Mehdi Mohaghegh – Hermann Landolt (ed.) • Collected Papers on Islamic Philosophy and Mysticism
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Henry Corbin • Mystique et Humour chez Sohrawardi, Shaykh al-Ishraq Toshihiko Izutsu • The Basic Structure of Metaphy...
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31014173986
INSTITUTE OF ISLAMIC STUDIES
516^5
*
McGILL UNIVERSITY
.
McGILL UNIVERSITY M ontreal Institute of Islam^e Stud: es Tehran Branch
JCollected Papers on
Islamic Philosophy and Mysticism
Edited by M. MOHAGHEGH
&
H. LANDOLT
Tehran 197 1
Printed by Tehran University Press, Tehran, Irán.
W ERE W ISDOM IN THE PLEIADES EVEN THEN MÉN OF PERSIA W OULD OBTAIN IT
IV
WISDOM OF PERSIA SER1ES
O F T E X T S A N D S T U D IE S P U B L IS H E D by T h e Institute o f Islam ic Studies M c G ill U niversity, T eh ran Branch
General Editors
M E H D I M O H A G H E G H P h. D . Professor
at T eh erán
U niversity,
Irá n
R esearch A ssociate at M c G ill U n iversity
T O S H I H I K O I Z U T S U L itt. D . Professor at M c G ill U niversity,
C anada
G uest Professor at K e io U n iversity, J a p a n
WISDOM OF PERSIA Publications o f the Institute o f Islam ic Studies, M c G ill U niversity, T eh ran Branch G eneral Editors: M . M o h ag h egh and T . Izutsu I. H. M . H . Sabzavvári ( 1797 -
1878 ).
S h a rh -i G h u ra r a l-F a r á ’id or S h a rh -i M an zü m ah P art O n e : M etaphysics A ra b ic
text
and
com m entaries
edited,
w ith
introductions
in
English and Persian, and an A ra b ic-E n g lish glossary, b y M . M ohaghegh and T . Izutsu I I . M . M . Á sh tiyán i (ob.
13 7 2 / 1 9 5 2 )
T a 'líq a h bar S h a rh -i M an zü m ah A ra b ic text
e d ite d , with introductions in English,
G erm án
and
Persian, by T . Izutsu, A . F alatu ri and M . M oh agh egh (U n der Print) I II. N .A . Isfaráyini ( 639 / 1242 -
717 / 1317 )
K á sh if u l-A srár Persian text edited,
w ith a French translation and introductions in
French and Persian, b y H . L andolt (U n der Print) I V . C o llected Papers on Islam ic Philosophy and M ysticism edited b y M . M o h ag h egh and II. L a n d o lt
VI
WISDOM OF PERSIA
V . M ír D ám ád (ob.
1040 / 1631 )
A l-Q a b a sá t A rab ic text edited, with introductions
in
English,
G erm án and
Persian, by T . Izutsu, H . Landolt, S. A . M usaw i, M . M oh agh egh (In preparation)
Contents Page IX -X II
1 - Forew ord, G .J. A dam s
2-
Address at the O p en in g o f the M cG ill Institute o f Islam ic Studies, T eh ran Branch, S.B. Frost
3-
1-12
M ystique et H um our chez Sohraw ardi, Shaykh al-Ishráq,
13-38
H . G orbin
4-
11 he Basic Structure o f M etap h ysical T h in kin g in T . Izutsu
5-
Islam and the M ak in g o f E urope, W .M . W att
6 - Sim nání on W ah d a t al-W ujüd, H . L an d o lt
Islam ,
39-72 73-90 91-112
FOREWORD O n the occasion o f the
16 th
held in N ew D elh i in J an u ary,
In tern ational Congress
1964 ,
a sm all
of
Orientalists
group o f Irán i
A m erican scholars m et in an inform ál w a y over lunch
and
in the
N orth
A soka H otel
to consider the wisdom o f opening a new centei fór Persian studies at Institute o f Islam ic Studies
o f M c G ill
U niversity.
initiators o f this proposal w tre Professors
On
the
Seyyed Iíossein
the
Irán i side the
N asr
and H afiz
ta rm a n -F a rm a ia n , both o f the U niversity o f T e h ra n ’s F acu lty o f Letters, and both m én who w ere w ell acquainted w ith the strengths and weaknesses o f N orth A m erican students o f their country and its illustrious cullure. M cG ill U n iversity was represented b y Professor W ilfred C an tw ell Sm ith, founder o f the Institute o f Islam ic Studies, and the present writer. A lth ou gh it appeared to all concerned
that M cG ill
U niversity
m ight
be
a
good choice as an
agency fór expanding the scope o f N orth A m erican activity in Persian studies, there w ere form idable problem s o f a practical natúré, that had first
to
be
solved.
The
proposal
to realization in the spring o f
1965
when
was
their
Shahanshah A ryam eh r and Empress o f Irán,
p rin cipally financial,
brought Im perial
m uch
nearer
M ajesties,
the
paid a State visit to C an ad a.
T h e ir itinerary included an afternoon at the Institute o f Islam ic Studies w here the chance was seized to lay before His Im perial M ajesty
the
proposal o f
strengthening Persian studies at M cG ill. As the direct result o f His Im perial
X
FOREW ORD
M ajesty’s interest in the m atter, an arrangem ent was
concluded
w ith
the
M inistry o f Education o f the Im perial G overnm ent (later the M i n i s t r y o f S ci ence and H igher Education) that brought an Irán i Professor to serve on the stafF o f the Institute o f Islam ic Studies between the M inistry and M cG ill
on
the
U n iversity.
basis
o f shared
expenses
T h e Professor w ho carae to
C anada, from the F aculty o f Letters o f T eh ran U niversity,
was D r.
M eh di
M ohaghegh, who rem ained with his fam ily fór a full three years, teaching a variety o f subjects having
to do w ith the
intcllectu al history o f
tradition o f the Shicah, and Persian culture.
A t the end
Irán ,
tne
o f his three year
term D r. M ohaghegh returned to his duties in T eh ran and was rep laced by D r. M ehdi H a ’ iri o f the F acu lty o f T h eology, U niversity o f T eh ran , who at the tim e o f this writing is still carrying on teaching duties in M ontreal. 'lh e effort to foster Persian studies evoked
a
strong
and
favorable
response from the students and staff o f the Institute o f Islam ic Studies. the course o f Dr. M o h ag h egh ’s stay several jo in t research projects
in
In the
history o f Iráni philosophy were begun, and there was prom ise o f m uch m ore to come. In order to preserve the m om entum o f this work and in order alsó to strengthen the Communications between Iráni scholars and those in G anada, it was decided to open a small branch o f the Institute o f Islam ic Studies in Tehran. W ith the consent o f His Im perial M ajesty and the co-op eration o f his governm ent such a branch was established and Jan u ary o f
1969 .
form ally
opened
T h e realization o f the small bran ch in T eh ran w as
possible through the co-operation and active
assistance
of
a
in
m ade
num ber
of
agencies and individuals whose help is gratefully acknow ledged. W ith out the active support o f Professors D r. Seyyed Hossein Nasr and D r. Salih, C hancellor
o f T ehran
University,
the project
could
Jahanshah never
have
XI
FOREWORD
coine to fruition. O f equal nnportance w as the financial assistance generously extended b y the O ld D om inion Foundation o f N ew Y o rk and the
N ation al
Iranian O il O om pany. T h e ability o f the branch to m eet its financial comm itm ents is alsó due in part to the help
of
the
S á z m á n -i-A w q á f o f
Im perial G overnm ent, o f the N ational M onum ents Association, Pahlavi Foundation, all o f w hom have purchased its
and
the
o f the
publications in
con-
siderable numbers. T h e principal activity
of
the T eh ran Branch,
Studies, has been the study o f philosophy in Irán
Institute
in
of
Islam ic
the period since
M ongol invasions. T h e personnel o f the branch have
been
occupied
the w ith
the p ublication and translation o f im portant texts and w ith the preparation of m onographic m aterials that treat the history of this
relatively
neglected
éra in hum án thought. T h ro u gh these efforts and in co-op eration w ith other agencies like the French Institute o f Iran ology the intention is to m ake
the
Irán i contribution to philosophy
the
in
recent centuries better known
w orld outside Irán. T h e work o f the Branch is, thus, a
truly
to
international
undertaking w hich strives to enrich all o f hum án culture b y m aking a
par-
b cu larly rich segm ent o f it better appreciated.
T h e present volum e contains a series o f incidental papers w hich have been delivered on occasions sponsored by the T eh ran Branch. T h eir authors constitute
a distinguished
collection
o f in ternationally
known
scholars.
A lth o u g h nőt all o f the papers printed here have to do w ith Irán or w ith a philosophical subject m atter, their
appearance does
illustrate
one
o f the
p rim ary functions o f the T eh ran B ranch w hich exists precisely to build bridges o f com m unication am ong scholars
of
different
countries
and
languages.
XII
FOREWORD
H opefully, in the future the Branch m ay continue
to
be
a
center
w here
scholarly work o f this kind in the Islamics field m ay be fostered. I f that is to be the case, the Branch will need the sym pathy
and
assistance
o f all w ho
share its interests. Charles J. A dam s, Professor and D irector, Institute o f Islam ic Studies. J an u ary
1, 1971 .
ADDRESS AT THE OPENING OF THE Mc GILL INSTITUTE OF ISLAMIC STUDIES TEHRAN BRANCH
By Stanley B . Frost
V ic e - Principal, M cG ill U niversity
Y o u r E xcellency, M r. V ice-C h an cellor, Professor A dam s, distinguished guests,
ladies and gentlem en.
I have the honour to represent at this tim e the R o y a l Society fór the A dvancem ent o f Learning, w hich is more fam iliarly know n as M c G ill U n i versity, and in p articu lar I represent the F acu lty o f G raduate Studies and R esearch, in w hich jurisdiction the Institute o f Islam ic Studies has its honoured piacé. I bring the greetings o f the U niversity, and express on its bch a lf the most lively satisfaction that after m uch
planning
and
contriving
this d ay has arrived and we have gathered here to celebrate the opening o f M c G ill H ouse in Teherán. In M on treal w e have extrem ely hap p y memories o f the visit o f his Im perial M ajesty the Shahanshah to the U niversity and the Institute two years ago, and we have
alsó enjoyed our close relationships w ith those w ho en-
hanced our C an ad ian Centennial Exhibition with the Iranian pavilion which attracted so m uch attention b y its beau ty and its rich display o f Persian culture. W e are very appreciative that the Pavilion is being continued on the same site in the M onteal Exposition ‘ M a n a n d H is W o rld ’ . Indeed the M ayor o f M ontreal, M . D rapeau,
has asked
me
to convey
to His E xcellency,
the M inister o f E ducation, and this gathering the follow ing message: « L ’ouverture á T éh éran d ’une maison oü les étudiants de l ’ U niversité M c G ill pourront poursuivre leurs études sur l’histoire et la culture iraniennes illustre les liens étroits entre l ’ Iran et notre pays. L a participation de l ’ Iran á l’Exposition universelle de 1967 et á T E R R E D E S H O M M E S n ’a fait quc resserrer l’am itié de nos deux peuples et nous espérons que la présence de P lr a n á M ontréal pourra se manifester d ’une aussi brillanté fa5on dans Pavenir».
4
STANLEY B. FROST
T h e links, therefore, between Irán and C an ad a are very close an d are constantly being strengthened. T h e recent publication b y the T o ron to U n i versity Press o f a volum e devoted to the m agnificent collection o f gems in the Im perial Treasury, which have been surveyed an d catalogued b y our colleagues in the R o yal O ntario M useum , is a further instance o f the close relationship between our two countries. W e at M c G ill
U n iversity h ave the
particular benefit o f a professorship in Iranian philosophy, w hich is jo in tly financed b y the G overnm ent o f his Im perial
M ajesty
and b y the U n iver
sity. W e greatly benefited from the colleagueship o f Professor an d M ad am M ohaghegh during their appointm ent to the Institute, and we now have the opportunity to continue our Iranian studies guided b y Professor H a ’iri, w ith w hom
I recently had lunch and
a very inform ative
visit.
I brin g
his
greetings to all his friends here. W e alsó have each year a num ber o f students from Irán, 12 b ein g currently enrolled in one or another o f our different Faculties. It is, therefore, most appropriate that it should be a C an ad ian university w hich is opening this
House in Teh erán , and even m ore ap p ro
priate that that U n iversity should be M cG ill. M oreover, I believe that the intention o f this House o f S tu d y is particularlv apposite to the days in w hich we live. W e
fin d ourselves at this
time standing on a shrinking plánét in an expanding universe. T h e universe is opening up before us w ith an ever greater immensity, w lule at the same time our home plánét becomes even smaller, so that C an ada and Irán and indeed all nations and all cultures are now near neighbours. In such a situation nőne o f us can escape the ultim ate questions - cW h o am I ?’, c W h a t is the purpose o f life?’ , ‘W h a t is m y personal role in that larger purpose?’ . These are the classical questions o f philosophy, and to
have a H ouse o f
Study, devoted to exploring the riches o f Iranian philosophy, and to bringing too-long-neglected treasures to the attention o f ihe W estern w orld, is at this tim e
in the history o f the h u m á n race a most sig n ific a n t a n d a most prom ising
develoT'm ent.
O u r h o p e is th a t these treasures m a y fertilise a n d irradiate
W estern philosophy, and themselves be quickened and brought to increased vitality b y this intim acy of contact and that in this House there m ay be a
ADDRESS..
5
new opp ortunity fór East-W est dialogue at the deepest levels o f hum án perccption. I w ant if I m a y to use the tim e available to me to develop that thought a little further. T h e most significant event in 1968 was undoubtedly the A p o l ló moonshot. T h a t heroic voyage marks as decisive a m om ent in the history o f the hum án race as did the rise o f Cyrus the G reat in 550 B .C . or the voyage o f
Colum bus in 1492. In each case, m ankind and the culture o f
m ankind, that com plex thing we call civilization, broke out o f old frontiers and poured beyond them intő new worlds. In the tim e o f Cyrus, civilization broke out o f the Fertile Crescent and the eastern M editerran ean to reach intő India and the lands o f the East. In the tim e o f Colum bus, civilization broke out o f the O ld W o rld o f E uro-A sia intő the N ew W o rld o f the W est. In our day, m án and his culture has fór the first tim e left his hom e plánét and reached out fór the stars. T hose fü s t uncertain steps intő space w ill soon becom e, we can be quite sure, a steady m arch. W e m ay con fid en tly expect, alw ays excepting a
nuclear
holocaust,
that
our children and our
grandcbddren w i1! inherit the gala^ies. B út the culture w hich has m ade this great step forw ard possible is the technological one. It is the culture o f in.dustrialisation, and o f m athem atics, an d o f science. Its dom m ant feature is the com puter and the significant thing about the com puter is that it does nőt talk English or A ra b ic or Russian or Chinese. Its lan guage can be translated intő a n y or all o f these , and w e use F ortran or A lg o or som c other a rtificial go-betw een, bút the reál lan gu age o f the com puter is inalhem atics and m athem atics belongs to no one hum án culture b ú t to all. T h e Babylonians gave us arithm etic an d the Greeks gave geom etry, and the A rabs gave us algebra bú t m athem atics belongs distinc tively to nőne o f these cu ltu res: it belongs to the hum án m ind - indeed it b e longs to the stuff o f the universe and that is another w a y o f saying th at it belongs to G od. Sim ilarly th ere is no H in du physics, no M uslim chemistry, no distm ctivelv C hrisíian biology. T h e culture o f the technological age does n ő t belong to the W est an y m ore than it belongs to the East. A t M c G ill w e h a ve In dián m athem aticians, Chinese m edical scientists, E uropean
6
STANLEY B. FROST
meteorologists, A ra b biochemists, N o rth
A m erican
physicists,
bút th ey all
speak the one language o f science and they all talk in the com m on
terms
o f technology. Bút w hen w e turn to the humanities and
to
the social Sciences the
situation is read ily seen to be something very different. W h en w e seek to answer w hat P au l T illich called ‘ the questions o f ultim ate con cern ’
W ho
am I ?’ , ‘ W h at is the purpose o f life?’, ‘ W h at is m y personal role in the generál scheme o f things ? ’ — the very questions w h ich our technological successes thrust w ith ever-increasing insistence upon us, w e fór our answers
to the great religions o f m ankind,
an d
have to go b ack to the philoso-
phies to w hich they have given rise, and it is here that a diversity o f cultures confronts us w ith kaleidoscopic com plexity. M uslim philosophy has a relationship to
G reek philosophy bút has very different insights. T h e prac-
tical wisdom o f C hina differs greatly from the speculative wisdom o f In d ia; the characteristic. interests o f Christianity, w hether
C ath o lic or Protestant,
are quite different from those o f Buddhism , w hether M a h a ya n a or H in ayan a. T h e kind o f answer a m án finds fór the questions o f u ltim ate concern depends upon the tradition in w hich he was reared. T h ere was a time, nőt so long ago, w hen each o f the great fam ilies o f m ankind was convinced that it, and it alone, h ad ach ieved (or w h at was even m ore dangerous, had been vouchsafed from on h ig h ) the full and fin a l understanding o f truth. T h e Indián stood firm in his Indianness and the Chinese stood firm his Chineseness; the Jew believed him self to be the Chosen N a tio n ; the M uslim resisted all encroachm ents upon the profession o f Isla m ; and the Ghristian, with the very best o f intentions, bú t w ith w h at we can now see was
often m isguided
zeal, poured forth missionaries all
over the
face o f the globe. W ith in the last decades there has, how ever, begun to be felt a very far-reaching
change in these attitudes, an d this I believe will
prove to be one o f the most, if nőt the most, significant fact o f our times. A great m any factors have contributed to that change: our new knowledge o f the global history o f m ankind, from the first e m e ig e n c e o f homo sapuns
7
ADDRESS.
to the rediscovery o f lost empires like those o f the M ycenaeans and the H ittites; our
new
realization o f the u n ity o f that global history since the
first appearances o f civilization less than ten thousand years ago; our deepening understanding o f the grand process o f evolution, and the w ay in w hich it bmds all life together in one great organic w h o le ; the current interm ingling o f cultures consequent on the new m obility o f the hum án race; our new awareness o f the universe beyond the solar system. Bút m ore im portant than an y o f these is, I suggest,
a new
insight intő the natúré o f
religíon itself, w hich is ra p id ly being shared b y m én o f m an y faiths and o f very different traditions. I m ay perhaps express that insight in the most simple and crude w a y b y saying that it is the reálisadon that in m atters o f religion I as a G hnstian do n ő t have to be w rong in order fór you as a M uslim to be righ t; that religious truth is nőt exclusive in the same w a y as is m athem atical truth. Zoroaster says: c As the H o ly O n e I bee, O A h u ra M a z d a 5;
the
I recognized
H ebrew prophet says, ‘ T hus has the L ord
said, ‘ I am Y a h w eh , there is no other; beside me there is no go d ’ ; St.P aul says ‘ T h ere the
m án
is one
Ghrist
G od
and
Jesus’ , an d
one
the
M ediator
M uslim
between
says ‘ T h ere
G od is
an d m án,
no G od bút
A lla h and M oham m ed is his prophet’ , an d w e fin d it even now difficult to grasp that these statem cnts m ay a ll be true, religiously true. T h e ligh t o f religion m ay shine, does shine, through them all, w ith different degrees o f lum inosity fór different m én. In order to récéivé illum ination from your lam p, I do nőt have to blow out m y ow n ; bút I do h ave to believe that your lam p is lighted and I do have to be rea d y to sit w here yo u sit, to catch its beam s; and I do have to be rea d y to learn h u m b ly and receptively to think as you think, and to understand as you understand. B út if I w ill do this, then I can
bring your
ligh t to strengthen m y light
as I
seek to read the rid d le o f hu m án existence. I must stand firm in m y Christianity, and you must stand firm in your Islam , and together we m ay share an increased perception. In a book w hich is to be published next m onth I have expressed this conviction in this w ay. Speaking o f Christianity as a m yth, I say : « I use
ö
the
STANLEY B. FROST
controversial term ‘ m yth’
in this context very m uch in the w a y an
economist or a physicist uses the term ‘ m odel’ . A n economist collects his data and assembles it intő a coherent pattern, a construct o f inter-acting forces , w hich he can set out descriptively in language, or visu a lly in graphs and diagrams, or m athem atically in form uláé. I f the ‘m odel’ does nőt cope adequately w ith the realuies o f the on-going situation, he has to ad a p t and m odify it until it performs m ore satisfactorily. S im ilarly a physicist has his data relating to molecules, atoms, and particles. H e can visualise or depict them in ‘ m odels’, or he can State their activity 111 m athem atical torm ulae. W hen he is dealing w ith radiation he know ingly uses two unrelated i f nőt m u tu ally inconsistent models, that
o f energy as transm itted particles and
that o f energy as w ave m otion through space. Sim ilarly I thm k w e h ave to recognise that C hristiam ty is o f the natúré o f a ‘ m odel’ o f ultim ate truth, an d that it is , fór this generation at least, a c m yth ’, that is, an interpretation o f reality. O u r task is to explore that m yth, and discover w hether it is sufficiently universal to absorb m an’s new know ledge an d n ew insights and suli satisfyingly interpret to him himself. W e have to ask w hether this m yth can still cogently explain fór him his pást and still ch allengingly point
him
to his future». I now add that w h at I have there said o f Christiawity I b e lieve we have to say o f all religions, and o f course, I am b y no means alone in saying these things. logy
A D utch professor o f the H istory and Fhenom eno-
o f Religions, C . J. Bleecker, has recently w ritten: ‘ T h e logic o f the
rruth w hich G od has revealed to m ankind is sweeping us irresistibly towards a con d ition in w hich all true belicvers w ill be able to understand and appreciate each other’s values, w ithout having to relinquish the particular faith so dear to them ’ . M y former colleague w ho founded this Institute, Profes sor W ilfred G antw ell Smith, has expressed it differently. Speakin g o f the great religious symbols o f m ankind, he asks w hat w e m ean by identifying an y thing in any religion as a sym bol and he answers his own question thus : ‘ First, it is sacred; and second, it is therefore translucent. T hose fór w hom it is sacred, w hen they look at it do nőt, like the rest o f us, sec it, bút see through it to something beyond -- something
nőt precise, nőt obiective,
9
ADDRESS.
