Jurman the Osiris Chapels

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 107

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE THIRD INTERMEDIATE PERIOD AND THE LATE PERIOD AT KARNAK SOME ASPECTS OF THEIR RELIGIOUS AND HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE*

It has long been acknowledged by scholars interested in Egyptian religion that there is a remarkable proliferation of Osirian cult facilities at Karnak during the first half of the first millennium BC.1 These monuments give proof of the increasing importance Osirian beliefs held during that period even at the centre of the old solar god of state Amun-Re, thereby bringing into focus one of the most significant developments in Late Egyptian religion, namely, the rise of Osiris and his paredroi to the principal deities of the country's temple cults. Despite this fact, however, the individual Theban Osiris chapels have never received appropriate scholarly treatment, and still less attention has been accorded to the group as a whole. While some monuments have at least been partly excavated and more or less superficially published by French Egyptologists such as Mariette, Legrain, Pillet, Chevrier or Leclant2, others have escaped further notice until now.3 Fortunately enough, this unsatisfactory situation is likely to improve with the forthcoming, long-awaited publications of the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet (Pl.

* This paper deals with some issues of my master's thesis "Die Osiris-Kapellen der Dritten Zwischenzeit und der Spätzeit in Karnak. Vorarbeiten zu einer Gesamtanalyse des Denkmälerbestands" which was written under the supervision of Prof. Manfred Bietak at the Institute of Egyptology, University of Vienna and was approved in August 2004. For their support during my work in Karnak I am especially indebted to Dr. Holeil Ghaly, Dr. François Larché, Dr. Aurelia Masson, Dr. Alain Arnaudiès, and Dr. Ibrahim Soliman. 1 To give only two examples: GABALLA - KITCHEN 1969, 32; and more recently: TAYLOR 2000, 362. 2 The most important accounts are: MARIETTE 1875, vol. I, 9-10; 68-69; 76-70; MARIETTE 1889, 28; LEGRAIN, 1900, 125-136; 146-149; LEGRAIN 1902, 208-214; LEGRAIN 1903, 181-184; PILLET 1925, 19-24; LECLANT 1950, 365; LECLANT 1951, 458-465; CHEVRIER 1949, 255; CHEVRIER 1950, 437-439; LECLANT 1965, vol. I, passim; esp. 262-264. 3 The chapel of Osorkon III near the Sacred Lake, for instance, was accorded only a paragraph in the accounts of the Prussian Expedition. Cf. LD I/2, pl. 75, no. 10; LD III, 42.

107 Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 108

CLAUS JURMAN

31, background) by Lyla Brock, Donald Redford, and Gerald Kadish4, as well as the recently excavated chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau by Laurent Coulon, who is also supervising a French-Egyptian research project concerned with the Osiris cults of Thebes in general. In the following I will highlight some results of my master's thesis, in which I tried to establish a corpus of source material pertaining to the Osirian monuments of Late Period Thebes. By taking into account – as far as possible – the archaeological, topographical, epigraphic, and historical contexts of these structures, it was aimed at preparing the ground for a future multi-approach integrative analysis which seems to me the only way to deal with this complex issue.

QUESTIONS OF NUMBER AND DISTINCTION

One of the first questions that arose during the course of my studies was the one about the original number and location of the chapels. Looking at the general map of Karnak on T.1, one can see that the monuments referred to are to be found in many different places, mainly interspersed within the temple precincts of the Late and Graeco-Roman periods. The topographical situation at the time the chapels were built is a different matter, however. Unfortunately, unless further excavations are conducted one has great difficulties to gauge the location of the contemporary temenoi and has therefore to be cautious when trying to assess the relations between the chapels and other (cult-)topographic entities. At present, at least, it seems that most chapels were originally situated outside the temple compounds.6

4 The book was scheduled to be published in spring 2005, but so far has not appeared. For the excavations conducted in the early seventies cf. REDFORD 1973, 16-30; LECLANT 1971-75, 236; 260; 408; 189; 212 respectively. 5 I thank Dr. Coulon for the provided information. For preliminary reports on the Nebdjefau chapel see LAUFFRAY 1980, 58, §27 w. fig. 23; LECLANT - MINAULT-GOUT 2001, 409; MATHIEU 2001, 565; MATHIEU 2003, 599-600; COULON 2003, 47-60; GRIMAL - ADLY, 2005, 268-269. 6 There has been a long debate on whether the brick enclosure with buttresses, which can be seen north of the Eastern Temple of Ramesses II, and which is recognizable on aerial photographs even further to the north, should be dated to the Third Intermediate Period or to later times (Kushite, connected with reconstruction work by Montuemhat? For the discussion see BARGUET 1962a, 33-38; SPENCER 1979, 74; COULON - LECLÈRE MARCHAND 1995, 223-225). The bastion built of bricks stamped with the name of the high priest Menkheperre, which is situated immediately north of Ramesses' high-gate (sbA-Hrj), does at least point to building activity in this area during the early Third Intermediate Period (cf. also the famous stela of Menkheperre mentioning the erection

