Hesiod-Hesiod_ Volume I, Theogony. Works and Days. Testimonia (Loeb Classical Library No. 57N)-Loeb Classical Library (2006).pdf

HESIOD THEOGONY WORKS AND DAYS TESTIMONIA EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY

GLENN W. MOST

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS LONDON,ENGLAND

2006

Copyright © 2006 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved

CONTENTS

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ISBN -13: 978-0-674-99622-9 ISBN-lO: 0-674-99622-4 Composed in ZephGreek and ZephText by Technologies 'N Typography, Merrimac, Massachusetts. Printed and bound by Edwards Brothers, Ann Arbor, Michigan, on aCid-free paper.

Acknowledgments Abbreviations and Symbols Introduction Bibliography

vii ix xi Ixxvii

Theogony Works and Days Testimonia Testimonia Concordance

2 86 154 283

Index

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The very first Loeb I ever bought was Hesiod, The Homeric Hymns and Homerica. After more than a third of a century of intense use, my battered copy needed to be replaced-and not only my copy: even when it was first pubhshed in 1914, Evelyn-White's edition was, though useful, rather idiosyncratic, and the extraordinary progress that scholarship on Hesiod has made since then has finally made it altogether outdated. The Homeric parts of that edition have now been replaced by two volumes edited by Martin West, Homeric Hymns. Homeric Apocrypha. Lives of Homer and Greek Epic Fragments from the Seventh to the Fifth Centuries Be; the present volumes are intended to make the rest of the material contained in EvelynWhite's edition, Hesiod and the poetry attributed to him, accessible to a new generation of readers. Over the past decade I have taught a number of seminars and lecture courses on Hesiod to helpfully thoughtful and critical students at Heidelberg University, the Scuola N ormale Superiore di Pisa, and the University of Chicago: my thanks to all of them for sharpening my understanding of this fascinating poet. Various friends and colleagues read the introduction, text, and translation of this edition and contributed numerous corrections and improvements of all sorts to them. vii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am especially grateful to Alan Griffiths, Filippomaria Pontani, Mario Tela, and Martin West. Finally, Dirk Obbink has put me and all readers of these volumes in his debt by making available to me a preliminary version of his forthcoming edition of Book 2 of Philodemus' On Piety, an important witness to the fragmentary poetry ascribed to Hesiod. Glenn W. Most Firenze, January 2006

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS BE DK

FGrHist FHG

JoByzG K.A.

SEG SH

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Bulletin epigraphique Hermann Diels, Walther Kranz, Die Frag11U!nte der Vorsokratiker, fifth edition (Berlin, 1934-1937) Felix Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Berlin and Leiden, 1923-1958) Carolus et Theodorus Muller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum (Paris, 1841-1873) Bruno Gentili, Carlo Prato, Poetae Elegiaci, second edition (Leipzig-Munich and Leipzig, 1988-2002) Jahrbuch der osterreichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft Rudolf Kassel, Colin Austin, Poetae Comici Graeci (Berlin-New York, 1983-2001) Friedrich Solmsen, Reinhold Merkelbach, M. L. West, Hesiodi Theogonia, Opera et Dies, Scutum, Frag11U!nta selecta, third edition (Oxford, 1990) Supple11U!ntum Epigraphicum Graecum Hugh Lloyd-Jones and Peter Parsons, Supple11U!ntum Hellenisticum (Berlin, 1983)

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ABBREVIATIONS

SOD

SVF ZPE

[1 {}

n

Peter Stork, Jan Max van Ophuijsen, Tiziano Dorandi, Demetrius of Ph ale rom: the Sources, Text and Translation, in W. W. Fortenbaugh and Eckart Schutrumpf (eds.), Demetrius of Phalerum: Text, Translation and Discussion (New Brunswick-London, 1999), pp. 1-310 Hans von Amim, Stoicorom Veterum Fragmenta (Leipzig, 1903--1905) Zeitschrijt fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik words restored where the manuscript is damaged editorial insertion editorial deletion corruption in text

INTRODUCTION

"Hesiod" is the name of a person; "Hesiodic" is a designation for a kind' of poetry, including but not limited to the poems of which the authorship may reasonably be assigned to Hesiod himself. The first section of this Introduction considers what is known and what can be surmised aboutHesiod; the second provides a brief presentation of the various forms ofHesiodic poetry; the third surveys certain fundamental aspects of the reception and influence of Hesiodic poetry; the fourth indicates the principal medieval manuscripts upon which our knowledge of the Theogony (Th), Works'and Days (WD), and Shield is based; and the fifth describes the principles of this edition. There follows a brief and highly selective bibliography. HESIOD'S LIFE AND TIMES The Theogony and the Works and Days contain the following first-person statements with past or present indicative verbs: l . 1 This list includes passages in which the first person is indicated not by the verb but by pronouns, and excludes passages in which the first person verb is in a different grammatical form and expresses a preference or a judgment rather than a fact (e.g., WD 174-75,270-73,475-76,682-84).

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1. Th 22-34: One day the Muses taught Hesiod song while he was pasturing his lambs under Mount Helicon: they addressed him scornfully, gave him a staff of laurel, breathed into him a divine voice with which to celebrate things future and past, and commanded him to sing of the gods, but of themselves first and last. 2. WD 27-41: Hesiod and Perses divided their allotment, but Perses seized more than was his due, placing his trust in law-courts and corruptible kings rather than in his own hard work. 3. WD 633-40: The father bf Hesiod and Perses sailed on ships because he lacked a fine means oflife; he left Aeolian Cyme because of poverty and settled in this place, Ascra, a wretched village near Helicon. 4. WD 646-62: Hesiod never sailed on the open sea, but only crossed over once from Aulis to Chalcis in Euboea, where he participated in the funeral games of Arnphidamas; he won the victory there and dedicated the trophy, a tripod, to the Muses of Helicon where they first initiated him into poetry and thereby made it possible for him to speak knowledgeably even about seafaring. Out of these passages a skeletal biography of Hesiod can be constructed along the follOwing lines. The son of a poor emigrant from Asia Minor, born in Ascra, a small village of Boeotia, Hesiod was raised as a shepherd, but one day, without haVing had any training by human teachers, he suddenly found himself able to produce poetry. 'He attributed the discovery of this unexpected capability to a mystical experience in which the Muses themselves iIiitiated him into the craft of poetry. He went on to achieve success in poetic competitions at least once, in Chalcis; unlike his father, he did not have to make his living on the

high seas. He quarreled with his brother Perses about their inheritance, accusing him oflaziness and injustice. We may add to these bare data two further hypothetical suggestions. First, Hesiod's account of his poetic initiation does not differ noticeably from his other first-person statements: though we moderns may be inclined to disbelieve or rationalize the former-indeed, even in antiquity Hesiod's experience was often interpreted as a dream, or dismissed as the result of intoxication from eating laurel leaves, or allegorized in one way or another-Hesiod himself seems to regard all these episodes as being of the same order of reality, and there is no more reason to disbelieve him in the one case than in the others. Apparently, Hesiod believed that he had undergone an extraordinary experience, as a result of which he could suddenly produce poetry.2 Somewhat like Phemius, who tells Odysseus, "I am self-taught, and a god has planted in my mind all kinds of poetic paths" (Odyssey 22.347-48), Hesiod can claim to have been taught directly by a divine instance and not by any merely human instruCtor. Hesiod's initiation is often described as having been a visual hallucination, but in fact it seems to have had three separate phases: first an exclusively auditory experience of divine voices (Hesiod's

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2 Other poets, prophets, and lawgivers from a variety of ancient cultures-Moses, Archilochus, and many others-report that they underwent transcendental experiences in which they communed with the divine on mountains or in the wilderness and then returned to their human audiences with some form of physical evidence proving and legitimating their new calling. Within Greek and Roman literary culture, Hesiod's poetic initiation went on to attain paradigmatic status.

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Muses, figures of what hitherto had been a purely oral poetic tradition, are "shrouded in thick invisibility" [Th 9] and are just as much a completely acoustic, unseen and unseeable phenomenon as are the Sirens in the Odyssey); then the visual epiphany of a staff of laurel lying before him at his feet (Hesiod describes this discovery as though it were miraculous, though literal-minded readers will perhaps suppose that he simply stumbled upon a carved staff someone else had made earlier and discarded there, or . even upon a branch of a peculiar natural shape); and finally the awareness within himself of a new ability to compose poetry about matters past and future (hence, presumably, about matters transcending the knowledge of the human here and now, in the direction of the gods who live forever), which he interprets as a result of the Muses having breathed into him a divine voice. And second, initiations always denote a change of life, and changes of life are often marked by a change of name: what about Hesiod's name? There is no evidence .that Hesiod actually altered his name as a result of his experience; but perhaps we can surmise that he could have come to understand the name he had already received in a way different from the way he understood it before his initiation. Etymologically, his name seems to derive from two roots meaning "to enjoy" (hedomai > hesi-) and "road" (hodos )3-"he who takes pleasure in the journey," a perfectly appropriate name for the son of a mercantile seaman who had to travel for his living and expected that his son would follow him in this profession or in a closely related

one. But within the context of the proem to the Theogony in which Hesiod names himself, his name seems to have a specific and very different resonance. For Hesiod applies to the M uses the epithet ossan hieisai, "sending forth their voice," four times within less than sixty lines (10, 43, 65, 67), always in a prominent position at the end of the hexameter, and both of the words in this phrase seem etymolOgically relevant to Hesiod's name. For hieisai, "sending forth," is derived from a root meaning "to send" which could no less easily supply the first part of his name (hiemi > hesi-) than the root meaning "to enjoy" could; and ossan, "voice," is a synonym for aude, "voice," a term that Hesiod uses to indicate what the Muses gave him (31, cf. 39, 97, and elsewhere) and which is closely related etymologically and semantically to aoide, the standard term for "poetry" (also applied by Hesiod to what the Muses gave him in 22, cf. also 44, 48, 60, 83,104, and elsewhere). In this context it is difficult to resist the temptation to hear an implicit etymology of "Hesi-odos" as "he who sends forth song."4 Perhaps, then, when the Muses initiated Hesiod into a new life, he resemanticized his own name, discovering that the appellation that his father had given him to point him towards a life of commerce had always in fact, unbeknownst to him until now, been instead directing him towards a life

3 The ancient explanations for Hesiod's name (see Testimonia T27-29) are untenable.

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4 To be sure, these terms for "voice" and "poetry" have a long vowel or diphthong in their penultimate syllable, whereas the corresponding vowel of Hesiod's name is short. But the other etymologies that Hesiod provides elsewhere in his poems suggest that such vocalic differences did not trouble him very much (nor, for that matter, do they seem to have bothered most other ancient Greek etymologists).

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of poetry. If so, Hesiod will not have been the only person whom his parents intended for a career in business but who decided instead that he was really meant to be a poet. This is as' much as-indeed it is perhaps rather more than-we can ever hope to know about the concrete circumstances of Hesiod's life on the basis of his own testimony. But ancient and medieval readers thought that they knew far more than this about Hesiod: biographies of Hesiod, full of a wealth of circumstantial detail concerning his family, birth, poetic career, character, death, and other matters, circulated in antiquity and the Middle Ages, and seem to have been widely believed. 5 In terms of modern conceptions of scholarly research, these ancient biographical accounts of Hesiod can easily be dismissed as legends possessing little or no historical value: like most of the reports concerning the details of the lives and personalities other ~rchaic Greek poets which are transmitted by anCIent wnters, they probably do not testify to an independent tradition of biographical evidence stretching with unbroken continuity over dozens of generations from the reporter's century back to the poet's own lifetime. Rather, such accounts reflect a well attested practice of extrapolation from the extant poetic texts to the kind of character of an author likely to produce them. But if such ancient reports probably tell us very little about the real person Hesiod who did (or did not) compose at least some of the poems transmitted unde!; his name, they do provide us with precious indications concerning the reception of those poems, by concretely suggesting the nature of the

0:

5 See Testimonia TI--J5 for a selection of some of the most important examples.

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image of the poet which fascinated antiquity and which has been passed on to modern times. We will therefore return to them in the third section of this Introduction. If many ancient readers thought they knew far more about Hesiod's life than they should have, some modern scholars have thought that they knew even less about it than they could have. What warrant have we, after all, for taking Hesiod's first-person statements at face value as reliable autobiographical evidence? NotOriously, poets lie: why should we trust Hesiod? Moreover, rummaging through poetic texts in search of evidence about their authors' lives might well be considered a violation of the aesthetic autonomy of the literary work of art and an invitation to groundless and arbitrary biographical speculatIon. And finally, comparative ethnographic studies of the functions and nature of oral poetry in primitive cultures, as well as the evidence of other archaic Greek poets like Archilochus, have suggested to some scholars that "Hesiod" might be not so much the name of a real person who ever existed independently of his poems but rather nothing ~ore than a designation for a literary function intrinsically mseparable from them. Indeed, the image that Hesiod provides us of himself seems to cohere so perfectly with the ideology of his poems that it might seem unnecessary to go outside these to understand it, while, as we shall see in in the second section of this Introduction, attempts to develop a coherent and detailed narrative regarding the exact legal situation of Hesiod and his brother Perses as this is presented in different portions of the Works and Days have often been thought to founder on self-contradictions. Can we be sure that Hesiod ever really did have a brother named Perses with whom he had a legal quarrel, xvii

