existence, which he hoped might differ from it only in greater intensity and diversity, though he often yielded to fears that it would prove a duller and darker shadow of earth. It is not strange that in the gracious recognition of services by a monarch a promise, and even a security, was found for generous treatment from the king of eternity; so that Userhet sets the royal rewards in closest connection with his summons to the presence of Osiris.4 This proof of royal favor is shown in the lowest register and is modl

T h e landing stage of the T-shaped pond is close to the temple door in the parallel scene in Tomb 3i. For the rite as applied to private persons, compare scenes in Tombs 87 and 100 (Virey in Memoires de la mission archeologique francaise au Caire, V, p. 3i9, and Pl. XXXVIII). 2 Cf. Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pl. XIX. The figure in the first booth has been obliterated without obvious reason. 3 For the outfits, see Davies, Ibid, Pl. XXIV. Small masks, suitable only for statuettes, were found in the tomb of Amenhotep II (Daressy, Fouilles dans la Vallee des Rois, Pl. XXVI). 4 Apy also links life and death in the same way (Pis. XXVII, XXVIII).

24

THE TOMB OF USERHET eled in the main on the designs used at El Amarna,1 the actual reception by the king being omitted and only adumbrated by a very summary drawing of the palace which occupies the center of the scene. At least it recalls the fagade or enclosure of the palace and does not at all resemble a temple. Yet we see behind it two Osirid statues of the king of South Egypt clothed in a short tunic, like those that lined the approach to the earlier temple at Deir el Bahri.2 Slabs for offering are set beside them. Farther still to the right an altar (?) is seen, and servants are preparing food or bringing supplies. On the left Userhet "the priest, foremost in the palace" (or possibly "high-priest in the temple of the king"), is leaving the building which had been the scene of this gratifying mark of honor, surrounded by servants and a very zareba of bouquets. His neck is encumbered with gold necklaces, and his lifted arms exhibit his bracelets to his friends. The jewelry which he cannot accommodate on his person is set out on the table. His womenkind come out to greet him with music and acclamation. Hatshepsut has not been forgotten by the king, if, as seems, earrings are among his gifts, and the attendant has something for her in his hands. The women's chanted applause of the king's generosity is recorded: "[Great is] the wealth of him (?) who recognizes those given by Amon to make glad his heart, Pharaoh, lord of Egypt. Thou shalt give wealth to generations yet unborn, 0 Pharaoh, lord of every one of us."3 Userhet's chariot is waiting for him, the groom at the horses' heads,4 and the driver chatting with the doorkeeper. Neither is the wherewithal for a banquet lacking; again a gift, it may be, from the king's table. The second register shows the funeral convoy moving towards the resting place of the dead in the west. The model boat, with the elaborate shrine in which the coffin is enclosed, is being drawn by three cows. 1

Cf. Davies, El Amarna, II, Pis. XI, XXXVI; V, Pl. IX; VI, Pis. V, XX, XXX; also Bulletin of M.M.A., Nov. 1921, Part II, pp. 21-23. 2 The statues are still less suitable to a dwelling of Userhet, which, besides, would be on the left. Whether the two statues are balanced by a pair wearing the crown of Upper Egypt cannot now be determined with certainty. 3 Cf. Davies, El Amarna, I, Pl. VIII; III, p. i3. 4 This detail is on a corner piece of sandstone from the lining of the west reveal of the entrance.

25

His rewards in life

His honors in death

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS His honors in death

His burial rites

Userhet welcomed by the West

Great bouquets like columns (reminding us that the Egyptian column is, after all, a bouquet, simple or elaborate) stand at the four corners and are connected by gay garlands. By the side of the route are stands of water jars, festooned with flowers, which take the place of the booths shown on Plate XVI. The coffin is followed by mourners in threes, who place the hand before the mouth in token of respectful silence, or in fear of offending the ritual purity of the dead. The first three are identified as the web-priests, Userpehti and Amenhotpe, and the overseer of the workshop of Amon, Nebmose. The second trio are the web-priests, Neferhebef and Nebseny, and the scribe of the treasury of the god, Nakht. 1 The third group is classed together, but the title is illegible. Their dull dirge runs, " 0 Userhet, high-priest in Chnemet-ankh, who renewest life! 0 Userhet, high-priest of the royal spirit Akheperkere!" Two men walk beside the cattle, carrying chests of burial equipment and fans. It makes a poor show in comparison with the varied gifts customary at an earlier period; but to it we must add the presents previously chronicled (Plate XVI). The cortege is met by a band of seven mourning women, who pour dust on their heads so liberally that they are streaked (bluish gray) with it from head to heel. They are very badly drawn, an enormous eye being planted almost in the middle of the face and at an absurd angle. Two other women, meant, no doubt, for the mother and wife of Userhet, turn towards the two coffins (white, with yellow bands) set up before the tomb,3 while a lector reads the hotep dy nisut formula, and a priest officiates. A table before them contains food and sixteen vases for the needed libations (four purifications repeated four times). Only a bouquet behind the coffins separates death from life, for on the far side we see the dead man, already endowed with renewed vitality, 1

These names are added faintly where they could be squeezed in. That of Nakht (omitted from the plate) lies below the name of Neferhebef. The last legend may be "the artisans who . . . . " 2 The first name of Userhet is a palimpsest and seems to replace the cartouche of the king and the name of Userhet written with two crossed signs. 3 Despite the beard, which is generally omitted in such cases, the second coffin is certainly intended for the wife, in anticipation of her day of burial. Actual coffins of women are generally marked by the absence of the beard and by open, instead of clenched, hands crossed on the breast.

26

THE TOMB OF USERHET welcomed by Hathor, goddess of the West. She stands in front of a curious building which must represent the tomb, though it is in even more absurd contrast than usual with the sepulcher in which it occurs. However, it resembles closely enough a side view of the Ramesside pyramidal tombs of Dra r abu'l Naga and presents the salient features of the temple of Mentuhotep at Deir el Bahri, which contained the shrine of Hathor and was the model, as I believe, of the pyramidal tomb. It may not have been clear to the designer, any more than to us, whether this erection stood for that temple, the home of Hathor, or for the ideal tomb, to which neither that of Userhet, nor, indeed, the vast majority of the tombs of Thebes had any resemblance. The tip of the pyramid is here colored black, as if made of basalt, and its slope is wreathed in garlands by the symbolizing fancy of the artist.1

Userhet welcomed by the West

The priesthood seems to have developed a high gift of hypocrisy. Userhet's pains to secure his soul's salvation have been treacherously crossed at the last moment; for the name of the person accepted by the goddess has been transformed, by the now familiar device of a smear of plaster and a little ink, into that of one Amenmose, a fellow high-priest (the fifth of the cult mentioned in the tomb), who thus played the Jacob and tried by guile to filch Userhet's death-right behind the back of the avenger of unrighteousness.2 Amenmose's subterfuge was mean rather than vindictive. Userhet's case is not hopeless, for he has yet to obtain a laisser passer in order to enter the kingdom of Osiris beyond the tomb. The topmost picture, continuing that beyond the doorway (Plate XI), shows Anubis leading him and his wife into the judgment hall of the god. Thot, the scribe of the gods, and Ma r et, the goddess of Justice, preside over the balances, in which, by a curious anomaly, the dead man himself is being weighed against his heart, instead of his heart being measured against Right. The pregnant idea of the actual man being judged by his own conscience seems too advanced for primitive ethics, so that an error may be sus-

His salvation endangered by a usurper

1

The identification of this pyramid with the tomb, notwithstanding its dissimilarity, is favored by the word "tomb" being determined by a similar erection: see Pl. XIX, 5. 2 This priest is known: see Daressy, Cones funeraires, No. g3. The cartouche also has been rewritten.

27

The last judgment

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The last

pected here.1 A devouring monster with crocodile's head, the fore limbs

judgment

The steia

of a dog, the hind parts of a hippopotamus, and the color of none of them, abides the result; but as always, the scales weigh level, and Userhet escapes the horrible jaws. Hence we see him, in apparent indifference to the fate of his wife, kneeling, an acquitted soul, before the throne of Osiris.2 The god, a glaring figure in as garish a naos, is hedged round by the arms and feathered wings of the goddess of the West, a charming device newly adopted, as if in compensation for the swift rejection of that other symbol of divine solicitude, the cherishing hands of the sun.3 Userhet, having passed the scrutiny of the divine balances, becomes one of the Westerners (Plate XIV). He is welcomed by their goddess as he reverently kneels before the sacred hills, knowing that they are the portal through which the declining sun passes to his kingdom of night. They are here represented in primitive simplicity of form, and in a hue of yellowish pink, which, startling as it is, the Egyptian mountains can assume at sunset. The brute creation, no less than the bipartite spirits of Buto and Nekhen, join in this act of adoration. The baboons, curiously enough, are painted in so faint a tint that they seem to be ghosts, whereas the spirits are conspicuous. The goddess (whose symbol has been left incomplete) receives the newcomer with the customary gesture of divine welcome (nini). The slovenly drawing and coloring can scarcely be forgiven a draughtsman who had given proof of such high capacity, or had its fruits before his eyes. As the inner chamber is undecorated, some supplementary material alone remains to be considered. The last rites at the interment were again shown on the stela in the courtyard (Plate X I X , 6). Here the single coffin of Userhet is seen, bewailed by his wife IJatshepsut and two sons, 1

As the heart in our picture is of an unusual form, the artist may be expressing an idea that the man is measured against the standard weight of the gods. Cf. Naville, Funeral Papyrus of Iouiya, Pl. XXII. 4 Instead of Userhet, the first draft seems to have shown the four genii on the lotus, as on Pl. V. Hence they are on the side of the man, and not on that of the god. Cartouche and name in the inscription have been reinserted, or changed without obvious reason. The amulet on the sash of the god has cartouches filled with mock hieroglyphs. 3 A graffito has been written across the figure of the goddess in black ink: see Pl. XIX, 2. It runs, "Made by the web-priest, Kyiri, warden of the temple of Usermare'-Setepenre (Barneses II), the temple of Amon-Be, king of the gods on the west of Thebes. He says 'Osiris is my Day.' "

28

THE TOMB OF USERHET ministered to by two priests, and mourned by one or two relations. The appended text runs, "A ritual offering to Amen-Re, to Atum, to Harakhti, to Geb, to Osiris, to Isis, Lady of the West, to Hathor, residing in the necropolis, to Anubis, foremost in the hall of the god, to the company of the gods . . . [to the gods] and goddesses there, the great ones of the necropolis, to the fane of the south, to the fane of the north, to the Sektet bark, to the Macdet bark, to the gods who are in heaven and earth; that they may grant cooling waters (?) and the scent of the breezes, that the soul may not ever suffer repulse, that thy (sic) name may be called and be forthcoming at every festival continually, that thou may est see Re at dawn and follow Sokar of Rostau, that thou mayest see the gods on thrones, that Re may give thee passage in the Sektet bark, that the West may receive thee, that libations be poured on the offerings, that (thou) receive the offerings of a god, and that Hapi give thee all manner of good food—thousands of bread, beer, oxen, fowl, thread, linen, fat, incense, wine, milk, greens, fragrant flowers, . . . [for the ka of] the high-priest of [Akheperkere, Userhet], the justified one. He saith, 'My rank (?) was that of a web-priest (?) . . . the shrine of the god, high-priest of . . . [born of the house-]mistress, [the singer of] Mont, lord of On, Ta-usret.' [His wife], the house-mistress, [Hat]shepsut. His son, Raremwia. His son, Huy. His son,. .

The stela

The ceiling inscriptions follow ordinary models (Plate XVIII, C). Ceiling texts (i) North side. "[A ritual offering to . . .]; to Hathor, regent of the necropolis on the west of Thebes; to Isis the great, the divine mother; and to all the gods of To-joser; that they may grant entrance and exit in the necropolis, and that my mouth may be full of food of thy (sic) giving before Onnofer to eternity."1 (2) South side. "A ritual offering to Re-Harakhti-Atum, lord of the two sides of On; (to) Khons in Thebes, fair of setting; (to) Thot, lord of Hermonthis, adjudicator of Justice for the company of gods2; that they 1

This and the other two ceiling inscriptions break off short without naming the recipient of the divine benefits, as is the rule in all such texts. 2 The two moon-gods, Khons and Thot, are associated so closely at times as almost to become a composite god: see Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, II, p. 37; Lanzone, Dizionario di mitologia egizia, Pl. CCCXLI.

29

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Ceiling

ma

y g j v e happy life in the necropolis for all eternity to the ka of the

high-priest of the temple of Akheperkere." 1 (3) .Middle. ["A ritual offering to . . . ] the great god . . . who created himself and made what is below and what is above, unique among the august ones and without his peer, Amon, lord of Justice; t h a t he may give all things good and pure."

"All things good and pure." No age can better the words, though each will fill them with a content dictated by its ideals. 1

The serpent erect on its tail stands at times by symbolic writing for "to stand," or for its homophone, "duration of life." So in Boeser, Beschreibung der Aegyptischen Sammlung, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden, VI, Pl. IV; Bergmann, Hieroglyphische Inschriften, Pl. V; Berlin Museum, No. 2293; Zeitschrift fur dgyptische Sprache, 57, p. 122. Here it is by error made feminine, as it is also in the same phrase in Tomb 324. I owe the above equation and the references to Dr. Alan Gardiner. The closing words of each text have been put in in black paint instead of. in blue. The incompleteness of the decoration, therefore, has the air of being deliberate.

3o

CHAPTER II

THE TOMB OF APY

CHAPTER II

THE TOMB OF APY A VERY incomplete memoir on this tomb (No. 217) was published j^j^* by Pere Scheil in 1894, with an incorrect description of its location, plan, the tomb contents, and state, and complete silence as to the conditions under which it was found and abandoned again.1 In consequence, it disappeared from knowledge for many years, until Mr. Weigall, at my request, searched for and eventually refound it in the season of 1911-1912. When I saw it first, the outer chamber was already cleared, but unprotected. The parts described and illustrated in most detail by Pere Scheil and Georges Legrain had disappeared or were shockingly mutilated, but, as admirable scenes, unchronicled by them, were in an excellent state of preservation, I became anxious to copy and protect them. The Director of our Expedition readily conceded the necessary grant, and in the autumn of 1912 the painted chamber was completely cleared, the overhanging rock removed, the walls consolidated, and an excellent roof placed upon them, under the direction of M. Baraize.2 A high mound of debris lay in front of the tomb, and I had hopes that a large part of the lost and deeply interesting scenes would be found there in fragments. In the spring of 1920, therefore, I had the whole of the court cleared, after first examining the out-throw of my predecessors in the vicinity. I also turned over all the accumulations in the burial places and inner chambers, which had been avoided as dangerous hitherto. As a result, many hundreds of 1

Mem. miss, francaise, V, pp. 6o4-6i2. Consideration for the paintings seems to have been so far shown by the discoverers that some of them had had tracing paper pinned over them before the refilling of the room. Or did discouraging disaster occur just as the walls were being traced? 2

33

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Becent history of the tomb

Its location

The exterior

painted fragments came to light, most of which must have come from the tomb. This involved me in an immense amount of labor, most of which has been very unproductive, for very few of the fragments came from the existing scenes or could be fitted into new ones. The thieves who cut out the most attractive pieces of the upper parts of the walls had evidently removed them more or less bodily, and only one group has ever appeared in the market, so far as I know. The fragments retrieved by me do, however, enable us to divine something of the character of the scenes which perished long ago and add exact knowledge of the coloration both of these parts and of those of which the French publication has given some account. The most interesting of the former will be found on Plates XL-XLII and will be dealt with on pp. 72-76. v The tomb (Plate XX) is one of a series cut in the slope of the hill beyond the temple of Deir el Medineh, just under the crest. Immediately to the south of it is another well-shaped tomb,1 but for some distance after that only remains of insignificant sepulchers now exist on this level. To the north the courts are contiguous, each being on a higher level, following the rising ground, and each somewhat later in date than that to the south of it, for each courtyard has had to take in a burial place thrown out to the north from the court of the tomb below. The forecourts are enclosed, the entrance being in the middle of the front wall, which thickens in the middle to form a portal or pylon. A path, common to the tier of tombs, must have passed outside and connected them; this has fallen away as tombs were excavated below them, so that the front walls now hang on the edge of a declivity. (For plan and section, see Plate XXI.) The court of Apy is enclosed on all three sides by walls of rubble faced with mud plaster; the fagade and side walls have a slight batter. Besides the main entrance there is a narrow side opening on the north. The court seems to have been formed at the same time as that next to it on the north (Tombs 266, 267), as the party wall is set against a wider 1

This tomb consists of two chambers, the first vaulted in brick axially, the second transversely. Its walls were stripped, but I excavated it to the floor and planned it. There was no clear proof that it had been painted. This and all the tombs to the north have since been cleared thoroughly by M. Bruyere for the Institut Francais, and the results of his excellent work are being published yearly in its Rapports.

