Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism by Erwin Panofsky (Art eBook)
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'Gothic
:;
Architecture and Scholasticism An inquiry into the analogy of tlie arts, philosophy, and religion in the Middle Ages.
ERWIn PANOFSKY
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Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism
Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism
by Erwin Panofsky
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A MERIDIAN BOOK
INieVU
AMERICAIVi LiBRAfyy
NEW YORK. LONDON AND SCARBOROUGH. ONTARIO
—
Copyright 1951, 1957 by Saint Vincent Archabbey All rights reserved.
Library of Congress Catalog Card
MERIDIAN TRADEMARK REG.
Number: 57-6681 U.S. PAT.
®AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES
OFF.
REGISTERED TRADEMARK MARCA REGISTRADA HECHO EN WESTFORD, MASS., U.S.A. Signet, Signet Classics, Mentor, Plume, Meridian and NAL Books are published in the United States by
The New American
Library, Inc.,
1633 Broadway, New York, New York 10019, in Canada by The New American Library of Canada Limited, 81 Mack Avenue, Scarborough, Ontario MIL 1M8 First Printing/ World Publishing First
4
5
Company, 1957
Printing/New American Library, March, 1976 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Foreword
Professor Erwin Panofsky's ture
study, Gothic Architec-
and Scholasticism, captured and holds an eminent
place in a series that
Wimmer
Lectures.
not without distinction, the
is
Established
in
memory
of
the
founder of the Benedictine Order in America, Boniface
Wimmer,
the series has brought to St. Vincent
College such fine scholars as Jacques Maritain (Man's
Approach
to
God"), William
Humanism"), Helen C. White ("Prayer
a Theistic
and Poetry"), and in the
("Toward
F. Albright
Lowe ("The
Elias A.
Finest
Book
World").
Boniface
Wimmer would
surely have approved the
matter and the manner of this lecture. In a
letter
written nearly a hundred years ago he said:
In a country like America
.
.
.
religion
and
art
must work
together to give our liturgy an outward splendor, great dignity, teries art,
and even grandeur.
have a solemn duty
to
improve
it
and
.
.
.
Therefore the monas-
to foster art, especially religious
to spread
it,
because our shop-
keepers and our farmers will never do that.
I
am
firmly
Foreword
vi
convinced that a monastic school which does not
advance
much
art as
ficient in its
work. In
and
as science
scientific matters
be more readily condoned,
strive to
religion will be de-
shortcomings
may
beginning, but
at least in the
neglect in the promotion of art must be censured.
Nine decades have not diminished
the force of these
words. Professor Panofsky represents that firm,
and humane learning
that
is
mature,
the ideal and the despair
of so many. Since 1935 he has been associated with
the School of Humanistic Studies at
Advanced Study, Princeton, before that took
him from
universities of Berlin,
burg.
New
The
Institute for
Jersey.
his native
His career
Hanover
to the
Munich, Freiburg, and Ham-
An authority on iconology, medieval, renaissance,
and baroque nation,
art,
and Dutch and Flemish book
he has been a lecturer or professor
universities in the
Knowledge sification as
insight
it
as is
United
and penetrating
at various
States.
comprehensive precise
illumi-
in its grasp
and sure
and
diver-
in detail, brilliant
analysis, stimulating, radiant,
Foreword
and
artistic
tomary
presentation— these are qualities
to take for
Panofsky.
It is
ative lecture
\ii
it
is
cus-
granted in a study by Professor
a source of satisfaction to see his provoc-
made
available to a wider public through
Meridian Books. Extremely heavy demands upon Professor Panofsky's time
ducing into the desirable.
We
have prevented him from
text revisions
do not hesitate
intro-
he would now consider to issue the text in
original form, quite willing to let
it
stand on
its
its
own
merits.
+
QUENTIN
L.
SCHAUT, O.S.B.
List of Illustrations
Figure i.
Tombstone of the Architect Hugues Libergier 1263), Reims Cathedral.
(died
Figure 2.
Autun Cathedral, west
portal. Ca. 11 30.
Figure 3, Paris,
Notre-Dame, central portal of the west fa9ade Ca. 121^-1220.
(much restored)
.
Figure 4,
Henry
I
of France bestowing privileges upon the Priory
of St.-Martin-des-Champs, Book illumination between
1079 and 1096, London, British Museum, ms. Add. 1
162,
fol. 4.
Figure 5.
Henry
I
of France bestowing privileges upon the Priory
of St.-Martin-des-Champs.
Book
illumination
of
ca,
1250, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. Nouv. Acq. lat.
1359,
fol.
I.
Figure 6.
Philip
I
of France bestowing privileges upon the Priory
of St.-Martin-des-Champs. Book illumination between
IX
Illustrations
1079 and 1096, London, British Museum, ms. Add. 1
162,
fol.
£ V.
Figure 7.
Philip
I
of France bestowing privileges upon the Priory
St. -Martin-des- Champs.
of
125^0, Paris, lat.
13^9,
Book
illumination
of
ca.
Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. Nouv. Acq.
fol. 6.
Figure 8,
Maria Laach, Abbey Church from the northwest. 1093II 56.
Figure p.
Pima
(Saxony), Marienkirche, interior. Begun 1502.
Figure 10,
Cluny,
Third Abbey Church, groundplan,
io88-cd.
**The Third Church
go. (After K. J. Conant, of Cluny,*' Medieval Studies in
Memory of A. Kingsley
Porter,
1 1
20
;
narthex
ca.
1 1
lo-ca.
1 1
Cambridge, 1939.)
Figure 11,
Amiens Cathedral, groundplan. Begun 1220. Figure 12.
Sens Cathedral, groimdplan. Constructed ca. 114.0-ca. 1
168. (After E. Gall, Die gotische Baukunst in Frankreich
und Deutschland, Leipzig, 192^). Figure 13.
Laon Cathedral, groundplan. Begun
ca.
1160.
. .
Illustrations Figure 14.
Laon Cathedral from the northwest. Begun
1160.
ca,
Figure 15,
Reims Cathedral from the northwest. Begun
1
2
1 1
Figure 16,
Amiens Cathedral from the Figure
northeast.
Begun 1220.
J J.
Lessay (Normandy),
Abbey Church,
interior.
End of the
Xlth century. Figure 18,
Laon Cathedral, interior of the choir. Begun after 1205 in conformity with elevation designed ca, 1160. Figure 19,
Chartres Cathedral, interior of the nave. Begun shortly after
1 1
94.
Figure 20.
Reims Cathedral,
interior of the nave.
Begun
1
2
1 1
Figure 21,
Amiens Cathedral,
interior of the nave.
Begun 1220.
Figure 22,
St.-Denis, interior of the nave.
Begun 1231.
Figure 23.
Caen, St.-Ettienne, vaults of the northern transept. Ca.
mo.
(After E. Gall, op.
cit.)
.
.
Illustrations Figure 24.
Soissons Cathedral, vaults of the southern side aisle in
course of restoration after
World War
I.
Beginning of
the Xlllth century. Figure 25.
Soissons Cathedral, section of the northern nave wall
damaged during World War
I.
Beginning of the Xlllth
century. Figure 26.
Chartres Cathedral, flying buttress of the nave. Design established shortly after 1194. Figure 27.
Reims Cathedral, Madonna the northern transept. Ca.
in the right 1
2
1
i-i
2
1
hand portal of
2
Figure 28.
Durham
Cathedral, concealed flying buttresses.
the XI th century. (After R. Illustrations
W.
End of
Billings, Architectural
and Description of the Cathedral Church of Dur-
ham, London, 1843.) Figure 29.
Reims Cathedral, open Design established
ca.
1
flying buttresses of the nave. 2
1 1
Figure 30.
St.-Denis, w^est fa9ade. Dedicated 1140. (After an en-
Xll
Illustrations graving by A. and E. Rouargue, executed before the restoration of 1 833-1 837.) Figure 31, Paris,
Notre-Dame, west
200
clerestory ca. 1220.
1
;
facade.
Begun shortly
after
Figure 32,
Laon Cathedral, west fa9ade. Designed cuted from
cfl.
1
11
ca,
60; exe-
190.
Figure 33-
Amiens, west facade. Begun 1220; clerestory completed 1236; tracery of the rose ca. 1500, Figure 34-
Reims, St.-Nicaise (destroyed), west fa9ade. Between ca.
1230 and 1263; rose restored
ca.
1550. (After an
engraving by N. de Son, of 1625.) Figure 35.
Reims,
St.-Nicaise
(destroyed),
rose
in
the
west
facade (partial reconstruction). Figure 36.
Reims Cathedral, nave window. Designed
ca.
1211.
Figure 37-
Caen, Ste.-Trinite, triforium. Ca.
mo.
Figure 3S.
Sens Cathedral, triforium galleries. Towards 11 50.
xiu
Illustrations Figure 39-
Noyon
Cathedral, nave galleries and triforium. Design
established ca. 1 1
70 and
1 1
1170; eastern bay executed between
85, rest later.
Figure 40,
Chalons-sur-Mame, Notre-Dame-en-Vaux, choir ies
and triforium. Ca.
Figure 41
1
galler-
185^.
.
Chartres Cathedral, nave triforium. Design established ca.
1
194.
Figure 42.
Reims Cathedral, nave triforium. Design established ca. i2i I.
Figure 43.
Villard de
Honnecourt, interior elevation of Reims
Cathedral. Drawling of
ca.
1235, Paris, Bibliotheque
Nationale (enlarged detail). Figure 44.
Amiens Cathedral, nave ca.
triforium. Design established
1220.
Figure 45.
St.-Denis, nave triforium. Design established ca. 1231. Figure 46.
Canterbury Cathedral, choir piers. xiv
1
1
74-1 178.
Illustrations Figure 47.
Chartres Cathedral, capital of nave pier. Design established ca.
1
194.
Figure 48,
Reims Cathedral, ca.
121
capital of nave pier.
Design established
1.
Figure 49.
Amiens Cathedral,
capital of nave pier.
Design estab-
lished ca. 1220. Figure SO. St. -Denis,
capital of nave pier.
Design established
ca,
1231. Figure 5/.
Amiens Cathedral,
cross section of pier in relation to
wall and vault-ribs. Design established ca. 1220. Figure £2. St. -Denis, cross
vault-ribs.
section of pier in relation to wall and
Design established
ca.
1231.
Figure 53,
Cologne Cathedral, cross section of pier
in relation to
wall and vault-ribs. Design established ca. 1248. Figure 54,
Canterbury Cathedral, capital of pier. 11 74-1 178 gram).
XV
(dia-
Illustrations Figure 55.
Chartres Cathedral, capital of pier. Design established shortly after
1
194 (diagram).
Figure 56.
Reims Cathedral, 121
1
capital of pier.
Design established
ca.
Design established
ca.
(diagram).
Figure 57-
Amiens Cathedral,
capital of pier.
1220 (diagram). Figure 58.
Beauvais Cathedral, capital of pier. Design established ca.
1247 (diagram).
Figure 39St. -Denis, capital
of pier. Design established
ca.
1231
(diagram). Figure 60.
Villard de Honnecourt, ideal groundplan of a chevet
from his discussion with Pierre de Corbie. Drawing of ca. 1235, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale.
resulting
XVI
Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism
THE
HISTORIAN CANNOT HELP DIVIDING
his material into ^^periods,'* nicely de-
fined in the Oxford Dictionary as **dis-
tinguishable portions of history.*'
To
be distinguishable, each of these portions has to have a certain unity
;
and
if
verify this unity instead of
the historian w^ishes to
merely presupposing
it,
he must needs try to discover intrinsic analogies
between such overtly disparate phenomena arts,
literature,
philosophy,
social
currents, religious movements, etc.
laudable and even indispensable in
and
as the
political
This effort,
itself,
has led to
a pursuit of **parallels'' the hazards of w^hich are 1
Gothic Architecture
only too obvious.
one
No man
fairly limited field;
can master more than
every
man
has to rely on
incomplete and often secondary information v^henever he ventures
ultra crepidam,
Yew men
can
resist
the temptation of either ignoring or slightly deflecting such lines as refuse to
a
run
parallel,
and even
genuine parallelism does not make us really
happy
if
we
cannot imagine
how
it
came about.
Small wonder, then, that another diffident attempt
Gothic architecture and Scholasti-
at correlating
cism'
is
bound
to be looked
upon with suspicion by
both historians of art and historians of philosophy. Yet, setting aside for the analogies, there exists
moment
all
intrinsic
between Gothic architecture
and Scholasticism a palpable and hardly accidental concurrence in the purely factual domain of time
and place
—
a
concurrence so inescapable that the
historians of mediaeval philosophy,
uninfluenced
by ulterior considerations, have been led to period2
And
Scholasticism
ize their material in precisely the
same way
as
do
the art historians theirs.
To
the Carolingian revival of the arts there cor-
responds, in philosophy, the
phenomenon of John
the
equally
Scot
(ca,
810-877),
magnificent,
equally unexpected, and equally charged with po-
not to be realized until a
tentialities
date.
both
About fields
later
hundred years of fermentation
a
were followed,
contrariety of
much
in art,
in
by the variety and
Romanesque which ranges from the
planar simplicity of the Hirsau school and the severe
structuralism of
Normandy and England
to the rich
proto-classicism of southern France and Italy in theology ity
;
and,
and philosophy, by a similar multiplic-
of divergent currents, from uncompromising
fideism (Peter Damian,
Manegold of Lautenbach
and, ultimately, St. Bernard) and ruthless rational3
Gothic Architecture
ism (Berenger of Tours, Roscellinus) to the proto-
humanism of Hildebert of Lavardin, Marbod of Rennes and the school of Chartres. Lanfranc and Anselm of Bee (the former died in
1089, the latter in settle the conflict
1
made
109)
a heroic attempt to
between reason and
faith
before
the principles of such a settlement had been ex-
plored and formulated. This exploration and formulation
was
initiated
by Gilbert de
la
Porree (died
11^4) and Abelard (died 1142). Thus Early Scho-
was
lasticism
bom
same environment ture was
the
new
bom
at the
in
same moment and
which Early Gothic
in Suger*s Saint-Denis.
style of thinking
ing (opus Francigenum)
and the new
international
architec-
For both
style of build-
—though brought about by
**many masters from different nations,** said of his artisans,
in the
as
Suger
and soon developing into truly
movements
—spread from an
area com-
—
And
Scholasticism
prised within a circle radius of less than a
drawn around
Paris with a
hundred miles. And they con-
tinued to be centered in this area for about one
century and a
half.