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and that Perses is not instead merely a useful fiction, a convenient addressee to whom to direct his poem? And if we cannot be entirely sure about Perses, can we really be sure about Hesiod himself? The reader should be warned that definitive a~swers to these questions may never be found. My own view is that these forms of skepticism are most valuable not because they provide proofthatitis mistaken to understand Hesiod's first-person statements as being in some sense autobio c graphical (for in my opinion they cannot provide such proof) but rather because they encourage us to try to understand in a more complex and sophisticated way the kinds of autobiographical functions these statements serve in Hesiod's poetry. That is, we should not presuppose as self-evident that Hesiod might have wished to provide us this information, but ask instead why he might have thought it a good idea to include it. There was after all in Hesiod's time no tradition of public autobiography in Greece which has left any discernable traces. Indeed, Hesiod is the first poet of the Western cultural tradition to supply us even with his name, let alone with any other information about his life. The difference between the Hesiodic and the Homeric poems in this regard is striking: Homer never names himself, and the ancient world could scarcely have quarreled for centuries over the insoluble question of his birthplace if the Iliad or Odyssey had contained anything like the autobiographical material in the Theogony and Works and Days. Homer is the most important Greek context for understanding Hesiod, and careful comparison with Homer can illumine not only Hesiod's works but even his life. In antiquity the question of the relation between Homer and Hesiod

was usually understood in purely chronological terms, involving the relative priority of the one over the other (both positions were frequently maintained); additionally, the widely felt sense of a certain rivalry between the two founding traditions of Greek poetry was often projected onto legends of a competition between the two poets at a public contest, a kind of archaic shoot -out at the oral poetry corral. 6 In modern times, Hesiod has (with a few important exceptions) usually been considered later than Homer: for example, the difference between Homeric anonymity and Hesiodic self-disclosure has often been interpreted as being chronological in nature, as though selfidentification in autobiographical discourse represented a later stage in the development of subjectivity than selfconcealment. But such a view is based upon problematic presuppositions about both subjectivity and discourse, and it cannot count upon any historical evidence in its support. Thus, it seems safer to see such differences between Homeric and Hesiodic poetry in terms of concrete circumstances of whose reality we can be sure: namely, the constraints of production and reception in a context of poetic production and consumption which is undergOing a transition from full orality to partial literacy. This does not mean, of course, that we can be certain that the Hesiodic poems were not composed after the Homeric ones, but only that we cannot use this difference in the amount of apparently autobiographical material in their poems as evidence to decide the issue. Both Homer's poetry and Hesiod's seem to presuppose a tradition of fully oral poetic composition, performance,

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6

See Testimonia Tl-24.

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reception, and transmission, such as is idealized in the Odyssey's Demodocus and Phemius, but at the same time to make use of the recent advent of alphabetic writing, in different and ingenious ways. Most performances of traditional oral epic in early Greece must have presented only relatively brief episodes, manageable and locally interesting excerpts from the vast repertory of heroic and divine legend. Homer and Hesiod, by contrast, seem to have recognized that the new technology of writing afforded them an opportunity to create works which brought together within a single compass far more material than could ever have been presented continuously in a purely oral format (this applies especially to Homer) and to make it of interest to more than a merely local audience (this applies to both poets). Homer still focuses upon relatively brief episodes excerpted out of the full range of the epic repertoire (Achilles' wrath, Odysseus' return home), but he expands his poems' horizons by inserting material which belonged more properly to other parts of the epic tradition (for example, the catalogue of ships in Iliad 2 and the view from the wall in Iliad 3) and by making frequent, more or less veiled allusions to earlier and later legendary events and to other epic cycles. As we shall see in more detail in the follOwing section, Hesiod gathered together within the single, richly complicated genealogical system of his Theogony a very large number of the local divinities worshipped or otherwise acknowledged in various places throughout the Greek world, and then went on in his Works and Days to consider the general conditions of human existence, including a generous selection from popular moral, religious, and agricultural wisdom. In Homer's sheer monumental bulk, in Hesiod's cosmic range, and in

the pan-HelleniC aspirations of both poets, their works move decisively beyond the very same oral traditions from which they inherited their material. Indeed, not only does Hesiod use writing: he also goes to the trouble of establishing a Significant relation between his poems that only writing could make possible. In various passages, the Works and Days corrects and otherwise modifies the Theogony: the most striking example is WD 11, "So there was not just one birth of Strifes after all," which explicitly rectifies the genealogy of Strife that Hesiod had provided for it in Th 225. Thus, in his Works and Days Hesiod not only presupposes his audience's familiarity with his Theogony, he also presumes that it might matter to them to know how the doctrines of the one poem differ from those of the other. This is likely not to seem as astonishing to us as it should, and yet the very possibility of Hesiod's announcement depends upon the dissemination of the technology of writing. For in a context of thoroughgoing oral production and reception of poetry, a version with which an author and his audience no longer agree can be dealt wi.th quite easily, by simply replaCing it: it just vanishes together with the unique circumstances of its presen-· tation. What is retained unchanged, from performance to performance, is the inalterable core of tradition which author and audience together continue to recognize as the truth. In an oral situation, differences of detail between one version and another are defined by the considerations of propriety of the individual performance and do not revise or correct one another: they coexist peacefully in . the realm of compatibly plaUSible virtualities. By contrast, Hesiod's revision of the genealogy of Eris takes advantage of the newer means of communication afforded by writing.

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For his emphatic repudiation of an earlier version presupposes the persistence of that version in an unchanged formulation beyond the circumstances in which it seemed correct into a new situation in which it no longer does; and this persistence is only made possible by writing. But if the novel technology of writing provided the condition of possibility for Hesiod's announcement, it can scarcely have motivated it. Why did he not simply pass over his change of view in silence? Why did he bother to inform the public instead? An answer may be suggested by the fact that in the immediately preceding line, Hesiod has declared that he will proclaim truths (etetyma: WD 10) to Perses. Of these announced truths, this one must be the very first. Hesiod's decision publicly to revise his earlier opinion is clearly deSigned to increase his audience's sense of his reliability and veracity-paradoxically, the evidence for his present trustworthiness resides precisely in the fact that earlier he was mistaken: Hesiod proves that he will now tell truths by admitting that once he did not. Hesiod's reference to himself as an author serves to authorize him: it validates the truthfulness of his poetic discourse by anchoring it in a specific, named human individual whom we ani invited to trust because we know him. Elsewhere as well in Hesiod's poetry, the poet's self-representation is always in the service of his self-legitimation. In the Theogony, Hesiod's account of his poetic initiation explains how it is that a merely mortal singer can have access to a superhuman wisdom involving characters, times, and places impOSSibly remote from any human experience: the same Muses who could transform a shepherd into a bard order him to transmit their knowledge to human listeners (Th 33---34) and, moreover, vouch for its truthfulness (Th

28).7 In the Works and Days, Hesiod's account of his father's emigration and of his quarrel with his brother creates the impression that he is located in a real, recognizable, and specific socio-economic context: he seems to know what he is talking about when he discusses the importance of work and of justice, for he has known poverty and injustice and can therefore draw from his experience.s the conclusions that will help us to avoid undergoing them ourselves. And in the same poem, Hesiod's acknowledgement of his lack of sailing experience serves not only to remind his audience that he is not reflecting only as a mere mortal upon mortal matters but is still the very same divinely inspired poet who composed the Theogony, but also to indicate implicitly that, by contrast, on every other matter that he discusses in this poem his views are based upon extensive personal experience. In contrast with Hesiod, Homer's anonymity seems best

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7 The Muses, to be sure, declare tbat tbey themselves are capable of telling falsehoods as well as truths (Th 27-28). But if tbe Muses order Hesiod "to sing of the race of tbe blessed ones who always are, but always to sing of tbemselves first and last" (Th 3334), tbey are presumably not commanding him to tell falsehoods, but to celebrate tbe gods truthfully. The point of their assertion that they can tell falsehoods is not that Hesiod's poetry will contain falsehoods, but that ordinary buman minds, in contrast to tbe gods', are so ignorant tbat tbey cannot tell tbe difference, so similar are tbe Muses' falsehoods to their trutbs (etymoisin homoia: Th 27). Tbeirwords are a striking but conventional celebration of their own power: Greek gods typically have the capacity to do either one thing or else the exact opposite, as they wish, without humans being able to determine the outcome (d. e.g. Th 442-43, 447: WD 3-7).

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understood simply as the default option, as his continuation of one of the typical features of oral composition: for the audience of an orally composed and delivered text, there can be no doubt who its author is, for he is singing or declaiming before their very eyes, and hence there is no necessity for him to name himself. Homer's poetry is adequately justified, eVidently, by the kinds of relationships it bears to the archive of heroic legends latent within the memories of its audience: it needs no further legitimation by his own person. In the case ofHesiod, however, matters are quite different: his self-references justify his claim to be telling "true things" (alethea: Th 28) and "truths" (etetyma: WD 10) about the matters he presents in the Theogony and Works and Days, and the most reasonable assumption is that this poetic choice is linked to those specific matters (to which we will turn in the second section of this Introduction) at least as much as to Hesiod's personal proclivities. To derive from the obvious fact that these selfreferences are well suited to the purpose of self-justification the conclusion that they bear no relation to any nonpoetic reality is an obvious non sequitur: the fact that they have a textual function is not in the least incompatible with their also having a referential one, and the burden of proof is upon those who would circumscribe their import to the purely textual domain. As for Hesiod's approximate date and his chronological relation to Homer, certainty is impossible on the evidence of their texts. Passages of the one poet that seem to refer to the poems or to specific passages of the other poet are best understood not as allusions to speCific texts that happen to have survived, but rather as references to long-lived oral poetic traditions which pre-dated those texts and eventu-

ally issued in them. Homeric and Hesiodic poetic traditions must have co-existed and influenced one another for many generations before culminating in the written poems we possess, and such apparent cross-references clearly cannot proVide any help in establishing the priority of the one poet over the other. A more promising avenue would start from the assumption that each of the two poets probably belonged to the first generation of his specific local culture to have experienced the impact of writing, when old oral traditions had not yet been transformed by the new technology but the new possibilities it opened up were already becoming clear, at least to creative minds. A rough guess along these lines would situate both poets somewhere towards the end of the 8th century or the very beginning of the 7th century Be. But it is probably impossible to be more precise B Did writing come first to Ionia and only somewhat later to Boeotia? If so, then Homer might have been somewhat older than Hesiod. Or might writing have been imported rather early from Asia Minor to the Greek mainland-for example, might Hesiod's father even have brought writing with him in his boat from Cyme to Ascra? In that case Hesiod could have been approximately coeval with Homer or even slightly older. In any case, the question, given the information at our disposal, is probably undecidable.

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8 Hesiod's association with Amphidamas (WD 654--55) has sometimes been used to provide a more exact date for the poet,

since Amphidamas seems to have been involved in the Lelantine War, which is usually dated to around 700 Be. But the date, duration, and even historical reality of this war are too uncertain to

provide very solid evidence for datiog Hesiod with any degree of precision.