34

THE TOMB OF APY buttress common to both. The kink in the north wall is due to there having been an entrance there to a burial pit lying beyond it. An opening in the south end of the fagade admits to another burial place (No. 5) which the arrangement shows to be original. After use, the opening had been blocked up. It led into a very irregular cave cut in the rock, which here lies in loose and almost vertical strata, so that even the narrowest natural roof is liable to fall in. A corresponding hole (No. 6) exists on the north side of the tomb-chapel, but, as in this case there is no visible entrance, it must have been reached from the top of the fagade. Being little more than a fissure, it was unsafe for us to empty it completely. It runs so close to the brick lining of the chamber that it broke into the latter at this point, destroying the paintings in the northeast corner. The courtyard contains two other places of interment on the north side of the axis. One is a small subterranean cave reached from the west side of a brick-lined shaft (Nos. 3, [\). To the east of this again lay a collapsed cave (No. 2), entered from the east—possibly from outside the court: it appears to be earlier than the shaft, as the latter is partly built in loose filling.

The exterior

A little depression in the floor of the court close to the mouth of the shaft had been filled with earth, and a stunted date palm planted there.1 This miserable specimen, which can scarcely have reached a height of more than two or three feet, or struggled through as many years of parched existence, represents, no doubt, the garden in which the dead man hoped to rest, sitting in the refreshing shade of the tree and receiving from its goddess luscious fruit and streams of cool water. A rough hole (No. 1), a foot or so deep, in the southwest corner of the court may have been another plot, or, being given shape and filled with water, have become, by the algebra of faith, the pool in which the deceased culled the lotus and quenched his thirst.2 Two accessories of ritual are also found here. South of the entrance to the tomb a brick bench for offerings is built against the front, having

Its arden

1

Mr. Mond found a somewhat larger one before a tomb near Tomb 106. In the court of the next tomb but one (No. 6) three neat little basins are cut in the rock pavement, plastered with mud, and painted white. They are 3o inches long, 24 broad, and 3 or 4 deep, thus sufficing only for a faith with the multiplying power of mustard seed. For three sacred pools in the ritual of burial see Virey, Le Tombeau de Rekhmara, Pl. XXIV. 2

35

g

Provision for ritual

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Provision for ritual

The entrance

The interior

a block of sandstone let into the top surface. A stela must have been painted on the wall behind it, or set up there. Opposite this platform, and so close to it that there was scarcely room to pass, is an oblong mastaba made of loose stones and brick, held together by a little mud and a smear of plaster outside. It is now half gone and only a few inches high; but it appears to have been solid and not an enclosure, though in two other tombs of the row (Nos. 216, 266) similar free-standing edifices have the appearance of flimsy shells.1 The entrance to the tomb chambers was by a narrow vaulted brick passage in the center of the fagade, roughly plastered and paved with stone. The raised stone sill and plain limestone jambs are shoddy, yet a pivot-hole shows that an outer door was fitted. There is a curious widening of the passage on the south side, into which perhaps a second door, opening outwards, was thrown back. The north wall at the farther end was decorated with a figure of Apy leaving the tomb, executed in white outlines on a mud surface. Only the feet and the final hieroglyphs are now visible; the latter seem to mention sons, among them one Nakhtamun. The chapel lies a few inches lower than the passage and is paved with brick. Only the lower parts of the walls now remain. It was constructed of brick within the rock, the only possible method on the site. This first room must have been a transversely vaulted one. The spring of the arch may, perhaps, just be detected on the highest point preserved; but nothing is left of the lunettes at either end. The walls were coated with mud, on which a background of yellow paint was directly laid. From this room, the only decorated one, another vaulted passage, in a direct line with the first, leads to chambers beyond. The opening to it is flanked, within the chapel, by two low pedestals which jut out into the room and once supported statues of Apy and his wife, standing with one foot advanced. These were molded in brick and mud and were attached to the wall behind. The mud figure was 1

1 unearthed a flat slab of sandstone with a cavetto cornice cut on the edge, which might have been one of many crowning the fagade, or covering the supposed mastaba.

36

THE TOMB OF APY coated with twofold linen to hold it together, and this again overlaid with white stucco, molded in detail and painted. All that now remains in situ are the two feet of the northern figure (Apy), but the discoverers must have seen much more. I found many fragments of these statues in the out-throw and thus gained some idea of their appearance. Apy stood with his hands laid flat against his pleated and projecting skirt, on which was incised the familiar prayer for "all the offerings on the altar [of the god]." His figure seems to have been entirely white, for the hands and hair certainly were. The figure of the lady, however, was colored. Her red arm showed faintly through her dress, and her long hair was black with a colored fillet. One hand may have been on the bosom, the other pendent. The supports of the statues were colored yellow to throw up the figures. These monuments were probably quite presentable, and their creator did not hesitate to make this treacherous material overhang, as if it had been stone. The passage that leads from the chapel to the undecorated rooms beyond is a brick vault resting on walls of rock eked out with rubble. It is paved for a short distance and then opens into a slightly wider and higher passage (No. II, Plate XXI), the brick arch of which lies under a larger vault of treacherous rock. At the end of this a short passage leads into a flat-roofed continuation of the corridor (No. Ill), terminating in a brick wall, which conceals the fact that the thoroughfare continues on the other side. Farther progress is provided for by a lined pit in the floor, which, by a drop of five feet, admits again to the blocked corridor and presently to a somewhat large room (No. IV) on the left, a recess on the right, and the small doorway to a final room (No. VII) directly in front. Room IV is on a slightly higher level than the passageway and its floor ascends towards the back. Here side chambers are found, one (No. V) a mere burial gallery, the other (No. VI) a roughly shaped room, the larger part of which had not been quarried down to floor level. At the end of the first passage a chamber (No. IX), roughly hewn in the rock, opens out to the north; but only the entrance now gives signs of having been shaped and faced. From this there is access 37

The interior

The inner rooms

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The inner rooms

Inscribed stones from the excavations

to rough caves on each hand (Nos. VIII, X). No. VIII seems to connect with the narrow tunnel to the east (No. 6). The debris in these rooms was quite unfruitful, so far as it was worked over; but a fatal accident that had recently occurred in a tomb close by made it inadvisable to clear it to the bottom. At the end of corridor II a pit (No. 7) had been sunk in the fairway to accommodate a burial, or to delay and disconcert thieves, as in royal tombs. This, as also perhaps the caves VIII, IX, and X, may be of a subsequent period. Corridor III was originally of greater width, but the rock gave way, and a new wall had to be built inside it. The sides of passages II and III, though marked on the plan as rock, are often made good with rubble and mud which the plaster conceals. The rock within which the chapel was built has collapsed, so that the tomb now lies in a recess of the cliff (Plate XX). Objects found during the excavations were not of great importance. Of stonework there came to light: (1) Two pieces of a slab painted light yellow, on which a scene is incised; probably from the lintel of the outer door (Plate XL, 1). In the center is a stela or cella with a god (Re?) seated in it, worshiped on both sides by Apy and his wife. (2) Part of the left jamb of the tomb of Anhur-kha r (No. 299), showing on the face hotep dy nisut prayers to Ptah-Sokar and Harakhti-Atum, and, on the cheek, the figure of the deceased entering. (3) Fragments of a pyramidion with a man adoring Re.1 (4) Part of a libation table with a prayer to a goddess ".. .Khent(et)Amentet, that she may give entrance and exit in the necropolis." (5) The right-hand part of a stela, depicting Apy, "sculptor in the place of Justice," and Dowesmiset, adoring; possibly from the altar in the court (p. 36). Above is a bark. (6) Part of another stela, showing the adoration of Osiris-Khentamentet and Isis. 1

M. Bruyere has since found the rest in the vicinity (Deir el Medineh, Part II, pp. 32-34 and Pis. VII, VIII). It may be the tip of a pyramid which surmounted the chapel or the entrance. On the east face is the bark of the rising sun; on the north and south, figures of Apy adoring it; on the west, Apy worshiping the sun as he moves to his setting from the south.

38

THE TOMB OF APY (7) M. Kuentz found in the vicinity, and kindly handed over to me, the right jamb of a door-framing, on which were incised records of homage (A) to a king "that he may grant life, weal, and health, ability, favor, love, a happy life, and enjoyment of health; (B) to [Mut, lady of] Asher, that she may grant that my mouth may be wholesome, and access to her shrine, until I reach peaceful retirement; (C) [to Hathor, mistress] of all the gods, the eye of Re, without her peer, lady of the two Egypts, and to Horus, that they may grant life, etc. (as above). For the ka of the sculptor and servitor in the Place of Justice, Apy." The first prayer is on the cheek, the other two on the face, of the jamb (Plate XL, 4). Of objects there were found: (i) Three pieces of pierced woodwork; possibly from a burial catafalque, or the board laid over the mummy in the coffin. They comprised the upper parts of figures of a man and a woman which must have been about seven or eight inches high, and of a kneeling figure of the winged Ma r et, cut out of half-inch wood, and originally set in a frame. They were fairly well executed and brightly painted on a stuccoed surface and must have formed part of an attractive whole. (2) A sherd with a sketch of men carrying a palanquin of a king (Amenhotep I?); probably the draft for a scene (Plate XLI, 23-24). (3) A fragment of a box in limestone with a polychrome text. (4) An ostracon with a rough sketch of a bearded face. (5) A piece of a pink jar, painted with garlands. (6) Necks of two "pilgrim" bottles. (7) Two drop beads in blue and in red glaze. (8) A bowl filled with fine dust (disintegrated roots?), a cake of mud above this, and the stem of a small plant. (9) Bits of stuccoed and painted coffins and cartonnage of late date. (10) Two lamps of classical type. (11) A mud tile one foot square, with a hole through the center. (12) Many fragments of wine jars from the brick shaft. Three had carried hieratic inscriptions (Plate XIX, 1), and one jar could be built up to a fairly complete state. The texts run: "Year 5o. Wine of the 39

Inscribed stones from the excavations

Other objects

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Other objects

The chapel, west wall. Scenes of worship

sanctuary 'Millions of years of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Usermare-Setepenre (Rameses II)' in the temple of Amon, to the north of the pylon of the Syrians. By the hand of the superintendent of vinedressers, Paheripedet."1 "Year 53. [Superfine] wine [of the.. .th day] of the vineyard of the district (?) which faces (?) the water of Neti ( ? ) . . . . " "Year 49 • .. ." One or two bottoms of jars were full of husks.2 The following description of the mural scenes of the painted chapel commences with the back (west) wall and works round the room by the south. The two divisions of the rear wall show Apy and his wife worshiping the gods, but as the space was small, the figure of the lady in both cases was placed on the adjoining wall. On the north side of the entrance to the inner room (Plates XXII, XXIII) Apy is seen lifting one hand in adoration before a naos on a low white dais, while with the other he pours a libation on a pile of white grains covered with leaves and set on a white stand. He is clothed in a leopard's skin, the natural markings of which are interspersed with the encircled stars of the underworld.3 It makes a brave show of color, matching the elaborate skirt of the god. The skin has the cartouche of Amenhotep I on its head, indicating that Apy, as a "servitor," performed the functions of a priest in the cult of that deified king. He has light gray hair here, but not in other cases.4 His wife carries in her hand a head of papyrus entwined with a climbing plant, and a long-necked vase, to which a bunch of leaves serves as a stopper.5 She wears a triple string of large beads of various shapes, sizes, l

T h e temple "Millions of years" of Barneses III is Medinet Habu (Breasted, Ancient Records, IV, § 19); but a temple of Barneses II of that name (the Bamesseum?) also occurs (Spiegelberg, Hieratic Ostraka and Papyri, Nos. 3i8, 320, and in Petrie's Six Temples at Thebes, p. 29). The "pylon (or "tower") of the Syrians" one would take to be the gateway of Medinet Habu, but this is ascribed to Barneses III. Had it, then, a predecessor in the palace south of the Bamesseum ? Or does the term refer to the pylons of the Bamesseum, on which Syrian wars are depicted ? 2 Dr. Stapf, keeper of the Herbarium at Kew, kindly examined these and pronounced them to be husks of wheat and barley, the grain having been eaten probably by a rodent. The wheat spikelets "exhibit characters pointing to their belonging to some rather primitive race." 3 Cf. p. 7, note 2. 4 Does this signify that in old age he was, or would be, faithful to his allegiance; was hair actually powdered; or is this a dumb prayer for that happy old age before the god which all men sought? 6 For the flowers apparently attached to the plant, though botanists will not admit the connection, see also pp. 43, 75.

4o

THE TOMB OF APY and colors, separated by three small black ones. Like other women in the tomb, she does not wear sandals.1 Two gods are in the shrine. The foremost is dressed in the custom- The gods ary way, viz., in a scale-patterned corselet, and a short skirt confined at the waist by a belt having a § amulet as buckle. He is probably Anubis.2 The god mounted on a pedestal behind him, swathed in white and holding the combined g and \ scepter, must be Ptah or Ptah-Sokar. Fragments found indicate that he, or a lost god, wore a pink cape over his shoulders and arms (Plate XLII, 49). On the other side of the doorway Apy presents a white brazier to A parallel scene the gods (Plate XXIV). It contains a pigeon, two tapering loaves, and four pyramidal cones of fat. The light blue smoke that rises from it comes from four black pellets of charcoal that ignite the fragrant fat. By way of change, Apy has doffed the priestly skin. Before him, on a high white stand, is a T-shaped dish, on which flowers and fruit are piled.3 The lady carries her menat and is accompanied by her engaging daughter, Imamhab, who also brings a contribution to the sacrifice (Plate XXXII). Her forehead and the back of her skull are shaved, and the remaining hair falls from the crown in two long streams upon her shoulders.4 The deities worshiped stand within a naos supported on elaborate The deities columns, memories, no doubt, of real constructions in flimsy stucco work, bright with garish color and flapping ribbons. The shaft shows grouped papyrus stems, but the capital is triplex: the lower one a lotus (nymphaea) in imitation, or real, cloisonne work; the middle one an open papyrus head, flanked by four (?) lions' heads; the topmost one a lily, surrounded by uraei to give support to its spreading petals. The cornice was formed, as usual, of a board adorned with painted fronds, having bunches of grapes hanging from it, and a row of uraei crowned with disks 1

The five toes are shown on the near foot in all large human figures in this tomb. The ball of the hand is indicated here and in Pl. XXV by a double curve, perhaps for the first time. See note 4, p- 17. 2 The letter M of his name is perhaps seen close to the column. 3 The shape of the dish is derived from that of ponds (Pl. I). It receives the waters of libation and so keeps the flowers and garnishing fresh and pure. Or does its red color in this case indicate wine? For the shape see Theban Tombs Series, III, Pis. VIII, XII; Petrie, Qurneh, Pl. XLV; Sethe, Urkunden des agyptischen Altertums, IV, p. 63g. 4 Cf. Pl. V.

4i

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The deities

Apy's relatives

surmounting all (these details being learnt from fragments found). The deities are in this case "Osiris [Khent] Amentet, . . . great god, lord of Justice" and "Hathor, mistress of the western necropolis." Osiris stands on a blue pedestal and is clothed in white cerements. He has a bright green complexion, and two cobras hang round his neck in readiness to dart their fangs at any enemy. As in his mortal existence, he owes his happiness to woman's devotion, for Hathor watches over and supports him, wearing on her head the mark of her identity with the hawk of the West. Her blue hair is divided into locks by white lines. In front of each divinity the waterskin, symbol of the infernal gods, hangs on its pole. The rows of relatives which contribute to the monotony of Ramesside paintings occupy in this tomb the upper registers of three of the four remaining walls under a lost horizontal band of text. They face inwards. The series appears to have been headed, perhaps on each wall, by Apy and his wife, distinguished from the rest only by their appended names. The groups conform to those of their hosts on the south wall, where their coloration, costume, and posture may best be studied.1 Married pairs follow one another in interminable dullness, sitting on backed chairs with their feet on footstools. As there is only one butler to each of the three walls, the file is uninterrupted even by the figures of serving-men and maids, who, at an earlier period, would have broken the uniformity. Each lady embraces her husband with both arms, as if claiming him for all eternity. The wearisome repetition is (or was, rather) relieved by one touch of humor: under the chair of the last lady on the north wall a bird is engaged in a quarrel with a cat.2 These guests must be taken as assisting at the scenes of worship just studied. The upper part of the south wall is occupied by a row of the guests 1

PL XXXVI exhibits what remains of the scene on the north and east walls; that on the south wall is seen in the photograph on Pl. XXVI. The largest of many fragments from these scenes are incorporated in the . former. If, as appears likely, fragment 33 (Pl. XLII) fits on to that added (but not in position) on the extreme left of Pl. XXXVI, "his beloved daughter (?) Urner" made offerings of flowers there to "Osiris, the servitor Apy" and "his wife, the house-mistress . . ., Dowesmiset." 2 Another version is extant in Tomb io, as well as the full-faced cat (Pl. XXV). See Bulletin of M.M.A., July, 1920, Part II, p. 3i.