108

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 109

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE TIP AND LP IN KARNAK

In the list accompanying T.1. a number of provisional designations have been used which are not always in accordance with the ones employed in other works and therefore call for a brief comment.7 Because the structures in question do only seldom provide us with enough inscriptional material to be associated with a specific cult form of a deity, one has to resort to other modes of appellation (e.g. conforming to the principal officiate: "chapel of Amenirdis" etc.). But even if a monument does offer inscriptional material in reasonable quantities, the identification of the deity it was dedicated to often proves to be a daunting task indeed. For instance, in the Kushite building commonly labelled "chapel of Osiris Nebankh" – in fact one of the smallest religious structures in Karnak – Osiris is provided with no fewer than five epithets, of which four are to be found in other chapels as well.8 So the distinction we are used to make between epitheta ornantia and cult-designations that are specific to a certain religious structure does not always seem to be applicable to the source material. Bearing in mind that many chapels also show strong ties with the royal (funerary) cult (or quasi-royal in the case of the God's Wives), the picture becomes even more blurred. From a certain point of view the tomb chapels of the God's Wives at Medinet Habu too can be "read" as sanctuaries dedicated to Osiris, because the god is not only extensively worshipped in the relief scenes, but also commemorated above the entrances to the offering chapels with a central cartouche flanked by those of the deceased. Whether this proximity implies a mergence of identities is not so much of relevance here. What counts is that these funerary chapels were considered by the Ancient Egyptians

of a new enclosure wall: BARGUET 1962a, 36-38; see also REDFORD 1973, 17). In any case, repair work conducted during the centuries has made it extremely difficult to date the remains of these mudbrick walls. Additionally there is a certain possibility that the eastern perimeter of the enclosure of Amun was situated further to the east in the late New Kingdom and was transferred west only during the 21st Dynasty. The remnants of east-west oriented brickwalls in the north-eastern sector of the Amun enclosure, which appear to predate the Osiris chapels situated immediately north of them, may speak in favour of this interpretation. By contrast, the bases of the sphinxes and obelisks with cartouches of Ramesses II before the present eastern gate cannot be considered as a proof that Ramesses II enlarged the precinct of Amun (as suggested by BARGUET 1962a, 36), since they may have been relocated there in the 30th Dynasty. For a comparable situation at the southern gate of the Montu-enclosure see CHRISTOPHE 1951, 10-13. 7 For instance, I have chosen to designate the building south of the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau as "chapel of Osiris Nebneheh" (in PM II.2, 192 it is called "B. Chapel of Amasis and Nitocris"), thereby using the first distinctive epithet of the Osirian hymn engraved left of the entrance to the sanctuary. This is, of course, a purely provisional designation, as the more "cult-specific" cartouche-name of the god, which was most probably present on the lintel (cf. the chapel of Nebdjefau: COULON 2003, 52-3, fig. 5-6), has not been preserved. 8 Cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 23-36; 269-273; LECLANT 1955, 202-203.

109 Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 110

CLAUS JURMAN

to be cult places of Osiris or of an Osirian aspect. In this regard they have a precursor in the so-called funerary apartments of the House of million years of Ramesses III, the innermost rooms of which (nos. 23-27) are almost exclusively dedicated to the worship of Osiris and his consorts.9 Turning to the corpus of Theban Osiris monuments of the 1st millennium BC, it is important to differentiate between 1) in situ monuments which can be attributed to Osiris without any doubt (T.1, red circles), 2) in situ monuments which owe their attribution to secondary contextual criteria such as topographic sequence (T.1, turquoise circles) – for instance, in the case of the so-called Anepigraphic chapel in the north-eastern sector of the Amun-precinct – and 3) monuments which exhibit some features of Osirian chapels without definite proof of their Osirian nature (T.1, violet circles). In addition, one has to consider numerous dislocated and reused blocks of the periods in question (T.1, green circles) whose decoration is either of explicitly Osirian character or is rendered in a manner comparable to the known Osiris chapels (what exactly is meant by this, shall be demonstrated by an example below). Such blocks have been found not only in Karnak itself, but also in Medamud, on the West Bank and even in Luxor.10 Since many chapels were constructed almost entirely of mudbricks and have suffered corresponding deterioration, the present picture of the Karnak temple compounds is somewhat misleading. Originally, nearly all of the little stone sanctuaries in the area were preceded by mudbrick halls and courts with columns, giving them the appearance of temples in their own right. It is therefore not surprising that we know of specially appointed priests for some of them.11 As

