Mondolfo,Rodolfo-Socrates.pdf

RODOLFO MONDOLFO

SOCRATES

EDITORIAL UNIVERSITARIA DE BUENOS AIRES

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO

Sócrates

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 La presente edición fue digitalizada y corr correg egid idaa en las las bella ellass tier tierra rass del del mu muyy dist distan ante te y espac espacio ioso so reino reino de Ko Koll llas asuy uyu; u; durante los primeros, calurosos y febriles días del mes de febrero del año 565 del quinto sol, del nuevo imperio de Tawantinsuyu.

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Indice 1. La situación histórica__________________ histórica_____________________________ ____________________ __________5 _5 2. La situación cultural________________________________________6 3. La existencia histórica de Sócrates. Vida y características._________ 9 características._________ 9 4. El problema de Sócrates y las condiciones para su solución.______ 20 solución.______ 20 5. La inspiración religiosa y la purificación de los espíritus.__________ 24 espíritus.__________ 24 6. La refutación como purificación y estímulo para la investigación. La mayéutica._________________________________________________ 28 mayéutica._________________________________________________  28 7. La ciencia y los conceptos universales.________________________ 33 universales.________________________ 33 8. Ciencia y virtud, ignorancia y pecado. La unidad de las virtudes___ virtudes____  _ 36 36 9. El eudemonismo socrático: no utilitarismo, sino ética del amor y del deber._____________________________________________________ 42 deber._____________________________________________________  42 10. El alma y su inmortalidad. La inspira- ción religiosa de Sócrates.  ______________  ___________________ __________ __________ __________ __________ __________ __________ __________ _________  ____ 50 50 11. La influencia histórica y la l a perenn p erennidad idad de Sócrates. Sócra tes.__ ____ ____ ____ ____ ____ ___  _ 54 54

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES

1. La situación histórica La gran victoria sobre los invasores  persas,  pers as, lograda logr ada por los griegos grie gos en el año 478 a.C., tuvo a los atenienses por artífices  princi  pri ncipal pales es y les inspir ins piróó hon honda da confian conf ianza za en sí mismos y en su régimen democrático, determinando una intensificación del proceso ascensional de florecimiento y poderío de la ciudad. En el orden interior se amplía y se fortifica la constitución democrática: las reformas de Efialtes y de Perícles limitan los poderes del Areópago, dominado por  la burguesía pudiente, y amplían los de la asamb asamblea lea y del jurad juradoo pop popul ular; ar; hacen hacen efectiva, efectiva, mediante un régimen régimen de indemnizaciones, la participación de los proletarios tarios en las magistr magistratur aturas; as; imprim imprimen en vigoroso impulso a la justicia social y mayor intensidad intensidad a la vida política política e inspiinspiran en los ciudadanos un sentimiento de consagración a la  poli  po liss y a su grandeza. En el orden exterior Atenas llega a ser 

"la dominante" entre las ciudades marítimas, y la federación formada por éstas con la hegemonía de Atenas para la defensa fensa común común con contra tra los bárbar bárbaros os (liga (liga delio-ática) llega a convertirse, con Pericles, en imperio ateniense. Sin embargo, este proceso ascensional mismo contenía los gérmenes de un posterior derrumbamiento, ya fuese en los conflictos con los asociados que no tolera ban la l a situación situ ación de d e vasallaje vasal laje a que se veían v eían reducidos, ya fuese en las luchas a muerte con Esparta y Siracusa, Siracusa, a las que Atenas se vio empujada por las exigencias mismas de su dominio. Las catástrofes que Atenas  padece  pad ece en ambas amb as gue guerra rrass desenc des encade adenan nan con creciente ferocidad las luchas internas entre oligarcas y demócratas: en 413412 los oligarcas aprovechan la grave situación bélica para derrocar la democracia y establecer la dictadura de los Cuatrocientos, luego derribada por el furor po pular;  pul ar; pero, per o, como com o la suert su ertee de las armas arm as no cesara de ser adversa, la psicosis de guerra

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES llev llevaa a la demo democr crac acia ia a cond conden enar ar a muerte, sin derecho de defensa, a sus  propios generale generaless victoriosos victoriosos en la batalla batalla naval de las Arginusas; y es en vano la valiente oposición oposición de Sócrates a tamaño crimen. El clima de terror y de sospecha que se crea en Atenas y los nuevos desastres  bélicos permiten a los oligarcas oligarcas volver en el año 404, con la ayuda de Esparta, a institu tituir ir la tira tiraní níaa de los los Trei Treint nta, a, dirigida por Critias. Pero los crímenes con que se mancha esta tiranía —entre ellos el asesinato de León de Salamina, Salamina, en vano resistido resistido valientemente por Sócrates— estimulan la reac reacci ción ón del del pueb pueblo lo.. Los dest dester erra rado dos, s, guia guiado doss por por Tra Trasíbu síbulo lo,, logra gran encabez bezar una una insu insurr rrec ecci ción ón irre irresi sist stib ible le;; desp despué uéss de la vict victor oria ia,, emper empero, o, renun renuncia ciann gene generos rosame amente nte a toda venganza y decretan la amnistía de los adversarios. Sin embargo, no triunfa luego luego la exigen exigencia cia de una renovac renovación ión moral oral,, únic nica base posible ible para para un verdadero renacimiento político; antes  bien, se sospecha del ciudadano que proclama tal exigencia; y Ánito —compañero principal de Trasíbulo—, junto con otros dos, acusa a Sócrates de corromper a la juventud y de desconocer  a los dioses patrios. La parábola de ascensión y derrum bamiento de la grandeza imperial de Atenas, que habíase desarrollado durante el siglo V, desemboca así, al comienzo del del sigl sigloo IV (399), (399), en el proces procesoo y la condena de Sócrates.