4a

THE TOMB OF APY just mentioned. The scene below presents a very successful treatment of a most commonplace subject (Plate XXV). 1 On the left are the dead recipients of food and flowers; on the right are the donors, and the texts tell us all that we need to know that is not plain at a glance. Over Apy's head is a speech; as it is not marked as the son's by its direction, it may be taken as an impersonal address to the dead. "Receive a bouquet which has been proffered in the temple of Amon in Karnak, (since) thou art a subject of the lord of grace. Mayest thou receive loaves and thy nostril (?) enjoy the odor of incense, 0 sculptor Apy." Over the lady is written, "His beloved wife, the house-mistress, Dowesmiset, his daughter Imamhab, and his son Merymose."2 Over the ministrants we read "(At) the hand of thy beloved son, Nebnakht, [son of] thy beloved son (?), [the sculptor], Any," and "His beloved daughter, Urner." These two bring pink jars of water, which are decorated in paint on their sides and have their mouths stopped with green stuff.3 Urner carries besides more than one hand can well hold of other gifts: a fillet for the head, a bouquet, and a spray of a climbing plant with red and blue inflorescence. Some details may be noticed.4 The poppy (?) worn in the hair of the ladies has red petals with a blue edging and black markings at the base, a spreading calyx, and tiny leaves. It is evidently far from naturalistic. The earrings of the ladies are wheel-shaped, with white rim and blue radii, from which depend three little strings of blue beads ending in blue tassels. Their armlets are formed of blue and green beads, sparsely 1

In this plate I have deviated from my almost invariable practice by making wide restorations without indication. The wall is defaced by innumerable pittings and widespread abrasion, yet retains so much of its original color and fines that it was possible by restoration to present a picture closely resembling the very attractive original as it came from the hand of the artist, while a facsimile would have been of little value. In the main the restoration consists in joining up existing lines and continuing color over small injuries, and this can largely be controlled by the photograph on Pl. XXVI. The profiles of the wife and daughter, where lacking, follow that of Apy; the earring and wig of the wife, those of the daughter. The hair of Apy and his son have less guarantee, and the form of the cats has had to be completed without aid. The hieroglyphs have sometimes been made good from small indications and are not free from doubt. 2 The original intention to include these children in the picture has not been carried out. 3 Many jars of this type have been found on the site. 4 Dowesmiset has slight shading on the chin, nose, and lip, leaving the throat, lower lip, eye socket, and brow lighter. This is less marked on Apy's face, but the eye socket is distinctly fighter. The artist may be following observations made in sculptured tombs where the chief fighting is by reflection from the floor.

43

South wall. The meal of the dead

Details

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Details

s ecial

P

strung on a white thread. Among them a black and white bead is prominent. As many as seven separate strings are worn on forearm and wrist, but Apy wears only the divine eye as a charm. One hangs from his neck by a chain of beads, others are bound round his wrists. 1 The chairs are padded with red cushions, and their joints are lashed for greater strength with interwoven thongs. The skin worn by the son is again decoratively treated, but in a somewhat different manner and tone from that on Plate X X I I I . Loaves of a fancy shape 2 are ranged on a dresser, and on its shelf is

features

stained

a plate of fruit. By the thoughtfulness of the artist, who has shown its contents in elevation, we can see t h a t it was spread with a m a t of woven petals and piled with cucumbers, dates, and figs. Finally we have the delightfully quaint cat and kitten. The former sits solemnly, as if stuffed, under its mistress's chair. I t has a ridiculous, full face, and the affection lavished on it is betrayed by a silver ring passed through its ear. 3 With the temerity of youth, the kitten has climbed on to Apy's lap, where it plays happily with the flapping sleeves. Their color is evidently meant to be the usual tawny hue (Plate X X V ) . A problem is presented by the dress of men and women, its white

dresses

being mottled with reddish brown over all the upper part, and as far down as the knees. Something like this is widely met with in the latter half of the Eighteenth Dynasty in the depiction of festal garments. The explanation that it represents white robes soiled by ointment which ran down from the head, or had been rubbed into the arms and shoulders, though not attractive, must be accepted in the main.4 The mind of the artist dwelt, however, not on the stain, but on the revela1

The artist shows only the black design, but not the glazed plaque on which it was painted or cut, and gravely ties this abstraction on the arm by a thread. It is clear from this that when cartouches are shown on the body, they represent jewelry, not tattooing. 2 Turin Museum possesses a loaf of this shell-like shape (from Tomb 8 nearby), from which we see that the decoration in the center is no other than the gaping cut made in it to prevent it bursting in the oven. The cut in the edge probably served the same purpose. Hence, perchance, the form of the sn sign. 3 So in Tomb io, where the earring even has pendants, like a lady's. 4 Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheets 28b, 39b. Definite proof is found in Tomb 69, where a few dabs of the same color are also seen on unsoiled parts of the gown, showing that the yellow cannot indicate an overgarment: Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1922, Part II, p. 54.

44

THE TOMB OF APY tion of the well-anointed body beneath the linen; his anxiety was, not stained dresses

to paint stains in the interests of realism, but to make it clear that festal ointment had been so lavishly provided by the host that all the body glistened with it. Being a proof of munificence, as well as a high pleasure, its unsightly consequences were condoned; for the smell and the sensations would be highly appreciated in that land of parched skins. This feature is given a new extension in Ramesside times. There

Their

.

meaning

is every sign that the use of unguents was continued, on the head at least; but, though the artist no doubt realized what the coloration signified, some fortuitous advantages which it possessed outweighed, if they did not replace, the original motive. As was the case with the dust thrown on the garments by the mourner,1 the stain or yellow shade cast by the anointed body on a dress was naturally more pronounced in the folds, and where it was gathered close to the body. It thus came to be a convenient means of indicating the folds. They had been shown in earlier times by fine red lines, tailing off as the garment spread smooth, and in early Ramesside years were continued, where they became mere soft undulations of light and shade, by faint gray stripes (page 8). The latter might with advantage have been carried up in a narrowed and darkened form to supplement, or replace, the lines which represent the harder folds. Instead of this the artist uses the yellow stain for this purpose.2 The red lines are retained, but it is the stippled color which is relied on to indicate the gathers of the dress. Our artist also uses it to mark off the mantle from the underskirt, prolonging it there to the very hem, though the stain would scarcely reach it.3 As another means of preserving outlines amid the mass of color, he leaves a white edging on the hems and white ties. This festal stain went far towards creating a colored dress, and this was a new recommendation of it to the later artist, intemperate as he was in the use of his palette. Hence, 1

Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pis. XIX, XXI; Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet 8. In doing so, he is only carrying further what his predecessors had practised, for they also made the yellow color run in waves. 3 This device was not quite new. See Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pl. V. 2

45

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS

Eastw

^'

its subject

instead of being confined to banquets, the smeared gown soon became general. The front wall, south of the entrance, is now entirely destroyed except for a small strip along the right-hand side and at the bottom. It was, however, complete when first discovered, except for an injury running diagonally from left to right down the center and some defacement on the extreme left. But we have only been vouchsafed a brief verbal description of most of the scenes, the exception being a sketch of the officials in front of the palace window, and a more careful copy in color by Legrain of the house and garden of Apy.1 The two line plates (Nos. XXVII and XXVIII) I have devoted to this wall are, therefore, of very unequal value in their several parts.2 The pictures included on a single wall generally have some unifying idea, when the space is not clearly apportioned to more than one subject, but in later tombs they may be a mere conglomeration of unconnected scenes. In the present case it is difficult to formulate a bond of thought, as informative notes were almost confined to a running text above the scenes, and this is now lost. We have, however, a parallel, perhaps even a model, in the tomb of Userhet (Plate XIII), where the owner seems to have claimed the favor of the king in life and of the gods in death on the grounds of his services and virtues. Whether the rewards of the king were extended to the owner in the matter of his burial also is not clear, and, in the case of Apy, this point, as well as the signs of divine favor, rest on the interpretation we give to the lowest register. Clearness of thought and presentation plays a much smaller part in Ramesside decoration than at an earlier period, one sign of which is the paucity of textual comment. 1

Scheil in Mem. miss, francaise, V, p. 606, and Pl. I. Pl. XXVII has been made up of (1) the small fragments still in situ; (2) a copy, with slight alterations, of the above-named sketch; (3) fragments, chiefly from the pavilion—including the lower part of the king's face— which have been inserted, as best I could, guided by Legrain's sketch; (4) a reconstruction in broken lines of the missing elements of the rest of the scene, based on Pere Scheil's description. This last category is necessarily very different in aspect from the original, which, at this period, would certainly have shown the various components in a less simple and less regularly distributed composition. It will serve, however, as a pictorial transcription of the evidence of an eyewitness. 2

46

THE TOMB OF APY The upper half of the scene on this wall (Plate XXVII) is an echo of ^ desisn1 borrowed

the Akhnaton period, when the prospects of the officials who had cast from •

^ Amarna

in their lot with the revolutionary king were so closely bound up with his in life and in death. The persistence of the tradition is evidenced by the survival of the characteristic picture of the palace forecourt, which was the more public scene of royal functions during Akhnaton's reign. This feeling of a closer touch between king and people is indicated in the later tombs, not only by scenes in which members of the royal line, past as well as present, are adored, and in which there may lie a protest against such a snapping of the link with the past as Akhnaton's removal from Thebes might seem to embody, but also in the survival here and there of the balcony scene,1 and with it the peculiar phrases that accompany the scene in the tombs of El Amarna. Here, though the royal dais is made so much less prominent a feature of the picture that the balance of the composition suffers greatly, it adheres so closely to the mode created by the school of Akhnaton that Pere Scheil identifies the monarch with that king in defiance of the anachronism and the portraiture. He may be right, on the other hand, in omitting a figure of the queen, for this reminder of the human side of royalty survived the transference of the capital to Thebes, but not the fall of the dynasty.2 Apy, the head sculptor, is not at once recognizable in the group The figure under the royal stance, where two figures stand side by side, one clothed in a dress which closely resembles that of a vizier, the other in the contemporary costume of a Theban gentleman or official.3 Both of them appear, from the objects they carry, to be "fan-bearers on the right hand of the king"; but the axe and crook,.which high administrators usually bear besides the fan and sash, are not in their hands. The man who extends his fan to the king's face must be our hero, and his com^ . g . , in Tombs 49, 5o, 106, i57, and in 55 and 188 of the revolutionary period. In Tomb 4o the new phraseology is used, but the older picture of the royal throne is retained. 2 Cf. Bulletin of M.M.A., July, 1920, Part II, pp. 26, 3o. It will be noticed that I have given a slightly different pose to the king there. The extant fragments admit of a certain amount of manipulation, and this variation shows its approximate range. A queen, I have since found, is shown in Tomb 157. 3 The vizier's dress, which Legrain has not terminated below the armpit in the usual way, may be compared with that worn by military men in Davies, El Amarna, I, Pl. XIV; III, Pl. XIV; IV, Pl. XXVI.

47

The

., .

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS panion really the vizier, who was often present in such cases and introduced the official recommended for reward.1 It appears as if Apy was not the only official to be rewarded on this

distribution

of rewards

occasion, for those following him are having their dress adjusted by an attendant and wear the golden collars which were the nearest approach to a monetary reward. A fragmentary text suggests that these additions to the honors-list were scribes, soldiers, and temple servitors: so that Apy might well be among them, and even the first in his own estimation. The picture shows the two principal figures followed by their own, or royal, fan-bearers, and by twelve men in groups of threes, who have received several gold collars each as well as rations from the palace, and who show their approval of the institution of kingship by their upraised arms. Possibly the four bulls driven up behind them are a return present from them to the royal larder. The inevitable journalists bring up the rear. Further marks of royal favor are displayed in an upper subdivision of the register. Foremost are seven collars of gold, large and small, and a pair of gloves2 apiece for the vizier and his protege, and, next in order of value, three bags of eye-powders (?) and nine ewers.3 Four oxen, fifteen fish, four tables of bread, and a drinkingvessel have also been provided from the royal storehouses, that a feast worthy of the occasion may not be wanting. A scribe jots down the allowance in the interests of the Treasury, and six courtiers await the king's orders.4 1

Davies, El Amarna, II, Pl. XXXV (where the vizier's seal and ribbon might be restored); VI, Pis. IV, XVIII, XX, XXIX. In one of these cases two or three men in the distinctive dress of the vizier are present. That the article of dress resembling the hames of a horse is really the seal of the vizier and its attachment is clear from Tomb 106, where the cartouche of the reigning king is duly engraved on it. 2 "Mains": Scheil in Mem. miss.francaise, V, p. 6o5. But see Davies, El Amarna, VI, Pis. XXIX-XXXI, and perhaps also III, Pl. XVII; and Tomb 55 at Thebes. 3 So I venture to translate "trois vases en forme de cornue et neuf bonbonnes a goulot lateral" (foe. cit.). Cf. my El Amarna, VI, Pl. IV. 4 The parts of the scene missing from Pl. XXVII, but recorded by Pere Scheil, are: Top row:fiverows of three fish each; four little tables, piled with loaves and fruit; a stemmed vase on a stand; a scribe, clothed in a long skirt, bending to write on his tablet; six men in long robes, bowing with pendent arms. Main row: four groups in all of three men each, with uplifted arms and a table of food before each. Beyond this the row divides into two, but is illegible at the end. Upper half: four black and bay bulls, in charge of two drovers in full dress. Lower half: three scribes following one another, holding tablets (the first, perhaps, a baton), and raising the left hand to the forehead.

48

THE TOMB OF APY The second division of the wall (Plate XXVIII) 1 shows the burial of Apy, moving from right to left, namely, from the embalmer's atelier, or the booth on the estate of Apy, whither the body has been brought in readiness for the funeral, to the tomb on the western slopes. The place where the body lies in state on its bier is given the form of a sleeping place, raised on a dais.2 A white hanging is stretched above the casket-shaped roof, perhaps as an awning. Two women, dressed to represent the weeping Isis and Nephthys, or emblematic figures of those goddesses, watch the corpse, and a male member of the family does the like by the canopic box. Both coffin and box are inscribed for Apy. The time for the interment having come, the coffin (together with the prospective coffin of the wife) is brought out and the lector reads the service for the dead in the presence of the mourning relatives, who pour dust on their heads in token of their personal loss, though at the same time carrying papyrus stems emblematic of their hopes for the dead.3 The coffin having been placed in the bark and this again on runners, it is drawn by four men towards the tomb, the priest and his acolyte keeping it pure by fumigation and sprinkling of milk. Lamentation is raised by the women as the moment for incarceration in the rock tomb approaches.4 The funeral furniture, if we may believe the picture, had been 1

Of this plate, showing the lower part of the wall, only the strip on the right and the bottom are in situ, but it was most desirable to show the garden of Apy in something like its original setting. Such extant fragments as it seemed safe to insert are surrounded by an outline. The top register is vouched for only by Pere Scheil's description and in detail is entirely tentative, save for the datum given by the connection of the sled with the scene below. Many parts of the restored groups would certainly have been in the more involved style of the Bamesside era. The middle register is taken from Legrain's copy, altered to some extent to admit fragments which must come from the scene. Its position in the register is based on the intrusion of the tip of an atef crown, belonging, no doubt, to one of the rams' heads on the bark below. If it was worn by a ram at the stern, the garden, and with it the sled above, would have to be shifted far to the left. The length of the wall just admits of this, if the burial scene was much compressed; but one would not have expected the painting to be so well preserved so close to the doorway. The diagonal injury would then be more continuous. The extant picture in the lowest register has been restored considerably, partly on the basis of fragments which seem to have their origin there. If I have taken advantage of this duplication of the record to present alternative renderings in order to admit existing fragments, I do not lay undue stress on them, while giving reasons for the liberty taken. 2 It may be the catafalque which will presently be placed on the funeral bark. 3 1 make the lector turn about in deference to Pere Scheil's description, but with hesitation. 4 Scheil has given no idea of the shape of the tomb, except that it had a pyramidal superstructure as usual.