Here High Scholasticism
generally assumed to
is
begin with the turn of the twelfth century, precisely first
when
triumphs in Chartres and Soissons
*
'classic*'
fields
was
the High Gothic system achieved ;
and here
a
or climactic phase was reached in both
during the reign of
Louis (122 6- 1270).
St.
in this period that there flourished such
Scholastic
its
philosophers
It
High
Alexander of Hales,
as
Albert the Great, William of Auvergne,
St.
Bona-
venture, and St.
Thomas Aquinas and such High
Gothic architects
as
Jean
le
Loup, Jean d'Orbais,
Robert de Luzarches, Jean de Chelles, Hugues Libergier, and Pierre de Montereau; and the distinctive features of
—
High
as
opposed to Early
—
Gothic Architecture Scholasticism are remarkably analogous to those
which characterize High Gothic It
—
as
opposed to Early
art.
has justly been remarked that the gentle ani-
mation that distinguishes the Early Gothic figures in the
west facade of Chartres from their Roman-
esque predecessors reflects the renewal of an interest in psychology
which had been dormant
several centuries;^ but this psychology
based upon the Biblical
omy between
the
the ground.*'
The
**
was
for still
—and Augustinian—dichot-
breath of
infinitely
not, as yet, portraitlike
life''
more
—High
and the **dust of lifelike
—though
Gothic statues of
Reims and Amiens, Strassburg and Naumburg and the natural
—though
not,
as
yet,
naturalistic
fauna and flora of High Gothic ornament proclaim
the victory of Aristotelianism.
though recognized
as
The human
immortal, was
now
soul,
held to
be the organizing and unifying principle of the body
And itself
A
Scholasticism
rather than a substance independent thereof.
plant was thought to exist as a plant and not as
the copy of the idea of a plant.
God was
The existence of
believed to be demonstrable from His
creation rather than a priori.^ In formal organization, too, the
Summa
from the
differs
comprehensive,
less
and much
strictly organized,
High Scholastic
less
less
uniform encyclo-
pedias and Lihri Sententiarum of the eleventh and
twelfth centuries
High Gothic very
style
word summa
jurists) did
much
from
(first
not change
compendium'*
in the its
(singulorum
1 1
i^o)
tematic,
does the
ancestry. In fact, the
book
by the
meaning from a
**brief
as a
brevis
compendiosa coUectio, as Robert of in
as
title
used its
same way
or
comprehensio
Melun defined
it
to a presentation both exhaustive and sys-
from Summary'' to summa *
as
we know
until the final lustra of the twelfth century.* earliest fully
developed specimen of
this
new 7
it,
The
kind,
Gothic Architecture the
Summa
Theologiae
by Alexander of Hales, which, **
according to Roger Bacon, as
weighed about
one horse can carry," was begun
as
much
in 1231, the
very year in which Pierre de Montereau began the
new nave The
of
fifty
St. -Denis.
or sixty years after the death of Saint
Louis in 1270 (or,
venture and called the
St.
if
we
prefer, that of St. Bona-
Thomas
in
1274) mark what
is
end phase of High Scholasticism by the
historians of philosophy, and the
Gothic by the historians of
art
end phase of High
—phases
in
which
the various developments, however important, do
not
as yet
add up to a fundamental change in
atti-
tude but rather manifest themselves in a gradual
decomposition of the existing system. Both in tellectual
and in
which from about
artistic 1
life
—including
in-
music,
170 had been dominated by the
school of Notre-Dame in Paris
—we can observe
a
growing trend towards decentralization. The cre8
And ative impulses
Scholasticism
tended to
shift
from what had been
the center to what had been the periphery: to
South France, to
Italy,
to the
Germanic countries,
and to England, which, in the thirteenth century had shown a tendency toward splendid isolation.^
A
decrease of confidence in the supremely syn-
thetic
power of reason which had triumphed
Thomas Aquinas may be sulted in a resurgence level,
the
by
to be sure
** classic*'
tion.
from the sition to
tenets
—on
an entirely different
of currents suppressed during
The Summa was
again displaced
and ambitious types of presenta-
Pre-Scholastic
among other
discerned, and this re-
—
phase.
less systematic
in
Augustinianism
things, ttie
intellect)
(asserting,
independence of the will
was vigorously revived
in
oppo-
Thomas, and Thomas's anti-Augustinian
were solemnly condemned three
his death. Similarly, the
was abandoned
*
years after
'classic" cathedral type
in favor of other, less perfectly sys9
Gothic Architecture
tematized and often somewhat archaic solutions;
and in the
plastic arts
we
can observe the revival of
a pre-Gothic tendency toward the abstract and the linear.
The doctrines of
**
classic''
High Scholasticism
either stiffened into school traditions, or
were sub-
jected to vulgarization in popular treatises such as the Somme-le-Rof (1279) and the Tesoretto by Bru-
netto Latini, or were elaborated and subtilized to the limits of
human
capacity (not without reason
does the greatest representative of
Duns
Scotus,
who
became
period,
died in 1308, bear the agnomen
Doctor Subtilis). Similarly,
either
this
**
classic''
High Gothic
doctrinaire, to use Dehio's phrase,
or was reduced and simplified (especially in the
mendicant orders), or was refined and complicated into the harp work of Strassburg, the
embroidery of
Freiburg, and the flowing tracery of Lincoln. But 10
it
was not
until the
end of
Hawton or this
period
—
And that a basic change until
Scholasticism
announced
itself;
and
it
was not
the middle of the fourteenth century
—
in
histories of philosophy the conventional date for
the shift from High to Late Scholasticism
when
the teachings of William of
made
so
much headway
—
demned
1340,
is
Ockham had
that they had to be con-
that this change
became thoroughly and
universally effective.
By
this
time the energies of High Scholasticism
setting aside the ossified schools of Thomists and Scotists that persisted
much
as
academic painting
—had
survived and survives after Manet
either been
channelled into poetry and, ultimately, humanism
through Guido Cavalcanti, Dante, and Petrarch; or into anti-rational mysticism through Master Eckhart and his followers.
And
insofar as philosophy
remained Scholasticism in the term,
it
strict sense
of the
tended to become agnostic. Apart from the
—^who became more and more an
Averroists
11
iso-
Gothic Architecture lated sect as time
—
went on
this
happened
in that
mighty movement, rightly called **modem*' by the later (ca.
schoolmen, which began with Peter Aureolus
1280— 1323) and came to fruition
Ockham
(ca.
129^-1 349 or
1
in
William of
nom-
3i^o): in critical
inalism C'criticar* as opposed to the dogmatic, pre-Scholastic
name of
nominalism
associated
with
the
Roscellinus and apparently quite dead for
nearly 200 years). In contrast even to the Aristotelian, the nominalist denies all real existence to uni-
versal and grants
it
only to particulars, so that the
nightmare of the High Scholastics
—the problem of
the principium individuationis by virtue of which
Universal Cat materializes into an infinite
of particular cats
—
Peter Aureolus puts
The
number
dissolved into nothingness. As it,
**
every thing
is
individual by
virtue of itself and by nothing else*' (omnis res
est se
ipsa singularis et per nihil aliud).
On
the other hand, there reappeared the eternal 12
And
Scholasticism
dilemma of empiricism
:
since the quality of reality
belongs exclusively to that which can be appre-
hended by *
notitia intuitiva, that is, to the particular
by the
'things*' directly perceived
senses,
and to
the particular psychological states or acts
(joy,
known through
inner
grief, willing, etc.) directly
experience,
all
that
which
is
physical objects and the
world of
real, viz., the
world of psychological
processes, can never be rational, while
which
is
all
that
rational, viz., the concepts distilled
from
these
two worlds by
real
so that
;
lems
all
notitia abstractiva,
can never be
metaphysical and theological prob-
—including the existence of God, the immor-
tality
of the soul, and in at least one case (Nicholas
of Autrecourt) even causation
—can be
discussed
only in terms of probability.^
The conmion denominator of these new is,
of course, subjectivism
in the case of the
—
currents
^aesthetic subjectivism
poet and humanist, religious sub13
Gothic Architecture jectivism in that of the mystic, and epistemological
subjectivism in that of the nominaUst. these
In
fact,
two extremes, mysticism and nominalism,
are, in a sense, nothing but opposite aspects of the
same thing. Both mysticism and nominahsm cut the tie
between reason and
faith.
But mysticism
more emphatically divorced from
—much
Scholasticism in
the generation of Tauler, Suso, and John of Ruys-
broeck than
in that of
Master Eckhart
—does
so in
order to save the integrity of religious sentiment, while nominalism seeks to preserve the integrity of rational thought
ham
explicitly
and empirical observation (Ock-
denounces
attempt to subject
*
as
**
temerarious" any
'logic, physics,
and grammar"
to the control of theology).
Both mysticism and nominalism throw the vidual back
upon the resources of
and psychological experience;
private sensory
intuitus is a favorite
term and central concept of Master Eckhart 14
indi-
as well
And as of as
Ockham. But
Scholasticism
the mystic depends on his senses
purveyors of visual images and emotional stimuli,
w^hereas the nominalist relies on
them
as
of reality ; and the intuitus of the mystic
upon
a unity
beyond the
conveyors
distinction even
man and God and even between
focused
is
between
the Persons of the
Trinity, whereas the intuitus of the nominalist
is
focused upon the multiplicity of particular things
and psychological processes. Both mysticism and
nominalism end up with abolishing the borderline
between the
finite
and the
But the mystic
infinite.
tends to infinitize the ego because he believes in the self-extinction of the
human
soul in
God, whereas
the nominalist tends to infinitize the physical world
because he sees no logical contradiction in the idea of an infinite physical universe and no longer accepts
the
wonder
theological
objections
thereto.
Small
that the nominalistic school of the four-
teenth century anticipated the heliocentric system 15
Gothic Architecture of Copernicus, the geometrical analysis of Des-
and the mechanics of Galileo and Newton.
cartes,
Similarly, Late Gothic art
broke up into a variety
of styles reflecting these regional and ideological differences. But this variety, too,
is
unified
by a
subjectivism which, in the visual sphere, corre-
sponds to what can be observed in intellectual
The most tivism
is
life.
characteristic expression of this subjec-
the emergence of a perspective interpreta-
tion of space which, originating with Giotto and
Duccio, began to be accepted everywhere from
1330-40. In redefining the material painting or
drawing surface
as
an immaterial projection plane,
perspective—however imperfectly handled beginning
—renders
seen but also of the conditions
i
It
at the
account, not only of what
way
it is
records, to
is
seen under particular
borrow Ockham's term,
the direct intuitus from subject to object, thus paving the
way
16
for
modem
*
'naturalism** and lending
And
Scholasticism
visual expression to the
concept of the
infinite
;
for
the perspective vanishing point can be defined only as **the projection of the point in
which
parallels
intersect.*'
We
understandably think of perspective as a de-
vice of only the tw^o-dimensional arts. this
new way
—
of seeing
However,
or, rather, of designing
with reference to the very process of sight
—was
bound
sculp-
tors
to change the other arts as well.
and architects
also
began to conceive of the
forms they shaped, not so solids as in
The
much
in
terms of isolated
terms of a comprehensive
**
picture
space,'* although this **picture space*' constitutes itself in
the beholder's eye instead of being pre-
sented to
him
in a prefabricated projection.
three-dimensional media, too, supply, as material for a pictorial experience. This all
Late Gothic sculpture
principle
is
not carried so
—even
if
it is
The
were,
true of
the pictorial
far as in Claus Sluter's 17
Gothic Architecture stagelike portal of
Champmol,
the typical fifteenth-
century *'Schnitzaltar," or those trick figures that
look up a spire or also true of
**
down from
and
a balcony;
it is
Perpendicular'' architecture in Eng-
land and of the
new
types of hall church and semi-
church in the Germanic countries.
hall
All this applies not only to those innovations
which may be
and par-
said to reflect the empiristic
ticularistic spirit of
nominalism
:
the landscape and
the interior with concomitant emphasis on genre features,
and the autonomous and completely
vidualized portrait
which represents the
Peter Aureolus would say, as ual
by virtue of
somewhat as it
itself
image.
It
sitter, as
something individ-
and nothing else," where
earlier likenesses
were, a Scotian
**
indi-
merely superimpose,
haecceitas
upon
also applies to those
new
a
still
typified
Andachtsbilder
which are commonly associated with mysticism:
18
And
Scholasticism
the Pietd, St. John on the
Man
the Lord, the
of Sorrows, Christ in the Winepress, etc. In
their
own way,
pathy," *
Bosom of
as the
such
**
images for worship by em-
term may be paraphrased, are no
less
'naturalistic," often to the point of gruesomeness,
than are the portraits, landscapes, and interiors
which have been mentioned; and where the portraits,
infinity
landscapes, and interiors induce a sense of
by making the beholder aware of the unend-
ing variety and limitlessness of God's creation, the Andachtsbilder induce a sense of infinity by permit-
ting the beholder to
submerge
his
being in the
boundlessness of the Creator Himself.
Once more
nominalism and mysticism prove to be qui se touchent.
We
les
extremes
can easily see that these appar-
ently irreconcilable tendencies could variously in-
terpenetrate in the fourteenth century and ulti-
mately merge, for one glorious moment,
in the
19
.1-
^
p
^^^^srsm
Gothic Architecture painting of the great Flemings,
much
as
they did in
the philosophy of their admirer, Nicholas of Cusa,
who died in the same year as Roger van der Weyden. II
During the ishingly
**
concentrated'* phase of this aston-
synchronous development,
in
viz.,
the
period between about 1130-40 and about 1270,
we
can observe,
tween Gothic
it
art
seems to me, a connection beis
more
^parallelism" and yet
more
and Scholasticism which
concrete than a mere
*
general than those individual (and very important) **
influences"
which are
inevitably
painters, sculptors, or architects ers. In contrast to a
tion
which
I
mere
by erudite
is
but in contrast to an individual
diffaision rather
20
advis-
a genuine cause-and-
fluence, this cause-and-effect relation
by
on
parallelism, the connec-
have in mind
effect relation;
exerted
in-
comes about
than by direct impact.
