Mossad and CIA Control of Australia, Zygier, Mervyn, Jenkins.

July 6, 2016 | Author: Lloyd T Vance | Category: Types, Government & Politics
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According to Jim Dean, the managing editor of Veterans Today: Australia is a Mossad base 1. The Australian authorities "have been letting Israeli Intel recruit Aussies, both to recruit other spies amongst the many foreigners living there, but also to do the domestic spying operations against Australians."


2. An AIPAC operative lectured students on "how they were going to stop Israel divestment resolutions on campuses, by taking over the student governments..." 3. Mossad "spends years infiltrating and gaining influence in all major parties so no matter who is in power they have their hooks in deep with both." They use money and blackmail.

Mark Dreyfus, whose father came to Australia as a refugee from Nazi Germany. 4. Australia's Attorney General is the Zionist Mark Dreyfus. The Zionists always infiltrate justice departments. They want to be able to block investigations into Israeli espionage. Much of the corrupt campaign funding money comes from industrial espionage.


5. "They never catch any Israeli spies or break up any networks in Australia because they aren’t really trying to... "The biggest secret these infiltrated countries have is they don’t have any security, because it has been sold to a third party."

Ben Zygier 6. "Attorney General Dreyfus has refused an investigation of his own department, which would of course include their intelligence service’s handling of Prisoner-X... "Independent media has tied Zygier into not only the Dubai assassination passport fraud but other terrorist operations... 7. Haaretz's defense analyst, Amir Oren, reported that Zygier had told an Israeli friend, a special forces soldier, that he had killed a boy and girl in Lebanon while providing security for an Israeli covert operation in Lebanon.


"This incident caused him to leave the army and he was hospitalized with trauma for a month afterward. "Zygier came back to Australia after that to go to school, and the Mossad had him on board watching and recruiting foreign students...

"'New Matilda (online magazine) spoke to a former senior Australian ambassador who said that ASIO (Australian Security Intelligence Organisation) and ASIS (Australian Secret Intelligence Service) work hand in glove with the Israeli government, including the assistance of grooming potential spies on Australian soil at universities such as Monash in Melbourne and military academies like Duntroon.


"'Australia long ago outsourced much of its military and intelligence, as well as foreign affairs sovereignty, to Israel and America.'" "Canada is in worse shape than Australia in this regard, but both are Mossad bases for Israel’s extensive international espionage..."

The Pentagon backed the Indonesian military's killers in East Timor. Mervyn Jenkins, an Australian spook, knew too much about the bad guys in Washington. Was he murdered to shut him up?

The USA's Admiral Blair.


In 1999, the East Timorese voted to be independent of Indonesia. Angered by this, the Indonesian military then carried out mass murders in East Timor. When US Admiral Blair met Indonesia's General Wiranto he reassured Wiranto of US support for the Indonesian armed forces.

Bar Mitzvah in Surabaya, Indonesia. "The Dutch East Indies Company's main financiers were Jews (Isaac le Maire) and the majority of the executives were Jews." The following is an extract from an article by Arlene Tyner, July 2001


( On June 13, 1999, in the Washington suburb of Arlington, Virginia, Mervyn Jenkins, the North American attache for the Australian Defence Intelligence Organization (DIO) was found hanged in the backyard of his home a week before the Jenkins family planned to return to Australia. Jenkins, an expert in covert action and electronic warfare, had been posted in Washington for a threeyear assignment. He had been stressed by bureaucratic infighting between two Australian intelligence agencies over which documents could be shared with the CIA and the DIA. But would this happily married father of three sons take his own life on his 48th birthday? His diary showed detailed plans for his life in Australia 10 weeks into the future.


The USA, Indonesia and Australia are interested in East Timor'soil. On April 16, 2001, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's (ABC) popular investigative news show "Four Corners" probed Jenkins' mysterious "suicide," which had produced a storm of criticism in Australia, leading to a government investigation. Not satisfied with the results (the Blunn Report), Jenkins' wife filed a lawsuit against the government. Both his wife and mother appeared on the ABC broadcast, a transcript of which is posted online. (25) Betty Daly-King believes Jenkins was murdered to prevent him returning home with knowledge that the Pentagon didn't want him to bring back to Australia... According to the official story laid out by "Four Corners," Jenkins was caught in the crossfire between U.S. and Australian intelligence agencies over the issue of intelligence sharing. Daly-King believes that the conflict centered on the Indonesion repression of East Timorese who had voted for independence, withthe U.S. backing the Indonesians and the Australians leaning toward the East Timorese independence fighters.