9 In these rooms the king is never depicted receiving offerings, provided that one does not consider the vignettes of BD 110 and 148 on the lateral walls of room 24 and 25 as latent representations of the royal offering cult (cf. LESKO 1969, 455-456). Accordingly, Hölscher designates the complex as a cult place of Osiris. HÖLSCHER 1941, 30; see also ARNOLD 1962, 59; HAENY 1998, 124-126. On the "sacralisation" of the tomb concept during the Ramesside period see ASSMANN 1991, vol. I, 7. 10 Cf. for instance: Karnak: LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 54-56; BARGUET - LECLANT 1954, vol. I, 109-135; LAUFFRAY - SA’AD - SAUNERON 1975, 18-20; CHRISTOPHE 1951, 117-118, no. 22; Medamud: BISSON DE LA ROQUE 1926, 47; BISSON DE LA ROQUE 1930, 47; BISSON DE LA ROQUE 1931, 70-76; BISSON DE LA ROQUE 1933, 59-65. It may well be that the blocks of the 25th and 26th Dynasties found reused in several structures at Medamud do originally stem from the Karnak temple compounds. Western Thebes: NAGEL 1929, 12-15, pl. 5-6; DEWACHTER 1986, 159-163. The blocks were found inside a shaft tomb behind the village of Deir el-Medineh but could, in fact, originate from Medinet Habu. Luxor: LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 142, §41 C; ABDUL-QADER 1968, 255. 11 Cf. for instance the title Hm-nTr Wsjr HqA-D.t n dwA.t-nTr (^p-n-wp.t)|, which is ascribed to a certain Djedkhonsiuefankh on a cuboid statue from the Karnak Cachette (Cairo Museum JE 37196). It can clearly be related to the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet, the inner parts of which were built under the auspices of the God's Wife Shepenupet I. Cf. BRESCIANI 1976, 13-21; on the date of the statue recently: JANSEN-WINKELN 2003, 35-36.

110

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 111

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE TIP AND LP IN KARNAK

can be seen on Pl. 32, the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau in the north-western sector of the Amun precinct still features a re-erected papyrus bundle column, the type of which is also found with the nearby chapel of Osiris Nebneheh, the chapel of Nitocris, the "Kushite chapel", the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh, and the Anepigraphic chapel (in the case of the latter two, the columns consisted of a stone trunk surrounded by a mud coating).12 Of the mudbrick architecture encompassing the masonry only scant remains are visible in the foreground.

DEFINING "OSIRIAN CHARACTER"

Closely related to the problem of assessing the original number of Osiris chapels is the principal question of what characterises such a building and what sets it apart from religious structures dedicated to other gods. Of course, one would expect an Osiris chapel to feature mentions and depictions of Osiris or his primary cult symbols in a prominent place, as well as representations of associated gods like Horus, Isis or Nephthys. An example for this provides the chapel of Osiris Nebankh, where Osiris is present not only as a mummiform god, but also as Djed-pillar and Abydos-fetish flanked by his paredroi (Pl. 33). Additionally, one would also look for certain iconographic motifs or religious texts embedded in Osirian theology, such as are found in the chapels of Osiris Nebdjefau and Osiris Nebneheh respectively. Whereas the first one shows depictions of Osirian protective daemons on the front of the door jambs leading to the sanctuary (Pl. 34), the latter's sanctuary façade is decorated with two hymns evocating the god as pantocrator and provider of fertility (Pl. 35).13 Unfortunately, during the course of time the primary archaeological source material has in many cases been severely damaged, which make the afore-

12 For the columns of the chapel of Nitocris cf. CHRISTOPHE 1951, 33; chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh: LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 111; vol. II, pl. 68A; Anepigraphic chapel: LECLANT 1951, 461-462. Columns of this technique have also been found at other places in Karnak: CHRISTOPHE 1951, 84, pl. 14, 11 ("chapelle incendiée" in Karnak-North); LECLANT 1951, 461-462, n. 1 (unpublished buildings in north-western sector of Amun-precinct). 13 The hymn on the left side is attested on a number of monuments dating from the 25th Dynasty to the Roman period: ROGGE 1992, 5-15 (25th Dyn.); 72-76 (26th Dyn.); GRAEFE (1981), vol. I, 239-241 (P38), pl. 16* f (26th Dyn.); ABD EL-HAMID 1956, pl. 10 (26th Dyn.); ŽABKAR 1981, 141-171 (Ptolemy II); HINTZE 1962, 12-19; 33-36 (2nd half of 3rd cent. BC); PETRIE 1908, pl. 34, col. 8-14 (Ptolemy IX Soter II); HERBIN 2003, 106-107 (Roman).