2. La situación cultural El siglo V a. C. asistió al mayor florecimiento cultural de Atenas; ésta se convirtió en el centro de la civilización helénica hasta el punto de merecer el títul títuloo de "H "Hél élad adee de la Hé Héla lade de". ". El espíri íritu democrático ateniense  promueve la participación de todo el  pueblo en el, progreso cultural. Se le educ educaa el gust gustoo artí artísti stico co al ofrec ofrecer erle le obra obrass maes maestr traas en los los monu monum mentos ntos  públicos (Partenón, (Partenó n, Propíleos, Propí leos, pórticos  pintados, estatua de Atenea, etcétera) etcét era) con que Pericles convierte a Atenas en la ciudad ciudad más hermosa hermosa de Oc Occi cide dent nte, e, utilizando en servicio del pueblo el arte excelso de Fidias y de Mirón, de Ictino, de Calícr Calícrate ates, s, de Polign Polignoto oto,, etcétera; etcétera; mediante el pago de los theoriká, que qu e le pe r m i t e a si s t i r a l as representaciones dramáticas, se llama al  pueblo para que disfrute disfr ute de las grandes obras de la poesía poesía trágic trágicaa y cómica cómica —  que en este siglo alcanza su apogeo con Esquilo, Sófocles, Eurípides, Aristófanes  — que debate a menudo menudo grandes grandes  problemas  problemas religiosos, religiosos, morales, políticos y enuncia a veces elevadas concepciones éticas, como la  Antífona de Sófocles, donde se plantea el problema de las leyes no escritas y se opone al principio del odio el del amor humano. La protección otorgada por Pericles a artistas como Fidias e Ictino, a  pensadores como Anaxágoras y Protágoras, y el espíritu de libertad que  promueve entre los ciud ci udad adan anos os hace ha cenn de Atenas la capital

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES intelectual del mundo griego, el centro de atracción de los nobles espíritus de la época, propugnáculo del libre desarrollo de la personalidad humana. Cierto es que las luces se ven acompañadas por sombras inevitables; que instituciones y costum bres progresis progr esistas tas contienen conti enen aspectos aspec tos infeinfe riores y gérmenes de corrupción; que el espíritu de libertad se ve a veces abatido  por olas de intoleranc intol erancia ia de las que son víctimas los mismos pensadores protegidos por Pericles; que el iluminismo racionalista —expresado de diversas maneras en la filosofía de Anaxágoras y de algunos sofistas, en la historiografía historiografía de Heródoto Heródoto y de Tucídides, en la poesía de Eurípides, etcétera— tiene a veces adeptos inmorales como Critias o como Alcibíades. Pero el florecimiento de las artes y las letras y el fermento de vida intelectual intelectual que se pro ducen en la Atenas del siglo V con la aparición de genios como Fídias, los tres grandes grandes trágicos, trágicos, Aristófanes, Aristófanes, Tucídides, Tucídides, Sócrates, acaso no tengan parangón en otra ciudad o época; y si todos estos grandes hombres hallan clima propicio para el desarrollo desarrollo y la expresión de su genio, ello se debe a "la constitución y a las condiciones concretas de la vida ateniense; y la nodriza común fue aquella libertad cuyo cuyo elev elevad adoo valo valorr no todo todoss 1 reconocieron" A esa libertad —consecuencia de la

la nueva orientación que allí cobra la invest investiga igació ciónn filosó filosófic fica. a. No puede puede entenderse el tránsito del predominio de los los problem lemas de la natur turaleza, característico de la filosofía anterior, a la posi posicción ión cent centra rall que que conq conqui uist stan an ahora los problemas humanos, si no se relacion relacionaa la evolució evoluciónn de los los inter interese esess intelect intelectuale ualess con la situació situaciónn políti político co-social. Las guerras persas y las exigencias exigencias posteriores de la hegemonía imperial de Atenas habían impuesto la extensión, a todos, de los deberes militares y, por consiguiente, de los derechos políticos, cuyo ejercicio se hacía efectivo concediendo una indemnización a los magistrados po pulare  pul ares. s. La econom eco nomía ía agríco agr ícola la feudal feu dal ya se había transformado en economía industrial y comercial; nuevas clases —de mercaderes, artesanos, marineros— participan en el gobierno del estado; la reducción ción de los poderes del Are Areópago aumenta aumenta los de la asambl asamblea ea pop popula ular; r; se sien siente te la neces necesida idadd de prepa preparar rar nuev nuevas as élites dánd dándole oless una cultur culturaa politi politicoco jurí  ju rídi dica ca basada ba sada en el conocimiento conocimi ento de los  problemas  proble mas intelectuales intelec tuales y morales y asistid tida por una dial dialéc écti tica ca capa capazz de imponerse y triunfar en las asambleas y en los los trib tribun unal ales es.. La adqu adquis isic ició iónn de semejante cultura exige maestros que no se encierren, como antes lo habían hecho

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES Leontium, en Sicilia; Pródico de Ceos, en las Cicladas; Hipias de Elis, en el Peloponeso, etcétera—, procedentes de todo el mundo griego, y uno que otro, como Antifónte, de la misma Atenas; y todos procuran hacer de Atenas el centro principal de su actividad. Ecos de sus enseñanzas repercuten en la poesía de Eurípides y  pueden así comunicarse ampliamente al  pueblo; pero los sofistas, que viven de su magisterio y exigen remuneración a los discípulos, enderezan su actividad a la esfera más restringida de los ricos. En esto estriba una de las diferencias fundamentales entre ellos y Sócrates que Jenofonte nos presenta vivamente vivamente en el relato de un diálogo de su maestro con el sofista Antifonte (Memor., I, vi, 11-13). "¡Oh, Sócrates! —dice el sofista—, yo creo que eres justo pero en modo alguno sabio; sabio; y me parece que tú mismo lo reconoces al no cobrar retribución alguna por  tu con convers versaci ación. ón. Sin embarg embargo, o, a nad nadie ie entregaría entregaríass gratuitamen gratuitamente, te, o por menos menos de su valor, tu abrigo, tu casa u otra cosa que te pertenezca. Es claro, pues, que si atribuyeras algún valor a tu conversación también por ésta cobrarías una retribución que no fuese inferior a su justo  preci  pr ecio. o. Se te podr po drá, á, enton ent onces ces,, llam ll amar  ar   justo, ya que no engañas por avidez, pero no sabio, ya que lo que conoces nada vale." "¡Oh, Antifonte! —contesta Só-