It
comes
And
Scholasticism
about by the spreading of what may be called, for
want of this
a better term, a mental habit
overworked cliche
to
its
—reducing
precise Scholastic
sense as a '^principle that regulates the act,'' principium importans ordinem ad actum, habits are at
work
in all
and every
"^
Such mental
civilization. All
modem writing on history is permeated by the idea of evolution (an idea the evolution of which needs
much more
study than
seems to enter a
it
critical
has received thus far and
phase right now)
;
and
all
of us, without a thorough knowledge of biochemistry
or psychoanalysis, speak with the greatest of
ease of vitamin deficiencies, allergies, tions,
mother
fixa-
and inferiority complexes.
Often
it is difficult
or impossible to single out
one habit-forming force from many others and to imagine the channels of transmission. However, the period from about **
1
130-40 to about
1
270 and the
IOC-mile zone around Paris'' constitute an ex21
Gothic Architecture ception. In this tight
possessed what tion.
By and
little
amounted
sphere Scholasticism
to a
monopoly
in educa-
large, intellectual training shifted
from
the monastic schools to institutions urban rather
than rural, cosmopolitan rather than regional, and, so to speak, only half ecclesiastic
:
to the cathedral
schools, the universities, and the studia of the
new
—nearly of them products of the thirteenth century—whose members played an
mendicant orders
all
increasingly important role within the universities
themselves.
And
as the Scholastic
movement, pre-
pared by Benedictine learning and initiated by Lanfranc and
Anselm of Bee, was carried on and
brought to fruition by the Dominicans and Franciscans, so did the Gothic style, prepared in Bene-
dictine monasteries and initiated by Suger of St.-
Denis, achieve
churches.
It is
its
culmination in the great city
significant that
during the Roman-
esque period the greatest names in architectural 22
And
Scholasticism
history are those of Benedictine abbeys,
in
High Gothic period those of cathedrals, and
the
in the
Late Gothic periods those of parish churches. It is
not very probable that the builders of Gothic
structures read Gilbert de la Porree or
Thomas
Aquinas in the original. But they were exposed to the Scholastic point of view in innumerable other
ways, quite apart from the fact that their automatically brought ciation with those
them
who
into a
own work
working
asso-
devised the liturgical and
iconographic programs. They had gone to school; they listened to sermons; they could attend the public disputationes de quolibet which, dealing as
they did with all imaginable questions of the day, had
developed into social events not unlike our operas, concerts, or public lectures;* and they could
come
into profitable contact with the learned on
many
other occasions. The very fact that neither the natural
sciences
nor the humanities nor even 23
«<
Gothic Architecture
mathematics had evolved their special esoteric
methods and terminologies kept the whole of
human know^ledge
w^ithin the range of the normal,
non-specialized intellect; and
important point
—the
—perhaps
entire
social
the most
system was
rapidly changing toward an urban professionalism.
Not
as yet
hiitten"
hardened into the
systems,
where the
priest
it
later guild
and ''Bau-
provided a meeting ground
and the layman, the poet and the
lawyer, the scholar and the artisan could get to-
gether on terms of near-equality. There appeared the professional, town-dwelling publisher
hence our
narius,
strictly supervised
script
books
** stationer''),
1
who, more or
less
by a university, produced manu-
en masse
with the aid of hired scribes,
together with the bookseller
about
(statio-
(mentioned from
170), the book-lender, the bookbinder, and
the book-illuminator (by the end of the thirteenth
24
And
Scholasticism
century the enlumineurs already occupied a whole street in Paris);
the professional, town-dwelling
painter, sculptor, and jeweller; the professional,
town-dwelling cleric, yet
who,
scholar
though
devoted the substance of his
ing and teaching (hence the words
and
**
usually life
**
a
to writ-
scholastic**
scholasticism'*); and, last but not least, the
professional, town-dwelling architect.
—
This professional architect contradistinction
what
in
modern times
—would
tect
work
to
rise
the is
* ^
professional* *
in
monastic equivalent of
called the gentleman archi-
from the ranks and supervise the
in person. In doing so
he grew into a
man
of
the world, widely travelled, often well read, and
enjoying a social prestige unequalled before and
unsurpassed since. Freely selected propter sagacitatem ingeniiy he
clergy and
drew
a salary envied
would appear
at
the
by the lower
site,
*
'carrying
25
Gothic Architecture gloves and a rod''
(virga)y
to give
orders that became a
byword
in
whenever
a writer
those curt
French literature
wished to describe a man
who
does things well and with superior assurance: ^'Par cy
me
le taille.^^^
His portrait would figure together
with that of the founding bishop in the
''laby-
rinths" of the great cathedrals. After Hugues Libergier, the
master of the lost St.-Nicaise in Reims,
had died in 1263, he was accorded the unheard-of
honor of being immortalized in an
him not only
ilege previously
most
i).
And
shows
clad in something like academic garb
but also carrying a model of
(fig.
effigy that
*'his''
church
—
a priv-
accorded only to princely donors
Pierre de Montereau
logical architect
who
—indeed —
ever lived
is
the
desig-
nated on his tombstone in St.-Germain-des-Pres as ^*
Doctor
Lathomorum'': by 1267,
architect himself had
kind of Scholastic. 26
come
it
seems, the
to be looked
upon
as a
And
Scholasticism III
When
asking in what
manner the mental
habit
induced by Early and High Scholasticism may have affected the formation of Early and
architecture,
we
shall
High Gothic
do well to disregard the
notional content of the doctrine and to concentrate, to
selves, ets in
borrow
upon
a
term from the schoolmen them-
modus operandi. The changing ten-
its
such matters
as the relation
body or the problem of naturally
were
reflected
between soul and
universals vs. particulars in
the representational
arts rather than in architecture. True, the architect
lived in close contact with the sculptors,
glass
whose work he
stud-
painters,
ied
wood
carvers, etc.,
wherever he went (witness the
Villard de Honnecourt),
supervised in his
own
whom
**
Album'* of
he engaged and
enterprises, and to
whom
he
had to transmit an iconographic program which,
we remember, he
could work out only in close 27
ffw^
Gothic Architecture
cooperation with a scholastic adviser. But in doing this,
all
he assimilated and conveyed rather than
applied the substance of contemporary thought.
What he w^hile
vv^ho
**
devised the form of the building
not himself manipulating
its
matter' '^° could
and did apply, directly and qua architect, was
method of procedure which
rather that peculiar
must have been the the
thing to impress itself upon
first
mind of the layman whenever
it
came
in touch
with that of the schoolman. This method of procedure follows,
modus operandi does, from a modus
lows from the very Scholasticism,
is
every
essendi;^^ it fol-
raison d^etre of Early
which
as
and High
to establish the unity of
truth.
The men of the
turies
attempted a task not yet clearly envisaged by
twelfth and thirteenth cen-
their forerunners and ruefully to be
abandoned by
their successors, the mystics and the nominalists:
the task of writing a permanent peace treaty be28
And tween
faith
and reason.
Thomas Aquinas,
**
that
is
human
*
'Sacred doctrine/' says
makes use of human reason, not
to prove faith but to
ever else
Scholasticism
make
clear (manijestare) what-
set forth in this doctrine.
' '
^^
This means
reason can never hope to furnish direct
proof of such
articles of faith as the tri-personal
structure of the Trinity, the Incarnation, the temporality of Creation, etc.; but that
it
can, and
does, elucidate or clarify these articles.
human
reason can furnish direct and
com-
plete proof for whatever can be deduced
from
First,
principles other than revelation, that ethical, physical,
for
is,
all
and metaphysical tenets including
the very praeambula Jidei, such as the existence
(though not the essence) of God, which can be
proved by an argument from ond, self:
it
effect to cause.
Sec-
can elucidate the content of revelation
by argument, though merely negatively,
refute
'^
all
it
it-
can
rational objections against the Articles of
29
Gothic Architecture Faith
—objections
false
or inconclusive;^'^ and positively, though not
by argument,
must of necessity be either
that
can supply similitudines w^hich
it
**manifest" the mysteries by
when
way of
analogy, as
the relation between the Three Persons of
the Trinity
Hkened to
is
work
of the
between being, knowl-
own mind, ^^
edge and love in our to the
that
human
artist.
or divine creation ^^
Manifestatio, then, elucidation or clarification,
what
I
would
call
the
first
controlling principle of
Early and High Scholasticism. this principle into
plane
^^
But in order to put
operation on the highest possible
—elucidation of
applied to reason
is
faith
by reason
itself: if faith
—
it
had to be
had to be **mani-
fested" through a system of thought complete and self-sufficient
within
its
own
limits yet setting itself
apart
from the realm of revelation,
sary
to ''manifest"
30
it
became neces-
the completeness,
self-suflfi-
—
And
Scholasticism
ciency, and limitedness of the system of thought.
And
this
could be done only by a scheme of literary
would
presentation that
elucidate the very proc-
esses of reasoning to the reader's imagination just as reasoning
was supposed to elucidate the very
nature of faith to his intellect. Hence the
much
derided schematism or formalism of Scholastic writing which reached
Summa^^ with (sufficient
its
climax in the classic
its
three requirements of (i) totality
enumeration), (2) arrangement accord-
ing to a system of homologous parts and parts of parts (sufficient articulation), and (3) distinctness
and deductive cogency all
this
(sufficient interrelation)
enhanced by the
Thomas Aquinas 's
literary
similitudines
:
equivalent of
suggestive termi-
nology, parallelismus membrorum, and rhyme.
A
knowTi instance of the two
—both
artistic as
well as
mnemonic
latter devices
—
is St.
well-
Bonaventure's
31
Gothic Architecture succinct defense of religious images which he declares admissible * ^propter simplicium ruditatem, propter
affectuum tarditatem, propter memoriae Jabilitatem,^
^
^^
We take it for granted that major works of scholand doc-
arship, especially systems of philosophy
scheme
toral theses, are organized according to a
of division and subdivision,
condensable into a
table of contents or synopsis,
where
noted by numbers or
on the same
letters of the
logical level
;
parts de-
all
same
class are
so that the same relation
of subordination obtains between, say, sub-section (a),
section (i), chapter
between, (IV) and atic
(I)
and book (A)
say, sub-section (b), section (^),
book
(C).
articulation
However,
this
as
does
chapter
kind of system-
was quite unknown
until
the
advent of Scholasticism.^® Classical writings (except perhaps for those that consisted of denumerable items such as collections of short
poems or
treatises
on mathematics) were merely divided into 'books. *
32
And
When we
Scholasticism
wish to give what we, unsuspecting heirs
to Scholasticism, call an exact quotation,
we must
either refer to the pages of a printed edition con-
we do with
ventionally accepted as authoritative (as Plato and Aristotle), or to a
scheme introduced by
some humanist of the Renaissance
was,
it
when we quote
i, 3.'*
a Vitruvius passage as "VII, It
as
seems, not until the earlier part of the
Middle Ages that "books" were divided into numbered "chapters'
'
however, imply or dination; and
it
the sequence of which did not, reflect a system of logical subor-
was not
until the thirteenth cen-
tury that the great treatises
were organized accord-
ing to an overall plan secundum ordinem disciphnae^^ so that the reader
is
led, step
proposition to the other and
by is
step,
from one
always kept in-
formed as to the progress of this process. The whole is
of
divided into partes which
—
Thomas Aquinas 's Summa
like the
Second Part
Theologiae
—could be 33
^pp
Gothic Architecture divided into smaller partes ; the partes into membra, quaestiones or distinctiones,
Within the
articuli,
and these into
articuli,'^'^
the discussion proceeds accord-
ing to a dialectical scheme involving further subdi-
and almost every concept
vision,
two or more meanings tripliciter,
etc.) according to
On
others.
quaestiones,
its
the other hand, a
or
into a group.
distinctiones are
The
Thomas
stitute
(intendi
first
is
split
potest
up
into
dupliciter,
varying relation to
number of membra, often tied together
of the three partes that con-
Aquinas 's
Summa
Theologiae,
a
veritable orgy both of logic and Trinitarian sym-
bolism,
is
an excellent case in point. ^^
All this does not lastics
mean, of course, that the Scho-
thought in more orderly and logical fashion
than Plato and Aristotle; but
it
does
mean
they, in contrast to Plato and Aristotle, felt
pelled to
make
com-
the orderliness and logic of their
thought palpably explicit 34
that
—
that the principle of
And manifestatio
Scholasticism
which determined the direction and
scope of their thinking also controlled
and subjected
this
its
exposition
exposition to what
may be
termed the postulate of clarification for clarification's sake.
IV
Within Scholasticism
itself
this
principle
re-
sulted not only in the explicit unfolding of what,
though necessary, might have been allowed to
main
re-
implicit, but also, occasionally, in the intro-
duction of what was not necessary at
all,
or in the
neglect of a natural order of presentation in favor of
an
artificial
Summa
symmetry. In the very Prologue of the
Theologiae,
Thomas Aquinas complains, with
an eye on his forerunners, of **the multiplication of useless questions, articles,
and arguments'' and of a
tendency to present the subject **not according to the order of the discipline itself but rather accord35
9^^
Gothic Architecture ing to the requirements of literary exposition.*'
However, the passion for itself
—quite
** clarification*'
imparted
naturally in view of the educational
—
monopoly of Scholasticism
mind engaged
to
virtually
every
grew
into a
in cultural pursuits;
it
**mental habit."
Whether we read book of
classical
a treatise
on medicine,
mythology such
Fulgentius MetaforaliSy a political
as
a hand-
Ridewall's
propaganda sheet,
the eulogy of a ruler, or a biography of Ovid,*-*
we
always find the same obsession with systematic division and subdivision, methodical demonstration,
terminology, parallelismus membrorum, and rhyme.
Dante's Divina Commedia
much
of
its
is
Scholastic, not only in
content but also in
its
deliberately
Trinitarian form.^^ In the Vita Nuova the poet himself
goes out of his
way
sonnet and canzone by
**
to analyze the tenor of each
parts" and
in perfectly Scholastic fashion,
36
** parts
of parts"
whereas Petrarch,
And half a century later,
Scholasticism
was to conceive of the
struc-
ture of his songs in terms of euphony rather than logic.