Hanukka in Bandung, Indonesia, 1935 Influential Australian organizations such as the Returned Servicemen's League have historically sympathized with the East Timorese because so many had risked their lives to save Australians during World War II, she explains, and people-to-people relationships have been maintained ever since. (26) "The USA would do anything to appease Indonesia to keep access through their straits to get to and from Saudi's oil," she wrote to me. "They were not amused at Australia being in the forefront of restoring East Timor against perceived Indonesia and USA interests! All that lovely East Timor offshore oil, too."


George Soros meets Indonesia's President Yudhoyono Soros reportedly has links to the Rothschilds, Mark Rich, and Rafi Eytan. (The Secret Financial Network Behind "Wizard" George Soros) 25." Australian Aide Under Probe Dead in Apparent Suicide", Washington Post, 6/17/99. Transcript of "Caught in the Crossfire" 26. Background on the U.S./Australia military alliance can be found in two books by Desmond Ball, A Suitable Piece of Real Estate American Intelligence in Australia (Sydney, Hale & Iremonger, 1980)


And Richelson, J.T. & Ball, D., The Ties That Bind Intelligence Cooperation Between UKUSA Countries -the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Canada, Australia and New Zealand (Allen & Unwin, 1985) details about Indonesia's intervention in East Timor can be found in William Blum's Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II (Common Courage Press, 1995).


Synagogue in Sydney (Sardaka) Australia's top people appear to be owned by Mossad. So it is not surprising that some of Australia's jews are spies for Israel.


Two Australian intelligence sources have told the media about three Australian jews who have been under surveillance by the Australian spy service ASIO. (ASIO in fresh Israel spy probe) These three Australian jews emigrated to Israel within the past ten years. Each of the jews has since travelled back to Australia at different times to change their names and get new Australian passports. One of the jews has changed his surname three times. The other two jews have changed their surnames twice. The jews changed their names from Jewish sounding names to Anglo-Australian names. The new Australian passports have since been used to gain entry to Iran, Syria and Lebanon. The three Australian jews are linked to a European communications company that has a subsidiary located in the Middle East. Australia appears to be controlled by the 'shitty little state' of Israel, which reportedly has links to the Bali bombing. (BALI BOMB LINKS TO THE SECURITY SERVICES / MOSSAD IN INDONESIA)


According to Ross Burns, a former Australian ambassador, "Australia has been in the forefront of those countries that have chosen to blacken the UN fact-finding mission on the Gaza war, headed by Richard Goldstone." (Hitting the wrong target - 2) Reportedly, the Islamic militants are all under the control of Mossad and its friends. (Bernard Lewis one of the secret rulers of the world?) Jewish convicts arrived in Australia in 1788. The Jewish population has been swelled more recently by immigrants from the former Soviet Union, home to the Russian mafia. Reportedly, Mossad operative Zev Barkan and his accomplices ran a studio making snuff and porno movies in the Mekong River town of Pen Yauin in Cambodia. (The 2000 disappearance of Steven Goldsmith from Brisbane Australia.) In 1991, police in Perth, in Australia, linked Scott Gozenton, a Satanist, with organized child sexual abuse. His lawyer claimed 13 satanic covens existed in the area, holding orgies involving children (List of satanic ritual abuse allegations.) In 1997, ABC newsreader Rod Young tells viewers snuff films have allegedly been produced in Brisbane, citing alleged existence of video tape shot on the bank of the Brisbane river, in which a young male person is murdered.


Young claims someone alleges police are aware of the existence of this tape, and alleges high level police and government corruption. (The 2000 disappearance of Steven Goldsmith from Brisbane Australia .) In 1999, two journalists from Australia's Sun-Herald claimed to have seen evidence of the ritual abuse of children. They interviewed six mothers whose children had disclosed experiences of SRA and organised abuse in New South Wales. The children's disclosures were corroborating, although they had never met one another, and they had been able to draw representations of "satanic" ritual sites which were similar to ritual sites uncovered by police on the central coast of New South Wales. (List of satanic ritual abuse allegations. ) "The Jewish connection to the American credit cards used in the Dubai fiasco appears to be a company called Payoneer. Payoneer is closely connected to World Jewry in many ways, so its alleged involvement and apparent massive breaches of the Patriot Act and other American laws will go univestigated and unpunished." - Saturday, February 27, 2010


CIA control of Australia? Collins, Toohey, Jenkins, control of oil Mike Head, at wsws, 28 April 2004, reported that 'over the past two weeks, the government of Prime Minister John Howard has faced a virtual revolt from within the Australian military and intelligence establishment.' Damaging secret documents have been leaked... On 14 April 14 the Bulletin newsmagazine, published two classified documents. One was a letter written to Howard in March 2005 by a former high-ranking Army intelligence expert, Lieutenant Colonel Lance Collins. Collins listed what he called “poor performance or outright failures” by the intelligence agencies in recent years. They included 1. the unanticipated 1998 fall of the Suharto regime in Indonesia (This was reportedly the work of Indonesian generals working for the CIA. Surely the Australian spies knew what their bosses were up to.)