111 Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 112

CLAUS JURMAN

mentioned criteria sometimes difficult to apply. This is especially relevant for reutilised blocks deprived of their original context. A block of unknown provenance, most probably found somewhere at Karnak-North, presently held in the Egyptian Museum of Cairo (TR 28/5-25/4), may serve as an illustration to this (Pl. 36).14 Its two central scenes show Necho II, the God's Wife Nitocris and her chief steward Padihorresnet officiating before the Theban triad. On the far left, Necho II is flanked by Isis and Horus-son-of-Isis, while on the far right the God's Wife and Padihorresnet stand before Montu. Unbiased, one would not necessarily attribute the block to a cult place of Osiris. A comparison with a lintel of the chapel of Osiris Nebneheh (fig. 1), which likewise features king, God's Wife and chief steward officiating before the Theban triad,15 makes clear, however, that its iconography is very well compatible with such a building. I do certainly not want to postulate that all unattributable blocks showing a God's Wife before Amun originate from an Osiris chapel, but such a possibility should at least be kept in mind. All the more so, as we have unequivocal evidence for many chapels of Osirian character dedicated by the God's Wives of Amun from the 22nd, maybe even from the 21st Dynasty onwards until the end of the 26th Dynasty,16 but, on other hand, rather few definitive clues for shrines dedicated to other gods during this period. Or put in other words: Of roughly 15 certainly identified Osiris chapels, 12 can be associated with at least one of the God's Wives, while the still standing monuments of the God's Wives at Karnak are with very few exceptions to be identified with cult places for Osiris. Thus, one has to reckon with a certain affinity between the institution of the Divine Consorts of Amun and the worship of Osiris from the start, no matter whether the implications of this rest more on the religious or on the political side.

14 CHRISTOPHE 1955, 65-70, pl. 1. 15 See LD I/2, pl. 274o (wrongly attributed to "Tempelchen H"; it should be read "Tempelchen J" according to Lepsius' nomenclature, cf. LD III, 9, n. 4); COULON 2003, 52-53, fig. 5. Most probably, the broken columns in the centre comprised the royal titulature of Osiris as it is found on the base registers of the first gate of the Nebdjefau chapel or at the rear of the southern corridor of the Ptolemaic Osiris catacombs in Karnak. 16 The oldest "securely" dated Osiris chapel is Chapel E within the Montu enclosure, now almost completely destroyed (cf. PM II2, 15). Mariette reports scenes featuring Osorkon II, Takeloth (II) and the God's Wife Karomama, which sets the t.a.q. at the middle of the 22nd Dynasty (MARIETTE 1875, vol. I, 10). The Anepigraphic chapel, on the other hand, could be associated with a claustrum found in its neighbourhood which features the cartouches (MAa.t-kA-Ra)| and (sA.t-nswt @nw.t-tA.wj)|, names, most probably referring to (a) female member(s) of the 21st Dynasty (the God's Wife Henuttaui D?). The circumstances of its discovery, however, do not allow to base further conclusions on this hypothetical classification. See CHEVRIER 1951, 554555; LECLANT 1953, 85, n. 1.

112

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 113

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE TIP AND LP IN KARNAK

Fig. 1. Lintel from the chapel of Osiris Nebneheh (after LD I/2, pl. 274o).

Jurman.qxp

113 Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 114

CLAUS JURMAN

OSIRIS AND AMUN

The distinction between buildings one would consider to be Osiris chapels, and sacred shrines of another kind is further complicated by the fact that Amun-Re and his triad are depicted on the walls of the still standing Osiris chapels to such an extent that it has been suggested rather to speak of sanctuaries dedicated to both Amun and Osiris.17 The chart shown in Pl. 37, giving figures for the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet, may illustrate the problem. Of course, quantities alone cannot provide a definitive tool for evaluation; there is also a need to consider the placement and orientation of the scenes, which might proof even more significant. Such a contextual iconographic analysis demonstrates that Amun-Re and his consorts tend to dominate the outer parts of the structures, whereas depictions of Osiris or Osirian symbols are almost exclusively found within the inner sanctuary. This may be exemplified by plates 38-43, a visual rendering of the analysis conducted for the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet. The shades of blue are assigned to the gods of the Theban triad, blacks and greys designate Osiris and his consorts. The divergent quantities of representations of Amun and Osiris are further put into perspective by the fact that, with the exception of the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet, the cult axis of the chapels suited for evaluation culminates in a symmetrically doubled depiction of the mummiform god or in a representation of one of his symmetrical cult symbols. A good example for the former option is offered by the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh (fig. 2).18 The question of the specific theological relation between Osiris and Amun, manifesting itself in the individual chapels, is far from being solved and I will not go into detail here. It shall be pointed out, however, that there is at least no explicit evidence in the corpus for a syncretistic form of deity like AmunWenennefer, who features rather prominently in the 4th century BC Opet temple at Karnak and still earlier in the Hibis temple at el-Charga oasis.19 It remains a

