Luxor Temple and the Cult of the Royal Ka

LUXOR T E M P L E A N D T H E C U L T O F T H E ROYAL KA* LA !V!V Y B E L L , I ' n i \ ~ ~ r . \ofi r C'liic,crgo ~~ Drtlicwrrtl ro /he ka of Lahih Hahachi

BEc.AtlsE of its unique subject matter. Luxor Temple (fig. la-b) is perhaps the least known major monument in the Theban area. Excavations begun there in 1885 were carried out sporadically until 1960. when the north face of the Pylon. the northeast corner of the Court of Ramesses 11, and the south end of the Avenue of Sphinxes were revealed in their present state. In 1966, Eberhard Otto wrote:

The original cult of the [temple] is u n k n o w n . . . [and] little is known about the special cult form [of the Amon] of this temple or even about the meaning of the I.uxor festival itself. . . . The high point of the religious life of Thebes was the Luxor [Opet] festival. . . [where] the connection between king and god experienced a n impressive demonstration. Very often the king himself took part in the procession, and several kings were elected [by the god Amon-Re] during this occasion: among others Hatshepsut and Horemheb. . . . [The] representation[s] of the festival procession . . . give a general idea of the festival's progress, [but] they reveal very little about its meaning. . . . [Wlhat exactly took place in the temple of Luxor'? The Egyptians remain silent. The attempted explanations of modern scholars may all be right in parts. It remains doubtful, however, whether any one of them has got to the bottom of the matter.'

O t t o concludes in desperation that ". . . we must consider the possibility that the Egyptians themselves lost the true understanding of the festival in the course of time," and this is where the situation has remained down to the present day. Progress in understanding the full significance of this temple has been seriously hampered by the general lack of reliably published documentation on most of its reliefs and inscriptions. U p to now, knowledge of Luxor Temple a t first hand has been necessary to gain any appreciable insight into its inner workings. It is only after the nine years that the Epigraphic Survey team has been working in Luxor Temple that we are finally in a position t o be able t o present a completely new interpretation of Luxor and its great annual festival, the Feast of Opet. We can now describe Luxor as the temple dedicated t o the divine Egyptian ruler o r , more precisely, t o the cult of the

* Wherever possible I have uaed the standard abbreviations found in Wolfgang Helck. Eberhard Otto. a n d Wolfhart Westendorf, eds.. Lr.uiXo17 der. k ' , q ~ ~ ~ ) r o l o ,(1.A') ~ i t , (Wiesbaden. 1975- ). vol. 4 . pp. ix-xxx. Initial citations ofjournal articles include [ J I t T 4 4 n o 4(1985)] 1985 The U n ~ \ e r s ~ of t>Ch~cago All r ~ g h t \r e a e r ~ e d 0022-2968 85 4404-0001$1 00

article titles; thereafter articles are cited by journal. volume. and year only. I would like t o express my sincere appreciation here for the tireless efforts of Martha R. Bell and Katherine Roaich in the preparation of the typescript of this article on the IBM 308 1 D mainframe at the University of Chicago Computing Center using T R E A T I S E S C R I P T text formatter. 1 Otto. O.\iri\ L I H ,4 ~ I I I L I I ~KLIII : LIII~ /71,;Ii,yo .T1urror7 (Munich. 1966). trans. Kate Boase-Ciriffiths. Eq111riur7 A r r ur7(/ r l ~ e('LI/I\ of O.\iri.\ ur7(/ i111io17 (hereafter O\iri.\ ur7tl A17ion) (London. 1968). pp. 97-98. 100.

FIG. I .---a) Sketch-plan of Luxor Temple, drawn by W . Raymond .lohnaon: the temple precinct. after Porter and Moas. Topoyraphic,al Bihliogrophj..

royal ka. Although much work remains t o be done in refining this statement, I believe that it represents a major breakthrough in our understanding of the cult of the divine king, even the very nature of kingship in the New Kingdom.

LLJXORTEMPLEA N D

THE

CULTOF

THE

ROYALKA

FIG. I.-b) Sketch-plan of L.uxor Temple. drawn by W . Raymond Johnson: detail of rooms south of the Eighteenth-l)ynasty Portico, after Nelson, K ~ J IPkr17\ . Sllowin,g Loc,urior7r of Tllrho17 G n > , ~ k ~~l'l'Ol'~tiOt75.

In a n attempt to better understand the details of the reliefs which the Epigraphic Survey had recorded in the Tutankhamun Colonnade, and t o put them into their proper perspective, we began t o examine the possible meaning of the Opet Festival in the context of Luxor Temple as a whole. In 1980-81 we were contacted by Wolfgang Helck, who invited us to contribute to the Lexikon c/er ~ ~ l p r o l o on ~ i the e subject of the "Opetfest," the "Luxor" entry already having been written by Paul 8arguet.* William Murnane, who had been with the Luxor project from the beginning, and who was also preparing his Perigrrin Glricie t o Aric,ier~t Egj3,t)r a t the time. agreed to undertake this task. The result was encouraging and provided the first real focus for our researches.' Murnane then turned his attention t o the reliefs of the Birth Room a t the south of the temple. H e has now made hand-copies of the inscriptions in the Birth Suite. Barque Vestibule. and Barque Sanctuary ( R o o m s XIII: XIV, V111. and XI; XII), and has described their decoration in considerable detail.

During one of the many journeys which 1 made through the temple later that same season, my eye was attracted to a n inscription on a n architrave in the Court of Amenhotep I l l just to the south of the Colonnade. Its text had long been published, but no great significance had ever been attached to it.4 Here Amenhotep 111 states that he was "one who made monuments in Luxor ( ' l p t ) for the one who bore him," describing Luxor Temple as his' place of justification (11,- r).' in which he becomes young again ((111,11./').the palace ( I,) from which he goes forth in joy a t the ( p r o p e r ) time of his appearance ( a s king) (!I . f ' ) , his r ~being in every face (i.e.. Lisible to e ~ e r y o n e ) ,the Lord of the T w o t r a n s f o r m a t ~ o n s( ! i / ~ f') Lands Nebmaatre (i.e.. Amenhotep 111).

By the end of the Epigraphic Survey's 1981-82 season. 1 had begun trying to associate several distinctive features of the decoration of Luxor Temple. These include the location in the First Court of named colossi of the deified Ramesses 11' (otherwise known for this ruler in the Luxor area only at his mortuary temple): the fact that Alexander the Great, who was considered a son of ~ e u s - ~ m m o n , \ e b u i l tthe barque King Haremhab." J E A 39 (1953): 23; Donald B. 4 C.'r!i. 1V. 1683 1-4. For the economy of writing &.ti.. pp. 3-27. Redford. Ei,ql~r(~(~rirli e ~ i d e n tin the spelling tits(/ \ \ I . ) . and in !ir ( t i h ) nh r ~ t . 1 , s. ee Gardiner. EG. p. 52 (62): M.h ll. 138.18. X Labib Habachi. 'eurure.\ of /lie D r i f i ~ ~ u ~ iof oti 5 I take this suffix t o refer throughout t o the king. ) .A l K 5 (GliickR N I I I P \ \ ~I 1 \ (hereafter F ~ N I L I ~ PAI D although b'illiam Murnane is equally convinced that stadt. 1969). pp. 24-25. it pertains t o Arnun. A n inscription of Seti I o n a n F r a n ~ o i sDaurnas. L A 11. 474; Helck. 1.A 1. 132. architrave of the Luxor Colonnade which calls F o r differing Liews o n this question in Hellenistic 1.uxor Temple Arnun's "august chapel of justificah ~ s t o r y s. ee D. G . Hogarth. "Alexander in Egypt and tion." 17itt.f i l ) \ ( i , r ) n ( 1 . 1 ) it.17-1?1' (cf. Wh. S o m e Consequences." J E A 2 (1915): 57-59 (this Rrle,y\r. 1. 310.9). would seem t o support his vlew. reference kindly called t o my attention by Martha R. H o w e ~ e r . the justification involved is surely the Bell): Edwyn Bevan. Tlir Ho~r\ca of Ptole1,71.: .4 king's as much as the god's. For Amenhotep Ill H i t r o r l . of & I . / I / urit/rr r/ir P / o l e t ? i u i ~D~ ~ , t i u \ r ~ , described a t I.uxor Temple as !ipr t,~riic,icr \c,11-ti?5'. (reprint ed.. Chicago. 1968). pp. 12-14 (this refersee 1't.X. IV. 1700.3: cf. 1698.17. Gi\en the close ence kindly called t o my attention by Richard association of king and god a t I.uxor. a clear Jasnow); Robin I.ane Fox. Aleruntlei. tllr' G r ~ u r distinction between them may not be possible. the (London. 1973). pp. 200-18; A . B. Bosworth in god's renewal being a c h i e ~ e dthrough the rebirth of K. H. Kinrl. ed.. Grrrc.c, uticl /lie Eutrerti .\4et/i­ the kingship d u r ~ n gthe coronation. jubilee. and Opet rrrrurieon iri Anc.irti/ H i . \ r o r ~ . ~ nPtr/r l i i \ / o r ~S: t ~ r t / i r \ festivals: cf, below. n. 154. F o r the merging of king Prr\erirrt/ ro Fririr: . S ~ I 7 u ~ ~ l i e r n ion r 1 ~/lie r O~~~u.\iori and god. see Dieter Arnold. Der T e t i ~ l ) rtl/ r \ Kijni,y\ of hi\ Ei,yl~tierhBirrht/oi (Berlin and New York. .\4~~17r~r/iore/1 1977). pp. 51-75 (this reference kindly called to i,ori Deir el- Buliuri, vol. I . A r(,l~ireX tlir ~ r r i t // Ie~ir~rri,q, LOI.2. / l i e M.uri(/relief.\(/e\ S u t i l i t ~ r u r e ~ , my attention by Martha R. Bell): J . Grafton Milne. AV 8 and I I ( M a i n / a m Rhein. 1974). vol. I . p. 73; .Mi\(.. Grf~goriuriu,pp. 145-49: G. T . Griffith. ed.. vol. 2. pp. 32-33; see further L. Bell. .MPlun,qrc A l e \ - ~ t i t / e /he r Gi.eo/: Tlir .\4uin Prohle1,7r (hereafter .MoXIirur (hereafter .Me/. .MoXlirur: BdE. forth­ A l e v u ~ i t / r rrlir Grrut (New York. 1966). pp. 151-58. coming). 166 ( W . W. Tarn): pp. 179-87 ( 3 . P. V . D. Balsdon); Jaroslav Cern)'. Coli1ti7unir1.,p . 35. quotes this p. 240 (3. R. Hamilton); pp. 288-89 ( E . Badian): this passage in his discussion of the term St-117 I , citing anthology kindly called to rny attention by Martha R. as parallels a hymn t o the Aten In which Akhetaten is Bell. For the Alexander Romance. see Otto. O\iri.\ referred t o a s Akhenaten's St-117- I (in a context ontl ,41,7ori, p. 98: Helck. L-i' 1. 132; Assmann in J a n involving the H \ ~ . r - B t i h t i a) nd a n inscript~onon the Assmann. Walter Burkert. and Fritr Stolr. F ~ i r i k ­ west face of the eastern obelisk at I.uxor extolling .M1,/1105: Drei uI/(~rietitultiorien lint/ /.ei\r~iri,qeti Ramesses I 1 a \ "one who makes benefactions for his i.\(./ir Bricpiele. O B O 48 (Gottingen. 1962). pp. 3 1-33 father Arnun in the S t - I J I , 1" (see K. A. Kitchen. (this reference kindly called t o my attention by R U I J ~I t.i c ~ . rll. . 599.6). For the Hic,r-hrihn, see further Helen Jacquet); Hogarth. J E A 2 (1915): 56-57; n. 100 below. , in Griffith. ed.. Bevan. Holr\r of P r o l r ~ ~p ~3:i ~Tarn ' For the range of this word's associations with the ilIe.rurit/er t l l r Grrtrr, p. [158]. For a n analysis of the king. see Alan H Gardiner. "The Coronation of description of the Siwa oracle itself. cee tern)' in (/fa\

