IBALOI

“IBALOI…”

The Ibaloi or Nabaloi is an indigenous ethnic group found in the northern Philippines. The Ibaloi are one of the indigenous peoples collectively known as Igorot, who live in the mountains of the Cordillera Central on the island of Luzon. There are approximately 55,000 Ibaloi; most of them can be found in the southern part of the province of Benguet. The Ibaloi are a mostly agricultural people cultivating rice in terraced fields. Many contemporary Ibaloi have integrated into the mainstream Filipino culture and some are employed as miners in the gold and silver mines of Benguet. The Ibaloi traditionally practiced mummification. The process they used involved smoking the corpse for months to completely dehydrate the dead body, which preserved every part of the body including tattoos and internal organs. They would then encase the preserved body within a hollowed out log and placed in caves that are thought to be spiritual by the Ibaloi.

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MARRIAGE & WEDDING CUSTOMS

The native Ibalois practiced parental marriage, that is, parents chose their children's mates. This marriage custom eventually waned, however, due to sad experiences on the part of the children who were not paired off well. The parents of both bride and groom still decide on what to do during the wedding feast and ceremony. The groom's parents who shoulder most of the wedding expenses do most of the decision making. An Ibaloi wedding celebration is held at the bride's house. Although the dowry system is not observed, it is a must that animals like carabaos, cows or pigs be butchered for the wedding celebration which lasts from two to five days or even longer, especially for rich families. It is considered disgraceful for both parties if no animals are butchered or sometimes if only one or two pigs are butchered.

 ARTS The people of Benguet have certain notedtraditional feasts and rituals, such as the kosdey, a rite for the fertility of the soil that is observed when the

rice blooms in the field. This ritual is done when the moon rises in the month of May. Other feast such as the tehungas, a purification rite with a ceremony held to avenge the ghosts of the enemies who killed their people in the past, signifies the purification of those whom they have avenged.

Traditional culture is fast transforming in the face of greater contacts with Christian culture. Practices like tribal wars, mummification and body tattooing have all but disappeared. Traditional costumes have also given way to western apparel. Most Benguet residents belong to one of the many Christian churches that have actively proselytized among the Ibalois. Traditional Ibaloi crafts continue to be made by highland craftsmen. Igorot weavers are renowned for their distinctive motifs. They also continue to make ethnic jewelry, which may be simple or complex, each bearing specific names. Igorot woodcraft is also very popular. Living cultural traditions and important relics can also be found in museums in the City of Baguio, Provincial Capitol and in the town of Kabayan, the seat of the Ibaloi culture. In the different municipalities, the mummified remains of the important men have been left in burial caves that dot the mountains surrounding the town. These mummies are considered sacred to the people of Benguet.

 BELIEFS

the

focus

of

Cañao or kanyao is simply a"festival" or ceremony or liturgy, or service or rite/ritual, of offering. It is a generic term. "Witchcraft" would be too limited or off the mark to describe it. A "kanyao" may be performed for thanksgiving for the health of the community, there could be a kanyao (petitionary/intercessory) for a bountiful harvest; a family kanyao may be performed for healing such as a very simple ritual of "sedey" with the use of water and prayer; a "grand kanyao" has entertainment, cultural shows and festivities.

In the Cordilleras the term " menkanyao " is widely used, which means "to perform

kanyao" or ritual. The main ethnic tribes, Ibaloi and Kankana-ey, are not far apart in their system, except that they are dissimilar in linguistics. Theirbelief system is common to both with little deviation in methods of performance but do not change the intent and purposes.

The Benguet people believe in the existence of unseen beings that emanate from the skyworld and the underworld. That these unseen beings are calledspirits thought to have power over man. It is further believed that these unseen beings or spirits can be manipulated by men to his advantage. With this, the people strive to win the favors of the spirits using prayers and material offerings in a ritual. Knowing their attributes and whims is important as a basis to classify said spirits as to heirarchy and generosity. 1. Spirits classified as to heirarchy are: a) The maker of the universe, Adika-ila(Kankana-ey)/ Mengos-oschong(Ibaloi) .This is the highest and powerful of all the spirit and his realm is in the skyworld; b) Diety(gods/goddesses), Kabunyan; c) Spirits of ancestors, Ap-apo(Kn)/ Kaapuan(Ib) and people who just died,Kakading/Kedaring. They are believed to move freely from the skyworld to the underworld and back as they wish; d) Spirits inhabiting the earth collectively called Anito in kankana-ey/ Ikalutaan in Ibaloy. These underworld sipirits when offended, trespassed and brushed aside should be violent thereby inflicting illness, death and misfortune to man. 2. The degree of goodness or badness of the spirits depends on perception of men's action. The degree of offense of man against the spirit is the measure of the degree of his punishment curable only by appeasing the spirit. a) The Benevolent spirit, Maeya (Kn)/ Mapteng (Ib), is offered a thanksgiving ritual consisting of animals, food, ricewine and other materials as gifts. b) The Malevolent, Makedse (Kn)/ Makedsel (Ib), who caused illness could also be appeased by performing a healing ritual to restore the health of the afflicted by offering similar gifts. The Benguet people regard rituals and feasts as a fulfillment of their aspirations as well as a cure to illness. They believe that the good spirits will give the Benguet people favors in the form of good health and material wealth.

 NATIVE PRIESTS

The native priests are the chosen spiritual leaders in the community well versed in the belief system. They are consulted in healing the sick, in comforting the victim of misfortune and in the offering of thanks to the deities for fortunes received. They are therefore the counsels of the people in times of joy, sorrow and distress. They are categorized according to their calling. 1. The Mansip-ok (Kn)/ M ansi'bok (Ib) having been given certain powers to determine the cause of illness, death and misfortune, prescribes the appropriate ritual cure. He uses his own device in determining the cause of the sufferings. 2. When a ritual is prescribed, it is given to the Manbunong to administer. He in turn performs the said ritual and the effectiveness of it is in his hands. 3. In rituals the Mankotom (Kn.) Manchiba (Ib.) interpretes omens and signs which the Mansip-ok and the Manbunong may not decide. The Mankotom is capable of performing the tasks of the other two.

 THE RITUALS The spirits are called upon with offerings of animal, ”tapey ", food and other desired/prescribed materials of favors received or restored health. In any ritual rice wine, tapey (Kn)/ tafey(Ib) is always used being the traditional wine, and the pig as the traditional animal. Since there are classes of spirits, the rituals are performed to conform with the spirit's demands. The Kabunyan/Kavunian, Ap-apo/Kaapuan, Kakading/Kedaringare offered thanksgiving rituals. They receive the most ritual for being benevolent to man. Likewise, spirits that are easily offended and violent, like the Tomongaw/Tinmongaw, Pinten/pinchen, amlag/atoros, pinad-ing/pinad-eng, are offered appeasement ritual called the Dilus(Kn.) chilus(Ibaloy).

 WEAPONS

This hinalung type blade came mounted as a spear point on a pole. The double edged leaf shaped blade has an integral socket formed essentially from a wide tang wrapped around to form a flattened cylinder. A few bands of woven rattan cover either end of the socket/handle. The diamond shaped hollow seen at the base of the blade is continuous with the socket. 20th century. Overall length, blade and socket: 34.2 cm. (13.5 inches); blade length: 35.5 cm. (13.9 inches).

 TATTOO Ibaloi – (Southern Benguet) tattooing is usually rare among the menfolk and in few men, the tattoos differed according to individual whims and no common or identifying pattern would be determined. The women, on the other hand, adorn their arms from elbow down to their arms from above the elbow down to their knuckles with elaborate and extensive designs (criss-cross, horizontal, vertical and curved elements).

 HOUSES Houses, generally scattered in fields or on hillsides, are raised about two meters on posts and covered with a pyramidal thatched roof. Subsistence is based on wet rice, tubers, beans, and maize, supplemented occasionally with the meat of pigs, dogs, chickens, water buffalo, horses, and cattle. Descent is bilateral. There is marked differentiation between the rich and the poor, with a

considerable concentration of power and influence in the hands of the former.