dinero su belleza a quien se la pide, se la llama prostituta; e, igualmente, a quienes venden su sabiduría por dinero a los que la buscan se los llama sofistas, vale decir  «prostit «prostitutos utos». ». Al con contrar trario, io, si alguien alguien enseña todo lo bueno que sabe a quie uienquie quiera ra vea vea bie bien disp dispue uest stoo por  natura naturalez lezaa y se convi conviert ertee en su amigo, amigo, creemos que ése cumple con el deber del ciudadano ciudadano óptimo." ópti mo." La oposición entre uno y otro no consiste sólo en el hecho de que el sofista cobre una remuneración por su enseñanz ñanza, a, esto esto es, es, ejerz ejerzaa como como acti activi vida dadd interesada una tarea que Sócrates considera misión sagrada que ha de cumplirse en beneficio ajeno y no propio, sino tamtam  bién en que, de acuerdo con esta diferendiferen cia, los sofistas vinculen la elección de sus discípulos a la situación económica de los jóvenes, en tanto que Sócrates sólo la vincula a la disposición intelectual y moral que revelen. Lo cual significa que la educación y formación de élites  para el gobierno del estado efectuada por los sofistas obedece a las ambiciones y a los intereses políticos de jóvenes ricos; la que quiere realizar Sócrates, en cambio, obedece a las exigencias del bien general, al que los indivi individuo duoss deb deben en con consag sagrar rar su capacidad y no sobreponerle sus aspiraciones personales. La educación sofística es formación de habilidades; la socrática,

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES formar espiritualmente —como el mismo Sócrate ratess dice, según Jenofon fonte,  Memor.,  Memor ., I, vi, 15— "a muchas personas capaces de manejar la cosa pública", la segunda se inspira en la misma exigencia a la que que obed obedec ecía ía imper imperfec fectam tament entee la democ democra racia cia aten atenie iens nsee al esta establ blec ecer er la dokimasía (examen de los candidatos), correct correctivo ivo del iguali igualitar tarism ismoo del sorte sorteo, o, ciego ciego a las difere diferenc ncias ias de con condic dicion iones es intelectuales y morales de los individuos. Sócr Sócrat ates es intr introd oduc ucee cohe cohesi sión ón en esta esta exig exigen enci ciaa al conv conver erti tirl rlaa en requ requis isito ito  previo para la educación de los hombres aptos y señala que quien procur ocuraa satis satisfa face cerla rla cump cumple le una una impo importa rtant ntee misión pública, aun cuando —   justamente para par a pode poderr actuar actu ar como maestro— él mism ism o no part partic icip ipaa  pers  pe rson onal alme ment ntee en el gobierno del estado.

3. La ex exis iste tenc ncia ia hist histór óric icaa de Sócrates. Vida y características. He recordado anteriormente dos episodios de la vida de Sócrates —su actitud en el proceso contra los estrategos de las Arginusas y su repulsa a los Treinta, que le ordenaban participar en la captura de León de Salamina—, cuyo relato leemos

cluida en obras extrañas a la literatura socrática:  Las helénicas, I, vii, 14 y sig., de Jenofonte y la parte autobiográfica de la Carta VII  de Platón. De Strycker cita otro testimonio de carácter estrictamente histórico: el pasaje de la  Anábasis, III, i, donde Jenofonte nos refiere la consulta que hizo a Sócrates acerca del problema de su participación en la empresa bélica de Ciro. Estos datos históricos refutan por  sí solo olos la tes tesis de algu lgunos nos crít crític icos os mode moderno rnoss que quiere quierenn reduci reducirr a pura pura leyenda o a creación poética la figura de Sócr Sócrat ates es que que la trad tradic ició iónn nos nos ha transmitido. En su forma más extremada, la tesis ha sido presentada por E. Dupréel 3, quien sostuvo que Sócrates era una mera ficción literaria literaria del naciona nacionalism lismoo atenien ateniense se de Platón y de los llamados socráticos, que habrían inventado la existencia, la enseñanza, las vicisitudes, la condena y la muerte del imaginario maestro para disimular con esa ficción su propia esterilidad especulativa y para apropiarse de las doctrinas de los sofistas extranjeros: Protágoras, Gorgias, Pródico, Hipias. Otro crítico, Olof Gigon (4), admite la exis existe tenc ncia ia real real de un tal tal Sócr Sócrat ates es,, condenado a muerte por impiedad en el año 399  La légende légende socrat socratiqu iquee et les sources sources de Platón Platón,, Bruselas, 1922. 8