L r : x o ~TEMPLE AND

TIIE

CULTOF THE ROYALKA

255

chapel at ~ u x o r . " 'leaving to his successors the renewal of the corresponding structure at Karnak; and the fact that the cult place of the divine Roman emperors was situated in the first vestibule ( R o o m V ) south of the Portico (the so-called hypostyle) of the original temple. During the course of our 1982-83 season, William Murnane and 1 and our chief artist, W. Raymond Johnson. had the opportunity to discuss our work in a series of informal seminars, held in Luxor Temple, with colleagues who included Klaus Baer, Edward F. Wente, and Charles Van Siclen of the University of Chicago; Janusz Karkowski, Jadwiga Lipinska, and several other members of the Polish-Egyptian Archaeological Missions at Deir el-Bahari; Erik Hornung of the Basel Egyptological Institute; Ricardo Caminos and Jiirgen Osing of the Egypt Exploration Society's Wadi Shatt el-Rigal Project; Gerhard Haeny of the Swiss Institute; and F r a n ~ o i s e Traunecker of the Franco-Egyptian Center at Karnak. The preparation and presentation of our material before such professional audiences helped us to refocus our ideas and made us think very logically about all the possible implications of our discoveries; we benefited tremendously from the critical comments, searching questions, encouragement, and suggestions of our listeners. W. Murnane now relates the events depicted in the part of the temple studied by him to the myth surrounding the succession of Horus (i.e., the king) to the place of his father. He o r g a n i ~ e sthe motifs and themes of the decoration as follows: ( I ) concep­ tion and birth of the divine king; (2) his acknowledgment by Amun and nurturing by various goddesses; (3) his coronation; (4) his public recognition by the Ennead: (5) the subsequent renewal of his powers by the celebration of his jubilee festival. He calls attention to the prominence here of the goddesses who suckle the young king, and of the Irrr~tnurcndt>n.1979). p. 84.

L ~ J X OTEMPLE R AND

THE

CULTOF THE ROYALKA

257

although dynastic succession could sometimes be a real problem. to be sorted o u t only after t h e d e a t h of o n e of t h e rival claimants. In each a n d every reign. t o be sure. b u t especially when the legitimacy of a particular ruler might be open t o doubt, the highest a u t h o r i t y which could b e invoked t o clarify the monarch's status is the device of the royal ha: all genuine kings possess it: n o pretenders d o . In a recent commentary o n Egyptian royal propaganda. 0 . D . Berlev has shed some light o n the means used t o justify cases of extraordinary accession: T h e n o r m is in the order o f things a n d therefore Loid of a n y interest a s a phenomenon. Quite a n o t h e r matter is a n exception. . . . [l]t i h doubtlessly the exceptions that counted with the Egyptians. . . . T h e exceptions a r e of t w o kinds: either t h e divine marriage takes place in the King's family. but the child conceived is female. o r the S u n blesses with his choice the family of ;I c o m m o n e r o r e \ e n a foreigner.. . . T h e God's &ill. a s if d o r m a n t in the ordinary cases, buddenly awake, a n d makes itself felt. In the case of 'Supreme Being. female'. . . the breach of the routine must h a \ e been calculated. aimed a t s o l ~ i n gthe problems which a r e beyond the power of t h e ordinary ( m a l e ) S u p r e m e Beings. In t h e case of a S u p r e m e Being born outside t h e royal family expectations a r e still greater: such a deviation from the n o r m is only then conceivable when it has some o ~ e r w h e l m i n ga c h i e ~ e m e n t .something bordering o n a miracle. a s its end.'­

S o the reigns of Hatshepsut a n d H o r e m h e b a r e r a t i o n a l i ~ e da n d the ~ n i r a c u l o u sevents attributed t o them explained.'" However, it should not be forgotten that all reports of oracular nomination t o office o r divine conception a n d birth were recorded only after they had manifested themselves undeniably:'\uccession t o the throne was normally d e facto proof of legitimacy. O n the o t h e r hand. T h u t m o s e Ill could nullify the legitimacy of Hatshepsut by denying that the royal ka had, in fact. descended u p o n her2" ( h e was most vehement in smashing her figures in the Birth Portico a t Deir el-Bahari). a n d s o the Nineteenth Dynasty could simply ignore Akhenaten. Smenkhkare. T u t a n k h a m u n , a n d Eye. claiming the hu had really fallen t o H o r e m h e b u p o n the death of Amenhotep I l l a n d counting the 1' Dwight W. Young. ed., Stuclie, Pre\rr7rec/ to Hun, JuXoh P o l o t \ X ~(East Gloucester. Massachu-

setts. 1981). pp. 364-65. ' 8 For the use of rolal propaganda t o justify the "anomalous" reigns of Hatshepsut and Horemheb. see also J o h n Van Seters. I n Seurc,h of H i t t o q . : Hi\ror~ogr.u/)hI in the At7c.r~ntWor/t/crncl thr Or!,qit7.\ of H1hlic.01H ~ . \ r o g(New . Haven a n d London. 1983).

pp. 174-76. I v Hornung. The, Ot7r uncl the Mot71, p. 142 and n. 119: cf. Jean 1.eclant. "Sur un contrepoids de Menat a u nom d e Taharqa: Allaitement et 'apparition'royale.".Wt;l. )%furur.. BdE 32 (Cairo. 1961). p. 264. For his defacement of the A-([-element in the rebus of her name Maatkare, see U . Holscher, Afet/inet Hohli I I . p. I3 ( f ~ g I. I); R . A. Schwaller d e 12ubic7. I.r\ Tt~n7plr.\cle KornaX (Paris. 1982). vol. 2. pl. 106; D r i r el-Bahuri I. pls. 10-1 1. 11. pls. 33-37. 40.44-45: I l l . pls. 56.64. 85; IV. pl. 106; Kurt l.ange and Max Hirmer. A,q~.l~rpn: A r i . / i i t r X t ~ r r Pla.ctiA M u l r r e i it7 (Ire, J u / ~ r r a ~ r t e n c l t ~5th n , ed. (Munich. 1975). color pl. 16 ( o p p . fig. 127); Etienne tlrioton.

"Deux crhptogrammes de Senenmout." .4SAE 38 (1938): 239: Ludwig Borchardt. B e i t r t ~ eB/. 2. 1938. p. 47. fig. 14 (this refernce kindly called t o my attention by Charles Van Siclen). For a similar frie7e ~ r i t i n g the early f o r m of t h e prenomen of Thutmose 111. rMt~-!7/)r-X:-R-.s ee Herbert Ricke. Heirrugi, Bf. 3.1. 1939. pi. I b: cf. p. 34 (3): Ali Radwan. "Der KBnigsname: Epigraphisches 7um :ur gottlichen Konigtum im Alten AgYpten." Stlrcl~tv~ oltu,q~~/)ticc.hen k ~ r l t ~ (hereafter rr. SA K ) 2 ( 1975): 23 1 ( D o k . 44); for the name ,kft1-!7/11--X i - R . see Bertrand n .Jaeger. f i w i clc. c./u.\\i/icuiiot7 PI c / ~ r ~ t i oelf>.\ i ( . u r o h k ~ \ M~nXhf;/;l,err6 (Fribourg and Gottingen. 1982). p. 129: Jiirgen von Beckerath. H ~ t ~ f / t lhl rclpr ( u,q\.l)ri\c,hen ~ i j r 7 i ~ . ~ r 7 c r t ~M 1 eAr Sl . 20 (Munich and Berlin. 1984). p . 226. F o r the frieie writing the prenomen of Amenhotep Ill in Luxor Temple, see P now Hellmut Hrunner. Die tiit/lri.hen R U L I ~ I (If,.\ I,tr.ror (hereafter 1.lr.ror). AV 18 Tete1.i I (Main7 a m R h e ~ n ,1977). p. 18 and pls. 2-3. 9-16, 18-19. 22.