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HESIODIC POETRY

Phorcys and daughter Ceto produce, directly and indirectly, a series of monsters. 8. The descendants of Earth 4 (337-452): children of the Titans, especially the rivers, including Styx (all of them children of Tethys and Ocean), and Hecate (daughter of Phoebe and Coeus). . 9. The dEscendants of Earth 5 (453-506): further children of the TitaIls: Olympian gods, born to Rhea from Cronus, who swallows them all at birth until Rhea saves Zeus, who frees the Cyclopes and is destined to dethrone Cronus. 10. The descendants of Earth 6 (507-616): further children of the Titans: Iapetus' four sons, Atlas, Menoetius, Epimetheus, and Prometheus (including the stories of the origin of the division of sacrificial meat, of fire, and of the race of women). 11. The conflict between the Titans and the Olympians (617-720): after ten years of inconclusive warfare between the Titans and the Olympians, Zeus frees the HundredHanders, who help the Olympians achieve final victory and send the defeated Titans down into Tartarus. 12. Tartarus (721-819): the geography of Tartarus and its population, including the Titans, the HundredHanders, Night and Day, Sleep and Death, Hades, and

Hesiod's Theogony Hesiod's Theogony provides a comprehensive account of the origin and organization of the divinities responsible for the religious, moral, and physical structure of the world, starting from the very beginning of things and culminating in the present regime, in which Zeus has supreme power and administers justice. For the purposes of analysis Hesiod's poem may be divided into the follOwing sections: 1. Proem (1-115): a hymn to the Muses, telling of their birth and power, recounting their initiation of Hesiod into poetry, and indicating the contents ofthe followingpoem. 2. The origin ofthe world (116-22): the coming into being of the three primordial entities, Chasm, Earth, and Eros. 3. The descendants of Chasm 1 (123-25): Erebos and Night come to be from Chasm, and Aether and Day from Night. 4. The descendants of Earth 1 (126-210): Earth bears Sky, and together they give birth to the twelve Titans, the three Cyclopes, and the three Hundred-Handers; the last of the Titans, Cronus, castrates his father Sky, thereby producing among others Aphrodite. . 5. The descendants of Chasm 2 (211-32): Night's numerous and baneful progeny. 6. The descendants of Earth 2 (233-69): Earth's son Pontus begets Nereus, who in turn begets the Nereids. 7. The descendants of Earth 3 (270-336): Pontus' son

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Styx. 13. The descendants of Earth 7 (820-80): Earth's last child, Typhoeus, is defeated by Zeus and sent down to Tartarus. 14. The descendants of Earth 8 (881-962): a list of the descendants of the Olympian gods, including Athena, the

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Muses, Apollo and Artemis, Hephaestus, Hermes, Dionysus, and Heracles. 9 15. The descendants of Earth 9 (963-1022): after a concluding farewell to the Olympian gods and the islands, continents, and sea, there is a transition to a list of the children born of goddesses, followed by a farewell to these and a transition to a catalogue of women (this last is not included in the text of the poem). Already this brief synopsis should suffice to make it obvious that the traditional title Theogony gives only a very inadequate idea of the contents of this poem-as is often the case with early Greek literature, the transmitted title is most likely not attributable to the poet himself, and corresponds at best only to certain parts of the poem. "Theogony" means "birth of the god(s)," and of course hundreds of gods are born in the course of the poem; and yet Hesiod's poem contains much more than this. On the one hand, Hesiod recounts the origin and family relations of at least four separate kinds of entities which are all certainly divine in some sense but can easily be distinguished by us and were generally distinguished by the Greeks: (1) the familiar deities of the Greek cults venerated not only in Boeotia but throughout Greece, above all the Olympian gods and other divinities associated with them in Greek religion, like Zeus, Athena, and Apollo; (2) other Greek gods,

primarily the Titans and the monsters, most of whom play some role, major or minor, in Greek mythology, but were almost never, at least as far as we can tell, the object of any kind of cult worship; (3) the various parts of the physical cosmos conceived as a: spatially articulated whole (which were certainly regarded as being divine in some sense but were not always personified as objects of cult venera~ tion), including the heavens, the surface of the earth, the many rivers and waters, a mysterious underlying region, and all the many things, nymphs, and other divinities contained within them; and (4) a large number of more or less personified embodiments of various kinds of good and bad moral qualities and human actions and experiences, some certainly the objects of cult veneration, others surely not, ranging from Combats and Battles and Murders and Slaughters (228) to Eunomia (Lawfulness) and Dike (Justice) and Eirene (Peace) (902). And on the other hand, the synchronic, systematic classification of this heterogeneous collection of Greek divinities is combined with a sustained diachronic narrative ';hich recounts the eventual establishment of Zeus' reign of justice and includes not only a series of dynastic upheavals (Sky is overthrown by Cronus, and then Cronus by Zeus) but also an extended epic account of celestial warfare (the battle of the Olympians against the Titans and then of Zeus against Typhoeus). To understand Hesiod's poem, it is better to start not from its title and work forwards but instead from the state of affairs at which it eventually arrives and work backwards. At the conclusion of his poem, Hesiod's world is all there: it is full to bursting with places, things, values, experiences, gods, heroes, and ordinary human beings, yet these all seem to be linked with one another in systematic

9 Many scholars believe that Hesiod's authentic Theogony ends somewhere in this section or perhaps near the beginning of the next one (precisely where is controversial), and that the end of the poem as we have it represents a later continuation designed to lead into the Catalog"e afWomen. This question is discussed further below.

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relationships and to obey certain systematic tendencies; chaotic disorder can easily be imagined as a terrifying possibility and indeed may have even once been predominant, but now seems for the most part a rather remote menace. For Hesiod, to understand the nature of this highly complex but fully meaningful totality means to find out where it came from-in ancient Greece, where the patronymic was part of every man's name, to construct a genealogy was a fundamental way to establish an identity. Hesiod recognizes behind the elements of human experience the workings of powers that always are, that may give or withhold unpredictably, that function independently of men, and that therefore may properly be considered divine. Everywhere he looks, Hesiod discovers the effects of these powers-as Thales will say about a century later, "all things are full of gods."IO Many have been passed on to him through the Greek religion he has inherited, but by no means all of them; he may have arrived at certain ones by personal reflection upon experience, and he is willing to reinterpret even some of the traditional gods in a way which seems original, indeed rather eccentric (this is especially true of Hecate l l ). The values that these gods

embody are not independent of one another, but form patterns of objective meaningfulness: hence the gods themselves must form part of a system, which, given their anthropomorphism, cannot but take a genealogical form. The whole divine population of the world consists of two large families, the descendants of Chasm and those of Earth, and there is no intermarrying or other form of contact between them. Chasm (not, as it is usually, misleadingly translated, "Chaos") is a gap upon which no footing is possible: its descendants are for the most part what we would call moral abstractions and are valorized extremely negatively, for they bring destruction and suffering to human beings; but they are an ineradicable and invincible part of our world and hence, in some way, divine. The progeny of Chasm pass through several generations but have no real history. History, in the strong sense of the concrete interactions of anthropomorphic characters attempting to fulfill competing goals over the course of time, is the privilege of the progeny of Earth, that substantial foundation upon which alone one can stand, "the ever immovable seat of all the immortals" (117-18). Hesiod conceives this history as a drastically hyperbolic version of the kinds of conflicts and resolutions familiar from human domestic and political history. W~ may distingUish two dynastic episodes from two military ones. Both dynastic episodes involve the overthrow of a tyrannical father by his youngest son. First Earth, resenting the fact that Sky has concealed within her their children, the Cyclopes and Hundred-Handers, and feeling constricted by them, engages Cronus to castrate his father the next time he comes to make love with her; then Cronus himself, who has been swallowing his children by

10 Aristotle De anima A 5.411a7 = Thales 11 A 22 D-K, Fr. 91 Kirk-Raven-Schofield. II Hesiod's unparalleled attribution of universal scope to Hecate (Th 412-17) derives probably not from an established cult or personal experience but from consideration of her name, which could be (mis-)understood as etymologically related to heketi, "by the will of' (scil. a divinity, as with Zeus at WD 4), so that Hecate could seem by her very name to function as an intermediary between men and any god at all from whom they sought favor.

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Rhea one after another lest one of them dethrone him, is overthrown by Zeus, whom Rhea had concealed at his birth, giving Cronus a stone to swallow in his stead (Ze~s manages to be not only Cronus' youngest son but also hiS oldest one, because Cronus goes on to vomit out Zeus' older Siblings in reverse sequence). The two stories a~e linked forwards by Sky's curse upon his children and his prophecy that vengeance would one day befall them (20710) and backwards by Rhea's seeking advice from Earth and Sky on how to take revenge upon Cronus for what he has done both to his children and to his father (469-73). There is of course an unmistakable irony, and a fitting justice in the fact that Cronus ends up suffering at the hands of his son a fate not wholly different from the one he inflicted upon his own father, though cosmic civility has been making some progress in the meantime and his own ~un­ ishment is apparently not as primitive and brutal as hiS father's was. Zeus too, it turns out, was menaced by the threat that a son of his own would one day dethrone him, but he avoids this danger and seems to secure his supremacy once and for all by swallOwing in his turn not his offspring but their mother, Metis (886-900). The two military episodes involve scenes of full-scale warfare. First the Olympians battle inconclusively against the Titans for ten full years until the arrival of new allies, the Hundred-Handers, brings them victory. This episode is linked with the first dynastiC story by the fact that Zeus liberates first the three Cyclopes, then the three HundredHanders (whose imprisonment in Earth had provoked her to arrange Sky's castration): the first group of three provides him his characteristic weapons, thunder, thunderbolts, and lightning, while the second group assures his xxxii

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victory. In broad terms the HesiodicTitanomachy is obviously modeled upon the Trojan War familiar from the Homeric tradition: ten years of martial deadlock are finally broken by the arrival of a few powerful new allies (like Neoptolemus and Philoctetes) who alone can bring a decisive victory. At the end of this war the divine structure of the world seems complete: the Olympians have won; the Titans (and also, somewhat embarrassingly, the HundredHanders) have been consigned to Tartarus; its geography and inhabitants can be detailed at length. The Theogony could have ended here, with Zeus in his heaven and all right with the world. Instead, Hesiod has Earth bear one last child, Typhoeus, who engages in a second military episode, a final winner-take-all duel with Zeus. Why? One reason may be to close off the series of Earth's descendants, which had begun long ago with Sky (126~27), by assigning to the first mother of us all one last monstrous offspring (821-22): after Typhoeus, no more monsters will ever again be born from the Earth. But another explanation may also be imagined, a theologically more interesting one. The birth of Typhoeus gives Zeus an opportunity to demonstrate his individual prowess by defeating in single-handed combat a terrifying adversary and thereby to prove himself worthy of supremacy and rule. After all, the Titanomachy had been fought by all the gods together, and had been decided by the intervention of the HundredHanders: in this conflict Zeus had been an important warrior (687-710, 820) but evidently not the decisive one. Like the Iliad, Hesiod's martial epic must not only include crowd scenes with large-scale havoc but also culminate in a Single individual duel which proves incontestably the hero's superiority. It is only after his victory in this Single xxxiii

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combat that Zeus, bowing to popular acclaim, can officially assume the kingship and assign to the other gods their honors (883-85), and then wed Themis (Justice) and father Eunomia (Lawfulness), Dike (Justice), and Eirene (Peace, 902). Zeus' rule may well have been founded upon a series of violent and criminal deeds in a succession of divine generations, but as matters now stand his reign both expresses and guarantees cosmic justice and order, and it is certainly a welcome improvement upon earlier conditions. Theogonic and cosmogonic poetry was limited neither to Hesiod nor to Greece. Within Greek culture, Hesiod's poem certainly goes back to a variety of local oral traditions which he has selected, compiled, systematized, and transformed into a widely disseminated written document; some of these local traditions Hesiod no doubt thereby supplanted (or they survived only by coming to an accommodation with his poem), but others continued to remain viable for centuries, as we can tell from sources like Plutarch and Pausanias. At the same time, Hesiod's Theogony is the earliest fully surviving example of a Greek tradition of written theogonies and cosmogonieS in verse, and later in prose, ascribed to mythic poets like Musaeus and Orpheus and to later historical figures like Pherecydes of Syros and Acusilaus of Argos in the 5th century Be (and even the Presocratic philosophers Parmenides and Empedocles stand in this same tradition, though they interpret it in a radically original way); in the few cases in which the fragmentary evidence permits us to form a judgmimt, it is clear that such authors reflect traditions or personal conceptions different from Hesiod's yet at the same time have written under the strong influence of Hesiod's Theogony.