nőt finite. It is nőt som ething that they see, perhaps, so m uch as som ething about w hich they feel — and feel deeply. Its form serves as a h igh ly charged crystallizing o f w hatever emotions or insights or sense
o f u ltim acy it can
be m ade to carry fór those w ho treat it as absolute. T o understand it -ju st as to understand the syllable O M fór H indus, or the Q u r’an fór M uslims, or a n y m yth —one must ask oneself how m uch transcendence it can be m ade to carry fór those who have chosen its p articu lar shape to represent the p attern o f their religiousness’ . This it seems to m e is the great hope and prom ise o f the closing decades o f the tw entieth century o f the Christian É ra. In the w orld o f Science and technology w e are m én o f one culture seeking to understand and to exploit our environm ent; bút in our endea vour to understand ourselves an d the m ystery o f this hfe in w h ich w e live and m ove and h ave our being, w e are m én o f m an y traditions who are only now beginning to appreciate and to explore and to ben efit from the rich diversity o f insight w e possess. In this connection I h ave to say how very m uch m y colleague in the D epartm ent o f Philosophy, Professor R aym o n d K lib an sk y, regretted
his in ab ility to accept the invitation to be present on
this occasion. As president o f the Institut International de Philosophie he has taken an especial interest in the proposal to establish this House in w hich the study o f philosophy w ill go forw ard on. a
com parative basis, an d he
has asked m e to express his warm est good wishes fór this venture, and his earnest hope that he m ay at somé future date be able to visit both this H ouse an d L a Société Iranienne de Philosophie et des Sciences H um am es o f w hich you M . le R ecteu r h ave the honour to be President. Philosophy is the daughter o f religion, bú t if the m other is worthless the d au ghter is nőt to be trustcd. D espite, how ever, the neglect intő w hich philosophy has fallen in the W est, and despite the apparent decline in sign ifican ce o f all the great religions o f the w orld, I am quite unconvinced that these great ventures o f the hum án sp in t have p layed their part and m ay now be dismissed. I do nőt bebeve that the Christian religion w ‘11 be east aside b y our children and our gran dchildi en as they go forth intő the universe; I do nőt believe that Islam w ill cease to speak deeply and saiis-
STANLEY B. FROST
fyingly to those who w ill
live in worlds as yet unknow n an d unexplored ;
I do nőt believe that Buddhism has spoken its last w ord to m an kin d in a technological age; I do nőt believe that H induism has m ade its last darin g speculation in a universe robbed o f its surprises b y science; bút I do believe that the great religions w ill com e to talk creatively and fruitfully one w ith another, and that each o f us, following his own truth,
m ade m ore lum i -
nous b y the illum ination cast upon it b y other m en’s faith, m a y com e to a closer understanding o f that T ru th w hich most o f us call G od. T h e question, however, in evitably presents itself and cannot be evad ed: w ill an y or all o f these religions and their
philosophies
lead us to the
U ltim ate T ru th ? O r are they all false and foolish fancies, w h ich can only m islead and delude? In the story o f m an’s physical developm ent, biologists are beginning to recognise an end-directedness w hich, w hile they can nőt call it teleology, they h ave to
describe
as teleonom y: that is, an order
w hich implies a telos , a goal. In historiography, w e are returning to the idea o f a purpose and a m eaning in the progressive history nőt o f an y parti cular em pire or race bút o f m ankind as a whole. In the physical universe, Science has dem onstrated that see. T h e great sweep o f
law and order are w ritten p lain ly fór all to
evolution in w hich w e are all caught up is , w e
are being forced to recognise, directed to somé end,
somé purpose, somé
goal, the exact natúré of w hich is as yet undisclosed to us. B út I cannot believe that all the insights, the speculations, the inspirations, o f the m én o f religior and the mén o f philosophy through five thousand years o f hum án questioning are w ithout a similar significanc.e. I am convinced that in them alsó there w ill be found an unfoldm g purpose and that like the pieces o f a jig-saw puzzle they w ill becom e m eaningful w hen w e pút them together. It is the p articular form of religions faith w hich is appropriate to, and indeed is called fór, b y our times to believe that m an ’s spiritual quest w ill be crowned w ith success as fully and indeed perhaps
even m ore
significantly
than m an’s scientific quest. In religion and in philosophy we have to jou rn ey hopefully, believing that we shall has w ritten :
indeed arrive. As the U rd u poet A ym en
ADDRESS.
c T h a t H e be beyond madness and w isdom — let it nőt be th u s! Á m en, let there be no further veil beyond the veil !’ W e have to penetrate the veil
o f m yth an d sym bol believing in the
R eality that lies behind, and believing that the last veil w ill be w ith draw n — at least sufficiently fór us to know that we have found T ru th . M á n m ay conquer disease, and
transplant hearts,
and
explore ocean
depths and colonise the galaxy, bút if he cannot fin d an answer to the question c W ho am I ?’ then he is a lost ch ild cryin g in the dark. T h e an swer I believe can only be
found
in the
great religious traditions and in
the philo.sophies w hich spring from them . It is therefore a splendid thing that one m ore m eeting piacé o f East and W est has been established here in M c G ill House in
'1 eheran, a
house w here the m án from the East and the m án
frorn the W est m ay both be at home, and therefore m ay talk freely one to another. I w arm ly congratulate all who h ave conceived, supported and realised this idea, and I declare the House to be open to all w ho share its quest.
MYSTIQUE E T HUMOUR CHEZ SOHRAWARDÍ, SHAYKH AL - ISHRÁQ,
Conférence donnée á V Institut franco-iranien de Téhéran le 19
Novembre 1969
P ár Henry
Corbin
D irecteu r d ’ Etudes á 1’ Ecole Pratique des H autes Etudes (Sorbonne) , V e Section,et D irecteur du D ép artem en t d ’ Iranologie de 1’ Institut frangais de R ech erche en Irán
'
L e texte qu’on lira ci-dessous est celui d’ une conférence prononcée a Vlnstitut fra n gais de Teherán, le 19 novembre 1969, sous la présidence de M .A n d ré M ichel, conseiller culturel prés VAmbassade de Francé. J e me réjouis tout particuliérement livraison du présent B ulletin, reuse Vesprit de collaboration
d ’ en voir le
texte p ublié dans la premiere
cár cette publication souligne de la fagon la p lus heuéclos,
des Vorigine,
entre la délégation á Téhéran de
ITnstitut d ’ études islamiques de V Université M c G ill et notre Département dTranologie de Vlnstitut franco-iránién de vingt-cinq Cet esprit de collaboration f i t éclosion spontanément, non pás simplement en raison de liens d’ amitié personnelle, mais en raison du f a i t que depuis bientót vingt-cinq ans notre Département dTranologie s'est consacré spécialement a Vétude de la philosuphie irano-islamique, entendue au sens le plus large du mot. C ’ est un champ eVéludes oü les chercheurs ont
été jusq u’ ici peu nombreux,et
oü nous avons a poursuivre des táches d ’ une actualité d ’ autant plus urgente. Le f a i t que nos collégues et amis de V Université M c GUI se sont a leur tour,
avec la collabora
tion de nos collégues iraniens, engagés dans la mérne voie, nous confirme, pár leur renfort, que cette voie était la bonne. La publication des oeuvres de Sohrawardi constitua les prémices de nos recherches,et il semble qu elle ait marqué un point de départ, un appel aux recherches en philosophie iranienne. Puisse la publication ici-méme du présent texte, mettre également sous le patronage du Shaykh al-Ishráq les prémices de la collaboration que nous nous proposons de développer. Une simple remarque encore: le présent texte est publié ici sans poiter de réjérences bibliographiques. On trouvera les plus importantes dans le recueil des « OEuvres persanes» de Sohrawardi annoncé ici des le début.
II arrive á tout chercheur de com m ettre un jo u r o u l ’ autre q u elq u e im prudence. G ’est ainsi q u e j ’ en ai commis une récem m ent, au cours d ’ une conversation q u i ne sem blait p ou rtan t recéler aucun péril. II m ’arriva, p arce q u ’il était question de m ystique, d e m e ttre l ’un á cőté de l ’ autre deux mots qui, á prem iere vue, sem blent pourtant assez étrangers l ’u n á l ’autre. C e fut suffisant pour que leur association im prévue, un peu paradoxaié, ébaucha, puis précisa, puis fin it pár im poser ce que l ’on appelle un sujet de conférence. V ous avez bien voulu venir ici pour entendre parler
de m ystique... et
d ’hum our. Pour ju stifier ce que ces deux mots peuvent avoir a fairé l ’un avec l’autre, il faudrait com m encer p ár m ettre parfaitem ent au clair ce que signifien t l ’un et l ’autre. C e serait déjá la une entreprise redoutable exigeant la mise en oeuvre de grands moyens historiques, philosophiques, techniques. Je préfére n ’envisager q u ’une simple causerie au cours de laquelle vous verrez vous-mémes pourquoi ces deux mots - m ystique et hum our -- s’ étaient ti'ou vés unis l’un á l’autre au cours de la conversation á laquelle je viens de fairé allusion. V ous dire quel en était le théme,
c’ est d ’em blée vous
annoncer que
notre causerie de ce soir, en són début tout au moins, sera le prolongem ent d ’une conférence donnée ici mérne l’an dernier á la mérne époque. Nous nous étions entretenus de la vie et d ’un aspect de l’oeuvre de Shiháboddin Y a h y á Sohraw ardi, au V I e/ X I I e siécle, celui que toute la tradition iranienne salue com m e le Shaykh al-Ishráq, le m aitre de cettc théosophie de la L um iére qui se donne á elle-méme le nőm de sagesse « orientale», au sens métaphysique non pás géographique du m o t« oriental», parce q u ’ elle est i l l u m inative, et illum inative parce q u ’ elle est « orientale». C ’est de Sohraw ardi q u ’il était question dans l ’im prudente conversation que je viens de dénoncer;
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR CHEZ SOHRAWARDI
17
ce fut donc lui, en prem ier et dernier lieu, le responsable de m on im prudence, et je devrais lu i en vouloir. E t pourtant je ne puis lui en vouloir, cár són oeuvre représente pour le philosophe oiientaliste que je suis, un am our de jeunesse, et p arce que finalem ent c ’est lui qui m ’a guidé com m e p ár la m ain ju sq u ’en ce pays d ’ Iran, il y aura bientőt vingt-cinq ans. E n é c h a n g e j’ai consacré un certain nom bre d ’années de m a vie á la restitution et á l’inter prétation de ses oeuvres; il y a donc entre lui et m oi un lien irrémissible, et j'esp ére que ce lien aura été un point de d ép an
pour le renouveau des
etudes sohrawardiennes. II reste que c ’est á lui que nous allons dem ander raison du raoprochem ent des deux mots :m ystique et hum our. Sans doute y aurait-il d ’autres m ystiques á qui nous pourrions le dem ander. M ais c ’ est á ce grand philoso phe et m ystique iránién que nous allons nous adresser principalem ent et cela pour trois grandes raisons. 1) L a prem iere est l’im portance de són oeuvre qui a dom iné l’horizon de la philosophie et de la spiritualité en Irán, pendant plusieurs siécles,et qu i sem ble prom ise de nos jours á une renaissance. Je vous dirai dans un instant trés briévem ent pourquoi.
2) L a seconde íaison est que, tout pro-
chainem ent, gráce au x soins diligents de notre ém inent am i, le professeur X asr, D oyen de la F acu lté des Lettres de l’ U niversité de Téh éran , un troisiém e volum e de
ses oeuves va paraitre com m e volum e 17 de la « Biblio-
théque Iranienne » publiée p ár notre D épartem ent d ’ Iranologie de
1’ Institut
fran^ais de recherche en I r á n . C e volum e considérable rassem ble en un corpus toutes les oeuvres écrites en persan pár Soh raw ard i, un m a g n ifiq u e et clair persan du X I I e siécle. L a parution d ’ un tel volum e n ’ est pás seulem ent une date pour la bibliographie iranienne, mais pour les études philosophiques com m e telles, cár tous les philosophes sauront gré au professeur N asr du la b eu r q u ’il a consacré á cette
édition,et j e
puis annoncer que mérne le
lectcuir qu i ne lit pás le persan,á supposer q u ’il y en ait,pourra tirer p rofit de ce vaste ouvrage, puisque nous y donnons un am ple résumé en frangais de ch acu n des quatorze traités q u ’il contient. C e volum e vient donc á són heu-
i8
HENRY CORBIN
re, voire légérem ent en reta id sur són heure, et c ’est la troisiéme raison que j ’ai á vous donner.
3) Ge volum e de
ses oeuvres
en persan aurait dű
paraitre, en effet, i l y a déjá deux ans, s’il n ’y eűt eu les délais d ’impression, toujours imprévisibles. Cár, c ’est il y a deux ans, exactem ent au calendrier islainique lunaire,le 5 R ajab 1387, correspondant au 10 octobre 1967 et au 18 M ehr 1346, du calendrier solaire iránién, que nous aurions dű célébrer le hűit centiém e anniversaire
de
la m órt en m artyr du Sh aykh al-Ish ráq ,á
l ’áge de trente-six an s,en la citadelle d ’A lep ,le 5 R a ja b 587, correspondant au 29 ju illet 1191. Nous sommes donc tout juste en retard de deux an s.Q uan d il s’agit de hűit siécles, l ’écart est m inim é, surtout pour des philosophes et des m ystiques habitués pár vocation á n ’ envisager les choses que sut sperie aeternitatis.
II reste que la parution prochaine de
ce volum e nous perm et,
spécialem ent ce soir, de com m ém orer ensemble ce huitiém e centenaire,et je crois que le sens de cet anniversaire se propagera en résonances lointaines dans le coeur de nos amis iraniens. Ces quelques mots m ’obligent déjá á vous en dire, ou á vous en rappeler davantage, concernant l ’oeuvre de Sohraw ardi, puisque ce sont quelques pages de cette oeuvre qui nous
feront com prendre la conjonction nécessaire
et salutaire - á un m om ent donné — de la m ystique et de l ’humour. Feut-étre certains d ’entre vous se rappellent-ils que, l ’an dernier, nous avions essentiellement étudié dans l ’oeuvre de Sohraw ardi l’indication du passage de l’épopée héroique á l’épopée
m ystique. C e passage est sans doute
un fait capital de la culture spirituelle iranierm e; nous le vérifions dans un grand nom bre de ces épopées mystiques si caractéristiques du génié iránién; trop de noms seraient á nom m er ici depuis £A ttár, c A s s á r
de T a b riz, Járni
et tant d ’autres ju sq u ’á N űr c A lí-Sháh. J ’ espére depuis longtem ps avoir un éléve á qui je pourrais confier le sóin d ’une recherche approfondie et comparative entre le c.ycle de l’épopée m ystique iranienne et le cycle de notre propre épopée m ystique en O cciden t m édiéval. Sans doute ce ne peut étre la qu ’un travail de m aturité, mais il atteindrait vrannent en profondeur le point de contact de nos deux cultures. Ici mérne nous avions étudié le pas sage en question dans quelques pages
que vous retrouverez dans l’ édition
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR CHEZ SOHRAWARDI
19
des oeuvres persanes de Sohrawardi. II y avait, á propos du G raal de
K ay
K h osraw , le m agm fique récit
du G raal d un m ystique khosrawáni. K a y K h osraw est pour Soh raw ard i une figu re exem plaire des souverains extatiques de l ’ancien Iran ,á tel point q u ’il est le héros éponym e des Khosrawániyűn com m e ayant été, dans islam ique, les précurseurs
1’
Irán pré-
des Ishráqiyun ( les adeptes de la théosophie de la
L um iére de notre shaykh). E t puis il y avait les épisodes du Sháh- Námeh dönt un récit initiatique de Sohraw ardi, celu i qui porté com m e titre « L ’ archange em pourpré» ( ‘ A al-e sorkh) nous suggére le sens m ystiq u e: l’ épisode de la naissance de Z ál, l ’enfant dönt la ehevelure porté encore la trace du m onde de la lum iére dönt il vient, et qui typ ifie l’ áme jetée dans le dé sert de ce m onde: puis l’ épisode de la m órt d ’ E sfandyár, le héros de la fői zoroastrienne, lié au m otif eschatologique de Sim orgh. C ár peut-on voir Sim orgh sans m ourir? E t tout cela faisait regretter que Sohraw ardi n ’ait pás eu le temps de traiter ainsi d ’un bout á l’autre le Sháh-Námeh de Ferdawsi, et de nous apprendre á le lire, á l’aid e de cette herm ém eutique sym bolique q u i s’appelle le tá’w íl, de la mérne m aniére que tous les spirituels lisent le Q o rán á l ’aide de
la mérne herm éneutique.
M ais
lá-m ém e
nous voyons
surgir une claire
indication concernant le sens de són oeuvre,et concernant
aussi la m aniére
dönt il s’y est pris pour la réaliser.
L e sens de són oeuvre, le Sh aykh al-Ishráq l’a elairem ent lorm ulé á plusieurs reprises: ressusciter la théosophie m ystique des sages de l ’ancien Irán, concernant la Lum iére et les Ténébres,- une sagesse qui pour lui était profondém ent différente de toutc philosophie dualiste, et pour la restauration de laquelle il déclarait, explicitem ent et consciem m ent, n ’avoir eu aucun pré décesseur. M ó llá Sad rá Shírázi, són plus grand interpi été, le salue encore au X V Ie
siécle com m e « le résurrecteur des doctrines des sages de l’ancienne
Perse». Q u elq u e trois siécles donc avant le grand philosophe byzan tin Gémiste Pléthon, Sohraw ardi élabore une doctrine oü se conjoignent les traditions d ’Herm és, de Platón et de Zoroastre, le prophéte de l’ ancien Irán. O n peut dirc q u ’il a opéré cn quelque sorté le rapatriem ent en Irán de ces
1
20
HENRY CORB N
sages que la rencontre de la sagesse grecque
et de la sagesse iranienne a
fait désigner ailleurs com m e les « M ages hellénisés».
M ais com m ent a-t-il
réussi ce rapatriem ent? Justem ent rin terp rétation m ystique des épisodes du Sháh-Námeh auxquels j ’ai fait allusion, nous le m ontre: á l ’aide de cette com-
préhension spirituelle que connote pár excellence le term e de ta w il com m e herm éneutique des symboles, donc avec les ressources que lui offrait l’ Islam spirituel, la spiritualité de l ’ Islam m ystique. L e tá’w il , c ’ est reconduire une chose á són origine, á són archétype: c’ est déceler sous l ’apparence extérieure de la
lettre, ou
de tout phénom éne, le sens ésotérique, c ’est-á-dire le
sens caché, la vérité intérieure. G ’ est pár la vérité intérieure que com m uniquent entre elles les hautes connaissances de toutes les sagesses. II y a, certes, chez Sohrawardi, quelque chose com m e le sentim ent d ’un oecum énism e spi rituel, pour em ployer un m ot fórt usité de nosjours, mais d ’ un oecum éni sme dönt le fondem ent reste ésotérique, c’ est-á-dire caché, c ’ est-á-dire intérieur. S ’il dóit se réaliser - mais il est déjá réalisé secrétem ent - c’ est pár les hauts sommets, ou pár les profondeurs, non pás au niveau des évidences exotériques communes, toujours vulnérables, cár étant accessibles á tous et supportant des intéréts im m édiats, elles sont accessibles aussi á toutes les passions com m e á toutes les trahisons. D ’oü, chez notre Shaykh al-Ishráq,une conception si rigoureuse de la philosophie que, si elle ne débouche pás sur une expérience m ystique, c ’ est-ádire sur une réalisation spirituelle personnelle, toute recherche philosophique est vaine et stérile. Inversem ent, toute tentative d ’atteindre á l ’expérience m ystique en l ’absence d ’une sérieuse form ation
philosophique, risque de
s’égarer dans le désert des illusions et de la folie. D ’oü, le point de départ non moins rigoureux de toute recherche philosophique, form ulé com m e étant la connaissance de sói. G ela ne veut pás dire la connaissance, pour chacun de nous, de ses petits défauts et de ses grandes vertus.
C e n ’ est pás cela q u ’
entend le philosophe. C e que veut dire la connaissance de sói, c ’ est prcndre conscience de ce q u ’im plique le fait d ’ un
sujet qui se connait sói -
mérne, qui a conscience de soi-meme. A utrem cnt dit, c ’ cst s’éveiller á sói-
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR CHEZ SOHRAWARDI
mérne, á tout ce q u ’ im plique une petite p lnase com m e c.elle-ci: je me connais m oi-m ém e, j 'a i conscience de m oi-m ém e. C e j e qui s’ exprim e ainsi est mis en présence de m oi-m ém e, d ’un Soi-m ém e quj est autre que ce j e páv iánt á la prem iere personne, puisque celui-ci le prend com m e objet de sa connaissance. Si dilférent mérne, que ce S ó i lu i apparaít d ’une substantialité m fm im ent plus stable et peim anente que celle de ce j e qui le découvre et qui se référe á lui,- découverte qui, au term e de són éclosion, peut abou tir á la vision intérieure de ce Sói, qu i alors apparaít com m e le m aitre 111térieur, le guide personnel. L a découverte est si bouleversante, les effets s’ en propagent si profondem ent dans toutes les dimensions de la vie, que ce qu i la récapH ule au m ieux, c'est la célébre sentence: « G elui qui se connait soiméme, connait són D ieu ».