49

Burial of Apy

The procession

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The procession

Apy's house

ranged before the resting place of the coffin, and is now carried to the tomb in front of the convoy. In the former position are shown a scribe's case,1 two backed chairs, two chests, two folding stools, two ceremonial vases on a cushioned stool, two pairs of sandals,2 a bed, a head-rest, and two fly-whisks. Farther on, a bed is being carried by one Any (perhaps the sculptor, son of Apy) behind a group of male relatives, and staves, two chests, and a chair, in front of them. Is the picture of Apy's house in the middle register to be connected with that on Plate XIII, as the home to which he returns in pride from the king's presence, or with the scene of funeral, when his establishment would be in preparation for the accompanying feast? It is possible that the artist himself was not clear on the point, being only intent on a charming presentation which could be justified on either ground. The house being shown, the various domestic activities involved when either a feast or a funeral was in prospect are naturally attached to it. On the right a small part of the slaughterhouse is preserved, and very likely the cutting up of an animal was depicted outside it. Curious joints and entrails (the modern Arab, too, leaves nothing uneaten, save the horns, hoofs, and skin of the beast) are hung from the rafters, and the servant in charge is weighing out meat to a recipient, using, as it seems, a hand-balance for the purpose.3 We must not think of a shop; free trading would have small place in a state of society where metal was only used in large transactions and coin was not yet invented. But we can imagine that the rations issued to each member of the household were as strictly apportioned as wages are now, and as was the case in the administration of the palace.4 What we see here, then, may be assumed to be the reception by the serfs of their allotted portion.5 1

This perhaps ought to be a casket-like "boite a. o^haMis,1' as the eyewitness reports; but see Pl. XXXVI. 2 For sandals in two such aspects, see Theban Tombs Series, III, p. I I , n. 2. 3 For such balances, see Klebs, Reliefs des alten Reiches, p. 84; Petrie, Deshasheh, Pl. XIII; PerrotChipiez, Histoire de VArt, I, p. 32; and Daressy, Revue archeologique, 1905, Pl. XV. 4 See Scharff in A.Z., 57, p. 5i. 6 Butchers' booths are shown in connection with a feast in Tomb 112; with cooking activities in Tombs 93, 3i8, and that of Barneses III (Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet g3); with a house in Tomb 254; and with the provision of funeral gifts in Tomb 60. Such pictures are exact reflections of Middle Kingdom models in wood: see Winlock in Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 20.

5o

THE TOMB OF APY The picture of Apy's home (Plate XXIX) 1 is more attractive by far than other presentations of houses, where the stiffly symmetrical arrangement of the scene is apt to detract from its pleasantness. The substitution of a natural for an artificial point of view, and the more realistic treatment of the figures and foliage, so limit the orderliness here that it only retains the charm of a decorative handling of a scene that in nature would be confused and unbalanced. In short, it is an artistic creation instead of a quaint diagram. Placed on this wall, where all else seems to have been in the usual style of a disjointed narrative, it must have shone like a jewel. Men would not be wanting in its day to whom it was a blot on an irreproachable composition, but to us it is like a European melody heard through the monotonous drone of a fellah's flute. It is a matter for deep regret that the few men who were privileged to see this wall intact, or nearly so, were incapable of so appreciating it as to try to preserve for posterity these paintings in which the aesthetic sense of man triumphs for a moment in the midst of the primeval struggle for existence on earth and afterwards. The house or pavilion which forms the center of the picture differs from other pictures of Egyptian dwellings that have been preserved, in that it is given a front, instead of a side, view or an aspect based on Scheil, Mem. miss, francaise, V, Tombeau d'Apoui, Pl. I. Pl. XXVIII again needs more than a word of apology, since it presumes to offer itself as an alternative record of a lost picture. But I am convinced that it is nearer the original in some important points of coloring than Legrain's copy, as published. Exactitude in detail is so far from being assured, that the line drawing on Pl. XXVIII differs from, the colored plate in several instances, as I have transferred to the latter some extant fragments which fit fairly enough there also. The two main errors which made a repainting of Legrain's copy desirable were the wrong tone of the background and the false form and color of the papyrus, which fragments show to have been a naturalistic, instead of a very conventional, element in the picture. I have also ventured to give vertical lines to the door and to the walls of the house. I know no justification for the absurdity of a splayed door-frame, and have observed the inveterate tendency, even of good copyists, to give a slope to perpendicular architectural fines. But, as a tiny length of line preserved seems to be that of the outer wall, and hints at a batter, I have retained it on Pl. XXVIII. A yellow tinge has been given to the flower of the broad-leaved shrub, in harmony with Tomb i, and a base line has been supplied under the steps. If the trees were here treated like others in the tomb by having the body of their foliage painted blue, it would greatly change their aspect. I have little doubt that this was so, especially as the somewhat large fragment which I have inserted in the pomegranate tree on Pl. X X I X shows this feature. The small pieces which I have assigned to the scene fit fairly well into Pl. I of Pere Scheil's edition. Probably, therefore, it was prepared from rough tracings (a specimen of which, from another part of the wall, was found in the debris) and from notes of color, instead of directly from the wall. Maspero, in Mem. miss, francaise, V, p. 169, seems, then, not to have been perfectly informed on this point. The omission of the horizontal lines on the column in the colored plate is a regrettable inadvertence.

5i

Exceptional beauty of the scene

Special features

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Special

concocted planes. 1 I t conforms to pictures in the tombs of El Amarna

features

in having a narrow frontage, but not to the actual houses in that city, which tend to lie foursquare. It is manifestly shown in as simplified a form as possible. The actual door (which one would have expected to be yellow) is interesting in that a square is marked out on it in the place where the pictured, and also the actual, doors of tombs show a panel in relief, exhibiting the owner at meat or at worship. Were, then, house doors also provided with such a panel, or is this a reminiscence of the shutter through which the porter could speak to the would-be visitor?2 The capitals of the papyrus columns show, though not quite correctly, the sheathing leaves of the calyx between the bundles of inserted stems.3 The pond

As the pond is shown in plan, the house is lifted in the picture to the same height, but is not necessarily above ground level. The steps might be those leading down the bank to the water, for this is probably not meant to be contained in two ponds, one on each side of the house, but in one continuous sheet, as the papyrus plants suggest. 4 But, as the larger houses of Akhetaton are generally raised a foot or so above the ground and reached b y a flight of low steps, 5 this practice is likely to have been used a t Thebes too, as a protection against reptiles, windborne sand, and the inundation. Owing t o the ever-shifting level of the Nile, and with it t h a t of all sheets of water, t h e pond would often be low, and the water for irrigating the garden would then have to be lifted by a shaduf. The posts on which the beam of this contrivance rests are here permanent constructions, presumably of lime-washed brick. They are used singly, instead of in pairs as today, with two horns to support the ends of the pivot on which the beam turns. A long rod is jointed to t h e end of the beam, as in t h e modern shaduf, so dwellings are shown in Tombs 23, 49, 80, 81, 90, 96A, io4, and 254 at Thebes. The yellow given to the interior seems to be an error in the original or the copy. If white, it would show the frontage of the house under a portico, and would then have a real resemblance to Tomb 39 (Davies, Tomb of Puyemre, Pl. LXXV), or Tomb 216, a few doors to the north of that of Apy, as also to the model found by H. E. Winlock, Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 24. In the two latter cases the dwarf wall is lacking. 2 The latter is clearly indicated in Petrie, Tell el Amarna, Pl. V. 3 See Davies, El Amarna, II, Pl. IV; VI, Pis. XIV, XXXVII. 4 However, the ramp of Deir el Bahri temple has two ponds and flower beds flanking its foot. 5 Petrie, Tell el Amarna, Pis. XXXVIII, XL.

52

THE TOMB OF APY that the bucket can be the better directed to the points of filling and discharge. The counterpoise was formed, then as now, of an irregular piece of limestone or of a lump of mud. The buckets consist of pots of very practical shape.1 The figures of the fellahin in Legrain's copy probably conform pretty closely to the original. They are most unconventional, and their squat forms seem put in deliberate contrast to the slim and long legged aristocracy above (Plate XXVII), as the stubble on their neglected heads and chins is pitted against the long and tended locks of their betters. They are clothed in a skin cast round their loins and passed between the legs, to suit the wet and severe labor of the shaduf. The dog in attendance on each of the men on the right is a touch of nature which shows the mood of the artist, for it adds nothing to the scene but the truth and humor of life. The fellah who today pleads lack of bread will still be possessor of a riding ass and of one dog at least, not dreaming of dispensing with either. Readers of Pere Scheil's account of the scene will have been tantalized to hear of a possible case of infanticide, which the draughtsman had the malice, or the foresight, to omit. Fate has continued in a tricky humor, for I seem to have secured the fragment in question, yet with such curtailment as to leave the mark of interrogation unremoved. I have had the hardihood to transform the affectionate, or callous, mother (with a red arm) into a servant filling his waterskin (red).2 The garden is planted with trees and flowers. Among the former are the pomegranate, pollarded willow (?), persea (?), and fig; among the latter, the corn-flower, the ranunculus, and the poppy (?).3 These trees are totally unlike those earlier conventions which remind one of an old-fashioned Noah's ark. Their branches grow irregularly and sway with the wind, their boles are gnarled and lopped, and probably they 1

The modern contrivance is fitted with a pouch of soft leather, which can easily be emptied by a push from below, but this is being replaced by the horrible kerosene tin. Shadufs are also shown in Tombs 49 and i38. 2 No one seems to have taken the trouble to preserve Legrain's original drawings. 3 The poppy is such a constant companion of the corn-flower and reeds that I have altered the red flower to this shape, but ought rather to have chosen the alternate variety given by Petrie in Tell el Amarna, Pl. I l l , No. 1, in face of the form shown in Pl. XXV.

53

The pond

The servants

The

garden

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The garden

A domestic scene

A religious festival

were a good deal less stiffly formed even than in Legrain's copy.l The surface of the pond is covered, as usual, with lotus, the single bloom of Lotus Nymphaea reflecting, perhaps, the proportionate rarity of its occurrence so far south. The dull blue of the leaves and sepals, almost matching that of the water, makes a soft and charming foil to the bright reds and greens above. The unnatural yellow atmosphere does not displease; unintentionally it conveys an impression of warm sunlight, softening the reds and bringing out the whites in a very happy way. The lowest register still shows domestic labors on the right. White robes were indispensable to a feast; so washtubs are in request by the waterside—or rather, no such definite provision being made, any receptacle is commandeered. One man seems to have seized on a shaduf bucket, unsuitable as it is; another has mounted a bowl on the cook's grinding slab. Their fellows wring out the clothes, or beat them, peasant fashion, on a flat stone, and then spread them out in the sun to dry.2 The artist has exhausted his time or interest on the pretty scene above and shows his unwillingness to prolong his cramped position on the floor by drawing the greater part of the register in the crudest way, and even ending his task on the left hand with monochrome work in white and pale yellow of the most slapdash sort. On the right the family of Apy (?) is seen making offerings on an altar by the riverside to three barks. Their sacred character is indicated by the ram's head of Amon-Re which decorates stem and stern, a familiar feature in temples and in Ramesside tombs. Each (?) bark holds a naos of the god in the shape of a miniature temple, complete with obelisks and flagstaff's, but in reality differing little from a burial catafalque. The royal sphinx on its stand is a fixture of the boats, and a sign of the intimate relation of Church and State, as is also the name of the reigning king, protected by cherubim, which is cut or painted on the walls of the shrine, thus 1

The green trunks are an innovation, but there are traces of this color behind the dog on the right, and one is seen on Pl. X X X I X . 2 This incident is extremely rare, probably because it was generally performed by women indoors. What we see may be fulling rather than washing, as in Newberry, Beni Hasan, II, Pl. X I I I . Our picture has been reproduced in Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet 57.

54

THE TOMB OF APY putting beyond doubt the assignment of the tomb to the reign of Rameses the Great.1 The exact significance of the incident here is not clear. The presence of the altar and of the bark of Amon cannot be made to harmonize with a reception of the funeral bark of Apy by his mourning children. The following boats, however, may have borne royal figureheads and held shrines of Amenhotep I and his mother.2 The scene would then form a certain parallel to Plate XVI and to a scene in the contemporary tomb, No. 19. In the one, the bark of Thothmes I is being adored by his priest before being launched on the lake; in the other, two barks are closely associated, one being that of the deified Amenhotep, the other apparently that of the deceased official. Apy held priestly office, probably, in the mortuary temple of Amenhotep I.3 The recurring celebration by him of the anniversary of the burial of this numen might well be supposed to lay up favor against the day when his own corpse would be conveyed to its resting place by land and water, and need the service of a priest in its turn.4 The row of guests, already noticed (page 42), which is continued from the north wall on to the east wall north of the entrance, contrasts unpleasantly, both in character and in direction, with the scenes below; but this dull hospitality was almost obligatory in Ramesside tombs.5 The rest of the space is devoted to pictures of outdoor life, new only in the novel treatment they receive and the vivacious execution. A water scene is properly placed in the lowest register, and aquatic labor and sport, with other fen occupations, are therefore reserved for that position (Plates XXX, XXXI). 6 1

The third boat is evidenced by a yellow smear on the mud surface, and only the exemplar of the sacred bark enables us to interpret the daub. The addition of a fragment showing the royal sphinx drawn in the same style makes the restoration certain. As the first and last boats contain similar shrines, the second also presumably does so. The inserted pieces do not prove this, as they would belong to the first boat, if the suggested shift to the left were made (p. 49). 2 Cf. Pl. XLI, 23. 3 See pp. 3g, 4o, 42, note i. The fact is almost proved by a fragment of a limestone libation jar in my possession, showing the left half of a dedication to King Amenhotep (I?) and of the record of the donor " . . . of Amon (?) in the Place of Justice, Apy." 4 If not, we may regard the episode as a detached record of Apy's official zeal or private piety. The dates of the wine jars almost preclude the possibility of his having assisted at the burial of Barneses himself. 6 It is already apparent in Tomb 55 under Amenhotep HI. 6 Cf. Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheets 363-367.

55

A religious festival

East wall, north side

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Sowing and harvest

Winnowing, storage, and harvest

The story of the annual round of field labor begins in the upper register. On the left a ripe crop of flax is shown, which Apy and his wife are themselves pulling and leaving on the ground in neatly tied bundles. Next is seen (or was, a few years ago) the deceased pair (?) preparing the field for a crop of corn, the fields of earth being thus confused with those of the world to come, where labor was to be an exhilarating pleasure that even ladies might share.1 But the artist is not so taken with the idea but that he presently reverts to menial help. The narrative of events is both incomplete and told in false sequence, for the field of corn is nowhere shown2 and the grain is being measured before it is separated from the chaff. An overseer (Apy himself?) directs the work of the husbandmen and the punishment of delinquents, and receives the pay sheet from a foreman.3 The next incident in point of time, though not of place, is the winnowing of the grain by men or girls. It takes place on the threshing floor, a space marked out on the field by a ridge of mud, and is quite traditional in treatment. The grain seems to have been measured, however, in a shuneh or store to which it had been carried.4 A part of this scene still adheres to the wall and exhibits the strange physiognomy and poses peculiar to this tomb, as also the gratitude of the peasant to the powers that make the fields fertile. The ingathering of harvest has been celebrated by the sacrifice of a goat and by other offerings, the re1

The names of the owner and his wife are generally appended to such scenes. There are traces of a woman's name over the lady, but it does not seem to be that of Dowesmiset. 2 If the green grass is here represented as over man's height, this may be due to error. Some one, wishing to repair the omission of the cornfield, seems to have painted a green background round the hoes, endeavoring to turn them into sickles; but the falling away of the overlay has left the outlines in confusion. 3 The additional scene which Pere Scheil describes as involving six men can scarcely be pure phantasy. Yet the ploughing group can only be squeezed in with difficulty, and leaves scant room for the scamp whom the man facing left may be supposed to be chastising. A man lazily stretching his arms, a man pretending to hoe, and a man holding another by the ear are all without parallel into the bargain, though quite in the spirit of Pl. XXXVII. Either, then, the editor has misread his sketches and notes; or, after all, the two or three missing figures were squeezed in above the cattle on a much smaller scale. 4 In Tomb 266, where similar scenes of agriculture are shown, the grain is trodden out on an oval floor like that of the winnowers by four oxen, whose blue hoofs are clumsily drawn en masse (Fig. 5 on Pl. XL, included by kind permission of M. Kuentz, its discoverer). On Pl. XLI, 26, will be seen fragments which suggest that a second floor may have been shown in our tomb also. Was this, and also, perhaps, a field of standing corn, put in the top register, in sequence to the row of guests?