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES a. C., pero sostiene que no fue un pensador cuyo nombre pueda pertenecer pertenecer a la historia de la filosofía, y que Platón, Jenofonte, Aristóteles y los demás autores que lo presentaron como filósofo y maestro se han servido de su nombre, así como hubieran podido utilizar cualquier otro,  para  pa ra llev ll evar ar a cabo ca bo la crea cr eaci ción ón lite li tera rari riaa del ideal del  sabio,  sabio , tal como cada uno de ellos lo concebía, sin preocuparse en absoluto por la fidelidad histórica. Todos estos retratos, por lo tanto, pertenecerían a la Sokratesdicht Sokratesdichtung ung y no existirían acerca del personaje testimonios históricos dignos de tal nombre, ni mucho menos acerca de su hipotética doctrina. Esta reducción de la figura tradicional de Sócrates a puro mito contradice los datos señalados por De Strycker, que documentan la existencia histórica de un ciudadano admirable y admirado por su  justicia  just icia ejemplar ejemp lar y consejero conse jero a quien los  jóvenes  jóven es consultaban consul taban en las contingenc conti ngencias ias decisivas de su vida; y contrasta aún más con el hecho histórico de las representaciones efectuadas en Atenas, durante la vida de Sócrates, de comedias como las de Teléclides, de Los aduladores de Éupolis (421), del Connos de Amipsias (423) y de  Las  La s nube nu bess (423),  Las aves av es (414) y  Las ranas (405) de Aristófanes. En todas ellas Sócrates aparece vinculado a los sofistas y a Eurípides y corno un pensador 

que en la de Teléclides, se lo acusa ora de ser quien hace malograr malograr la conciencia conciencia de lo trágico de Eurípides, ora de ser el verdadero autor de los dramas de éste; pero sobre todo se lo presenta en  Las nub nubes es como figura que es una perfecta caricatura del tipo de filósofo que investiga y disputa, lo cual prueba que como tal de bía  bí a con conoc ocer erlo lo todo to do el mund mu ndoo en Aten At enas as,, y con confir firma, ma, indirec indirectam tament ente, e, además además,, la  Ban quetee de Jenofonte, declaración declaración del  Banquet según la cual se lo apodaba "el pensador". Por otro lado, el asiduo contacto de Sócrates con los jóvenes y sus continuas discusiones acerca de problemas jurídicos y  políticos,  políticos , morales y religiosos religioso s se hallan confirmados confirmados en forma indiscutible indiscutible por la misma denuncia que determinó su proceso y condena: imputaciones que pocos años después repite el líbelo de Polícrates5, que a su vez suscita las reivindicaciones de Lisias, Isócrates y Jenofonte, junto a la de Platón. Aun por debajo de las deformaciones hostiles encontramos, pues, atestiguado  por las interp int erpret retaci acione oness malévo mal évolas las mis mas, el terreno firme de los datos históricos, esto es, la existencia y actividad reales reales de un Sócrates Sócrates pensador y maestro, maestro, conocido como tal por todos en la Atenas de su tiempo. En lo que concierne a También hay que mencionar la Vida de Sócrates, de ARISTÓJENOS (de esta obra han quedado 5

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES este punto fundamental podemos entonces aceptar como verdaderos otros datos  biográficos que nos ofrecen especialmente especialmente Jenofonte y Platón y reconstruir la vida de Sócrates en sus lineamientos esenciales. Su nacimiento, acontecido en un barrio suburbano de Atenas, debe situarse en el año 470-469, puesto que al morir  (399 a. C.) tenía 70 años cumplidos. Hijo del  escultor Sofronisco, cuyo arte aprendió y ejerció algún tiempo, y de Fenareta, una partera muy conocida, tuvo de su familia recursos sin duda modestos  pero que le permitiero permi tieronn adquirir adquir ir la culcul tura tradicional tradicional de los jóvenes jóvenes atenienses atenienses de buena familia, cumplir con sus obligaciones militares como hoplita y dedicarse luego enteramente a la desinteresada misión de maestro, maestro, aunque aunque a costa costa de abstinencias heroicas, como dice Jenofonte (Memor., I, ii), ο de una infinita pobreza, según dice Platón (Apol., 32) 6. Desde su juventud parece estar en relación con las más notables inteligencias de su época: los músicos Damón y Connos; el pintor Parrasio; Eurípides —a quien en  Las ranas Aristófanes le reprocha que, por  el trato con Sócrates, pierda el sentido de la sublimidad de la Musa trágica, y en  Las nubes lo acusa de hacerse escribir sus tragedias por ese chacarero de pretendida sabiduría—. También parece tener rela-

ciones con Aspasia y todo el círculo de Pericles y muchos otros personajes prominentes; pero, en especial, con todos los sofista sofistass que suelen suelen actuar actuar en Atenas Atenas.. Acaso pueda aceptarse la tradición —proceden cedente te de su conte contemp mporá oráneo neo Ión de Quíos y recogida por Diógenes Laercio y por Simplicio— según la cual en su juventud había escuchado a Arquelao, discípulo de Anaxágoras; lo cierto es que Jenofonte afirma (Memor,, I, i, 12 y sigs., y vi, 14) que se había familiarizado con los "antiguos" filósofos, y Platón le hace recordar en Fedón 96-97, su pasión  juvenil por conocer la ciencia física y por  hallar una solución a los problemas naturales que lo atormentaban y su hondo interés en la doctrina de Anaxágoras, seguido  por el desengaño que le produjo la lectura del libro. Todo esto puede explicarnos la  presentación  present ación que hace de él Aristófane Aris tófaness en  Las nubes, donde lo muestra suspendido en el aire contemplando el sol, esto es, preocupado por los problemas naturales. Pero en el  Fedón, 99e, Sócrates sigue diciendo que, al no encontrar en ningún naturalista una explicación satisfactoria y al no lograr tampoco hallarla por si mismo, tomó otro camino pensando que la soluc solución ión de los los proble problema mass no debía debía  buscarse en los objetos objet os del conocimiento sensible sino en los conceptos, y Jenofonte dice que su maestro siempre hablaba de