years of his reign accordingly:" to the victor the spoils and to the survivor the lia. The common definition of "usurper." then, does not apply in the Egyptian context. T h e king's k a is born with him. o r rather it is created when he is conceived. perfect from the very beginning, flesh of god, and fully divine. F o r we see the infant k a depicted as his double2' throughout the episodes23of the divine birth: and it accompanies him t o the grave, as we see in the tombs of Amenhotep 1 1 1 , ~ ~ u t a n k h a r n u n . ~ ~ and ~ ~ e The . " representation of this k a is intended as proof of his divine origins2?and sufficient evidence that he was predestined t o rule. But he actually becomes divine only when he becomes one2Rwith the royal ka, when his human form is overtaken by this immortal element, which flows through his whole being and dwells in it. This happens a t the climax of the coronation ~ e r e m o n y . ~when ' he assumes his rightful place on the "Horus-throne of the living." According t o this formulation, the royal k a represents the "dignity" or office of kingship,30 while the individual king is viewed as a link in the chain of divine kingship which stretches back into the very dawn of Egyptian history. As an incarnation of the royal ka, each king was ex qf;fic.io a god:3' but the dual nature of the king is clear: embodiment of divinity while on the throne, his own mortality inexorably overtakes him. The transmission of the k a was achieved through the agency of Kamutef. the divine progenitor par e ~ c e l l e n c e .Whereas ~~ the nature of Amun-Re is hidden within his veiled naos during processions of his barque, even the body of Kamutef is visible to all

shade, see Bell. hIPI. .%-loXllrar (forthcoming). 21 Cf. Edward F. Wente and Charles C . Van Another means of specifying that the king is actlng in Siclen Ill. "A Chronology of the New Kingdom." in his Xu-aspect is found on stelae showing the Vi/ier Janet H. Johnson and Edward F. Wente. e d s . Stut/ie\ in H o n o r of Gror,ye R. Hu,qhr.\ ~ J U ~ L I12. N ~ I Paser following Ramesses I 1 carrying the standard of the royal k u : Mario Tosi and Alessandro Roccati. 1977) (hereafter Fc Hlighe.\). S A O C 39 (Chicago. Slrle r allre r / ~ i g r i r f rli / D r i r r l ,Metlitlo n -500011976). pp. 23 1-32. r7.50262: Catalogo (/el ,MLI~IJOE g i ~ i o (11 Torino -- S c h w e i t x r . M'e.\m t/rc Ku. p. 63: Jacobsohn. Do,yti~ar/.\lhe Strllur7,q, pp. 57-58. (hereafter S l r l r ) . Serie seconda-Collerioni. vol. I (Turin. 1972). p 304 (50095): Deir r l MPilinrll Deir el-Buhuri 11. pls. 46-55: 111. pl. 56: (193-5-1940) 11. pls. I0 (foll. p. 78). 37 (foll, p. 183): Brunner. Grhtrrl t/r\ GottXijt~i,q\,pls. 1 - 15. ?".D Ill. 78e; Friedrich Abitl, A'ijni,q lincl G o l l . B M Sti,lue 9. pl. 40.1 (328). A A 40 (Wiesbaden. 1984). p. 43, fig. 17. ?' Schweitrer. We.trn tlr.\ A'a, p. 58; Hornung. T h r A k x a n d r e Piankoff. S / I ~ ~ I J P pl.. \7; , Trea.c~rrr.\01 One irtltl l h r .MNIII..p 142. Hans Goedicke. /.'Eq1./1­ T~r1ur7Xhut1~tit1, Exhibition Catalogue. M M A (New tologir en 1979. A.\-rc /~rioriririre.\ ile rrl.hrrt1lr.c York. 1976). p. 31: Ab1t7. K i j n i g tint1 G o t t , p. 84. rr7 1979). Colloques interna(hereafter L'L:q~.l)tolo,qir fig. 35. tionaux du Centre Nationale d e la Recherche 2h Piankoff. "l.es Peintures dans la tombe d u roi Sclentifique. no. 595 (Paris. 1982). vol. 2. p. 126. A'i." M I > A I K 16 (1958): pl. 24; Abitz. Kijnig ~ i t ~ i l 30 Gardiner. "The Baptism of Pharaoh." J E A 36 Gotr, p. 88. fig 38. (1950): 7 and n. 2; R . 0 . Faulkner, review of 2: Hermann Kees. O / ~ / P ~ I N Ip. I : , 123. 1.. Greven. Der Ku in Throlo,yir ~ m t A'ijnr,y.~X~~lt l iler

2X Cf Schweitzer. M/e\en t/e.\ A'a, pp. 25. 52. An kRtY)rrr i1r.c Allen Rrichrc (Gliickstadt. 1952). JE.4

unusual iconographic d e v ~ c eused to indicate the 41 (1955): 141. Herman te Velde auggests descrtbing king's possession of the royal Xu is found in LD 111. the Xa as "the personification of kingship" (personal 121a = Walter Wres7inski. AI/u.\ 11. pl. 162: Heinr~ch commun~cation.1984). Schafer and Walter Andrae, Die Ktrt~.\ti/c,.c .4/trn ' I See, for example. Hornung. T h r O n r trntl rhr Or/rnr.\ (Herlln. 1925). p. 372. where the inscription M o t ~ t . , p. 142: most recently Kltchen. P/la~UO/l !In/( I , ) & ' ( I ) appears beside a n X i I I ( I . ) - \ I I . /n h 1~11.1. T r i t r n i l ~ l ~ a n tpp. . 174-75. 178: cf. Arthur Ilarby open fan held above Horemheb carried in procession. Nock. Z Y N N A O Z OEOZ, Harvard Studies in Kees. O/!fer/at7z. p. 235. n. 98. points out that this Classical Philology 41 ( C a m b r ~ d g e . Mass.. 1930). label does not d e s c r ~ b ethe fan bearer following the pp. 9, 14: Tarn in G r l f f ~ t hed.. . Ale.\-utltler the Greirr. klng's portable throne; Schwe~trer. U'e.\m c/e.\ K u , p. 154 p. 62, is troubled by the absence of a representation Jacobsohn. L A 111. 308-9: idem. Dogtirar/.\~.hr of the Xu here. F o r this fan as a symbol of the d i v ~ n e S t e l l ~ m gp. p. 57-58. 7,

I.\ pl. 23.2-3. cf. p. 18 (38); the title .SIP?,? ( I . ) Skr occurs 1hPhait7r.v: NP(~ropo1e rle Ilird' Ahir't7-Nuga: Lr, on one of the associated fragments (pl. 23.4). tctt~lheaur/'A!tlon~t~o.\ (rot~lheaut i " 19). M IFAO 57 5 2 Walther Wolf. Da.\ .sc,hijne Fest r.017 Oper: Die (Cairo. 1932). pl. 13 (Thutmose I l l ) . Charles Van Fkh).etformula is found elsewhere in association with portable barques and other appearances o r manifestations of the king o r a god. At Luxor it is repeated three places: ( I ) o n the base of the second column from the west (at the left of the entrance t o the A m u n chapel) o n the portico of the Triple Shrine: cf. .I. Vercoutter. "Les

z)

+

rising sun, on the same side a s the Birth Suite), a s the living royal ka. It is most instructive to note that the ka-name following the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt and S o n of Re is never written in a cartouche.14' This would serve only to particularize o r personalize the representation.14' But it is not the legitimization of a particular king's reign which is intended here; the temple can function in this respect for any and all kings. The representations of the divine conception and birth of Hatshepsut, Amenhotep Ill, and Ramesses 11 are most unusual documents in their rarity.143Why are they not found in every royal mortuary temple? And why are they found a t all in Luxor 'Temple, which is not a funerary temple?'44 The answer t o both these questions may be that the scenes a t Luxor, which were a n integral part of Amenhotep 111's design for the temple of the living ka, were indeed felt t o depict the transmission of the royal ka in such generic terms as t o serve for nearly every king ever to come onto the throne of Egypt. In a n y case, t o be acknowledged a s the legitimate royal heir of Amenhotep 111, and later Ramesses 11, could only have enhanced the position of a n y of their less illustrious successors. Luxor Temple thus seems t o have been the mythological and theological power base of the reigning monarch from the New Kingdom onwards. The enduring success of Luxor Temple a s a cult place of the living king's ka rests in the fact that individual identity is suppressed in its ritual: the monarch grows into the unique ka which is shared by all the kings of Egypt and has been handed on from ruler t o ruler since the creation of the universe. In contrast, the ka of the deceased king1" is manifested in its own special temple.146

143 F o r the general treatment of this genre. see

York, 1977). p. I I. F o r a related arrangement of the Brunner. Grhurr tie, Gorrkiit7i,q.\: for the reliefs of

king's names in the corresponding dedication inscripRamesses 11. see further G A. Gaballa. "New Evi-

tion o n the south of the exterior wall of the Montu dence o n the Birth of Pharaoh." Or. n.s. 36 (1967):

Temple a t Karnak North, see Karnak I , pls. 30-34: cf. L'1.X. IV. 1669.6-1670.14. Here we find the ordl299-304 and pls 63-65: Habachi. "La Reine Touy.

Femme d e Sethi I. et ses proches parents inconnus."

nary full titulary of A m e n h o t e p l l l (west side) opposed t o a n unusual titulary (east side) containing RtlE 2 1 ( 1969): 28-39.

1" Despite the recent suggestion of Donadoni.

names which are elsewhere unattested for this king. BSEG 7 (1982): 14-15.

T h e \ignificance of these variant names w ~ l l be discussed below. ' 4 Adored as a n aspect of Amun-Re: see Bell.

.If;/. .MoXhrur (forthcoming). 141 F o r examples of throne names. however. 1" The practical question here is where was the wrltten in cartouches and placed o n Xu-standards. living king's barque normally lodged'? For it could see Schweitler. WCJ\P~I (I?\ Ka, p. 60: Radwan. "Amenophis Ill.. dargestellt und angerufen als 0si:is have been kept in Luxor Temple during the king's MD.4 I K 29 (1973): 7 I . n. 5 and pl. 27b. reign and moved t o the king's mortuary temple only (1t~Ill7-11/r~')." upon his death, o r it could have resided normally in ' 4 2 For the original usage of the cartouche to write the king's profane b ~ r t hname (nomen), see Peter the royal mortuary temple. visiting the east bank only t o join the barques of Amun. M u t . and Khonsu Kaplony. I.A I l l . 610; for the antithesis of the kufor festival processions. The celebration of the cult of name and the monarch's individuality. cf. L A Ill. the living monarch in his mortuary temple has been 276-77: Nock. Harvard Studies 41. pp. 9. 14 For the dealt with by Nelson. J!VES 1 (1942): 145-46. 150. names of deified kings not written in cartouches. see Hermann Grapow. Wir, tlir ulren A , y ~ , ~ ~ 5ith r r ~ r 15 1. Nelson's difficulty with the identif~cationof the u17rr~tIe1r~t7,~ 1 \ei e 5ic.h ,qrii\\rrt~U I I ~wir \it, 17711- cult image in the king's barque now seems illusory: r~it7uncIer \11ruc./iet7, pt. 2. A P A W . Jahrgang 1940. the status of the king apropos of h ~ manifestation s In phil.-hist. KI.. no. I2 (Berlin. 1940). pp. 53-56: see the barque is not materially affected by whether he is further Bell. Mr;l. Mokhrur (forthcoming): t o the alive o r dead but is determined by the fact that he is references c ~ t e d there. add Calverley-Gardiner. there. and always shall be. a n aspect of the eternal Aht.tloc Ill. pl. 13. royal Xu. The need t o change the cult image inside