2. the 1999 Indonesian military-backed massacres in East Timor (Hamish McDonald in the Sydney Morning Herald 14 March 2002 revealed Australia's bloody East Timor secret spy intercepts confirmed the Government knew of Jakarta's hand in the massacres. The Australian Government sat on explosive intelligence material which showed the direct involvement of senior Indonesian army generals in the violence which swept East Timor in 1999. 3. The October 2002 Bali bombings (This was allegedly the work of some of those Indonesian generals who control the fake 'Moslem' extremist groups. And some of these Indonesian generals are reportedly working for the CIA.) 4. the absence of any “weapons of mass destruction” in Iraq. (The Australian military surely knew there were no WMDs. Blair and Bush knew; and many users of blogs knew.) Collins wants a Royal Commission into Intelligence.


According to WSWS: Collins claims : 1. The Defence Intelligence Organisation (DIO) was trying to keep in with the Indonesian military. 2. This meant that Collins's military intelligence reports were ignored, from July 1998 onward. These reports warned that the Indonesian military was preparing a bloodbath in East Timor. 3. The DIO temporarily cut off intelligence to Collins and the troops involved in the Australian-led intervention into Timor. According to WSWS: Collins’ accusations carry considerable weight because they come from such a senior officer. In the mid-1990s, he became deputy director of military intelligence, one of the most sensitive military postings. From September 1999 to February 2000, he was principal intelligence officer for General Peter Cosgrove, the commander of the Timor intervention force. The second secret document was a report filed by a naval barrister, Captain Martin Toohey, last September into a “redress of grievance” complaint by Collins after three years of official victimisation.


Toohey’s 36-page report, published almost in its entirety by the Bulletin, backed up Collins’ accusations about Timor and found that Collins was ostracised, denied promotion and driven to the brink of a mental breakdown because he had spoken the truth. Toohey detailed an array of vindictive measures taken against Collins, including having his name splashed throughout the media in September 2001 as the subject of an Australian Federal Police search warrant over the earlier leaking of secret Timor documents exposing the government’s squashing of intelligence reports on the impending massacre. His career as an intelligence officer was effectively killed off. Like Collins, Toohey speaks with considerable military authority. A Vietnam veteran, he was deputy director of Naval Security and a naval police investigator for 16 years and currently holds a top-secret security clearance. He supported Collins’ charge that “a pro-Jakarta lobby exists in DIO, which distorts intelligence estimates to the extent that those estimates are heavily driven by Government policy which overlooks (or attributes the blame to other factions), atrocities and terrorist activities committed by the TNI [the Indonesian army]”. He concluded that “DIO reports what the government wants to hear”.


According to Toohey’s findings, Collins was told by Australian Defence Force Chief General John Baker in 1998 not to worry about the looming events in Timor “because we have a plan with the Indonesians to keep everybody else out of East Timor”. This was a clear reference to the government’s efforts throughout 1998, in the wake of Suharto’s fall, to keep out Portugal, the former colonial ruler of East Timor. Portugal had resumed its claims to sovereignty during the 1990s, with the backing of the European Union. It challenged the 1989 Timor Gap Treaty, under which Australia had acquired the lion’s share of the vast offshore Timor Sea oil and gas fields, as a reward for being the only country in the world to formally recognise the Indonesian annexation of East Timor. While Collins and Toohey refer to a “pro-Jakarta” lobby in the DIO, the fact is that until 1998-99 the entire political establishment regarded its alliance with the Suharto military dictatorship as the bedrock of Australia’s regional security. But with Suharto’s downfall, and with Portugal breathing down their necks, Howard and Foreign Minister Alexander Downer swung behind a UN autonomy ballot.