56

THE TOMB OF APY cipient probably being Ernutet the Snake, goddess of nourishment and plenty. We shall see her again when the crop has been finally stored; meanwhile chance has preserved a fragmentary figure of her, which must have come either from this place or from the winnowers' floor.1 The destination of the grain is twofold. Part of it is naturally required by the owner and his household; the rest is destined for the city market and for the purchase (by exchange, of course) of other commodities. All this is shown below. Transport from the distant fields is preferably by water, whether that of the Nile or of a canal connecting with it, as the overhanging trees may indicate. Economy has been shown in drafting the scene, for loading is going on in the stern of the two boats anchored side by side at the bank, while the unloading, when the destination shall be reached, is already in full swing at the prow. The grain has been conveyed from the fields to the ships on the backs of men and asses, and opportunity has been taken to cater for urban needs by including flowers and bales of green stuff in the cargo. A youth with a ring in his ear bends under the weight of a bouquet, which, if there were any need to believe the artist, is twice his own height. The idea of money so dominates our ideas now that we do not readily grasp the fact that the crew will be paid in kind, but we realize it as we see the men spending their wages with female hucksters on the bank. Whether they have been compelled to wait till they arrive in port, or have fallen into temptation before they start, is not clear. But it is amusing to trace back by millennia the lure of the saloon for sailors, which is none the less a lure from being as primitive as their appetites. One of the women who are ready on the quay to exchange with boatmen the products of the town for those of the land has set up a little shelter of reeds. A great jar of wine and another of beer (?) form the rival attractions of her bar, and she has done her best to make them alluring. To add to the zest, the liquids are drawn from the jar, without fear of floating impurity, by means of two reeds jointed at a right 1

1 have placed in the winnowing scene another tiny fragment which seems to show a hand grasping grain. It might be that of a harvest deity (Davies, Tomb of Nakht, p. 63), but other interpretations are possible.

57

Winnowing, storage, and harvest

Marketing the grain

Shipmen on shoreleave

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Shipmen on shoreleave

The ships

The grain-store

angle.1 The artist seems to be aware of the proverbial gullibility of sailors, who exchange a whole sack of corn for two miserable cakes, a small fish or two, or a few cucumbers, and think themselves shrewd in inducing the woman to double hesitatingly her first shameless offer.2 The river craft, like the fishing boats in the lowest register, have a hull built up of short planks. The masts have been unshipped while in port, and the sail and tackle have been wrapped round the masts and yards and stowed away on top of the deckhouse. The mast is provided with a frame at the head which serves the office of a pulley, and with four disks which may have been attached to the yards and slid up and down the mast, but seem, from the holes shown, to be contrivances for keeping the running tackle apart. Besides the latticed enclosures for freight, the deck holds a neat cabin with a decorated window; but it is so small that the bed projects beyond the door. When the ships arrive at their destination, the sacks are carried down gangplanks to the shuneh (grain yard). As each leaves the ship, a call boy in the bow yells out the number of the delivery to the responsible person in the granary. This building is, as today, simply a high-walled court in which the different kinds of grain are piled. In Egypt the weather need not be consulted, but the roofless storehouse leaves the contents at the mercy of the birds. One of the boys set to scare them away does, if the copy is to be trusted, raise his voice and missile against these daring invaders, but his fellow sides with them and helps to consume the grain. The artist believes in their efficiency so little that he depicts the birds confidently nesting in the piles; but he strains our credulity when he suggests that even wild ducks venture within the walls. Sloth and piety went hand in hand, then as now. Place is reserved in the enclosure for the harvest goddess, before whom are laid suitable offerings of a cup of grain, a sheaf of wheat, and toasted bread whose odor penetrates subtly to the indwelling deity. Whoever offers, the 'For the drinking-reed see Steindorff, Blutezeit (1926), p. 56; Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, II, p. 3i4; Griffith, J. E. A., 1926, p. 22; Erman, A. Z., 36, pp. 126-129; Tomb i3. 2 The women sit on little stools, of which the artist or copyist has sometimes deprived them. Probably three similar figures of female vendors were shown on the right hand of the boats.

58

THE TOMB OF APY owner gets the credit; for the figure of the serpent is held tenderly to the breast of his kneeling figure. The group is mounted on a naos-like pedestal.1 The final phase of the harvest home is now reached. However carefully the crop is cut, and however well-swept the threshing floor, some grain is spilled and a few inches of stubble are left standing. It is therefore the business and joy of the younger population to take the herds of omnivorous goats over the parched fields (Plate XXXIV). The animals spread eagerly over the grounds that have been so long denied them, the patriarchal leader of the flock with proper dignity, the young kids leaping and frisking wherever there is room. Four lads accompany them, provided with all the necessities for a long day in the fields. One brings his fieldsman's crook, his dog, a skin of water, a sack of bread, and his flute (?) in a case. Another, behind his charges, plays his pipe with one hand. The goats wander as they will, often browsing on the leaves of trees. When they have stripped these as far as their necks will reach, their guides cut off the upper branches also for them. The animals show red, black, and white varieties, besides signs of unrestricted interbreeding. Some of them exhibit the two wattles which are often seen on both sexes of the modern breed. One goat is drawn full-faced, but neither thus nor in profile is the curve of the horns given the true twist. The scenes in the marshlands are irregularly distributed between the lowest register of this wall and the subscene on this and the north wall. The separation of the subscene is not only marked on both walls by a heavy black line, dividing it from the pictures above, but also by a complete change of subject or a new treatment of the background, the latter forming a very pleasing innovation. On the north wall the usual device has been adopted of placing in the foreground a strip of water, on top of which the action takes place, as if the men were seen on the far side of a narrow inlet. But on the east wall so high a point 1

For kneeling figures holding a patron god, see Legrain, Statues et statuettes de wis et de particuliers, III, Pis. XVII, XXIII, XLIII, XLVII, LI, and especially Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities in the Possession ofF. G. Hilton Price, II, Pl. XV.

59

The grain-store

The gleaning

The yield of the marshes

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The yield of the marshes

Fishing from the shore

Fishing from boats

of view is assumed that all objects are seen against a broad expanse of water, and this, being treated as a light blue surface with angular black ripples, has a very decorative effect, making a strong contrast with the gold ground of the land scenes above it. It is, in effect, the extension to a narrow strip of water of the treatment accorded under the old regime to broader sheets when rites were being performed upon them.1 On the north wall (Plate XXXVII) a commonplace scene has been made fresh by a novel style and coloring, and by the introduction of trees, drawn with the increased naturalism of the later period, when a greater love of nature was abroad or art was made to harmonize better with perceived truth. The drawing in of the seine is depicted in the center of the picture. Though there is no great vigor in the action, the monotony of the design is broken by the juxtaposition of a solemn old man and a vivacious young fellow with a shock-head of hair, by the turning of heads in lively encouragement or reproach, and by the figure of the naked boy who seizes the fish one by one, as the net emerges from the water. The fish are pitched into a heap,2 and men and women pack them in bags and carry them off to where "the fisherman Nia" and a comrade sit, cleaning them on sloping boards. Three varieties of trees are shown, whether with accurate portrayal or no does not matter, for their spreading and supple branches, their hacked trunks, and their sparse or thick foliage are rendered with such a happy blending of artificiality and truth that they could scarcely be bettered. Two of them, with willow-like leaves, bear green pods (black at a later stage), like those of the mimosa. A tree with similar leaf, but without fruit (perhaps a tamarisk), has been given a light bluish green foliage which well reflects the subdued verdancy of a torrid land (Plate XXXIX). 3 On the east wall the same incident is repeated (Plate XXX), but in this case, the net is gathered in from two boats, which are drawn tox 2

E.g., in Tombs 5i (Pl. XVI), 87, 100. The artist, being baffled by the thought of the wriggling mass, left it looking like a pale blue sack on the

ground. 3

The end of the scene, torn from the wall when the breach was made in it (p. 35), was found by me in pieces, lying face down in the last inch of dirt (Pl. XL, 3).

60

THE TOMB OF APY gether as the operation goes on.1 The task would not have been easy to carry out if the lotus in the water had had a real, and not merely a decorative existence.2 The informative impulse of the Egyptian artist is carried so far here that even the clod of mud in which the plant is rooted is noted. The clumsy craft are built up of short planks, as usual, three or four for both the length and height. The ends are more solidly formed. Each boat holds a crew of three, besides a man to work the net and one who exchanges advice with his fellow in the other boat through his curved hands. The rowers would need to keep working gently to keep the net taut and the fish enclosed. From the action of their hands, one would judge them to be paddling, but as they face the stern they must be using oars. If their flesh color alternates between red and dark brown, it is only for variation's sake. The fish are shown very large, the better to indicate the kinds secured (Plate XXXV). Papyrus reeds separate this part of the pool from the shallows, where the fowling net has been spread beneath the surface with such care that the ducks swim over it and even preen themselves in fancied security. Disillusion is near. The hunter, concealed among the reeds, is already signaling to his comrades, who are ready to jerk the wings of the net together by a vigorous pull on the rope. Your Egyptian artist never discontinues anything. Though he has secured decorative success by using a high viewpoint, he suddenly reverts to old habits, perching a fowler's skiff on the top of the pool, as if this were framed solidly. He does this in order to accommodate an oldfashioned fowling scene, the dimensions of which force him to make the waves stand up in a wall, as at the hand of Moses, and to drop the reeds down to the base line.3 This design, which goes back almost to the origin of tomb decoration, must here be making its last appearance. It is quite in the old style, and the decorous and staid action is quite in 1

Models of two fishing skiffs, with the net stretched between them, have been found by our Expedition: Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 29. 2 Notice one instance again of the rarer Lotus Nymphaea. Cf. p. 54. 3 The axiom of draughtsmen that everything must be on a base line rendered them false to their own convention; the base should have been removed below the boat, so that it might rest on water and not be stranded on shore.

6l

Fishing from boats

Netting birds

The sportsman's efforts

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The sportsman's efforts

Treatment of the catch

A scene of vintage

keeping with a piece of play-acting, such as it really is. The owl in the reeds plays a studied part, and the marauding cat is a familiar stage property. Only the convolvulus is a modern touch, employed to soften the stiffness of the palisade of reeds. The curious figurehead, which seems a reflection of the bird which often takes its stand there, strikes one as an old-world element, though almost unparalleled. The figures in the boat are duly identified as "Apy, sculptor of Amon in 'The place of Justice' on the west of Thebes," "His wife, the house-mistress Dowesmiset," and "[His son?], Shemsu." What is left of the color shows that 4it was originally a very attractive scene. Viticulture, which seems to have been often carried on in the vicinity of fens, is shown in the center of the lowest register of the main scene. It is mixed up with details of the previous subject, for on the left of this we see the catch of birds being preserved. When plucked, they are either cured whole or cut in slices, which, after being hung up to dry on lines stretched between two posts, are potted in salt. The artist does not forget to depict the hawk which, scenting the offal from afar, alights on this fence to secure his share.1 In the lower division of this same register naked boys are bringing the fish in bags, on the head, and in the hand, to be cleaned for drying. In the shade of a tree on the left, an ill-shaven man is making a net. He has pegged to the ground the end or the throat of the net; another corner is held between his toes, and, using a finger as a mesh-stick, he works his netting needle along the edge to complete a new row.2 The picture of the ingathering of grapes (Plate XXXIII) has been turned into a design unusually decorative in both composition and color, abandoning with happy result the stiffly arranged trellis-work of older models and leaving the vine without artificial support.3 Though the leaves when seen in full view are almost as inaccurate as ever, they 1

A piece of this scene, showing the curing and registration of the catch, was cut out of the wall while it stood in neglect, but was fortunate enough to reach the Museum of Berlin in fragments, and was published by Wreszinski in his Atlas (Sheet 385B). Becognizing its provenance, I obtained a tracing by the kindness of Prof. Schaefer, and have inserted it in my plate. 2 The holes in the net are injuries to the wall, not damages which are being repaired. 3 Davies, Tomb of Nakht, Pl. XXVI, affords a good example of the old style.

62

THE TOMB OF APY are mingled plentifully with others half-furled and seen from the side, the introduction of which, combined with gnarled stems and vagrant tendrils, completely alters the aspect of the picture. The whole displays aesthetic judgment seizing its opportunity in the midst of prescribed forms. The winepress, on the other hand, is drawn on the old lines, except that the turning heads give liveliness to the scene, and that the ferretnosed peasants are almost transformed from marionettes into men. The names of well-known members of the household have been attached to most of the men but are now almost illegible; a scribe, Any, and Amenhotpe, a servitor of Amon, may be among them. Another and simpler form of press, perhaps the only form really used at this distance from home, is seen, detached from the main action, on the extreme left.1 In this case a netted bag is being compressed by torsion over a pottery receiver. As only one end is being twisted, the other must be secured to the bowl. It may be done in this case by tying it to a rod which is laid across the broad mouth of the vessel and held in place by the feet of the men who operate it.2 This closes the description of a wall the lower part of which especially presents scenes almost unexampled for merit and for individuality of drawing and coloration, as well as for excellent preservation, despite mutilation in recent years.3 The space between the row of guests at the top of the north wall (page 42) and the subscene which has been appropriated for aquatic pictures (page 60) is devoted to the manufacture of burial equipment in the workshops. It is not, however, entirely for Apy's own use. There 1

Cf. Davies, Tomb of Puyemre; I, Pl. XII, and p. 64; also J.E.A., IX, Pl. XXVI, and p. i44Several bowls having two ears in the bottom were found in the vicinity by M. Kuentz, but they are rather small for the above purpose. Still smaller ones were found at El Amarna (Peet and Woolley, City of Akhenalen, p. i37 and Pl. XLVIII), and some of the oil jars at Knossos have ears inside as well as outside. The rod laid across the mouth seems clear in the picture, though its office might only be to give the men power to keep the bowl from twisting with the net. Of course this press might possibly be connected with the scenes amongst which it is placed, and be a means of making potted volailte or fish. It occurs in a scene of cooking in Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, II, p. 32. 3 Nevertheless, Pere Scheil dismisses it with the remark, "Le quatrieme registre figurait les vendanges; le cinquieme la chasse dans les marais"; and then, after a word or two on the persons engaged in fowling, "Les deux registres sont en trop mauvais etat pour en tirer autre chose!" 2

63

A scene of vintage

The winepress

North wall. Burial furniture, royal and private

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS North wall. Burial furniture, royal and private

Befurnishing a royal sepulcher

Form of the naos

are two large pieces which the inscribed cartouches, as well as the character of the designs, clearly assign to the temple furniture, or, less probably, to the tomb equipment of the deified patron of the necropolis, Amenhotep I, dead well-nigh three hundred years (Plates XXXI, XXXVIII). 1 These are being fitted up and decorated under the superintendence of Apy.2 What, then, was the occasion for this act of piety which by a lucky chance has been depicted in this tomb, and can we learn from the picture the destination of the furniture? We know from records of King Harmhab that he undertook a general restoration of temples throughout the land and, in particular, gave orders that the burial, or burial equipment, of Thothmes IV should be "repeated." It is evident, then, that during the troublous times of revolution and change of dynasty the mortuary temples of some of the kings had fallen into ruin and their tombs had been rifled.3 The reestablishment of the temples and of the cult would go together, and we may conclude from the records in the tombs of their priests that what Harmhab had done for Thothmes IV, Rameses I and Sety I did for Thothmes I (Plate XVI) and Thothmes III (Tomb 3i), and Rameses II did for Amenhotep I (here and Tomb 19). It is, then, open to us to adjudge this furniture to tomb or temple as best befits it, remembering always that the former affords Apy a better sanction for the provision of his own burial equipment, a consideration which would naturally be uppermost in his mind. The two edifices are represented as three times a man's height. But the feats of agility which the carpenters are performing by holding on to vertical surfaces by toes and fingers, finding standing-room and handhold where obviously none exist, while they deliver heavy blows, are not calculated to give the picture evidential value. The quadruple catafalque of Tutankhamon has given us an example of a structure as 1