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES éticas, indagando los conceptos universales. De modo que las afirmaciones de Cicerón (Tusc., V, iv, 10; 10;  Acad, post., post. , I, iv, 15), según las cuales Sócrates hizo descender la filosofía del cielo a la tierra,  pueden acaso entenderse en el sentido de una sucesión de dos fases en su filosofar. Con esta interpretación puede resolverse el pro problem blemaa pla plante nteado por muchos chos historiadores con respecto al comienzo de la misión misión de escrutado escrutadorr y purificador de inteligencias y conciencias que, en la  Apología, Sócrates hace remontar a la respuesta negativa que la Pitia dio en Delfos a la preg pregun unta ta form formul ulad adaa por por su amig amigoo Querefonte cuando inquirió si había alguien guien más sabio sabio que Sócrate Sócrates. s. ¿Cómo ¿Cómo habría hab ría pod podido ido Que Querefo refonte nte plante plantear ar tal interrogante y la Pitia dar tal contestación —se preguntan muchos— si Sócrates no hubiese sido ya famoso por el cum plimiento de su misión de maestro? Sin embargo, el problema puede resolverse sin tachar de ficticia la declaración socrática —que resultaría ingenua por su

conclusión de que la pretendida ciencia de los físicos se resolvía en una ignorancia real de las causas. Sócrates debió ser conocido en Atenas por este planteamiento y por  esta conclusión negativa acerca de la com prensi  pre nsión ón de la natural natu raleza eza pues en  Las nubes todavía se lo presenta como naturalista, y esa fama ya ganada de crítico siempre insatisfecho puede explicar perfectamente la pregunta de su amigo Querefonte y la respuesta de la Pitia, la que además podía saber, por el mismo Querefonte, que Sócrates reprochaba a los naturalis turalistas tas la falta falta de una exp explic licaci ación ón finalista, o sea la negación de una providencia divina. Pero la respuesta de la Pitia —que nadie era más sabio que el mismo Sócrates, que justamente reconocía su ignorancia— le plantea un nuevo pro blema  ble ma y una nuev nuevaa exigenci exig enciaa que ya no es la anteri anterior or indag indagac ación ión natura naturalis lista: ta: escrutar a los hombres para conocerlos y alentarlos a conocerse a sí mismos y a ser  mejores. "Desde entonces, de acuerdo con la

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES socráticas cas:: Antíste Antístenes nes,, fundad fundador or de la ya hacía tiempo que éste era su discípulo socráti y amigo y, según el  Alcibiades primero, escuela cínica; Aristipo, de la cirenaíca; 103 y 105, Sócrates habría tardado varios Euclides, de la megárica; Fedón y Meneaños en cumplir con él la misión que ya demo, de la eleo-erétrica; Platón, de la Academia; además de Esquines de Esfeto, había cumplido con otros, a la espera de que estuviera espiritualmente maduro y el discípulo más fiel, Simias y Cebes, ex  pitagóricos, etcétera. Pero, mientras los dispuesto. Convencido, en efecto, de que debía discípulos que pueden y saben comprender  grande dezza y nobl nobleeza espi espiri ritu tual al del del cump cumplir lir una una misi misión ón de escr escrut utad ador or de la gran conciencias y estimular a todos a efectuar  maestro le profesan una veneración que su propio escrutinio, Sócrates se dirigía se acrecienta en el andar de los años, el  —en los gimnasios, en el a gorá, en las común de los examinados a quienes Sócratess hace hace paten patente te su incon inconsc scien iencia cia e calles, en los banquetes, en cualquier par- crate te— a cada uno, sin hacer distinciones de ignorancia, recela de él y le guarda renclase, oficio o edad; a políticos y sofistas, cor. Y a veces algún discípulo rebelde, a poetas y artistas, a soldados y artesanos, a como Alcibíades, obligado a avergonzarse,  jóvenes y ancianos, a extranjeros y con- se siente impulsado a rehuirlo y hasta a ciudadanos (Apol., 30a), pero, según un desearle la muerte, pero al mismo tiempo concepto que se repite muchas veces en tiene conciencia de que si eso ocurriera experi rime ment ntar aría ía el más más agudo gudo dolo dolor. r. Platón (Alcib. pr., Teet., etcétera), una expe intuición instintiva, que él consideraba (Banq,, 216a-c.) Sin embargo, a muchos otros sólo les inspirada inspirada por el daimon siempre presente qued quedaa una una enem enemis ista tadd inco incomp mpre rens nsiv ivaa y en su interior, le revelaba quién estaba rencorosa; y sobre ese fondo general de dispuesto a aprovechar su conversación incompren rensió siónn pop popula ular, r, de sospec sospechas has y y quién no y así se guiaba en la incomp

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES y Platón. No importa que en las batallas de Potidea (432), Delio (424) y Anfí polis (421) Sócrates haya cumplido con más valentía que otros su deber con la  patria  patri a y haya merecido mereci do que el general Laquetes declarara que si todos se hubiesen comportado como él la victoria habría sido de los atenienses. En defensa de la ley y de la justicia, Sócrates se había negado —solo, y arriesgando la vida— a ceder, tanto a las imposiciones del furor   popular en el proceso contra los estrategos de las Arginusas (411), como a la orden de los Treinta de arrestar a León de Salamina (404); pero el público acaso ignorara el segundo episodio y si recordaba el  primero lo interpretaba interpr etaba quizás como ex presi  pr esión ón de un espír esp íritu itu antide ant idemoc mocrá ráti tico co en grado no menor que la crítica a instituciones tales como el sorteo de magistrados o la atribución a todos de facultades  políticas. Con razón decía Sócrates que si hubiese  particip  part icipado ado en la activida acti vidadd pública públ ica y en sus contiendas contiendas él, que era irreduc irreductibl tiblee

 permitido el cumplimiento de su misión, en la que veía la ejecución de un mandato divino y su verdadero aporte al bien de la ciudad. "Nunca en mi vida me he concedido re poso en el esfuerzo esfuerzo por aprender, aprender, sino que, que, descuidando lo único que la mayoría cuida —el dinero, el hogar, el ser estratego o caudillo y demás magistraturas, y las con juracion  jur aciones es y sediciones sedic iones ciudadanas ciuda danas...—  ...—  no me metí en las cosas en que no creí que pudiera ser útil ni a vosotros ni a mí mismo, sino que siempre acudí allí donde  podía aportar el mayor beneficio, aceracer cándome en privado a cada uno y tratando de convencer a cada uno de vosotros de que se preocupara por sí mismo antes que  por sus intereses, a fin de llegar a ser más  bueno y más sabio; [por el mejoramiento espiritual] de su ciudad antes que por los  bienes materiales de ésta." (Apol., 36b-c.) "Debido a esta tarea, no tuve posibilidad de hacer nada digno de consideración, ni en los asuntos públicos ni en los privados, de manera que vivo en pobreza infinita