Moreover, Greece itself was only one of numerous ancient cultures to develop such traditions of theogonic and cosmogonic verse. In particular, the Enuma Elis, a Babylonian creation epic, and various Hittite mythical texts concerning the exploits of the god Kumarbi present striking parallels with certain features and episodes of Hesiod's Theogony: ,the former tells of the origin of the gods and then of war amongst them, the victory and kingship of Marduk, and his creation of the world; the latter recount a myth of succession in heaven, including the castration of a sky-god, the apparent eating of a stone, and the final triumph of a weather-god corresponding to Zeus. There can be no doubt that Hesiod's Theogony represents a local Greek inflection upon a cultural koine evidently widespread throughout the ancient Mediterranean and Near East. But despite intensive research, especially over the past decades, it remains nnclear precisely what the historical relations of transmission and influence were between these various cultural traditions-at what time or times these mythic paradigms were disseminated to Greece and by what channels-and exactly how Hesiod's Theogony is to be evaluated against this background. In any case, it seems certain that this Greek poem is not only a local version but a characteristically idiomatic one. For one thing, there is no evidence that Greek cosmogonic poetry in or before Hesiod was ever linked to any kind of cult practice in t~e way that, for example, the Enuma Elis was officially recIted as part of the New Year festival of the city of BabyIon. And for another, even when the accounts of Hesiod and the Near Eastern versions seem closest, the differences between them remain striking-for example, the , castration of the sky-god, which in other traditions serves

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to separate heaven and earth from one another, in Hesiod seems to have not this function but rather that of preventing Sky from creating any more offspring and constricting Earth even further. Thus the Near Eastern parallels illumine Hesiod's poem, but they enrich its meaning rather than exhausting it.

lic nor incapable of justice, but it will be destroyed as those earlier ones were unless it practices justice. 5. Justice and injustice (202-285): justice has been given not to animals but to men, and Zeus rewards justice but punishes injustice. 6. Work (286-334): work is a better way to increase one's wealth than is violence or immorality. 7. How to deal with men and gods (335-80): general precepts regarding religion and both neighborly and domestic economics. 8. Advice on farming (381-617): precepts to be followed by the farmer throughout the course of the whole year. 9. Advice on sailing (618-93): precepts on when and how best to risk seafaring. 10. Advice on social relations (694-723): specific precepts regarding the importance of right measure in dealings with other people. 11. Advice on relations with the gods (724--64): specific precepts on correct behavior with regard to the gods. 12. Good and bad days (765-821): days of good and bad auspices for various activities as these occur during the course of every month. 13. Conclusion (822-28). As in the Theogony, so too here: the title of the Works and Days gives only a very inadequate idea of its contents, emphasizing as it does the advice on farming (and perhaps also on sailing, cf. "works" WD 641) and the list of good and bad days, at the expense of the matters discussed in the rest of the poem. But if it is evident that the Works and Days is not only about works and days, it is less clear just what it is about, and how the works and days it does discuss

Hesiod's Works and Days Hesiod's Works and Days provides an exhortation, addressed to his brother Perses, to revere justice and to work hard, and indicates how success in agriculture, sailing, and other forms of economic, social and religious behavior can be achieved by observing certain rules, including the right and wrong days for various activities. For the purposes of analysis Hesiod's poem may be divided into the following sections: 1. Proem (1-10): a hymn to Zeus, extolling his power and announcing Hesiod's project of proclaiming truths to Perses.l 2 2. The two Strifes (11-41): older than the bad Strife that fosters war and conflict there is also her sister, the good Strife that rouses men to work, and Perses should shift his allegiance from the former to the latter. 3. The myth of Prometheus and Pandora (42-105): men suffer illness and must work for a living because Zeus punished them with Pandora for Prometheus' theft of fire. 4. The races of men (106-201): the currentrace of men, unlike previous ones, has a way of life which is neither idyl12

Various ancient sources report that some copies of the

poem lacked this proem, cf. Testimonia T42, 49, 50. xxxvi

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are to be understood within the context of its other concerns, Above all, what is the relation between the two main themes of the poem, work and justice? Rather than being linked explicitly to one another, they seem to come into and go out of focus complementarily, Hesiod begins by asking Zeus to "straighten the verdicts with justice yourself' (9-10), but in the lines that immediately follow it is for her inciting men to work that he praises the good Strife (20-24), The myth of Prometheus and Pandora is presented as an explanation for why men must work for a living (42--46), and the list of evils scattered by Pandora into the world, though it emphasizes diseases, does include toil (91), But in the story of the races of men that follows, it is only the first race whose relation to work is given prominence-the golden race need not work for a living (113, 116-19)-but in the accounts of all the subsequent races it is justice and injustice that figure far more conspicuously (134--37,145--46,158,182-201) than work does (only 151, 177), The fable about the hawk and nightingale, which immediately follows, introduces a long section on the benefits of justice and the drawbacks of injustice (202-85), from which the theme of work is almost completely absent (only 231-32), And yet the very next section (286-334) inverts the focus, extolling the life of work and criticizing sloth, and subordinating to this theme the question of justice and injustice (320-34), And in the last 500 lines of the ,po~m, filled with detailed instructions on the proper orgamzatlOn of agricultural and maritime work and other matters, the theme of justice disappears almostentii"ely (only 711-13), To be sure, the themes of justice and work are linked closely in the specific case of the legal dispute between xxxviii

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Hesiod and Perses, whom the poet accuses of trying to achieve prosperity by means of injustice and not of hard work But even if we could believe in the full and simple -reality of this dispute (we shall see shortly that difficulties stand in the way of our doing so), it would proVide at best a superficial and casual link between these themes, scarcely justifying Hesiod's wide-ranging mythological and anthropological meditation, Again, there is indeed a certain tendency for Hesiod to direct the sections on justice towards the kings as addressees (202, 248, 263) and those on work towards Perses (27, 286, 299, 397, 611, 633, 641), as is only natural, given that it is the kings who administer justice and that Hesiod could scarcely have hoped to persuade them to go out and labor in the fields, And yet this tendency is not a strict rule-there are also passages addressed to Perses in which Hesiod encourages him to pursue justice (213, 274)-and to invoke it here would merely redescribe the two kinds of themes in terms of two sets of addressees without explaining their systematic interconnection, In fact, for Hesiod a defining mark of our human condition seems to be that, for us, justice and work are inextricably intertwined, The justice of the gods has imposed upon human beings the necessity that they work for a living, but at the same time this very same justice has also made it possible for them to do so, To accept'the obligation to work is to recognize one's humanity and thereby to acknowledge one's place in the scheme of things to which divine justice has assigned one, and this will inevitably be rewarded by the gods; to attempt to avoid work is to rebel in vain against the divine apportionment that has imposed work upon human beings, and this will inevitably be punished, Huxxxix

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man beings, to be understood as human, must be seen in contrast with the other two categories of living beings in Hesiod's world, with gods and with animals; and indeed each of the three stories with which Hesiod begins his poem illuminates man's place in that world in contrast with these other categories. The story of Prometheus and Pandora defines human work as a consequence of divine justice: Prometheus' theft of fire is punished by the gift of Pandora to men. Whereas in the Theogony's account of Prometheus the emphasis had been upon the punishment of Prometheus himself in the context of the other rebellious sons of Iapetus, and Pandora (not yet named there) had been responsible only for the race of women, in the Works and Days the emphasis is laid upon the punishment of human beings, with Pandora responsible for ills that affect all human beings as such. The necessity that we work for a living is part of Zeus' dispensation of justice; we will recall from the Theogony that Prometheus had been involved in the definitive separation between the spheres of gods and of men (Th 53536), and now we understand better what that means. We ourselves might think it unfair that human beings must suffer for Prometheus' offence. But that is not for us to decide. Hesiod's "story" (106) of the races of men helps us to locate our present human situation in comparison and contrast with other imaginable, different ones. The golden and silver races express in their essential difference from us the two fundamental themes of the Works and Days, on the one hand the terrible necessity of working and taking thought for the future (something that the golden race, unlike us, did not need to do, for they did not toil for their liv-

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ing and did n?t ~row old), on the other hand the obligation and the possibility to condnct onr life in accordance with justice (something that the silver race, unlike us was constitutionall~ incapable of dOing). Our race, the'iron one, alone remams open-ended in its destiny, capable either of f?llowingjustice ~nd hence flourishing or practicing injustice and hence bemg destroyed; our choice between these two paths .should ?e informed by the models of good and bad behaViOr furmshed by the traditional stories about the members of the race of bronze and of the heroes, the great moral paradigms of Greek legend. Finally, Hesiod establishes justice as an anthropologi?al universal in his. "fable" (202) of the hawk and nightmgale, by contrastmg the condition of men with that of animals. For animals have no justice (274-80) and nothing prevents them from Simply devouring o~e another. But human beings have received justice from Zeus; and if Zeus' justice means they must toil in the fields for their living, at least they thereby manage to nourish themselves in some ,:aY,other t~an by.eating their fellow-men. The point of HesiOd s fable IS preCisely to highlight the difference between the situations of human beings and of animals: if the kings to whom it is addressed do indeed "have understanding" (2?2), then this is how they will understand it, and they Will not (literally or figurally) devour (literal or figural) songsters. In summary, the world of the Works and Days knows of three. kmds of living beings and defines them systematically m terms of the categories of work and justice: the gods always possess justice and never need to work human beings are ~a~able of pr~cticing justice and are obliged to work for a hvmg; and ammals know nothing of either jus-

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tice or work. For a human being to accept his just obligation to work is to accept his place in this world. Thus the first part of the Works and Days provides a conceptual foundation for the necessity to work in terms of human nature and the organization of the world. The rest ofthe poem goes on to demonstrate in detail upon this basis just how. given that Zeus has assigned work to men, the very same god has made it possible (but certainly not inevitable) for them to do this work well. The world of non-human nature is one grand coherent semiotic system, full of diVinely engineered signs and indications which human beings need to read aright if they are to perform successfully the endless toil which the gods have imposed upon them. The stars that rise and set, the animals that call out or behave in some striking way, are all conveyors of specific messages, characters in the book of nature; Hesiod's mission is to teach us to read them. If we manage to learn this lesson, then unremitting labor will still remain our lot, and we will never be free from various kinds of suffering; but at least,. within the limits assigned to mankind, we will flourish. The farmer's and sailor's calendars semioticize the year in its cyclical course as a series of signals and responses; then the list of auspicious and inauspicious days with which the poem ends carves a different section out of the flow of time, this time in terms of the Single month rather than of the whole year, demonstrating that there is a meaningful and potentially beneficial logic in this narrower temporal dimension as well. 13 And the same human

willingness to acknowledge divine justice that expresses itself in the domain of labor by adaptation to the rules of non-human nature manifests itself in the rest of this second half of the Works and Days in two further domains: in that of religion, by avoiding various kinds of improper behavior which are punished by the gods; and in that of social intercourse, by following the rules that govern the morally acceptable modes of competition and collaboration with other men. Thus a profound conceptual unity links all parts of the poem from beginning to end, from the hymn to Zeus and the praise of the good Strife through the most detailed, quotidian, and, for some readers at least,. superstitious precepts. At the same time, the Works and Days is a fitting sequel to the Theogony. If Hesiod's earlier poem explains how Zeus came to establish his rule of justice within the world, his later one indicates the consequences of that rule for human beings. Human· beings were certainly not completely absent from the Theogony, but by the same token they obviously did not figure as its central characters either. But in the Works and Days they take center stage. With this shift of focus from gods (in their relation to other gods and to men) to men (in their relation to other men and to gods) comes an obvious change in both the tone and the rhetoricaLstance of the later poem, which can be seen most immediately in the difference between the virtual absence of imperatives and related grammatical forms in Hesiod's first poem and their extraordinary frequency in

13 Some scholars, mistakenly in my view, have aSSigned lines 765-828, the so-called "Days," to some other, later author than Hesiod, because of what they take to be the superstitious charac-

ter of this passage and because it presupposes a lunar calendar not used elsewhere by Hesiod.