17 COONEY 2000, 34; 41. The remarkable prominence of Amun among the depicted deities of the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet had already been acknowledged by its original excavator who stated: "En somme, on parle de tout le monde, excepté de lui [scil. Osiris]." LEGRAIN 1900, 147. 18 Such symmetrical tableaux are attested for the chapel of Osiris Nebankh (LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 31, fig. 6; p. 34, fig. 12), the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau (COULON 2003, 56, fig. 10), the chapel of Nitocris (CHRISTOPHE 1951, 43), and the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh (MARIETTE 1889, pl. 82, here fig. 14). Compare also the Abydos chapel of Ramesses I (WINLOCK 1937, pl. 4) and the Osiris complex in the temple of Ramesses III (THE EPIGRAPHIC SURVEY 1963, pl. 482).

114

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 115

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE TIP AND LP IN KARNAK

Fig. 2. Chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh, room II, rear wall (after MARIETTE [1889] pl. 86).

Fig. 3. Tomb of Djehutiemhab (TT 194), transverse hall, northern wall (after SEYFRIED [1995] pl. 29).

115 Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 116

CLAUS JURMAN

moot question to what degree the apparent omnipresence of Amun-Re among the subsidiary shrines of Karnak is a consequence of his status as primary god of the region, and to what degree it should be regarded as theologically relevant. Certainly, points of contact between Amun(-Re) and Osiris are not lacking for the periods considered. One needs only to recall the solar aspects of Osirian resurrection that are emphasised in the chapels of the north-eastern sector,20 where Osiris is associated with the solar iSd-tree,21 or the rites of the primeval Amun of Djeme, centring on a primeval form of Amun, which are depicted in the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet and the Edifice of Taharqa by the Sacred Lake.23 On the other hand, Amun can assume the role of Osiris as a god of fertility and accordingly be associated with the rise of the Nile.24 In this regard it is interesting to note the close proximity of an Osiris chapel built under Osorkon III, and Shebitqu's chapel dedicated to Amun in his aspect as provider of fertility (Pl. 44). Both buildings relate to the religious-economic facilities in this sector, which were destined for the production and storage of offerings.25 Surely, it is no coincidence that the Amun figure represented on the lintel of Shebitqu's chapel is not represented seated on a throne, as with comparable lintels, but rather rendered as ideogram of a mummiform god (fig. 4).

A FEW COMMENTS ON THE LOCATIONS

Some further comments seem at place concerning the location of the chapels. Apart from a few isolated examples, the majority is organised in groups

19 Opet temple: DE WIT 1968, 149; Hibis temple: DAVIES 1953, pl. 7. 20 On the concept of Solar-Osirian unity in the funerary sphere cf. NIWIÑSKI 1988, 89-106; recently with further references: DARNELL 2004, passim; esp. 450-453. 21 On this issue see KOEMOTH 1994, 73-74; 97-122; 163; HUGONOT 1985, 25-27; SEYFRIED 1990, 60-61, colour pl. 3a; pl. 5. The iSd in Karnak has been treated among others by BARGUET 1962b, 34; LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 275-283; COULON - LECLÈRE - MARCHAND 1995, 222; AUFRÈRE 1999, 136. 22 GOYON 1979, 49-51; DORESSE 1979, 36-48; FAZZINI 1988, 23; COONEY 2000, 15-47. 23 This association is already attested for the 19th Dynasty: cf. GABOLDE 1995, 235-258. 24 Most of the reliefs of Shebitqu's chapel were dismantled and transferred to Berlin by the Prussian Expedition (cf. LD I/2, pl. 78, no. 9; LD V/10, pl. 3; LD III, 40). The building has recently been relocated in the area, thereby confirming Lepsius' plan (personal communication by Aurelia Masson, CFEETK). A shallow depression situated to the east may mark the location of Osorkon's Osiris chapel (structure no. 10 in Lepsius' plan) of which some stone elements have also been brought to Berlin (Inv.no. 2101-2102, cf. ÄIB II [1924] 218). 25 For the so-called Storehouse and other structures in this area cf. RICKE 1937, 124-131; TRAUNECKER 1987, 147-153; BERG 1987, 48-49.