Still anxious to protect Canberra’s long-standing relations with the Indonesian military and political leadership, they blamed the militia violence in the lead-up to the August ballot on “rogue elements” in the armed forces. They strongly opposed the deployment of UN monitors, arguing instead that security should be left in the hands of the Indonesian military and police— the very forces organising the violence. Despite feigning concern for the plight of the population, Howard and Downer calculated that post-poll atrocities would provide the pretext to dispatch troops to Timor with the overriding purpose of retaining control over the Timor Sea oil and gas projects against Australia’s rivals.

Howard under siege Howard and Defence Minister Robert Hill have flatly rejected Collins’ demand for a royal commission. In the past, such investigations, usually headed by handpicked judges, have functioned, in the main, as whitewashes. But because of the breadth and depth of the opposition it is facing, this government simply cannot afford to launch an inquiry with the legal powers to call official witnesses and obtain classified documents.


While—for public consumption—Howard and his ministers have promised to reply fully and “courteously” to Collins’ letter, they have done everything they can to vilify and intimidate him. Once again, they have resorted to bullying, character assassination and the selective use of secret documents—methods that have become characteristic of the Howard government. Despite the fact that Collins has specifically directed his criticisms toward the government, Howard accused him, along with everyone else calling for a royal commission, of casting a “generalised smear” over military intelligence officials. Last week, Hill released a last-minute legal opinion that the government secretly requested from another military lawyer last December with a view to undermining Toohey’s report. Without interviewing a single witness, Colonel Richard Tracey accused Toohey of making unsubstantiated findings and exceeding his jurisdiction. But two days later, Hill was forced to admit the existence of, and make public, an earlier legal opinion, written by Colonel Roger Brown last September, endorsing Toohey’s conclusions as “firmly supported on the evidence”.


Collins had been shown none of the legal reports, and there is every indication that he would never have seen them if the Bulletin had not published the leaked Toohey report. With the government’s position unravelling in the wake of Hill’s embarrassing admission, General Cosgrove, currently the Chief of the Defence Forces, was wheeled out to reject Collins’ charges as unfounded and damaging to the security services. His credibility was not helped by the fact that he wrote a glowing testimonial for Collins in 2000, describing him as “very intelligent, perceptive and quick” as well as “very honest, moral and loyal”. Incensed by his treatment, Collins has refused to be silenced, defying orders from Cosgrove not to release a public statement last week. Collins said he was “dismayed” by Hill’s prejudicial release of reports on his case and demanded the release of all the documents used to investigate his accusations. Similarly, Toohey has spoken out this week, labelling the government’s treatment of his report as “yet another shabby, tawdry cover-up,” designed to “slur” his professional reputation. The stand taken by Collins and Toohey is a sure sign that they have significant support within the military elite. This was confirmed by a series of further statements last week.


Retired Major-General Mike Smith, a former deputy commander of the Timor intervention force, backed Collins’ charges and said the politicisation of the military and public service was worsening. Moreover, Australia should not have joined the Iraq invasion, which had made Australia an increased terrorist target, he said. The head of the Australian Defence Association, retired army intelligence officer Neil James accused the DIO of refusing to tolerate dissenting views and spoke of “incredible concern in the defence force community” that the DIO had cut off information to forces on the ground in Timor. A senior former Defence Department adviser, Jane Errey, charged the government with dismissing her for refusing to write a briefing paper saying that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. [See: Australian defence adviser sacked for refusing to write WMD lies] Collins’ call for a royal commission was joined by the mother of Mervyn Jenkins, an Australian military intelligence attaché in Washington, who committed suicide in June 1999 after being threatened with serious criminal charges for handing sensitive Timor material to his US partners.


Such exchanges of information were routine, but the Timor documents reported the Indonesian preparations for atrocities, which the Howard government did not want to divulge to anyone at that stage, not even Washington. Jenkins’ mother condemned the government for treating Collins in the same way it had treated her son. Then came much-publicised details from a report by the Rand Corporation, an influential Pentagon-linked US thinktank, accusing the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) of “blatantly disregarding” threat assessments relating to the Bali bombings. Citing interviews with serving Australian Federal Police (AFP) officers, the Rand report also concluded that ASIO “deliberately withholds” information from the AFP, based on “its own idiosyncratic calculation of the national interest”. These revelations and accusations provide just a glimpse of the acrimony that the government has created inside the state apparatus, particularly since the 2001 election campaign. Facing almost certain defeat at that election, because of popular opposition to his free-market agenda, Howard resorted to lies and dirty tricks to crawl back into office.