“SUBANON…” The Subanen ethnolinguistic groups are native to the Zamboanga Peninsula in the western part of the large southern Philippine island of Mindanao. They were originally found along the river banks or "suba" but now reside primarily in the mountains because of continuous invasions of Muslim groups, as well as migrations of Cebuano speakers in the coastal areas of the Zamboanga Peninsula. The groups that traditionally remained animist call themselves "Subanen", or "Subanon" in the area closer to Zamboanga City. Other groups who are linguistically members of the Subanen language subgroup but adopted Islam call themselves "Kolibugan" in western areas and Kalibugan in the central area. Although claims are often made that the Kolibugan/Kalibugan are ethnically mixed with Sama, Badjaw, Tausug, or Maguindanaon, there is no evidence supporting those claims, and linguistically, the languages of the Islamic members of the Subanen subgroup are virtually identical with the language of the neighboring non-Islamic group, except that the Islamic groups have a larger amount of Arabic vocabulary that refers to aspects of life that deal with religious concepts. Outsiders often call the Subanen "Subano", which is apparently a Spanish version of the native name. Likewise, many outsiders call all of the Muslim groups "Kalibugan". The name Subanen/Subanon means "river people", which is derived from the word "suba" or river. The Subanen regularly move from one location to another to clear more forest for fields. They cultivate crops, with rice as the most important crop, but they are also known to raise livestock including pigs, chickens, cattle, and water buffaloes. Subanen houses are built

along hillsides and ridges overlooking family fields. The homes are usually rectangular and rose on stilts with thatched roofs.

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HOUSES

Subanon houses usually have some distance between them. Their homes are typically rectangular, raised on stilts, and have thatched roofs. They are generally situated on hillsides or ridges that overlook the family fields. Every three or four years the Subanon move to a new location to clear more forest for fields.

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SOCIETY

Unlike most of the world's peoples, the Subanon have virtually no division of labor based on sex. Men and women work in the fields together, and men cook and care for the children when necessary. They have little social stratification. Everyone is on an equal level in Subanon society because everyone has the same occupation and has almost the same economic level and lifestyle. The Subanon permit polygamy (multiple wives), but nearly all marriages involve only one man and one woman. Families usually arrange marriages, and the groom's family is expected to pay a bride price. Occasionally, the groom will work for the bride's family for a few years rather than paying a full bride price.

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RELIGIOUS BELIEFS

In sharp contrast to the surrounding peoples who have adopted Christianity or Islam, the Subanon cling to their ancient polytheistic religion. They believe that man shares the universe with a variety of gods, spirits, demons, and ghosts. These supernatural forces are said to have the ability to harm humans. However, humans supposedly have the power to harm them as well. At various times of the year, the Subanon give offerings of rice, meat, and wine to the gods and ancestral spirits. Witch doctors, or shamans, play a large role in Subanon religion. The people depend on the shamans to hear and understand the wishes of the gods and ancestral spirits. Furthermore, the tribe believes in a supreme being they call "Diwata Migbebaya". Education among these people was limited to instruction by the Timuay or the tribal head. The tribe has no religion although it is believed that they had a holy book at one time. Today the Subanen people were transformed into either Christianity or the Muslim faith. Those Subanen who adopted Islam is known as the Kolibugan or Kalibugan, and the other Subanen were traditionally animist also many have since adopted Christianity.

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ARTS The dances and rituals now found among Filipinos in the hinterlands suggest that indigenous drama had begun to evolve from attempts to control the environment. Pangalitawo (pahng-AH-lee-TAH-woh) Tis is a courtship dance, which typically performed during harvest time and other social gatherings. The female holds shredded banana leaves in each hand, while the male wields a kalasay, a type of shield.

Soten (SOH-tehn) This all-male dance dramatizes the strength and stoic character of the Subanon male. Holding a shield in his left hand and shaking dried palm leaves in his right, the Subanon male calls the attention of the diwatas, or dieties, in a manner of supplication with the sound of the leaves, the most beautiful sound to their gods' ears. The men's dance is accompanied by gongs and drums and by the women who play in syncopation on blue and white Ming dynasty bowls, exhibiting the

Subanon's trade relationship with China and the rest of Southeast Asia.

Dumadel (dooh-mah-DEHL) A festival dance performed by the Subanons with palaspas (fronds of the buri plant) to celebrate a good harvest.

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MARRIAGE & WEDDING CUSTOMS

Marriage, the parents of the man look for a woman he will marry and both sets of parents set the wedding date. Polygamy and polyandry are practiced but separation is not allowed nor is marrying nearest relatives. When a couple wants to have only 1 or 2 children the wife, after giving birth, eats an herb called benayan. For birth spacing she eats 2 herbs, and if no more children are desired she eats more. Another type of birth control is practiced by the midwife who "manipulates" the woman after delivery. Various methods are practiced to predetermine a child's sex. Pregnant women must abide by many regulations including placing a piece of wood across her path before going in a doorway. It is considered a blessing to have more daughters than sons because the father will be able to recover the dowry he paid for his wife. There is a general belief that all human beings should marry .

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CLOTHING Subanons, either educated or uneducated, dress just like anybody but some still wear daily clothes similar to those of the ancestors. Men wear pants, which is tight at the knees and loose at the waistline. Woman wear bright colored blouses with

long and very tight sleeves. During festivals, women adorn themselves with several necklaces, earing and bracelets made of beads and coins. Their favorite colors are red, black and gree.

“BADJAOS…” The Badjaos are popularly known as the "Sea Gypsies" of the Sulu and Celebes seas. They are generally boat dwellers whose religion is ancestor worship mixed with Islamic influences.The term "Badjao" is a Malay-Borneo word which connotes "man of the seas" or Orang Laut in Bahasa Melayu.The Badjaos call themselves as Sama Laus(Sea Sama). Badjaos maybe divided into two groups: the southern Badjao and the northern Badjao. The southern Badjao is located on the islands of Tawi-Tawi, Sibutu and Semporna(Sabah) while the northern Badjao is located in Siasi, Jolo, Basilan and Zamboanga. The Badjaos are an oppressed tribe. They are referred to a palao or lumaan (God forsaken) by the Tausugs. The Badjaos speak of the language Sinama, which is a dialect of Samal language. Their livelihood is totally dependent on the resources of the sea - fishes, seaweeds, shells and so forth, either for food or to sell/barter for other necessities such as clothing, materials for boat construction, matobes, and fishing equipment.

A sea ritual makes the Badjaos childbirth practice somewhat peculiar. The newly born infant is thrown into the sea. Other people dive after it to rescue it. This ritual is simply an initiation into the reality of the Badjao life which is based on kinship with the sea. 

History

Scattered throughout the Sulu Archipelago of the Philippines live the Sama Badjao, a people nobody wants. Badjao means "man of the seas." By tradition, the people are sea nomads, traveling by boat from one island to the next in search of a fishing harvest. But the Sama Badjao are known to other tribes living in the same area as 'palau' or 'lumaan,' both meaning "godforsaken." The origins of the Badjao are uncertain. According to a legend, they came from the shores of Johore, Indonesia, where they had already been living in clusters of houseboats. Anthropologist H. Arlo Nimmo (1968) believes, however, that the Badjao were originally of the land-based Samal group but branched off into boat dwellers as a result of their occupation. This practice might have subsequently spread to the area around Malaysia. Another theory is that the Badjao were originally boat dwellers who eventually built stilt houses near fertile fishing grounds. Spanish and American influence on Badjao social and cultural development has been virtually nil due to two factors: the Badjao live in the territory of the Muslim Filipinos, although they are also the least influenced by Islam; and they are itinerant travelers

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Livelihood Their lives revolve around fishing, seafaring, and trade, with some farming along the coastal strips. Throughout much of Sulu and eastern Sabah, copra (the meat of the coconut from which coconut oil is derived) is the major cash crop. Copra holdings are small, and few families own enough palms to support themselves entirely from copra sales.

Both men and women share in agricultural labor and engage in trade. Fishing, building boats, and working with iron are primarily male occupations. Women generally weave mats and market pottery.