116

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 117

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE TIP AND LP IN KARNAK

Fig. 4. Façade of the Chapel of Shebitqu by the Sacred Lake (after LD V/10, pl. 3a).

117 Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 118

CLAUS JURMAN

or clusters that seem to correspond with thoroughfares or processional ways.26 The chapels of the north-western sector (Pl. 46) are more or less strictly aligned with the route leading to the temple of Ptah and further north to the precinct of Montu. As the famous Ptah stela of Thutmosis III gives proof, this route served as processional way from the 18th Dynasty onwards.27 The second group is situated immediately southwest of the temples of Montu and Maat (Pl. 45). Since the location of the temenos walls belonging to the Third Intermediate and the Late Periods cannot be assessed satisfactorily, there is no way of deciding if the chapels owe their alignment to a pre-existing wall standing either behind or in front of them.28 Be this as it may, the linear sequence which, by the way, interestingly does not seem to conform to the chronological sequence, is a strong indication that the chapels were in some way or another connected with religious processions.29 One is inclined to think especially of the festivals performed during the month of Choiak. The same appears to apply to the chapels of the north-eastern sector, the "classical" Osirian area of Karnak (Pl. 45). Here they are, of course, also to be considered in connection with the nearby tomb of Osiris, called jA.twr.t, the Great Place, where burials of small Osiris figurines are attested at least from the beginning of the Third Intermediate Period onwards.30 Nevertheless, I would not regard this Osirian necropolis as the only relevant factor for the placement of the chapels. It is not even clear if there existed a passage between the two areas at the time the chapels were built. In addition, it should be noted that all the buildings are oriented to the north, although the façades of their stone sanctuaries do not form a straight line. The preceding mudbrick enclosures, now mostly destroyed, could have compensated for those irregularities of course. In the absence of tangible archaeological evidence it is a matter of speculation whether this alignment relates to a pre-existing thoroughfare or cult axis.31

26 Cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 216. 27 CG 34013, see LACAU 1909, vol. I, 28; KLUG 2002, 139; cf. also JACQUET-GORDON 1988, vol. I, 156; ULLMANN 2002, 150. 28 Unfortunately, Christophe's accounts on the excavations of Legrain and Robichon in this sector are not at all satisfactory. Cf. CHRISTOPHE 1951, 3-14; 61-68. 29 Further circumstantial evidence is provided by some private statues associated with the Osiris chapels. Inscriptions on these speak of festivals and procession, in which the dedicator is hoping to eternally participate. See for example REDFORD 1986, 3-15. 30 COULON - LECLÈRE - MARCHAND 1995, 205-252; esp. 221-223; LECLÈRE 2002, 24-44; esp. 32. 31 One should note that structures at Karnak-East (among them Akhenaten's Gempaaten) might have been connected by such a route with a presumed temple palace of the 18th Dynasty, situated further to the west. Cf. the plan in REDFORD 1999, 53, fig. 33. Undoubtedly, though, the buildings of the Amarna period in this area had all been destroyed long before the end of the New Kingdom. Cf. REDFORD 1993, 3.

118

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 119

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE TIP AND LP IN KARNAK

THE "PRIVATE FACTOR"

Taking into consideration that we have archaeological and epigraphic evidence for many more shrines, some of which cannot have been bigger than a modest tomb chapel,32 a comparison with the so-called cenotaphs at Abydos suggests itself.33 Like these structures, the Osiris chapels of Karnak may have served, among other things, as a means by which the dedicator could eternally participate in the local religious festivities, not necessarily of Osirian character alone. In this aspect, the shrines could be viewed as an elaborated version of the votive temple statue, which is often found associated with them (see also note 29). It seems that during the first millennium BC not only kings and the God's Wives of Amun were responsible for the erection of such chapels; the Theban elite played an equally important part in this process. Thus, for example, on the front of the so-called chapel of Osiris Wep-ished – most probably a double shrine dedicated to the Osirian triad, and incorporating features of a birth house34 – one can recognize two Djed-pillars flanking the entrance to the left sanctuary (Pl. 47). They are decorated with an offering formula on behalf of the deceased High Priest of Amun Nimlot C, thereby adding a personalised aspect to the cult performed in the room. The closest comparison for this scheme is found in some Theban tombs of New Kingdom date (e.g. TT 194, fig. 3).35 Further examples are provided, for instance, by the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau in the north-western sector, featuring an outer gate whose door jambs are adorned with a biographical inscription of Sheshonq A, one of the chief stewards of the God's Wife Ankhesenneferibre. Like one of his successors, Sheshonq B in the neighbouring chapel of Osiris Nebneheh, he is also shown following his mistress in several of the chapel's reliefs. 36