**I
thought of changing the order of the four
stanzas so that the first quatrain
would have come second and marks of one sonnet, **but the fuller sound
I
and the
first
terzina
vice versa/' he re-
gave
it
would have been
up because then middle and
in the
the hollo wer at the beginning and the end/'^^
What
applies to prose and poetry applies
emphatically to the
arts.
Modem
no
less
Gestalt psychol-
ogy, in contrast to the doctrine of the nineteenth
century and very thirteenth,
**
much
in
harmony with
refuses to reserve the capacity of syn-
thesis to the higher faculties of the
and
stresses '*the formative
quote
—with
a kind of
**
human mind*'
powers of the sensory
processes.'' Perception itself I
that of the
is
now
credited
—and
intelligence" that
*'
or-
ganizes the sensory material under the pattern of
simple, *good' Gestalten" in an
''effort
of the org anil
^^m
Gothic Architecture ism to assimilate stimuli to
of which
the
is
own organization^^
its
modem way
;^^ all
of expressing precisely
what Thomas Aquinas meant when he wrote:
**the
senses delight in things duly proportioned as in something akin to them; for, the sense, too, reason as
is
is
a kind of
every cognitive power^^ (^*sensus delectantur
in rebus debite proportionatis sicut in sibi similibus;
nam
et sensus ratio
quaedam
est, et
omnis virtus cogno-
scitiva'').^^
Small wonder,
deemed
it
then,
necessary to
appeal to reason and to
that
make
**
mentality which
faith **clearer''
make reason
an appeal to imagination, also imagination
a
felt
by an
** clearer'*
bound
to
by
make
clearer" by an appeal to the senses.
Indirectly, this preoccupation affected even philo-
sophical and theological literature in that the intellectual articulation of the subject matter implies
the acoustic articulation of speech by recurrent phrases, and the visual articulation of the written 38
And
Scholasticism
page by rubrics, numbers, and paragraphs. Directly, it
affected
all
the arts. As music became articulated
through an exact and systematic division of time
was the
(it
Paris school of the thirteenth century
that introduced the mensural notation
and
still
in use
still
referred to, in England at least, by the
original terms of
*
*
'breve," **semibreve,*'
im,*' etc.), so did the visual arts
become
'min-
articu-
lated through an exact and systematic division of
space, resulting in a
*
'clarification for clarification's
sake'* of narrative contexts in the representational arts,
and of functional contexts
in architecture.
In the field of the representational arts this
might
be demonstrated by an analysis of almost any single figure; but
it is still
more evident
ment of ensembles. Barring such pened
at
in the arrange-
accidents as hap-
Magdeburg or Bamberg, the composition
of a High Gothic portal, for example, tends to be subjected to a strict and fairly standardized scheme 39
m^
Gothic Architecture
which, in imposing order upon the formal arrange-
ment, simultaneously tent. Suffice
it
to
not
'* clarified''
(fig.
2)
—
clarifies
the narrative con-
compare the
beautiful but as yet
Last
Judgement portal of Autun
with those of Paris or Amiens
in spite of an
summate
3)
where
even greater wealth of motifs
—con-
clarity prevails.
The tympanum
divided into three registers
Romanesque
(a
device
sharply
unknown
in
and Pompierre), the
Deesis being separated from the
Damned and
the
and these again from the Resurrected. The
Apostles, precariously included in the at
is
save only such well-motivated excep-
tions as St.-Ursin-de-Bourges
Elect,
(fig.
tympanum
Autun, are placed in the embrasures where they
surmount the twelve Virtues and parts (developed
their counter-
from the customary heptad by
a
correct subdivision of Justice)
in
such a manner that Fortitude corresponds to
St.
Scholastically
Peter, the **rock,'' and Charity to St. Paul, the
40
And author of
/
Scholasticism
Corinthians,
3
1
;
and the Wise and Fool-
ish Virgins, antetypes of the Elect
and the Damned,
have been added in the doorposts by way of a marginal gloss.
we
In painting,
cation in
vitro,
can observe the process of clarifi-
so to speak.
extraordinary chance,
a
We can compare, series
by an
of miniatures of
about 12^0 with their direct models, produced in the latter half of the eleventh century probably after
1079 and certainly before 1096
The two Philip
I
best
known
(fig.
(fig.
6 and 7) represent King
conferring privileges and donations,
them the church of St. -Samson, upon St. -Martin-des- Champs.
4-7).^^
among
the Priory of
But where the Early Ro-
manesque prototype, an unframed pen drawing, shows
a
jumble of
tions, the
figures, buildings,
High Gothic copy pulls the
ized picture.
It
(adding, in a
new
is
and inscrip-
a carefully organ-
whole together by a frame
feeling for realism and
communal 41
—
Gothic Architecture
ceremony
dignity, a consecration
at the
Neatly segregating the different elements,
bottom). it
divides
the area within the frame into four sharply delimited fields
which correspond to the categories of
the King, the Ecclesiastical Structures, the Episco-
and the Secular Nobility. The two buildings
pate,
St. -Martin
itself
and
St. -Samson
—
^are
not only
brought up to the same level but also represented in
pure side elevation instead of being shown
mixed projection. The
in
fact that the dignitaries,
formerly unattended and uniformly frontalized, are
accompanied by some minor personages and have acquired the faculties of
movement and intercom-
munication enhances rather than weakens their individual significance; and the only ecclesiastic
who, the
for
good reasons, has found
counts and princes.
42
among
Archdeacon Drogo of
Paris, is clearly set off against
and mitre.
his place
them by
his chasuble
And It
Scholasticism
was, however, in architecture that the habit of
achieved
clarification
its
greatest
triumphs.
As
High Scholasticism was governed by the principle of maniJestatiOy so was High Gothic architecture
dominated
—
what may be
^as
already
called the
' *
observed
by
Suger
—
^by
principle of transparency.
'
*
Pre-Scholasticism had insulated faith from reason
by an impervious barrier much structure
(fig.
as a
Romanesque
8) conveys the impression of a space
determinate and impenetrable, whether
we
find
ourselves inside or outside the edifice. Mysticism
was to drowm reason
in faith,
and nominalism was
to completely disconnect one from the other; and
both these attitudes may be said to find expression in the Late
Gothic
hall
church.
Its
bamlike
shell
encloses an often wildly pictorial and always ap-
parently boundless interior
(fig.
9) and thus creates
a space determinate and impenetrable
from without
but indeterminate and penetrable from within. 43
Gothic Architecture
High
however,
philosophy,
Scholastic
severely
limited the sanctuary of faith from the sphere of rational know^ledge yet insisted that the content of this sanctuary
remain clearly discernible. And so
did High Gothic architecture delimit interior vol-
ume from
exterior space yet insist that
itself, as it w^ere,
ture
ig and
(fig.
it
through the encompassing struc1
6);
so that, for example, the
cross section of the nave can be read off
facade
(fig.
project
from the
34).
Like the High Scholastic Summay the High Gothic cathedral aimed,
first
of all, at
*'
totality'*
and there-
fore tended to approximate, by synthesis as
elimination, one perfect and final solution;
vv^ell
as
we may
therefore speak of the High Gothic plan or the High
Gothic system with
much more
confidence than
would be
possible in any other period. In
agery, the
High Gothic cathedral sought to embody
the whole of Christian knowledge,
44
its
im-
theological,
And
Scholasticism
moral, natural, and historical, with everything in its
place and that which no longer found
suppressed. In structural design, to synthesize
all
it
its
place,
similarly sought
major motifs handed down by
separate channels and finally achieved an unparalleled balance
plan type,
endanger ies,
between the
suppressing
this balance,
basilica
all
elements that might
such as the crypt, the galler-
and towers other than the two
The second requirement of *
and the central
in front.
Scholastic writing,
'arrangement according to a system of homologous
parts
and parts of
parts,'* is
most graphically ex-
pressed in the uniform division and subdivision
of the whole structure. Instead of the Romanesque variety of western and eastern vaulting forms, often
appearing in one and the same building (groin vaults, rib vaults, barrels,
we
domes, and half-domes),
have the newly developed rib vault exclusively
so that the vaults of even the apse, the chapels and 45
Gothic Architecture the ambulatory
no longer
of the nave and transept
differ in
kind from those
lo and ii).
(fig.
Since
Amiens, rounded surfaces were entirely eliminated, except, of course, for the webbing of the vaults. Instead of the contrast that normally existed be-
tween
tripartite naves
and undivided transepts (or
quinquepartite naves and tripartite transepts)
have tripartition in both cases
;
we
and instead of the
disparity (either in size, or in the type of covering,
or in both) between the bays of the high nave and those of the side travee,'^ in
aisles,
we
have the
which one rib-vaulted
*
'uniform
central bay con-
nects with one rib-vaulted aisle bay on either side.
The whole
is
thus
composed of smallest
might almost speak of
articuli
gous in that they are
all
—which
units
are
its
46
neighbors.
homolo-
triangular in groundplan
and in that each of these triangles shares with
—one
its
sides
And As a
result of this
Scholasticism
homology we perceive what
corresponds to the hierarchy of
'*
logical levels" in
a well-organized Scholastic treatise. Dividing the
entire structure, as was customary in the period itself,
into three
main
parts, the nave, the transept,
and the chevet (which
in turn comprises the fore-
choir and the choir proper), and distinguishing,
within these parts, between high nave and sideaisles,
latory,
on the one hand, and between
apse,
ambu-
and hemicycle of chapels, on the other,
can observe analogous relations to obtain:
first,
we be-
tween each central bay, the whole of the central nave, and the entire nave, transept or fore-choir, respectively; second,
between each
the v/hole of each side transept
or fore-choir,
aisle,
side aisle bay,
and the entire nave,
respectively;
tween each sector of the
apse, the
third,
whole
beapse,
and the entire choir; fourth, between each section
47
msm^m^
Gothic Architecture of the ambulatory, the whole ambulatory and the entire choir; and
between each chapel, the
fifth,
whole hemicycle of chapels, and the entire choir. It is
not possible here
describe
how
ity (or, to
—nor
is it
—
necessary
to
this principle of progressive divisibil-
look at
the other way, multiplicability)
it
increasingly affected the entire edifice
smallest detail.
down
to the
At the height of the development,
supports were divided and subdivided into main piers,
major
shafts,
minor
shafts; the tracery of
shafts,
windows,
and
still
triforia,
minor
and blind
arcades into primary, secondary, and tertiary mullions
and
moldings
profiles; ribs (fig.
22).
It
and arches into a
series of
may be mentioned, however,
that the very principle of
homology
that controls
the whole process implies and accounts for the relative
uniformity
which
distinguishes
the
High
Gothic vocabulary from the Romanesque. All parts that are
48
on the same
^'logical level"
—and
this is
And
Scholasticism
especially noticeable in those decorative and repre-
sentational features which, in architecture, corre-
spond to Thomas Aquinas 's
—came
be conceived of as members of one
enormous
to
similitudines
the
class, so that
variety in, for instance, the shape of
canopies, the decoration of socles and archevaults,
and, above
all,
the form of piers and capitals tended
to be suppressed in favor of standard types admitting only of such variations as
nature
among
individuals of
one
would occur
in
Even
in
species.
the world of fashion the thirteenth century tinguished
is
dis-
by a reasonableness and uniformity
(even as far as the difference between masculine
and feminine costumes
is
concerned) which was
equally foreign to the preceding and to the following period.
The edifice
theoretically illimited fractionization of the is
limited by what corresponds to the third
requirement of Scholastic writing:
'*
distinctness
49
Gothic Architecture
and deductive cogency/' According to
classic
High
Gothic standards the individual elements, while forming an indiscerptible whole, yet must proclaim their identity by remaining clearly separated
—the
from each other
shafts
from the wall or the
core of the pier, the ribs from their neighbors, vertical
members from
their arches;
all
and there
must be an unequivocal correlation between them.
We
must be able
to tell
which element belongs
to
which, from which results what might be called a **postulate of
mutual
inferability'
sions, as in classical architecture,
tion. in,
'
—
^not in
dimen-
but in conforma-
While Late Gothic permitted, even delighted
flowing transitions and interpenetrations, and
loved to defy the rule of correlation by, for instance,
over-membrification
of the
under-membrification of the supports classic style
demands
that
we be
ceiling (fig.
and
9), the
able to infer, not
only the interior from the exterior or the shape of 50
And
Scholasticism
the side aisles from that of the central nave but also,
say,
the organization of the whole system
from the cross section of one
The last-named
instance
is
pier.
especially instructive.
In order to establish uniformity
among
all
the sup-
ports, including those in the rond-point (and also,
perhaps, in deference to a latent classicizing impulse), the builders of the
tures after Senlis,
the
compound
most important
Noyon, and Sens had abandoned
pier and had sprung the nave ar-
cades from monocylindrical piers
of course,
struc-
made
it
impossible to
(fig. '*
1
8). 3° This,
express," as
it
were, the superstructure in the conformation of the supports. In order to accomplish this and yet
preserve the
vented the
now
accepted form, there was inthe columnar pier with
pilier cantonne,
four applied colonnettes
(fig.
19-21).
However,
while this type, adopted in Chartres, Reims, and
Amiens, 3»
permitted
the
'^expression"
of the 51
—
Gothic Architecture transverse ribs of the nave and side aisles as w^ell as the longitudinal arches of the
did not permit the (fig.
_^i).
The
final
'*
nave arcades,
it
expression'* of the diagonals solution was found (in St.-
Denis) by the resumption of the reorganized, however, in such a
compound way
that
pier, ''ex-
it
pressed" every feature of a High Gothic super-
The inner
structure
(fig.
arches
taken up by a strong colonnette, their
is
22).
profile of the nave
outer profile by a slighter one, the transverse and diagonal ribs of the nave by three central one stronger than the
(the
tall shafts
two others)
to
which
correspond three analogous colonnettes for the transverse and diagonal ribs of the side-aisles
even what remains of the nave wall
ment *
is
;
—the only
and ele-
that stubbornly persisted in being ''walF'
'manifested'' in the rectangular,
core of the pier This
is
52
still
"mural'*
itself (fig. 52).^^
indeed "rationalism."