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Visual Crafts and Arts The traditional attire of the Badjao consists of either everyday wear or elaborately embroidered costumes for special occasions. The patadjung/tadjong has many uses. Among the Badjao it is large enough to fit any person and is worn by both men and women as a skirt or gown tucked at the chest level. It can serve as putung (headcover), waistband, sash, blanket, hammock, shoulder bag, cradle, pouch, hood, or pillow.

The women’s sablay is a loosed sleeved blouse reaching down to the hips. A simpay (band) forms the front opening and extends to the back from a small collar. Woman’s accessories are jewelry and colored combs. The gallang (bracelet) is the most popular ornament. The most common is that made from sulau(letter cone) or kima (tidachna gigas). Other pieces of jewelry are the gantung-liug (pendant), aritis (earing), singsing (ring), hukut-liug (necklace), and galungsung (anklet). Metal craft designs can be classified into three kinds: the repousse, relief hammered from the reverse side; arabesque, incision of interlocking curves; and filigree, tracing with thin gold, silver, or brass wires. Badjao painting and carving are integral to the people’s life cycle. In wedding ceremonies, the wedding beautician must be adept at applying the special makeup on the bride and groom. With a razor blade tied with thread to a split bamboo twig, the beautician shape’s the bride’s eyebrows into a triangle and carves tiny bangs on her forehead. Lampblack is used to outline a rectangle on her forehead and this is emphasized by yellow ginger juice. Black dots are outlined horizontally above the eyebrows and/or beneath the eyes with the pointed end of a coconut midrib. Another beautician attends the groom and his face is made up the same way.

A sundok (grave marker) may also be especially fashioned from a separated piece of wood. It may carry the same designs as those on the boat. It is carved into an animal form, such as a spirit into the afterlife. A male marker is distinguished by a column topped with a fez, a stylized umbrella, or a stylized human face. The female marker is marked by a flat triangle, sometimes with scalloped edges, and incised with lavish floral designs.

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Performing Arts

The Badjao have five types of song: leleng, binoa, tenes, panulkin, and lugu. Except for the last two, the lyrics are improvised and sung to a traditional tune. The leleng is sung for any occasion, by anyone of any age. It is also sung for special occasions like weddings, haircuts, or circumcisions. The binoa is similarly chanted as the leleng. The tenes-tenes is a ballad whose tune changes with the lyrics. It may be sung for any occasion and by anyone, but especially by a young man for his sweetheart. The melody of a known tenes may be used for a different set of lyrics. Some tenes are love and courting songs, and songs that are addressed to sharks. A woman sings the lugu at a wedding as the imam or panglima walks with the groom to the bride’s side. The lugu’s lyrics are verses from the Koran; it has a traditional and melancholy tune. The panulkin is sung only by the imam and has traditional tune and lyrics. It is sung during the vigil of the dead, from 7 PM to 1 AM. It is a way of keeping awake and of making the community aware that somebody has died. The Badjao dance traditions have much in common with the other ethnic groups of Sulu, especially the Samal. The basic traditional dance movement is the igal or pangalay performed by the female. The costume for the igal is the allabimbang and the sawwal. The hair is preferably pulled back in a bun, although it may also be allowed to hung loose. The dance is accompanied by any drum or a gabbang.

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Literary Arts

Badjao literature, except for their kata-kata (narrative forms) and riddles, seems to have been created primarily to be sung. Or it may be that their spoken form of literature is indistinguishable from that of the Samal, to whom is attributed such forms of oral literature as animal tales, trickster tales, numskull tales, magical tales, and novelistic tales.

Badjao riddles collected in the Semporna district of Sbah have a set opening: daing-daing ai, "what kind of fish." Sather observed groups of young men playing these guessing games at night, each side even betting some money on its answers. A Badjao tale says that the ancestors of the Samal ha Laud came from a fishing clan in Johore, Indonesia. A group of boats sailed in search of richer fishing grounds. One night a typhoon came and they had to moor by a sandbar. As they were about to rest for the night, their boats suddenly started bucking up and down. They realized theyhad tied their boats to the nose of a giant manta ray, which had begun to swim round and round in a frantic attempt to unloosen the boats tied to its nose. The fishers managed to untie their boats, but by then, they had been flung in various directions. Another origin story involves the Princess Ayesha of Johore and the Sultans of Brunei and Sulu. She preferred the Brunei sultan, but was betrothed instead to the Sulu sultan. Escorted by a fleet of war boats, she was sailing towards Sulu when a Brunei fleet, led by their Sultan, intercepted them and took the princess away. The princess’ retinue, fearing to go on to Sulu or return to Johore, stayed onn the sea, mooring only at uninhabited islands. Some turned to piracy and established pirate dens along North Borneo coasts.

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Housing

Badjaos can be divided into three types based on their form of residence: the sedentary, with commercial pursuits and permanent homes; the semisedentary, who spends periods alternately between their houseboats and village homes; and the sea gypsies, who live in houseboats as itinerant fisher folk in search of rich fishing grounds. The Badjaos have no permanent dwellings and live on their boats throughout the year. In some places, the Badjaos have built houses usually 20 to 30 feet long with a width of 15 feet thereby forming a perfect rectangle. Fronting their house is an open platform to serve as boat landing stage. The people now live in one of three types of dwellings: stilt houses on the coast, ordinary land houses clustered along protected shorelines or houseboats. Houses, which are raised one to three meters above the ground or highest water mark, usually consist of a single rectangular room with an attached kitchen. Houses built over the water are connected by small bridges or planks. Houseboats are often double dugout canoes. Typically each boat shelters five or six

people - a family and maybe one or two other relatives. Two to six families anchor their boats in a cluster while fishing, sharing food and pooling labor and resources. 

Demographics and religion

Religions of Badjaos Religion Islam   Christianity Folk religion / Other religions No religion /   Unknown

Percent 95.26% 0.52% 0.08% 4.14%

The various Bajau sub-groups vary culturally, linguistically, and religiously. Religion can vary from a strict adherence to Sunni Islam, forms of folk Islam, to animistic beliefs in spirits and ancestor worship. There is a small minority of Christians. Claims to religious piety and learning are an important source of individual prestige among the coastal Bajau, and the title of salip/sarip (descendants of the Prophet Muhammad) are shown special honor in the local community. Some of the Bajau lack mosques and must rely on the shore-based communities such as those of the more Islamized Аrabic or Malay peoples. The Ubian Bajau, due to their nomadic marine lifestyle, are much less adherent to orthodox Islam, and practice more of a syncretic folk hybrid, revering local sea spirits, known in Islamic terminology as Jinn.

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Clothing

Bajaus are expert horsemen – this is their main claim to fame in Malaysia, where horse riding has never been widespread anywhere else. The Bajau people are also well known for weaving and needlework skills. In Semporna, Sabah, Malaysia, the Bajau groups perform the likely Tausug's dance, Pangalay.'Daling-Daling'

like the performance dance from Вajaus dance like Іgal-igal. They also invented their own dance called Igal-igal in Вajau languages, based on the Daling-daling moves and costumes. In fact it has become the dance of choice for wedding ceremonies for native communities in Semporna and has spread to Sandakan. By the year 2000, among the Sama Bajau communities, this dance, also simply called Daling-daling, tend to be included with the Joget dances at wedding ceremonies at night. This is helped by the production of Music Videos of the Daling-daling songs and dances. In Sarawak there are a number of Iban named Bajau (Beransah Bajau, Hillary Bajau)

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Traditional beliefs

Many Bajaus of the east coast retain their seaborne lifestyle, together with remnants of traditional pre-Islamic beliefs. Traditional Bajau communities may have a dukun (i.e. a shaman) and may adhere to taboos concerning the treatment of the sea and other cultural aspects. An example of this is the offering of thanks to the Omboh Dilaut, the God of the Sea, whenever a particularly large catch is brought in. The east coast Sabah Bajau are also famous for the annual Semporna Regatta. Among the boat-dwellers in particular, community spirit mediums are consulted at least once a year for a public séance and nightly trance dancing. In times of epidemics, the mediums are also called upon to remove illness causing spirits from the community. They do this by setting a "spirit boat" adrift in the open sea beyond the village or anchorage. It has been suggested by some researchers that Bajau people's visits to Arnhem Land gave rise to the accounts of the mysterious Baijini people in the myths of Australia's Yolngu Aboriginals. 