C ’est une sentence sur laquelle ont été
écrits
bien des livres en Islam , cár elle y form ule la plus haute expérience intérieu re de
1’hom m e
spirituel . Justem ent, un certain nom bre d ’ oeuvres de Soh
raw ard i ont pour objet de décrire cette rencontre intérieure et les condi tions qu i la preparent. Nous constatons ainsi que cette spiritualité est orientée vers une certam e conception de l ’hom m e, désignation
de l ’H om m e
dönt l’idéai,
le cas-lím ite, est form ulé dans la
Parfait ( al-Insán a l-K á m ű ; déjá les Iiermétistes
disaient anthrópos teleios). L ' H om m e Parfait, c ’ est celui q u ’en term inologie m ystique on désigne encore com m e le « P ő le » ( Ojotb), le pőle m ystique, celui que la masse des hommes en général ígnore et ne peut q u ’ignorer, alors que sans Pexistence de ce póle, mérne secréte, l ’ espéce hum aine ne pourrait pás persévérer dans l ’étre et s’abim eraic dans un cataclysm e fin al, cár c ’est p á r lui que com m uniquent encore le m onde supérieur invisible et le m onde de notre réalité quotidienne. En term inologie shí ‘ ite, nous savons que ce term e de pőle, ou de «pőle des pőles», désigne l ’ Im ám caché. Aussi bien, chaque fois que le term e est em ployé, it est difficile de ne pás déceler au moins q u elq u e chose com m e un crypto-shPism e. E t c ’ est p eu t-étrele sens ultim é du procés qu e l e s c olámái d ’A lep intentérent á n o tie Soh iaw ard i, lorsque, sans s’em barrasser des distinctions philosophiques subtiles que prém ppose la prophétologie, ils lui reprochérent de soutenir dans ses livres que D ieu pouvait,
HENRY CORBIN
á n ’im porte quel m om ent de n ’im porte quel temps, créer un prophéte. N otre shaykh ne leur répondit pás, m alheureusem ent, avec l ’ hum our dönt tém oignent certaines pages de ses livres, m ais avec l ’im pétuosité de sa fougue ju vén ile. Peut-étre se sentait-il protégé pár l ’am itié d ’al-M alik al-Záh ir, gouverneur d ’A lep et le propre fils de Saláheddín (le Saladin des Croisés). M ais nous nous demandons encore quel m otif Tavait entraíné dans ce funeste voyage á A lep , oü il ne retrouvait ni le clim at spirituel de l ’ Iran, celui de són pays n atal de Sohraw ard,ni celui qui l’avait accueilli chez les princes seljoukides d ’A n atolie. A trois reprises, les ‘ olamá ’ d ’A lep intervinrent auprés de Saladin pour obtenir sa m órt. A trois reprises Saladin dut
m enacer de disgráce són p ro
pre fils al-M alik al-Záhir, s’il continuait de protéger són am i. E t c ’ est ainsi que le Shaykh al- Ishráq m ourut m artyr dans la citadelle d ’A lep , le 5 R a ja b 587/29 ju illet 119 1. II était tout juste, je le rap pelai tout á l ’ heure,ágé de trente-six ans. M algré sa jeunesse il nous a laissé une oeuvre considérable, une oeuvre qui, tout au lon g des siécles, a nourri la vie philosophique et spirituelle de ses disciples, les Ishráqíyűn, ceux que l’on appelle aussi les platoniciens de Perse. E t cette oeuvre nous apparaít assez riche en intentions restées ina per^ues, pour stim uler de nos jours des questions qui soient en rupture avec celles dönt nos contem porains n ’ ont que trop l’habitude, nous aider dans un désarroi et u n désordre intellectuels généralisés, en nous pcim ettan t d ’accéder á un continent de l’ám e qui, pour beaucoup aujou rd’ hűi, est un continent perdu. Je ne ferai que vous dire en deux mots de quoi cette oeuvre se compose: dans l’ ensemble se distingue une tétralogie d ’oeuvres philosophiques puissantes , dönt le sommet est constitué pár le grand « L ivre de la Th éosophie orientale», celui qui contient la Som m e de la pensée de notre shaykh, et dönt
il
nous
dit lui-m ém e q u ’il eut l’intuition
d ’ un seul coup, lors
d ’une journée m erveilleuse, bien q u ’il lui fallűt ensuite de longs mois pour la rédiger. E t puis il y a un certain nom bre d ’oeuvres de m oindre étendue: les unes philosophiques, mais au sens sohrawardien du m ot, c ’est-á-dire que
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR GHEZ SOHRAWARDI
23
leur philosophie aboutit im m anquablem ent á un m em ento de la vie spirituelle; — les autres proprem ent mystiques, dönt certaines sontrédigées en forme de récits d ’initiation personnelle, les autres en form e de paraboles ou d ’histoires sym boliques. Les unes sont en persan, d ’autres en arabe. C e sont les traités rédige.s en persan que vous trouverez bientőt réunis dans le volum e publié en com m ém oration du huitiém e centenaire de sa mórt. Ici, nous touchons au centre de notre entretien, mais ce centre, nous ne pouvions Fatteindre q u ’en p arcourant les quelques avenues que j ’ai tenté de vous dessiner á grands traits. J e viens d ’ évoquer la form e que revétent les traités m ystiques de So h raw ardi, et je vous avais precédem m ent indiqué que c ’ est dans certaines pages de ces traités que nous trouvons l ’attestation d ’un hum our
sui geneas
A lo is il m e fau d rait peut-étre com m encer pár répondre aux deux questions posées au d é b u t: qu'est-ce que la m ystique? q u ’ est-ce que l ’hum our? Q u e s tions redoutables, auxquelles je ne suis mérne pás certain q u ’une réponse satisfaisante puisse étre donnée. Je ferai sim plem ent rem arquer tout d ’abord que le term e de mystique est h é la s! un des mots les plus profanés, les plus galvaudés de nos jours, em ployé avec une légéreté et une m consciencc dé1 isoire, en des occasions ou en des dom aines dans lesquels il n ’a absolum ent rien á voir, si l ’on en connait véritablem ent le sens. E t je ne crois pás étre le prem ier á form uler cette protestation. Précisons donc que nous l’ em ployons ici dans són sens rigoureux, tel q u ’il ne peut étre usité que dans un contexte religieux ou m étaphysique, et tel que le com porte són étym ologie grecque. M ystikos , c ’est ce qu i est caché, invisible aux facultés de perception sensible, insaisissable au niveau des évidences com m unes et pár les organes de la perception com m une. M ystique est, quant au m ot et qu ant au x faits, essentiellem ent associé á mystére, á ce qui dans l’antiquité s’ est appelé religions a m ystéres et dönt les initiés s’appelaient des mystes ( mystéres d ’Eleusis, de M ith ra etc.). L e m ot grec mystikos
est donc
l’ équivalent de
bátin, ghayb,
niakhfi , mahjúb, penhdn etc.
Mros alors,qu ’est-ce que pénétrer m ystiquem ent dans le m onde du m ystére?
24 C ’est une pénétration qui ne s’accom plit ni pár les facultés de perception sensible ni pár l’entendem ent rationnel,et pourtant c’ est une pénétration qu i a bel et bien une portée noétique, c ’ est-á-dire cognitive ( et c ’ est á cela que correspond en persan l’em ploi du m ot ‘ erfán). C ’ est une pén étration qu i nous arrache á toutes les évidences sur lesquelles vit la conscience com m une; si nous appelons celle-ci conscience de veille, pour
le m ystique au contraire,
cette prétendue conscience de veille n ’ est q u ’un lourd som m eil, le sommeil de l ’ignorance et de l’aveuglem ent spirituel.
C e qui ap p arait au com m un
des hommes com m e le monde du jo u r devient alors le m onde de la nuit, et inversement. Les organes de pénétration—q u ’on les désigne com m e vision in térieure, lum iére du coeur, im agination active, centres du
corps
subtil etc.
sont généralem ent atrophiés et paralysés chez 1’hom m e ordinaire de nos jours, qui ne s’ en fait mérne plus aucune idée.
Cette
pénétration est véritable-
m ent une pénétration dans la quatrieme dimension, celle que Sohraw ardi dési gne pár un terme persan q u ’il avait forgé lui-m ém e: Ná-kojá-ábdd , le «pays de non-oü», mais ce terme nous ne pourrions pás le traduire pár sans com m ettre le pire des con tre-sen s. C ’ est bien un pays
«utopie»
(ábad ), u n pays
réel, mais dönt il est impossible de fix er les coordonnées sur nos cartes géographiques, parce q u ’il y a un hiatus entre le m onde extérieur ou exotérique et le m onde intérieur ou ésotérique, qu i est le M alakűt, le m onde de l’Am e. C ’est un pays oü, aux rapports de distance locale, se substituent les rapports de distance entre états intérieurem ent vécus. Pour atteindre á ce pur espace de l’A m e, il faut, com m e disent nos m ystiques, sortir de la crypte cosmique, ém erger au-dehors. A ucu n e fusée, si perfectionnée soit-elle,ne nous en rapprochera donc jam ais. C á r,q u i plus est,les mondes subtils, les étres de lum iére auxquels s’unit le pélerin m ystique, étaient la depuis toujours; seul notre aveuglem ent spirituel nous em péchait de les voir. C om m e le dit Soh raw ardi, s’il arrive que la vue soitren due á l ’aveugle-né et q u ’il voie pour la prem iere fois le soleil, dem andera-t-il
au so le il: p ou rqu oi n ’ étais-tu pás
la aup aravan t? P ár ces quelques mots, je crois suggérer pourquoi il est capital q u ’une
25
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR CHEZ SOHRAWARDI
culture spirituelle dispose d ’une m étaphysique et
d ’une théorie de la con-
naissance qu i fasse droit á ces mondes, interm édiaires entre l’intelligible et le sensible, et nous pouvons dire q u ’avec la philosophie de Ylshráq, la culture iranienne a disposé d'une
telle m étaphysique et
d ’une telle
théorie de la
connaissance. Nous en avons eu,certes, l ’équivalent en O cciden t, mais il y a peut-étre un peu plus de trois siécles
que nous l ’avons plus ou moins
perdu,et c ’est Iá un aspect de la tragédie de notre philosophie.
G ’est contre
un aspcct correspondant de cette tragédie, que Sohraw ardi a vo u lu établir une sauvegarde,en im posant á toute vocation m ystique une solide form ation philosophique. C á r si l ’hom m e ne peut pás se passer d ’un contact avec le M alakid, il ne peut tenter sans péril,
dans certaines conditions culturelles,
de rejoindre un m onde dönt on lui a coupé l ’accés. II im porté de voir bien en face, pour lu i fairé
face,
ce péril auq uel
est exposé le m ystique qui
s’ aventure vers Ná-kojá-ábád. C e péril est,en bref, celui que les psychiatres de nos jo u rs désignent com m e la schizophrénie sous ses m ultiples aspects,et qui est l ’im possibilité pour le visionnaire de distinguer entre le m onde intérieur de ses visions et le m onde de la réalité quotidienne. II ne se passe pás de jo u rs,h é la s! sans que les informations ne nous en fassent connaitre de lam entables exemples. le privilége d ’une
Sans mérne aller ju sq u ’á ce cas-limite, il peut arriver que expérience supranorm ale déterm ine chez le sujet ce que
les psychologues de nos jours encore appellent in flation du moi, com plexe de supériorité... A lors voici que l’expérience qui eűt dű fairé de l ’hom.me un renoneiateur et,par lá-m ém e, un guide pour les autres hommes, l’éveille aux am bitions m ondaines ou polibques dönt ti devient le jo u et, b ref tout le contraire de ce qui fait un derviche. T e l est ce que l ’on peut appeler le péril su b jectif encouru pár le m ystique dönt la préparation est insuffisante.
II en est un autre, que nous pouvons appeler le péril objectif. L e prem ier péril surm onté, si le m ystique veut d éciire són expérience, décrire ce q u ’il a v u et entendu, les mondes et les événem ents dönt il a été le tém oin, comm ent le fera-t-il sans violer le secret? sans exposer ce secret á Pincom pré-
HENRY CORBIN
hension, á la m oquerie, á la dérision des ignorants? sans,pár conséquent, livrer le trésor qui lui a été confié, aux mains de qu elqu ’un qui en est indigne, n ’en étant pás l ’héritier? Bref, com m ent le pourra-t-il, sans violer ce qui, dans la tradition ésotérique occidentale,s’ est appelé la discipline de Varcane ? E t nous savons, com m ent et pourquoi, sous le nőm
de taqiyeh, cette
discipline est prescrite pai les Im ám s du shí^isme; nous savons com bién So h raw ard i en a eu le souci, á tel point
q u ’il avait inventé pour són grand
« L ivre de la Théosophie orientale» une écriture secréte. U n de ses récits mystiques, l’ «Epitre sur l ’état d ’enfance», nous m ontre le pélerin-novice parlant étourdim ent de secrets mystiques á un inconnu qui fin it pár le rudoyer et le traiter de fo u ; plus grave encore, cette indiscrétion a pour conséquenee q u ’il perd la présence de són shaykh, c ’est-á-dire de són guide intérieur; il ne peut plus le retrouver. Eh bien! c ’est le m om ent de nous poser la question, en quoi l’hum our a-t-il affaire á la m ystique? T o u t d ’abord, je crois que du consentem ent général il n ’y a aucune définition possible de l’hum our, et l’on a depuis longtemps renoncé á en tenter une définition qui en sóit vraim ent une, mérne nos amis britanniques qui, pourtant, sont particuliérem ent au fait de la ques tion. Je ne vais donc pás m ’y essayer vainem ent á mon tour. M ais,s’il n ’est pás de définition satisfaisante de la chose, peut-élre est-il possible de constater certains
de ses effets. Je
suggérerai donc que
l’hum our im plique la
capacité de prendre un certain recul, une certaine distance, vis-á-vis de soiméme et des choses; et gráce á ce recul,il im plique la capacité de sem bler ne point prendre tout á fait au sérieux ce q u ’en fait,intérieurernent, au fond de soi-m ém ej’on prend, et l ’on ne peut que prendie, terriblem ent au sérieux, mais alors sans en trahir le secret. Faute de cette prisc de distance á l’égard de la chose,on risque d ’en devenir le c a p ü f et la proie. G rá ce á elle, en revanche, si l’on est capable de prendre cette distance, voici que la crispation du visage, le geste pathébque, l'a tt’ tude défensive, voire agressive,vont fairé p iacé á un sourire, á peine esquissé peut-étre. Cette bréve indication sur laquelle je ne veux pás m ’appesantir, peut
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR CHEZ SOHRAWARDI
27
suffire déjá, je l ’espére, á nous fairé entrevoir que le rapport entre mystique et hum our consiste en ce que l’hum our est peut-étre la sauvegarde du mystique,en ce sens q u ’il le préserve du double péril que je décrivais,il y a un instant, com m e péril subjectif et com m e péril objectif. Et c ’est au témoign age de Sohraw ard i lui-m ém e que nous pouvons en appeler. Plus exactem ent, pour le prem ier cas,ce sera le double tém oignage d ’ A vicen n e ( Ib n Siná) et de Sohraw ardi, puisque l ’exem ple que je vais vous proposer, sera em prunté au « R écit de l ’ O iseau» composé en arabe pár le philosophe A vicen n e et que Sohraw ardi traduisit en persan. Com m e récit m ystique,ce « R écit de l ’O iseau» est un petit chef-d’oeuvre d ’A vicen ne; vous pouvez en trouver une traduction frangaise dans un livre sur A vicenne, qui a déjá une quinzaine d ’ années,et oü j ’ai essayé d ’ en m ontrer la p iacé dans le cycle des récits avicenniens, de le situer dans le contexte de ce q u ’aurait été la « philosophie orientale» d ’A vicenne, si le m anuscrit de celle-ci n ’avait été détruit pendant le sac d ’ Ispahan et si A vicenne avait eu le temps de le récrire. M ieu x
encore, il convient de situer ce
s’ est développé
autour de ce sym bole de
récit dans le cycle
qui
l ’O iseau depuis G h azálí ju sq u ’á
la grande épopée m ystique de ‘ A ttár. Les origines en sont lointaines.
La
prem iere référence qui nous vient á l ’esprit est le Phedre de Platón,oü l’ám e est im aginée á la ressem blance d ’ une E nergie dönt la natúré serait d ’étre un attelage ailé que m éné sur són char un au rige égalem ent pourvu d ’ailes. E t c ’est encore la m agn ifiqu e im age de la procession céleste des ámes á la suite des
D íeu x et de
la chute de certaines d ’entre elles. « II est de la
natúré de l’aile, ecrit P lató n ,d ’étre pesant, en l ’élevant du choses qu i ont
apte á m ener
vers le haut ce qui est
cóté oü h abite la race des D ieux,et entre toutes les
rapport au corps, c ’est l ’aile qui a le plus largem ent part
au divin». V o ilá pour le sym bole de l ’oiseau dönt il y a d ’autres m agnifiques exem ples, pár exem ple dans certains psaumes m anichéens. Prenons m aintenant le récit d ’A vicen ne traduit pár Sohraw ardi. L ’ exorde cn est pathétique. « N ’y aura-t-il personne parm i mes fréres, dem ande Pautetu*, pour me préter un peu 1’oreiUe, afit? que j e lu i confie une p art
28
HENRY CORBIN
de m a tristesse?...Fréres de la V érité! D épouillez-vous de votre peau, com m e se désquam e le serpent... A im ez la mórt, afin de rester des vivants. Soyez toujours en vo l; ne vous choisissez aucun nid déterm iné, cár c ’est au nid que l ’on capture les oiseaux...» II y a ainsi deux m agnifiques pages sur ce tón. Puis le narrateur
raconte són histoire:
com m ent un groupe de chas-
seurs tendirent leurs filets et le firen t ca p tif avec toute une troupe d ’ oiseaux dönt il faisait partié; com m ent dans sa captivité il oublia tout: són origine, són appartenance á un autre m onde,et finalem ent perdit mérne conscience des liens qui l ’entravaient et de l ’étroitesse
de sa cage.
Puis, voici q u ’il
0
aper^oit un jo u r d ’autres oiseaux qui avaient réussi a se délivrer; com m ent il fin it
alors pár les rejoindre;
com m ent
ensem ble ils prirent leur envol,
franchirent les hauts sommets, parcoururent les hautes vallées de la m ontagne de Q áf, c ’ est-á-dire de la m ontagne psychocosm ique, au prix d ’ efforts épui sants; com m ent ils retrouvérent leurs fréres aux alentours de la C ité du Roi, et com m ent lá-m ém e ils furent re£us pár celui-ci dönt la beauté les frappa de stupeur; com m ent ensuite s’ accom plit leur retour, cette fois en com pagnie du messager du roi,porteur d ’un ordre pour ceu x q u i avaien t noué le lien et qui peuvent seuls le dénouer. - Je ne puis insister sur aucun détail, mais uniquem ent sur le soudain changem ent de tón qui intervient á la fin du récit. L e lecteur était em porté pár la contem plation de « celu i q u i est tout entier V isage que tu contemples, tout entier une M ain qui donne», et voici que soudain le narrateur, se substituant d ’avance aux sceptiques q u ia ccu e illeront són récit avec une douce ironie,se m et á écrire c e slig n e s:« Plus d ’un parm i mes fréres vont me dire: T u dois avoir l ’esprit un peu dérangé;il faut mérne que tu sois devenu com plétem ent fou. V o yo n s! tu ne t’ esjam ais en volé; c ’est tout simplem ent ta raison qui s’ est envolée. A u cu n chasseurn ’ a jam ais
fait
de
tói són gibier; c ’est bel et
bien tón bon sens que l’on a
chassé. E t puis, com m ent un hom m e s’envolerait-il? E t com m ent un oiseau se m ettrait-il á p a rle r? -N o n , vraim ent,il faudrait te m ettre au régim e; bőire
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR CHEZ SOHRAWARDI
29
de la tisane, p ren dre des bains chauds, fairé une inhalation d ’huile de nénuphar, surveiller tón alim entation; pás de surm enage,et surtout pás d eveillée noctur'ne prolongée. Nous t’avons toujours connu com m e un hom m e de bon sens. A te voir ainsi détraqué, quel souci nous nous faisons. Nous en sommes nous-m émes com plétem ent m alades...» Je crois que
ces
lignes dans
lesquelles se donne libre cours l’hum our
du m édecin A vicen n e, ont une vertu exem plaire; le m ystique a parié, il a tenté de dire són aventure. M ais il sait d ’avance com m ent les gens raisonnables vo n t l’accu eillir; ils raccu eillero n t com m e beaucoup d ’historiens de la philosopliie ont accueilli les néoplatoniciens, Proclus, Jam bliqu e et leurs émules. Q u e va-t-il se passer ? S ’il essaye de fairé front, en opposant argum ent á argum ent, il v a d e v e n ir infinim ent vu ln érable; il ne convaincra aucun des sceptiques, m ais peut-étre se convaincra-t-il lui-m ém e,de plus en plus,de l’ excellence de són cas. Et le voilá perdu, frustré, bon peut-étre pour fairé un schizophréne. Q u ’en revanche il sóit capable de prendre ce recul,de form uler lui-m ém e d ’ avance,en toute clarté de conscience, ce que les sceptiques et les agnostiques vont lui opposer; alors,ce qui chez ces derniers eűt été une critique négative, agressive, devient chez lui un triom phe de 1’ hum our,gráce au q u el il glisse entre les mains des sceptiques. L ’hum our est sa double sau ve g aid e , cár en mérne temps q u ’il le prém unit contre toute ivresse et toute inflation du moi, il efface les effets de ce qui eűt pu étre une violation de la discipline de
l’arcane.