It is
not quite the
And
Scholasticism
rationalism conceived by Choisy and Viollet-le-
Duc,33 for the
no functional, the
piliers
neither lieve
the
—
is
compound let alone
economic, advantages over
cantonnes
of Reims
—
Abraham would have
it
as
Pol
**illusionism."34
modern
piers of St. -Denis have
From
us be-
the point of view^ of
archaeologist this famous quarrel be-
tween Pol Abraham and the settled
Amiens; but
or
functionalists can
be
by the reasonable compromise proposed by
Marcel Aubert and Henri Focillon and,
as a
matter
of fact, already envisaged by Ernst Gall.^^
No
doubt Pol Abraham
is
wrong
in
denying the
practical value of even such features as ribs and flying buttresses.
The skeleton of
constructed ribs" (arcus singulariter heavier and
more robust
lead us to believe
(fig.
webs
independently
Koiuti),^^
much
than their graceful profiles 24), did have considerable
in freehand
made
it
possible to
(which saved
much wood
technical advantages in that vault the
'*
it
53
^^^^
— ;
Gothic Architecture
and labor for centering) and to reduce their thickness
compHcated
for according to
;
tions, the simple result of which
modem
calcula-
was so well known,
empirically, to the Gothic builders that they took it
for granted in their writings, ^7 an arch twice
as thick as
strong; vault.
vive
is,
which means
ceteris paribus, just
that ribs
twice
as
do reinforce the
That Gothic vaults have been known to sur-
when
fire in
another
the ribs were blasted away by artillery
World War I does not prove
that they
would
have survived had they been deprived of their ribs after seven
weeks instead of
for ancient
masonry
after seven centuries
will hold together
by sheer
cohesion so that major portions even of the walls
may be seen
hanging, as
the loss of their supports
it
were, in position after
(fig.
2^).^^
Buttresses and flying buttresses do counteract
the deformative forces which threaten the stability
of every vault. ^9 54
And
that the Gothic masters
And
Scholasticism
excepting only those headstrong Milanese ignora-
muses
who blandly contended
the buttresses
arches"
is
—were
that '*no thrust
upon
exerted by vaults with pointed
aware of
fully
this
is
documented
by several texts and attested to by their very trade expressions such as
contrefort,
*
'buttress'*),
arc-boutant,
or
bouterec
the
(hence our
German
(hence, interestingly enough, the Spanish all
strebe
estribo)^
of which denote the function of a thrust or
counterthrust.-^^ tresses
The upper range of
—subsequently
added
in
flying
but-
Chartres
but
planned from the outset in Reims and in most
major
edifices
after
that
—may
well have been
intended to lend support to the steeper, heavier roofs and, possibly, against them.^'
value in that
to resist the
Even tracery has
it facilitates
wind pressure
a certain practical
the installation and aids
the preservation of glass.
On
the other hand,
it
is
equally true that the 55
Gothic Architecture earliest
genuine ribs appear in connection with
heavy groin vaults, w^here they could not have been *
constructed
and
'independently''
neither have saved centering nor
much
statical value
afterwards
thus
would
would have had
(fig.
23);'*^^ it is
also
true that the flying buttresses of Chartres, their functional importance notwithstanding, to the aesthetic sense so
much
appealed
so that the master
of the beautiful Madonna in the north transept of Reims Cathedral repeated them, en miniature, in the
Madonna's aedicule
(fig.
26 and 27).
The
admirable architect of St.-Ouen in Rouen, whose design
most closely approximates the modern
standards of statical efficiency,
"^^^
rnanaged with-
out an upper range of flying buttresses.
And on no
account could there have been any practical reason for that elaboration of the buttressing system
transforms
it
into a filigree of colonnettes, taber-
nacles, pinnacles, 56
which
and tracery
(fig.
29).
The
largest
And of
Scholasticism
stained glass windows, the west
all
window
of
Chartres, has survived seven centuries without any tracery ; and that the blind tracery applied to solid
no technical importance whatsoever
surfaces has
goes without saying.
However,
With
point.
whole discussion
this
reference to twelfth and thirteenth
century architecture, the alternative, tion
—
all is
not to the
is
illusion,"
is
^*all is
as little valid as
func-
would
be,
with reference to twelfth and thirteenth century philosophy, the alternative
—
all is
ribs of voluti,
to
do
'*all is
intellectual gymnastics
search for truth
and oratory." The
Caen and Durham, not
as yet singulahter
began by saying something before being able it.
The
flying buttresses of
Caen and Durham,
still
hidden beneath the roofs of the side
(fig.
28), began
aisles
by doing something before being
permitted to say
so.
Ultimately, the flying but-
tress learned to talk, the rib learned to
work, and 57
Gothic Architecture
both learned to proclaim what they were doing in language
more
circumstantial, explicit, and ornate
than was necessary for mere efficiency; and this applies also to the conformation of the piers and
the tracery which had been talking as well as working
all
We
the time. are faced neither with ''rationalism" in a
purely functionalistic sense nor with ''illusion" in the sense of
We
modem
are faced with
logic"
illustrative
sensus ratio
quaedam
Scholastic habit
Vart pour Vart aesthetics.
what may be termed
a
*
'visual
Thomas Aquinas *s nam
of est,
A man
imbued with the
would look upon the mode of
architectural presentation, just as he looked
the
mode
et
upon
of literary presentation, from the point
of view of manifestatio.
He would
have taken
granted that the primary purpose of the
it
for
many
elements that compose a cathedral was to ensure stability, just as
58
he took
it
for granted that the
And
Scholasticism
primary purpose of the many elements that constitute a
Summa was
to ensure vaHdity.
But he would not have been
satisfied
had not the
membrification of the edifice permitted him to re-
experience
very
the
composition just
as
Summa permitted him
processes
the
membrification of the
to re-experience the very
processes of cogitation.
To him,
buttresses,
tracery,
shafts,
ribs,
of architectural
the panoply of pinnacles,
and
crockets was a self-analysis and self-explication of architecture
much
as the
customary apparatus of
parts, distinctions, questions,
articles was, to
and self-explication of reason.
him, a
self-analysis
Where
the humanistic
of **harmony''
and
mind demanded
a
maximum
(impeccable diction in writing,
impeccable proportion, so sorely missed in Gothic structures by Vasari,^^ in architecture), the Scholastic It
mind demanded
a
maximum
of explicitness.
accepted and insisted upon a gratuitous
clarifica-
59
^m^m
Gothic Architecture
form
tion of function through
and
upon
insisted
a
just as
gratuitous
it
accepted
clarification
of
thought through language.
To reach
its classic
no more than
phase the Gothic style needed
hundred years
a
—from Suger's
Denis to Pierre de Montereau's; and expect to see
this rapid
we
St.-
should
and uniquely concentrated
development proceed with unparalleled consistency and directness. Such, however, Consistent the development
On
the contrary,
when
receive the impression that
steps forward
the builders their
own 60
'
but
not the case. it is
*
'final it
solutions,"
went on almost
we
after
'jumping procession,'' taking two
and then one backward,
were
way.
not direct.
observing the evolution
from the beginning to the
the fashion of a
is,
is
as
though
deliberately placing obstacles in
And
this
can be observed not only
And under such adverse tions as normally
financial or geographical condi-
produce a retrogression by de-
speak, but in
fault, so to first
monuments of
the very
rank.
The
**finar'
reached,
solution of the general plan was
we remember,
partite nave;
in a basilica having a tri-
a transept,
distinctly projecting as it
Scholasticism
likewise tripartite and
from the nave but merging,
were, into the quinquepartite fore-choir; a
concentric chevet with ambulatory and radiating chapels 1
6).
;
At
and only two towers first
in front (fig.
glance, the natural thing
been a rectilinear development
Germer and pate nearly
1 1
and
would have
starting
from
St.-
St.-Lucien-de-Beauvais which antici-
all
these features in the early twelfth
century. Instead,
we
find a dramatic struggle be-
tween two contrasting solutions each of which seems to lead away from the ultimate Suger's St.-Denis and Sens Cathedral
(fig.
result.
12) pro61
—
Gothic Architecture
vided a strictly longitudinal model, with only two
towers in front and the transept either stunted or
—
entirely omitted
adopted
a plan
of Paris and Mantes, and
still
in
Notre-Dame
retained in the High
Gothic Cathedral of Bourges.^^ As though in protest against this, the masters of
possibly swayed
Laon
(fig.
1
3
and 14)
by the unique location of their
cathedral on the crest of a hill
—reverted
Germanic idea of
group with a pro-
a multinomial
tripartite transept
jecting,
to the
and many towers
(as
exemplified by the Cathedral of Tournai), and
it
took the succeeding generations two more cathedrals to get rid of the extra
towers surmounting
the transept and the crossing. Chartres was planned
with no itself,
less
than nine towers; Reims, like Laon
with seven
Amiens
(fig.
front towers
(fig.
ig); and
it
was not
16) that the disposition with only
two
was reinstated.
Similarly, the '^final" solution of the nave
62
until
com-
And position
(fig.
Scholasticism
19-22) implied, in plan, a succession
of uniform, oblong, quadrupartite vaults and uni-
form, articulated piers; and, in elevation, a triadic
sequence of arcades, triforium, and clerestory. Again
it
would seem
that this solution
might have
been reached by going ahead, straightforwardly,
from such early twelfth-century prototypes Etienne-de-Beauvais or Lessay in
and Chartres sport sixpartite cylindrical piers
shows
**
(fig.
(fig.
mono-
vaults over
18) or even revert to the
alternating system.'' Their elevation
galleries
which, in the most important build-
ings later than
forium
Normandy
major structures prior to Soissons
17). Instead, all
antiquated
as St.-
Noyon, are combined with
(or, as in
a tri-
Notre-Dame-de-Paris, with the
equivalent thereof) into a four-story arrangement (fig.
i8).4^
In retrospect,
it is
easy to see that
what seems to
be an arbitrary deviation from the direct road 63
is
in
—
Gothic Architecture reality
an indispensable prerequisite of the
solution.
Had
** final*'
not been for the adoption of the
it
many- towered group
in Laon,
no balance would
have been achieved between the longitudinal and the centralizing tendencies,
much
less a unification
of a fully developed chevet with an equally fully
developed tripartite transept. Had
it
not been for
the adoption of sixpartite vaults and a four-story elevation,
it
would not have been possible
cile the ideal of a
east In
with the
uniform progression from west to
ideals of transparency
both cases the
to recon-
** final'*
solutions
and verticalism.
were arrived
at
by the acceptance and ultimate reconcilia-
tion OF CONTRADICTORY
come upon
And
if
helped us to understand looks, this second
64
Here we
the second controlling principle of
Scholasticism.
understand
POSSIBILITIES. ^^
how
—
the
first—manifestatio
how
classic
concordantia
classic
High Gothic
—may
help us to
High Gothic came about.
And
Scholasticism
man
All that mediaeval revelation, and
much
know about
could
divine
of what he held to be true in
other respects, was transmitted by the authorities (auctoritates): primarily,
the Bible
which furnished arguments
and irrefutable'* arily,
by the canonical books of **
intrinsic
(proprie et ex necessitate); second-
by the teachings of the Fathers of the Church,
which furnished arguments
*
'intrinsic"
though
merely ''probable," and of the "philosophers"
which furnished arguments "not tranea)
Now, ties,
and merely probable for
it
this
(ex-
very reason.*^
could not escape notice that these authori-
even passages of Scripture
flicted
intrinsic"
itself,
often con-
with one another. There was no other way
out than to accept them just the same and to interpret and reinterpret
them over and over
again until
they could be reconciled. This had been done by theologians from the earliest days. But the problem
was not posed
as a
matter of principle until Abe65
Gothic Architecture lard
wrote
showed the greeing on
famous
his
human
et
Non, wherein he
authorities, including Scripture, disaI
^8 important points
problem whether or not in
Sic
reason
down
faith
—from the
initial
ought to seek support
to such special questions as
the permissibility of suicide (iss) or concubinage (124). Such a systematic collection and confrontation of conflicting authorities had long been a practice of the canonists
was, after
all,
;
but law, though God-given,
man-made. Abelard showed himself
very conscious of his boldness in exposing the ^'differences or even contradictions" diversa, verum etiam invicem adversa)
sources of revelation **
all
ously to inquire into the truth the
of Scripture
is
within the very
when he wrote
would stimulate the reader
ity
(ab invicem
the
that
more
more
this
vigor-
the author-
extolled. '''^^
After having laid down, in his splendid introduction, the basic principles of textual criticism (in-
66
And
Scholasticism
eluding the possibility of clerical error in even a
Gospel, such as the ascription of a prophesy of Zacharias to Jeremias in Matthew, xxvii, 9), Abelard
mischievously refrained from proposing solutions.
But
it
was inevitable
that such solutions should
be
w^orked out, and this procedure became a more and
more important part,
of the
part, perhaps the
most important
method.
Roger Bacon,
Scholastic
shrew^dly observing the diverse origins of this Scholastic *
method, reduced
division into
many
it
to three components:
parts as
do the
dialecticians;
rhythmical consonances as do the grammarians;
and forced harmonizations used by the It
was
jurists.
this
(concordiae violentes) as
''^°
technique of reconciling the seem-
ingly irreconcilable, perfected into a fine art through
the assimilation of Aristotelian logic, that deter-
mined the form of academic
instruction, the ritual
of the public disputationes de quoUhet already men67
Gothic Architecture tioned, and, above
all,
the process of argumenta-
tion in the Scholastic writings themselves. Every
topic (e.g., the content of every aniculus in the
Summa
had to be formulated
Theologiae)
as a quaestio
the discussion of w^hich begins with the alignment
of one set of authorities (videtur quod the other (sed contra (respondeo dicendum
.
,
.
.
.
.
.)
against
proceeds to the solution
.),
.),
and
is
followed by an
individual critique of the arguments rejected (ad
primumy ad secundum, etc.)
—
rejected, that
is,
only
insofar as the interpretation, not the validity, of
the authorities
Needless to a
is
concerned.
say, this principle
mental habit no
less decisive
was bound to form and all-embracing
than that of unconditional clarification. Combative
though they were in dealing with each other, the Scholastics of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
were unanimous
in accepting the authorities and
prided themselves on their 68
skill in
understanding
And
Scholasticism
and exploiting them rather than on the originaHty of their era
own
thought.
when WilHam
was to cut the
who this,
of
ties
One
new
feels the breath of a
Ockham, whose nominahsm
between reason and
faith
and
could say: **What Aristotle thought about don't care,''^^ goes out of his way to deny
I
the influence of his most important forerunner,
Peter Aureolus.^^
An
attitude similar to that of High Scholasticism
must be presupposed
in the builders of the
High
Gothic cathedrals. For these architects the great structures of the past had an auctoritas quite similar to that
Of two
which the Fathers had
for the schoolmen.
apparently contradictory motifs, both of
them sanctioned by
authority, one could not simply
be rejected in favor of the other. They had to be
worked through
to the limit and they had to be
reconciled in the end;
much
as a saying of St.