Maritime technology and fishing

Bajau fishers make use of wooden sailing vessels known as perahu lambo for voyages to the Timor and Arafura seas. The construction and launch of these craft are ritualized, and the vessels are believed to have a spirit (Sumanga'). Under a 1974 Memorandum of Understanding, "Indonesian traditional fishermen" are allowed to fish within the Exclusive Economic Zone of Australia, which includes traditional fishing grounds of Bajau fishers. However, fishing in these areas has led to concern about overfishing[15] and destruction of Bajau vessels.

Bajaus are also noted for their exceptional abilities in free-diving, with physical adaptations that enable them to see better and dive longer underwater. The Bajau often intentionally rupture their eardrums at an early age in order to facilitate diving and hunting at sea. Many older Bajau are therefore hard of hearing.

“ILONGGOT…”

The Ilongots are Indonesians who inhabit the southern Sierra Madre and Caraballo Mountains, on the easterly central part of Luzon Island in the Philippines. At the present time, there are about 2500 of them. The type measurements of the Ilongots are: stature, 156; forehead, 82; and shape of nose, 89. These people tend to live near the streams which furnish them much of their livelihood and transportation. On account of long isolation and varied associations with the Ainu, Negritos, and other peoples, many different dialects and customs have developed, which divide the Ilongots into three distinct groups. Along the upper waters of the Cagayan River is the Italon group which exhibits some short Mongol mixture, especially to be seen among the women. The men wear long hair with a characteristic hair net over the forehead. The Egoñgut group lives on the Tabayon River; while the primitive Abaka group inhabits the Conwap River. In each of these main groups are localities each having its varied dialect and customs. However, the salient composite features of the ancient Ilongot culture can be described. Although there is a larhe concentration of villages at the source of the Cagayan River, Illongot communities are generally scattered in the Southern Sierra Madre and Carballo mountains. Numerous rivers and dense tropical rain forests define Ilongot territory, covering Nueva Viscaya, and parts of Nueva Ecija and Quirino.

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RELIGIOUS BELIEF & PRACTICES The gods of the Ilongots are Cain and Abal, two brothers who are the creators and guardian lords of all things. They are benevolent and their particular care is that of the people who live on earth. They are invincible and live in the sky, Taon, sometimes on the sun, Elag, or the moon, Dalan, or perchance some star, Pandac. Their messengers are called Binangunan or Cabuligian. Cain and Abal travel from place to place. Their

road

is

called

Keat

(lightning).

Kidu

(thunder)

follows

the

road.

In the beginning, Cain and Abal lived together in the sky; but they had a quarrel and separated, as Abal wanted to live on earth where he could herd his animals. He was the one who created the lowlanders, who have the use of his carabaos and other animals. Abal is stronger and more powerful than Cain and so there are more lowlanders than mountain people. Moreover, Until the 1950s, when Protestant proselytizers arrived, the Ilongot had had no contact with major world religions. The traditional belief system includes supernatural beings that are both helpful and dangerous. Illness is conceived to be caused by supernaturals that lick or urinate on the individual, by deceased ancestors, or by supernatural guardians of fields and forests who become angered by human destruction of what they guard. There are a few shamans, who treat disease, and anyone so cured can use a portion of the shaman's spiritual power to cure; otherwise, spiritual curing power comes from illnesses and visions. The individual's spirit, which travels at night during his life, continues on after death. Since this spirit is dangerous to the living, it is forced away from habitations by sweeping, smoking, bathing, and invocation.

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SOCIETY

There is no formal leadership. Informal leadership resides in sets of brothers, especially those with oratorical skills and knowledge of genealogy; women claim to be unable to understand. The leader cannot apply sanctions, but can orchestrate consensus. In cases of dispute requiring an immediate resolution, the offended party may require that the alleged offender undergo an ordeal to establish innocence. Warfare is practiced in the form of headhunting. The reasons for headhunting are an unsettled feud, a death in one's household, and the obligatory requirement of a young man to kill before marrying. A pig is sacrificed when the headhunters return. Warring groups may establish peace through negotiations and exchanges.

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MARIAGGE & WEDDING

Young men are expected to engage in a successful headhunt before marriage. Young men and women select each other as marriage partners and form couples prior to marriage. Such a

relationship includes casual field labor, gift giving, and sex. Later, there are formal discussions and marital exchanges. These discussions are used to settle disputes with the family of the potential spouse. Premarital pregnancy causes the marriage process to speed up under threats of violence, and disputes are usually ended with marriage. Marriage with closely related cousins (especially second cousins) is preferred, because community leadership is held by sets of male siblings. Levirate and sororate are common upon the death of a spouse. Marriage is monogamous for some years after the wedding; married couples may return to the husband's natal village only when bride-price payments are complete. 

ECONOMY

The Ilongot depend primarily on dry-rice swidden agriculture and hunting, as well as fishing and gathering. They burn and plant new fields each year, growing maize and manioc among the rice. Fields that already have produced one rice crop are planted in tobacco and vegetables, and fields that are in their last productive service are used to grow sweet potatoes, bananas, or sugarcane. Fields made from virgin forest are in use for up to five years, then lie fallow for eight to ten years. Fields are abandoned after a second use, and the group farming them leaves to find new virgin forest. Men in groups hunt several times a week with the aid of dogs; the meat acquired is shared equally among all households and is consumed immediately. Sometimes hunts of three to five days take place, and the meat from these trips is dried for trade or for bride-price discussions. Individuals who hunt keep their meat for trade. Fish are taken by nets, traps, spear, or poison. The Ilongot gather fruits, ferns, palm hearts, and rattan from the forest. They keep domesticated dogs for hunting, and pigs and chickens for trade. Men forge their own knives, hoes, and picks, and make rattan baskets, whereas women weave and sew. The items noted above as destined for trade are exchanged for bullets, cloth, knives, liquor, and salt. Most trade within Ilongot society occurs during bride-price payments and gift giving. Real property belongs to whoever clears it; personal property belongs to the individual as well.



“MANOBO…” "Manobo" is the hispanicized form of "Manuvu," which, of course, means "people." The Manobo appear to be a remnant of the very first Austronesian invasion from Taiwan, predating peoples like the Ifugao of Luzon. The Manobo supergroup includes several of the groups described elsewhere (see Bagobo,Hiligaynon, Bukidnon), but there are also many Manobo peoples not considered apart from the main group. The general orientation is now

predominantly upland, as they were chased from the valleys by invading Visayans and Spaniards. But the Manobo have an adaptation to virtually every ecological niche, from rugged highland to coast, and are found from Sarangani Island to Agusan del Sur, the Davao provinces, Bukidnon, and North and South Cotabato. Kinship is figured bilaterally, and nuclear households are kin-grouped into widely dispersed communities usually situated on ridges high above mountain drainages. Some communities have long houses. Leadership is achieved by a skilled and socially powerful datu who creates alliances in many ways, including marriage. Several area datus would be organized under a higher datu, united in turn under the Sultanate with a Rajah Muda. This structure is gradually giving way to the westernized scheme of provincial government and local councilmen, which places more emphasis on the young and educated. The distinctive ethnic costumes have mostly given way to commercial clothing, with ethnic materials being sold commercially as antiques. The Manobo are several people groups who inhabit the island of Mindanao in the Philippines. They speak one of the languages belonging to the Manobo language family. Their origins can be traced back to the early Malay peoples, who came from the surrounding islands of Southeast Asia. Today, their common cultural language and Malay heritage help to keep them connected. The Manobo cluster includes eight groups: the Cotabato Manobo, Agusan Manobo, Dibabawon Manobo, Matig Salug Manobo, Sarangani Manobo, Manobo of Western Bukidnon, Obo Manobo, and Tagabawa Manobo. Their populations range from less than 15,000 to more than 50,000. The groups are often connected by name with either political divisions or landforms. The Bukidnons, for example, are located in a province of the same name. The Agusans, who live near the Agusan River Valley, are named according to their location. The eight Manobo groups are all very similar, differing only in dialect and in some aspects of culture. The distinctions have resulted from their separation.