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES menta menta que iba con conden densán sándos dosee sobre sobre su núes ... filosofando; de lo contrario ... cabeza; seguía cumpliendo la misión que morirás ...», os contestaría: «Mis queria su juicio le había sido confiada por el dos atenienses, os quiero y os amo, pero Dios, con la misma imperturbable sereobedeceré al Dios antes que a vosotros y nidad con que a veces se ponía a reflexioen tanto tenga aliento no cesaré de filosonar en algún problema, insensible a las far y de amonestar y aconsejar a vosotros conti continge ngenci ncias as circun circunsta stante ntes, s, al frío, frío, al y a cualquiera de vosotros a quien tenga hambre, al cansancio, como cuando —seocasión de hablar»." (Apol., 29c-d.) 29c-d.) "Y, gún refiere Alcibíades,  Banq., 220c-d—  me absolváis o no, no haré otra cosa ni en Potidea permaneció todo un día y una aun cuando me exponga a morir mil venoche de pie e inmóvil, concentrado en ces." (Ib., 30b-c.) sus pensamientos, hasta que al salir el sol Afirmaciones Afirmaciones como éstas contribuyen sin s in rezó sus oraciones y se marchó. duda duda a que que se lo decl declar aree culp culpab able le y —  Pero en el año 399 la tormenta se desencomo según la ley ateniense él mismo debe cadena. Tres ciudadanos —Meleto, poe-  proponer una pena— manifiesta entonces ta; Licón, orador; y Ánito, mercader y que no merece merecería ría ninguna ninguna,, ni de destierro destierro,,  político  polític o influyente influyent e por haber sido comni de cárcel, ni de otra índole, sino  pañero  pañ ero de Trasíb Tra síbulo ulo en la exp expuls ulsión ión de recom recompen pensa sa y hon honra ra púb públic licas as por habe haber  r  los Treinta Tiranos— se convierten en trat tratad adoo siem siempr pree de bene benefi fici ciar ar a todo todos,  portavoces de las sospechas sospechas y de la hosexhor xhortá tánd ndol oloos a mejora jorarr su alma lma y su tilidad ya difundidas y denuncian a Sóciudad, pero que si se le quiere imponer una crat crates es acus acusán ándo dolo lo de corr corrom ompe perr a la multa multa pagar pagaráá lo poco poco que pued puedee dar dar de su  juventud,  juvent ud, de negar a los dioses patrios patri os y  bolsillo, más lo que le ofrecen sus disde introduci introducirr nue nuevos vos seres seres demónic demónicos. os. cípu cípulo los. s. Los Los juec jueces es,, irri irrita tado dos, s, vota votann por  por  Pena pedida: la muerte. mayoría la pena de muerte, pero Sócrates les

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES estimulándolos a ser virtuosos. Y concluye: "Ya es hora de que vayamos, yo a morir, vosotros vosotros a vivir. Quién es el que va a mejor suerte a todos está oculto, excepto al Dios," (Apol., 42.) Semejante elevación moral demostrada  por Sócrates durante el proceso se reafirma en el intervalo entre la sentencia y la ejecución, para lo cual debió espe esperar rarse se el reto retorn rnoo de la nave nave sagra sagrada da que había partido con destino al santuario de Dé Délo los. s. Du Dura rant ntee los los trei treint ntaa días días de espera, ra, Sóc Sócrat rates, en la cárcel y con cadenas en los pies, continuó conversando filo filossófic óficaament mentee con sus dis discípu ípulos los y amigos. En la víspera del arribo del barco, Critón le anuncia: "Mañana tendrás que morir." morir." "En buen buenaa hora —co —conte ntesta sta—; —; si así lo quieren los dioses, así sea." Critón le suplica entonces que acepte la fuga que los amigos han preparado y que no se traic traicio ione ne a si mism mismo, o, ni trai traici cion onee a los los hijos y a los amigos rechazándola, pero Sócrates contes testa que lo único que importa es vivir honestamente sin

A la mañan mañanaa siguie siguiente nte vue vuelve lvenn los amigos y la conversación recae en el tema del destino del alma. Sócrates, sereno ante la emoción de los discípulos, trata de convencerlos de que, para los buenos, la muert muertee es el comien comienzo zo de otra otra vida vida mejor; y en las alternativas del diálogo, especialmente en el momento dramático en que algunas objeciones de Simias y de Cebes parecen estar a punto de derrum bar la construcción levantada, Sócrates, tranquilo y sonriente, las examina parte  por parte, devuelve la confianza a los  perturbad  pert urbados os y termina term ina exhortando exhor tando a toto dos a que acepten serenamente el llamado del destino 8. Llega el carcelero después del último saludo saludo de Sócrates Sócrates a su mujer Jantipa y a sus hijos y, emocionado, trae el veneno (cicuta). Sócrates, imperturbable, toma el vaso, lo vacía de un trago y dice a los amigos que sollozan: "No, amigos; hay que concluir con palabras de buen augurio: permaneced, pues, serenos y fuertes." Cuando empezó a sentir los efectos del