Seul com prendra celui q u i en a la capacité et
qui est digne de com prendre; les autres n ’y verront rien. M ais il aura tout de mérne, envers et contre tout, transmis són message. C ’ est donc simultaném ent que le m ystique trouve sa sauvegarde contre le péril subjectif et le péril o b jectif qui le m enacent. E t cette sauvegarde, il la trouve en parlant le lan gage des symboles. Et il arrive que ce langage sóit,com m e chez A v i cenne, com m e chez Sohraw ardi, inspiré pár un hum our supérieur. M ais alors q u ’est-ce au juste q u ’un sym bole? Pour le dire de fagon rigoureuse, le m ieux est de nous reporter a la signification du m ot grec symbolon. L e verbe symballem, en grec, veut dire agglom érer,
join d re
ensemble.
3O
HENRY CORBIN
D eux hommes, pár exem ple,se trouvent étre pár hasard des hőtes de tren contre. A va n t
de se séparer, ils brisent en deux un anneau ou un tesson
d ’argile; chacun en prend une m oitié; c.hacune des deuxpiéces sera alors le syrnbolon de l ’autre. C ár les années et les années pourront alors passer, avec
tous les changem ents q u ’elles am énent, mais il suffira que celui qui se trouve en possession d ’un syrnbolon le conjoigne avec l'autre, pour se fairé reconnaítre de celui qui est en possession de cet autre com m e ayant été l’hőte de jadis ou, á són défaut, són représentant ou són am i. D ans le cas de nos métaphysiciens mystiques, chaque syrnbolon appartient á són univers respectif: le m onde invisible du M alakűt d ’une part, le m onde visible de la p ercep tion sensible d ’autre part. Tous deux ensemble, le syrnbolon de l’un et le symbolon de l’autre form ent une unité
supérieure, une unité intégrale. C ár le
fait q u ’ici un syrnbolon se conjoigne avec l ’autre, annonce que le m onde visib le symbolise avec le m onde invisible,si nous parlons la langue que savait en core parler Leibniz. Lá-m ém e est la source de la célébre sentence de G o e the, dans la fin álé du second Faust: « T o u t l’éphém ére n ’ est q u ’un symbole» ( disons mérne: rien de moins q u ’un sym bole). Nous saisissons im m édiate m ent la différence entre le symbole et ce qui s’appelle couram m ent de nos jours allégorie.
L ’allégorie en reste au mérne niveau d ’évidence et de p er
ception. Le sym bole garantit la correspondance de deux univers qui sont á des niveaux ontologiques différents: il est le m oyen,et le seul m oyen,de pénétration dans l ’invisible, dans le m onde du mystére, dans l ’ésotérique. L oisqu e je disais tout á l’heure l’im portance pour une culture de disposer d ’une philosophie qui garantisse la fonction des sym boles,la valid ité ontologique, « objective», du monde interm édiaire entre l’intelligiblc et le sen sible, c ’est á cela que je faisais allusion. L ’ idée de cette région interm édiaire présuppose la triple articulation du réel au m onde de l’ Intelligible, ( jó b a rűt), m onde de l ’áme ( malakűt),
monde m atériel, triade á laquelle corres-
pond la triade anthropologiqu e: esprit,áme corps. D u jo u r oü l’anthropologie philosophiquc en est réduitc á une dyade, q u e l’onclise am c et corps, ou que Fon dise esprit et corps, c ’en est fini de la fonction noétique, cogm tive, des
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR CHEZ SOHRAWARDI
sym boles. O r, cette triade, abolie en O ccid en t depuis le
3 1
I X e siécle, n ’y a
subsisté que dans les écoles philosophiques ou théosophiques que l’on qualifie, a tort sans doute, de m arginales. L e cartésianism e ne connait plus que la pensée et l’ étendue.
II n ’y a plus que les perceptions sensibles et les con-
cepts abstraits de rentendem ent. C ’est alors l ’immense m onde de l ’ Im agination, en propre le m onde de l ’A m e,qu i est voué á la déchéance; il est identifié avec Vimaginaire , avec l ’iiréel. II est trés frappant de voir avec quel sóin Sohraw ardi et les Ishráqíyűn ont veillé á une m étaphysique de FIm agination. Parce q u ’ils en reconnaissent le rőle am bigu,ils la m aintiennent solidem ent axée entre l ’intelligible et le sensible. A u service de l ’intelligible, c ’est-á-dire de l’ ln telligen ce ( le K oűs en g iec), sa fonction est de présenter Yldée voilée sous la fotm e de l ’ Im age, c ’est-á-dire du sym bole. sont tous
des
Les personnages et les événements d ’une parabole
symboles, et c ’est pourquoi une parabole est aussi la seule
histoire q u i sóit vraie. E n revan ch e, lorsque l ’ Im agination se laisse entiérem ent captiver p ár les perceptions sensibles, voletan t de l ’ une á l ’autre, elle est littéralem ent « désaxée » et se perd dans Firréel. Dans le prem ier cas, F Im agin atio n active est l ’organe de pénétration dans un m onde réel, q u ’il nous fa u t désigner de són nőm propre, á savoir
Yim aginal ; dans le second
cas, F Im agin ation ne secréte plus que de Yimaginaire.
Dans le prem ier cas
F Im agin ation est, pour Sohraw ardi, Farbre céleste ém ergeant au sommet Sinai, auquel les sages cueillent les hautes connaissances qui sont le « pain des Anges». D ans le second cas, elle est Farbre m audit dönt parié le Q orán. II est beaucoup question de nos jours de civilisation de l’ im age; je erois que sur ce chapitre, nos philosophes, Ishráqíyűn et autres, ont beaucoup
á
nous apprendre. Certes, c ’est un chapitre trés com plexe, á propos duquel je crains de paraitre obscur á force de concision. M ais le temps ne me perm et de retenir que Fessentiel. Nous sommes ici á la source du génié sohrawardien, á la source d ’une inspiration qui lui perm et de passer d’ un registre á l ’autre, com m e au grand orgue, je veux dire de nous présenter en symboles et paraboles de récits initiatiques, ce
q u ’il expose pár ailleurs, dans
ses grands livres, sous forme théorique et systématique.
32
HENRY CORBIN
D e leur ensem ble je ne retiendrai que trois exemples, pris dans un traité de Sohraw ardi qu i a non point la form e d 'u n récit continu, m ais celle d ’une rhapsodie, enchainant á la suite l ’un de l ’autre plusieurs récits sym boliques. Nous y voyons apparaítre le peuple des tortues, le peuple des fées,le peuple des chauves-souris. Bien entendu, il ne s’agit pás de zoologie, m ais d ’autant de symboles de ceux qui,parm i les hum ains, sont les ignorants spirituels, les aveugles de l’áme. Ils sont reconnaissables sous leur form e sym bolique, parce que leur forme intérieure cachée, pár conséquent leur form e vraie, symbolise avec celle - la. Et toute la différence la mise en scéne de leur vie quotidienne qui
est la, pár rappport á
ne fait connaitre que leur
forme apparente. Se m ontrant sous leurs formes sym boliques, ils nous apparaissent tels q u ’ils sont en réalité dans le m onde imaginal, tels que leur ignorance ou leur eécité les fixe dans une relation toute négative avec. le M a la kút, avec le m onde de l’Am e. G ’est leur vérité,ou plutőt leur fausseté in té
rieure qui éclate, projetée sur l ’arriére-fond des évidences qui les dépassent, et c’est Iá que se donne libre cours l’ hum our d'un grand m ystique com m e Sohrawardi. I 11 prem ier exem ple: ce qui est en cause,c’ est Ná-kojá-ábád, le pays du
« N o n -o ü » , hors des dimensions de l’espace sensible. O n peut écrire á ce propos un savant traité de m étaphysique sur l’hypcrespace. M ais il peut arriver aussi que la doctrine so itvécu e au point de ne plus étre une théorie, mais de devenir un événement réel de l ’áme. prises avec le peuple des tortues.
O n a alors le m ystique aux
L e peuple des tortues obscrvait un jo u r
du rivage les évolutions d ’un oiseau m ulticolore á la surface de la mer
:
tantót il plongeait, tantőt il reparaissait. L ’ un edes tortues de d em a n d er: «Cet oiseau est-il de natúré aquatique ou de natúré aérienne?» U n e autre tortue de répliquer: «S’il n’était pás aq u atiq u e,q u ’aurait-il á fairé avec l’eau?» M ais une troisiéme de d ire :« S ’il était aquatique,il ne pourrait pás vivre hors de l’eau». II v avait au m ilieu des tortues un sage ju g e q u ’ elles interrogérent. II leur d i t : « O bservez-le bien. S ’il peut vivre hors de l’ c a u ,c ’ est que l ’eau ne lui est pás néccssairc. A preuve le poisson qui, lui, ne peut pás vivre hors
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR CHÉZ SOHRAWARDI
de l ’eau.» Lá-dessus, un
grand souffle de vént s’ éléve;
couleurs prend són envol et disparait dans les nues.
33
l’oiseau au x belles
Les tortues vont-elles
com prendre? N on pás, elles com m encent pár dem ander au sage de s’expliquer. C elu i-ci leur répond
allusivem ent, en leur citant quelques sentences
de grands spirituels, culm inant dans la déclaration du m ystique al-H alláj á propos du Prophéte: «I1 a cligné l'oeil hors du o m , c ’est-á-dire sa vision in térieure l ’a enlevé au x dimensions et orientations de l ’espace sensible. Les tortues entrent alors en fureur: « Com m ent, dem andent-elles,
un étre qui
est localisé dans l ’espace, sortirait-il du lieu? Com m ent se soustrairait-il aux directions et coordonnées spatiales?» ( rappelons-nous la fin álé du R é cit de l’O iseau). L e Sage de leur répondre: « M ais c ’ est précisém ent pour cela que je vous ai raconté
tout
ce que je viens de vous dire». Alors les tortues,
indignées, lui jetten t des pierres
et de la terre:
« V a-t-en ! Nous te des-
tituons, nous ne te reconnaissons plus com m e juge». U n second exem ple. Cette fois,ce qui est en cause, c ’est le rapport du jóm ' et de la nuit.
C e qu i ap paraít com m e le jo u r aux aveugles de l’áme,
n ’est que ténébres pour celui qui a la vue spirituelle; et m versem ent, ce qui est p ou r lui le plein jo u r,n ’ est que nuit dangereuse et m enagante pour ceux q u i n ’ont pás la vue spirituelle. C ’est ainsi qu'une huppe ( la huppe, l’oiseau du sage Salom on) fit halté, au cours de l ’un de ses voyages, chez le peuple des fées. O r, tout le m onde le s a it: la huppe a une vue pergante, tandis que les fées sont com plétem ent myopes. L a huppe passe la nuit á bavarder avec les fées; au lever du jo u r, elle veut se rem ettre en route . M ais les fées s’y opposent avec violence: « M a lh eu reu se! q u ’ est-ce que cette m novation? D epuis quand se m et-on en route pendant q u ’il fait jo u r? » L a hu ppe protestc que c ’est précisément pendant q u ’il fait jo u r,q u ’il convient de se m ettre en m arche. Les fées de ré p liq u cr:« M ais tu es
com plétem ent
folle! C om m ent verrait-on quelque chose pendant q u ’ xl fait jo u r,le jo u r étant obseur, alors que le soleil passe pár la région des ténébres? - M ais c ’est tout le contraire»
réplique la huppe. L a discussion s’envenim e, les fées pressent
la huppe de s’cxpliquer,et nous entendons alors celle-ci form uler la profession de fői d ’un grand m ystique: « Q uicon que voit pendant le jo u r,n e peut
34
HENRY CORBIN
que témoigner de ce q u ’il voit. M e voici, moi, je vois! Je suis dans le m onde de la présence, dans le monde de la vision directe. L e voile a été lévé . Les surfaces qm rayonnent, je les per^ois com m e autan t de révélations, sans étre entam é pár le doute.» Alors les fées, ulcérées du com portem ent de cet oiseau qui prétend y voir clair en plein jour,se ruent,de l ’ongle et du bee, sur les yeux de la huppe,l’interpellant pár dérision : « E h ! celle qui-voitclair-pendant-le-jour». L a huppe com prend enfin que c ’est sans issue: ce qui est pour elle le plcm jo u r des mondes spintuels
suprasensibles,
n ’ est que
ténébres qu- désorientent ceux qui ne voient rien d ’autre que ce que voient leurs yeux de chair. E lle com prend que les fées vont la tuer, puisqu’elles s’attaquent á ses yeux, c’ est-á-dire á sa vision intérieure,et qu 'u n m ystique ne pourrait survivre en ce monde, s’il vénáit á étre privé de sa puissance de vision
intérieure. Elle com prend q u ’il faut en revenir
á la discipline de
l’arcane, conformément au sage p ré c e p te :« N e parié au x gens q u ’ en fonction de ce q u 'il sont capables de com prendre». Alors, pour se délivrer de ses ennemies, elle leur dit: « Bjen entendu,
je suis com m e vous.
Com m e tout le
m onde, je ne peux rien voir tant q u ’il fait jo u r. Com m ent y verrais-je clair en plein jo u r ?» Alors les fées, tranquillisées, cessent de la tourm enter. Ju sq u ’ á l’instant oü elle réussit á partir,la huppe contrefit la cécité, quoique cela lm fit souffrir m ille tourments dans l’áme.
C á r il est dur de ne pouvoir dire
á d ’autres les merveilles que l’ on voit. M ais, nous rappelle l ’auteur,il est une lói divine qui ne souffre pás d ’excep tion : « D ivu lgu er le secret divin devant des indignes est un erime d ’impiété» ( k ofr). Et c ’est cela mérne qu i fonde la nécessicé de l ’ésotérisme. U n troisiéme exem ple enfin, dönt le m otif accentue le récit que nous venons de lire. L a p a ra b o le de notre shaykh met cette fo ise n scéne un peuple de chauves-souris et un innocent
cam éléon. Com m ent était née la querelle
entre eux,on nous le laisse á penser. Toujours est-il que la haine des ch au ves-souris contre le cam éléon devint telle , q u ’ elles projetérent une expédition á la faveur des ténébres de la nuit, afin de fairé prisonnier le cam é léon et de tirer vengcance de lui, en le tuant d ’ une m aniére ou d'une autre. A insi íirent-elles, et elles réussirentá entrainer leur pauvre ennem i dans
MYSTIQUE ET HUMOUR CHEZ SOHRAWARDI
35
leur m aison de m alheur. Elles le gardérent prisonnier toute la n u it; au matin elles se concertérent. « Com m ent chátier ce cam éléon ? Q u el genre de m órt lui infliger?» D ans leur ju gem ent de chauves-souns il ne peut pás y avoir de peine plus terrible que de devoir supporter la vue du soleil. En conséquence, elles décident que tel sera le chátim ent q u ’elles infligeront au cam éléon: le forcer á contem pler la lum iére du soleil. M ais ce que leur j u gem ent de chauve-souris ne pouvait pás mérne pressentir, c ’est que tel était justeinent le genre de m órt que le pauvrc cam éléon désirait de D ieu. Et voici que l ’auteur coupe
la délibération des
chauves-souris pár deux des
distiques les plus célébres du m ystique al-H C harlem agn e and íla r u n ar-R ashid. M ore significant perhaps was the visit to C ordova in 858 o f two monks o f Saint- G erm ain- des-Prés. T h eir mission was to bring to Paris the relics o f the patron o f their abbey, Saint V in cen t o f Saragossa; bút these had disappeared, and the monks contented themselves instead w ith the bodies o f three Christian so-called « m artyrs », recently executed at C ordova fór deliberately insulting Islam .
In
this w ay certain people in northern
F ran cé gained an idea - p rob ab ly distortod - o f the difficulty o f being a Christian under Islam ic rule.
78
W. MONTGOMERY WATT
A nother sphere in which the Islam ic w orld m ade an im pact on western Europe is that
o f trade and, more generally,
m aterial culture. T ra d e was
nearly always highly esteemed and vigorously fostered in the Islam ic world. Trade contacts with Italy in particular resulted from the occupation o f the N orth A frican seaboard. There were M uslim traders at A m a lfi in the ninth century and at Pisa in the tenth. By the end o f the tenth century, how everapparently
as a
result o f Islam ic
fiscal policy - the
transport
o f goods
across the M editerranean was largely in the hands o f Italians, at first m ainly the Pisans and Genoese, later alsó the Venetians. T h e F atim id dynasty, which established itself in E gypt in 969, played an im portant part in fostering trade. M u ch o f this trade m ight be regarded as « colonial trade», w ith western Europe in the position o f « c o lo n y ». This description indicates that most o f the European exports to Islam ic lands were raw m aterials, whereas the im ports were consumer goods, often o f a luxury character. A m o n g the raw materials were the slaves who at certain periods w ere
exported in large
numbers through Spain. T ra d e was only one w ay in which western Europe becam e fam iliar with the superior technology and m aterial culture o f the Islam ic world. T h e inhabitants o f Spain and Sicily, Christian as well as M uslim , shared in most o f the technological achievem ents o f the Islam ic
heartlands and had com-
parable standards o f m aterial comfort. In agriculture, fór exam ple, m an y improvem ents were introduced from the M id dle East. D evices to raise water and m ake it available fór irrigation were brought from E gyp t and Syria to Southern Spain, and m ay still be seen there occasionally. Such irrigation m ade possible the cultivation o f m uch larger aieas. T h ere was alsó an extension in the variety o f plants grown. A m on g the new plants introduced
by the
Muslim s were: sugar-cane, rice, cotton, aubergines, and fruits like o ra n g e s, lcmons and apricots. T h e quality
o f other fruits was im proved. W h ere the
m ulberry tree grew easily, the m anufacture of silk was developed. These agricultural im provem ents, o f course, were lim ited to certain legions, an d were irrelevant in the harsher northern clim ates;
bút they m eant that at least in
Southern Spain m any producls were at hancl to m ake life pleasanter.
ISLAM AND TH E MAKING OF EU RO PE
79
In the árts o f n avigátion the E uropean sailors seem to h ave borrowed m any things from the M uslim s, w ho brought to the M editerranean lands w hat they h ad leárned
from seafar-ng in the Indián O cean . V arious de-
tails in the rig o f ships seem to have been adopted from the M uslim s and then further developed, especially by the Portuguese and Spaniards, to suit A tlan tic conditions. T his was a m atter w hich - after the period w ith w hich we are ch ie fly concerned - co n tu b u ted to m aking possible the great voyages o f exploration.
rl he history o f the developm ent o f the compass is obseure,
bú t it m a y w ell process b y w h ich The
E uropeans
be
that
the A rabs
shared
with
the Europeans in the
a serviceable instrum ent o f navigation w ere
certain ly far
behind
the
was produced.
M uslim s in geographical
know ledge as laté as 1100. W illiam o f M alm esbury, in the early twelfth century, thought the w hole w orld apart from (Jhristendom and northern Europe belonged to Islam . N őt m uch later, how ever, the M uslim geographer al-Idrisi, at the C hristian court o f Sicily, produced a detailed m ap o f the O ld W o rld
w hich was tolerably accurate fór
Europe, N orth A frica and Asia.
T h is geo grap h ical know ledge later helped to direct the voyages o f explora tion. T h e M uslim s had alsó larger-scale contributed
charts o f lim ited areas, and these
to the production o f portolans,
as they were called,
by
the
Genoese an d others. In considering the influence o f the Islam ic w orld on E urope the most im p o rtan t aspect o f its technology was that it m ade possible a new style of « gracious livin g ». Som é o f the agricu ltural products ju st m entioned m ade possible luxurious m eals. From silk an d other textiles cam e rich and beautiful clothing. W ith the techniques used in other parts o f the Islam ic w orld lo vely ceram ic w are was produced. It was actu ally in C ordova in the ninth cen tu ry that the secret o f m anufacturin g crystal was discovered. T h e minerals o f Spain, alread y know n to the R om ans, were further exploited by the M uslim s; and beautiful and elaborate m etal-w oik objects were then m ade b y skilled
craftsm en.
In the tenth cen tury C ordova had becom e the rival
o f B yzan tiu m in the árts o f
the goldsm nh, the silversm ith and the jew el-
ler. Ivo ry was carved intő wonderful shapes; and w ood alsó was carved and
8o
W. MONTGOMERY WATT
inlaid with ;vory and m other-of-pearl.