L ~ J X OTEMPLE R AND

THE

C ~ J LOF T

THE

ROYALKA

28 1

But the king still has o n e more astonishing transformation yet t o undergo. which we a r e privileged t o witness. At the south end of the west wall of the Barque ~ a n c t u a r y . l ~ ' he s t a n d s before the open d o o r s of t h e shrine of t h e b a r q u e of A m u n , extending his hand inside f o r the presentation of incense a n d elaborate floral bouquets (fig. 9). T h u s the king c o m e s directly into the presence of the god. whose glory is instantly reflected back o n t o him. This time he is endowed with a full titulary containing three unique names. H e has become the Horus: Mighty Bull. Monumental (i.e.. "abounding in monuments") a n d Divine (Mnrc,.~.iVlr_~>); T w o Ladies: Great of Monuments and Divine of Appearances; Golden One: Fashioner of the Shrines of Amun. W h o Provides f o r their Offering Tables. At s o m e point the H o r u s n a m e seems t o have been carefully erased. b u t it is obvious that the king has taken o n a whole new a n d distinct persona here in his intimate relationship t o A m u n . But just what has happened t o h i m ? At the climax of the offering ritual. the god has diverted the benefit of the offerings o n t o the king; the many pious a n d beneficial acts which the king has performed f o r the sake of the god a r e reflected in each of the new names. T h e choice of the particular offerings which a r e the immediate instruments of the king's apotheosis has hardly been left t o chance. T h e opposite wall shows the king in the prior episode of the cult.'" hailing ( n d - h r ) the god by pouring out pure water in front of him: t h u s he himself has presumably become purified before the g o d . But the culmination of the ritual o n the west wall is celebrated with "incense" ( s ~ L I a. )n d "(fresh) flowers" ( r n l ~ ~ . r ) . 'By 4 9 paronomasia,l5" this is what the king receives in his turn: "being made a god" (.snlrr). a s well a s "becoming young (again)" (1.np.i.) a n d enjoying m a n y more "years" (r17/>rt~t).'~' T h u s the epithet "divine" (nl~.,i,) figures

the barque after the mortal ruler's death should not have arisen. any more than it would have seemed necessary t o take down his colossal Xu-statues at I.uxor. Karnak. o r in Nubia; cf. Habachi. Brirra,ye Bf 1 1 . 1981. p. 48. See further Alexander M. Badawy. "Aberrations about Akhenaten." ZAS 99 (1973): 66: "The worship of royal statues during the lifetime of the king they represented does not imply a worship of the king himself. Indeed some of the kings as Amenhotep Ill at Soleb o r Ramses 11 at Thebes worship their own images. These statues were therefore sacred entities with divine attributes superior t o those of the king. One can perhaps think of the statue as embodying the deif~edconcept of kingship." 14' Cf. Jequier, I.ilrc~l7irec~rur.e I , pl. 69. 148 Schwaller d e Lubicr. Te177plt~ cle I'Ho177nlc.. vol. 2. pls. 68-69; cf. pls. 100-101. In Room V of the Seti I Qurna Temple. the king hailing Amun-Re with pure water (E). alternates with the lu17177uref'offering tnlr before Seti I ( W ) : see Christophe. "La Salle V d u temple d e Sethi le' i Gournah." BIF.40 49 (1950): 121-30. 149 In the Q u r n a Temple. Ramesses I 1 is shown offering both incense and fresh flowers before the barque of A m u n - R e carried in procession: L D Ill. 150a. 150 See ~ ~ H i e rBM(Gurc1mer). . 82. 92. The most elaborate example of a New Kingdom paronomastic

offering ritual is perhaps that of the presentation of green cloth f ~ u n dmost fully in pBr,rlin 1. 3055 ( A m u n ) XXIX.2-5 = Moret. Rirurl tlu c.ulre cli1,in iour17u!irr, p. 184. Calverley-Gardiner. .4hl,t/oc 11. pls. 12. 19. 27; cf. Mariette. Ahl,cloc I. p. 53. The phonetic and semantic combinations and permutations developed here are truly phenomenal. 151 Above the stern of the divine barque, behind the naos. we read rl1.1. . . rrlr /7/711 111 rn1111.r/?I. $1 H r I! 11 177 (171,-)cn.r-h1r 1111 R': see Chic. Or. Inst. photo 9418; o n the opposite wall. associated with the water rite performed before the barque. we read ( / I . ~ ( . n.X I) /7h,c 117 r17l))c.r (behind the naos): Schwaller de Lubic7. Te11711let/e I'Ho1?71?ic~, vol. 2. pl. 101. For the presentation of millions of years linked t o becoming young again. cf. L'rX. IV. 1753.18-20; Gayet. Te171/1lc, t/e I.ou.vor, pl. I0 (fig. 59); see also Bengt Birkstam in Sture Brunnsaker and ~ a n s - A k eNordstrbm. Fro117 rl7r G u \ t u ~ , i u n u tCollt~c,rion\ ,~ in U/)/I\U/U.1974. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Boreas. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civililatlons 6 (hereafter Boreu, 6 ) (Uppsala. 1974). pp. 19-24. F o r the presentation of fresh flowers linked to the achievement of millions of years. cf. Brunner. Lu-ror, pl. 59 (XVII 25c.2-4); Gayet. Ter77l1le c/e I.ou.ror, pls. 3-6 (figs. 1 1 . 14- 15. 19. 23. 26. 28-32.39).

L I I X O RTEMPLEA N D

THE

CI.LTOF THE ROYALKA

283

prominently in the king's special names,l" while the theme of rejuvenation.Ii' now familiar in t h e texts of the architrake a n d ku-statue considered earlier. a s well a s the intent of the dikine suckling ritual, is carried forward. This scene is followed irnmediately by the coronation. with the white crown affixed (east side) then the red crown (west side).Ii4 This scene clearly refers t o Episode 18 of the Ritual of A m e n h o t e p I."' which is equivalent t o Section 21 of the Berlin service-book."h the incense rite."? Inasmuch a s the intent of the Ritual is t o identify the reigning monarch with his divine ances1% I ii) tors. a n allusion t o it a t L u x o r Temple is hardly surprising. T h e earliest kersion of t h e text of the incense rite known t o m e occurs o n a n offering table inscribed f o r A m e n h o t e p ill."" but its origins lie in Spell 200 of the Pyramid ~ e x t s . ' T~ h' e F o r Amenhotep I 1 1 given the epithets triri. the Opet-shrtne. see Brunner. l.~r.\-(ir. pl. 77.14: for thi\ king described as t 1 i t . i . I! I I I . , see Haenq. Bt~trrd,yc~ Bf. I I. 1981. p. 84 (fig. 13. [In). 15' For queens from Hatshepsut through Mut­ r u y a described as relubenated. r11/11.r/,see L)c2ir 1.iBtil~ortIV. pl. 115: Brunner. tirhlrrt c/e\ (;ottAiit7iy\. pl 7: T h e Epigraphic S u r ~ e y Tllr, . Totiih of A'llrrlrr~f: TIicho~i 7i11?1/1IY? (hereafter Kllc'rlrrf). O I P 102 (Chicago. 1979). pls. 9. 49. 56: Geoffre) Thorndike \ o l I. Uartin. Tlirz Ro~,cilTot?ih (11 El- At?~cir~icr, .ZSE 35 (London. 1974). p. 88. fig. 711: 11abies. Ruti~o.\r,,pl. 33; ,4111crrr1crVI. pl. 27.1. 13: 1!. Bouriant. C i . 1,egrain. and G . Jequier. .Motiirtilenr\ polrr \er\,ir u i ~ l l l ( l 1r.H M Itiurcl~~irr), I h 0 Mrs. I.. Murra) Thriepland in (.o.A Ill. 233-35 and pl,. 107.1 1. 108. I h ' Nelson. J V E S 8 (1949): 221. n. 51. The beginning of this ,pel1 (PI,,-. 116a) reads: 117c_l-/l~A .it~[rtt7~1-/1rAit1-t1lr lt~c_l-/irkt i i t ~ - ~ t1ti11 , r \:,I Hr, The word play of this text. where irllr is balanced b) it7-111r. "god's brother." is extremely helpful In elucidating the meaning of its New Kingdom descendant. This spell occurs in the contest of the Opening

+

text normally occurs in conjunction with the depiction of a n incense offering; but o u r first real insight into this rite is gained f r o m the only instance in which the incense is absent.''' where Ramesses 111 is shown pouring o u t water before ~ e - ~ 0 r a k h t y . l ~ ' In t h e chapel of t h e deified Seti I in t h e Osiris Complex a t ~ b y d o s . ' ~Horus ' pours o u t water over t h e king. in a gesture linked by t h e accompanying recitations t o t h e Opening of t h e M o u t h ceremony. N o incense is involved. but the inscription a b o v e Horus declares "Pure is King Menmaatre, given life. for he (i.e.. Horus) has deified (st~~,.r.t~:f)"' him (i.e.. Seti I ) with his own eye; pure is his body a n d divineIhhis his image."lh7 T h u s it is t h e Eye of H o r u s itself which deifies the king, symbolized by but not necessarily restricted t o the particular agency of the incense offering. T h e deification of Seti I t h r o u g h t h e incense rite of t h e Ritual of Amenhotep I is also depicted in his chapel in t h e Osiris Complex a t ~ b y d o s ' " a n d in the Hypostyle Hall a t ~ a r n a k . ' " h he rite is repeated three times a t Abydos before various deities.17(' a s well a s in connection with the sacred emblem of 0siris.17' Since the divinity of these gods a n d the holiness of this standard were not in question in these representations. t h e effect of t h e rite here must be t o s u m m o n t h e relevant deities t o t a k e u p temporary residence in particular cult statues o r fetishes. T h e performance of the rite before the king would therefore designate him a divine manifestation; hence its use in the G r e a t T e m p l e a t A b u Simbel. where it is repeated four times'72 before t h e barques of Ramesses 11 deified a s A m u n - R c a n d ~ e - ~ o r a k h t y .In' ~the ' progress of the Ritual of A m e n h o t e p I . it is precisely between t h e performance of the .wl,-r-rite a n d the following offering list that a n a b r u p t transition occurs. which perplexed Gardiner:I7" T h e first seven sections into which I have divided the text a r e preserved in C alone. and six of them read for all t h e world like a ritual composed o n behalf of king 1)jeserkarE . i . r . Arnenophis I . Except in o n e single passage ( C I . 2) the god Arnun is not mentioned. In the seventh section ( C 4 . 1-12) there is a pu77ling change. Throughout the recitation5 belonging t o the banquet the recipient addressed is not 1)jeserkare . but Arniin. . . . Again. the sudden change

of the Mouth Ritual. with the Horus eye here my attention by Edward F. Wente.