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES ma ineq inequí uívo voca ca su juic juicio io y el de sus sus compañeros contra la sentencia que condenó como peligroso para su ciudad al mejo mejorr y más más just justoo de los los homb hombre res, s, la historiografía moderna, a partir de Hegel, ha planteado el problema de la legitimidad gitimidad de tal sentencia y ha tratado tratado a veces de justificarla desde el punto de vista de la razón de estado, superior al rencor de aquéllos a quienes refutaba y a la hostilidad que los poetas cómicos y el vulgo sentían hacia quien para ellos  personificaba la sospechosa investigación, investigación , tanto de los naturalistas tipo Anaxágoras, Anaxágoras, como de los sofistas tipo Protágoras. El tribunal tribunal,, como como con concien ciencia cia oscura oscura del

 peligr  pel igrosa osa índole índo le de la dialéc dia léctic tica, a, Platón Pla tón  pide gran cautela caut ela en su uso, del cual hay que mantener alejados a los jóvenes, pues de otro modo se aficionan a las discusiones por sí mismas y se acostumbran a contradecir y a deshacerlo todo. Además, agregan algunos críticos modernos, con su ejemplo Sócrates enseñaba a los jóvenes a despreocuparse de la vida pública y de los problemas de la ciudad para preocu parse sólo por su propia vida interior; interi or; y como, por el contrario, el estado consideraba la participación en las asambleas y magistraturas un deber de los ciudadanos y no sólo un derecho, la influencia negativa de Sócrates hacía que éste nece-

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES  patrio  patr io no signifi sign ificaba caba,, como parece parec e creer  cree r  Jenofonte, aceptación lisa y llana de las creencias politeístas, pues, al contrarío, todas las manifestaciones divinas particulares se unificaban para Sócrates en una fuente única, inteligencia y providencia universales, Dios presente en el mundo y también —según la expresión usada por  Epicar Epicarmo mo y Ana Anaxág xágora oras— s— present presentee en nosotros, presente como el alma personal y como el daimon interior al que Sócrates Sócrates atribu atribuía ía su insp inspir irac ación ión en mome momento ntoss decisivos. Por otro lado, si bien Sócrates no participaba constantemente constantemente en la vida política, política, no sólo cumplía con su deber de soldado

de la democracia ". Su exigencia de que los magistrados fuesen capaces y tuviesen la preparación necesaria y la crítica que formulaba al sistema de sorteo no implicaban que reclamase leyes aristocráticas de privilegio, sino un llamado a la conciencia de los políticos que debían considerar el ejercicio de las magistraturas como una misión comparable a la del médico y a la del piloto o a la de cualquier  otro otro espec especial ialist ista, a, activ activida idade dess todas todas que exigen exigen con conocim ocimient ientos os e idonei idoneidad dad.. No eran, pues, una negación de la democracia, sino la exigencia de perfeccionarla  para que efectivame efect ivamente nte estuviese estuv iese al servi cio del bien público.

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES lectuales por los trabajadores— se com placía  pla cía en recurr rec urrir ir a menu m enudo do a la l a sent s entenci enciaa de Hesíodo: "el trabajo no es vergüenza; el ocio sí es vergüenza". Y en conversaciones que refiere Jenofonte —pero que  por cierto cie rto tradu tr aducen cen un gen genuin uinoo pen pensa sa-miento de Sócrates, puesto que Jenofonte se inclina espontáneamente espontáneamente hacia el punto de vista aristocrático y es uno de los típicos típicos menospre menospreciado ciadores res del trabajo—, trabajo—, Sócr Sócrat ates es no sólo sólo repi repite te con con He Hesí síod odo, o, Epicarmo y Pródico que el trabajo es el  precio  pre cio al que los dioses dio ses nos vend venden en los  bienes y la conquista de la arete, sino que además afirma la dignidad moral del tra bajo,  baj o, asever ase verando ando que para par a los hombres homb res y

 porque  por que recono rec onocía cía en él una activi act ividad dad educadora que crea conocimientos e im plic  pl icaa la conc co ncie ienc ncia ia de lo qu quee se hace ha ce y de por qué se lo hace. Entre sus muchos examinados, los únicos que entendían lo referente a su propio oficio —dice en la  Apología,  Apolo gía, 22a 22a —  — eran los artesanos, artes anos, cuya sabidu sabiduría ría,, empero empero,, se nubla nublaba ba cuando cuando  preten  pre tendían dían salir sal ir del terren ter renoo de su compe comp e tencia. Acaso por esta función cognoscitiva del trabajo, a Sócrates le agradaba, en sus investigaciones conceptuales, partir  de ejemplos propios de artesanos; por  eso Critias, cuando quiso impedirle que actuara como maestro, le ordenó abstenerse "de los zapateros, los herreros, los

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES la democracia de la competencia”(15 competencia”(15). ). Por  cierto que ésta, en tanto gobierno de los mejores, puede llamarse aristocracia 16 en el senti sentido do etimo etimológ lógico ico de la palabra palabra,,  pero Sócrates es, sin duda, como lo declara declar a G. de Sanctis 17, "dem "democr ocráti ático co de alma, aun cuando adversario, en parte, de tal tal o cual instit titución de la democracia ateniense de su tiempo".  No es aceptable, acept able, pues, la justifica just ificación ción histórica de su condena como defensa is democrática. legítima de la pol la  polis

4. El problema de Sócrates y las las con onddicio icionnes para su

curso escrito no sabe dar explicaciones, explicaciones, si alguien las pide, ni defenderse por sí mismo, sino que necesita siempre la intervención de su padre. A este motivo —el único que suele citarse— el Fedro F edro asocia otro: el discurso escrito se ofrece igualmente al entendido y al lego, sin saber a quién debe hablar y a quién no, como un agricultor que esparce las semillas al acaso, en cualquier tiempo y lugar. Pero el motivo más esencial aparece en otros diálogos platónicos, cuando en la misma enseñanza oral Sócrates evita los discursos largos que sólo permiten al discípulo una pasiva función de oyente. La forma propia de la enseñanza socrática es