SOCIETY

The most common lifestyle of the Manobo is one of rural agriculture. Unfortunately, their farming methods are very primitive. For example, the Bukidnon grow maize and rice as their principal crops. Some of the farmers have incorporated plowing techniques, while others have continued to use the "slash-and-burn" method. The Cotabato use a farming system called kaingin. This is a procedure in which fields are allowed to remain fallow for certain periods of time so that areas of cultivation may be shifted from place to place. This is very inefficient since many plots of land are not being used at one time. Social life for the Manobo is patriarchal, or male-dominated. The head of the family is the husband. Polygyny (having more than one wife at a time) is common, and is allowed according

to a man's wealth. However, among the Bukidnon, most marriages are monogamous. The only exception is that of the powerful datus, or headmen. The political structures of the Manobo groups are all quite similar. A ruler, called a sultan, is the head of the group. Beneath him are the royal and non-royal classes. Only those people belonging to the royal classes can aspire to the throne. Those belonging to the non-royal classes are under the power and authority of the royal classes. Each class is interdependent on the others. The political aspects of life are often integrated with the social aspects. For example, many social events, such as weddings, require political leaders. Whenever there is a negotiation for marriage, both the bride and the groom must use the local datu (headman) to make all of the arrangements. There is a wide range in the populations of the eight Manobo groups. Many of the groups are struggling with a changing world. Outside pressures have greatly affected their respective cultures. What are their beliefs? The religious beliefs of the Manobo are revolved around the concept that there are many unseen spirits who interfere in the lives of humans. They believe that these spirits can intrude on human activities to accomplish their desires. The spirits are also believed to have human characteristics. They are both good and evil in nature and can be evoked to both anger and pleasure. While the religious practices of the Manobo vary slightly, there seems to be at least one common thread linking them together. Each culture believes in one "great spirit." This "great spirit" is usually viewed as the creator figure. As the various Manobo groups have been separated, the religious beliefs of other peoples have influenced them somewhat. However, the Manobo have often incorporated these new practices into their belief system, rather than abandoning their practices and being converted to new religions. History Oral tradition and records about the introduction of Islam into Mindanao give us a clue to the history of pre-Spanish Manobo. Their ancestors inhabited the lowervalley of the Pulangi River in central Mindanao. In the 14th century, Sharif Kabungsuan, a muslim missionary, arrived from Johore, to convert the people. According to oral tradition, the Manobo's leaders were two borthers:Tabunaway and Mumalu. They lived by a creek, Banobo , which flowed into the Mindanao River near the present site of Cotabato City. Tabunaway rejected Islam but advised his younger brother to submit to conversion. Tabunaway and his followers fled up the Pulangi River to the interior and, at a certain stop, they decided to part ways. Tabunaway and his group

who went to Livungan became the Livunganen. Others became the Kirinteken, Mulitaan, Kulamanen, and Tenenenen. The Kulamanen split into the Pulangian and Metidsalug/Matigsalug. Branches of the Tenenenen were the Keretanen, Lundugbatneg, and Rangiranen. A group stayed along the river in Lanuan and built an ilian (fort) and so became the Ilianon. Those who went to divava (downriver), Became the Dibabawon, some of whom branched into the Kidapawanen. But because ali these groups retained their indigenous beliefs and practices, they retained the name of their original site, Banobo, which eventually became Manobo. On the other hand, Mamalu's descendant's became the Maguindanao. Magellan landed in Butuan in 1521 and planted a cross at the mouth of the Agusan River to commemorate the first mass celebrated there. By 1591 Butuan had become an encomienda and tributes were collected. However, Spanish garrison towns and forts had to be erected because of Moro and Manobo resistance to colonization. In 1648, a rebellion that caused the death of many Spaniards was led by a Manobo chieftain named Dabao, a historical figure who became a hero of legends recounting his fantastic feats by a giant. Records of Christian conversion probably refer to the Visayan lowlanders, since all attempts made by the Spaniards to make Manobo conform to the pueblo or town system was futile. Christianized Manobo towns were established bye 1877, but these would shortly after be abandoned and razed to the ground bye the converted Manobo themselves, who would then flee to the mountains and revert to their old ways. By 1896, at the outbreak of the Philippine Revolution in other parts of the archipelago, the missionaries and troops had already withdrawn from the hinterlands because the Manobo constantly engaged them in warfare. It was during the American colonial period that significant changes occurred in the Manobo way of life. Patrols of Philippine Constabulary with American officers in command aimed to put a stop to the intertribal raids and feuding among the Manobo. AT the same time, the civil government tried to persuade the people, through their datu, to live in villages instead of dispersed settlements, and to send their children to school. Consequently, more or less permanent Manobo barrios began to be established in the lower areas. WWII hastened acculturation because lowlanders evacuated to the mountains to escape the Japanese. After the war, government homestead program encouraged families from the northern islands to settle in Mindanao. Each homesteader was offered "a farm plot of 16 acres for the first year, farming materials, a carabao, and farm implements" (Elken 1966:163). Although the Manobo themselves were offered the same privileges, their elders initially ignored the offer and, thorugh their council of datu forbade their people from cooperating. However, the younger ones, especially those who had been educated, joined the program in defiance of their elders. Furthermore, logging companies caused roads to be built in the mountains, and this facilitated interaction with the lowlanders, especially since the trucks of these companies usually offered them free rides. A typical Manobo settlement that underwent rapid change is Barrio Salangsang of the municipality of Lebak, Cotabato. For generations, the Manobo way of life was intact here until 1950s, when it was opened to Tiruray setlers. A Protestant church was built in 1959 and an

elementary public school in 1951. By 1966, out of a total of 510 households, 143 were Tiruray, all living in the village center. Out of the barrio's 11 sari-sari stores or corner shops, nine belonged to the Tiruray.

Economy The upland Manobo practise swidden or slash-burn farming whereas those inhabiting the valleys practise wet-rice farming. Rice culture is so central to the Manobo way of life that there are more than 60 different names for rice varieties, and all agricultural rituals center around it. In the late 190s, however many Manobo groups shifted to corn culture because of the gradual disappearance of swidden sites. Besides corn grit, other supplementary foods are sweet potatoes and cassava. In times of famine, emergency foods are unripe bananas and wild yam. Other major means of subsistence are fishing, hunting, bee hunting, and trapping. Because of these occupations, the Manobo live a seminomadic life. However, some Manobo villages that have established permanent settlements have shifted to the cultivation of coconut for copra export. A typical village engaged in swidden farming begins the agricultural cycle in February, when rice and corn are planted. The corn is harvested in July but rice takes longer to grow and is harvested in November. During the summer, while the people are waiting to harvest these two crops, sweet potatoes and cassava are the staple food. Abaca is raised and sold to Chinese traders or their agents, who take them to the urban centers. An occupation that figures as entertainment for the Manobo is bee hunting, the procedure for which the basis of the comic bee-hunting dance. Bees appear during the season when the tress start to bloom. The hunter waits for them along the creek banks and trails them to their hive. If he catches a bee, he ties a fluff of cotton to it and then releases it. When the bee reaches the hive, the other bees raise such a buzzing noise, that a hunter is led to the location of their hive. He builds a fire to smoke out the bees and then climbs the tree to get the empty bee hive. However, the hunter faces hazards, such as the tree catching fire or the bees attacking him. Political System Manobo settlements are either dispersed or relatively compact, depending on the terrain, the agricultural system practised, and the degree of acculturation. Compact villages traditionally have three or fourdatu or timuay (chieftains), but dispersed settlements have none. Some Manobo groups did not have a fromal system of chieftainship until the present century. In 1910, the Agusanon Manobo, for example, did not have a title for chief. He was simplu a bagani (warrior) a title that he shared with other members of the bagani class. The term "datu" was used by the Visayan traders for this chief but not by the Manobo. The Spaniards called him