Spain likewisc becam e noted fór its
decorative leather-work, nőt leastin bookbinding.
he existence in the Spa-
nish language o f m any words connected w ith buildin g w hich have been derived from A ra b ic suggests at the very least that the A rabs introduced improvements and refinements in this sphere. «Gracious living», h o w e v e r, m eant m ore than a high level o f technical skill in m any fields. It alsó required the form ánon o f high standards o f taste throughout the upper strata o f society. A n im portant part was p layed here by a mán called Z iryab who cam e from the court at B aghdad in 822 and spent the iem am in g thirty-five years o f his life in Cordova. H e h ad sung and played before H arun ar-R ashid in B aghdad, and he n atu rally d id m u c h to raise the ’ evel o f m usical appreciation in Sp ain ; bút he alsó becam e an arbiter o f fashion and taste in generál. T h e order o f courses
w e ourselves
obcerve at form ai banquets prob ab ly owes som ething to Zii'yab. H e insisted on elegance in the ordering and serving o f meals, and his canons o f good form were w idely accepted nőt m erely in these m atters, bút alsó in respect o f appropriate clothing fór various occasions and o f hairdressing and other forms o f beauty culture. T h e style o f « gracious living » w hich thus developed in C ordova spread through Islam ic Spain, and there was alsó som ething sim ilar in Sicily. It was so obviously pleasant and delightful that it was adopted as far as possible by the leaders o f society in the neighbouring Christian lands. A n count has been preserved o f how a Christian
ac-
friar, while beggin g, penetra-
ted intő an inner courtyard o f the house o f a w ealthy m erchant o f Pisa. T h e sensuous beauty o f the garden,
the rich clothing o f the youn g m én
and wom en there, and the exquisite music, both vocal and instrum ental, m ade a deep impression
on the fria r; it was as if fór a m om ent he had
been transported intő fairyland. It is well-known, too, that after the Christian reconquest o f Sicily two o f the Christian rulers, R oger II and Frederick II, retained the Islam ic style o f life in their courts. It was above all, how ever, in Southern
Francé that there developed a new courtly culture which subse-
ISLAM AND THE MAKING OF EUROPE
quently spread to northern Francé and Italy, and then to E ngland and Germ any. B y its m usic and poetry this culture helped to soften the ruggedness o f feudal society. ín its origins it is closely linked with the Provengal poetry o f the troubadours. T h ere is room
fór somé difference
o f opinion
about the elements w hich entered intő the developm ent o f this poetry. M uch o f the technical skill o f the troubadours doubtless cam e from the tradition o f p op u lar poetry in L an gu ed o c; bút it is virtu ally certain that im portant ideas
and elements o f form cam e to them from the A rabs o f Spain. T o
sum up, then, it m ay be asserted that the spread o f elegance and refinem ent am ong the élite o f western Europe was an aspect o f the im pact o f the Islam ic world. T h e last aspect o f this im pact to be considered is that in the intellectual sphere. U nd er this heading m ay alsó be included an im provem ent in the m aterial basis o f intellectual life, nam ely,
the introduction o f paper in-
stead o f parchm ent and papyrus. T h e M uslim s are said to have learned the art o f p aper-m aking from somé Chinese craftsm en whorn they m ade prisoner in Central A sia about the
m iddle o f the eighth century. A b o u t the year
800 one o f the Barm akid viziers built the fiis t paper-m ill in B aghdad. Because paper was m uch cheaper than E gyptian papyrus, its use spread westwards through the Islam ic provinces, both fór adm inistrative purposes and am ong the w ritin g p u blic, a relatively large body o f people and one that was increasing. T h e first European docum ent w ritten 011 paper is thought to be one from Sicily dated 1090, and it was nőt until the fourteenth century that paper-m ilis w ere established in Ita ly and G erm any. A n oth er im portant borrow ing o f the Europeans from the M uslim s was the system o f num erals com m only know n as « A rabic» . A c tu a lly the M u s lims took them over from Indián sources; bút they were quick to realize their advantages and adopted them fór all p raclical purposes. T he first E u ropean to use A ra b ic num erals is said to have been G erbert o f A u rillac ( Popé Silvester II from 999 to 1003 ), tics; bút he had
no im m ediate
who
followers.
was interesled in m athem a-
Traders presum ably becam e fa-
m iliar with the ten signs through their M uslim contacts; and itisw o rth noting
82
W. MONTGOMERY WATT
that the
m án
who effectively
introduced A ra b ic numerals to E urope, L e o
nardo Fibonacci, was the són o f a m erchant in charge o f a Pisán trading colony in A lgéria. F ibonacci’s book, Liber abaci, published in 1202, showed am ong other things how A rab ic numerals m ade possible the
sim pliffcation
and extension o f arithm etical operations, and thus demonstrated their superiority to the clum sy R om án system hitherto em ployed. T h e field o f pure m athem atics is essentially distinct from the use ol an y particular system o f numerals, though there is obviously a connection. 1 here were brilliant m athem aticians am ong the Greeks, though their n um erical notation was
inferior to
the
m athem atics with the system
Indián.
By
com bining their G reek heritage in
o f numerals derived from India, the M uslim s
w ere able to m ake im portant advances. In other branches o f m athem atics too they showed great originality o f thought, notably in the developm ent o f algebra; « algebra » is in fact an A rab ic 1123), though
word. O m ar
K hayyam
( d.
better known fór the poems rightly or w ron gly ascribed to
hiin, was a brilliant m athem atician and could solve algebraic equations the third
of
and fourth degrees.
In the related field of astronom y m uch work was done by the M us lxms. T o begin with they m ay have been attracted by the supposed practical uses o f asti'ology; bút latterly the dom inant concern was scientific. M uch o f the genius o f the M uslim astronomers lay in m aking m ore accurate observations and
in draw ing
up tables; bút they alsó discussed
m atters of
theory, like the natui'e o f planetary motion. N őt far rem oved from astron om y was
the subject o f optics, in w hich an outstanding contribution was
m ade by Ibn-al-H aytham or A lh azen ( d. 1038) ; this superseded
the ear-
lier theory o f Euclid and Ptolemy. O ther sciences were
cultivated by the M uslims, bút the only
one in
w hich they m ade notable advances was chemistry. T h ere is no absolute deviding line betw een chem istry and alchem y in the A rab ic writings, bút m any o f the writers were prim arily interested in the science of chem istry and appi'eciated the need fór experiment. T h e M uslim contribution to the m odern
ISLAM AND THE MAKING OF EUROPE
8 3
science is ind icated b y the use o f terms derived from A rab ic, such as « alkali», « alem bic», « aniline» and « antim ony». In both the
practice and
theory o f m edicine the M uslim s had gone
considerably beyond w hat they had inherited from the Greeks. T h e works of G alen, H ippocrates and others had been translated intő A rab ic and their principles incorporated intő m edical practice. In addition the M uslim s had m ade exhaustive studies o f pharm acology and had written treatises on p a r ticular aspects o f m edicine; the latter, being backed up by w ide personal experience, were o f great value. M u ch was known about the natúré and urgency o f antisepsis; and simple methods o f anaesthesia were used to reduce pain. T h ere were m any hospitals - C ordova in the m iddle of the tenth century is said to have had fifty. H ospital patients received m edical treatm ent, and this was often
supervised by a resident physician. C lin ical in-
struction was a regular part o f the training of m edical students. A ll this a l most m odern efficiency is in strong contrast to the low level o f European m edicine up to the eleventh century. T here was virtually no know ledge even o f G reek m edical theory, nor o f antisepsis and anaesthesia. Hospices fór the sick gave shelter bút no treatm ent, there being no resident physicians. T h ere was no provision fór clinical instruction fór students. A n A rab ic writer o f the early C rusading period has recorded a story o f the treatm ent o f two F ran kidi patients by a Frankish d o c to i. T h e treatm ent was so crude and unscientific that they both died, though A rab ic doctors could p rob ab ly have cured them. W h at is notew orthy, how ever, is the w rite i’s horror at the crud ity ; it is the horroi with w hich a V icto rian m issionary m ight have described the practice o f an A frican w itch-doctor. T o com plete this account o f the intellectual achievem ents o f the Islam ic w orld as these im pinged on western Europe it is necessary to say som ething about philosophy. This cam e to the M uslim s, along with the sciences ju st m entioned, through translations from the Greek. In course oí time, how ever, the M uslim s produced original thinkers oí great power,
n otably al-F arabi
( d . 950), A vicen n a or Ibn-Sina ( d. 1037 ) and A verroes or Ibn -R ush d ( d. 1198 . O f these the first two m ay be described as Neoplatonists,
though
84
W . MONTGOMERY W ATT
they held that their philosophy was in agreem ent w ith the essentials o f the Islam ic religion. Fór the m ain stream o f Islam ic thought, which was theological, they were o f course heretics; bút m an y o f their generál philosophical conceptions
and methods o f argum ent
were taken intő theology. In the
process o f adaptation an im portant part was played by A lg azel or al-G h azali ( d. 1111 ) who, before showing the inconsistency and heretical character o f the views o f the philosophers,
produced a very lucid sum m ary o f
these views. F inally Averroes tried to
prove that it was A lg azel and nőt
the earlier philosophers who had been inconsistent and self-contradictory. H e was an Aristotelian rather than a N eoplatonist, and is noted fór his com m entaries on somé o f the works o f Aristotle. Both in the Islam ic w orld and in western Europe the im portance o f these philosophers lies nőt in the num ber o f those who followed them exactly bút in the stimulus they gave to other thinkers, especially those in the theological cam p. This concludes the first and longer part o f m y lecture., in w hich I have been describing the im pact o f the Islam ic world on western Europe. 2. The European response to the impact I now turn to consider how western Europe responded to this im pact. Som é aspects o f the response have already been m entioned im plicitly, 110tab ly the acceptance by somé Europeans o f lu x u ry goods from the M id dle East and their adoption o f a style o f « gracious living». W h at rem ains to be considered m ay
be brought
under four
heads:
(a) the response in
the
intellectual sphere; (b) the reconquest o f Spain and Sicily; (c) the Crusades; ( d) the form ádon o f an im age o f Islam
by scholarly writers.
It w ill be
found that there is a close connection betw een the last points. In the intellectual sphere, then, the first task before western E urope was to study and assim ilate w hat the M uslim s already knew and, w bere relevan t ( as in m edicine), to pút it intő practice.
A lo n g w ith the study o f
the Sciences w ent the work o f translation intő L atin . T his m ay have begun as early as the ninth century. A translated work 011 astronom y is m entioned in the tenth century, and early in the eleventh centui y mén were fam iliar
ISLAM AND TH E MAKING OF EU RO PE
85
with the astrolabe in such places as Liége and Lorraine. T h e m edical school at Salerno benefited from a series o f translations from A rab ic m ade by Constantine the A frican betw een about 1060 and 1087. T h e ch ief w ork o f translation, how ever, was accom plished in
T oledo after it feli to the Christians
in 1085. In the tw elfth century at T oledo a large num ber o f translations m ostly o f scientific works - w ere m ade by D om inic G undisalvi, G erard o f Crem ona and others.
O n e or two translations cam e from the C rusading
States in the east. B y the thirteenth century m an y Europeans were proficient in the scientific disciplines and alsó in philosophy, w hich was the slowest starter. In these fields most o f the rem aining works o f m erit were now translated from A ra b ic intő L atin . Somé o f these A ra b ic scientific works, especially in
the field o f
m edicine,
continued
fór centuries
to
be
regarded
as
authoritative, and after the invention o f printing appeared in several editions. T h e
philosophical works o f A verroes, it is worth noting, though vir-
tu ally w ithout influence in the eastern Islam ic world, were know n to C h ris tian scholars in western E urope soon after they appeared in the laté tw elfth century. T o sum up - in the intellectual sphere the Europeans took over from the A rabs the disciplines they were interested in and in course o f tim e d e veloped these further. T h e next m atter to be m entioned is the reconquest o f Spain and Sicily. T h e conquest o f Sicily follow ed on m ilitary activities ( as a kind o f mercenaries
b y N orm an knights in Southern Ita ly in the eleventh century. A
N orm an p rin cip ality was established on the m ainland, and from this as base Sicily was in vaded in 1060 and com pletely occupied b y io g i. T h o u gh Sicily thus cam e to be under nom inallv Christian rule, there was no religious motive fór the conquest: on the contrarv it was the Christian conquerors who adopted the Islam ic w a y o f life. T h e Spanish R econquista
was very
to have proceeded from the fierce desire
different. fór
In its origins
independence
it seems
found am ong
rough m ountain peoples. L a t e r , how ever, the fortitude o f spirit necessary fór m ain tain in g the struggle cam e largely írom the belief o f the Spaniards that they w ere figh tin g to reconquer a part o f Christendom from its enemies .
W. MONTGOMERY
w att
This religious m otive was fostered by the pilgrim age to Com postela. A fter ii
oo, oi course, m en’s attitudes in Spain cam e to be influenced b y the idea
o f Grusade, w hich had had a mushroom growth north o f the Pyrenees. T h e R econquista had m ade considerable progress, how ever, before the First Crusade, fór in 1085 T oledo in the centre o f S p ain had been wrested from the A rabs. I T h e next m ain advance was in the early thirteenth century, culm in atin g in the capture o f C ordova in 1236 and Seville
in
1248.
This
left only the
small kingdom o f G ranada in M uslim hands, and it eventually feli after the unión o f Aragon and Castile in the later fifteenth century, fin a lly disappearing m 1492. T h e m odern stud ént instinctively feels
that there must be a close con-
nection between the Spanish R econquista and the grow th o f G rusading zeal in western Europe, bút the evidence is slight, and the w hole subject w ould p robably repay further study. Before expressing a view 011 the relationship I shall first say something about the Crusades and the C rusading m ovem ent. From the standpoint o f the Islam ic histórián two points are w orth em phasizing by w ay o f preface to the discussion. Firstly, w hile the Crusades have a central piacé in European history, they have only a m inor p iacé ux Tslam ic history, perhaps com parable to wars on the north-west frontier o f In dia in the nineteenth century. T h a t is to say, they were nőt felt as a serious threat to the Islam ic world as a whole, and did nőt in an y w a y impress themselves on the outlook o f Muslims. Secondly, the Islam ic histórián is am azed at the foolhardiness and ignorance o f the western E uropeans in launching such expeditions, and sees that such successes as they attained were largely due to fortuitous circumstances o f a tem porary character. T h e Cen tral question thus becom es: W hat was this Grusading idea and C rusadm g spirit w hich so took possession o f the westiem Europeans? T h e effective beginning o f the Grusading m ovem ent is usually held to be the speech o f Popé U rb an II at Glerm ont in 1095, though its roots m ay be traced m uch further back, notably to the activity o f Popé G regory VIT. T h ere is somé obscurity about the precise contents o f the speech o f U rban . Som é o f the oldest accounts piacé the emphasis on supporting the eastern
ISLAM AND THE MAKING OF EUROPE Christians against the infidels, and fór somé forty years the Popes had been concerned
to
overcom e
the
schism
betw een
east
and
west
within the
C hurch. T hu s it was nőt the presentation o f the Central C ru sadin g idea - the recovery o f Jerusalern from the Saracens - w hich led to an upsurge of the spirit, bút ralh er an upsurge o f the spirit, set o ff b y som ething else, which found its most satisfying focus in this C rusading idea. This assertion is nőt o f course intended to deny that various social and political forces w ere alsó present. T h e description o f the idea of Crusade as a « focus» is m eant to indicate that this idea led to activities in w hich the various secular and religious forces
found an
integrated expression. L e t us leave the Crusading
idea here fór the m om ent, and turn to the last aspect o f the Ruropean response. This fourth and last aspect is the form ation o f an im age o f Islam by scholarly writers in
L a tin betw een about n o o and 1350.
T h ere was alsó
a p opular im age o f Islam , p rob ab ly form ed about the beginnm g o f the same period, and seen, fór exam ple, in the Chanson de Roland. In a popular im age o f this
kind it is nőt surprising to fin d various crudities. W h at is surpris-
ing how ever, is ihat in the picture o f Islam elaborated by scholars there are serious distortions. T h e points most em phasized by the scholars m ay be sum m arized in the follow ing
propositions: Islam is a religion o f violence
and has been spread by the sw ord; Islam is
a
religion o f self-indulgence
especially se x u a l; Islam is a religion based on falsehood and deliberately perverts the tru th ; M u h am m ad is the anti-Christ. la ssú m é that it is nőt necessary here
to explain the distortion in detail.
T h ere was obviously a com -
plete lailure b y m edieval Christians to appreciate the positive religious values o f Islam . T h e charge o f violence is curious in the m outh o f those w ho w ere p reaching
the
Crusade, and the
charge o f converting b y the sword
makes no allow an ce fór the high level o f tolerance fór non-M uslim s found in Islam ic countries. It m a y be suggested that this distortion o f the im age o f Islam is merely w h at is to be expected m war m ist the problem
is w hy
propaganda. Bút fór the Christian Isla-
the scholars lent themselves so w holcheartedly to
83
W. MONTGOMERY WATT
elaborating and spreading the im age, and w h y the im age has persisted to the present d a y; it m ay be m oribund, bút it is by no means dead. Perhaps the best w ay to approach this problem is to take stock o f the position in the second h a lf o f the eleventh century. By about 1050 western Europe was poised fór a new m ovem ent o f self-assertion. M a n y factors contributed to
this - im provem ents in agriculture, a greater volum e o f trade,
mcreased social and political stability, a greater cultivation o f the in tellec tual life. T h e
successes o f N orm an knights in Southern
Ita ly
and
Sicily
gave Europeans fuller confidence in the m ilitary efficien cy o f the knight. In 1085 T o led o feli to a Spanish arm y despite its redoutable natural position and its fortifications. It must have been
d ifficu lt nőt
to feel a new and
pulsing self-confidence. O n the other hand the leaders o f western Europe must have had m ixed feelings as they reflected on the Islam ic world.
T h ere was m uch in that
world which they greatly adm ired - the products o f its technology, its style o f gracious living, its poetry, its
intellectual
achievem ents.
The
latter, o f
course, were only beginnm g to be known in the eleventh century, fór most o f the translations were m ade after 1100. Even so there was m uch adm iralion. Y e t adm iration,
as
superior, was
with
m ixed
is norm ál in the attitűdé o f the inferior to the haté
and
fear.
A m án or
a nation adm ires
those who are superior, and at the same time hates them because they are superior. T h e intense self-confidence o f the A rabs generated a high degree both o f aam iration and o f hatred am ong those with w hom they cam e in contact. T h eir m ilitary prowess was alsó feared, though p rob ab ly less so a f ter 1085. T h ere was even fear o f the Islam ic religion, precisely because it claim ed to supersede Christianity and was gaining converts from the Churoh. Perhaps as the m ihtary danger from Islam decreased the religious danger was thought to increase. C ertainly the clerics who had a hand in directing the Crusading expcditions towards the eastern M editerranean must h ave been aw are o f the religious danger, as they remembererl the Spanish m artyrs and saw the attractiveness o f Islam ic lrfe. A ll this ineant that, when the m ove m ent o f E uropean self-assertion got under w ay, it had a negative as w ell as
ISLAM AND
THE
MAKING
OF EUROPE
89
a positive aspect, the negative aspect being self-assertion against Islam. This was inevitable because oí the íorce and the extent o f the
Islamic, im pact
and because o f the depth o f E uropean adm iration and hatred. I f we take it, then, that the m ovem ent o f the E uropean spirit
which
began in the later eleventh century was a m ovem ent o f self-assertion, both the R econquista in Spain an d the C rusading fervour in Francé and the surrounding countries are aspects o f this self-assertion. As western E urope began to assert itself, it had to show that it could m easure up to the great enem y w hich it had long regarded as superior in everything except religion. Even those churchm en who advocated sending missionaries to the Saracens rather than crusading soldiers were a part o f the m ovem ent o f self-assertion. A nother aspect o f this m ovem ent was
the form ation o f the
distorted im age o f
Islam . T his im age gave western E uropean Christians grounds fór believing that they w ere superior to the M uslim s. Because their superiority thus la y in their religion, they tended m ore and m ore to identify themselves w ith the ideals o f their religion. T h e distorted im age o f Islam , how ever, was alsó in somé
ways
directed against certain aspects o f European life, such as the
adoption b y m an y o f the n obility o f the « gracious living» o f the M oors . T h a t the m atters criticized in Islam were alsó faults present am ong C hris tians was exp licitly recognized b y John W ycliffe ( d. 1384) in his closing years. D oubtless this had som ething to do w ith the persistence o f the false im age o f Islam in our western culture- it was an im age o f som ething mén adm ired, yet thought they ought to reject and have nothing to do with. A d m iration fór Islam ic science an d philosophy continued intő the thirteenth century, though, as the E uropeans learned
in this spherc from the
M uslim s, they developed an independent attitűdé. A fter they had m astered the philosophical techniques
in p articu lar,
they
used
these in a kind
in tellectu al self-assertion. T h e Summa contra Gentiles o f Saint nas is to be seen as
of
Ih om as A q u i-
a defence o f E uropean Christian beliefs against both
M uslim s and those who adm ired the M uslim s excessively. T h e Summa theologica, o n the other hand, is rather
the positive presentation o f Christian
b e lief in accord ance w ith the highest intellectual standards o f the day.
90
w. MONTGOMERY
w att
T h e adm iration fór Islam ic science and philosophy was ev en tu a lly - a f ter everything o f value had been assim ilated - replaced at m an y points by revulsion. By the end o f the fifteenth century
it was felt that the study o f
A rabic was no longer rew arding, and that its literature was greatly inferior to that o f G reece and Rom é. E ven D an te (1265-1321), at the begin n in g o f t
the fourteenth century,
though
using somé Islam ic im agery and acknow -
ledging E urop e’s debt to A rab ic philosophy to the extent o f p iacin g A vicen n a and Averroes in Lim bo, shows no reál awareness o f the extent o f Islam ic influence, bút lives m ainly in the w orld o f G reek and L atin literature and o f recent and contem porary events. It w ould nőt be too m uch to say that b y about this time a new im age o f Europe was em erging.
Because it was
form ed in contrast to the distorted im age o f Islam , it was nőt free from distortion in other ways. A p a rt from the Christian elem ent there was an exaggerated identification with E urop e’s G reek and R o m án heritage, in its literary, philosophical and even political aspects. A t the same tim e there was a virtual denial that Europe was in an y w a y dependent on the Islam ic world Since the sixteenth century Classical literature has played a large part in European education, bút this is hardly the tim e and piacé to ask w hether the
attention to it has been excessive.
In
this
present
age,
how ever ,
when the various cultures and civilizations are com ing w illy-n illy intő the one world, the denial o f Islam ic influence on Europe is a serious m atter . Fór the future o f our relations within the one w orld it is urgent that we westerners should fully adm it the im portant role played b y Islam in the m a king o f western Europe and the growth o f European self-awareness.*
* T h is is substantially the
text o f a lecture
delivered in
U niversity and alsó at the U n iv ersity o f CaJifornia, Santa C ru z .
M a y 1969 a t
H arv ard
SIMNÁNI ON WAHDAT A L-W U JÜ D
Public Lecture, giveti at the Institute o f Islam ic Studies , M c G ill University, Tehran Branch , on M a r eh í j ,
igjo
By H erm ann Landolt
Assistant Professor, Institute of Islam ic Studies
'
.
■
I am proposing to talk to you this evening about one Iran ian m ystic o f the so-called
M on gol period, £A lá ’uddaw la-i Sim náni , w ho lived from
659/1261 to 736/1336. M ore p articu larly, the topic o f m y talk is this m ystics’ critical attitűdé, or even opposition, to the m ystical doctrine o f wahdat al wujűd or, literally translated, « u nity o f being».