See also Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheets 368-371. His presence can scarcely be in doubt, although his name is wanting. A parallel is found in Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pl. XI, where the owner, also unnamed, superintends the workshops of the necropolis. As chief sculptor, Apy, like Apuki and Nebamun, would act as controller of skilled artisans, though the title is not given him in the scanty texts. 3 Breasted, A.R., III, §§ 3i, 32A; Carter and Newberry, Tomb of Thoutmosis IV, pp. xxxni, xxxiv. 2

64

THE TOMB OF APY solid, and not very much smaller, so that we can no longer say that this is too large to be the furniture of a tomb.1 We must not be misled by the steps attached to each of the two structures here; they may be provided only for the convenience of the workmen or of the artist. Except for the white platform with colored decoration, this naos is entirely black. As the canopied roof is presented as carpenter's work, this unusual color must be meant to indicate ebony; but a construction of this size must have been made of commoner wood, painted or pitched to imitate the costlier material. The heavy cornice and roof are shown protruding beyond a smaller cella beneath, but whether in all directions, in front or in rear only, or merely in front to form a portico, could not be made clear in an Egyptian design. It may seem to many that the last form only was truly Egyptian, the others being Greek in type, but we only need to turn to the temple of Elephantine to find how untrue such a conclusion would be.2 Indeed, if we took such a section of that edifice as would best show the decorated side, we should have so exact a model of our naos, save for its proportions and coved roof, that we may conclude that that temple was in the mind of the later designers. If the two flights of steps are an integral part of the naos, it was, or imitated, a sanctuary through which priests might pass, depositing the portable image of the god within it and then leaving by the other door. The side wall of the naos is decorated with a representation of the unity of Egypt (shown in red line). Horus and Set hold the entwined symbolic plants, and in the middle the king kneels on the sema sign between the goddesses of Upper and Lower Egypt. Above is the winged sun, who shines on South and North alike; below, mankind, symbolized by rekhyt birds, bows, owning a common object of adoration. The columns carry the titles of Amenhotep-Jeserkere. Two 1

We must remember, too, the alabaster sarcophagus, or sleeping chamber, of Mentuhotep, made up of slabs dragged into the sepulcher at Deir el Bahri. But, if the supposed tomb of Amenhotep I is really his (Carter in J.E.A., III, p. i4g), the subterranean chamber in which our edifice would be placed is little over man's height. 2 Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, Egypt, Syria, and Assyria, p. 3o5; Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de Vart dans Vantiquite, I, pp. 4oi-4o3.

65

Form of the naos

Its decoration

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Its decoration

A cubicle

Its use as a catafalque

wood-carvers are putting the last touches to this final embellishment, for, of course, it could not be shown as incomplete. One of those snakes, whose decreasing folds are often used to fill up spaces of this shape, also protects a cartouche on the canopy. Vertical texts, giving an enlarged titulary, run down the corners of the cella. "The god, good and valiant, the son of Amon, . . . of the lords of Thebes, King of South and North, . . . , son of Re, beloved of the gods, Amenhotep, to whom life is given, beloved of Amon-Re, lord of Nesut-tawi, within (?) Karnak," and "The good god, son of Amon, born of Mut, the great one, lady of Asher, the King of South and North, ruler of the barbarians, lord of both Egypts, Jeserkere, the beloved bodily son of Re, Amenhotep, to whom life is given, beloved of Amon-Re, lord of Nesuttawi, the great god." The second structure is shown by its contents to be a canopied sleeping place, set on a dais reached by steps. This scarcely reflects the usual arrangement of the Egyptian house, or even of the palace. Sleeping apartments seem to have been rooms of small dimensions, at one end of which a low bench of brickwork was built to take the bed or mattress. One has the impression of a confined, dark, and airless room; even the vizier's bedroom at El Amarna was of this description, unless it had windows in the outer wall. The royal apartment there, however, was a columned room under the roof, with a bed set in the middle of the room, curtained off by hangings stretched from column to column.1 The apparent stuffiness of the ordinary bedroom makes it likely that there was another sleeping place on the roof, or in the upper story, for summer use.2 In such case a bed, lightly enclosed and roofed, and slightly raised from the floor, might well be provided. Though this erection is in the likeness of a canopied cubicle, it does not seem primarily intended as a sleeping place of the dead king, but as a portable catafalque, and shows in an unusually striking way 1

Davies, El Amarna, VI, Pis. IV, XIX, XXVIII; with a roof ventilator, I, Pl. XXVI, and III, Pl. XIII; perhaps with a platform, HI, Pl. XXXIII. Cf. Woolley in J.E.A., VIII, p. 63. 2 Cf. the chapels on the roofs of temples to which the gods were taken in solemn procession.

66

THE TOMB OF APY that that enclosure which we see carried on men's shoulders, mounted on runners, or secured on a bark, was happily conceived as a bedchamber in which the deceased slept that sleep which was at once his last on earth and the first in his new existence. Though in our picture it is empty, and carries a more than usually elaborate decoration, as befits a king, yet it retains the division into three tiers, the lower one of which, in other examples also, is left open, or partly open, to show the reclining dead.1 On this supposition, the seeming platform must have been carried out in woodwork, like the rest, and the stairs have been removable, so that the erection could be fixed to a sled or bark.2 It may be doubted if the superimposed columns at the corners can correspond to reality; corner posts have probably been ignored and attention directed only to the ornament. The two upper divisions differ in treatment. The topmost, having a yellow ground like that of the tomb walls,3 seems to have been filled with open woodwork. The red ground of the middle portion and its polychrome decoration, on the other hand, betray that it is only a hanging of cloth or leather, which, in the real construction, would fall somewhat lower, so as to provide privacy for the sleeper and shelter from draught. Ventilation would thus be afforded above and 1

Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, III, p. 445. Cf. also Pis. XIII and XXVIII of the present work. An extremely interesting picture from the inmost chamber of a tomb is given in Davies-Gardiner, Tomb of Amenemhet, Pis. XXIV, XXVI. It shows a sleeping place like ours, its yellow domed roof supported on light columns from which birds hang. The sides are divided into three, as here, the lower part open and revealing the mummy or coffin on the bier, provided with articles of toilet, the upper two divisions white and red respectively, consisting of hangings, in all likelihood. A priest censes and purifies it, women mourn, and the dead pair are at meat behind it. Below this a housemaid spreads a bed. Companion pictures show a banquet, and, below it, two men playing at draughts and being served with wine. The dead is thus thought of as sleeping until due rites enable him to awake and begin a day of eating, drinking, and amusement. The cabinet in this case differs considerably from the catafalque which was dragged to the tomb (ibid, Pl. XII). Is this symbolism, or was such a cubicle actually placed in that room and the dead supposed to lie in it? The sleeping place in this form must have had an original, domestic or funerary. It seems probable, then, that it is the burial catafalque, deposited in the tomb (above or below ground), and regarded on occasion as the dormitory of the dead. 2 Many of these catafalques were clearly of such weight that they could not be risked on the deck of a model bark which was to be dragged; hence the sides of the feigned platform were let down over the bulwarks of the vessel, so that they rested on, or were mortised to, the runners. Or else the boat was a dummy, made up of two ends only. 3 It is a dirtier shade, due, perhaps, to the color being painted directly on the mud surface, without a white underlay. The fragments of woodwork found (p. 3g) may be parts of Apy's own catafalque, which, with due modesty, followed the model of the king's and was deposited in the tomb after the interment.

67

Its use as a catafalque

Its construction

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Its construction

Its decoration

below without inconvenience, but these considerations apply only if there was an actual domestic parallel for this bed place.1 The three orders of columns are all employed here, but the hanging ducks are lacking, though they are a marked feature of the bedroom at El Amarna, perhaps owing to their association with the open air. Details of the ornament may now be noticed. The carved openwork is divided into little panels by columns for structural reasons, and the work on the curtain is made to correspond. The central space of the upper tier shows the crowned cartouche of Amenhotep I and a golden collar below it, as if the name stood for the face of the king. It is guarded by uraei and by the tutelary gods of South and North Egypt, who, by their symbolic staves, give innumerable years to the king and transfer to him the stability and life which are shown to be theirs by the symbols on their heads. The wolf of Siut, the chief town of Middle Egypt, adds his protection. To right and left stand Bes and Ta-uret, the powers that guard the sleeper, the one (for men?) with the monotonous tambourine that in the end induces sleep, the other (for women?) with the security (|) that permits it.2 In the lower tier the head of Hathor, gold-goddess of jollity and love, as well as of the sleepful West, takes central place; while on the other side of the ever-durable and living name of the king, Horus-Re watches, himself guarded by the cobras of South and North. To hold the balance even, Jeserkere, the human personality of the king, has a shade spread over him by Nekhebet of the South.3 1

Patterned curtains are very often used to shroud the occupant of such structures, both when funerary, and when it is a god who is enshrined. They either completely enclose it, hang to the ground from some distance up, or only cover the middle portion. The entire covering of a late queen's catafalque has been preserved for us. It is a patchwork of colored leather and is six feet high: see Stuart, Funeral Tent of an Egyptian Queen, pp. 6-9. Cf. also Pis. IX, XIII, XXVIII. 2 In Tomb 48 the statues of the predecessors of Amenhotep III are presented to him, and below is a series of cubicles with flat tops, each with a valance hanging from the ceiling and a bed below. These might be the bedrooms of the palace, but are more likely to be the shrines of these royal persons. Behind them are two figures each of Bes, Ta-uret, and Sekhmet (?). The bedroom of Amenhotep III at Malgata is also adorned with figures of Bes, above a dado of u and m emblems: see Bulletin of M.M.A., Oct. 1912, p. 186. 3 The inveterate impulse to punning, which is the lowest form of symbolism, as it is of humor, has turned the body of the vulture into an eye, because it was of this shape and could be associated with the watchful eye of Deity. To primitive thought a pun is not merely similarity of sound or form: the likeness proves a connection, even when it is past comprehension. This sapient jest is not made for the first time: see Aegyptische Inschriften aus den koniglichen Museen zu Berlin, II, p. 35.

68

THE TOMB OF APY The furniture of the bedchamber, revealed below the screening Jts furniture

curtain, comprises a long and yielding bed with high footboard, movable steps for mounting it,1 a head-rest, a copper mirror, and a bunch of figs on a table, that early refreshment may not be wanting. As the ends of the head-rest were liable to snap off, they are supported by two symbols of well-being (j). The form of the mirror is due to another jeu d'esprit. Its shape naturally recalled the figure of the sun, and, as its weight made support advisable, the artist bethought himself of the arms of the goddess of the horizon which receive the sinking, or uplift the rising, orb. Mystic faith was thus added to common sense, and the arms were fitted to the symbol of stability as to a body. An excellent design resulted; structurally sound, tasteful, and full of thought. The figures of the workmen who clamber about the erection, as if

The workmen

it were of the most solid sort, are extraordinarily interesting. Their mingled sloth and industry, their incessant chatter and frolicsome byplay, are no longer reflected in legends attached to the groups, but the loss is more than made good by an almost exaggerated dumb-show. As an overseer in Egypt today will find an itinerant barber shaving the heads of his men in, or out of the dinner hour, so here the professional kohl-painter is treating the eyes of one of the carpenters (on the lefthand stairway), who turns his head from his work to be attended to. The man's stock in trade consists of a double tube of eye-paints with the little rod of hematite slipped into its groove, a bag of dry powder, a little phial (?) of water for mixing, and the wicker case which holds all. Above this a foreman is shouting directions, or announcing the approach of the surveyor, to an old man who is using a heavy mortising chisel where no tenon can possibly be required. On the roof a carpenter is more profitably employed in rubbing down the boards with a piece of sandstone.2 His simple outfit comprises a copper saw, and three chisels for mortising and graving. A less industrious fellow has taken advantage 1

Steps like these, or high footstools, are commonly shown below the couch, yet existing beds have such short legs that they could not be necessary. But if the bed were near the edge of a low platform they might be called for. 2 Cf. Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 28.

69

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The workmen

The destination of these objects

Apy's equipment

of this retired spot to lie down for a snooze. Apy (on the right), however, has espied him and shouts vituperations, and a comrade tries to awake him before worse happens. The men on the side from which the master approaches are, of course, working diligently; but it rather looks as if another barber had appropriated the steps below. Behind Apy were other artisans or servants, to judge by a scrap of a figure which remains beyond the breach in the corner. On the whole, then, it seems likely that these two pieces of furniture were destined for the mortuary temple of the king, the one being the naos for its shrine, the other a catafalque in the form of a sleeping chamber, to replace that used at the interment, or to serve in repetitions of the burial on anniversaries and festivals.1 Whether, by the close associations here and on Plate XVI, Apy regards the shrines he has made for the gods as a sanction for his own well-furnished burial, or is only chronicling such services under a commission from the king, must be left undecided. The shallow register above this scene appears to deal with the provision of burial furniture for Apy himself (Plate XXXVI). On the left the shipped shrine in which his body will be dragged to the grave is receiving the finishing strokes. One man drives home the finial of the recurved poop; another saws off the pin which secures its fellow in front; and a third fits on the staple which holds the drag-rope. A fourth is beginning to insert the emblems with which the panels are to be filled, and which two or three men nearby are completing with the adze. The two mummy cases which this shrine is to contain are set up close by; both are bearded, although one must be that of Apy's wife. We are informed in a naively indirect way that they are the work of chisel and paint-brush, and are taken back to their origin in a sycamore tree which is being felled for the purpose and the layers of J

The ebony shrine of Thothmes II (Naville, Deir el-Bahari, Pis. XXVII-XXIX) forms an almost exact parallel. The sides were mortised to footing beams or a sled, and it may even have been of the form shown in our picture, since the more solid timber has been abstracted. The cella was 66 inches high and 44 deep, with double-leaved half-doors in front. It may be added that it affords evidence that the mortuary chapel of this king lay on the upper terrace of the temple. Another ebony shrine existed at Dendereh (ibid, p. 2), 5 feet high and 66 inches deep, containing the bed of Osiris, probably from a bedroom of the god on the roof.

70

THE TOMB OF APY cloth which are glued together to form the cartonnage. The great glue-pot is seen resting on mud supports over the fire, and being attended to by an apprentice on elbows and knees, who blows up the fire with his breath, despite the heat. Though on the lowest rung of the artist's ladder, he has ambitions: when not absorbed in the task of keeping the glue hot, he practises the commonest hieroglyphs on a stuccoed board.1 A saw, two mortising chisels, and two gravers lie beside him, for he is a man-of-all-work. The artist must also needs hint at the future use of the furniture. The assistant holds the coffin erect in the attitude of a mourner, and the eldest son, the sculptor, Any, reads "the service of the opening of the mouth," as he would on the actual day of burial. The apparatus for the rite is before him: a feather, an ams scepter, a snake, a mace (?), a two-lipped flint, a finger, a ram's head scepter, a chisel, two adzes, a haunch, five cups of grain, and one of water. An assistant is smearing stucco or varnish over the face of a cartonnage mask with his hands only, and can therefore attend to other men's business also. Farther on, a store of finished articles is seen: two chairs, three walking sticks, two caskets, two folding stools, two scribe's cases, two head-rests. The finest piece of the outfit is being shown to Apy by his son Nebnakht. It is apparently a pectoral, to which is attached for suspension the usual fourfold string of round and drop beads. The interrupted array of objects is continued to the right. Three caskets, four bottles of ointment (made of glass, or of wood imitating it), a stool with sandals and a washing ewer, a bed with fan and head-rest, and, below this, a bowl of ointment for the head and a caraffe on a stand are still preserved. The provision is sufficiently impressive, but there is no need to suspect that, had we had the good fortune to find the inner chambers intact, our booty would have been any less handsome. The room of the Turin Museum, crammed to overflowing with exquisite products of domestic art, all derived from one unpretentious gallery in this same line Apprentice-work on these and other simple signs is often found by excavators, cut or painted on sherds or flakes of stone.