masikampo (derived from maestre de campo) and the Moro called him kuyano/kulano. The subgroup Manuvu did not develop a datuship system until the middlle of the 20th century. On the other hand, one western Bukidnon Manobo recounts the elaborate rites that used to be held to install the chosen datu or bai (famale datu). A great number of people would converge at a place called the center of the earth for ceremonies that involved several aspiring datu who represented four directions: the "Upstream direction" (Cotabato of the Maggindanao), : "eastward" (Davao of Matigsalug), and "westward" (Lanao Lake of the Maranao). The people of these four directions recognized a ruler, whom they chose by a common agreement called the lantung (literally, a wooden beam that functions as a divider at the center of the house). The position of chieftainship ca be passed on to a datu's offspring, as long as the person has the qualifications necessary for the position: wisdom, knowledge of traditional lore and mythology, eloquence, skill in euphemistic language, fairness in judging or arbitrating disputes, and possession of some wealth and property that the person must be willing to share with the whole community. However, young village member who show promise can be chosen and trained to be chiefs, gradually earning the status of datu/bai as they prove their ability to settle disputes, which involves three factors: speaking, negotiating a settlement, and providing the settlement themselves. In olden times, the datu must also have proven his bravery and leadership in battle as a bagani. The datu/ bai is traditionally also the head of a kinship group. At the installation of the datu and bai, they are reminded to be good judges. The old datu conferring the position upon them says: "You hold the comb and oil represent the act of smoothing and disentangling and are therefore symbols of peace and order. Betel chew offering is laid out and prayers are addressed to the gods Likebeb, Mensigew, Reguwen, Unluwa, Makeyvakey, and Miyugbiyug, the spirits who guide and confer wisdom upon the datu. Gifts of money and any article such as cloth, dagger, or water buffalo are given to each datu or bai. Then a series of acts symbolizing the breaking of one's vow is performed: they break an egg, blow out a lamp, smash a cooking pot, tear down a fence, break aplate, and cut a length of rattan in two. The datu was advised by a council of elders composed of datu and family heads. Today this council of elders may still be highly influential in choosing the village datu and the members of the barrio council, composed of the barrio captain, the captain's assistant, the councilor for education, the councilor for health and sanitation. The barrio council, which is formally elected by the village people under the influence of the council of elders, is usually composed of young educated people who are familiar with the lowland culture, especially the language of trade. Actually, however, the barrio council still defers to the authority of the council of elders, whose jurisdiction covers matters involving batasan or adat (custom law), marriage arrangements, penalty for taboo breaking, and settlement of interfamily quarrels. The barrio council handles law enforcement, matters concerning civil law, community improvement, and questions over land onwership.

In September 1959 the Bukidnon datu revived the lantung in an attempt to keep the Manobo culture intact, especially for the younger generation. A high datu was chosen to act as a mediator between the various cultural groups. Social Customs The traditional social structure consists of four classes: the bagani, the baylan, commoner, and slave. The bagani class, now gone, defended the community and went to battle. The baylan, who can still be found, is a male or female priest and healer. The commoners were farmers; and the slaves, who had been seized in raids, belonged to the ruler and were usually given away as part of the bridewealth. Village members could also become enslaved if they could not pay the penalty for a crime they had committed, such as thievery, destruction of property, adultery, or verbal offense. Slaves, however could win their freedom through diligence in the fulfillment of their duties, faithfulness to their master, or payment of their debt through servitude. Slaves who were treated like members of the family although still in servitude are bilew, and it was considered an insult if they were referred to as slaves. One who did so was committing tempela, ridiculing someone for their low status physical handicap. Intervillage relationship is based on upakat or reciprocity. Village members, usually belonging to kinship group or groups allied by marriage, expect assistance from each other in matters of subsistent labor, defense, and support in crises. Wedding and Marriage Marriage is traditionally by parental arrangement, which begins when each of two families chooses a spokesperson, preferably a datu or bai, who is known for eloquence and knowledge of custom law. The ginsa ("asking") begins with the girl's representative offering betel chew, which the boy's representative politely refuses until negotiations for the kagun (bridewealth) begin. All the groom's relatives, especially the datu/bai related to the groom's family, will contribute to the kagun. The wedding date is determined by the length of the groom's family will need to raise the kagun. In the meantime, the bride's relatives are preparing the apa (wedding feast), consisting of rice, meat, fish, and rice wine. On the wedding day, the groom - wearing a white handkerchief - and his party walk to the bride's home. The bride is kept hidden behind a curtain in another room with someone guarding her. The groom's party knocked at the doorway y the ed-ipal, two or more of the bride's relatives who may ask the groom's party for a gift, such as clothing or money. After the feast, the elders sit on a large mat for the edteltagan he rirey, to display the symbols for the bride's value. Ten piles of corn kernels each are laid out in rows. Each pile symbolizes remuneration for the pains taken by the bride's family in rearing her. For example, one pile represents the purangan (to keep awake at night), the sleepless nights the parents spent over her; another pile represents the tugenan (viand), the nourishment they have given her. Then the groom's family presents the items of the kagun which may consist of a house, a piece of land, clothing, money, articles made of iron, brass, and animals. These items are distributed to

members of the bride's extended family, especially her aunts and uncles and those who contributed to the bridewealth given by her father when he married the bride's mother. The negotiations over, the groom's family presents the tenges (headcloth), which symbolizes that the arrangements must be wrapped up tightly to ensure a happy life for the young couple. The seru ritual follows: the bride and groom sit before a dish of rice. Each of the spokespersons takes a fistful of rice, molds it into a ball, and gives it to the couple, who feed each other. Then the guests join in the eating, with much revelry. The bride's mother prepares betel chew and hands it to her daughter, who offers it to the groom. This gesture symbolizes her tasks and duties as a wife. The couple are then given advice by the elders while the guests leave for home. The groom's parents stay for three more days, during which a purification ritual of chickens and rice is performed for the couple's gimukod (soul-spirit), whose approval of the marriage is sought. The groom goes home with his parents to call his gimukod in case it stayed there while he was away. He does not stay away too long from his bride's home because, for every day that he is gone, he must gift his in-laws with an article of clothing. Marriage is an alliance system in which reciprocity and mutual obligation between the groom's and bride's kinship groups are expected. It is, therefore, a means of maintaining peace and oder, for the Manobo's practice of retaliation does not extend to one's kindred or allies. Incest taboo is strictly followed up to a common great-great-great grandparent on both the mother's and father's side. Polygamy, although rarely practised, was allowed. A datu might resort to it, usually for economic and political reasons. Several wives allowed for more fields that could be cultivated, since the Manobo women did all the work in the fields. Polygyny also multiplied one's alliances and expanded them to several communities. However, the man could take another wife only if the first wife and her parents consented. The fist wife remained the head wife. Initially, the young couple stay with the wife's family. However, as their family grows, they build their own house, close to the parents of either one. When the husband builds a house, certain taboos must be observed. If he sneezes while looking for a site, he should stop and forego the search for another day. If the cry of the limokon (omen bird/dove) is heard while he is clearing the site, he must look for another site. When he digs holes for the posts, he must avoid unearthing earthworms, termites, or beetles, for these will cause many deaths in the house. The posts must have no disfigurements because these will cause deaths in the family, no vines wrapped around them because this means that the owner will die by hanging, and no broken parts because this means that the wife will die. The roof's gable should face east so that the occupants' life "will be like the shining of the sun" (Polenda 1989:79). The ladder should be made of indelugung wood, which rimes with rugung (thunder), so that the residents will have a reputation for virtue " that will echo abroad like thunder". Under the ladder should be buried a leaf of the pegul tree, to ward off harmful intentions; a leaf of indelugung tree, to establish a reputation for peace and happiness; a piece of small bamboo called belekayu to frustrate harmful intentions on the family; and a chip from a sharpening