associated with a n offering of ir7fr. "incense." For the IhhTaking *tlrr/ as a n error for r7lr1.orr ~ ~ rfor r ; the

corresponding text in the New Kingdom versions of form with gemination. see Gardiner. EG, p. 352. n. 13 the Opening of the Mouth Ritual. see Otto. .ll~itrtl- (439): cf. also L'rI,. IV. 340.5 (rirrr.\) = 141.4 (rl/rr.f). i j f f r ~ u r ~ g t r i r ~I.r oI l1 1-17; ll. 108-10 ( S c r ~ 4p 7 ~ 6 1 ) . 167 For tit^\^,. "cult image." see further Bell. .Me/. In Scene 6c-d we find word play between strfr(\~.).A .IloX/r/ar (forthcoming). and .o7\t..A trfrrt,: ibid.. 1. 16-17; 11. 49-50. 168 Calverley-Gardiner. Ahi tloc 111. pl. 40. ' 6 2 .llrtlirlrr H o h ~ IV. i pl. 242A. '6' See now Nelson-Murnane. Hil~oc!i,lr Hall I. 16' Nelson. J Y E S X (1949): 221. commenting that pl. 42. this scene "shows Ramesses I 1 1 pouring a libation. 170 Calverley-Gardiner. .Ahi.clo.c IV. pls. 47 ( R e not burning incense." declares that it is "typical of Horakhty. as in the Medinet Habu example). 48 the carelessness in detail with which temple reliefs in (twice: Osiris and Amun-Re). this later period were sometimes composed." 171 Ibid.. I. pls. 10-1 1. IhValverley-Gardiner. 4/11.(/o.cIll. pl. 35. 172 Habachi. Fratlirrc, pp. 4-6. figs. 3-5 (this refer16s U'h IV. 180.3. knows orfrr, "to deify." used of ence kindly called t o my attention by 1,abib Habachi) the king only at Edfu Temple. However. M.% IV. = € e rn$ and Edel. 4ho~i-Sinrhrl:Sollr.\ ir7rlrirurec. 180.5. cites its use in regard t o sacred animals in the tr.rte.c lrierogIj~~~hiq~ir(. CS. Centre de l>ocumentatime of Ramesses 11: see now Kitchen. Rot?i. 1n.cc.r. 11. tion Egyptologique (Paris. 1959). H27. H31. M5: 370.6-7: this reference obtained from Meeks. A r ~ r ~ l r M3 = f.0,Te.v/ V. 141. vol. 3. p. 260; for this text. see Ir.~ic~ogro/)/7iq~ir, 173 See Bell. .Zll/. Moklrtar (forthcoming). Siegfried Moren7. "Zur VergRttlichung in Agypten." 174 PHirr. B Zf IGarclir7rr), 101 -2. Z 2 S 8 4 ( 1959): 134 (8); this reference kindly called t o

f r o m 11jeserkar.E to Amiin in the offering-list'of C4. 1-12 is well-nigh inexplicable without the hypothesis t h a t in the first six sections the n a m e D-jeserkare has been substituted for the n a m e of .4mCin in o n e o r more of his forms.

In the end. Gardiner is forced t o consider the possibility "that Amen-Re' and Qjeserkare' could have been blended into a single personage in the Egyptian imagination. . . ."Ii' In fact, the transformation of the king into a god is effected through t h e agency of the incense rite: Amenhotep I Ramesses I 1 goes into the ceremony a n d A m u n - R e c o m e s o u t a t the end of i t . Likewise a t L u x o r Temple, Amenhotep 111 emerges deified from the Barque Sanctuary after a n incense ritual. A m e n h o t e p Ill's a d o p t i o n of new names after his union with A m u n - R e during the O p e t Festival has parallels elsewhere. S o m e unusual variants of royal names have significance in connection with the celebration of jubilee festivals: this is the case not only f o r T h u t m o s e 1 1 1 ' ~a n~d Ramesses 1 1 , ' ~but ~ for Amenhotep 111"' a s well. O n t h e occasion of his first jubilee,17' A m e n h o t e p 111 took the special names Horus: Mighty Bull. W h o ~ r o c l a i m s l " '( \ i , h r u ) Jubilees, a n d T w o Ladies: W h o Appears in the White C r o w n and Assumes ( r ~ % y . \ t) he Red Crown: o n his third jubileelxl we also find Horus: Mighty Bull. W h o Assumes Jubilees. O n a white faience box lid from ~ a r n a k , ' ~ ' associated with t h e celebration of o n e of his jubilees,''' this king becomes Horus: Ibid.. 102. PrX. IV. 598.9-600.15. I?' Marianne Eaton-Krauss. 1.k' V. I I I. n. 2: see also \ o n Beckerath. LA' 111. 551. ""he most recent collection of the names of Amenhotep I 1 1 is that published by \ o n Beckerath. H o t ~ c l h u ~tlrr ~ ha,y1/1ticc~hrr7 A'ijtli,qct1~1~r,1. pp. 85-86. 229-30. "9 K l l r r ~ r r f :p l. 26. Yote that his usual Horus name also appears twice in the texts of the jubilee kiosk I") More likely than "Who Repeats Jubilees" (unless in anticipation of the repet~tion).since this is a name assoc~ated with the first jubilee. F o r this problem. see Aldred. JEA 55 (1969): 73. n. 7. I X 1 A'herurf, pl. 49. Here we find the three Horus names of Amenhotep Ill in the kiosk. Reference should be made here t o the accumulation of Horus names attested for Seti I at h ~ Abydos s Temple. For this k ~ n gappearing with eight separate Horus names written simultaneously. see Calberley-Gardiner. ,4hl,clo.\ 11. pl. 35: cf. pl. 32 = Mariette. .Ah~,tlo\I . pl. 33 (the king's barque chapel). See further Calberley-Gardiner. .Ahi.(lo\, IV. pls. 53-55 (six Horus names in the thicknesses of the entrances into the Second Hypostyle Hall, o n the axes of the se\en barque chapels located at the back of this hall): I. pl. 36: 11. pls. 40-41 ( f i \ e separate Horus names on each side of the thicknesses of the doorways of the reLen barque chapels); Ill. pl. 18 ( f i \ e different Horus names in the thicknesses of the doorway between the Osiris Chapel and the Inner Osiris Hall: Marirtte. Ah~,tlocI. pls.42 (six Horus names in Corridor X , the Gallery of the Lists). 49b-c (fi\e Horus names in Stairway Y. the Corridor of the 175 "6

Bull). Most of the% names conslst of nothing other than elements of the full ~ e r s i o n so l t h e usual Horus. T w o Ladies. a n d Golden names of Seti I. 1.ikewise. seven H o r u r names of Seti I are found in his Qurna Temple. written in the thicknesses of the doorway of the Amun Ramesses I barque chapel: Chic. Or. Inst. photos 82241s). 8223(N: mostly destroyed). For three different Horus names of Rarnesses 11 in the thicknesses of the doorways of chapels in his Abydos Temple. see Mariette. Ah,tloc 11. pl. 20a-d = Kitchen. Rattl. Ir7cc.1..11. 546.9-548.6; for Ramesses I 1 with three Horus names at Karnak. see NelsonMurnane. H i p o c l ~ l r H a l l I . pl. 7 (this reference kindly called to my attention by William Murnane): for nine and fibe Horus names of this king on two statues from Heracleopolis. see Kitchen. Rat~i. Itl\(,r. 11. 501.3-11: l'hilippus Miller. "A Statue of Ramesses I 1 in the Ilni\ersity Museum. t'hiladel­ phia." ./E4 25 (1939): pl. 3 (foll. p. 4). At I.uxor Temple itself. the dorsal pillar of the head of the colossus of Ramesses I1 now set up before the east wing of the t'ylon contains two parallel Horus names: Muhammad Abdul-Qader Muhammad. "Preliminary Report on the Excavations Carried O u t in the Temple of 1-uxor. Seasons 1958-1959 and 1959-1960." ,4S,4E 60 (1968): pl. 53 (foll. p. 279). F o r Merneptah with two Horus names o n a lintel from his palace at Mitrahina. see C. C. Edgar. "A Building of Merenptah at Mit Rahineh." A S 4 E 15 (1915): 102 = Kitchen. Ratn Iti.\c,r. IV. 54.16-55.1. I X 2 (.'rX. IV. 1748.17-1749.1.

In3 Cf. Hayes. "Minor .Art and Family History in

the Reign of Amun-Hotpe Ill." BZf.MA 6 (1948):

276. The word "jubilees" is pl~rrcil in both its

occurrences on this piece. and the sign taken as 1/11.

Image of Re, Pre-eminent O n e of t h e T w o Lands; T w o Ladies: ~ a d i a n t l ' h fAppearances a n d G r e a t of Majesty: Golden One: Flourishing of Kas. Goodly of Years. Lord of Jubilees. In t h e surviving inscriptions o n the back of a fragmentary statue representing A m e n h o t e p 111 with his d a u g h t e r Isis, the king is called Horus: Mighty Bull, W h o Appears with ~ u b i l e e s . ' ~ T" h e names of A m e n h o t e p I 1 1 otherwise exhibit a n unusual range of variation: in his t o m b l x 5 his lirr is named Horus: Replete ( / ) , . I ) of Appearances; a t ~ o l e b he ' ~is~worshiped a s Horus: Mighty Bull, Imposing of Eminence ( . s h r n , f ? ~ ~ )Horus: ; ' ~ ~ W h o Assumes the White Crown. Beloved of Heliopolis; Horus: Enduring of Years, A b o u n d i n g in Festivals: T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes Laws a n d Unites the T w o Lands; Golden One: Radiant of Transformations ( t ~ / ~ r \ t .Great ). of Miracles; Golden One: (Celebrating) Hundreds-of-Thousands of ~ e s t i v a l s . Like ' ~ ~ unto Re: o n a r a m found a t Gebel ~ a r k a l ' ~(originally ' f r o m the temple of ~ o l e b ) . ' " h e is also called Golden One: Protector of the Gods. W h o Fashions their Majesties; o n his Leningrad sphinxes'" (originally from his mortuary temple),!" he is extolled as T w o Ladies: G r e a t of T e r r o r in Every Foreign Land: Golden One: W h o Tramples the Tribesmen a n d Seizes their Land; Golden One: W h o Smites the (eastern) Bedouin and S u b d u e s t h e Libyans; Golden One: Bull of the Kings, W h o S u b d u e s the Nine Bows; o n a statue discovered a t ~ r m a n t . ' " originally f r o m his mortuary temple. I94 he is f o u n d a s T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes ~ a w s l " a n d Effects Plans; Golden One: Great of M o n u m e n t s and Great of Miracles in the House of A m u n o n the West of Thebes: in the M o n t u ~ e m ~ l ehe" appears ~ a s Horus: [Mighty Bull,] Beloved of [ A m u n (?)I; T w o Ladies: W h o Unites the T w o Lands a n d Sustains i-learts: Golden O n e : S o n of A m u n . W h o is Satisfied (only) with T r u t h . This catalogue of n a m e forms would not be complete without reference t o the Colossi of M e m n o n . Both statuesly7 a r e called "Nebmaatre ( A m e n h o t e p 111)-is-the-Ruler-of-Rulers"; a n d the complete back pillar of the southern colossus'yXpreserves f o r us the names Horus: Mighty Bull, Ruler-of-theRulers; T w o Ladies: Great of M o n u m e n t s Owing t o his Strength. W h o Brings the