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his second one. Both poems deal with values, and especially with the most fundamental value of all, justice. But the Theogony views these values from the perspective of the gods who embody them always and unconditionally, while thEl Works and Days considers them from the viewpoint of human beings who may fail to enact them properly and therefore must be encouraged to do so for their own good. That is why the Theogony is a cosmogony, but the Works and Days is a protreptic. Hesiod's protreptic is directed ultimately to us, but it is addressed in the first instance to someone whom he calls his brother Perses and whose degree of reality or unreality has been the object of considerable scholarly controversy. TWo observations about Perses seem incontestable. The first is that he plays a far more prominent role in the first half of the poem than in its second half: in the general part that comprises its first 334 lines his name appears six tim~s, in the sections containing speCific precepts that compnse. its last 494 lines it appears only four times (and three of these passages occur within the space of only 30 lines, between 611 and 641). The second is that the various references to Perses seem to presuppose a variety of specific situations involving Hesiod's relation with him that cannot easily be reconciled with one another within the terms of a single comprehensible dramatic moment: .Pers~s prefers to waste his time watching quarrels and hstenmg to the assembly rather than working for his living, but he will not be able to do this a second time, for Hesibd suggests that the two of them settle with straight judgments here and now their quarrel, which arose after they had divided their allotment when Perses stole many things and went off, confiding in the corruptible kings (27-41); Perses should xliv

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revere Justice rather than Outrageousness (213); Perses should listen to what Hesiod tells him, obey Justice and forget violence (274--76); Hesiod will tell Perses, "you great fool" (286), what he thinks, namely that misery is easy to achieve but excellence requires hard work (286-92); Perses, "you of divine stock" (299), should continue working in order to have abundant means of life (299-301); "foolish Perses" (397) has come to ask Hesiod for help but will receive nothing extra from him, and should work so that he and his own family will have sufficient means of life (396-403); Perses should harvest the grapes in mid-September (609-11); the father of Hesiod and Perses, "you great fool" (633), used to sail in boats to make a living; Perses should bear iIi mind all kinds of work in due season, but especially sailing (641-42). Who won the law suit, and indeed whatever became of it? Has Perses remained a fool or become an obedient worker? Some scholars have concluded from these discrepancies that Perses is a purely fictional character with nO reality outside of Hesiod's poem; others have tried to breal< down the Works and Days into a series of smaller poems, each of which would be tied to a speCific moment in Hesiod's relation with his brother. It may be preferable, instead, to understand the adverb authi ("right here," 35) in Hesiod's invitation to his brother to "decide our quarrel right here with straight judgments" (35-36) as referring not to some real legal tribunal existing independently from the Works and Days but rather to the sphere of effectiveness of this very poem. There is no reason not to believe that Perses existed in reality just as much as Hesiod himself did; but Hesiod could certainly have been convinced enough of the power of his poetry to be able to ascribe to its protreptic such perxlv

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suasive force that even the recalcitrant Perses would be swayed by it, so that the man who had begun as his bitter opponent would end up becoming so completely identified with the anonymous addressees of his didactic injunctions as to be almost fully assimilated to them. That is, the Works and Days does not represent a single moment of time or a single dramatic situation: instead, the dynamic development of the poem measures out a changing situation to which the conspicuous changes in the characterization of Perses precisely correspond. Whether or not additionally there is an actual legal dispute between Hesiod and Perses being fought out in the courts (and we cannot exclude this possibility altogether), the most pertinent arena for reconciling their differences, the one in which their quarrel will be decided by "straight judgments, which come from Zeus, the best ones" (36), is this very poem. Like his Theogony, Hesiod's Works and Days is a characteristically original version of a genre of wisdom literature which existed in Greece and was also widespread throughout the ancient world. While fewer other Greek poems like the Works and Days seem to have been composed than ones like the Theogony, there can be no doubt that Hesiod's poem goes back to earlier oral traditions in Greece. Indeed, some poems were extant in antiquity that were considered similar enough to Hesiod's that they were ascribed to him (they are discussed in the second section of this Introduction), and after Hesiod other gnomic poets, especially Phocylides and Theognis, followed his lead in this genre. From other ancient cultures, comparable works providing various kinds of religious, social, and agricultural instruction have survived in Sumerian (examples include the very ancient .Instructions of Suruppak,

collections of proverbs and admonitions, an agricultural handbook ascribed to Ninurta, and a dialogue between a father and his misguided son), Akkadian (above all the Counsels ofWisdom, full of advice On proper dealings with gods a~d men, and ?ther works addressed to sons, kings, ~nd pnnces), Egyptian (where one of the most important hterary genres was called "instruction"), Aramaic (the language of the earliest known version of the widely disseminated story of Ahiqar), Hebrew (the book of Proverbs), and other ancient languages. There are many striking parallels both in detail and in general orientation between Hesiod's poem and its non-Greek counterparts, and it seems evident that we can best understand Hesiod if we se~ him as working, conSCiously or unconSciously, within th,S larger cultural context. But, at least until now, no other work has ever been discovered which rivals his own in depth, breadth, ~nd unity of conception.

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The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women or Ehoiai, and the Shield Besides the Theogony and the Works and Days, one additional poem is transmitted in medieval manuscripts of Hesiod, the Shield (i.e. of Heracles). But this text must be understood, at least in part, as an outgrowth of the Catalogue of Wom~n o.r Ehoiat, which survives only in fragments; hence It WIll be necessary to discuss the two together. The Theogony reaches a splendid climax in Zeus' defeat of Typhoeus (868), followed, perhaps not unexpectedly, by a list of the offspring of that monster (869-80). N ow Zeus' investiture as king of the Olympians and his xlvii

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distribution of honors to the other gods can finally occur and be recounted, albeit with surprising brevity (881-85). There follows a catalogue of seven marriages of Zeus aud of the offspring they produce-now that he has resolved his career difficulties he can set about starting a family. Each entry is of decreasing length; the list begins with Zeus thwarting a potential threat to his rule by swallowing Metis (886-900), includes his expectable and climactic fathering of Eunomia (Lawfulness), Dike (Justice), Eirene (Peace, 902), and the Muses (915-17), and culminates in his marriage to Hera, his legitimate spouse (886-923); this is followed, perhaps not unsuitably, by the births, achieved without a sexual partner, of Athena and Hephaestus (92429). There follows a series of very short indications of other gods and mortals who united with one another and in some cases gave birth to other gods or mortals (930--{)2)-. in only 33 lines, 10 couples (including Zeus three more times) and 10 children. This is followed by a farewell to the Olympian gods and the divinities who make up the natural surroundings of the Eastern Mediterranean, and then by a transition to a catalogue of the goddesses who slept with mortals and produced children (963-68); this catalogue, though it gives the impression of being somewhat less summary than the preceding one, still manages to compress 10 mothers and 19 children into only 50 verses (9691018). This is then followed by a transition from the just concluded list of goddesses who slept with mortals to the announcement of a new list of mortal women (1019-22). Either with this announcement, or just before it, ends the Theogony as it is transmitted by the medieval manuscripts. It is extremely difficult to resist the impression that towards its close our Theogony peters out quite anticlimacti-

cally, and it is just as difficult to imagine why Hesiod should have set out to make his poem create this effect. Moreover, the last two lines of the transmitted text, "And now sing of the tribe of women, sweet-voiced Olympian Muses, daughters of aegis-holding Zeus" (1021-22), are identical to the first two lines of another poem ascribed to Hesiod in antiquity, the Catalogue of Women or Ehoiai (Fr. 1.1-2). The most economical explanation of all this is that the ending of our Theogony has been adapted to lead into that other poem; and if, as most scholars believe, the Catalogue of which it is possible to reconstruct the outlines and many details postdates Hesiod significantly, then the modifications to the Theogony can only have been the work, not of Hesiod himself, but rather of a later editor. Where exactly Hesiod's own portion of the text ceases and the inauthentic portion begins remains controversial; most scholars locate the border somewhere between lines 929 and line 964 but there can be no certainty on this question.14 ' The Catalogue of Women is a systematic presentation in five books of a large number of Greek legendary heroes and episodes, beginning with the first human beings and continuing down to Helen and the time just before the be-

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14 Here as in other cases, the difficulty of resolving this question is increased by the fact that it has sometimes been formulated erroneously: for the scholarly hypothesis that everything (or almost everything) up to a given line must'be' entirely the work of Hesiod and everything thereafter entirely the work of a later poet or poets supposes, far too simplistically, that later accretions always take the form of supplementary additions to a fully unchanged text, and not, more realistically, that of more or less extensive modifications and adaptations of the inherited text as well. il

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ginning of the Trojan War. The organizational principle is genealogical, in terms of the heroes' mortal mothers who were united with divine fathers; the repeated, quasi-formulaic phrase with which many of these women are introduced, e hoie ("or like her"), gave rise to another name for the poem, the Ehoiai. The Catalogue ofWomen was one of Hesiod's best known poems in antiquity and seems to have enjoyed particular popularity in Greek Egypt. But because it did not form part of the selection of three poems that survived antiquity by continuous transmission, for many centuries it was lost except in the form of citations by other ancient authors who were so transmitted. Two developments over the past century or so, however, have restored to us a good sense of its general structure as well as a considerable portion of its content. The first is the discovery and publication of a large number of Hesiod papyri from Egypt: for example, Edgar Lobel's publication in 1962 of Volume XXVIII of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, containing exclusively Hesiodic fragments, singlehandedly provided almost as much new material from the poem as had hitherto been available altogether, and already in 1985 West estimated that the remains of more than 50 ancient copies of the Catalogue had been discovered. l5 One very rough measure of the growth in the sheer number of extant fragments of the poem over the past centuryis the difference between the 136 testimonia and fragments that Rzach was able to collect in his 1902 Teubner edition and the 245 in Merkelbach and West's Fragmenta

Hesiodea of 1967. 16 Since then many more testimonia and fragments have been added, and new ones continue to be discovered each year. This increase in the surviving material has gone hand in hand with a second development, the gradual recognition on the part of scholars that in the genealogical sections of his Library, a handbook of Greek mythology of the 1st or 2nd century AD, Pseudo-Apollodorus made extensive use of the Catalogue of Women, and that in consequence this extant work could be used, though with great caution, to reconstruct a considerable part of Hesiod's lost one, not only in outline but also in some detail. It must be acknowledged that there is still no direct, adequate, non-circular proof for the correctness of the large-scale organization which has been deduced for the Catalogue from PseudoApollodorus, and it is not entirely impossible that today's scholarly reconstruction will be vitiated by tomorrow's papyrus. But as it happens, so far none of the papyri discovered since the work ofMerkelbach and West has disproven their general view of the poem; in fact, each more recent discovery has confirmed their analYSiS, or at least been compatible with it. Moreover, as of yet no cogent alternative account has been proposed. It is for good reason, then, that almost all the scholarship on the Catalogue in the last decades has taken their work as a starting-point. Hence it

15 M. L. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (Oxford 1985), pp. 35, 1.

I

16

Of course these bare numbers are misleading for a number

of reasons: there are empty numbers, cancelled numbers, and

subdivided numbers; there are fragments that consist of a few letters and fragments that go on for a number of pages. These figures are intended only to give a general impression of the scale of the growth in our knowledge of the poem.

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is their reconstruction that provides the basis for the presentation of the Catalogue in this Introduction and for the general organization of the fragments in the present edition, though I have disagreed with them in a number of questions of specific placement, and in the selection and evaluation of some of the fragments presented, and have provided a new numeration. 17 As far as we can tell, the contents of the five books of the Catalogue of Women were arranged as follows: Book 1: an introductory proem, then the descendants of Prometheus' son Deucalion (northern Greeks), beginning with his children, including Hellen; and then Hellen's descendants, including Aeolus and Aeolus' descendants. Book 2: Aeolus' descendants, continued, beginning with Atalanta; then a new starting-point, the descendants of Inachus (Argives), including after a number of generations Belus, and Belus' descendants. Books 3 and 4: Inachus' descendants, continued from the descendants of Belus' brother Agenor; then a new starting-point, the descendants ,?f Pelasgus (Arcadians); then another new starting-point, the descendants of Atlas (with various geographical branches, including the

Pelopids); then yet another new starting-point, the descendants of Asopus (also geographically heterogeneous); one more starting-point, the descendants of Cecrops and of Erechtheus (Athenians), may well also have figured in Book 3 or 4. 18 Book 5: the suitors of Helen and Zeus' plan for the destruction of the heroes. As in the case of the Theogony and Works and Days, the Catalogue of Women has many analogues throughout the other cultures of the ancient world, and genealogy remained a primary form of historical explanation in Greece for centuries. Indeed, elements of catalogue poetry can also be found in Homer, especially in Odysseus' visit to the Underworld in Odyssey 11. But in this case too the (admittedly fragmentary) evidence seems to point to an idiosyncratic, original work of art of which the meaning is certainly enriched but cannot be entirely explained by these parallels. The Hesiodic Catalogue provides a human counterpart to Hesiod's Theogony: a general classification of all the major heroes and heroines of Greek mythology, organized genealogically from a definite beginning to a definite end and with all-encompassing pan-Hellenic ambitions. The whole rich panoply of Greek local legend is reduced to a very small number of starting-points, and from these are developed lines of descent that bind all the characters and events into a single history, an enormously complex but

17 The reader should be warned that numerous problems re-

main. Perhaps the most worrisome is the uncertainty whether the mother of As'ciepius is Arsinoe or Coronis. In the present edition I assign the fragments identifying his mother as Arsinoe to Book 2 of the Catalogue (Fr. 53-60), another fragment concerning Coronis (without apparent reference to Asclepius) to unplaced fragments of the Catalogue (Fr. 164), and one or two fragments concerning Coronis' betrayal of Apollo to nnplaced fragments of Hesiod's works (Fr. 239-40). Other scholars have distributed these fragments differently.

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18 It is uncertain just where Book 3 ended and Book 4 began; the new starting-point of Pelas gus may have been set at the opening of Book 4 (so proposed in the present edition), or Pelasgus' descendants and at least the first descendants of Atlas may have formed part of Book 3 (so Merkelbach-West).