stone to induce sharp thinking. Coconut oil is poured on the same spot to ensure good health and happiness. When the construction is finished, a house warming ritual is held to keep the busaw away. Chickens and pig are slaughtered, and their blood is smeared on the ladder, posts, and the main parts of the house. Blood is mixed with items representing the members of the family so that the busaw will take these in place of the people. The posts are painted with lampblack so that the busaw will not see the people in the darkness. Death and Burial Illness may be caused by the person's gimukod (soul) wandering away from the body. Or, the gimukod of the sick person has been captured by the gimukod of the dead person and carried away to the latter's new home. A sick person is made to sit facing the east, his/her head covered with black cloth, through which a threaded needle and a fishhook with a long line are stuck. A dish for the patient and another for the gimukod are set before them. A bit of cooked chicken and rice from the dish is placed in a betel chew container. The sick person's gimukod is captured and imprisoned in this container. Everyone present gives the patient a gift to encourage him/her to live longer. The container is placed on patient's head; it is then opened and the patient eats the bit of food that has been placed inside it. When death occurs, lapuy, death messengers, are sent to inform relatives and friends. The body is washed, dressed in best clothes of the deceased, laid on mat at the exact center of the floor directly underneath the peak of the rooftop, and completely covered with a blanket. Objects, such as a bolo sword that the dead must take with it on its journey to the afterlife, are placed near the body. A clothesline is strung parallel to the body, and the clothes of the family or the dead person's personal possessions are hung there. There is much wailing and shouting, and the agung (gong) is constantly beaten to announce the death to everyone within the hearing distance. The number of beats indicates the dead person's age, status and social position. After the grave has been dug, someone stands guard by the pit to keep the busaw away. Burial rites begin in the house with the "cutting the strand" ritual: an elder blackens half of a strand of manila hemp. This blackened end is held by the family while the white end is tied to the corpse. The strand is cut to signify the cutting of ties of affection between the family and the dead. A man is buried facing the east so that the sunrise will signal to him that it is time to work. A woman is buried facing the west so that the sunset will remind her that it is time to cook. As the dirt is thrown back into the pit, all turn their backs to avoid temptation of accompanying the dead person. The grave marker is a low wooden frame. Tree cuttings are stuck around the grave. After the burial, the mourners go to an unfrequented part to wash themselves and the tools used to dig the grave. When they return to the house, they spit on a burning woo or a fire by

the doorway. Everyone takes a small bite from the small meal that has been placed on the mat where the corpse had lain in state. The last person coming in takes the glowing piece of wood and the meal out of the house and throws it in the direction of the grave. Everyone, including the soul of the dead, is invited to eat. A mourning period of 8 to 12 days is set, depending on the stature of the dead person. A baby is mourned only for one day; a datu, seven days. There is singing and dancing but no instrumental music is allowed. In Salangsang, Cotabato, the mourning period may last 1 to 10 years, during which time the coffin stays at one side of the room. The coffin is made of a hollowed-out tree trunk, which is split lengthwise and it's edges sealed with a mixture of wood ashes, sweet potato leaves, and lime to contain the odor. The coffin is then half buried about 10 m away from the house, so that the sogoy or gimukod can wander in and out of the body. The betuung feast is held within a year after the burial; some hold it on the third day. The gimukod is entitled to attend and it is persuaded to journey on to the afterworld without taking anyone with it. Early in the morning, a meal is placed at the threshold and ashes are sprinkled at the foot of the ladder. Everyone in the house stays still so as not to frighten the soul away. If the ashes bear footprints, this means that the gimukod has come. For a widow or widower of marriageable age, the betuung feast is an occasion for the parents and parents-in-law, together with the datu/bai, to discuss the prospect of a new spouse for the new widow/widower. Clothing Before the Spanish colonial period, the Manobo wore bark cloth to cover their genitalia. Today they wear Western clothes: the skirt and blouse or dress for the women, trousers and sports shirt for men. The heavily embroidered traditional Manobo costume is now worn only on special occasions. Traditional fabric for clothes was abaca or hemp, weaved by the ikat process, but is now cotto cloth obatained through trade. Dyes were acquired from plants and trees: the tagum plant and the bark of the lamud treee produced lack, the turmeric root, yellow, and the keleluza plant, red. Ginuwatan are inwoven representational designs such as flowers. If cotton trade cloth is bought, big floral designs are preferred. Typical colors are red, black, yellow, green, blue and white. Manobo ancestors had blankets of abaca fiber which were linetungan if these had multicolored design, and bayas if plain white. Traditional costume most extensively described by researchers are those of the Agusanon Manobo, the Bukidnon/Higaonon, and the western Bukidnon. According the Manuel (1973), this costume was introduced only in the early part of this century or a little earlier, for the

Manuvu did not know weaving. It was during the 19th century that contact with other groups acquainted the Manuvu with abaca cloth. The color of the body of the jacket with it's matching skirt or trousers identifies the tribal groups to which the wearer belongs. The Agusanon Manobo usually wear red, with contrasting colors for the sleeves and embroidery thread. The Umayamnon Manobo wear royal blue, and the Matigsalug, navy blue, with red and white as the favorite embroidery or patch work colors. The costume style varies with each tribal group. The Agusanon Umpak o Illianon Kumbala, the jacket for both men and women, is closed, so that it is pulled over the head. Among the Tigwahanon, the women wear the pakabu, a blouse with flared sleeves: the men wear the binukad, the typical Manobo jacket. It is embroidered on all the seams, i.e., the cuffs, shoulders, sides, neckline, the hemline, which is at the waist level. Typical decorative colors are red, yellow, white, and blue. Binain or decorative patterns are geometric., such as diamonds, rectangles, squares, and triangles; horizontal lines and zigzags; and representational figures such as a dancing man, stars, leaves, and crocodiles. Patchwork consists of red, white, and black cloth; embroidery colors are red, white, black, yellow, blue, and green. Based on the type of decoration used, western Bukidnon women's blouses are called linebian (zigzag) kinulingtan ( striped patchwork), tinedtezan (geometrical patchwork patterns). For most groups, the men's jacket is short, moderately close fitting, square cut, and long sleeved. Besides being embroidered, the seams of the jacket are covered with cotton tuffs of red, yellow, and dark blue. A strip of cloth of a different color from the jacket is sewn between the sleeves and the body of the jacket. The top of the jacket's back is covered with an embroidered band, 4-6 cm wide. Most Manobo men have two kinds of sawa/sawal, trousers: one for working and the other for festive occasions. Both types reach to just below the knees. The working trousers are close fitting and plain. The Tigwahanon call this type of trousers the bandira. The festive trousers are square cut, baggy, and embroidered in the typical colors and designs on the sides and cuffs. A fringe of cotton yarn is sewn between all the seams except at the waist. The trousers are kept in place with a drawstring, to both ends of which are attached tassels in the typical colors. The men carry their betel quid in a kamuyot, a square abaca knapsack, usually decorated only by a fringe of multicolored yarn that is attached around the seam. It is worn with the arms passing under two strings attached to both sides. If elaborately decorated, it is surrounded by tassels and covered with beads and embroidery. The chief of the bagani had a special attire, which was predominantly red. The red jacket and trousers were embroidered in the same colors and designs as the ordinary man's attire. His red headkerchief was embroidered with white, blue, and yellow cotton yarn at the corners. The woman's blouse is a lavishly adorned as the man's jacket. The color of the cuffs matches that of the body. Embroidery is profuse on the front of the blouse. Bands of embroidery is