by both Hayes and Helck ( PrX. IV. 1749.4) is certainly / I \ / : see the photograph published by Hayes. T h u s the label accompanying this particular titulary announces "the appearance of the king with jubilees. the f a ~ o r e done. the likeness of Re when he arises." F o r Amenhotep I11 a s "lord of the jubilee, great of fabors" o n document sealings from Malqata, see Hayes. "Inscriptions from the Palace of Amen­ hotep Ill.".lVflS 10 (1951 ): 174. fig. 31 (S.25-26). I X V o r radiance as a sign of the presence of a deity. see Hornung. Tlir Otie cir~tltlir ma ti^', p. 134. IX" B. \ a n d e Walle. "La f'rincesse Isis. fille et epouse d3Amenophis 111." CcIE43 (1968): 43. fig. 2. 1x5 1-L) 111. 78e. 1x6 1.L) Ill. 83a ( I . 4-7). ' X 7 S o also von Beckerath. Lk' 111. 550; for the pattern of this construction. see Wh 1. 575.8-1 I. T h e Two Ladies name of Arnenhotep 11 begins Wtr-f 21t. ( S O von Beckerath, L A 111, 550; Hornung, ~ . 1,4 203, reads W.\,.:f-:~ c , ~ t , ) . 1X"ee Hayes. J V E S 10 (1951): 175, fig. 32 (S.72), for Amenhotep 111 with this epithet on document

sealings from Malqata.

1x9 ( Z X . IV. 1751.13.

"0 Reisner. Z , ~ S 6 6 (1931 ): 81 (6-10).

I y 1 E. V. Tcherelob. l~'rtrr7iX d r r ~ , ! i riclorii i 1949. 1

[27] (Moscow. 1949). pp. 94-98: M. Mat'e and

V. Pa\ lob. Pcrt,7iat!iiX i itk~rt.tt1.aclre~.tie,yoF:gil~rcr

I , t?i~r:ricrXh S o ! ~ r ~ ~ t X o ,S yo i u : ~ ~ (Moicow.

1958). figs. 44-45: cf. L R 11. 322. The hand-copie5 published in L'rX. IV. 1747.4-17. are incomplete. "2 P.M 11'. 453-54. 19' ('r.k. IV. 1758.5-6. I y 4 Spiegelberg. Rrc 7i.a~.20. 1898. p. 49. I y 5 Spiegelberg's copy indicates that the damaged text given at the beginning of ( ' r X . IV. 1758.5. originally contained nothing other than the usual ~~: T w o Ladies name of Amenhotep Ill. S t ~ i ! i - l i l the hand copy in L;rX. IV is misleading in this regard. 1 % Prk. IV. 1669.8-10. I y 7 Habachi. BeitrB,yr Bf. I I . 1981. p. 47: idem. F r u ~ ~ r r r p. c , 48.

I y X Idem. Beirru~eBf. I I . 1981. p. 44. fig. 7.

LLJXOR T EMPLEA N D

THE

CLJLTOF THE ROYALKA

287

Lower Egyptian Heliopolis t o the Upper Egyptian Heliopolis (i.e.. Thebes); Golden One: W h o Magnifies his Mansion of Eternity. But t h e architraves of t h e Eighteenth Dynasty Portico a t L u x o r ~ e m p l e " ' present t o us by f a r the greatest variety of names of Amenhotep 111. Most a r e derived from the normal titulary2"" by the addition of various epithets, but some a r e genuinely unique. Here we encounter Horus: Mighty Bull. S h a r p of Horns. Whose A r m is N o t Opposed in Any Land: Horus: Mighty Bull. W h o Appears in T r u t h , King Radiant of Transformations like the O n e W h o Created Him: Horus: Mighty Bull, W h o Appears in T r u t h , A b o u n d i n g in Monuments. W h o Effects M o n u m e n t s t o (his) Justification (\\'17-,11:r)201(var.: W h o Effects M o n u m e n t s in Karnak); T w o Ladies: Beloved Like A m u n - R e ; T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes Laws like the Lord of Thebes: T w o Ladies: W h o Establishes Laws a n d Pacifies the T w o Lands. Radiant of Transformations When he Appears (ti'":/') a s the Horizon Dweller (var.: Radiant of Transformations in All Lands: W h o Performs Great Miracles in Luxor): Golden O n e : Great of Strength, G r e a t of M o n u m e n t s a n d Miracles in the House of his Father Amun-Re; Golden One: G r e a t of Strength. W h o Smites the Asiatics. ~ a d i a n t : " ' and Beloved like A m u n (var.: Archer Mighty of A r m s like the Lord of Thebes). A remarkable private m o n u m e n t contains a n o t h e r eccentric H o r u s name of A m e n h o t e p 111. once m o r e clearly opposed t o the usual form of his Horus name.'"' A sandstone lintel f r o m T h e b a n T o m b 139'"' shows symmetrically arranged figures of the owner of the t o m b . Pairi. a d o r i n g a centrally located pair of cartouches of A m e n h o t e p 111. Flanking the cartouches o n either side. t w o different Horus names a p p e a r : o n t h e left we find Mighty Bull. W h o Appears in Thebes; o n the right. however. is the singular Mighty Bull. Majestic O n e of the T w o Lands. As noted by the editor. H . R . all.^"' t h o u g h not explained by him. Pairi wears a wig a n d is dressed in secular g a r b before Amenhotep's c o m m o n Horus name; before the unique name. his head is shorn. a n d he wears the leopard skin of the I~rn/~lrrtc~/: or .sr~~l-~riest.'"~ T h e distribution of these distinctive names in b o t h funerary a n d nonfunerary contexts. a n d the fact that the funerary examples include the king's k a in his t o m b a n d a t least o n e of t h e colossal ku-statues in his mortuary temple. taken together with the L u x o r evidence. indicate that we a r e t o understand these names as all applied The copies published in ( ' r l . IV. 1696.11705.12. were collated by Richard Jasnow for the Epigraphic Survey in 1981-82. while I made a complete photographic record of the architrave texts themselves. 1"" Care has been taken t o present only the names which are unquestionably included in part of the formal titulary. excluding the many other epithets which are also applied t o the king here. ?"I 1.e.. who achieves justification through (his) monuments. "I? Cf. OrX. IV. 1699.1. 1700.7: Helck's restoration of [ ! l / ) r l < . ]in each of these cases is t o be rejected. The gaps which now exist a t this point in the architrake inscriptions containing this name are largely the result of the s h ~ f t i n gof the columns supporting these a r c h i t r a ~ e s( personal observation. 1984): the gaps are now filled with modern concrete.

203 F o r other monurne~ria containing similarly disposed double titularies. see Drir el .MPt/inr/l X X I , pl. 9.2 (lintel of Ramesses 11: for the restoration of the damaged name. cf. LL) 111. 194. where He W h o Curbs the Foreign Lands occurs a s Ramesses 11's Xu-name in a triumphal scene of smiting prisoners before Ptah-Tatenen a t Abu Simbel: Habachi. "Sethos 1's Devotion t o Seth and ~ k a r ~ s . " z I00 k ' ~(1974): 97 (fig. 2). 98 (barque stand of Seti I): Kitchen. RUI?I.I n s t r . 1. 235.3-7 (altar of Seti I: cited bq Habachi. ZAS 100: 99-100). 2oQB.M Srelue 7. pl. 7 ( I 182). In the facing text. the king is described as "great of majesty in all lands." 205 Ibid.. p. 6. E \ e n if it were here intended primarily t o show Pairi in two different guises. the coordination with the two names of Amenhotep I 1 1 is nekertheless surelq deliberate.

t o manifestations of t h e royal k a . Indeed. we know that the king. a s a scion of the creator god. could possess a plurality of kas.'"' Each unique name of the king must express a special relationship between him a n d the god; each must represent a different aspect of t h e royal kri; a n d most. if not all. must have been associated with individual La-statues. Several of the names of A m e n h o t e p 111 a t Soleb a r e linked directly with o n e o r a n o t h e r statue (hnt\,)208 of his there. Before leaving this subject it remains only t o a d d that T u t a n k h a m u n is given a t least a unique Golden n a m e in a damaged inscription o n the back of a g r o u p statue found a t his cult place at ~ a r a s : ~ ' W ) ' ho Assumes the Crowns of his Father R e ( a s opposed t o the usual W h o Assumes the Crowns and Satisfies the ~ o d s ) : ' " ' the damaged T w o Ladies name preceding this could be restored"' a s something like [Splendid Egg of] the Universal Lord; at his cult place a t ~ a w a " ' he is called Golden One: Ruler of T r u t h . W h o Satisfies the Gods: in the inscriptions of some fragmentary reliefs found reused a t Heliopolis, he is the Golden One: W h o Assumes the Crowns a n d Unites the T w o Lands [in Heliopolis] and a ceremonial cubit rod f r o m ~ h u r o b ' " calls him T w o Ladies: Great One of the Palace ( ' h ) (in) the House of A m u n . It is fortunate that s o many major elements of the theological system of L u x o r Temple a r e preserved t o us intact. allowing us a rare insight into the functioning of a n ancient Egyptian temple. T h e temple dates basically t o a single period (from the end of Dynasty X V l l l through early Dynasty XIX). and its rites seem t o be largely mono-