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES Pero no sólo amigos y enemigos nos ofrecen de él imágenes opuestas entre sí, sino sino que que,, además además,, los mismos mismos discíp discípulo uloss reproduce reproducenn el pensamie pensamiento nto del maestro maestro cada uno según su manera particular de entenderlo, y esas maneras son muy diferentes en Jenofonte y en Platón, en Antístenes y en Aristipo, en Euclides y en Esquines, etcétera. De los dos testimonios  principales, Jenofonte Jenof onte y Platón, el prime ro  —según la crítica de Jöel, H. Maier, Burnet y Taylor, etcétera, y por común consen con sentim timien iento— to— parece parece incapa incapacita citado do  para reflejar la altura espiritual del maestro y documenta, además, en sus obras socráticas (Banquete, Económico, Apolo-

De este modo se plantea el problema de Sócrates, Sócrates, o sea el de la reconstrucc reconstrucción ión histórica de su pensamiento, problema que ha ido profundizándose a partir del primer   planteamiento efectuado por Schleiermacher. Sus dificultades, que han sido y siguen siendo a la vez estímulo y torment mentoo para para los histo historia riado dore res, s, pued pueden en inferirse inferirse del examen concienzudo concienzudo y detallado que del tema hizo V. de Magalháes Vilhena (20). En otra oportunidad oportunidad (21) he recordado lo que a principios de siglo decía V. Brochard en su ensayo L'oeuvre de Socra-

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES te 22 : "Mucho se ha escrito acerca de Sócrates y lo mismo ocurrirá en el futuro. La fisonomía de Sócrates, por la misma incertidumbr incertidumbree e insuficienci insuficienciaa de nuestros nuestros medios de conocimiento, no dejará jamás de tener para todos los investigadores el atractivo de un enigma que exige inter pretac  pre tación ión;; y sin dud dudaa la última últ ima palabr pal abraa

sos y querer ir adelante. Hay que plantear  otro problema previo: el del motivo de estos fracasos..., de la fuente de las contradicciones ... Debemos desatar las imágenes diferentes en su misma diversidad,  porque  por que cada cad a una nos ofrece ofr ece una cara car a de Sócrates que se consideró verdadera, y tal fue en cierto modo ..., por haber desem-

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES sobre todo porque se ha abierto camino la certidumbre de que la interpretación del pensamiento socrático no puede separarse del significado de su vida y de su acción histórica. La filosofía ha sido para Sócrates el móvil de su existencia, de su actuación y de su sacrificio supremo; y la reconstrucción de su pensamiento

negativa, y aun cuando afirma la identidad entre virtud y ciencia la concibe como un cálculo de los provechos materiales y sensuales, lo cual Brochard mismo define como "une conception terre-áterre terre de la mora moralit lité" é".. An Anál álog ogam amen ente te Gomperz 27, pese a que admite en Sócrates la exigencia de armonía interior y unidad

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES cir, al espíritu de Sócrates manifestado en su enseñanza.

5. La inspiración religiosa y la purificación de los espíritus.

que imputaba la destrucción de la energía creadora del espíritu helénico; la de Pöhlmann, que opone un Sócrates racionalista puro a toda tentativa de interpretación religiosa; la de Jöel, basada en la interpretac interpretación ión aristotélic aristotélica, a, igualmente igualmente racionalista; la de Ortega y Gasset, que  procede de la de Nietzsche 29 , etcétera.

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES dero autor de la teoría de las ideas. Pero muchos otros que rechazaron tal tesis inaceptable reconocieron, empero, la importancia del hecho señalado por Burnet: los  pitagórico  pitag óricoss de Tebas y Fliunte Fliunt e — Simias, Simi as, Cebes, Ferondas, Ferondas, Equécrates Equécrates — , ex discí pulos de Filolao, Filolao , después de la partida partid a de aquél buscaron en Sócrates al maestro que

En esta relación entre un punto central de irradiación y toda la esfera de las manifestaci manifestaciones ones de la personalida personalidadd de SóSó crates puede encontrarse el medio para superar la antítesis entre las tendencias interpretativas opuestas de H, Maier y de Burnet-Tay Burnet-Taylor, lor, esto es, entre un Sócrates Sócrates  puro héroe héro e moral, mora l, tal como lo veía AntísAnt ís-

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RODOLFO MONDOLFO - SOCRATES servicio del Dios —aun a costa de la pro pia vida. vid a. Tiene importancia fundamental, a este  Apol ogíaa  platórespecto, el pasaje de la  Apologí  plat ónica, 29c-30b, que ya hemos citado en  parte.  part e. Dice Dic e Sócr S ócrate atess a sus jueces jue ces:: "Au "Aunn si si me dijerais: «Sócrates, no escuchamos a tu acus acusad ador or y te dejam dejamos os en libe liberta rtad, d,

viejos, a no cuidaros mucho del cuerpo y la riqueza, sino más del alma para hacerla mejor... Y agregaré: «Atenienses, ya sea que me absolváis o no, yo no procederé de otra manera aunque me exponga a morir mil veces»." Este enunciado de una misión sagrada implica en Sócrates un culto a la filosofía

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Trusted by over 1 million members

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Trusted by over 1 million members

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Trusted by over 1 million members

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Trusted by over 1 million members

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Trusted by over 1 million members

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Trusted by over 1 million members

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Trusted by over 1 million members

Try Scribd FREE for 30 days to access over 125 million titles without ads or interruptions! Start Free Trial Cancel Anytime.

Trusted by over 1 million members

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Trusted by over 1 million members

Try Scribd FREE for 30 days to access over 125 million titles without ads or interruptions! Start Free Trial Cancel Anytime.

Trusted by over 1 million members

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Trusted by over 1 million members

Try Scribd FREE for 30 days to access over 125 million titles without ads or interruptions! Start Free Trial Cancel Anytime.

Trusted by over 1 million members

Try Scribd FREE for 30 days to access over 125 million titles without ads or interruptions! Start Free Trial Cancel Anytime.