Leading government figures prevailed upon the army, navy, air force and SAS, as well as the military and civilian intelligence agencies and senior public servants, to line up behind a campaign of slanders against asylum seekers and whip up fears of terrorism in the wake of the September 11 attacks in the United States. The Chief of the Defence Forces, Admiral Barrie and other senior naval commanders were required to back the government’s false claims that refugees had thrown their children overboard in an attempt to force authorities to allow them into Australia. Only after the election was it revealed that navy photographs were doctored and misleadingly labelled and that so-called intelligence material on the incident compiled by the Office of National Assessments (ONA) was based on nothing but media reports, which had been generated by the government’s own lies. At a later parliamentary inquiry, Admiral Barrie was forced to retract his initial testimony after being humiliatingly contradicted by subordinates. It turned out that dozens of government and military personnel knew, within days of the incident, that children were not thrown off the boat.


A former Admiral accused the government of a Goebbels-style Big Lie campaign, while other senior military figures accused Howard of misusing the navy for political purposes, destroying its credibility and creating profound mistrust within its ranks. Howard, however, continued to deny any wrongdoing, claiming the problem was simply one of “communication”. Tensions reached a new height last month, in the wake of the defeat of the Aznar government in Spain, one of the few staunch supporters—together with Howard’s government—of the Bush administration’s war on Iraq. Howard and leading ministers denounced AFP Commissioner Mick Keelty for stating the obvious that Australia’s participation in the Iraq war had made its population, like the Spanish people, a more likely terrorist target. Foreign Minister Downer accused Keelty of peddling Al Qaeda propaganda. General Cosgrove was ordered into the fray to declare his disagreement with Keelty. Howard and Downer were later forced to beat an ignominious retreat, repeatedly stating their confidence in the police chief. Last week, Keelty revealed that he had been on the brink of resigning before Howard and Downer performed their backflip.


Behind the internecine warfare The bitter rifts within the security apparatus and attacks on the government have become intertwined with deep-going conflicts within the entire political and corporate establishment over foreign policy and strategic orientation. With the war on Iraq becoming an unmitigated disaster, elements in ruling circles, such as former prime minister Malcolm Fraser, who have expressed reservations about Howard’s unconditional alignment with Washington, have latched onto the internal discontent. The Bulletin’s editor-in-chief, Garry Linnell, wrote: “If, as Toohey has found, a ‘pro-Jakarta’ lobby exists with defence intelligence and shapes its reports to the government based on this bias, how certain can we be that the rest of the intelligence the government relies upon is also not subject to similar biases? A pattern is already evident. The so-called intelligence evidence relied upon by the United States, the United Kingdom and the Australia as justification for the war in Iraq lies in shreds.“ Linnell pointed out that Howard “has staked his personal future, and that of his government, on the promise of protecting Australia’s national security” and that “without a royal commission, that promise will sound hollow”.


But with his political survival so bound up with the Bush administration and its “war on terror,” Howard cannot afford to have any serious probe into his government’s actual record. Howard has sought to shelter behind an existing inquiry into the “performance of the intelligence agencies,” which was established following a parliamentary committee report on the lies used to justify the Iraq invasion. The inquiry is designed to be a whitewash—it is being conducted by Philip Flood, a former Australian ambassador to Indonesia, secretary of the Foreign Affairs Department and ONA chief, who was a central figure in the official pro-Jakarta policy during the 1990s. The parliamentary report itself disclosed ONA and DIO material that demonstrated that the Howard government—closely following the line laid down by the Bush and Blair administrations—cynically orchestrated and exaggerated intelligence to claim that Iraq possessed dangerous stockpiles of chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, the bipartisan parliamentary committee politically exonerated the government and shifted all responsibility onto the DIO and ONA. Howard has emphasised that two veteran Labor politicians, former defence ministers Kim Beazley and Robert Ray, helped draft the parliamentary report.


With Labor’s help, he hopes to divert the latest revelations in the same direction—that is, into an examination of alleged “intelligence failures” rather than the criminal policies of the government. Labor leader Mark Latham has demonstrated his readiness to cooperate by suggesting that the Flood inquiry be given royal commission powers to investigate the latest allegations. The other parliamentary parties, the Australian Democrats and Greens have taken a similar stance, calling for a royal commission to investigate “intelligence failures”. Greens’ leader Bob Brown called for an inquiry “to find out not just what went wrong but how we restructure, re-equip, re-personnel the intelligence agencies so that they are able to cope with the new situation Australia finds itself in”. As in 2001, this closing of the parliamentary ranks will only encourage the government to respond to its political crisis by ratcheting up the “war on terror” and stepping up its attacks on its political opponents. See Also:Australian defence adviser sacked for refusing to write WMD lies



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