?"' Frankfort. Kirlg.\hil~ ut7tl /lie Go(/\. pp. 74-75; object t o the mortuarq temple. see P.M 11'. 452. Note H e l ~ n e rRinggren. U'orc/antl U'i.\t/o117:Srut/ie.\ in the that in the speech of Amun-Re t o Amenhotep 111 o n of' Dr\.rne Quulirre\ arlcl b-u.'urlc~rrorl\ the great stele behind the Colossi of Memnon, the H~~~o.sruri:urion god tells the k ~ n g"You are my son . . . who came in rhr, Arlc.icrlr .Veur Eu\t (Lund. 1947). pp. 38-44; S c h w e ~ t r e r . We\en (/e\ KO. pp. 29-30. 73-78 (for forth from mq limbs, my image (I_lnr~.r) whom I Ramesses 111 offering before six of the Xus of Re, see placed upon earth": Haeny. Br>irrijse Bf: 1 I . 1981. now :Ileclinrt H u h u VI. pls. 418-20): Kaplonq. [.A folding plate 5b (19); cf. (Irk. IV. 1676.1-2. The 111. 276: J o h n A . Wilson in Co171l)urari\,eStutlict irl inscription on the dorsal pillar of the named colossal Soc,ier,~,uric/ H i t r o r ~ . v, ol. 1 (1958-59) (The Hague, statue of Ramesses I 1 in his court at Luxor Temple 1959). p. 396: this last reference kindly called t o my describes it as a I_lnr~, 1t.r; Habachi. p. 19. attention bq William Murnane. F o r references t o the fig. 13 = Kitchen. RUIII. In5c.r. 11. 630.13. For this XUS of Hatshepsut in the texts of her Birth Portico. word used in reference t o the cult statue of the deif~ed see Drirrl-Buliuri l l . pls. 47. 53 (= OrX. IV. 230.15); Rames4es I 1 at es-Sebua and Aksha (Serra West), see cf. also L'rX. IV. 255.14. For a mention of the Kitchen. RUIII.111.sc.r.l l . 738.5-1 1; 774.8-1 I; L D Ill. plurality of the XUS of Amenhotep 111 in the Birth 191 m Henri de Contenson. AX.\lia I: Lo hotiliy~rc. Room at Luxor. see Brunner. Geh~irrtie, GorrXijr~i,yc, c.hrr;rirvne (Paris. 1966). pl. 3.5 ( t h ~ latter s reference pl. 5: X -(~r.).f'nhw,. kindly called t o my attention by Charles Van Siclen): 208 1.11 111. 85a. 87a; l'rk. IV. 1748.8-9. 1750.5. cf. Vercoutter. "Preliminary Report o n the ExcavaFor I_lnr~,specifying the king as a physical manifestations a t Aksha by the Franco-Argentine Archaeologitlon o r image of (his father) the sun god, see cal Expedition." K u \ h 10 (1962). pl. 32a (foll. p. 112); hheir (It>\ Habachi. Fr~urure\,p. 16 Hornung in Loretz, ed.. I1ir. Gorrr~hr~r~hiltllic .Men.\~lim,pp. 134-35. 152: cf. Wildung. ZAS 99 ?OY UrX. IV. 2044.12. (1972-73): 39. In a Xu-chapel called "United-with2") Von Beckerath. [.A 111. 550. reads this name a s P t a h V a t Memphis, a named statue of Amenhotep 111. ; ~ I ~ I - I I I now ~ H , corrected: : though it were RIIIII-!I I I ~ , S presumably representing the king a s Ptah. is desigsee idem. Hurlt1huc.h c1t.r ij,y~.l~risc her7 K ( i n i ~ t n u r i ~ e n . nated a s a I_lrlr( 1,): UrX. IV. 1793.13-1801.5: for the p. 88. n. 12. 411 1 n( I . ) / h171r. n7 r r l l ~ w a , ~s a Xu-chapel. see Haeny. " 1 Karkowski. Furas C', 128 ( x 4). L ' E ~ ~ p r o l o f i ei en 1979, vol. 1 . pp. 1 1 1-16. Cf. also a 1 ' 2 M. F. Laming Macadam. Ku~r.u11. 33 (fig. 5). statuette from this king's mortuarq temple: Samuel ?l?"aressy. "La Tombe d'un Mnevis de Ramses Birch. C a r a l o ~ u e of' rlir Col!r~ctior~ of E ~ ~ . l ) r i u n I I , " A S A E 1 8 (1919): 205. This referencecalled t o my At7tiyuirie\ U I Alnw'~(,XCucrlr. (London. 1880). p. 57 attention bq Marianne Eaton-Krauss. (496) = (Irk. IV. 1960.3-4: for the attribution of this 2 ' V / l u h ~ r rKahun ~, ut7tl Glrroh, pl. 24.12.

+

+

LUXOR

TEMPLE A N D THE CULTOF THE ROYALKA

289

thematic. T h e progression of the representations is consistent throughout the temple. a n d the explicit statements of the accompanying texts explain many details which a r e only alluded t o o r found in isolation elsewhere. T o summarize o u r findings: L u x o r Temple was the premier national shrine dedicated t o the cult of the living, divine ruler; when the king approaches the god reverentially performing the rituals of the Opet Festival, his k u is renewed o r restored, a n d his right t o rule is reconfirmed. T h e k a symbolizes t h e legitimacy of his inheritance; a n d during the festival. evidence that he possesses the royal ku a n d t h a t it resides in him-that he is the living royal ka-is displayed in the symbolic re-enactment of his divine conception and birth. his acknowledgment by A m u n - R e a n d recognition by the Ennead. his coronation, a n d the proclamation of his kri-name. T h e occurrence of special names in conjunction with both the royal jubilee"' a n d the renewal of the king's kcr d u r i n g the O p e t Festival brings us t o the close interrelationship of the t w o celebrations. L u x o r Temple was the site of the great a n n u a l royal renewal. whereas t h e heh-.sed, o r 30-year jubilee (usually performed a t Memphis but held by A m e n h o t e p 111 a t Thebes) m a r k s the inauguration of a new era2" o r cycle in the king's reign. Both celebrations center around the monarch's possession of the royal a n d both signal his achievement of a new ritual status. expressed in part by his 214 A great proliferation of royal names frequently p r e s e r ~ e dhalf of a rose granite pillar, which prohablq occurs on obelisks. normally erected in associa­ came originally from Heliopolis: CG 17025 = tion with the celebration of jubilee festivals as Kitchen. Rutrl. In\c,r. IV. 31.1-13. The shape of this symbols of the union of the king with the sun object tells us that it is not a n obelisk. and its god: cf. Habachi. Oheli.\X\, pp. 9-1 I (with special inscriptions call it specifically a "pillar" (rwn). The reference t o the Luxor obelisks of Ramesses 11); Karl t\r,n-pillar is a variant of the obelisk, a solar emblem. Martin. 1.2IV. 542: Christiane M. Zivie. "Les Rites symboliring regeneration, often erected in connecd'krection de I'obelisque et d u pilier loun." Honltion with the celebration of a jubilee: Zivie in iiia,qe\ u lu triPlrloire clc. Serge Sounc~rorl1927-1976, H O I ~ I I ~ I Serge U ~ C \Sounrron. pp. 488-97. Zibie points ~ o l I. (hereafter Hot,ltrlugr.\ Serge S u ~ m r r o n ) .BdE out that whereas the obelisk is associated with Re o r 81 (Paris. 1979). pp. 494-95. F o r the multiplicity of Re-Horakhty. the 1r1.n-pillar is associated with Atum. names of individual kings found on single obelisks She has determined that the earliest reference to. and and pairs of obelisks, see ('rX. IV. 92.13-94.8 representation of. the erection of the 1\r.t7-pillardates (Thutmose I: for a tabular presentation of the texts t o the reign of Ramesses 11, but she saqs that there on this obelisk. see Rolf Gundlach in Manfred Gorg are n o known examples of actual /w,rl-pillars and Edgar Pusch. eds.. Fe.cr\thri/r Elriior Eclc~l. preserbed. In addition t o the Merneptah pillar. Agqpten und Altes Testament I [Bamberg. 19791. h o w e ~ e r . one might question whether the Abgig p. 221 [pl. I]): 583.12-585.17. 586.1-587.16. 589.16­ "obelisk" of Sesostris I ( L D 11. 119) is not really

592.3. 592.4-594.2. 641.14-643.1 (Thutmose 111); another ~w,n-pillar.

Ora7io Marucchi. Gli oheli.vc,hi egiziani cli Roniu ? I 5 Aldred. JEA 55 (1969): 75.

( R o m e . 1898). pls. 3-4 = Kitchen. Rotii. Irlcc,r. I. "6 F o r Ramesses 11 inboked as a royal ha, along

118.1-120.10 (Seti I): ll. 408.5-428.5 (Ramesses ll with the gods Sobek. Ptah-Tatenen. and Ptah "the

a t Pi-Ramesse). 476.1-484.4 (Ramesses I I at HelioGreat Nun." probably on the occasion of his fourth

polis). 598.1-605.1 (Ramesses ll a t Luxor): V. jubilee. see Gomaa. C l ~ o e r i i ~ r ~ r p. t e ,128

(fig. 28): 287.13-16 (Ramesses 111: cf. .lames F. R o m a n o in Kitchen. Rrr~i,. In.\c.r. 11. 392.5-16. Both Barguet. C o r a l o , ~ u r .Exhibition Catalogue: The Luxor MuA S A E 51 (1951): 212. and Schweitzer. Wc.\en tlec seum of Ancient Egyptian Art [Cairo. 19791. p. 158 Ku, p. 72. n. 24. understand these gods a s consti[242]; this object kindlq called t o mq attention by tuting the royal Xu of Ramesses 11. rather than William Murnane); VI. 31.9-32.15 (Ramesses lV stressing Ramesses 11's own dibinity in his union surcharges o n the obelisk of Thutmose I). F o r "the with the royal Xu; see now also Schlogl, Der Go11 apotheosis of the king identifying him with the sunTo~enerl. O B O 29 (Fribourg and Gottingen. 1980). god"as the "culminating point in the traditional Sedpp. 62-63. For the jubilee a s the renewal of the fest~bal."see Wente and Van Siclen in Fc Hugllrs. coronation, with the divine king's rebirth accom­ p. 221; cf. Birkstam. Boreos 6. p. 22. Four different plished through the celebration of the jubilee festival. Horus names of Merneptah a r e also found o n the see S c h w e ~ t l e r . U'c>.\en tie.! Ko, p. 57: Wente. Fc