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highly structured and, at least to a certain extent, unified story. As in the Theogony, the bare bones of genealogical descent often produce verse consisting of little more than proper names-in itself already a demonstration of a high degree of poetic skill, and doubtless a source of consider'able pleasure to ancient audiences. And yet here too the severe structure is often enlivened by entertaining stories whose meaning goes well beyond what would be reqUired for the purposes of strict genealogy. In comparison with Homer's tendency to humanize and sanitize Greek myth, the Catalogue of Women (like the Theogony) presents us with tantaliZing glimpses of an astonishingly colorful, erotic, often bizarre, sometimes even grotesque world of legend: the monstrous Molionian twins (Fr. 13-15), Periclymenus with his deadly metamorphoses (Fr. 31-33), lovely swift Atalanta (Fr. 47-51), thievish Autolycus (Fr. 67-68), Mestra whom her father sells repeatedly in order to buy food for his blazing hunger (Fr. 69-71), Phineus and the Harpies (Fr. 97-105), Caenis whom her lover Poseidon transforms at her request into the man Caeneus (Fr. 165)-our view of Greek myth would certainly be far poorer without them. And finally, the Catalogue ofWomen seems to be driven diachronically by a Single long-term narrative which corresponds on a different level to the complementary stories of the triumph of the justice of Zeus, which proVides the backbone to the Theogony, and of the administration of that justice, which structures the Works and Days. In the Catalogue this narrative provides a vast preamble to the Trojan War, interpreting the heroic age as a long period of frequent and intimate intercourse (in all senses) between gods and men to which Zeus decides to put an end after Helen gives birth to Hermione

(Fr. 155.94ff.). Why exactly Zeus decides to kill off the heroes at this moment in world history is not clear, and the point of the extensive natural scene that follows in the text, with its lengthy account of weather conditions and a terrible snake (Fr. 155.129ff.), has not yet been satisfactorily explained. But it is clear that, for the author of this Hesiodic poem, the Trojan legends that inspired Homer were the most fitting possible telos at which to aim his own composition. Mter the Catalogue come the Iliad and Odyssey and other epic poems; and a long time after them comes the world of ordinary men and women. The Catalogue ofWomen was almost always considered a genuine work of Hesiod's in antiquity, and this view has been followed by a few modem scholars as well. But most modem scholarship prefers to see the poem as a later, inauthentic addition to the corpus of Hesiod's poems. Various considerations, of unequal weight individually but fairly persuasive cumulatively, suggest that the Catalogue was probably composed sometime between the end of the 7th century and the middle of the 6th century Be (though of course the stories and names that illl it go back centuries earlier), well over a century ·after the lifetime of Hesiod. Given its character it is not in the least surprising that it was attributed at some point to Hesiod himself and was spliced into ancient editions of his poems, immediatelyfollOwing the Theogony. The other poem transmitted in medieval manuscripts of Hesiod, the Shield, is at least partially an outgrowth of the Catalogue of Women and another striking example of the interaction between the Hesiodic and Homeric poetic traditions. The Shield begins with the phrase E hoie ("Or like her"), familiar from the Catalogue, and indeed the first

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56 lines were transmitted in antiquity as part of that poem (cf. T52 and Fr. 139). They recount how Zeus slept with Amphitryon's wife Alcmene the same night as Amphitryon did, so that she gave birth to unequal twins, to Zeus' son Heracles and Amphitryon's son Iphicles (1-56). To this story is appended a much longer narrative telling how, many years later, Heracles, aided by his nephew Iolaus, slew Ares' son Cycnus and wounded Ares (57-480). Almost half of this narrative is filled by a lengthy and richly detailed description of the shield that Heracles takes up in preparation for his combat (139-321); in comparison, the scenes preceding the duels are stiff and rather conventional, and the fighting itself is dealt with in rather summary fashion. Whereas in the Iliad and Odyssey Heracles is referred to only about eighteen times, almost always in a marginal role,19 in the Theogony he has an important function as an instrument of Zeus' justice, slaying monsters, liberating Prometheus, and receiving as a reward for his labors a place in Olympus and Hebe as his bride. 20 So ~oo, he recurs repeatedly in a variety of different contexts III the Catalogue of Women, as we would only expect of the greatest hero of Creek legend-indeed he is already named in the proem on a par with the other sexually productive male Creek gods (Fr. 1.22).21 So it is not surprising that a poet who decided to provide a Hesiodic counterpart to the celebrated shield which Homer gives his hero Achilles in Iliad

18-that this is the point of the Shield is pretty obvious, and was already recognized by Aristophanes of Byzantium 22-should have chosen Heracles to be the protagonist of his own poem. Yet it is remarkable how faithful this Hesiodic poet remains to his Homeric model at the same time as he elaborates upon it in an original and interesting way. We may surely presume it as likely that in heroic times most real shields, if they were not constructed for purely defensive purposes but also bore any figural representations at all, were intended not to instruct enemies but to terrify them. Yet Homer assigns a practical shield of this sort not to Achilles but to Agamemnon, whose shield bears allegorical personifications of fear designed to strike fear into anyone who sees them (Corgo, Deimos, Phobos: II. 11.32--37). To the hero who matters to him most, Achilles, Homer grants a shield whose grand cosmological vision locates even the epic story of the Iliad as a whole within a wider and much more significant horizon of meaning, demonstrating its limits and thereby enlarging its import. Achilles' shield encloses within a heaven of the sun, moon, and stars (II. 18.484-89) and the all-encompassing circle of Ocean (607-8) the earth as a world of human beings, divided first into two cities, one at peace (including a murder trial, 491-508) and one at war (509-40), and then into the basic agricultural activities, first fieldwork (plOwing 54149, reaping 550-60, wine harvest and festival 561-72) and then livestock (at war 573-86, at peace 587-89). Perhaps it was the cosmic scope or the juridical and agricultural content that struck some Hesiodic poet as belonging

19 Il. 2.653, 658, 666, 679, 5.628, 638, 11.690, 14.266, 324, 15.25,640, 18.117, 19.98,20.145; Od. 8.224, 1l.267, 601, 2l.26. 20 Th 289, 315, 317, 318, 332, 527, 530, 943, 951, 982. 21 Then Fr. 22, 31-33, 117, 133, 138-41, 174-75. lvi

22

See Testimonium T52.

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more rightly to his own tradition than to a Homeric one.

fore much more likely that lines 1-56 of the Shield originally formed part of the Catalogue but that the rest of the Shield arose independently of the Catalogue and was later combined with the first part and included among Hesiod's works by an ancient editor.

In any case, when he chose to imitate the Homeric shield, he sought to surpass it by heightening it whenever possible. He begins with a terrifying shield, like Agamemnon's, which starts out with allegorical personifications (144-60) and then moves up the biological ladder from animals (snakes 161-61, boars and lions at war 168-11) through Lapiths and Centaurs (118-90) to the gods at war (191200) and peace (201-1). He then supplements this by providing a variation on Achilles' cosmic shield: beginning with non-military strife (fishing 201-15, the mythic pursuit of Perseus by the Gorgons 216-31), he then gives his own two cities, one at war (231-69) and one at peace (210-85), followed by such peaceful activities as horsemen (285-86), agriculture (plOwing 286-88, reaping 288-91, wine harvest 292--300) and non-military competition (athletic boxing and wrestling 301-2, hunting 302--4, athletic contests of horsemen and chariots 304-13), and he closes the whole composition with the ring of all-surrounding Ocean (31411). Throughout the poem he demonstrates a consistent taste for hyperbolic and graphically violent, indeed often lurid detail which has earned him fewer admirers among modem readers than he deserves. The Shield is generally dated to sometime between the end of the 1th and the first half of the 6th century Be. Its precise relation to the Catalogue of Women is controversial. Some have thought that the author of the Shield himself borrowed the first 56 lines of his poem from the Catalogue and therefore that the Shield postdates the Catalogue. But the two parts of the poem have in fact nothing whatsoever to do with one another except for the fact that they both have Heracles as protagonist, and it seems therelviii

Other Poems Ascribed to Hesiod As in the case of the Catalogue of Women and Shield, the fame of Hesiod's name attracted to it productions by other poets which bore some affinity to his own, and thereby helped ensure their survival in antiquity. But the other poems which bore Hesiod's name circulated far less in antiquity than the Theogony and the Works and Days did, and they were excluded from at least some selected lists of his works; so today they exist only in exiguous fragments if at all, and often even their nature and structure remain quite obscure. One group of poems must have been comparable to the Catalogue of Women: 1. The Great Ehoiai (Testimonia T42 and 66; Fr. 18S-201, and perhaps also 239, 241--43, 241--48). Given its title, this poem clearly must have been broadly similar in content and form to the Ehoiai; and if the Ehoiai had five books, then the Great Ehoiai must have consisted of even more. Some of the stories the Great.Ehoiai told coincide with those in the Catalogue, others seem to have been different; in at least one case ancient scholars noted a discrepancy between the versions of the same story they found in the two works (Fr. 192). Very little is known about this poem. It seems to have circulated scarcely at all in antiquity outside the narrow confines of profeSSional literary

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scholarship: citations and reports from Pausanias and the scholia and commentaries to Pindar, Apollonius Rhodius, Aristotle and other authors make up all but one or two of the extant fragments, and only a single papyrus has so far been identified as coming from this poem (Fr. 189a). 2. The Wedding ofCeyx (T67-68; Fr. 202-5). The marriage of Aeolus' daughter Alcyone to Ceyx, the son of the Morning Star, was recounted in Book 1 of the Catalogue of Women (Fr. 10.83-98, 12; cf. Fr. 46); they seem to have loved one another so much that he called her Hera and she called him Zeus, and consequently Zeus punished them by transforming them into birds. Ceyx also plays a marginal role in the Shield (354, 472, 476) and is otherwise associated with Heracles (Fr. 189a); conversely, Heracles seems to have figured in The Wedding of Ceyx (Fr. 202-c3, and cf. Fr. 291). What the content of this poem was-whether it was romantic and tragic, or epic, or something else-remains unknown; one fragment from it (Fr. 204) seems to evince a rather frosty wit. 3. The Melampodia (T42; Fr. 206-15, and perhaps also Fr. 253 and 295). Melampus was a celebrated seer in Greek legend who figured both in the Catalogue of Women (Fr. 35, 242) and in the Great Ehoiai (Fr. 199). The Melampodia, in at least three books (Fr. 213), must have recounted the exploits not only of Melampus himself but also of other famons seers like Teiresias (Fr. 211-12), Calchas and Mopsus (Fr. 214), and Amphilochus (Fr. 215). How these accounts were related to one another is not known. 4. The DescentofPeirithous to Hades (T42;Fr. 216, and perhaps also 243). A poem on this subject is attributed to Hesiod by Pausanias (T42). A papyrus fragment contain-

ing a dialogue in the Underworld between Meleager and Theseus in the presence of Peirithous (Fr. 216) is assigned by editors, plausibly but uncertainly, to this poem. 5. Aegimius (T37, 79; Fr. 230-38). A poem of this title, extant in antiquity, was attributed either to Hesiod or to Cercops of Miletus. Aegimius figures in the Catalogue of Women (Fr. 10) as asonofDorus, the eponym of the Dorians; other sources report that Heracles helped him in battle, and that after Heracles' death he showed his gratitude by raising Heracles' son H yllus together with his own sons. The fairly numerous fragments, mostly deriving from ancient literary scholars, indicate that the poem recounted myths, including those relating to 10 (Fr. 230-32), the Graeae (Fr. 233), Theseus (Fr. 235), the golden fleece (Fr. 236), and Achilles (Fr. 237). But what the connection among such stories might have been and even what the poem was baSically about are anyone's guess. Another group of poems bears obvious affinities to the Works and Days: l. The Great Works (T66; Fr. 221-22, and perhaps also 271-73). From its title it appears that this poem bore the same relation to the Works and Days as the Great Ehoiai bore to the Catalogue ofWomen. One of the surviving fragments is moralistic (Fr. 221), the other discusses the origin of silver (Fr. 222); both topics can be correlated with the Works and Days. 2. The Astronomy or Astrology (T72-78; Fr. 223-29, and perhaps also 118, 244-45, 261-62). A work bearing one or the other of these two titles was celebrated enough in the Hellenistic period for Aratus to have taken it as his model for his own Pheno'mena, according to Callimachus (T73); and it survived as late as the 12th century, when the

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Byzantine scholar Tzetzes read and quoted it (T78; Fr. 227h). Most of the few remaining fragments that can be attributed to it with certainty regard the risings and settings of stars and constellations; the similarity of this topic to the astronomical advice in the Works and Days is obvious. 3. The Precepts of Chi ron (T42, 69-71; Fr. 218-20, and perhaps also Fr. 240, 254, 271-73, 293). Until Aristarchus declared its inauthenticity (T69), a poem under this title was attributed in antiquity to Hesiod. Its content seems to have consisted of pieces of advice, some moral or religious (Fr. 218), some practical (Fr. 219-20); presumably they were put into the mouth of Chiron, the centaur who educated Achilles and Jason and appeared in the Catalogue (Fr. 36, 155, 162-63). No doubt it was the admonitions and precepts in Hesiods's Works and Days that suggested to some ancient readers that this poem too was his. 4. Bird Omens (T80; perhaps Fr. 295). In some copies of the Works and Days that poem was followed after its conclusion at line 828 by a poem called Bird Omens; the words in lines 826-28, "Happy and blessed is he who knows all these things and does his work without giving offense to the immortals, distinguishing the birds and avoiding trespasses," may either have been what suggested to some editor that such a poem could be added at this point or may even have been composed or modified by a poeteditor in order to justifY adding such a poem. In either case, Apollonius Rhodius marked the poem as spurious (T80) and no secure fragment of it survives. 5. On Preserved Foods (T81). Athenaeus quotes some lines from a poem about preserved foods attributed, to Hesiod by Euthydemus of Athens, a doctor who may have lived in the 2nd century Be; Athenaeus suggests that their

real author was Euthydemus himself, and there seems no reason to doubt him. Perhaps it was the general subject, advice regarding household matters, that suggested attributing the poem to the author of the Works and Days. Finally, there were some poems assigned to Hesiod in antiquity of which the attribution is more difficult to explain: 1. The Idaean Dactyls (Tl; Fr. 217). The two ancient reports about this poem show only that it told of the discovery of metals. 2. Dirge for Batrachus (Tl). Nothing is known about this poem or about Batrachus except that the Suda identifies him as Hesiod's beloved. The fact that the personal name Batrachus is well attested only in Attica might suggest that the poem was attributed to Hesiod during a period of Athenian transmission or popularity of his poetry. 3. The Potters (T82; for the text, see PseudoHerodotus, On HO,mer's Origins, Date, and Life 32, pp. 390-95 West). A short hexametric poem found in an ancient biography of Homer and consisting first in a prayer to Athena to help potters if they will reward the poet, and then in imprecations against them if they should fail to do so, was also attributed by some ancient scholars to Hesiod, on the testimony of Pollux.