Au-
gustine had ultimately to be reconciled with one of
69
— :
Gothic Architecture
Ambrose. And
St.
this,
I
believe, accounts to
some
extent for the apparently erratic yet stubbornly consistent evolution of Early and High Gothic archi-
tecture videtur I
;
it,
quod
too, proceeded according to the
—
sed contra
—
respondeo dicendum,
should like to illustrate
this,
three characteristic Gothic w^e
might
scheme
*
most
cursorily, by
^problems*'
say, quaestiones: the rose
—
or,
as
window^ in the
west facade, the organization of the wall beneath the clerestory, and the conformation of the nave piers.
So
far as
we know, west
facades
normal windows, and not by
were pierced by
roses, until Suger
perhaps impressed by the magnificent specimen in the north transept of St.-Etienne in Beauvais
chose to adopt the motif for the west facade of
St.-
Denis, superimposing a magnificent No/i upon the Sic
of the big
window beneath
it (fig.
30).
The
fur-
ther development of this innovation was fraught 70
—
And with great
Scholasticism
difficulties. ^3 If
the diameter of the rose
remained comparatively small or was even reduced (as in Senlis),
of wall was If
an awkward and **un-Gothic'* space
left
on either
side as well as underneath.
the rose was enlarged to approximately the
width of the nave, nave vaults
when
it
full
tended to conflict with the
seen from within and required on
the exterior as wide an interval as possible between the buttresses of the facade, thus uncomfortably
diminishing the space available for side portals.
Apart from
this,
the very concept of an isolated,
circular unit conflicted with the ideals of Gothic taste in general,
facade
and with the
Gothic
ideal of a
—adequate representation of
the interior
in particular.
Small wonder that
few
exceptions
Normandy and
—England
plainly
whole idea and simply enlarged the
dow
until
it filled
—with
a very
rejected
the
traditional win-
the available space (while 71
Italy,
Gothic Architecture characteristically, greeted the rose
because of
its
aufond anti-Gothic character). ^"^ The
architects of the Royal
however,
felt
with enthusiasm
bound
Domain and Champagne,
to accept a motif sanctioned
by the authority of St. -Denis, and
it is
almost amus-
ing to observe their perplexities.
The in that
architect of
Notre-Dame
(fig. 3
1
)
was lucky
he had a quinquepartite nave. Courageously
though not quite honestly ignoring
this fact,
he
built a tripartite facade the lateral sections of which
were so wide
in
problems were
comparison to the middle that
easily solved.
all
The master of Mantes,
however, had to make the distance between the buttresses considerably smaller than the width of
the nave (as small, in fact, as was technically possible); and even then the space for the side portals
was
far
from ample. The master of Laon, who
wanted both
a full-sized rose and generous side
portals, resorted to a trick;
72
he broke the buttresses
And
Scholasticism
so that their lower sections, framing the central portal, are closer together than the
upper ones that
frame the rose; and then he concealed the break
by the enormous
fig-leaf
masters of Amiens,
finally,
slender nave, needed
two
the other without) to rose and the portals It
was not
of his porch
until
32).
The
with their inordinately
galleries (one
fill
(fig.
(fig.
with kings,
the space between the
33).
1240-^0
that the school
of
Reims, culminating in St.-Nicaise, discovered the **finar'
solution
(fig.
34 and 3^):
the rose was
inscribed within the pointed arch of a huge
window,
thereby becoming
could be
lowered so
as
space beneath glass.
elastic, as it
It
not to conflict with the vaults; the it
could be
filled
with mullions and
The whole arrangement mirrored
section of the nave, and yet the a
were.
window and
the cross
window remained
the rose a rose. For the window-and-
rose combination of St.-Nicaise
is
not, as might be 73
Gothic Architecture thought, a simple enlargement of a bipartite bartracery
window
Cathedral
(fig.
Reims
as seen, for the first time, in
36). In such a
window
element surmounting the openings
is
the circular
not, as
is
the
rose, a centrifugal but a centripetal form: not a
wheel, with spokes radiating from a hub, but a
roundel with cusps converging from a rim. Hugues Libergier could never have arrived at his solution
by merely magnifying a motif already extant
;
his
is
a genuine reconciliation of a videtur quod with a sed contra, ^^
Concerning the problem of organizing the wall beneath the clerestory (unless
this wall
was elimin-
ated by genuine, independently lighted galleries) the
Romanesque
ing,
two contrasting
style
had offered, roughly speak-
solutions,
one emphasizing the
two-dimensional surface and horizontal continuity, the other depth and vertical articulation.
On
the
one hand, the wall could be enlivened by a contin74
And
Scholasticism
uous band of small, evenly spaced wall arches Ste.-Trinite in cherville,
Caen
as in
37), St.-Martin-de-Bos-
(fig.
Le Mans, and the churches of the Cluny-
Autun type
;
on the other, by
arches (mostly
two
a
sequence of major
to each bay and subdivided by
colonnettes so as to constitute dead windows, so to speak) which open onto the roof space above the side aisles as in Mont-St. -Michel, the narthex of
Cluny, Sens
The genuine about types:
1
170 it
38), etc.
(fig.
(fig.
triforium, 39),
is
introduced in Noyon
a first synthesis of these
two
combines horizontal continuity with an
emphasis on shadowy depth. But vertical articulation within the bay was entirely suppressed, and this
was bound to be clerestory
two
lights.
felt all
the
windows had begun Thus
at
as the
to be divided into
in the choir of St.-Remi at
and in Notre-Dame-en-Vaux (fig.
more keenly
Reims
Chalons-sur-Mame
40), a shaft or shafts (two in St.-Remi, one in 75
—
Gothic Architecture
Chalons) were carried from the lower ledge of the triforium right up into the clerestory,
where they
serve as frames for the windows, trisecting or bisecting the triforium
itself.
however, rejected in Laon
Such
a solution was,
(fig.
i8) as well
about the turn of the century, in Chartres
and Soissons.
where
In these first
galleries
lights of the
windows were
or, rather, again stices
—
41)
High Gothic churches,
were dropped
partite plate-tracery
(fig.
as,
for
good and the two
unified into
one
window, the triforium
bi-
still
consists of perfectly equal inter-
separated by perfectly equal colonnettes;
horizontal continuity rules supreme, so because the
string courses
all
the
more
overlap the wall
shafts.
A
reaction against this unmitigated horizontalism
set in at
Reims where the
vertical axis of the tri-
forium bays was emphasized by thickening the central
colonnettes so that they might correspond to 76
And the mullions above
Scholasticism
them
it.
42). This was done
modem
so discreetly that the
overlook
(fig.
visitor
is
Hkely to
But the master's colleagues did per-
ceive the imiovation and thought
it
his sketch of the inner elevation of
Reims Cathedral
Villard de
Honnecourt
so
important: in
enormously exaggerated
the slightly stouter proportions of the central col-
onnette that no one can help noticing
What had been explicit
44). as
a
mere
hint in
it (fig.
43).^^
Reims became an
and emphatic statement in Amiens
Here the triforium bay was
had been the case
in
actually bisected,
Chalons-sur-Mame and,
an earlier stage of evolution, in Sens: apart into
two
(fig.
it
at
was cut
separate units, with the central col-
onnette transformed into a clustered pier the main shaft of
which connects with the
central mullion
of the window.
However,
in
doing
this,
the masters of
Amiens
almost negated the whole idea of the triforium, 77
Gothic Architecture dividing as they did each bay into
two **bHnd win-
dows'' and transforming the even sequence of colonnettes into an alternation of
and clustered
in kind, viz., colonnettes
though to counteract articulation,
made
a
overemphasis on vertical
Each of the two is
**
window
horizontal element
is
is
blind windows'' that
divided into three sec-
whereas each of the two
clerestory
As
piers.
independent of that of the
it
constitute a triforium bay tions,
different
they accelerated the rhythm of the
triforium and clerestorv.
this
members
lights that constitute
divided into two.
The
further stressed by the elab-
oration of the lower string course into a band of floral It
ornament.
was
left to
Pierre de Montereau to say the
respondeo dicendum
triforium of
:
as in Soissons
St. -Denis
(fig.
45^)
and Chartres, the is
a
continuous
sequence of four equal openings, separated by bers of the same species. 78
final
However
—and
mem-
this
is
And where Amiens comes
now
Scholasticism in
—
all
of these
members
are
clustered piers instead of colonnettes, the one
somewhat stronger than the others;
in the center
them
are carried up into the quadrupar-
and
all
tite
window, the
of
central pier by
means of three
connecting with the primary mullion, the
shafts
others by means of one shaft connecting with the secondaries. Pierre de Montereau*s triforium
only the
first
to be glazed but also the
first
is
not
to effect
a perfect reconciliation of the Sic of Chartres and
Soissons (or,
if
you
and
like, Ste.-Trinite-de-Caen
Autun) with the Non of Amiens
(or, if
Chalons-sur-Mame and Sens). Now,
you
finally,
like,
the big
wall shafts could be carried over the string courses
without fear of disrupting the horizontal continuity of the triforium
;
and
this brings us to the last of
our
''problems," the conformation of the nave piers.
The far as
I
earliest
know,
genuine
piliers cantonnes
occur, so
in Chartres Cathedral (begun
1
79
194)
Gothic Architecture
where they
are,
however, not
— cyHndrical colonnettes—but show,
homogeneous elements cylindrical a
composed of
as yet
and
core
a
in alternation,
combination of a cylindrical core with octagonal
colonnettes and a combination of cylindrical colonnettes with an octagonal core. This latter motif
would seem to
indicate that the master of Chartres
was familiar with a movement, apparently originating in the borderline district between France and
the Netherlands, which has
left its
most important Here
traces in the choir of Canterbury Cathedral.
William of Sens, magister
operis
from
1
1
74 to
had almost playfully indulged in inventing
all
1
1
78,
kinds
of variations on a modish theme enthusiastically received in England but hardly ever utilized in
France
—the
theme of
light-colored masonry
piers in is
which
a
core of
picturesquely contrasted
with completely detached and monolithic shafts fashioned of darkest marble. ^^ 80
He had produced
And
Scholasticism
what may be called a sample card of fancy pier and one of these consisted,
types,
like the alternate
supports at Chartres,
of an octagonal core and
cylindrical shafts
46, third pier from left;
fig-
(fig.
^4).
The master of Chartres adopted veloped
it
this idea
but de-
in an altogether different spirit.
He
retransformed the detached, monolithic shafts into
engaged colonnettes constructed of ordinary masonry a
;
he substituted
cylindrical
above
all,
in every second pair of piers
core for the octagonal one; and,
he employed the
pilier cantonne,
not
as
an
interesting variant but as the basic element of the
whole system. And to
all
the
first
master of Reims had
do was to eliminate the charming but not quite
logical difference in shape
between the colonnettes
and the core. In this perfected form, the pilier cantonne self a Sic et
Non solution
in that
it
is
in
it-
shows colonnettes, 81
Gothic Architecture originally applied only to angular elements (splay-
ings or piers), in combination with a cylindrical
nucleus. But as the early type of triforium tended to suppress vertical articulation in favor of hori-
zontal continuity, so did the early type of pilier
tend
cantonne
to
remain columnar rather than
**mural/' Like a column,
whereas,
in
a
facing the nave
it
compound
ended with a
pier,
the colonnettes
were carried through
ings of the vaults. This created
capital
to the spring-
problems which
gave rise to a zigzag development similar to that
which could be observed
in the treatment of the
triforium. First, since
Gothic capitals are proportioned to
the diameter rather than to the height of their shirfts,^*
there
came about
a
combination of one big
capital (that of the nucleus)
with four small ones
(those of the colonnettes) only half as high. Second,
82
And
Scholasticism
and more important, the three
—or even — five
wall
shafts rising into the vaults still started afresh
above
the capitals as had been the case w^hen the piers
were monocylindrical, and
it
became imperative
to establish a visible connection betw^een at least
the central wall shaft and what
I
shall call for short
the **nave colonnette," viz., that colonnette of the pier which faces the nave and not the side aisle
or the neighboring pier. The master of Chartres sought to achieve this end by omitting the capital of the **nave colonnette," which thus continues up to the base of the central wall shaft gg). Far ters of
(fig.
47 and
from pursuing the same course, the mas-
Reims reverted
to the earlier form,^^ leaving
the **nave colonnette" in possession of
its
capital,
and concentrated instead on the other problem, the inequality of the capitals' heights. it
They solved
by providing each colonnette with two
capitals,
83
Gothic Architecture
one superimposed upon the other, whose combined heights equalled the height of the pier capital
(fig.
48 and ^6).^°
Amiens, on the contrary, reverted to the Chartres type,
taking,
however, one step farther
in
the same direction in that not only the capital of the **nave colonnette'' but also the base of the central wall shaft
was eliminated, so
that the **nave
colonnette'' continues into the central wall shaft itself,
not only into
its
base as in Chartres
(fig.
49
and £y). The older piers of Beauvais are generally similar to those of Amiens, but revert to the pre-
Amiens
tradition in restoring the base to the central
wall shaft tical
;
and
coherence
this is
renewed interruption of ver-
further emphasized by decorative
foliage (fig. ^8).
Yet,
when
the choir of Beauvais was built, the
Gordian knot had already been cut by Pierre de Montereau's bold revival of the compound pier 84
And which solved
all
Scholasticism
difficulties in that the big pier
and the single *'nave colonnette'' no longer
capital
existed
(fig.
^o and ^9). The three
tall shafts
re-
quired by the main vaults could be run from the floor bases to the springings without interruption,
cutting right through the capitals of the nave ar-
cades
(fig.
22).
However, Pierre de Montereau
endorsed the Non rather than reconciled the
Sic,
it
with
Wisely subordinating the minor problem
of the pier to the major problem of the whole sys-
tem, he chose to
sacrifice the
columnar principle
rather than to renounce that adequate tion'
has
'
'representa-
of the nave wall by the core of the pier which
been mentioned
respondeo dicendum
(fig.