71

Apy's equipment

Probably a typical one

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS Probably typical

Fragments of destroyed surfaces

of cliff, casts out effectively the spirit of detraction. Some shoddy things, but also a large proportion of beautiful and substantial ones, were really buried with the well-to-do dead in periods when good taste and good workmanship prevailed. As has been said (page 34), the numerous fragments of painted plaster found in or about the tomb, most or all of which may be presumed to come from its walls, have not been very productive of definite information.1 As the destroyed lunettes of the end walls are too restricted to hold all the scenes thus indicated, and as they appear, more than once, to duplicate existing subjects, there is every reason to place many of them on the vault. It is clear from fragments that a horizontal line of polychrome text ran round the four walls near the spring of the arch, and that columns of text rising from this divided the spaces into panels on each side of a plain yellow mock-beam running along the crown of the vault.2 Such paneled scenes are often found both on the vaults and on the flat ceilings of neighboring tombs. They are nearly always religious in character, but the least definitely so is one of the most favored, the picture, namely, of the garden where the deceased kneels to drink from the pool or to adore its goddess, and sits to receive food and water from her hands, as in Plate IX.3 The fragments bear witness to scenes differing widely in scale of treatment. Those on the vault were probably all of somewhat large type and carried out for the most part in fine detail and rich color, though there are indications that some of the panels were left blank or only roughly dealt with. The horizontal band contains signs to which untraditional and inappropriate colors have been given, showing how easily the love of gaudy decoration prevailed over restrictive rules, even at this date. 'The more interesting fragments, other than those introduced into the plates and those of the columns and cornice of Pl. XXIV, will be found on Pis. XLI, XLII, numbered consecutively and so cited. Though they are sometimes grouped together for convenience, approximate connection, or interpretation, there is scarcely a single case where they fit with certainty, and many where they cannot. It must be confessed that none of the fragments show a curved surface due to vaulting; but few are of a size to make this plain. 2 Cf. Nos. 33, 47- The vertical texts run, "Said by the amakhy . . ., chief of sculptors, Apy . . .." 3 So in Tombs i, 5, 6, 7, 10, 211, 2i5, 290, and on the walls of Tombs 3, 218. By exception ceiling panels also show the dead playing at draughts (Tomb 7) and reaping the harvest (Tomb 215).

72

THE TOMB OF APY The lost scenes which these fragments presuppose, on the principle ex pede Herculem, may be distributed as follows: (i) A ceremonial procession of the deified king, Amenhotep I, is revealed in the group No. 23, where the seated king is being carried by priests in a gilt palanquin, on the side of which his attendant lion is represented. He is protected also by the wings of a hawk perched behind him, and the accompanying priests shadow him behind and before with feathered fans.1 Probably his mother, Nofretari, was borne in state at the same time, as there are extra sunshades and in No. i3 a black figure is being censed. The scene may have included Nos. 8, i3, i4, 22, and the attendants of No. 3o, if these do not belong to Plate XXVII or XXVIII. A potsherd, No. 24, has a sketch in red ink, giving, no doubt, the draft from which the group was drawn. Contemporary pictures of the rite, quite parallel to this, survive in Tombs 19, 65, and elsewhere. (2) Whether the foregoing rite can include another group of fragments is doubtful, though Plate XVI would justify the addition of No. 42. If not, a repetition of the scene of interment must be presumed, to which Nos. 4, 6 (a catafalque on its bark and another shrine of some sort), and perhaps Nos. 27, 36, 37 also would be referable. There existed several other shrines of various sizes and sorts, as Nos. 2, 3, 5, 10, 15-21 prove. They must come from one of these two ceremonies or from Plates XXVIII, XXXVI. Tomb 2i5 shows a burial procession which affords close parallels to several of our derelict fragments. (3) Nos. 1,11,12 suggest two representations of a king in a pavilion or shrine, or else two royal statues outside the pylons of a temple2; for the scene of the royal reward is not likely to have been duplicated. The supposed temple might be the goal of the procession of Amenhotep I, No. 9 showing its starting point. If all the pieces cited under these three sections could be referred to this one subject, the hypothesis which places it on the north lunette would be more satisfactory; since, even if the interment of Apy were added, these subjects would correx 2

Cf. Pl. XVI and Prisse, UAH Egyptien, Pl. 88. Cf. Theban Tombs Series, III, Pl. XIV.

73

North lunette. The cult of Amenhotep I

Burial rites

A royal appearance

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS

South lunette. A scene of sport

Vaulted ceiling. The hospitality of Nut

Merits of the scene

spond admirably to the double narrative of Plates XXXVI, XXXVII below the intervening band of text. (4) Fragment No. 7 on Plate XL suggests that there was a repetition of the scene of fowling (Plate XXX), to which No. 5i may also have belonged. The pieces grouped under No. 48 show a similar subject, but treated in a totally different style, being crude in color, rough in form, and without outlines, whereas the goose on the prow of a fishing skiff and the great papyrus heads come from a richly colored and finely finished scene. If inadmissible on the vault, it must come from another tomb. It will be noticed that it repeats the boat with swan figurehead and the papyrus with entwined creepers of Plate XXX. (5) Numerous fragments are referable to one, or more probably two, episodes of the hospitality of Nut, goddess of the garden (Plate XL, 2, and Nos. 5o, 53-57). Parallel pictures perfectly preserved1 enable us to reconstruct the scene, even in color, and see Apy sitting against the bright foliage and fruit before the goddess, or kneeling at the foot of the tree which is her home. The artist makes no concession to pragmatists who might object that he had placed his hero at the bottom of the pond, instead of on the nearer bank. It is still more astonishing to find a turtle and a hippopotamus in the water.2 The representations here of both the date and dom palms are of extreme interest as showing the artist's real interest in the forms and color values of the trees, which he enhanced by setting them amongst shrubs and clumps of large red poppies, evidently making of the whole a panel of vivid, yet tempered, brightness. The dark maroon trunks of the palms are jagged with the black stumps of the old branches, but at the top those of last year are still fleshy and take on a pink, or, with the ddm palm, a bluish flush. From these spring the great blue fronds and the red-stemmed bunches of streaky yellow dates, whereas the dom palm branches into two or three stems before it breaks out in slowly unfolding dull green fans, relieved in this picture by masses of red nuts 1

Frontispiece; Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet i n ; Tomb 290. For the immersed figure cf. Tomb 6. Perhaps No. 53 belongs to the scene of fowling. A pond on the vault of Tomb 2i5 contains a turtle and a crocodile. 2

74

THE TOMB OF APY and the long red fibrous streamers from which they sprang. Fragment 54, which shows stems of corn-flowers in bright metallic blues and greens, must be added to our mental picture of this garden of Eden.1 (6) Fragment 25, which shows a bowl of incense set on a pile of offerings and a bunch of papyrus (possibly to be made up from the pieces of No. 5i), wreathed in creepers with tassels of white and green, may indicate that another panel contained a scene of offering, in which Apy's son Shemsu2 was presenting lotus flowers (Nos. l\i, 45, 46). An extant fragment of a list of offerings might come from such a scene. (7) No. 52 seems part of a bark of Sokar, or some such god; worship of this forms the subject of a ceiling panel in Tomb 211. Nos. 34, 35 may come from the continuation of the scene on Plate XXVIII. If No. 32 is from the row of guests seen on Plate XXVI, Apy was seated on the right at the head of his guests, and a servant presented him with onions, saying "[For] thy [ka]; onions for [thy neck]." No. 28 shows blue hair, and is therefore the head of a deity or of a coffin. No. 29 resembles the symbol of the Thinite nome. No. 26 contains two fragments which recall the trained vine and oval threshing floor of Plate XXX, but, as there is no place for them there, they may come from the garden on the vault. No. 7 looks like a chariot wheel with the leg of a negro beyond it; it might be a lost addition to Apy's reward or retinue on the southeast wall. The net result is thus a vague idea of the range of illustrated subjects which the lost spaces of wall and ceiling contained, and also of the rich color with which the whole was filled, and which may have been redeemed from garishness by the dim lighting of the tomb and the darkness of the vault. To crawl into subterranean chambers which were an anteroom of the underworld and find them already filled with unearthly wealth of color was, no doubt, a gospel to those children of men over 1

The fragmentary character of these remains prevents their being shown in color, but copies will be preserved in the archives of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, since few examples of Bamesside color work of this quality are likely to be found. A newly found mural painting in the northern palace at El Amarna furnishes the best parallel. 2 Cf. p. 62. 75

Merits of the scene

A scene of offering

Unplaced fragments

The message of these paintings

TWO RAMESSIDE TOMBS The message

whose spirit the fear of death and darkness swept in recurrent shocks.

of these

paintings

The apparent duplication of scenes on walls and ceiling may have its meaning. The frequent appearance of the watered garden and its goddess overhead suggests that a belief in a heaven which lay in the sky, instead of beneath the western mountain, may have been in force; the actual garden of the tomb was regarded only as a prototype and forecast of a surpassing paradise above or beyond.

76

INDEX

INDEX Abydos, voyage to and from, Adzes, 70, 71 Agricultural scenes, 56 Ahmose, Prince, 23 Ahmose, Queen, 9 Ai, shawabti figure of, 3

19

Art, freedom in, xvi, 8, i5, 17, 19, 20, 44, 63 Asses, 57 Assessor gods, 12, 15 Aton, worship of the, xv, xvi, 7 Atum, the god, 29, 38 Avenging monster, 28 Awning, 49 Axis of tomb demarked, 5

A

Akheperkereseneb, i3, i4, 22 Akhnaton, King, xv, 7, 47 Alabaster, i4 Altars, 12, i5, 25, 37, 38, 54, 55 Altars with arms, 12 Amenhotep I, King (Jeserkere), 3g, 4o, 55, 64-66, 68, 7 3 Amenhotep III, King, n , 17, 18, 55, 68 Amenhotpe, an official, 23 Amenhotpe, priest, 26 Amenhotpe, servitor, 63 Amenmose, chief priest, 22, 27 Amon, 8, 9, 12, 29, 3o, 54, 55, 66. See also "Singer of Amon" Amon, temple of, 4o, 43 Amulets, 6, i4, 16, 28, 4i, 44 Angling, 20 Animals, mythical, 6, 28 Anubis, the god, 6, 7, i3, 27, 29, 4i Any, a scribe, 63 Any, son of Apy, 43, 5o, 71 Apprentice depicted, 71 Aprons, 7, 8, 10 Armlets, 43 Art, features of Ramesside, xv-xix, 6, 8, i5, 16, 18, 42, 45, 46, 49> 54, 55

Baboons adoring, 28 Bag as winepress, 63 Balances, 5o Baldachins, 6, 9. See also Naos Baraize, M., 33 Barber's outfit, 69 Base lines, 6, 59, 61 Batter of walls, 34, 5i Beads, 6, 16, 17, 39, 4o, 43, 44, 71 Beards, 10, 26, 70 Bedrooms, 66, 68 Bedrooms, furniture of, 69 Bedrooms of gods, 66, 70 Beds, 5o, 58, 66, 67, 69, 71 Beer, 12, 57 Belief in a heavenly world, 76 Birds, 17, 4i, 58, 62, 67 Birds preserved in jars, 62 Black as color of royalty, 23, 73 Boats, 16, 19, 23, 25, 49, 54, 55, 58, 61, 67, 74, 75 Booths, 24, 26, 49, 5o Bouquets, 6, 10, 23, 25, 26, 43, 57

79

INDEX Color of backgrounds,- xvii, i5, 20, 36, 37, 5i, 54, 60, 67 Color of decorative designs, 5, 6, 28, 4o, 4i, 45, 54, 74 Color modified for artistic ends, 9, 16 Columns, 3, 9, 20, 65-68 Columns with composite capitals, 9, 4i Commemoration of a royal burial, 22, 55, 64-70 Cones of ointment for the head, 16 Cones presented, 4i Corn-flower, 53, 75 Corselet of gods, 4i Courtyards of tombs, 3, 4, 34-36 Cows as draught animals, 25, 26 Cressets, 12 Crocodile, 28, 74 Crook of herdsman, bg Crowns, 6, 9, 21, 49, 68 Cubicle, 49, 66, 68 Cult of statue, 20, 73 Curtains, 68 Cushions, 44, 5o

Bowl with internal ears, 63 Bowls, 10, 39 Bracelets, 25, 44 Braziers, 10, 24, 4i Brick-work in tombs, 3, 4, 35-37 Bruyere, M., 34, 38 Burial chambers, 4, 37, 38 Burial chambers, concealment of, 4, 37, 38 Burial furniture, 22, 24, 49, 63-72 Burial places, 4, 5, 35, 37, 38 Burial procession, 25, 26, 49, 73 Burial rites re-enacted, n , 22, 70 Cabins of ships, 58 Cartonnage, 24, 3g, 71 Cartouches, 7-10, i3, i4, 22, 26-28, 4o, 54, 64, 66, 68 Catafalques, 19, 3g, 49> 54, 64, 66-70, 73 Catafalques, triple division of, 67 Cats, 42-44> 62 Ceiling, canopied, 5 Ceiling, patterns on, 5 Ceiling, pictorial panels on, 72-75 Ceiling, texts on, 5, 29, 72 Censer, 24

Date palm in court of tomb, 35 Dates, 7, 44, 74 Deir el Bahri, 25, 27, 52, 65 Deir el Medineh, xix, 34 Deities attendant on Osiris, 6, i3 Delinquents punished, 56 Detail, over-attention to, xvii, xviii, 6, 7 Different executants in tomb, xix, 19 Different styles in a tomb, xix, 11, 19 Dogs, 20, 28, 53, 59 Dom palm shown, 74 Doors, 4, 36 Doors, framing of, 4, 38, 39 Doors, shutter in, 52 Dowesmiset, wife of Apy, 38, 42, 43, 56, 62 Draft for drawing, 3g, 73 Draughts, game of, 67

Chairs, 10, 17, 42, 44, 5o, 71 Charcoal, 7, 4i Chariots, 25, 75 Chests, 26, 39, 49, 5o, 71 A

"Chief priest of Akheperkere," 8, 9, n , i3, i4, 21, 24, 26, 27, 29, 3o Chisels, 69, 70, 71 Chnemet-ankh, temple of, 24, 26 Clearance of tombs, 3, 33 Coffin of wife shown by anticipation, 26, 49> 70

Coffins, L\, 2L\, 26, 28, 3g, 49, 5o, 75 Collars, 6, 7, 16, 24, 68 Collars as reward, 48 Color in art, xvii, xviii, 8, 18, 75, 76 80

INDEX Drawing in white line, 36, 54 Dress, 6-10, 16, 17, 23, 47, 48, 53 Dress, stained, decorative treatment of, 44, 45 Dress, striped, 8, 45 Drinking booth, 57 Drinking reed, 57, 58 Dust sprinkled by mourners, 26, 45

Footstools, 17, 42, 69 Fowling, scenes of, 61, 74 Fragments of scenes, painted, 4, 5, 20, 21, 23, 25, 34, 42, 49, 5i, 55, 57, 60, 62, 72-75 Frieze, 6 Fruit, 16-19, 35, 44, 60, 69, 74 Fumigation, 7, 11, i3, 49- See also Incense Garden, 23, 46, 49 Garden of the tomb, 5, 19, 20, 35, 72, 74, 76 Garlands, use of, 6, 7, 10, 11, 16, 26, 27 Geb, the god, 29 Genealogies in tombs, 21, 22 Genii of the dead, 6, i5, 28 Gloves, 48 Glue used on coffins, 71 Goatherds, bg Goats, 56, 59 Goddesses of South and North, 65 Gods of the heavens, i5, 29 Gods of the necropolis, i5, 29 Gods of South and North, 68 Goose as pet, 74 Graffiti, 28 Grain found, 3g Grain offered, 4o, 58, 71 Grapes as ornament, 4i Graving tool, 71 Groom, 25

Earrings, 25, 43, 44, 57 Ebony, 23, 65, 70 El Amarna, xix, 8, 17, 20, 25,47,52,63,66,68 Elephantine, temple of, 65 Emblems, 49, 68, 70 Enmity shown to Userhet, n , i4, 27 Erasures, 9-14, 21, 26-28 Ernutet, the goddess, by-bg Evidence of additions to Tomb 5i, 5, 11,19, 2 1 , 22

Ewers, 48, 71 Eye powder, 48, 69 Family records, small value of, 9,10, 21, 22 Fan, 71 Fan-bearers, 47, 48 Fanes of north and south, 29 Fellahin, pictures of, 53, 60, 63, 69 Festal ointment, 45, 71 Figs, 18, 44, 53, 69 Figureheads of boats, 23, 49, 54, 55, 62, 74 Fish, 48, 58, 60, 61 Fish cleaned, 60, 62 Fishing nets, 60-62 Flagstaff's, 54 Flax harvest, 56 Flesh color, 9, 16-18, 61 Flowers, 20, 4o, 4i, 43, 52, 53, 57, 74, 75 Flute, 59 Fly-whisks, 6, 5o Foliage, increased attention to,