T h e significance o f this perhaps som ewhat m arginal topic w ill im m ediately appear, if we consider the ular
fact that w hat Sim náni criticized in partic-
was the m agnificent expression given to this doctrine o f wahdat al-wu-
jű d or « u n ity o f being» b y the great A ra b m ystical
most exactly one hundred years before Sim náni,
thinker who lived a l
M u h y iT d ín
Ibn ‘ A rab i
( born 650/ 1165 111 M u rcia and died 638/1240 in D a m a sc u s). Ibn ‘A rab i, as is w ell know n, was to becom e the great master fór alm ost all subsequent sufis up to the present d ay and alsó one o f the greatest heretics fór w hat the sufis call the ‘ ulamá-yi z&hir or exoteric theologians. Bút it was nőt only the sufis in the strict sense who íegard ed I b n ‘ A ra b i as their great m aster; the presence o f his influence and even o f his sometimes original vo cabu lary in the writings o f such im portant later Iranian philosophers as M u llá Sadráyi Shirázi in the 1 yth centu ry - to m ention only the greatest nam e am ong them - cannot be overlooked a n y more. In short, to attack Tbn ‘A ra b i fór his idea o f the « u n ity o f being» or wahdat al-wujűd m eant to attack the very basis o f the w orld-view o f generations o f up to our present day.
Islam ic mystics and philosophers
T h e uniqueness and alm ost prophetic status o f the
Shaykh al-Akbar or M agister M axim us as he used to be called by his friends,
is w ell sum m arized in the words o f Járni, the famous 1561 century Persian poet and sufi, who was alsó a great adm irer of Ibn ‘ A ra b i, when he writes ab o u t him : « T h e greatest scandal in the eyes o f those who condem n the Sh aykh is his book Fusűs al-Hikam . T h e y do so either because they sim ply follow established opinions without trying to understand, out o f somé sort of
94
HERMÁN LANDOLT
bigotry, or because o f their ignorance o f his technical vocabulary, or sim ply because o f the d ifficu lty o f his ideas. As a m atter o f fact, the truths and m ystical insights w hich are contained in his works, p articu larly in his Fusüs al-Hikam and al-Futühát al-M akkíya, are nőt found in an y other book and have
nőt been exprssed b y any o f the sufis before him. 1 It is nőt very surprising, one inight say, that Ibn cA ra b i should have been condem ned as a heretic by exoteric theologians like Sim n ání’s contem porary Ibn T aym iya, who rad ically opposed an y sort guished unconditionally between the
o f esoterism, distin-
C reator and the creature and
found
the only possible approach fór the latter to the former to be pure worship. Bút w hat shall we say if such opposition to and even condem nation o f Ib n cA ra b í comes from the side o f someone who was himself, as everybody agreed, a great m ystic? Does it nőt mean that while criticizing Ibn c A r a b i’s wahdat al-wujűd or «unity o f being», Sim náni was in fact attacking the very basis o f
his own m ystic endeavours, fór, we m ay ask, whether A is possible to conceive o f any mysticism at all w ithout assuming ihe perception
or realization
of
somé kind o f U n ity in Being, including w hat theologians call C reator and creature or G od and world? O r does it perhaps m ean that Sim náni had an alternative solution to offer to the problem o f m ystical U nion ? In other words, was he one o f those bigoted people, to use J á m i’s term, who sacrificed a deeper understanding o f T ru th fór the sake o f conform ing to the established religion,
or was he quite to
the
conirary a reál nonconform ist,
whose negative attitűdé toward Ibn c A ra b i’s doctrine, w hich at his time had becom e already something like an established truth am ong sufis, reveals only the personal experience o f a Creative m ind w hich happened to be different? T here are, o f course, no ready- m ade answers to questions o f such a basic natúré. Bút we m ay at least get a som ewhat
clearer picture o f the problem
itself b y studying Sim náni’s approach to mysticism through his own writings. Before trying to do so, however, let
me first say a few words about his
personality and his background. As a m atter o f fact, m any aspects of Sim n ání’s doctrine have their counterpart in his life, and his life story is a rather extraordinary one. H e was the són of a well-known aristocratic family of Sim nán. His father and two
SIMNÁNI ON WAHDAT AL-W UJOD
95
o f his uncles being high-ranking officials under the M ongol ílk h á n A rghűn, it was quite norm ál fór c A lá ’uddaw la him self to enter the service o f this ílkhán,
w hich he did at
fór tw elve years; and
the age o f fifteen. H e continued in his service
it was during
this time, that he first cam e intő
contact with m ysticism , that is to say, with a p articular form o f Buddhist m ysticism, fór he used to have frequent discussions with A rg h ű n ’s Buddhist court-priests
Sim náni fran kly adm its that their spiritual achievem ents and
m ystical powers m ade a great impression upon him. Bút at the same time he becam e m ore and m ore convinced, he says, that they could nőt possibly reach the
ultim ate
goal
of
m ysticism - nőt
because
their m ethods were
som ehow deficient or inefficient, bút essentially because the ultim ate o f m ysticism presupposed as its basis the ultim ate
religion,
goal
that is to say,
Islam . Fór us, the interesting point here is that he gained this conviction through visionary experiences, w hich were so overw helm ing that he 1 inally left the w orld o f A rgh ű n and w ent to search contact with the sufis. It m ay very well be, as has been suggested by M O L E 2, that his later negative
attitűdé
towards
Ibn ‘ A ra b í
has
som ething
to
do
w ith this
period o f his life, as there is evidence pointing to the fact that he sensed some thing o f a
com m on natúré
in
the
Buddhist
doctrines
which
he
knew
and wahdat al-wujűd. In an y case, we can say at this stage that his fervent adherence
to
Islam and
subsequent
critical
attitűdé towards everything
he consídered to be non-islam ic or heretical was born out o f somé kind of inner drive, since most p rob ab ly it w ould have been m uch easier fór him to rem ain in the cam p o f A rghűn . Furtherm ore, Sim náni rejected nőt only Buddhism , bút C hristianity as w ell, since it represented fór him the danger o f hulűl or incarnationism . Bút here again, his critique was far above the level o f ordinary
polem ics, b e
cause essentially, « Christianity» or hulűl m eant fór him one p articular stage o f m ystical experience in w hich the m ystic identifies him self w ith the divine. A cco rd in g to Sim n án í’s very original doctrine o f the « Seven prophets o f your being», w hich has been an alyzed in all o f its depths by Professor H en ry C O R B I N
the m ystic should nőt loosc him self in this stage o f identi-
96
HERMÁN LANDOLT
fication, w hich corresponds to the « Jesus o f your being »; rather, he should com plete the process o f his m ystical grow ing - up by passing through
that
stage to the higher stage o f the « M oh am in ad o f your being» , in w hich he becomes a pui'e M irror o f divinity. O n e m ight equally suggest that Simnáni’s criticism o f Ibn c A ra b i’s wahdat al-wujűd has
som ething
this; p articu larly so,
letter
because
in
his answer to a
to do w ith
w ritten
to
him
by ‘ A bd u rrazzáq-i K ásháni, who tried to show that wahdat al-wujűd was the ultim ate stage o f m ystical achievem ent, Sim náni sim ilarly does nőt cntirely deny the values o f wahdat al-wujűd , bút says that it is a stage through w hich the m ystic should pass in order to reach a higher level oí truth and certitude, he him self claim ing to have passed through this stage and reached an ultim ate end o f unity ( iawhid), in w hich even the im age o f the M irror was com pletely abolished. W e shall elaborate this point a littlc later.
O f course, to criticize an objectively form ulated system oí thought on the basis o f personal experience is a rather subjective w ay o f exam ining facts, we
m ight say;
bút this is precisely what
Sim náni nőt only did in cri-
ticizing Ibn ‘A ra b í’s wahdat al-wujűd , bút was proud o f doing, as he fia n k ly admits in the letter I have just been referring to. K ásh án i had expressed to him his astonishment about certain points in al-cUrwa, that is to say Sim n án í’s systematic
work on sufi theology, where he alsó form ulates his critiqu e o f
Ibn ‘A rab i, as we shall see later, by teliing him that anyone h avin g somé fam iliarity with logic could nőt possibly accept them. Sim n ání’s reply to this objection was a rather short one. Instead o f arguing with K ásh án i he sim p ly stated that he did nőt
care about
logic as long as he had
the certi-
tude that his ideas were in agreem ent with reality or factual truth and that the sóul was at peace. By « reality» or « factual truth»
( wáqic ), Sim náni
most p rob ab ly means in the first piacé the SharVat or exoteric truth of Isla m ; bút it is quite clear from the context and alsó from his use o f the term wáqi
1 fór
« real» or « factual», that he alsó means to say that his views
arc in perfcct agreem ent
1
closely related to wáqi a,
with his
mystical
experience,
because
1
wáqi is
litterally « cvent » or « happening » , w hich in
SIMNÁNI ON WAHDAT A L-W U JCD
Sim náni’s m ystical
school is a
technical
9 7
term fór « m ystical experience »
and m ore p a rticu la rly « visionary experience». W e alread y have seen that the m ain m otive fór the young Sim náni to leave the service o f the Buddhist ílk h á n A rgh ű n h ad been visionary experiences. A c co id in g to his autobiographical writings, experiences o f a similar natúré m ade him desire to jó in one particular sufi order w hich was famous fór cu ltiva tin g
such
600/1200
N ajm ud din-i K u b rá
by
experiences,
the Kubrawiya , an order founded around of
K h w á ra zm .
T h e Kubrawiya
order
alw ays had a m arkedly Iran ian c h a ra c te r; it is, by the w ay, still in existence in present-day Irán under the nam e o f Dhahabíya, bút it has, o f course, changed m ore than its nam e since the days o f its founder and his followers in preSafaw i Irán. A fter several attem pts to jó in this order,
Sim náni fin a lly found his tea-
cher m the person o f N űruddin -i Isfaráyini, an Iranian sufi who lived and tau gh t in the city o f B aghdad, where he died in 717 / 1317. Isfaráyini was precisely the kind o f spiritual director Sim náni had been looking fór; fór he was a celebrated m aster in the art o f interpretation o f dreams and visions, that is to say in that sort o f m ystical psychoanalysis w hich was the kubrawi m ethod o f spiritual guidance. As fór m ystical speculations about the un ity o f being, Isfaráyini showed a
rather reticent and
even sceptical attitűdé,
to the extent that, accord ing to Sim náni, he forbade somé o f his disciples to read Ib n 'A r a b í ’s Fusűs a l-H ika m ; and this is , o f course, one m ore factor to be taken intő
consideration when one
is trying to understand Sim
n á n i’s ow n attitűdé. B út w h at in p articu lar, am ong m an y things, attracted Sim náni to the Kubrawiya order was the figu re o f one o f the disciples o f K u b rá , M ajdu dd ín -i
B agh d ád i ( from B aghdádak, a viliágé in K h w árazm ) , w ho is know n fór h avin g m et the fam ous m ystical poet Faríduddin -i 'A t t á r . B aghdádi died in 6 16 /12 19 , that is to say two years before K u b rá , and 43 years before S im náni was born. Sim náni therefore could nőt have m et him in this w orld , o f course. W hen he once was asked w h y he had nőt chosen to follow Báya zíd -i Bistám i the celebrated sufi o f the 3rd/9th century, on the m ystical p ath , he gave the follow ing accou n t o f a vision o f B a g h d á d i’s ligh t: O n ce,
98
HERMÁN LANDOLT
at a time when he was preparing
him self fór ritual prayer, he saw that
the w all showing the direction to M ecca opened itself, and at its p iacé there appeared a large piain, a sky and a star shining
like Jupiter. W on d erm g
w hat this could be, he learnt ( somehow during the vision)
that it was the
light o f B áyazid. T h en the scenery changed, and he saw another sky, w hich was full o f light this time, shining like the sün. H e learnt the same w a y that this was the light o f M ajduddín-i Baghdádí. In w hatever w ay we m ay like to interpret this kind o f relationship bet ween two masters, it was in any case extrem ely im portant fór Sim náni, and there is definite evidence as to the influence o f B agh d ád i’s m ystical doctrines upon Sim náni. In his A rab ic work, T uhfat al-Barara f V l- M a s a il a l-‘ Ashara, B aghdádí
develops K u b rá ’s introspective
psychology in such a w a y as to
anticipate in essence that im portant point about « incarnationism » or hulűl in Sim náni’s doctrine, w hich
most probably was one o f the reasons fór
Sim náni is criticism ot Ibn ‘A ra b i’s wahdat al-wujűd. N ow in B ag h d ád i’s case, this could nőt very well have
been directed against Ibn c A ra b i, fór the
simple reason that Ibn c A ra b i’s most un - orthodox and
fam ous Fusűs al-
H ikam was written in 627 h. or eleven years after B agh d ád i’s death, and there
is no reason to think that Ibn ‘A ra b i’s fam e had reached K h w á ra z m w hile B aghdádí was alive. In fact, his doctrine clearly has its piacé in that typica lly kubrawi field o f , if we m ay again use the term , m ystical psychoanalysis,
w hich in itself is entirely indifferent to theological
or
philosophical
questions. T h e kubrawi m ethod o f spiritual guidance means to lead the disciple or « p a tie n t» through a scale o f visions o f different lights up to a point where he finds guidance in him self and is no m ore subject to the danger o f confusion between appearance and reality, that is to say between certain illum inations w hich the
beginner is likely to m istake fór ultim ate
truth, and the divine light. N ow in the case o f Sim náni, if his critique o f Ibn ‘A ra b í’s doctrine o f the « unity o f being» is based, as I h ave suggested, upon his insistence on the necessity fór the m ystic to pass beyon d the stage o f identification in m ystical experience, that is to say upon his elaboration
SIMNÁNI ON WAHDAT A L-W U JC D
99
o f the kubrawi tradition o f spiritual guidan ce w hich existed quite independently from Ib n ‘A r a b i’s world, this means, I think, that he applied one system o f m ystical thought upon another one, fór w hich it was h ardly relevant. In other words: he eiiher quite subjectively interpreted I b n ‘A ra b i’s doctrine o f wahdat al-wujűd to m ean precisely that kind o f iden tification of appearance
and reality
w hich the kubrawi tradition o f spiritual guidance
sought to avoid, as we ju st have seen, or he at least feared that unexperienced disciples
could interpret Ibn ‘A rab i that w ay. In a n y case, it means
that Sim n áni’s negative attitűdé over against Ibn ‘A ra b i should nőt be seen so m uch sim ply as the reaction o f a shart ‘ aí-m inded theologian to the daring propositions o fa haqiqat- m inded m ystic an d philosopher; rather, we should try to understand his sometimes bittér reactions to wahdat al-wujűd in terms o f th e jp y s tic a l tradition^ to w hich he belonged, and w hich spoke, as it were, another lan guage than that o f Ibn ‘A rab i. M ost probably, the same m ystical tradition was the background o f w hat later in India Shaykh A h m ad Sirhindi opposed as wahdat al-shuhvd to Ibn ‘A ra b i’s wahdat al-wujűd. T o keep all o f this background in m ind seems indeed necessary when one is confronted with somé o f the form ulations that Sim náni used against Ib n ‘A ra b i, fór they m ight easily m islead us intő seeing them as ju st another reaction o f conventional ferring
theology against an y m ystical approach. I am re-
n p articu lar to his reaction to this adm ittedly equivocal praise o f
the divm e B eing in I b n ‘A r a b i’s Futűhát al-A Iakkiya : « Praise be to the O n e w ho m ade things appear and who at the same time is the th in g s! » (Subhána mari azhara al-ashytf wa-huwa ‘ aynuhá !), w hich Sim náni com m ented u p
on b y w riíin g the follow ing intő the m argin
of his own
copy o f the F u
tűhát - a cop y w hich, incidentally, seems to be lost unfortunately, bút
was still extant in
w hich
J á m i’s and even M u llá S a d rá ’s time - : « O S h a y k h ! I f
you heard someone saying that the
excrem ent o f the Sh aykh is identical
w ith the existence o f the shaykh, you certainly w ould nőt accep t this from h im ; no, you w ould be angry. H ow , then, is it possible fór a reasonable bem g to a p p ly such nonsense to G od, the K in g and J u d ge? R eturn to G od by sincere rcpentance, so that you m ay get out o f this dangerous in tricacy, fór
100
HERMÁN LANDOLT
which even the materialists,
the naturalists, the Greeks ( i.e. the « philo-
sophers») and the Buddhists have only d isd a in ! Peace upon those who followr the R ight G uidance. » O bviously Sim náni’s sóul must have been very troubled when he read that phrase o f Ibn ‘A ra b i’s, to be able to react w ith such an outburst o f disdain and to com pare Ibn ‘ A ra b í’s « unity o f being» w ith such a crude im age. Bút let us now see w h at « un ity o f being » really m eant fór Ibn ‘A rab i and his followers, and then, let us see whether Sim náni really had to offer a different solution on a higher level o f argum entation. First o f all, I must m ention the fact that the expression wahdat al-wujű d or «unity o f being», which has com m only been used fór centuries to desig-
nate the essential point o f Ibn ‘ A ra b i’s doctrine, does nőt seem to occur yet in Ibn ‘A ra b í’s own writings. T h e Central point o f his doctrine, according to ‘A b d u rrazzáq -i K ásháni, the great com m entator whose controversy with Sim náni we m entioned, before, is the fact that Ibn ‘A ra b i identified « God» with « A bsolute Being » or « A bsolute Existence» {w ujűd mutlaq).~Euither one accepts
this identification
does nőt accept it; there
of
G od
is no interm ediate
and A bsolute Being, or he solution, says K áshán i. It is
this essential point w hich Sim náni tried to refute and to replace by his own m ystical philosophy, as we shall see. T h e identification o f « God» with « A bsolute Being » has a definite piacé in Ibn ‘A ra b i’s world-view. G od qua A bsolute Being is the first o f the three m etaphysical categories, which Ibn ‘ A rab i distinguishes as com prehending everything that cxists in his philosophical treatise Kitáb Insha al-D aw d’ ir. H e there explicitly idem ifies this Absolute Being, w hich exists through itself and through which everything else exists, w ith A lla h the C reator, w liom n o thing equals.