^2).
In this case,
who combined
drical, four-shafted pilier cantonne of tall,
the
was to be spoken by the French-
trained master of Cologne
the
*
the cylin-
Amiens with
continuous shafts and subsidiary colon-
nettes of Pierre de
Montereau *s compound
pier.^^
85
Gothic Architecture
But he sacrificed thereby the logical correspond-
ence between the nave wall and the supports. Seen in a diagram,
the ground plan of the nave wall
again arbitrarily intersects that of the core of the
pier instead of coinciding with
The
gentle reader
Watson
felt
feel
about
^3).
all this as
Dr.
about the phylogenetic theories of
Sherlock Holmes:
And he may
may
it (fig.
**It
is
surely rather fanciful."
object that the development here
sketched amounts to nothing but a natural evolution after the Hegelian esis,
and synthesis''
—
a
scheme of scheme
'*
that
thesis, antith-
might
fit
other
processes (for instance, the development of Quat-
trocento painting in Florence or even that of individual artists) just as well as
from Early to High Gothic
However, what
it
does the progress
in the heart of France.
distinguishes the
development of
French Gothic architecture from comparable phe-
nomena 86
is,
first,
its
extraordinary consistency;
And
Scholasticism
second, the fact that the principle, videtur quod, sed contra, respondeo dicenduniy
seems to have been appHed
with perfect consciousness.
There
is
one scrap of evidence
be sure, but not light
—
as yet
—
knovm,
w^ell
to
considered in this particular
^w^hich shoves that at least
some of the French
thirteenth-century architects did think and act in strictly
court's
Scholastic **
terms.
Album'' there
is
In
de Honne-
Villard
to be found the ground-
plan of an **idear' chevet which he and another master, Pierre de Corbie, had devised, according to the slightly later inscription, inter 60).^^ Here, then,
(fig.
we
se
disputando
have two High Gothic
architects discussing a quaestio, and a third one re-
ferring to this discussion by the specifically Scholastic
term
or the like.
A
disputare instead of coUoqui, deliberare,
And what
is
the result of this disputatio?
chevet which combines,
Sics
with
all
possible Nons,
as it It
were,
all
possible
has a double
ambu87
Gothic Architecture latory fully
combined with
a continuous
developed chapels,
all
nearly equal in depth.
The groundplan of these chapels circular
and
—
Cistercian
hemicycle of
is
alternately semi-
fashion
—
square.
And
while the square chapels are vaulted separately, as
was the usual thing, the semicircular ones are
vaulted under one keystone with the adjacent sectors of the outer ambulatory as in Soissons and its
derivatives. ^3
Here
Scholastic
dialectics
has
driven architectural thinking to a point where
almost ceased to be architectural.
88
it
Notes
Notes
1.
To
trace the development of this parallel in
would require
literature
a separate study
;
modem
suffice it to refer
to the beautiful pages in Charles R. Morey's Mediaeval Art,
New 2.
York, 1942, pp. 25^5-267.
Cf.
W.
Koehler, "Byzantine Art in the West," Dum-
barton Oaks Papers,
3.
Cf.
M. Dvorak,
I,
{.
Idealismus und Naturalismus in der gotischen
Skulptur und Malerei, Zeitschrift,
1941, pp. Sg
Munich,
1
9 1 8 (originally in Historische
3rd ser., XXIIl), passim; E. Panofsky, Deutsche
Plastik des elften bis dreizehnten Jahrhunderts,
pp. 65
found
fif.
it
Munich, 1924,
We can easily see that the ecclesiastical authorities
hard to acquiesce in
this
new, Aristotelian point of
view. As late as 121^ the University of Paris resolution of the Synod of Paris of
demned
Aristotle's
Metaphysics and
i
2
1
o
enc^
orsed the
which had con-
Naturalia
(and
even
abridgments thereof) together with such outright heretics as
David of Dinant and Amaury de Bene
unity of tacitly
God with
who
taught the
His creation. In 1231 Pope Gregory IX
admitted the Metaphysics but reiterated the prohibi91
Notes tion of the Naturalia as long as they
and expurgated of errors." He even purpose; but by
this
this
had not been ''censored set
time the
up
commission for
a
moment
for effective
countermeasures had passed. 4.
The word compendium
had come to mean
more
*
(originally
'a
shortcut'
a
literary
figuratively,
docendi). In the resolutions of
note
the w^ord summa
3,
is
"a hoard,"
**a
saving")
(compendia montis) and,
'
"abridgment"
still
(compendium
i2io and i2i^ mentioned
still
used in
this sense:
in
"Non
legantur libri Aristotelis de metaphysica et naturali historia,
nee summa de iisdem." According to general assumption the first is
in
instance of a
that
Summa
Theologiae in the novv^ current sense
by Robert de Courzon of 1202 (not
full).
It
published
as yet
however, probable that the Summae by
is,
Prevostin and Stephen Langton (likewise active at Paris)
precede
it
by some ten or
fifteen years;
cf.
Histoire de la propriete ecclesiastique en France,
de la
fn
du VIW
cially pp.
£.
Cf.
249
siecle
25^1,
a la Jin du
XW)
Lille,
V
Lesne,
E.
(Les Ecoles
1940, espe-
676.
Robert Grosseteste, Roger Bacon,
also
William
Shyreswood. 6.
For Ockham,
cf.
the recent
book by R. Guelluy,
sophie et Theologie chez Guillaume d^ Ockham, Louvain,
92
Vhilo-
i947;
Notes for Nicholas of Autrecourt, J.
R. Weinberg, Nicolaus
oj
Autrecourt, a Study in 14th Century Thought, Princeton, 1948.
Thomas Aquinas, Summa
7.
5. r/j.), I-II,
qu. 49, art.
M. de Wulf,
8.
Theologiae (hereafter
as
History of Mediaeval Philosophj, 3rd English
ed. (E. C. Messenger, tr.), London,
"Here's where you cut
9.
quoted
3, c.
it
for
II,
1938, p. 9.
me." For
the proverbial
use of this famous phrase (Nicolas de Briart, reprinted in V.
Mortet and P. Deschamps, de
r architecture,
Paris,
Kecueil de textes relatifs a Vhistoire
1929, p. 290),
II,
cf.
G. P.
in: Ro-
mania, XVIII, 1889, p. 288. 10. 5. Th.,
11.
I,
qu.
I, art. 6, c.
Ibidem, qu. 89, art. i, c.
12. Ibidem, qu. i, art. 8,
13.
ad
2.
Ibidem, qu. 2, art. 2, c.
14. Ibidem, qu.
i,
veritati innitatur, strari
art.
8,
c:
impossibile
"Cum
enim
autem
sit
fides infallibili
de vero demon-
contrarium, manifestum est probationes quae contra
fidem inducuntur, non esse demonstrationes, sed solubilia
argumenta." Cf.
also the passage
quoted in
F.
Ueberweg,
93
Notes Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, iith ed., Berlin,
II,
1928, p. 429.
i^.
well
qu. 32, art.
5. Th.,
known,
i,
ad 2; qu. 27,
between the Three Persons, by way of between memory, 41-42, reprinted 16.
Ibidem, qu.
art.
and
i
As
3.
is
Augustine had already likened the relation
St.
intelligence,
a similitudo, to that
and love (De
Trinitate,
XV,
1088
ff.).
in Patrologia Latino, vol. 42, col.
27, art.
i,
ad
3,
and passim, for instance,
qu. i^, art. 3, ad 4.
17.
This general characterization does not, of course, fully
apply to a thinker such as
St.
Bonaventure, just
as a general
characterization of the High Gothic style does not fully
apply to a
monument such
both cases
which
we
as the
are faced with
monumental exceptions
earlier, essentially anti-Scholastic
anti-Gothic
—
traditions
—
style.
in
—
or, respectively,
and tendencies are developed within
the framework of a High Scholastic
Gothic
Cathedral of Bourges. In
—
or, respectively,
As Augustinian mysticism
the twelfth century) survives in
St.
(as
High-
cultivated in
Bonaventure, so does the
Early Christian concept of a transeptless or nearly transeptless basilica (as
exemplified by Sens Cathedral, the contem-
plated nave of Suger's St. -Denis, Mantes, and de-Paris) survive in the Cathedral of Bourges
94
Notre-Dame(cf.
S.
McK.
Notes Crosby,
"New
Excavations in the Abbey Church of Saint
Denis," Gazetu ff.
des Beaux- Arts, 6th ser.,
and below, pp. 61
XXVI, 1944, pp.
1
1^
Characteristically, both St. Bona-
ff.).
venture*s philosophy and Bourges Cathedral (which
may be
called an Augustinian church) remained without a following in
some of
cans,
their
however
most
significant aspects
:
even the Francis-
Thomism, could not maintain
critical of
St.
Bonaventure's persistence in an anti-Aristotelian attitude;
even those architects
who
did not subscribe to the ideals of
Reims and Amiens could not accept the Bourges master's retention of sixpartite vaults. 18.
Cf., e.g., A.
Dempf, Die Hauptform
mittelaherhcher Welt-
anschauung; eine geisteswissenschaftliche Studie uber die Summa,
Munich and 19.
Berlin, 192^.
Bonaventure, In Lib.
Ill Sent., dist., 9, art.
Bacon's criticism of such rhetorical devices,
i,
cf.
qu.
2.
For
below, p.
67. 20.
Cf. again
below, pp. 67
flF.
21. S. Th., Prologue.
22. Alexander of Hales, apparently the this elaborate articulation, articuli;
Thomas
first
to introduce
divides partes into membra and
in S. Th. divides partes into quaestiones
95
and
..
;
Notes Commentaries upon the Sentences generally divide
articuh.
the partes quaestiones
23
.
and
distinctiones,
articuli.
God and
the order of crea-
organized as follows:
is
Essence (qu. 2-26); a.
Whether God 1
Whether dent
b.
exists (qu. 2);
the proposition of His existence
c.
2.
Whether
3.
Whether He does
it is
demonstrable
(art. 2);
How He exists or, rather, does not exist (qu. How He is not (qu. 3-1 ) 2. How He is known to us (qu. 12); 3. How He is named (qu. 13); 1
His operation (qu. 14-26); 1.
His knowledge (qu. 14-18);
2.
His will (qu. 19-24);
3.
His
power
(qu. 2^-26);
Origin or procession (qu. 27);
b. Relations of origin (qu. 28); c. III.
The Persons
as
such (qu. 29-43);
Procession of creatures (qu. 44-end); a.
Production of creatures (qu. 44-46);
96
evi-
exist (art. 3);
Distinction of Persons (qu. 27-43); a.
is
i);
(art.
1
II.
being subdivided into
these
This First Part, dealing with
tion,
I.
into
3-13);
;
:
;
;
;
Notes b. Distinction of creatures (qu. c.
24.
A
Government of
characteristic masterpiece of a Scholastic eulogy
a CoUatio in
is
honor of Charles IV by Pope Clement VI (R.
Salomon, M.G.H., is
47-102);
creatures (qu. 103-end).
parallelized with
Leges, IV, 8, pp.
143
ff.),
where Charles
Solomon under the headings: Comparatur,
CoUocatur, Approbatur, Sublimatur, each heading being sub-
divided as follows
A. Comparatur. Solomon I.
II.
III.
in aliquibus pro/ecit
:
magnitudine;
a.
in latriae
b.
in prudentiae certitudine;
c.
in iustitiae rectitudine;
d.
in clementiae dulcedine.
In aliquibus excessit: a.
in sapientiae limpitudine;
b.
in abundantiae plenitudine
c.
in facundiae amplitudine;
d.
in quietae vitae pulchritudine.
in aliquibus Je/ecit a.
:
in luxuriae turpi tudine
b. in perseverantiae longitudine c.
in idolatriae multitudine
d. in rei bellicae fortitudine, etc., etc.
Ridewall's mythographical treatise was edited by H. Liebe-
97
Notes Warburg,
schiitz, Fulgentius Metaforalis (Studien der Bibliothek
IV, Leipzig and Berlin, 1926);
For the scholastic systemati-
zation of Ovid's Metamorphoses (naturalis, spiritualis, magica, moralis,
and de
re
animata in rem inanimatam, de
rem inanimatam, de in
rem animatam),
of Ovid,
'
The
show
cf. F.
ff.,
re
animata
Ghisalberti, "Mediaeval Biographies Institutes,
IX,
especially p. 42.
early manuscripts,
and commentaries
editions,
perfect awareness of the fact that the
really begins
inanimata in
re
inanimata in rem animatam, de
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
'
1946, pp. 10
ig.
re
with Canto
first
Cantica
would comprise 33
(so that it
2
Canti like the others). In the Trivulziana manuscript of
1
337
(L. Rocca, ed., Milan, 192 1) as well as in such incunabula as
Wendelin of Speyer's Venice
ing rubrics:
"Comincia
edition,
we
canto primo de
il
find the followla
prima parte
V opera' and "Canto secondo
nelaquale fae proemio a tutta
^
dela prima parte nela quale fae proemio ala prima canticha solamente, cioe ala
prima parte
Cf. Jacopo della Lana's belli's edition
di
questo libro solamente."
Commentary
(reprinted in L. Scara-
of the Divina Commedia of 1866, pp. 107 and
118): "In questi due primieri Capitoli
mostra sua disposizione. suo proema pregando poetria,
li
98
orator! in
.
.
Qui
la scienzia
sicome e usanza
trattati, e
.
li
...
{sciL, in
che lo
delli poeti in
li
fa
proemio e
Canto 2) segue
aiuti a trattare tale
principii delli suoi
principii delle sue arenghe.'*
Notes 26. T. E.
Mommsen
(Intr.), Petrarch, Sonnets
and Songs,
New
York, 1946, p. xxvii. 27.
R. Arnheim, ''Gestalt and Art,'' Journal of Aesthetics and
Art Criticism, 1943, PP- 7i
ff-
i^^em,
;
"Perceptual Abstrac-
tion and Art," Psjchological Review, LIV, 1947, pp. 66
ff.,
especially p. 79. 28. S. Th.
I,
qu.
5",
art. 4,
1
1662
i.