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HESIOD'S INFLUENCE AND RECEPTION The ancient reception of Hesiod is a vast, complex, and very under-researched area. Here only a sketch of its very basic outlines and some indications of its fundamental tendencies can be prOvided.

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While the Testimonia regarding Hesiod's life (Tl--40) demonstrate that his biography was of interest in antiquity, there can be little doubt that it was of less interest than Homer's: Homer was by far the more culturally central poet of the two, and the absolute absence of information about his life could spur his many admirers' historical fantasy. Some details of Hesiod's biography were derived from his poems; he was supplied with a father, Dius (T1, 2, 95,105), whose name arose out of a misunderstanding of WD 299; his mother's name, Pycimede (Tl, 2, 105), which means "cautious-minded" or "shrewd," may have been invented on the basis of the character of his poetry. Various details seem to have been created out of a hostile reading of his poetry: thus Ephorus stated that Hesiod's father left Cyme not, as Hesiod claimed, because of poverty, but because he had murdered a kinsman (T25); and the various legends concerning the poet's death (T1, 2, 30-34) involve him as an innocent or sometimes even guilty party in a sordid tale of seduction, violation of hospitality, and murder, which seems fully to confirm his highly negative account of the race of iron men among whom he is destined to live. And yet his murderers are punished in a way that suggests the workings of divine justice (T2, 32-34); and as an infant, Hesiod is marked out by a miracle for future greatness as a poet (T26). Ancient scholarship attempted to determine the chronological relation between Homer and Hesiod (T3-24); the tendency to correlate the prestige of these two poets by inventing legends of competition between them led to' the idea of their relative contemporaneity (T10-14), but the other options, that Homer was older than Hesiod (T5-9) and that Hesiod was older than Homer (T15-16), were both also well represented. The se-

quence Orpheus-Musaeus-Hesiod-Homer recurs a number of times in very different contexts (17, 18, 116a, 119bi and bii), but it is far from certain that it was always, or indeed ever, meant in a strictly chronological sense, In the Archaic and Classical periods, Hesiod's Theogony and Works and Days both found a number of poets and, prose, ,:riters who continued to work within the genenc traditions he canonized, as indicated above in the sections discussing those poems, But it is the Catalogue of Women that seems to have had the greatest impact not only upon lyric poets like Stesichorus, Pindar (who at Isthmian 6,66-67 cites WD 412, attributing it to Hesiod by name), and Bacchylides (who mentions Hesiod by name and quotes from him a sentence not found in any of his extant works, Fr. 306) but also upon the tragic poets, who generally preferred to draw their material not from the Iliad and Odyssey but from the Epic Cycle and the Hesiodic Catalogue, It was in the Hellenistic period, however, that Hesiod reached the acme of his literary influence in ancient Greece: he provided a model of learned, civilizing poetry and a more modest alternative to pompous martial epic that made him especially prized by Callimachus himself (T73, 87) and by Callimachus' Greek (T73, 56) and Latin (T47, 9.0-92) followers. In particular, Hesiod was celebrated by ancient poets and in ancient poetics as a founder of literary genres (especially didactic poetry, but also the poem of instruction for princes); it was mostly through the mediation of Aratus, of Latin translations of this poet, and of Virgil that Hesiod was known in Late Antiquity and in the Latin Middle Ages. For Greek readers in Hellenistic and Imperial Egypt, the Catalogue of Women seems, at least to judge from the evidence of the papyri, to

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have been one of the most intensely studied archaic texts after Homer's epics; perhaps its systematic presentation of their own rich and sometimes bizarre mythology gave these readers a sense of orientation and consolation. To the same period may belong the essential conception of the extant version of the Contest of Homer and Hesiod, in which Homer pleases the crowd more than Hesiod does but the king nevertheless awards the prize for victory to Hesiod, because a poem about peace and agriculture should be deemed superior to one about war and bloodshed. Hesiod's poems continued to be set to music and performed privately, and perhaps also publicly, well into the Imperial period (T84-86), and .as late as the 3rd or early 4th century AD his story of his poetic initiation was still capable of inspiring a technically gifted anonymous poet (T95) to compose a tour-de-force acrostic poem on this subject. But the Theogony and Works and Days have had their greatest influence perhaps not so much as whole poetic constructs, but in terms of two of the myths they narrate. Hesiod's tale of Prometheus inspired the author of a tragedy attributed to Aeschylus (as well as Protagoras in Plato's dialogue of that title), and then went on from there to become· one of the c(')ntral myths of Western culture, usually with little regard for the details or even the general import of Hesiod's own treatment of the tale; the same applies to Hesiod's story of the races of men, which, isolated from its argumentative context and transformed (especially in Ovid's Metamorphoses) into an account not of the races but of the ages of men, bequeathed to later centuries the consoling image of a Golden Age, when life was easier and men were better and happier than they are now. So

too, Hesiod's portrayal of his poetic initiation generated a whole tradition of such scenes, in Greek, Latin, and postClassical literature. Hesiod also plays a crucial role in the history of Greek religion and philosophy. He was the object of a cult at Thespiae (T104-5, 108), and was venerated not only at Orchomenus (Tl02-3), Helicon (Tl09), and Olympia (TllO), but also as far away as Macedonia (T107) and Armenia (TI06). Herodotus could quite rightly say that it was Hesiod's systematization of the various local traditions of Greek mythology, together with Homer's, which gave the Greeks their national religion (T98). And for that very reason, Hesiod was a preferred target of philosophers, starting with Xenophanes (T97) and culminating most famously in Plato (T99), who objected to the popular views of the nature of the gods as these were canonized in his poetry. Yet Hesiod's relation to Greek philosophy is in fact quite complicated. Already Aristotle seems uncertain as to whether he should count Hesiod as a true philosopher or not: in some passages he begins the history of philosophy with Thales, consigning Hesiod to the pre-philosopbical theologians (so T1l7.c.i), while in others he considers Hesiod's accounts of such figures as Eros to be cosmological doctrines apparently worthy of serious attention (so T1l7.c.ii). Indeed, Hesiod's poetry has always seemed to occupy an ambiguous and unstable position somewhere between pure mythology, in which the gods are autonomous divine beings with their own personalities and destinies, and a rudimentary philosophy, in which the gods are merely allegorical deSignations for moral and rational categories of thought. Yet Hesiod's questions-what are the origin and structure of things? how can human beings

lxvi

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INTRODUCTION

achieve success and happiness in their lives?-are the very same ones that concerned all later Greek philosophers; and his answers, despite their often mythical form, continued to interest philosophers until the end of antiquity. Sometimes the philosophers expressed this interest in the form of outright attack (T97, 99, 100, 113, 118), rarely in that of unabashed praise (TIl4, 116ab), increasingly over the course of time in that of allegorical recuperation (T115, 116c, 117, 119-20). The difficulties of explaining the erudite, pagan, often rebarbative Theogony in particular to children in Imperial and, even more so, in Byzantine Christian schools led to a particularly rich set of allegorical scholia on this poem. The Byzantine study of Hesiod was the culmination of the work of centuries of historians, rhetoricians, and literary scholars who devoted themselves to the edition, elucidation, and sometimes allegedly even plagiarism of his poems. Greek historiography, in such figures as Eumelus and Acusilaus, begins as the continuation of the Theogony and Catalogue. of Women by other means (T121-22). The authors of Greek rhetorical manuals, developing and systematizing the work of earlier professionals like the rhapsodes (T83), sophists (T115), and rhetors (Tl23), applied their technical categories, with some success, to the rather recalcitrantset of his texts (T124-27). Greek literary scholarship starts, in the case of Hesiod as in so many other instances, with Aristotle, who wrote a treatise on Hesiodic Problems in one book (T128), and Hesiodic philology, though it always takes second place in the study of archaic epic to Homeric philology; continues to occupy the attention of more and less celebrated philologists until at least

the end of antiquity (T129--50). One place of honor in the history of Hesiodic philology belongs to Plutarch, who wrote a biography ofHesiod (which does not survive) and a predominantly moralizing commentary on the Works and Days in at least four books, of which extensive excerpts are cited in the ancient scholia to that poem (T147); and another one should be assigned to the 5th century N eoplatonist Proclus, who wrote a mostly philosophical commentary on the same poem which often quotes Plutarch's commentary and of which many fragments are cited in the same scholia (TI48).

!xviii

THE TRANSMISSION OF HESIOD'S POETRY Hesiod's works are transmitted in very varying degrees of incompleteness by fragments from well over fifty ancient manuscripts, papyrus or parchment rolls or codices from Egypt dating from at least the 1st century Be to the 6th century AD; and numerous medieval and early modem manuscripts transmit his three extant poems-about 70 for the Theogony, over 260 for the Works and Days, about 60 for the Shield. 23 But the most important witnesses for constructing a critical edition are only about a dozen: 23 The basic information about the transmission of Hesiod's poems is conveniently available in M.L. West, Commentary on Th 48-72, and Commentary on WD, 60-86; and in SolmsenMerkelbach-West, Hesiodi Theogonia ... , pp. ix-xxiii. For the symbols that indicate some further minor manuscripts cited only rarely in the apparatus to this edition, the reader is referred to West's commentaries.

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INTRODUCTION

S B

L R

J F Q K C D E H A

Laurentianus 32,16, dated to 1280, containing Th, WD, and Shield. Parisinus supp!' gr. 663, from the end of the 11th or the beginning of the 12th century, containing in part Th and Shield. Laurentianus conY. soppr. 158, from the 14th century, containing the whole of Th and Shield. Casanatensis 356, from the 13th or likelier 14th century, containing Th and most of Shield. Ambrosianus C 222 inf., partly from the late 12th century, containing WD and Shield. Parisinus gr. 2773, from the 14th century, containing WD and most of Shield. Vaticanus gr. 915, from a few years before 1311, containing Th. Ravennas 120, from the 14th century, containing Th. Parisinus gr. 2771, from the 10th or 11th century, containing most of WD. Laurentianus 31,39, from the 12th century, containing WD. Messanensis bib!. univ. F.v. 11, from the end of the 12th century, containing WD. Vaticanus gr. 2383, dated to 1287, containing WD. fo!' 75 of Parisinus supp!' gr. 663 (indicated as B above) contains lines 87-138 of Shield written at the same time as B but by a different hand.

INTRODUCTION

b n

v

a u k

1>

m, L, andR. Marcianus IX. 6 (14th century) and Salmanticensis 243 (15th century). Laurentianus cony. soppr. 15 (14th century), Panormitanus Qq-A-75 and Parisinus supp!. gr. 652 (both 15th century). n andv. Matritensis 4607, Ambrosianus D 529 l'nf., an d Vaticanus gr. 2185 (all 15th century). Kandu. E andH.