T h e second m etaphysical category is, as it were, the opposite
o f the first; that is to say, it is « lim ited Being»
( wujűd muqayyad). Ibn
‘A ra b i identifies it with the m aterial Universe and everything it contains. It is « lim ited Being», because, having no existence in itself, it exists through the Absolute. Its being created means precisely the same thing as its being « lim ited » or non-absolute, that is to say its essential
dependence as an
SIMNÁNI ON WAHDAT AL-W UJOD
IOI
existent upon the A bsolu te; it does nőt involve an y tem poral anteriority o f the C reator. M ore interesting from the m ystical point o f view , and alsó more difficult to understand, is the third m etaphysical category. It is this category about w h ich Ib n ‘A ra b i says more than about an ythin g else. H e introduces it by saying that it is neither non-being nor being. O n the one hand, it is eternally jo in ed to the first category, or the A bsolute, on the other hand it is alsó related to the third category, or the W orld, being the principle o f its m anifestation. It is, thus, somé sort o f interm ediary between the first and the second category, or the « essence o f all essences» or « idea o f all ideas» ( haqíqat al-haqa’ iq),
w hich m ay
be said to be both « G od» and
« the \Vorld» or neither « G od» nor « the W orld», bút a third entity, that w hich com prehends
everything. This category, as
is easy to see and has
in fact been established, has m an y aspects in com m on with that m ysterious entity w hich was know in G reek as Logos, and one m ay therefore call Ibn ‘A r a b í’s system a logocentric
philosophy; fór the basis o f an y « unity o f
being» or wahdat al-wujűd in Ibn ‘A ra b i’s system is precisely the idea w hich constitutes the third category. As a m atter o f fact, that equivocal phrase in al-Futűhát al-M akkíya w hich, as we have seen,
h ad draw n Sim náni’s w rath
upon Ib n ‘A ra b i, « Praise be to the O n e who m ade the things appcar and who at the same time is the th in g s!» must be seen in the same context , because it has its piacé in a chapter on the « Breath
o f the Com passionate
one » ( N a fa s al-Rahmán ), w hich is one am ong m any others o f Ibn ‘A r a b i’s expressions fór the third category. T h e im age lyin g behind this term JVafas al-Rahmán is that the things o f the W orld take shape in
the Breath o f the
C reator w ho
expresses him self through this
Breath in the same w a y that
spoken words
( or logoi) take shape and exist
in the breath o f the speaker
who expresses himself. T h e great problem o f this logocentric philosophy or theosophy is, o f course,' the relationship betw een the three categories, and in p articu lar, the relationship betw een the first an d the third category, since both, being d if ferent from the second category or the «limited » being o f the w orld, are
I O2
HERMÁN LANDOLT
in somé sense «absolute». It was this problem w hich obviously bothered S im náni, bút it was alsó a problem fór
generations o f Ibn ‘A r a b i’s followers,
because Ibn ‘ A ra b i him self did nőt
answer it in clear philosophical lan-
guage bút rather as the great m ystic he was. T h e fundam ental idea containing his answer to that question is the idea o f theophany or tajalli, w hich, as Professor C O R B I N
4
rightly points out, never should be confused w ith the
Christian dogm a o f incarnation o f the divine in a concrete, i.e. historically and geographically « lim ited» being. It is based on a sufi tradition according to w hich the prophet D ávid asked his lord: «W h y did you create the creatures?», upon w hich G od an sw ered : « I was a hidden treasure. I w anted to be know n; thus I created in order to be
know n ». T h eo p h a n y or d i
vine m anifestation, then, connotes at the same time the divine act o f creation and the hum án act o f pénétration intő that divine activity, or gnosis , m ystical experience. Both creation and m ystical experience are therefore eq u ally based on
that
ultim ate
m ythical Im age o f the divine V ision o f
G o d ’s
« Self» or, as we alsó m ight say and Ibn ‘A ra b i em phasizes at the very beginning o f his Fusús al-Hikam , G o d ’s V ision o f the «Selves» ( or essences, or arch etyp es) o f his Names. T h a t is to say, there is from the very « Beginning», as it were , somé kind o f intra-divine du ality in the A bsolute, w hich, no doubt, corresponds to that o f the first and the third category. A lth ou gh the act o f theophany is essentially one, Ibn ‘A ra b i distinguishes in it two levels. T h e « visible » theophany, tajalli shuhűdi, w hich is divine m anifestation in this present world ( shaháda) and
in m ystical experience
( shuhűd), presupposes in the first piacé the event o f an unvisible or hidden m anifestation ( tajalli ghaybi), that is to say a m anifestation taking p ia c é in the Unseen (ghayb), which Ibn ‘A rabi alsó calls « theophany o f the Essence» (tajalli d h á ti ). This distinction between two levels o f theophany corresponds
to the classical sufi-neoplatonic distinction
between the spiritual an d the
m aterial w orld, ‘ álam al-ghayb and ‘ álam al- shaháda, w h ich term inology is taken from the Q u ran ic designation o f God as the O n e who knows both the U nseen and the V isible (jálim al-ghayb wadl-shaháda). Bút fór I b n ‘A ra b i the im portant point is here that the two levels of theophany w hich he distin guishes from a logical point o f view are nőt different in terms o f reality ,
SIMNÁNI ON WAHDAT AL-W UJÜD
1 03
because there cannot be m ore than O n e R e a lity ; and this is w hy, incidentally, wahdat
al-w ujűd
in Ib n
‘A ra b í’s sense is som ething
other than pure and
simple neoplatonism . In reality, according to Ibn ‘A ra b i, theophany in visi ble
forms is
essential or hidden theophany; fór
the divine Essence, ju st
because it is essentially hidden and absolute, has no other means to show itself than
in the very form
o f the one to w hom it shows itself
tajallá lahu). In other words: because the divine Essence
( al-mu-
has no form in its
absolute oneness ( ahadiya) and therefore can never appear as such, its form is identical w ith the forms o fth e things. A ll this am ounts fin a lly to the perhaps shocking p aradox, that - and I am quoting Ib n ‘A ra b i - « the really divine Being ( al-Haqq) is lim ited through all lim its» 5, because « to isolate the A bsolute from the L im ited
means precisely to lim it the A b solu te.» ®
T h ere can be little doubt that this p aradoxical « A bsolute w hich is lim ited b y all limits» is nőt in the same w a y absolute as the first m etaphysical c a tegory, since Ibn ‘A ra b i defines the latter, as the « absolute Existence w hich is nőt lim ited» ( al-wujűd al-mutlaq alladhi Iá yataqayyadu). R ath er, its absoluteness is the same as that o f the third
category or the haqíqa ( Logos )
w hich is all-inclusive, as w e have pointed out. This double-valued notion o f « A bsolute » in Ibn ‘ A ra b í’s thought, as w e now can understand, called fór further clarification ; and this is exactly w h at the com m entators tried to do, first Sadruddin-i
Q p n yaw i and then,
follow ing him , p articu larly ‘ A b d u rrazzáq -i K ásh án i ( Sim n áni’s great opponent), b y introducing a notion o f « absolute » w hich originates in the thought
o f Ibn
Síná ( A vicen n a). I am referring
to
one o f
the three
aspects o f q u id d ity ( máhíya) w hich was techn ically know n in later philoso p h y as « absolutely unconditioned » or Iá bi-shart shay\ A qu idd ity like « anim al» fór exam ple is « absolutely unconditioned » or Iá bi-shart if it is considered as being possible to be predicated equ ally o f an y p articular species, or as undeterm ined. This «absolutely unconditioned» aspect o f the q u id d ity is the com m on denom inator o f its two other aspects, that is to say the as pects o f negative and o f positive
condition. It is « negatively conditioned»
HERMÁN LANDOLT
or « conditioned b y nothing » ( bi-shart Iá), if it is considered as being im possible to be « m ixed» with anything else, or being exclusively itself, in w hich case it cannot be predicated o f an ything else ; and it is « positively con ditioned »
or « conditioned
b y so m eth in g» (bi-shart sh a y j,
if it is co n
sidered as being determ ined by « m ixture» w ith one particular other quiddity, as fór exam ple « anim al » is « positively conditioned » as « m án », if it is « m ixed » with « rational». N ow , if it is possible to ap ply this tlireefold distinction on existence rather than on quiddity - and this is exactly w hat Ibn ‘A rab í's com m entators did - it is easy to see that it must have som e thing to do with Ib n ‘A ra b i’ s three m etaphysical categories; and it w ould seem that the íirst o f his categories, w hich was absolute existence qua non-lim ited, best corresponds to
the « negatively conditioned » ( bi-shart Iá), w hereas the
second category, or the « lim ited existence» o f course is « conditioned b y something» ( bi-shart shay’), while the third category, w hich was that paradoxical and mystcrious R ea lity w hich is absolute qua lim ited by all
hmits,
no doubt has something in com m on w ith the « absolutely unconditioned » aspect o f quiddity ( Iá bi-shart), under w hich, as we have said, the q u id dity is possible to be predicated equ ally o f m ore than one thm g. B út Q on yaw i and K ásháni identified the notion o f existence (wujúd) itself w ith this « absolutely unconditioned » aspect o f Iá bi-shart, as such, as being neither conditioned
that is to say existence
b y determ ination ( ta ‘ ayyun) nor b y
non-determ ination ( lá-taáayyun ). B y doing so, they brought som ething new intő the picture, because it is now existence itself w hich plays the role o f Ib n cA r a b í’ s third category or haqíqa as an reality.
« absolutely unconditioned »
O n e m ight say that it is here fór the first time that the famous
term wahdat al-wujűd («unity o f being») applies in its most strict sense. As a m atter o f fact, according to K ásh án i’s Dictionary o f the Technical Terms o f the Su fis
( Istiláhát al-Süfíyá), nőt only is the divine Essence identical w ith
Existence as such, bút the absolutely unconditioned
Oneness o f Existence,
w hich he calls wahda, is alsó the « origin» ( m anshaj o f both the « n ega tively conditioned » or « exclusive » aspect o f divine U n ity ( ahadiya as m ea ning bi-shart Iá) and the « positively conditioned » or « inclusive » aspect o f
SIMNÁNI ON WAHDAT A L-W U JÜ D
io5
divine U n ity ( wáhidiya as m eaning bi-shart s h a f ) , that is to say o f both the « exclusive» U n ity o f the divine Essence considered in its stage « before creation», as it w ere ( kána A llá h wa-lam yakun ma‘ ahu s h a f) and o f the « inclusive » U n ity o f the Essence considered together w ith its N am es or «after» creation, as it were. T ru e, from the logical point o f view , the exclusive un i ty o f the essence precedes all names just as the stage before creation precedes the stage after creation, bút from the point o f view o f Existence, w hich means R ea lity, there is no such difference betw een before and after, because the Oneness o f Existence in its absolutely unconditioned suchness com prehends both. W e can draw the same conclusion from K á sh á n i’s com m entary to the Q u ra n ic Síira 112 (Sarat al-Ikhlás), that is to say from the T a fsir comm only known as the T a fsir o f Ibn ‘ Arabi, bút w hich in reality is K á sh á n i’s. O n e m ight venture to say that b y ap plyin g the philosophical notion o f « absolutely unconditioned » ( Iá bi-shart ) on pure Existence, the com m entators m ay have w anted to preclude an y interpretation o f Ibn ‘A r a b í’s divine B eing as a m erely abstract universal w hich cannot possibly have an y concrete existence.
B út on
aspect o f the
the other hand,
since the « absolutely unconditioned »
q u id d ity ( lá-bi-shart ) was usually identified by the philoso
phers w ith Ib n S in á ’s « natural universal» ( k u lli tabí‘ í ) , it becam e rather d ifficu lt this w a y to savé the transcendence o f the divine Being. M u llá Sadrá, w ell
aw are o f this problem , therefore had to em phasize that the com pre-
hensiveness o f « absolutely unconditioned » Existence was « other» than the relationshitp o f he n atural universal
to its p articulars; and, fór an explana-
tion o f this « otherness», he on ly could refer
back to Ibn ‘ A ra b í’s m ys
tical notion o f the « Breath o f the Gom passionate» ( N a fa s al-Rahmán) an d its com prehensiveness. Corning now fin a lly to Sim n án í’s basic thought,
1
think we can u n der
stand his opposition to an y sort o f identification o f G od w ith an y A bsolute Being, w hether Iá bi-shart or bi-shart Iá - a distinction,
by the w ay, w hich
he does nőt seem to m ake - out o f his basic conviction that divine trans cendence must be saved at a n y price.
Nevertheless he tries to com bine this
HERMÁN LANDOLT
conviction w ith a w orld-view based, like that o f Ibn ‘A rab i, on the idea o f theophany. Sim náni’ s conception o f theophany is based on a fourfold structure o f existence, w hich recurs all over in his writings. This fourfold structure has two aspects, depending on w hether theophany m eans self-manifestation o f the divine being, considered as a cosmic process o f creation or existentiation (íjad ), or as an individual process on the part o f the hum án being, in w hich latter case it means m ystical
experience. O n this level o f m ystical experience
the four stages o f theophany are, starting from b e lo w : i . the theophany in visible forms ( tajalli sűrí ) , h y w hich Sim náni m eans in p articu lar visionary experiences o f hum án forms; 2. the theophany o f light ( n ű r ); 3. the theo p h an y o f the idea ( ma;n á ) and 4., the highest one, the theophany o f ((mys tical taste» ( dhawq), which has this nam e because it cannot be described at all. A ll four theophanies, even the lowest one, are reál theophanies in their own right according to Sim náni; that is to say, they do show the d i vine, bút at the same time, Sim náni insists, it w ould be a m istake to confuse that w hich shows itself w ith the form under w hich it appears. T h e higher the level o f theophany, the more it is rem oved from the w orld o f forms and figures, until finally, in the theophany o f « taste», there remains no trace o f any im age at all. O bviously, this aspect o f the fourfold theo phany is another expression o f Sim náni’s theory o f the « Seven prophets o f your being» o f which we spoke before
and w hich connotes the idea o f a
process o f m ystical grow ing up. A n d if we suggested there that this idea could h ave something to do with his critique o f Ibn ‘A r a b í’s wahdat al-wujűd , w e must now repeat that in this case his critique was h ard ly pointed toward the right address. As to the other aspect o f theophany, theophany as cosmic self-manifes tation o f the divine being or existentiation, its four stages are
based on the
distinction between four « gram m atical» levels related to the divine being : Essence or Subject ( dhát), Attributes ( s ijá t ), A cts ( a f ‘ ál) and Effects or « Traces» ( áthár). E verything to which the nam e « existence» ( w ujűd)
SIMNÁNI ON WAHDAT A L-W U JC D
io7
m ay be applied, says Sim náni, belongs to one o f those four categories, be cause there is nothing existent outside o f them ; and he even justifies with this the fam ous saying Laysa jV I-w u jű d siw a’ lláh, « there is nothing bút God in Existence», w hich he attributes to Jun ayd, the celebrated s u fio f Baghdad. Sim n áni’s favorité im age fór the four levels o f being is the exam ple of w hat happens w hen someone is w riting. T h ere is, in the first piacé, the person o f the w riter, ( shakhsuka’ l-w áhid), which corresponds to the Essence. Secondly, there is the attrib ute « writerness» (al-kátibiya ) and the N am e «writer» ( al-kátib ) ; thirdly, there is the act o f w ritin g ( al-kitába ); and fourthly, there is the T ra ce or effect o f this act, w hich is the w ritten
( al-mak-
tűb).
A lth o u gh all four levels participate, as we have seen, in one existence an d are therefore in somé sense identical w ith each other, as Sim náni admits, there alsó is an im portant difference between all o f them. T h e person precedes its writerness, the writerness precedes its act o f w riting, and the act precedes its trace, w hich means fór Sim náni that the direct cause o f the w ritten trace can only be the act o f w riting, nőt the writer or even his writerness. In other words, the writer
is separated from, as well as linked
to, his w ritten trace by his act o f w riting. T h e same emphasis on the dif ference between subject and object reappears even on the higher level o f the attributes, w here
Sim náni retains the theological distinction betw een a t
tributes o f essence and attributes o f activity, i.e. attributes necessary to the essence, as fór exam ple L ife, and attributes referring to a Creative act, fór exam ple « Lifegiving». Thus, theophany u ltim ately still depends on an act o f divine w ill, fór - and I am quoting - : « T h e one who is qu alified by attributes o f essence has alsó attributes o f act, w henever he wants to m an i fest him self through them ( idhá aráda an yat aj állá bihá), in order fór the acts to com e forth out o f them
and fór
the traces, w hich are caused b y the
latter, to ap pear, so that H e him self m ay be know n through the theophany» 7 . H ow ever, w hen it comes to existence, the difference between attributes o f essence and attributes o f act seems to be obliterated, and
this is perhaps
xo8
HERMÁN LANDOLT
significant.
On
the
level
of
the
A ttribu te,
Existence is o f course an
attribute o f essence, since it is necessary to the Essence and coeternal w ith it. As such, it is the existence o f the O n e whose existence is necessary (alwájib wujűduhu), which Sim náni calls « reál existence» ( al-wujűd al-haqq) .O n
the level o f the A ct, however, it n atu rally is preceded b y an attribute o f act, to which the
corresponding « N am e » is
« the Existentiator » ( a l-m ű jid ).
N ow , the A ct o f this Existentiator, w hich is the « act o f givin g existence» ( f i ' l al-íjád ), is precisely w hat Sim náni calls « A bsolute Existence » ( al wujűd al-mutlaq). Therefore, « absolute existence » accord in g to Sim náni is
nőt a substantially existing entity at all, since it is the act o f existentiation itself , the « missing link» as it were, betw een the Subject o f theophany and its O bject. O n the level o f the T race, fin a lly, there is neither necessary nor absolute existence, bút only « lim ited» existence, that is to say lim ited b y its ontological status o f causedness and contingency (muqayyad bVl-im kán). It is clear that in such a view it is im possible to identify « absolute existence» with the divine Essence, since it is separated from it b y the a t tribute o f « R eál Existence». Sim náni even refuses sim ply to identify the latter with the Essence, because, being an attribute, it is preceded b y the Es sence like any other attribute, and does nőt subsist b y itself. O n
the other
hand, he admits that existence is nőt like an y other attribute o f the Essence, bút rather constitutes a special case, since - and I am quoting -« because o f its singularity and its closeness to the Essence,
the attribute
‘ existence ’
has no other c nam e ’ than the nam e c the essence’ , ju st like the attribute ‘ L igh t ’ has only itself as a nam e, fór L ig h t is the fulfillm ent o f theophany ( karnál al-zuhűr), and Existence is the principle o f theophany (mabda’ al-zuhűr)»^. O ne of
the
questions raised
S im n án í’s opposition as
being
the
abovc
was
to Ibn ‘A ra b i and his
the
problem
school should
expression o f an independent approach
to
o f w hether
be considered m ysticism
or
as a simple m isunderstanding o f wahdat al-wujűd. M ost p robably, I now should say, both answers are correct in a sense. I do think, as I have already said,
SIMNÁNI ON WAHDAT AL-W UJOD
Io9
that there was m isunderstanding on the part o f Sim náni, when he seerned to take wahdat al-w ujűd to m ean pure and simple identification o f the divine Essence w ith p articu lar forms o f its m anifestation. Bút I do nőt think that the difference o f his thought, as we have tried to outline it on the hasis of his m ain w ork a l-cUrwa li-A h l al-Khalw a, could be sim ply explained aw ay by calling it m erely a difference o f vocabulary. It is understandable enough that m an y sufis who w ere followers o f Ibn ‘A ra b i tried to solve the problem that w a y ; bút it is rather difficu lt to accept fór exam ple the solution proposed b y a contem porary o f Járni, accordin g to w hom Sim náni had only confused the two aspects o f the
A bsolu te w hich were distinguished in Ibn
‘A r a b i’s school and therefore did nőt really oppose Ibn ‘A ra b i
9.
R ath er, I
w ould guess that Sim náni really tried to work out a different approach w hich was based on the notion o f A c t rather than on that o f Existence, that is to say on a dynam ic entity rather than on a static one; and it w ould be m ain ly fór this reason, then, that he could nőt fully appreciate Ibn ‘A ra b i and p articu larly his followers who really brought the intő
notion of Existence
the foreground. A t the same time, this interpretation w ould give
us
a clue fór an understanding o f the links between Sim n án í’s philosophy and his psychology; fór it m ay be that it was the same dynam ism w hich m ade him conceive o f m ystical experience as a process o f becoming that called fór the notion o f A ct as the central notion in his philosophical system. It is rather interesting to note - this as a fin al, m arginal rem ark
that
S im n án i’s philosophy o f the A c t seems to reappcar in the ig th cen tury in another critique o f wahdat al-wujűd , I m ean Shaykh A h m ad -i A hsá ’í’s critical com m entary to M u llá Sad rá’s Kitáb al-AIahá Hr io . A g ain , A h sá ’i’s critique seems to be based essentially on the same notion o f f i ‘ / or Act. I do nőt know y e t w hether A h sá ’ í had read or otherwise known Sim n ání’s w ork; bút both seem to represent a com m on trend o f thought w hich is positively incom patible w ith wahdat al-wujűd in a strict sense; and b o th , in turn, were criti-
I IO
HERMÁN LANDOLT
cized by the m ajority fór nőt havin g really understood w hat Ibn ‘A ra b i or M u llá Sadrá w anted to say.*
(*) Fór a m ore detailed study o f the same subject, including a G erm án translation o f the correspondence between K ásh án i
and Sim náni,. see : Dér Briefwechsel zwischen Kásh
áni und Simnáni über wahdal al-wujúd, to appear in: Dér Islam 56 C W J l ) , i A - 8 1
Footnotes 1) Járni, jYafakát al-U ns ed. T A W H I D I P U R , T e h ra n 1337 h .sh ., p. 547!. 2) M .M O L E , £ es Kubrawiya erűre Sunmsme et S h í ‘ isme aux hwtieme et neuvürne siecles de l'h égve , :n: R e v u e des E tudes Islam iques X X I X , Paris
1961, pp. 61 - 142, esp. p. 81 f.
3") H . C O R B I N , Uintérwrisation du sens enherméneutique soufie nanienne, in Eranos-Jahrb uch X X V I
Z ü rich 1958, pp. 57-168, esp.p. 144
4) H . C O R B I N , £ imagination créatrice dans le soufisme d ’Ibn ‘ Arabi. Paris 1958. 5) Fusűs al-Hikam ed. A .E . A F I F I 6) Ibid. p . n i . C f. ‘A b d a l-R a z z á q
C a im 1345/1946, p . 68. a l-Q á sh án i ( = ‘A b d u rra zzá q -i K á s h á n i) , Sharh
‘ alá Fusűs al-H ikam , C airo 1321 h .q ., p. 13 1: T o consider som ething as « absolute» m eans
to lim it it b y absoluteness or to lim it it n eg a tively ( bi-ma‘ ná lá-shay ’ ma‘ ahu), w hereas the re ally divine B ein g ( al-haqq)
is idén cal w ith al-Haqiqa itself, i. e. it is « absolutely un -
conditioned» ( Iá bi-shart shay’), so th at it allnwes o f both lim itation
and non-lim itation.
F ór this im p ortan t notion, see below . 7) a l- ‘ Urwa li-A h l al-Khalw a , ms. A s cad E flendi 1583, föl. 8b. 8) A l- ‘ Urwa ( op. cit.) föl 8a. 9) Járni, N afahát ( op. cit.) p. 533 10) E xtracts in H .C O R B I N ’s F rench annotations to his edition o f M u llá S a d rá Shirázi, £ e £ icre des pénélrations métaphysiques ( Kitáb al-M ashá 'ir), B ibliothéque Iranienne vol. 10, Téhéran-T’aris 1964.
Errata
3,17 10,31 15, 8 17,21 19,16 20,31 37 38 42,21 47,16 49,16 50 , 1 51,30 56,30 58,26 59,10 60,20 60,21 60,26 64 , 5 64,18 69 , 4 69,24 80 , 1 82,28
M onteal
:
M ontreal
A ym en
:
Á m en
iránién de vingt-cinq
:
iránién.
oeuves
:
oeuvres
herm ém eutique
:
herm éneutique
A utrem ont
:
A utrem ent
GHEZ
:
GHEZ
HEORY
:
HENRY
problem
:
problem s
Says
:
says
subsitent
:
subsistent
subjct
:
subject
origial
:
original
hesees he
:
he sees
see except
:
see any thing except
recurr
:
recur
Transcedent
:
Transcendent
essenially
:
essentially
the lafn u ity
:
the
consiousness
:
consciousness
V ed an ta that
:
V ed an ta, that
On
:
In
you this
:
you in this
likewisc
:
likewise
deviding
:
dividing
114
Errata 89,25 spherc 91 W AHDAT 94 , 96 ; 98 ff. HERM ÁN 94 , 5 exprssed 95 ., 7 court-priests 95,28 essentially, loose 95,32 litterally 96,31 98,15 Sim náni is criticism 100,15 mentioned, 101,14 know 101,22
102 , 9 102,24 105,23 108,26 109,25
:
sphere
:
W AHDAT
:
HERM ANN
:
expressed
:
court-priests.