32 Inscriptional evidence for the dedication of a minute Osiris chapel is provided by a private votive stela from the reign of Taharqa. See GRAEFE - WASSEF 1979, 103-117. 33 Cf. O'CONNOR 1985, 168-169, fig. 2. 34 Cf. REDFORD 1986, 1-15; FAZZINI 1988, 13-14. 35 SEYFRIED 1995, 44, pl. 29. 36 For Sheshonq A and B on Theban monuments see CHRISTOPHE 1956/7, 83-100; esp. 89-90; LD I/2, pl. 273e&f; 274c&o; MOSS 1973,128-129, pl. 7; also compare the biographical inscription on the stelophore Cairo JE 36158, where Ibi, the jmj-rA-pr-wr dwA.t-nTr during the early "reign" of Nitocris, states that he was responsible for the erection of a Hw.t-nTr n nb=s [=s referring to Nitocris] Wsjr Wnn-nfr: GRAEFE 1994, 85-99, fig. 1.

119 Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 120

CLAUS JURMAN

In the chapel of Osiris Herib-pa-ished, situated near the jA.t-wr.t, the Osirian necropolis on the East Bank, the officiant's role is performed by the God's Wife Shepenupet II and a member of her priestly entourage, the songstress of the palace of Amun Diesehebsed.37 The fact that the latter even appears alone before Osiris on one of the walls (Pl. 48.) may point to an intervention of her mighty brother Montuemhat, the famous mayor of Thebes during the late 25th and early 26th Dynasties.38 Most probably it is no coincidence that an analogous association between Shepenupet II and Diesehebsed can be observed at Medinet Habu, the other great Theban cult place of Osiris at that time (see Pl. 46.).39 There, at the Theban jA.t-§Amt, we find the tomb chapels of Diesehebsed and her mistress in close proximity, facing the Small Temple, which has by then become a primary place of Osirian worship and was likely regarded as the tomb of Osiris on the West Bank.40 In any event, the setting is quite similar in both cases.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE CHAPELS AND LITURGICAL TEXTS

The aforementioned chapel of Osiris Herib-pa-ished offers another interesting feature. On the eastern wall of the first chamber of the sanctuary the ancient sculptor has inscribed a text behind a pair of divine figures (Pl. 49.) which, despite its fragmentary state of preservation, is identifiable as a spell from the so-called Verklärungsbuch II. The spell can be restored as follows: 10 [Dd-mdw jn As.t ?] mw.t[-nTr? a] nb.t-p.t Hnw.t-nTr.w-nb(.w) hA [Wsjr-... b] 11 [Twt jrj mrr.t] 12 [Ra-Jtm m hrw] 13 [pn nfr m-m] 14 [nTr.w nb.w] 15 37 There have been a number of Hsj.wt Xnw n Jmn named Diesehebsed (cf. YOYOTTE 1972, 48; 50). The one in question was a daughter of Nesptah A (LEGRAIN 1912, 174-175.). 38 Cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 47. 39 For an early (25th Dynasty) attestation of Osiris hrj-jb jA.t-§Amt see LECLANT 1954, 157-158, pl. 9-10. Also to mention is a narrow stone gate adjoining the rear of the Small Temple of Medinet Habu with the following inscription: (¦hrq-mry-Jmn)| mry Wsjr xntj sH-nTr. Cf. HÖLSCHER 1939, 33-35; LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 153, §43 E. 40 HÖLSCHER states that tomb no. 4 yielded several shabtis with the name of a Diesehebsed "who, as Anthes informs me [i.e. HÖLSCHER], is known to have been lady-in-waiting to Shepenupet II and must have lived about 654 B.C." HÖLSCHER 1954, 30, pl. 21B-C. On the published photographs of two shabtis one can recognize the sequence and as part of the filiation. Additionally, a relief from Diesehebsed's tomb chapel, depicting her together with Shepenupet II, is preserved in the Museum of the Oriental Institute of Chicago (OIM 14681: TEETER 2003, 79, no. 40).