alternating colors cover the seams and the oval-shaped neckline. No embroidery is done on the hemline. On the back near the shoulders is a band of intricate embroidery 5-6 cm wide. There are two kinds of skirts: the saya and the malong. The saya is wide and kneelenght. It's color is identical to that of the blouse. It is adorned with patchwork or embroidered with geometric patterns or realistic figures. The malong was originally of abaca but is ow of cotton cloth. It is shaped like a long barrel and is folded over so that one half is inside the other. It is gathered at the left side and tucked in at the waist. Among the Agusanon Manobo, it is almost always red, with inwoven horizontal designs, such as black bands or alternating bands of red and black, with white stripes in between. Some Manobo tribes never wear the malong, but use it for many other purposes: as a blanket, a crib, mosquito bar, carrying bag, and so forth. The Tigwahanon also have the ampit, a barrel skirt shorter than the malong, with an inwoven checkered design. The skirt is held in place with a waistband consisting of braided nito or human hair, the ends of which are prevented from unravelling by a strip of cloth. Attached to each end are multicolored strands of yarn and strings of white seed beads. Hanging from the waistband, on the right side, are pendants which hold hawk bells, seashells, additional strings of beads, and medicinal and magical charms of strong-smelling seeds, roots, and grass. The Ilianon have rattan belts called pinding. The traditional hairdo for both sexes is a bun and bangs cut straight on the forehead from one side to the other. The woman wears her bun on the crown of her head, whereas the man's bun is lower, halfway between the top of his head and his nape. The woman's bun is fastened in place by a bamboo comb with incised decorations or inlaid mother-of-pearl bits of circles, squares, and triangles. Tigwahanon women sometimes tie teir bangs back and wear the lambong, strings of beads, in place of their bangs. The tubao, the common turban, is knotted in front by the men and knotted at the back by the women. It comes in a combination of colors, the favorite being white, black, red, green, and yellow. Tigwahanon women have the komakulkul, a headdress of club mosses. During social or religious gatherings, the western Bukidnon women wear the pelupandung, which fans out from the head "like a giant radial comb" (Polenda 1989:144). It is made of wooden rods tied together with multicolored yarn. It is adorned with beads and sequins. A less spectacular headpiece is one that hangs straight down from the bun. It is embroidered and is flanked by two large tassels of yarn each hanging in front of the ear. The men's headgear is the tengkulu, a piece of cloth which they bind around their head. Those worn for special occasions are adorned with beads, yarn, goats hair, and, in western Bukidnon, with feathers. Originally worn when the bagani went on a raiding expedition, each raider's tengkulu was unique in pattern and design. In western Bukidnon, the equivalent of the pelupandung is adorned with large plumes, such as those of the hawk, eagle, or garuda, and dyed in different colors. Wooden rods, about 3 cm long, make up the base, and are wrapped with multicolored yarn.

The baklaw, armbands, and tikes/tikkos, legbands of braided nito, 1.5 cm wide, are worn tightly around the forearms and just below the knees. Sometimes these are covered with beads. Besides being ornamental, these are believed to strengthen the major limb muscles. The pugnot, tight-fitting wristbands 50 mm wide, are made of braided, glossy black agsan vines and believed to work as a charm against scorpion bites. Hanging from each ear of the woman is a wooden disk, 3 cm in diameter and laminated with silver, gold, or beaten brass wire. Red cotton yarn passes through the hole in the ear disk and the hole in the ear lobe, with tuft of the cotton yarn left over the ear hole. Another type of ear ornamentation is made of four strings of beads, 30 cm long, hanging from each ear. Cotton tassels are attached to the ends of the beads. The colors of both the beads and tassels are red, white, black, and yellow. The balaring are strings of beads attached to a pair of round metal earplugs so that the beads pass under the chin from one earplug to the other. Balungkag are necklaces made of multicolored small seed beads, small shells, crocodile teeth, coins, or multicolored glass beads strung together to make geometric patterns. The sinakit is a necklace of beadstrings that fit snugly around the neck. The man's necklace is a sinakit about three fingers wide with a zigzag pattern like a python's back. Attached to the front of the woman's jacket is a silver disk 7-10 cm in diameter. It is incised with concentric circles or other such geometric designs, comtained with a series of small triangular holes. The women wear armlets so numerous that they can fill up the whole forearm. Highly prized armlets are those made of sagai-sagai (black coral), because these are believed to contract around the wearer's arm to warn of impending danger. Another armlet is made of taklobo (seashell), which is used for its whorl whose cross section is triangular. About five of the black coral and white taklobo armlets are placed alternately and worn all at once, usually on the left arm. Bracelets are bands of beaten brass wire, 1 cm wide, or braided bands of plant fiber covered with white beads. The baloso is a shell bracelet. At festive occasions, the women wear dutus (anklets), 6 mm in diameter, two to each leg. As many as 15 pewter bells are attached to each anklet. Together with the hawk bells hanging from the belt, these make tinkling sounds as they dance. Toe rings are made from brass wire coiled around a wooden base. Besides being ornamental, toe rings prevent the wearers from slipping as they walk, for the toe rings act as "tread". A bride wears additional accessories of bead necklaces, from which hang pendants of crocodile teeth and pieces of mother-of-pearl, and from which hang cotton tassels; and leglets of braided plant fiber.

Teeth filing, no longer practised now, was done for both boys and girls when they reached puberty. Fourteen front teeth were filled down to the gums, and the final effect was that the upper teeth appeared to jutout over the lower teeth. The teeth were then blackened with juice of the mau-mau plant. A stimulant, consisting of a mixture of the mau-mau juice, tobacco quid, lime, and soot compressed into the size of a marble, is placed between the upper lip and upper gum and removed only when the mouth is used for other purposes. Hence, there is little bulge on the upper part of the mouth. This mixture is replaced whenever it loses its flavor. Manobo of both sexes have their earlobes pierced, although the women enlarge the holes up to 2.5 cm wide with tufts of pandanus grass. Two smaller holes may be added on the upper part of the ear lobes. The face is kept hairless; hence, both sexes shave their eyebrows, and the men prevent beards from growing by plucking. Tattooing, a practice that is now fading, is done for ornamental purposes. The men wore tattoos on their chest, upper arms, forearms, and fingers. The women wore theirs on the same parts of the body, but the most elaborate tattoos were done on their calves. The Manuvu women wore less around their waistline and on their forearms. Tattoo designs are the same as those embroidered on their clothes, with the addition of the binuaja (crocodile figure), ginibang (iguana), binuyo (betel leaf) and other leaf designs, and stars. The western Bukidnon Manobo use any design that catches their fancy, e.g., a name, bird, or human figure. Land

Typical Manobo House

The Manobo occupy and have adapted to various ecological niches ranging from the coastal to the rugged mountain highlands of the interiors of Mindanao. The different subgoups are highly dispersed transecting the entire island of Mindanao, there adapting to various environmental niches to develop self-contained variations of a generalized culture. The orientation of all the subgroups, however, is upland. Commonly, cultivation is multicropped and intercropped,

including rice, corn, legume, yams, and sweet potato. Agriculture production is supplemented by hunting and food gathering. Settlements are generally kin-oriented nuclear groups near the swidden fields located on the ridges. The communities are widely dispersed and placed on high ridges above mountain drainage systems. In some areas, there are long houses that accommodate a number of families, usually of an extended kind. Leadership is placed on a highly skilled and socially powerful individual who builds up his following through various modes of alliances including marriage. In a grouping, usually of kindred traditional community, they would recognize one datu as head. A number of datus would be united under a more sovereign datu, up through a political pyramid with a sultan and a rajah muda holding sway in a larger territory. Although the kin relationship is bilateral, there is a bias toward the male in terms of decision-making and leadership. The woman holds a subordinated position in the society. Language The Manobo have 24 main dialects. The following six groups are more closely related than others since their dialects are related. They include the Ata or Langilan Manobo, Talaingod, Matig-Salug, Tigwa, Dibabawon and Umayamnon. Livelihood Physically, the lives of Manobos have been catastrophically altered by the rape of the environment by logging companies. Since the 1960s almost all of the native rain forest has been destroyed. This has rendered the Manobo slash-and-burn agriculture ineffective and no longer viable. Also many Manobo found pleasure in the new way the lowlanders brought, not realizing that the urge for materialism has made them poorer because of their unique lifestyle. Up to 90% of the land that belonged to Manobo has been sold - and is still being sold - to lowlanders. Up to this point in time many Manobo remain subsistence farmers and food gatherers instead of producers but this lifestyle has become increasingly hard without a good rain forest. Religion Animism, the fear of evil spirits, is the mainspring of tribal religion. Every village will have at least one spirit priest, usually a man. Animal sacrifices are required to appease the offended spirit in times of illness. All of the tribal groups believe in one great spirit who created everything but then left and turned over the daily affairs of running the world to the spirits.