7

17

taking a new name.- and hence a new identity. as yet another aspect of the royal k ~ . But the renewal of the divine kingship is only one aspect of the Opet Festival. For Luxor Temple was first and foremost a creation site and as such had a primary role t o play in the grand d r a m a of the cyclical regeneration of Amun-Re himself. The god's rejuvenation was achieved through his return t o the very place. even the exact moment. of creation at ~ u x o r ; " ' and ~ the triumph over chaos represented by the annual rebirth of the kingship ensured Amun's own re-creation. The two miracles are inextricablb intertwined in the celebration of the Opet Festival. Although the design of the temple and its decoration were largely realized by Amenhotep I l l , it may actually be to Hatshepsut that we owe the development of much of the theological system of Luxor. She was, after all, the first to depict the miracle of her divine conception and birth as ruler designate, she was the first to stress the role of the goddess Mut in the Theban ~ r i a d , "and ~ hers is the earliest representation of the Opet Festival procession.2'9 She seems t o have emphasized Luxor Temple generally, having embellished the Processional Way between Karnak and Luxor with n o fewer than six way stations for the barque of ~ m u n . ' ~She ' undoubtedly promoted the celebration of the festival during her reign. One may venture that the colossal Osiride figures of the deified2'' queen (all bearing the name Hatshepsut-is-the-Beloved­ o f - ~ m u n ) ' " which are shown standing outside the way stationsn3 are rojral ka-statues. Her Horus name, Powerful of Kris, is extraordinary, in that she was the only New Kingdom ruler t o include a direct reference to the ka2" in this part of her titulary; Wil\on, pp. 90-91: Birkstam. Borru\ 6. pp. 19-24. 28-29. William Murnane has also called my attention t o a n inscription of Ramesses I1 o n the faqade of the Colonnade a t 1-uxor Temple. publi\hed bq him: \ee "The Sed Festikal: A Problem in Historical Method." .MDAIK 37 (1981): 375. in which AmunRe says t o the king: ~rn..Xhhn,-ctl ~r./lnl.l:h h r ~ , ' - c i l rn1x.X ,111 I ' h (collated by me. 1984): rt7/)1 is written with only the sign A 17. F o r Ramesses VI rejuvenated. wearing the lunar disk and crescent. while r e c e i ~ i n g"the jubilees of Re." see Abdel-A7iz Saleh. Ert,o\,orions or Heliopoli~: Atlc,~etlrt21/11ion Ounii. vol. 2 (Cairo. 1983). p. 79 (fig. 27) and pl. 64A. For the lunar disk and crescent linked t o the motif of the jubilee. cf. Vi\i Laurent-Tackholm. Furuo, hlon7s1er (Stockholm. 1951). p. 14 (ceremonial shield from the tomb of Tutankhamun). ? I 7 See Birkstam. Borruc 6, p. 20: cf. Daressy. "l.'Obelisque de Qaha." AS.4E 19 (1920): 131-34. ? 1 7 W o r the sun's rebirth by returning to the $11 r p l , the "first occasion." see Hornung. Thr Onc, ant/ rhe .I.Iot7.1,.pp. 161-62. For Luxor Temple a s "the precise location of the primordial event" (Wente's translation in Khon5u I , p. 28 [ref. pl. 53.6-71). referred t o in connection with Amun-Re's \i\it t o L.uxorduring the Opet Festival. see L'rX. lV. 1709.13 ( L u x o r socle inscription. temp. Amenhotep 111); 2040.14 ( L u x o r Colonnade, temp. Tutankharnun); R I K 11, pl.90.4. 10-11; Khot7.c~ 1, pl. 21.18-19. Three unpublished architrake inscriptions at Luxor also refer t o this temple a s .I./ ~ ~ I ( I n. (I1)1 ) '/I 1/11.

(twice in the Colonnade. temp. Sety I; to be published bq The Epigraphic S u r ~ e y )and . \ I . / 'r7(1,1) $ 1 1 ~[rl~.\,] (Court of Amenhotep 111. Kelson number G 126: copy by Richard .Ja\now). For Rame\ses 11's con\tructions a t L.uxor Temple dexribed as vtuated "on the proper ground. ( i n ) the precinct of the primordial event." see Abd el-Ra7ik. JE.4 60 (1974): t71r1, hIl: : ( I ) !I( I , / ) $11//I( I ). I47 (3B): / ~ .LIW r 2 ' 8 Te Velde. 1.A IV. 246-48. "9 Lacau-Chevrier. Hor.\hc,/~\o~~r, nl. 7 2:" Sims. J.\'t'S 14 ( 1955): 1 14. ? ? I Haeny. L'Cq~prolo,yic~ L'17 1979, kol. I . p. 115: Leblanc. Bib-A0 82 2 1982): 303-4. See also Kitchen. RUIII.Incc,r. ll. 607.12 (marginal text in the Court of Rame\\e\ I 1 at Luxor Temple). where a n Osiride statue is one of the determinatlves used In writing the plural of the word I_ltlr~. ??? A ruler de\cribed a \ b e l o ~ e dof a god becomes a form of that god: see Bell. :llr;l. :lloXhrar (forthcoming). 22"Lacau-Chevrier. Ho~tllr,l).\o~rr, pl. 7: 1-eblanc. B I h A O 82 (1982): pls. 50-53 (loll, p. 31 I). O n e o f the actual Osiride \tatues of the queen from the Luxor way station ha\ recently been identified by Leblanc. ibid.. pp. 301-2 and pls. 53A. 55. 224 Schweitzer. U'r,\en t1c.s KO, p. 55: Kaplony. L.4 Ill. 276. Perhaps this means wa\ dexised t o a\oid the logical a h u r d i t y of calling the queen a X : t1!71. "mighty bull." S o t e . however. that K -n!lr W:cr-X H is one of the s p e c ~ a lHoru\ names of Seti I in the doorway of the Horus barque chapel at Abydos:

by this particular choice she seems to be making a statement about her possession of the royal k a in more than one manifestation. Given the unusual circumstances of her accession t o the throne, it is understandable that the proof of her legitimacy, afforded by the celebration of the Opet Festival, would have been one of the priorities of her reign. We have also begun to pursue the implications of o u r discoveries a t Luxor for the development of the Amarna heresy. Not only did Akhenaten elevate the Aten to the position of chief deity, but he actively suppressed the worship of all other gods (except Re and Atum, whom he saw as manifestations of the Aten)."' At the same time, he elevated the role of the living king t o that of sole intermediary with the god. He insisted on exclusivity not only for the god but also for himself a s the god's representative on earth. In his iconoclasm, he restricted the avenues of access to the god practically t o his own person.2" The god has no Prophet (!lm-tz_rr) except the king."' whereas the living king now has his own ~ r o ~ h e t . ' "It is difficult to tell when the Aten is acting and when the king is acting; the two merge into one another to a n astonishing degree."?' Although all this can be understood against the background of the trends we have already seen in the reign of Amenhotep 111, Akhenaten seems to have pushed the idea of the unity of king and god too far. The success of the king's cult a t Luxor, we have said, may have been due t o its generalization in regard t o the identity of the reigning monarch (he is the temporal manifestation of the divine ka); the cult of Akhenaten and the Aten may have been too specific and particular. Charles F. ~ i m s ~ has ' " already observed that the figures of the royal ka a t 1-uxor Temple were hacked out by Akhenaten's agents.'" Given the divine nature of the ka, its erasure appears perfectly n o r r n a ~ . ' ~In ' nearly every instance when the ka-figure is represented.233it has been hacked out. leaving only the symbolic arms supporting the Callerleh-Gardiner. A h ~ , t / o1.\ pl. 16. Se\erthele\\. this statement is \till kalid in regard t o the usual Ia6\ecular") Horus names of the rulers of the New Kingdom ( t h o \ e assumed at the time of their coronation. a s opposed to subsequent "ceremon~al" names). 2:' For Atum. w e Myqliwiec. L ' t k ~ , / ~ r o l o , qc.11 c, I Y 7 Y . kol. 2. pp. 285-89: see also Brunner. I.trror, pl. 188a-b. 22h Hornung. T171, O t 7 ~u11t1 I ~ P.Manj.. p. 248: Badawq. Zk'S99 ( 1973): 67-68: Assmann. Surc~irlur,~: .Jullrh~rc11 fiir C'~~rl~t~r.\ol,yi,\( hi~:XOR TEMPLE AND

THE

CULTOF

THE

293

ROYALK,4

and (3) "the similarity of the monarch's birth t o the daily birth of the Disc is insisted rr24J . 1s it not logical, within the framework of Akhenaton's thought. that the upon, celebration marked his own thirtieth birthday?"" A reign of 17 years. including a two-year coregency with Amenhotep 1 1 1 , ' ~ ' gives a result completely compatible with Wente's estimates of Akhenaten's age at death as 46-x years maximum. or 26 x -I- y at the time of his j ~ b i l e e . " ~ We have been reminded repeatedly throughout this study that the role of the ka in the Egyptian kingship is a n extremely complex one. with many obscure facets. Thus we can readily understand how such a n eminent scholar as J o h n A. Wilson, my own first professor in Egyptology a t the University of Chicago, could have written of the Egyptian king that

+

the k a was not his political or immortal or mystical body. a s over against his natural body. The k a of each individual king was born with him, and when he died he went t o join his ka in the realm of the dead. Thus the k a was no perpetual and continuous Presence. which was the same being for Ramses I. 11. and 1 1 1 . ~ ~ -

In this statement. which he penned in his review of Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies; A Study in Mediae\)al Political Theologj, (Princeton, 1957), 1 believe Wilson clearly has been shown wrong. Nevertheless, it is to his great credit, and a n indication of the scope of his scholarship. that he is the only Egyptologist, t o the best of my knowledge, ever to have commented on this book a t all. I "discovered" the work of Kantorowicz while I was preparing a lecture on the royal ka for presentation a t the Oriental Institute in July 1983; a t that time it occurred to me that the system of Egyptian kingship which I was describing seemed t o bear a striking resemblance to many elements of an old European doctrine regarding the special status of the reigning monarch. Searching through the University of Chicago library and the several bookstores on o r near the campus. I came upon The King? Two Bodies. Ever mindful of Wilson's precaution that "the analogy from the ancient Orient is still valuable, in contrast rather than congruity. as a warning rather than a n i l l ~ m i n a n t , " 1~ immediately ~~ found case after case in which the Europeans had grappled with the same problems which the Egyptians had also faced more than three millennia earlier. This fact should not be particularly surprising; there are certain common issues associated with the various theories of monarchical government and some basic questions which naturally recur concerning the person of the monarch and his abilities t o perform the superhuman tasks which so often confront him. If we in the relatively young field of Egyptology can be assisted in our attempt t o understand the Egyptian tradition of kingship, and the doctrine of the royal ka, by familiarity with the analytical techniques evolved in the long-established discipline of European political ZJ4 Redford. J A R C E 17 (1980): 25: cf. Assmann. bid.. p. 123. 244.i This same idea ha5 now also been e x p r e ~ s e dby J I>. Ray: review of Ilonald H Kedford. AXllet~rrtrn: Tllr Hrrrr11 kin^ (Princeton. 1984). G.M 86 (1985): 86-87. 2" Wente and Van Siclen. F.5 Hughrc. p. 230. For criticism of this proposed maximum length for the

coregency. see K ~ t c h e n ' r~eview of F\ H~rc,+,

in

Serapi\: Tllr A t ~ r r i ( . u nJournrrl of' E x ~ , / ~ t o l o g4 \ .

(1977-78): 71 24h H a r r l ~ and Wente. X - R U I .Atlo,, pp. 255-56. 24. Wilson, Cot17/1urrrri1~r Srlrtlir, in So(.irrl, rrrtcl Hi5ror1,.vol. 1 (1958-59). p. 396 248 I b ~ d . p . . 395