:
essentially
:
lose
:
literally
:
Sim nání’s criticism o f
:
m entioned
:
known
one
:
O ne
lord
:
L ord
ot
invisible
unvisible he
:
the
abovc
:
above
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—
G E N E R A L SPA CE E D U C A T IO N
A — U N IV E R S IT Y E D U C A T IO N
AND
THE
SPACE
AGE
Science and technology are the fastest grow ing activities throughout the w orld o f today and the
univeisities ought to
be considered as the
prim e source o f new know ledge and the high ly trained personnel, - so vitai and essential elements to the advancem ent o f m odern aerospace techno logy. Som é Basic Facts D eserve A ttention 1 — T h e aerospace technology com plex taken from the prelim inary and theoretical or the m athem atical stages to the more com plicated developm ent and production phase could nőt have been a success without scientific
background,
initiatives
and
talents o f know ledgeable academ ic staff
and university scientists w ith profound fundam ental know ledge, experience and technological resources, - w ithout such assets no advancem ent could be expected. O nce again we are confronted by the well known dilem m a that science and scientists are unintentionally leading the scientific dcvelopm ent and technical projects o f the w orld and in this respect they are form ulating, wliether w illingly or otherwise,
the destiny o f future genera-
tions o f m ankind. 2_
K n ow ledge, Experience and Inform ation are the background and the
nervous system o f the com m unity com plex called (< U niversity - G overnm ent - Industry ” w h ic h govern s, Controls a n d gu id es
the most
im p o r ta n t
developm ent
186 projects and activities of the countries. In the pást few years only in U S A somé 200 universities were involvd in the space projects absorbing somé
1500
tens o f thousands o f researchers on
3—
research projects.
Universities in the developed countries in such adventurous projects
as sending mén to M oon or M ars are reál partners to an y hum án achievement in the corresponding fields.
Since
the
im plications o f such projects
are o f utmost im portance to the developing countries, - somé description and analyses o f the role o f universities m ight be useful.
4—
I t c a n n o t b e denied that botli in the developed or in the developing
countries the most knowledgeable and talented sections o f a com m unity are naturally concentrated in the academ ic centers and universities. Based on this concept only large scientific projects should be carried out under the guidance and leadership o f university staff. Universities are the technological
professors
backgrounds
or
senior
research
o f the nations and
without this cooperation and collaboration very little can be ach ieved and this has been proved in the recent
successful space missions. W h ile the
trainm g o f graduate engineers and scientists in the new scientific fields of technologies are the greatest responsibilities o f the universities, the role o f the senior staff and professors in a consultant or advisory cap acity to industry and governments, in particular to space research projects, cannot be under estimated.
5—
Science policies o f the countries are usually designed, form ulated,
processed and duly analyzed in Institutes of highei education. T h is has been proved in
N A S A contracts
with
A m erican
U niversities
and Research
Laboratories and O rganizations. It is the obligation o f the universities to m eet the generál future research requirem cnts o f the com m unities either in personnel or
project p lanning
and
based
on such
concepts
all the
research facilities should be provided at graduate levels, p a rticu la rly in the field o f aerospace technology.
187 6 — U niversity grants would facilitate the flexib ility o f the research pro j e c t s , - a fact evideneed through N A S A grants to space research problems, while guaranteeing
the full
support and advisory capacity o f the profes
sors in handling problems where new challenges are posed by space exploraűon and research and the coherent intricated problems. - l'he im pact o f m odern space Sciences such as astronom y, astrophysics, celestial m echanics, cosmology, cosmogony, radio astronom y,
laser
astro-
nomy, plasma physics, astrophysical plasma, astrodynam ics, astro-therm odynam ics, astroelectronics, astrobotany, astrobiology, astrobacteriology, astropsychology,
astrophobia,
space medicine,
astrohypnology,
astroprobabihty,
astrotopology ,
space hygiene, space chemistry, space law, space ecology,
space hypersonics, space ultrasonics, space m etallurgy, space bionics,
space
gerontology, m agnetobiology etc. nowadays constituting the m ajor educational curricula o f the universities, can b e ju d g e d by the num ber o f papers, thesis and articles
constantly appearing
in m any countries, they represent a vivid
exam ple o f the world academ ic interest to the developm ent o f such Sciences w hich will prom ote the generál cultural standards o f com m unity life in the developed and the developing countries. It is o f utmost im portance to visualize that the m odern facilities fór data processing and com puter tech nology nowadays at the disposal o f the corresponding researchers has increased the efficiency o f research results by factors o f hundreds and the com petency o f the researchers by factors o f thousands. 8— It is o f grcat interest to conccivc that the inspiration o f the youth in the developed countries to work on space program s in universities and research institutes m ay be more crucial and
decisive than in the devel
oping countries.
9 ) Space
exploration and research, although at the m om ent very lim ited
to the developing countries and m uch on a smaller scale than the developed countries,
bút the
driving
element in the countries in the developm ent
are the inspiration o f the young generations to tackle the m odern global
188 problems on a global scale and the coherent cunosity to find the unknowns surrounding them.
10—
It is practically impossible to effect successfully any space project 111
a developing country w ithout basing it in m ajor p art w ithin the fram ework o f the universities and scientific instilutes, although governm ents and priváté industries w ill be seriously leading the fin an cial aspect o f the pro ject, bút the driving talents are the university professors
and
experts.
I f success is to be achieved, G overnm ent-U niversity-Industry C om plex must be vitally concerned w ith all aspect and p articu larly the m an agerial phase o f the programs and w ithout the assistance o f u niversity leadership very little can be achieved or expected.
B -
IN T E R N A T IO N A L
TRAINIIJG FACILITIES IN SPACE
SCIENCES
i — PROPOSALS BY SOMÉ EXPERTS
R ecent proposals submitted by several
governm ents
to
the U n ited
Nations Commission on the Peaceful Uses o f O u ter Space indicates how international cooperation m ight be o f utmost valu e in training and éducation on space problems and space results w hich plays such an im portant role in m odern civilized communitics. A fter an alyzin g the situation it has been found that the lack of sufficient trained personnel and experts was probably the m ajor factor preventm g m any countries fiom starting their own space programs or participating in such international projects. T here are alsó numerous opportunities fór the samller countries to cooperate in space projects on a bilateral basis with an y one o f the space-powers in w hich full scale international cooperation is decrned o f utm ost value. T h e opportunities already available in various countries fór education
189 and training in subjects related to
peaceful uses o f outer space deserves
consideration. Offers by the U S and quite a num ber o f E uropean countries to pro\ide a lim ited num ber o f free fellowships and training courses to applicants from developing states recom m ended by U N is being welcom ed. It is adm itted that each country has its ow n specific space educational and training program s com patible w ith the com m unity means and requirements. A\ hile it is nőt possible to devise a unique or com prehensive p ro gram fór all, bút the necessary
training courses
could
be system atically
an alyzed and recom m ended.
2 — ANALYSIS OF TRAINING POSSIBILITIES
1)
T ra in in g courses to be offered at the graduate and post-graduate
levels in space sciences and the related technological developm ents.
2) 3) 4) 5j
A ctiv e participation in space science projects and research T ra in in g in optical and radio tracking means and facilities. T ra in in g in pay-load construction and testing. T rain in g in data processing and analysis.
6 ) T ra in in g in space application disciplines p articu larly in meteorology, navigation, earth
resources, education,
com m unication, cartography,
geodesy etc.
3 — SOURCES
OF TRAINING POSSIBILITIES
N ow ad ays through intem ational training courses and
cooperations m an y educational and
training program s
are available on
a bilateral or
m ultilateral, régiónál and intem ational basis, and a com pleto list o f such
190 facilities and the curricula offered in different centers and in different co u n tries is availab le through U N Authorities. A m ongst the most im portant o f such centers are the follow ing:
1)
T h e E uropean Space R esearch O rgan izatio n E S R O , offers educa-
tional program s w hich include scientific p rogiam fellowships fór experienced researchers to work in European Sp ace Institutes.
2)
European U niversity Student Fellowship fór post-graduate training
in the space disciplines, as well as summ er schools in space Sciences and technology and the special colloquia an d symposia.
3)
T h e U S N ational A eronautics and Space A d m in istration program s
offer the follow ing educational and research facilities: a — International U niversity G raduate Courses on Space Sciences. b — Post-D octoral Fellowhips on Space Sciences. c — Post D octoral and Senior Post-D octoral Resident R esearch Associates
d — Fellowships and training in connection w ith N A S A cooperative projects w ith other countries.
4
) Soviet U n ion and East E uropean Program s includin g symposia ,
seminars and summ er schools etc.
5)
Space Science C en ter in T h u m b a E quatorial R ockét L a u n ch in g Sta-
tion in India. 6 ) L atin A m erican School on Space Science and Sp ace Physics in B ariloche, A rgentina.
7)
W orld M eteorological O rgan ization facilities in w h ich p eriod ic w ork-
shops on m eteorological satellites are organized. 8 ) C om m unication Satellites Techniques organized b y the In tern a tional Telecom m unication Union.
191 c — REGION AL
TRAINING CENTERS IN SPACE SCIENCES
R égió n ál training centers liave been organized to
offer such
courses
which are o f great im portance to the developing countries w ith due notice to their specific requirem ents. Somé o f these facilities could be cited:
1
O l p articu lar interest is the new ly founded E xperim ental Satellite
C om m unication E arth Station in A h m ad -A b ad , In d ia w ith the assistance o f the special fund o f U N developm ent program . T h e station promises
to
fü l the already existing gap b y providing one o f the most im p ortan t needs o f the developing countries. This station w ill provide practical training courses in operating and m aintaining ground stations and offers two distinct and different training courses:
a — A highly advanced course fór scientists and engineers dealing w ith space com m unication systems. b — T rain in g courses fór m aintenance personnel w hich w ill cover all aspects o f instrumonration, the equipm ent and processing used in com m unication satellite ground stations. As a com plem entary program
fór the two forem entioned projects,
arrangem ents have been m ade w ith U S fór the experim ental stations to carry on tests on the various experim ental phases o f the courses w ith satellites launched b y the U S .
2)
T h e G overnm ent o f Poland has proposed an in tem ation al training
schem e as the first step towards active intem ational space collaborations. N otin g that a shortage o f technical specialists was p rob ab ly the most im portant handicap. or the simple barrier fór somé countries fór participation in space projects, this proposal has been m et w ith the greatest interst.
192 Considering the fact that regai dless o f w hether education and train in g o f this kind is carried out on a bilateral, régiónál or intern ational basis, it appears that centers established fór this objective in the near fu tu re can assist m aterially in assuring greater tries w hich are already
pai ticipation b y the developin g cou n
m ore or less active or w ill soon ap pear on the
horizon. R eports from T E R L S ( T h u m b a ) and training facilities provided reveal
C E L P A ( M a r de l’ Plate) on
continued sponsorship o f these ranges
o f possibilities, - likewise reports indicate the ava ila b ility o f the San M a rc o and K o u ro u ranges fór cooperative projects and training. Som é universities have organized departm ents o f Space Sciences. T h e im pact o f space exploration on educational curricula
in
secondary school
education, the com plexity and pioneering natúré o f space efforts has dem anded research and developm ents in nearly every engineering and scien tific disciplines. NASA
T ech n o lo gy
U tilization
Program is the most active element
in the T ech n o lo gy Transfer. T h is program being responsible to bring the technological developments q u ickly to the attention o f the people in industiies, governm ents an d uni versities. Space A g e is providing the developing countries w ith m eans and facilities to ju m p over several steps in the traditional lad d er lead in g from m anual m aci otechnologies to the autom ated m icrom ethods. In order to m aterialize such concepts, specialized techniques are to be adopted
and consequently
new
education
and
training
in
the various
disciplines are im perative. T his is o f particular interest to the developing countries w'here suffer from shortage o f personnel and expertized staff.
they
193 D — SPECIAL
IN T E R N A T IO N A L
E D U C A T IO N A L
FACILITIES
A p a rt from the facilities available w ithin the fram e-w ork o f n ation al space activities, in tem ation al and régiónál organizations alsó have program s fór education and training in the fields o f the peaceful uses o f outer space such as : 1 — U N IT E D N A T IO N S
Facilities available at the U n ited N ations
sponsored T h u m b a
E qua-
torial R ockét L au n ch in g Station ( T E R L S ) in India.
2 —
IN T E R N A T IO N A L
T E L E C O M M U N IC A T IO N
U N IO N
a — O rganizes Seminars b — Prepares m anuals on subjects o f special interest to developing coun tries. c —
Provides fellowships and
expert instructors through
the U n ited
N ations D evelopm ent Program ( U N D P ).
d — A cts as the executing agency fór fifteen training centers, U N D P Special F und Projects, - scattered throughout the world. e —
Provides assistance in the provision o f training facilities at the experim ental satellite earth station at A hm ed - A b a d , India.
3_
W ORLD
M E T E O R O L O G IC A L
O R G A N IZ A T IO N
O rganizes seminars on the interpretation and use o f data obtained by m eteorological satellites. 4—
U N IT E D
N A T IO N S
E D U C A T IO N A L ,
S G IE N T IF IC
AND
CU LTURAL
ORGANIZATION
U ndertakes a w ide rangé o f activities concerned w ith
the education
and training o f scientists at all levels, including sum m er schools fór yo u n g astronomers.
194 5 —
IN T E R N A T IO N A L A T O M IC E N E R G Y A G E N C Y
Provides training
in fields o f relevance to outer space research such
as nuclear physics, nuclear reactors, health physics and w aste disposal.
6—
E U R O P E A N SPACE R E SE A R C H O R G A N IZ A T IO N
a — Provides fellowships fór nationals o f m em ber States. b — O rganizes scientific round-table conferences, sum m er schools and colloquia. 7—
IN T E R - A M E R IC A N C O M M IT T E E F Ó R S P A C E R E S E A R C H
a — Has concerned itself with exchange o f in foim ation , jo in t program s o f research, teaching and educational matters. b — Has organized a L a tin -A m erican School on Space Physics.
8—
P R E SE N T F A C IL IT IE S
A R E IN A D E Q U A T E
A v a ila b le facilities are unfortunatelv rarely suited to the needs o f the developing countries. Future training program s m ay therefore require to be undertaken under the aegis o f the U nited Nations through a com m ittee or commission whose task w ould consist prim arily in : a — Go-ordinating the training facilities offered by the States leading in the space efforts.
b — E xam ining the present training needs and p rovidin g the necessary expertized personnel in this dom ain, if requested.
c — Supervising the training program s and suggesting new directions o f training, should the need arise.
d — O rgan izin g U nited Nations sponsored conferences, sym posia and training couises.
195 Publishing or organizing the publications o f directories, bibliographies, abstracts and reviews related p articu larly to space training (fellowships, courses, congresses, conferences, etc) . P roviding fellowships and travel grants.
E - S P A C E CONTRIBUTIGNS TO AGRICULTURAL REFORMS
1-
TH E
C R IT E R IA TO
TO
APPLY
A G R IC U L T U R A L
T h e econom ic developm ent
M ODERN
S P A C E S C IE N C E S
PR O BLEM S.
o f m an y countries depends p rim arily on
agricultural reforms, research and efficient use o f natural resources. N aturally such agricultural reforms and developm ent projects involves planning, designing and program m ing w h ich necessitates collection o f inform ation, interpretation and data
processing and
the
most
efficient
utilization o f
the results w ith due consideration to the basic requirem ents. Such programs w ould be only effective, if proper adm inistrative methods and procedures are applied, such means and im plem ents w ould be the earth resources satellites fam ily.
In the field o f agricu lture there are quite a num ber of
specific applications which deserve consideration and only a b rief discussion o f their meríts presents cases o f utm ost interest.
A — In mosoon areas such as countries in South-E ast A sia, the crop yields are to a large extent dependent on the in itial rain fall p reced in g the m onsoon period. This tim e-interval varies over several weeks in different regions and the rainfall pattern occupies areas up to 20 square kilometers. T his rainfall is always characterized b y a considerable surface tem perature decrease. D elineating such areas through m app in g du rin g the critical rain fall period can substantially increase the reliability o f crop yield predictions and significantly
im prove
crop conditions. Better yield predications
are expected in areas subjected to tem perature rises up to
40 °
C several
197 da^s to a week after the corn tassels inhibit pollination. D ehncation o f such areas where tasseling occurs and recording tem peratures in such areas w ill provide better yield predictions. ®
R cm o te—sensois in satellites could be used to detect crop infesta-
tions injuiies b y insects and plánt diseases, effects o f soil m oisture, salinity, chem ical com position and soil textu ie and ingredients, furtherm ore and o f vitai
im portance is
the fact that
the proper irrigation tim e could be
determ ined.
C — Countries with excess or surplus food reserves and agricu ltural products are constantly searching a bettei and a m ore efficient utilization of such w ealth resources. This could be achieved through fin d in g a better m arkét or transform ing the agricultural products intő new products that could easily be consumed. O n the contrary countries with deficiencies on food supplies and agricu ltural products are alsó constantly searching means and facilities fór m ore and better
an d efficient production. In both these
contradictory and rather extrem e situations remote-sensors o í bio-sensors on satellites can greatly and trem endously accelerate the collection o f data, help processing and an alyzin g the results fór the required objectives which w ould ultim ately prom ote the national econom y, dérivé far m ore efficient and advantageous incom e from Capital uivestm ent and a still far m ore m aterial and psychological benefit to the deprived masses o f population and in urgent need fór even the most elem entary necessities o f life. D — In the m ore highly advanced productive agricu ltu ral nations, the most im portant and m ain contribution o f the earth resources satellites w ould be a tim ely inform ation on soil, w ater, m eteorological elements and atmospheric conditions w hich could be u ltim ately fed through the com puters fór perfect and accurate p lanning o f the future projects. In such cases the producers have to treat the problems m athem atically and the statistical data w ill guide them on their future plans and objectives.
198 Such com puterized techniques will allow them to choose the best crop yield conditions, live-stock and
the best ingredients o f a balanced
anim al husbandry, choice o f
food-ration
fór the
certain artificial com pounds
to yield better rich protein value m ilk and better protein valu e fór the m eat. T h e associated and really coherent benefits o f such autom ated data processing techniques could be used both fór the developm ent plannings and alsó equally well fór the resources m anagem ent. E — Poor soil drainage has been always the greatest h an dicap and a constant barrier fór a successful agricu ltural concern,. T h e case has precedence in A rgentia region called Pam pas, w here the soil drain age d u rin g a greater part o f the grow ing season is extrem ely poor and the drainage properties o f the area had never been studied before and never m apped from the point o f view o f the practical agricultural requirem ents. R em otesensors on
satellites can afford a
standing waters
significant contribution
to m ap all the
im m ediately after a heavy rainfall and few days after.
G om parison o f the space-photographs and maps o f the area
im m edi
ately after and then with a time interval o f a few days w ould indicate where the most serious drainage problem exists, such determ inations can only be m ade by the contributions o f these remote sensors which assess the ground porosity or otherwise and assist in m apping the areas w here im m ediate actions are required, such Solutions could nőt be obtained otherwise.
2-
A P P L I C A T I O N S O F B IO A N D R E M O T E SEN SO R
S A T E L L IT E S
It is notew orthy to consider that the rem ote biosensor suiveys by such satellites are capable o f providing a g ie a t deal o f inform ation on a wide spectrum in the fields o f agriculture such as soil classification, crop conditions, w ild life, ichthyology, horticulture, anim al husbandry, foiestry, etc. Somé o f these
A -
SOIL
results could be b riefly expressed as follows:
C L A SSIFIC A T IO N
AND SOIL
C O M P O S IT IO N
Biosensors can help us on the classification and categorization o f the various soils suitable or otherwise fór cultivation. T h is recognition is of great econom ic im portance and their qualitative and qu antitative analysis and understanding offers the highest priority in an y a g ricu ltu ral concern. Biosensors can help us to determ ine the chem ical com position, m etallic or non-m etallic constituents such as the percentage
presence o f the various
salts and base m etál elements o f C a, K , P, Fe, M n and M g w hich are the predom inant factors in crop qu ality control.
B -
SO IL C A PA B ILITIES
AND C R O P
YIELDS
Biosensors can help us to determ ine the soil capabilities fór the various crop yields
depending
on
their
chem ical
com position
and
contents,
texture and grains, the ability or cap acity to retain hum idity and w ater contents and the degree to which evaporation could be allow ed and even
200
w ith their tem perature and the degree o f salinity. T h e ability o f such soils to harboui m icro-organism s responsible fór plánt grow th and an unders tanding o f their characteristics is o f great im p ortan ce to agriculturalists. M odificátions
o f the dom inant factors fór the crop yield, com p atible w ith
the existing conditions, w ill m axim ize the farm ing efficiency. Sim ilarly biosensors can help us determ ine the specific alterations to the fauna and fló ra o f ceitain regions w ith a view to m axim ize the far m ing and agricultural efficiency and thus draw the most possible advan tage on Capital investment. This applies equ ally to the best environm ental possibilities fór anim al husbandry and h o iticu ltu ral problem s w hich in certain regions, specially in the sem i-arid regions, presents the most difficu lt p ro b lems.
C — FLOOD CO N TR O L
Biosensors can
help
M EASURES
us determ ine flood
occurence.
Considering
the
m aterial loss o f such invading floods to crops, forestry, cultivation etc. nőt to m ention the most im portant w hich is due to land erosion,
the contiol
o f such flo o d disasters is o f great and vitai im portance to countries often invaded b y such natural disasters. Estimates reveal dam ages o f the order o f inillions and m illions, which cannot be com pensated nor easily restord. T h e case is a g g ra va ted by the fact that such n atu ial catastrophes are nőt on ly a m aterial loss, bút on occasions, a source o f loss to hum án life and property. T herefore, an u n derstanding o f the causes and effects through these m odern forecasts and prediction techniques will be o f utmost m aterial and p sych ological valu c to millions and millions o f the inhabitants o f the developing countries D — COM BAT
AG AIN ST
C R O P DISEASES
Biosensors can help us determ ine the unhealthy crop conditions and devise a m ethodic means o f com bat against such crop diseases. This deserves
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