For the numbers which deSignate the papyri cited, the reader is referred to the editions ofWest24 and of SolmsenMerkelbach-West. 25 THIS EDITION The aim of this edition is to make available to professional scholars, students, and interested general readers the texts ofHesiod's poetry and the Testimonia of his life and works as these are understood by current scholarship. This Loeb edition can make no claim to being a truly critical edition: I haye not examined the papyri or the manuscripts and have relied instead upon the reports of editors I consider trustworthy. My general impression is that there is little to be gained at this point by a renewed recensio of the manu-

In addition, t:llefollowing symbols deSignate groups of manuscripts: m

!xx

Parisinus gr. 2763, Parisinus gr. 2833, Vratislaviensis Rehd. 35, and Mosquensis 469 (all 15th century).'

24 West, Commentary on Th, pp. 64-65, and Commentary on WD, pp. 75-77. ' 25 Solmsen-Merkelbach-West, Hesiodi Theogonia ... , pp.

xxvi-xxviii.

'

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)

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

script evidence-in other words, recent editors seem to have done that job very well indeed. There are three parts to this edition, and each requires a few words of explanation: 1. Theogony, Works and Days, Shield. The first two of these poems are found in vol. 1 of the present edition, the third one in vol. 2. For the texts of these three poems I have availed myself of what in my judgment is the best critical edition of each poem currently available: for the Theagony and Works and Days, Wesfs commented editions to each poem;26 for the Shield, Solmsen's edition in SolmsenMerkelbach-Wesfs Oxford Classical Text of Hesiod.27 I have relied upon these editions for their reports of the manuscript evidence, but I have differed from their choice of readings whenever it seemed necessary to do so, often (but not always) in order to defend the transmitted reading against what I consider an unnecessary conjectural correction. As a general rule I have tried always to translate a Greek word wherever it-occurs with the same English one; but of course that has not always been possible and I have not hesitated to sacrifice strict observance of that rule to the requirements of intelligibility. So too I have tried in general to give in the sequence of clauses and even words in the English translation a sense of the syntactical sequence of the Greek original, but that has not always been possible either. 2. Fragments. These are found in vol. 2 of the present

edition. Like virtually,all contemporary scholars, I have been fundamentally guided in my understanding of the Catalogue of Women and the other fragments of Hesiodic poetry by the work of Merkelbach and West. But while I have gratefully followed their interpretation of the Catalogue's general structure, I have chosen to differ from their detailed arrangement of the fragments when doing so yielded what seemed to me a more plausible result. I have also decided, after considerable hesitation, to provide a new numeration for the fragments; aware though I am of the inconveniences resulting from the multiplication of systems of numeration, I judged that the disadvantages in doing so at this point were considerably less than those entailed by continuing to follow the Merkelbach-West numbers, outdated, inconsistent, and confusing as these have become over the decades, in large part due to the very progress achieved by their own research. In any case the Merkelbach-West numbers are provided together with the Greek texts of the fragments, and a concordance of fragment numbers at the back of vol. 2 should make it possible without too much difficulty to shift back and forth between the two systems. 28 I have followed MerkelbachWest and other editors in grouping together under the general term of "fragments" both verbal citations or direct witnesses (fragments in the narrow sense) and reports about the contents of the poems (strictly speaking, Testimonia). But in arranging the fragments I have grouped to-

26 West, Commentary on Th, pp. 111-49, and Commentary on WD, pp. 95-135. _ 27 Solmsen-Merkelbach-West, Hesiodi Theogonia . .. , pp. 88~ 107.

28 To make this edition more convenient for the reader 1 have also included in these concordances the numbers of Hirschberger's recent, useful commentary on the Catalogue a/Women and Great Ehoiai.

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!xxiii

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

gether direct witnesses and verbal citations on the one hand and indirect Testimonia on the other in those cases in which both kinds of witnesses refer to exactly the same mythic datum, even at the occasional cost of briefly interrupting thereby the continuity of a direct witness to the Catalogue; I hope that this disadvantage (lessened by cross-references in the different parts of the same direct witness) will be found to be outweighed by the greater perspicuity in the resulting arrangement of the various kinds of witnesses, In the translations of fragments transmitted by papyri, I have attempted wherever possible to give a visual indication of what is actually transmitted on the papyrus and where, as well as to differentiate attested material from what is supplemented by editors (the latter is set off by square brackets []), So too I have tried to follow in the case of the fragments the rules noted above for the translation of the three fully extant poems; but here too I have preferred pragmatism and intelligibility to rigorously follOwing rules without exceptions. 3. Testinwnia. These are to be found in vol. 1 of the present edition. I have provided only a small sampling of what I consider to be the most interesting and important among the thousands of Testimonia provided by ancient Greek and Latin writers concerning the life and works of Hesiod. The Testimonia are divided into those concerning Hesiod's life, his works, and his influence and reception, with further subdivisions in each case. Readers should bear in mind that, while these classifications are useful, they are sometimes somewhat artificial; cross-references should help to direct readers to particularly important areas of overlap but can proVide only a minimal orientation. A model and an indispensable help in the collection of

these Testimonia was provided by the corresponding section in Felix Jacoby'S edition of the Theogony;29 the reader who wishes to compare my collection with his will be aided in doing so by the concordance of the two collections of Testimonia at the back of this volume.

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29

Felix Jacoby, ed., Hesiadi Carmina. Pars I: Theagania

(Berlin 1930), pp. 106-35.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Critical editions

)

Friedrich Solmsen, R. Merkelbach, and M. L. West, eds. Hesiodi Theogonia Opera et Dies Scutum: Fragmenta Selecta (Oxford 1970, 19832 , 19903 ). M. L. West, ed. Hesiod. Theogony (Oxford 1966). ---Hesiod: Works and Days (Oxford 1978). R. Merkelbach and M. L. West, eds. Fragmenta Hesiodea (Oxford 1967 = 1999).

Other editions Aloisius Rzach, ed. Hesiodus Carmina, editio maior (Leipzig 1902), editio minor (Leipzig 1902, 19082 , 19133 = Stuttgart 1958). Hugh G. Evelyn-White, ed. Hesiod: The Homeric Hymns and Homerica (Cambridge, Mass., and London 1914). Paul Mazon, ed. Hesiode: Theogonie, Les Travaux et les fours, Ie Bouclier (Paris 1928, 19605 ). Felix Jacoby, ed. Hesiodi (Jarmina. Pars I: Theogonia (Berlin 1930). Aristides Colonna, ed. Hesiodi Opera et Dies (MilanoVarese 1959). Graziano Arrighetti, ed. Esiodo: Opere (Torino 1998).

,

I

"I

Ii"1

Ii'!

!xxvii

Ii

/

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Scholia

Catalogue of Women Martina Hirschberger. Gynaikon Katalogos und Megalai Ehoiai: Ein Kommentar zu den Fragmenten zweier hesiodeischer Epen (M iinchen 2004).

Thomas Gaisford, ed. Poetae minores Graeci, vol. 3 (Oxford 1814, Leipzig 1823). Hans Flach, ed. Glossen und Scholien zur hesiodischen Theogonie (Leipzig 1876). Augustinus Pertusi, ed. Scholia vetera in Hesiodi Opera et Dies (Milano 1955). Lambertus Di Gregorio, ed. Scholia vetera in Hesiodi Theogoniam (Milano 1975).

Commentaries Theogony Wolfgang Aly. Hesioru Theogonie (Heidelberg 1913). M. L. West. Hesiod. Theogony (Oxford 1966). Richard Hamilton. Hesiod's Theogony (Bryn Mawr 1990). Works and Days Pierre Waltz, ed. Hesiode, Les Travaux et les Jours (Brussels 1909). Paul Mazon, ed. Hesiode. Les Travaux et les Jours (Paris 1914). Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, ed. Hesiodos Erga (Berlin 1928 = DublinlZiirich 1962, 1970). T. A. Sinclair, ed. Hesiod: Works and Days (London 1932). M. L. West. Hesiod: Works and Days (Oxford 1978). W. J. Verdenius. A Commentary on Hesiod: Works and Days, w. 1-382 (Leiden 1985). Shield Carlo Ferdinando Russo, ed. Hesiodi Scutum (Firenze 1950, 19652 ).

!xxviii

Lexica Johannes Paulson. Index Hesiodeus (Lund 1890 = Hildesheim 1962). M. Hofinger. Lexicon Hesiodeum cum indice inverso (Leiden 1973-85). William W Minton. Concordance to the Hesiodic Corpus (Leiden 1976). Joseph R. Tebben. Hesiod-Konlwrdanz: A Computer Concordance to Hesiod (Hildesheim and New York 1977).

General collections of essays F ondation Hardt. Entretiens sur I'antiquite classique 7: Hesiade et son influence (Geneve 1962). Ernst Heitsch, ed. Hesiod = Wege der Forschung 44 (Darmstadt 1966). Graziano Arrighetti, ed. Esioda: Letture critiche (Milano 1975). Apostolos N. Athanassakis, ed. Essays on Hesiad I-II, Ramus 21:1-2 (1992). Fabienne Blaise, Pierre Judet de la Combe, and Philippe Rousseau, eds. Le metier du mythe. Lectures d'Hesiode (Lille 1996).

lxxix

BIBLIOGRAPHY

General studies Friedrich Solmsen. Hesiod and Aeschylus (Ithaca 1949). G. P. Edwards. The Language of Hesiod in Its Traditional Context (Oxford 1971). Pietro Pucci. Hesiod and the Language of Poetry (Baltimore 1977). . Richard C. M. Janko. Homer, Hesiod and the Hymns: Diachronic Development in Epic Diction (Cambridge '" 1982). William G. Thalmann. Conventions of Form and Thought in Early Greek Epic Poetry (Baltimore 1984). Robert Lamberton. Hesiod (New Haven 1988). Richard Hamilton. The Architecture of Hesiodic Poetry (Baltimore and London 1989). Jenny Strauss Clay. Hesiod's Cosmos (Cambridge 2003).

Theogony Friedrich Schwenn. Die Theogonie des Hesiodos (Heidelberg 1934). Hans Schwab!. Hesiods Theogonie: Eine unitarische Analyse (Wien 1966). Works and Days Walter Nicolai. Hesiods Erga: Beobachtungen zum Aujbau (Heidelberg 1964). Jean-Pierre Vemant. "Le mythe hesiodique des races: Essai d'analyse structurale," and "Le mythe hesiodique des races: Sur un essai de mise au point," in My the et pensee chez les Grecs, vo!' 1 (Paris 1965), pp. 13-41 and 42-79. Berkley Peabody. The Winged Word: A Study of Ancient

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Greek Oral Composition as Seen PrinCipally Through Hesiod's Works and Days (Albany 1975). Jens-Uwe Schmidt. Adressat und Paraineseform: Zur Intention von Hesiods Werken und Tagen' (Gtittingen 1986). Stefanie Nelson. God and the Land: The Metaphysics of Farming in Hesiod and Virgil (New York and Oxford 1998). AnthonyT. Edwards. Hesiod's Ascra (Berkeley, Cal. 2004). Catalogue of Women M. L. West. The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women: Its Nature, Structure, and Origins (Oxford 1985). Paul Drager. Untersuchungen zu den Frauen/catalogen Hesiods (Stuttgart 1997). Richard Hunter, ed. The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women: Constructions and Reconstructions (Cambridge 2005). Shield Andrew S. Becker. "Reading Poetry through a Distant Lens: Ecphrasis, Ancient Greek Rhetoricians, and the Pseudo-Hesiodic 'Shield of Herakles,'" American Journal of Philology 113 (1992) 5-24. Oriental sources and parallels Peter Walcot. Hesiod and the Near East (Cardiff 1966). James B. Pritchard, ed. The Ancient Near East, vols. 1,2 (Princeton 1958, 1975). M. L. West. The East Face of Helicon: West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth (Oxford 1997). Walter Burkert. Babylon, Memphis, Persepolis: Eastern Contexts of Greek Culture (Cambridge, Mass. 2004).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Influence and reception

Carlo Buzio. Esiodo nel rrwndo greco sino alia fine dell'eta classica (Milano 1938). Athanasios Kambylis. Die Dichterweihe und ihre Symbolik: Untersuchungen z;u Hesiodos, Kallimachos, Properz und Ennius (Heidelberg 1965). Gerhard Vogel. Der Mythos von Pandora; Die Rezeption eines griechischen Sinnbildes in der deutschen Literatur (Hamburg 1972\. Hannelore Reinsc!l.-Werner. Callimachus hesiodicus: Die Rezeption der hesiodischen Dichtung durch Kallimachos von Kyrene (Berlin 1976). Alan Cameron. Callimachus and His Critics (Princeton 1995). Christos Fakas. Der Hellenistische Hesiod: Arats Phainomena und die Tradition der antiken Lehrepik (Wiesbaden 2001). Immanuel Musaus. Der Pandoramythos bei Hesiod und seine Rezeption bis Erasmus von Rotterdam (Gtittingen 2004).

HESIOD

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