120

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 121

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE TIP AND LP IN KARNAK

?? 11

10

free space 12

13

14

15

[j.n jmj.w] Smsw n Ra-Jtm r=k jrj.n @r n jtj=f Wsjr wnn=k jm m Hrj-tp n nTr.w Twt wr[jmj s.t=f m-m nTr.w nb(.w) c] 10 [Reciting of words by Isis?], the mother of [God], the lady of heaven, the mistress of all gods: " ‘O [Osiris-…] 11-12 [, you are the one who does what Re-Atum loves on this] 13 [beautiful day among] 14 [all the gods’,] 15 [thus speak] to thee [those, who are among the] entourage of Re-Atum. Horus has acted on behalf of his father, so that you are the chief of the gods there. You are the greatest [of all gods on his seat."] a Bouriant, Legrain and Leclant consider the depicted goddess to be Mut.41 Taking the Osirian context of this glorification spell into account, however, I would rather opt for Isis. In fact, the preserved group is positioned too low as that it could have functioned as principal designation. Instead, it might belong to the well-known epithet mw.t-nTr with the proleptic nTr, rendered in an uncommonly elaborate manner, thereby filling a square of its own. As such it can be found in room III of the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet where Isis is called .42 b Already at the time of Bouriant, the first one to publish the chapel's inscriptions, there were no traces of the invoked's name. The funerary papyri offering parallels to this text (see note 44) normally have hA Wsjr NN.

41 BOURIANT 1887, 391; LEGRAIN 1912, 172; LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 45. 42 Cf. LEGRAIN 1900, 134 (paroi D). 43 TT36: KUHLMANN - SCHENKEL 1983, vol. I, 123 (Text 265); TT 389: ASSMANN 1973, 60; TT 410: ASSMANN 1977, 30-31 (Text 10b). On the Verklärungsbuch II see also ASSMANN 1986, col. 999 s. v. "Verklärung"; GOYON 1974, 78-80; esp. 80; BURKARD 1995, 6-8.

121 Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

Jurman.qxp

2006.10.24.

17:52

Page 122

CLAUS JURMAN

c The passages in brackets following hA are restored on the basis of the text versions attested in the Saite Asasif tombs TT 36, TT 389, and TT 410.43 The Verklärungsbuch II, a collection of glorification spells later incorporated into funerary literature, is also drawn upon in many Saite tombs of the Asasif (see note 43). Sources such as the pSchmitt or the pSêkowski make it clear, however, that its original "Sitz im Leben" was the Osirian temple liturgy.44 Thus, we are provided here with an early example of the spell in a perfectly appropriate context.45 It should be noted that the text's solar overtones, speaking of Osiris' ascension to Atum-Re and his followers, is paralleled by the iconographic rendering of the god as a striding, completely anthropomorphic figure (Pl. 49.).46 At least briefly should be mentioned that a comparable relationship apparently exists between the pVienna 3865 of Roman times, a text concerned with offering rites on behalf of Osiris during the Decade Festival,47 and the lower registers in the innermost room of the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet which incorporate the well-known tableau of Djeme.48 The provisioning deities enumerated in

44 On pBerlin 3057 (=pSchmitt): MÖLLER 1900, 2-3, n. 2. pSêkowski was destined for the use in private funerary cult, but explicitly states at the beginning: mDA.t n.t sAx Ax jrj m Hw.t-nTr n.t Wsjr nb-©d.t (Book of glorifying the glorified (?), performed within the temple of Osiris, the lord of Busiris.) SZCZUD£OWSKA 1970, 50-52; 63. 45 It is an intriguing, yet controversial, question why the Egyptians of that time started to fill up the temple walls with liturgical and mythological texts that had formerly – at least to our knowledge – been confined to non-monumental records and oral tradition. 46 The accompanying caption being broken away, there is no definitive proof of the god's identity. Whereas Legrain calls him Amun in his brief account on the chapel (LEGRAIN 1912, 172), Leclant is inclined to identify him with Osiris (LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 45). For the following reasons, Leclant's suggestion seems more convincing to me: 1) Room I of the roughly contemporary chapel of Osiris Nebankh has a similar distribution of deities (Osiris on the lateral walls, Amun-Re and Mut on the rear wall, cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 30-32; 291, fig. 5-7; 35). 2) There is a parallel for the depiction of Osiris without any attributes in the tomb chapel of Amenirdis I in Medinet Habu (PM II.2 1972, 476, 5). For Amun, in contrast, I know of no such iconographic rendering in a comparable context. 3) The glorification spell on the right of the wall is surely referring to Osiris. This argument is also valid for the identification of the female deity as Isis, who would appropriately figure as reciter of the sAx. Nevertheless, it cannot be fully ruled out that Mut has replaced Isis in this function here. 47 HERBIN 1984, 105-126. 48 For the latter cf. GOYON 1979, 49-51, pl. 23. 49 On the north wall of room III, lower register, one can read