Hair, blue, 42, 75 Hair, fashions in, 8, 12, 4o, 4i, 53 Hair, gray, 4o Hapi, the god, 29 Hapu, vizier, 21, 22 Hapuseneb, chief priest, 21, 22 Harakhti, the god, 29, 38 Harmhab, King, 3, 22, 64 Harvest, deities of, 57, 58 Harvest scenes, 56, 72 Harvest thanksgiving, 56, 57

xvii, i5, 20,

5i, 74

8l

INDEX Hassock, 20 Hathor, the goddess, 6, i3, 20, 27, 29, 3g, 42,68 Hatshepsut, Queen, 21-23, 29 Hatshepsut, wife of Userhet, 9, 11, 16-18, 25, 28 Hawk, the divine, 42, 73 Hawk as scavenger, 62 Hawk-headed gods, 12, 21 Head-rests, 5o, 69, 71 Henet-tawi, mother-in-law of Userhet, 10 Heredity in office, 10, 11, 21 Hermonthis, 12, 29 Hesamentet, priest, 12 Hieroglyphs, mock, 28 "High priest of Amon," 21 Hippopotamus, 28, 74 History of Egypt, cleavages in, xv Hoes, 56

Ka of the king, emblematic, 23 Karnak, temple of, 43, 66 Khekers, 6 Khensem . . . , ancestor of Userhet, Khent(et)-Amentet, a goddess, 38 Khons, the god, 29 Khons-To, n Kom el Ahmar, 3 Knossos, 63 Kuentz, M., 39, 56, 63 Kyiri, priest, 28

21, 22

Lake, ceremonial on, 23, 24, 55 Lake as pedestal, 6, 17 Lamps, see Tapers, Cressets Laziness of peasants depicted, 56, 58, 69-71 Leather bed-hangings, 67, 68 Legrain, Georges, 33, 46, 49, 5i, 53, 54 Libations, 11, 26, 29, 4o, 4i Libations, table for, 38 "Lieutenant of the army," 23 Lily in design, 9, 4i Linen used on statues, 36, 37 Lion as symbol, 73 Lions' heads as ornament, 4i Lotus, 6, 28, 35, 61, 75 Lotus (nymphaea), 4i» 54, 61 Lunettes of vault, 36, 72, 73

Honeycombs (?), 7, 17 Horses, 25 Horus, the god, 39, 65, 68 Hotep dy nisut formula ("Ritual offering"), 12, 26, 29, 38 "House-mistress," 9,10, i3,16, 29,42,43,62 House of Apy, 46, 5o-52 House, raised platform of, 52 Hucksters, 57, 58 Huy, son of Userhet, 29

Mardet bark, 29 Ma r et, the goddess, 6, 27, 39 Mamheka, 23 Man weighed against heart, 27 Marketing, 57 Marsh scenes, 5g-63 Masonry lining to walls, 4 Mastabas (platforms) in tombs, 3, 35, 36 Medinet Habu, temple of, 4o Menat, 4i Mentuhotep, temple of, 27, 65 Merymose, son of Apy, 43

Imamhab, daughter of Apy, 4*, 43 Imhotpe, 23 Imhotpe, vizier, 21, 22 Incense, 7, n , i3, 23, 29, 43 Inexactitude of artists, xviii, 19 Infanticide, a case of (?), 53 Inner lines shown, 18, 41 Isis, the goddess, 29, 38, 49 Jars, 39, 43, 53, 71 Judgment, scene of, 5, 20, 27

82

INDEX Meryt-seger, the goddess, 12 Milk sprinkled, 49 Mimosa, 60 Mirror, 69 Mond, Robert, 3 Mont, the god, 12, i3, 20, 21 Moon, i3 Mourners, n , 23, 26, 29, 49, 71 Mud as material for statues, 36 Mud, tile of, 3 9 Mummy, coverings of, 24, 3g, 71 Music, 25 Mut, the goddess, Sg, 66

Ointment, see Cones, Festal On, city of, 29 Onions, 11, 75 Onnofer, the god, i5, 29 Opening the mouth, instruments for, 71 Osirid statues, 25 Osiris, 6,12, i3, i5, 17, 19, 20, 24, 27-29, 38 42, 70 Ostraca, 39, 71, 73 Outlines in painting, xvi, xvii "Overseer of the treasury of silver," 23 "Overseer of the workshop of Amon," 26 Oxen, 48, 56

Nakht, scribe, 26 Nakhtamun, son (?) of Apy, 36 Names written on arms, 16 Naos, 6, 9, i3, i5, 25, 28, 4o, 4i, 70 Nebmehyt, overseer, 23 Nebmehyt, priest, 11, i3, 22 Nebmose, an official, 26 Nebnakht, son (?) of Apy, 43, 71 Nebseny, priest, 26 Neferhebef, priest, 26 Neferhebef, son of Hapu, 22 Neferhebef (Userhet), 21 Nekhebet, the goddess, 68 Nephthys, the goddess, 49 Neti (?), water of, 4o Net-making, 62 Netting needle, 62 Nia, a fisherman, 60 Nlnl attitude, 28 Nofretari, Queen, 73 Nut, tree goddess, i5, 17, 19, 20, 35, 72,74

Paheripedet, vinedresser, 4o Painting, degeneration of, xvi Painting, schools of, xvi, xvii, xix Painting, subjects of, xvi Palace fagade shown, 25, 46 Palanquin, 39, 73 Palette of scribe, i3 Papyrus as offering or amulet, 6, 8, 4o, 49 Papyrus as ornament, 9 Papyrus as source of designs, xvi, xviii Papyrus columns, 4i, 52 Pavements, 36, 37 Pectorals, 6, i4, 24, 71 Performer of rite benefited, 8, 11 Pergola, 20 Persea tree (?), 53 Perspective, 18 Pet animals, 42, 44, 53, 74 Pet animals quarreling, 42 Petal garland as frieze, 6, 23 Pictures and models, their similarity, 5o, 52, 61 Pigeons, 4i "Place of Justice," i4, 38, 39 Plant found in tomb, Sg Plaster obliterating designs, 9, 23, 26-28 Point of view altered, 59-61

Oars, 61 Obelisks, 54 Objects found in tombs, Offerings, list of, 75 Ogdoads of gods, i5

3, 38-4o

83

INDEX Pomegranates, 5i, 53 Ponds, 20, 23, 35, 52, 54, 72, 74 Poppies, 43, 53, 74 Porch, 3, 4 Portable bark, 23 Portico, 4, 52, 65 Priest representing the king, 8, 4o Priestly influences, xvi, xix Priests, 11, i4, 23, 26, 27, 29, 4o, 55, 65, 67,

Royal burials imitated by officials, 24, 46, 55, 64, 70 Royal tombs, later restorations of, 64 Sandals, 5o, 71 Sandstone, 3-5, 25, 36, 69 Sashes, 7, 28, 47 Saws, 69, 71 Scaring birds, 58 Schaefer, Prof., 62 Scheil, Pere, 33, 46-49, 5i, 53, 56, 63 Schools of painting, xvi, xvii, xix, 8 "Scribe of the treasury of the god," 26 Scribe's case, 5o, 71 Scribe's tablet, 48, 71 "Sculptor (in the Place of Justice)," 38, 3g, 43, 62, 71 Second wife of Userhet, 10, i3 Sekhmet, the goddess, 68 Sektet bark, 29 ^em-priest, n "Servitor (in the Place of Justice)," 39,4o,

73 Ptah-Sokar, 38, 4i Punning in Egyptian art, 68, 69 Purification, 5, n , i4, 26 Purification, slab for, i4 "Pylon of the Syrians," 4o Pyramidal tombs, 4, 27, 49 Pyramidion, 38 Queen, rarer appearance of,

47

Ra r emwia, son of Userhet, 29 Rain, provision against, 4 Rameses I, King, 3, 7, 8, 64 Rameses II, King, xv, xviii, xix, 3, n , 4o, 55,64 Rameses III, King, 4o, 5o Ramesseum, 4o Ramesside era, features of,

42,48 Set, the god, 65 Sety I, King, 3, 8, 10, 64 Shading in pictures, 8, 18, 43, 45 Shaduf, 52, 53 Sheaves, 56, 58 Shemsu, son of Apy, 62, 75 Shepsut, wife of Userhet, 9, n , i3, 20 Ships, sailing, 19, 57 Shrubs depicted, 20, 5i, 74 Side-locks, 10, 4i "Singer of Amon," 9, 10, 16 "Singer of Mont," 10, 16, 29 Sistrum, 10 Sketches, xvii, 73 Skin, symbol of infernal gods, 6, 42 Skin worn by laborer, 53 Skin worn by priest, 7, 10, 21, 4o, 44 Slaughterhouse, 5o

xv, i5, 17, 18,

42, 45, 46, 49> 54, 55 Ranunculus, 53 Rations issued, 5o Re, the god, 29, 38, 39, 66 Realism in art, 8, 18, 20, 45, 5i, 52, 54, 60 Rebus used in design, 6 Rekhyt birds, 65 Relatives of deceased as guests, 42, 55 Restoration of fragments, 20,21,25,34, 60, 62 Rewards of officials, 5, 20, 24, 25, 46-48, 73 Ritual outfits, 24 Rosettes in design, 5

84

INDEX Sleeping places of the dead, 66, 69, 70 Sokar, the god, 29, 75 Son as officiant, i4, 21, 24 Soul-birds, 17, 19 Sparrows, 17 Sphinx, 7, 54, 55 Spirits of Buto, 28 Spirits of Nekhen, 28 Staff as burial equipment, 4 Stairways, 3, 65-67, 69 Stapf, Dr., 39 Stars as decorations, 7, 4o Statues, 19, 20, 23, 25, 36, 37, 65, 73

Statues of god and worshiper, 59 Stelae, 3, 28, 38 Sticks, walking, 5o, 71 Stools, folding, 20, 5o, 71 Store, grain, 56, 58 Stucco, use of, 37, 39, 4i, 71 Sun worshiped, 4, 38 Sunshades, 23, 73 "Superintendent of the city," 21 "Superintendent of vinedressers," 4o Sycamore, i5, 17-19, 70 Symbolism, 6, 19, 27, 28, 65, 67-69, 75 Tackle of ship, 58 Tamarisk, 60 Tambourine, 68 Tapers, 12 Ta-uret, the goddess, 68 Ta-usret, 10, n , 16, 22, 29 Temple depicted, 23, 73 Temple of Mentuhotep, 27, 65 Tentant, relation of Userhet, 10 Texts, omission of, xvii, xviii, 5, 16, 19, 46, 69 Thot, the god, i3, 27, 29 Thot . . . , son of Userhet, 9 Thothmes I, King (Akheperkere), 5, 6,9-11, i3, i4, 20-22, 24, 55, 64

Thothmes II, King, shrine of, 70 Thothmes III, King, 64 Thothmes IV, King, i5, 17, 64 Threshing floor, 56, 57, 75 Titles of Apy, 38-4o, 42, 43, 62, 72 Titles of Userhet, 5, 8, 25 To, n Toes indicated, 17, 41 To-joser, the necropolis, 29 Tomb depicted, 27, 49 Tomb, essential character of, 5 Tomb of Nofretari, xix, 18 Tomb of Rameses III, 5o Tombs of Thebes cited No. 1, xix, 18, 72 No. 3, xix, 72 No. 5, 72 No. 6, 35, 72, 74 No. 7, 72 No. 8, 17, 44 No. 10, 42, 44, 72 No. 19, xix, 55, 73 No. 23, 52 No. 3o (KhensmosS), 3 No. 3i (Khons), 11, i3, 16, 22, 24, 64 No. 38, 17 No. 39, 52 No. 4o (Huy), xvi, 47 No. 4i, i5 No. 48, 68 No. 49, 18, 47, 52, 53 No. 5o (Neferhotpe), 3, 47 No. 51 (Userhet), xvi, 3-3o, 46, 60 No. 54, 17 No. 55, 47, 48, 55 No. 56, 16 No. 57, i5 No. 60, 5o No. 63, i5 No. 65, 7 3 No. 66, 22

85

INDEX No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

Unfinished decoration, 5, 16, 19, 29, 3o Unity of Egypt, symbol of, 65 Unity in pictures, lack of, xviii Uraei, 10, 4i, ^2, 68 Urner, daughter of Apy, 42, 43 Usermont, vizier, 22 Userpehti, priest, 26

69, 18, 44 80, 52 81, 52 87, 24, 60 90, 52 93, i5, 18, 5o 96A, 52 96B, i5 100, 24, 60 io4, 62 106 (Paser), 8, 19, 35, 47, 48 i n (Amenwahsu), 3

No. 112,

Vase of libation, 24, 4o, 5o Vaults, 36, 72, 75 Vine, 20, 62, 75 Vineyard, 4o, 62 Vintage, 62, 63 Vizier, 21-23, 47, 48 Vulnerability of late paintings,

5o

No. i38, 53 No. 157, 47 No. 181, 18 No. 188, 47 No. 211, 72, 75 No. 2i5, 20, 72-74 No. 216, 36, 52 No. 217 (Apy), xix, 8, 17, 24, 33-76 No. 218, 72 No. 254, 5o, 52 No. 266, 36, 56 No. 290, xix, 19, 72, 74 No. 299 (Anhur-kha r ), 38 No. 3i8, 5o No. 324, 20, 22, 3o No. 332, i5 Transitional period in art, xix Trees, i5, 18, 19, 35, 5i, 53, 57, Sg, 60, 62,

xviii

Walls, preparation for painting, xvii "Warden of the temple of Rameses I I , " 28 Washerman shown, 54 Waterskin, 42, 53, bg Wattles of goats, 59 We6-priests, 22, 26, 28, 29 Weeds as decoration, 6, 8, 4o, 43, 62, 74, lb Weigall, Mr., 33 Whorls in design, 5 Wife as comrade in sport, 20 Wigs, use of, 8~io, 43 Willow (?), 53 Window, 58 Wine, 12, 4o, 4i, 57, 67 Wine jars, 39, 55 Winepress, 63 Winged goddess, 28, 54 Winnowing, 56 Wolf of Siut, 68 Woodwork, pierced, 39, 67 Worship, scenes of, 5,6, 12, 20, 21, 28,38, 4o

74 Trees, felling, 59, 70 T-shaped pond, 17, 24 T-shaped pond as dish, 4i Turtle, 74 Tutankhamon, xviii, 64

86

PLATES

PLATE II SHEIKH ABD EL KURNEH AND TOMB 5i A. From the east. The rock knoll, Kom el Ahmar, is seen in the foreground. The man near it stands on the brink of the court of Tomb 5i. In the far distance on the left, below the crest in the pass, is Tomb 217 B. Nearer view looking into the court on which Tomb 5i opens. The doorway is the one on the right (See page 3)

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PLATE IV INTERIOR OF TOMB 5i A. From the northwest. The steps in the entrance are a modern addition B. From the east. The contrast between the execution of the scenes on the near and on the far side of the doorway is clear in both pictures (See pages 4-6)

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PLATE V NORTH WALL, EAST SIDE. SCALE 2:11 The upper part shows the worship of Osiris by Userhet and his family; the lower, their adoration of Thothmes I and his Queen, of whose mortuary cult Userhet was priest. On the right four ritual acts are performed for Userhet's own benefit (See pages 6-12 and Plates VI A, VII, VIII, and XII B)

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PLATE IX EAST WALL. SCALE 1:6 Userhet, his wife, and his mother are accepting food and drink from the goddess of the sycamore, so indicated by the tree on her head. The voyage of the dead to Abydos and his return are shown below (See pages i5-i9 and Plates I and X)

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PLATE XVI NORTH WALL, WEST SIDE. SCALE 1:8 Anniversary celebration of the funeral rites of King Thothmes I. Below is the burial equipment of Userhet (See pages 22-24 and Plate XVII B)

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PLATE XXIV APY AND HIS WIFE ADORE OSIRIS AND HATHOR. WEST WALL, SOUTH SIDE. SCALE 1:7 The figure of the lady is on the adjoining south wall Painted by H. R. Hopgood (See pages 4i, 42, and Plate XXII A)

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