Nouv. Acq. 13^9 and London,
29. Paris, Bibl. Nat.,
Mus., Add.
ad
M. Prou, "Desseins du XF
(cf.
Brit.
siecle et
peintures du XIII^ siecle," Revue de
1890, pp. 122 Painting,
New
ff.
;
also
V Art Chretien, XXIII, M. Schild-Bunim, Space in Mediaeval
York, 1940,
30. Exceptions:
Fecamp
p. 115^).
(after
compound
1168), having
piers throughout; the eastern bay of St. -Leu d'Esserent (ca. 1
1
90) having an alternating system;
(after 1200), having
compound
St.-Yved-de-Braine
piers in the chevet; Long-
pont, having monocylindrical piers. 31.
The experiments
in the seventh
piers in the Cathedral of
and ninth pair of nave
Laon had no appreciable
effect
upon
the subsequent development; and the piers of Soissons, cylinders with only one colonnette facing the nave, are in
opinion a reduction of the full-fledged Chartres tonnk
with colonnettes on
all
my
pilier can-
four sides. Perfunctorily imi-
99
Notes tated in Notre-Dame-de-Paris (second pair of piers from
the west), this type
is
chiefly
important for
its
influence
upon
provincial structures erected after the middle of the thir-
teenth century rond-point
—and
(cf.
in the rond-point only
32.
Some
—
of Reims and Beau-
For the development of the
vais Cathedrals.
see pp. 79
note 6i), and upon the supports in the
pilier cantonnS
ff.
architectural historians are inclined to identify
the climactic phase of the Gothic style with Reims and
Amiens
(nave),
and to consider the
radical elimination of
the wall in the nave of St. -Denis, the Sainte-Chapelle, St.-
Nicaise-de-Reims, or St.-Urbain-de-Troyes
as the
beginning
of a disintegration or decadence (^^Gothique rajonnant** as
opposed to ''Gothique of definition
(cf.
Amiens," Art
would seem
classique*').
P. Frankl, **A
in America,
XXXV,
maximum
of course, a matter
1947, pp. 294
But
its
it
own
where the wall
is
possibilities while, at the
of ''inferability"
is
reached.
suspect that the above-mentioned view has verbal foundation in that the expressions
Gothic"
ff.).
measured by
fulfills itself
reduced to the limit of technical a
is,
French Gothic Cathedral:
that the Gothic style,
standards of perfection, only
same time,
This
I
even
some purely "classic
High
or ^^Gothique classique'^ automatically suggest the
plastic standards of
100
Greek and Roman, but not Gothic,
Notes "classicality.'*
In fact the masters of
Amiens themselves
eagerly adopted the glazed triforium of St. -Denis as soon as
they had
become
familiar with
33. Viollet-le-Duc's interpretation in L.
(transept and chevet).
it
is
carried to an extreme
Lemaire, "La logique du style Gothique," Revue neo-
scolastique,
Abraham,
34. P. Paris,
XVII, 1910, pp. 234 VioUet-le-Duc
ff.
et
le
rationalisme medieval,
1935- (cf. the discussion in Bulletin de
tional des Instituts d^ archeologie et d'histoire de
r office
Van,
interna-
II,
193^).
3^. E. Gall, Niederrheinische und normannische Architektur im Zeitalter der Fruhgotik, Berlin,
191^; idem, Die
kunst in Frankreich und Beutschland ,
literature concerning the Pol
I,
gotische Bau-
Leipzig, 1925. Further
Abraham controversy
is
cited
in G. Kubler, *'A Late Gothic Computation of Rib Vault
Thrusts," Gazette
13^
ff.
;
des Beaux-Arts,
to be added: Pol
tance des materiaux," pp. 788
ff.
6th ser., XXVI, 1944, pp.
Abraham, "Archeologie
La Construction Moderne, L,
(kindly brought to
my
1
et resis-
934-3 S»
M.
attention by Prof.
Schapiro). 36. Abbot Suger on the Abbej Church of Saint-Denis and
Its
Art Treasures (E. Panofsky, ed.), Princeton, 1946, p. 108,
8; for the emendation of
veluti
into voluti, see E. Panofsky,
'^Postlogium Sugerianum,'' Art Bulletin,
XXIX, 1947,
101
p.
119-
;
Notes 37. See G. Kubler, loc. Cf. E. Brunet,
38.
cit.
"La
restauration de
la
Cathedrale dc
Soissons," Bulletin Monumental, LXXXVII, 1928, pp. 6^
H. Masson, "Le rationalisme dans I'architecture du
Cf.
39.
ff.
Moyen-Age,"
Bulletin
Monumental, XCIV, 1935-, pp. 29
ff.
40. See, for instance, the treatise convincingly interpreted
by Kubler,
and
loc. cit.,
justified
or the French expert Mignot's violent
objections to the outrageous theory of his
Milanese confreres according to which "archi spiguti non dant impulzam contrafortibus" '*
(cf.
now^
J.
Ackerman,
S.
'Ars Sine Scientia Nihil Est* ;GothicTheorypf Architecture
at the Cathedral of
84
An
Bulletin,
As evidenced by the Milan
ff.).
man,
Milan,"
loc.
cit.,
pp.
108
XXXI, 1949, pp.
texts (reprinted in
Acker-
the terms contrejort and arc-
ff.),
boutant C'archi butanti") w^ere familiar even in Latin and Italian
by the end of the fourteenth century, and both w^ere
used in a figurative sense
as early as in the fifteenth
teenth centuries (pictionnaire historique de
r Academie
public par
Francaise,
III,
Paris, 1888, pp.
E. Littre, Dictionnaire de la langue francaise, p.
185-;
La Curne de
la
r ancienne languefrancaise,
The term Paris,
1
bouterec (F.
Palaye,
W
f
Paris
I,
^7^
Paris,
six-
ff .
1863,
Dictionnaire historique de
and Niort, 1877,
p. 227).
Godefroy, Lexique de Vancien Francais,
90 1, p. 62) must have been in use before
102
and
la langue franacise
i
388
when
Notes **buttress" occurs in English, and estribo
constantly
is
ployed in the treatise interpreted by Kubler, 41
.
has even
of the vaults
is
been accounted for by mere
explain
it
as a
proposed by K.
*
'timidity "
J.
42. See E. Gall, opp.
Guadet,
To
p. 188).
w^as
1
08 8-1 21 1," Gazette
cit.,
des Beaux- Arts,
f.
especially Die gotische Baukunst,
ff.
43. See
J.
Gaudet, op.
44. G. Vasari, Le
varono
(J.
presence
Conant, "Observations on the Vaulting
Problems of the Period
II
Ill,
superfluous its
countermeasure against wind pressure
6th ser., XXVI, 1944, pp. 127
pp. 31
is
concerned,
Elements de theorie d' architecture, Paris, n.d..
tetti,
loc. cit.
Since this upper range of flying buttresses
as far as the stability
em-
cit.,
Vite del
pp. 200
ff.,
fig.
1076.
piu eccellenti pittori, scultori e archi-
Part,
Proemio: "Perche nelle colonne non osser-
(scil.,
the Gothic masters) quella misura e propor-
zione che richiedeva Tarte,
ma
a la mescolata
con una loro
regola senza regola faccendole grosse grosse o sottili sottili,
come tomava lor meglio." In thus observing that the scale of the members in a Gothic edifice is not determined by anthropomorphic considerations, and that their proportions can change w^ithin one and the same building, Vasari
acumen sharpened by
hostility
—
has hit
upon
—
his
a fundamental
103
Notes principle distinguishing Gothic from Classical as well as
from Renaissance and Baroque architecture.
mann, **Die Wahl des
Platzes
fiir
Neu-
Cf. C.
Michelangelos David
in
Florenz im Jahr 1^04; zur Geschichte des Massstabprob-
lems," Kepertohumfur I
Kunstwissenschaft,
XXXVIII, 191
dem
Also E. Panofsky, **Das erste Blatt aus
flF.
Giorgio Vasaris
6, pp.
'Libro*
eine Studie iiber die Beurteilung der Gotik
;
in der italienischen Renaissance," Stadeljahrbuch, VI, 1929,
pp. 4
especially pp. 42
ff.,
45. See
S.
McK. Crosby,
ff.
loc. cit.
;
for Bourges, cf. above,
note 17. 46. Until fairly recently, the
arrangement
Two
vv^as
first
believed to occur in Tournai
very slightly earlier though
stances
instance of a four-story
—
much more
again demonstrating the close
tvv^een Flanders
and England
in
between 1090 and iioo);
cf.
1
J.
Bony, "Tewkesbury et
Pershore, deux elevations a quatre etages de
side aisles in
dral) represents a sacrifice of the case,
104
la fin
ff.,
^03
du XI^ ff.
Cologne Cathe-
dral (otherwise closely following the plan of
this
discov-
087) and Pershore (founded
siecle," Bulletin Monumental , 1937, pp. 281
The addition of secondary
iioo).
interrelation be-
—have, however, been
ered in Tewkesbury (founded
47.
{ca.
primitive in-
Amiens Cathe-
major consideration
(in
balance between centralistic and longitudinal
\
Notes tendencies) to the minor one (in this case, conformity of
nave and choir) not unlike that which can be observed in the
treatment of the supports 48. 5. Th.
qu.
I,
I, art.
(cf.,
8,
ad
pp. 8^
ff.).
2.
49. Patrologia Latina, vol. 178, cols. 1339 go.
Roger Bacon, Opus minus
quoted
as
schichte der wissenschaftlichen Studien
burg,
1904, p.
^i^:
divisiones per
membra
tria
textu principaliter
in
principaliter;
scilicet,
concor-
varia, sicut artistae faciunt,
sicut legistae utuntur,
dantiae violentes,
H. Felder, Ge-
in
im Franziskanerorden, Frei-
"Quae hunt
legendo et praedicando, sunt
ff.
et consonantiae
rhythmicae, sicut grammatici." For the anticipation of the Sic et
Non method by the canonists
of Constance), see tischen Methode,
M. Grabmann,
Freiburg,
1
909,
I,
pp. 234
£1. William of
Ockham, Quodhbeta,
Ueberweg,
cit.,
Aristoteles,
op.
p.
5^81:
non euro,
quia
Remold
(Ivo of Chartes,
Die Geschichte der scholas-
I,
ff.
;
I
and
II,
passim,
qu. 10, as quoted in
"Quidquid de hoc ubique
senserit
videtur
dubitative
loqui/* 52. William of
Ockham,
In I sent., dist. 27, qu.
3,
quoted
^74 f "Pauca vidi de dictis illius doctoris. Si enim omnes vices, quibus respexi dicta sua, simul congre-
ibidem, pp.
garentur,
.
;
non complerent spatium unius
diei naturalis
105
.
.
.
.
Notes
quam materiam antequam ^3.
See
Fr'uh-
^4.
tractavi, et fere
omnes
vidi
opinionem hie recitatam.**
H.
Kunze,
alias in
Das Fassadenproblem
und Hochgotik, Strassburg,
Germany, generally averse
(except for Strassburg and
its
1
9
1
primo
der franzosischen
2
to roses in the west facade
sphere of influence, in contrast
to Cologne, etc.), accepted the
rose-and-window combina-
tion for the longitudinal walls of hall churches
rated into facades as in Minden, in
libro,
Oppenheim,
St.
when
elabo-
Catherine's
Brandenburg.
gg.
Libergier's
transepts of
solution
was obviously inspired by the
Reims Cathedral (before 1241), where the big
roses are already inscribed within pointed arches
the whole does not, as yet, constitute a
;
but here
"window." The
spandrels above and below the roses are not, as yet, glazed,
and no vertical connection exists between the roses and the
windows beneath them. 5'6.
Villard
de
Honnecourt,
Kritische
Gesamtausgabe
Hahnloser, ed.), Vienna, 1935^, pp. 165 ^7. Cf.
now
J.
fF.,
(H.
R.
pi. 62.
Bony, "French Influences on the Origins of
English Gothic Architecture," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes, XII,
106
1949, pp.
i
fF.,
especially pp. 8
ff.
Notes gS. See, e.g., A. Kingsley Porter, Medieval Architecture,
Haven, 191
2,
New
p. 272. Occasionally, as in St.-Martin-de-
II,
BoschervilleorSt.-Etienne-de-Caen (galleries),
this principle
had already been applied in Romanesque structures; but
became "standard,"
it
"expressed" by
different thicknesses are
minor
serve uniformity
differences in thickness in order to pre-
among
several adjacent capitals.
59. In Soissons, St.-Leu-d'Esserent, etc.,
more emphatic reversion a
capitals of three
There was, however, always an inclination
different sizes.
to overlook
it
seems, only after Sens, where three
we
find
an even
to the original Canterbury type:
"nave colonnette" with an individual
capital half as high
as that of the pier.
60. This applies also to the capitals of the major and
minor
colonnettes of the west portals which thus form a significant contrast to the corresponding ones in Amiens.
6
1
.
of a vais
A similar adaptation of a continuous shaft to pilier cantonne
(1284
ff.),
later piers of
the concept
can be observed in the later piers of Beau-
1260) and in the
in the piers of Seez (ca.
Huy
(131
1
ff.)-
In the
two
latter instances,
however, the colonnettes facing the arcades and the side aisles are
omitted
as
though the idea of
a
continuous shaft
had been superimposed, not upon the normal
pilier cantonne
107
.
Notes (with four colonnettes) but upon the Soissons pier (which has only one)
;
cf.
note
3
1
62. Villard de Honnecourt, op. inscription,
cit.,
pp. 69
Hunecort et Petrus de Corbeia inter added by 63.
fF.,
pi.
29; the
"Istud bresbiterium inuenerunt Ulardus
a disciple of Villard
The only
superficially
known
se disputando," as
de
was
"Master 2."
similar alternation of chapels
vaulted separately and chapels vaulted,
Soissons fashion,
under one keystone with the adjacent sector of the outer ambulatory can be observed in Chartres, where
ment
is
this arrange-
motivated by the necessity of re-using the founda-
tions of the eleventh-century choir with
its
three deep and
widely separated chapels. But in Chartres the Soissons-like chapels are really nothing but shallow protuberances of the
outer ambulatory, so that
all
the seven keystones could be
placed on the same perimeter. In Villard de Honnecourt 's
and Pierre de Corbie's ideal plan they are
fully
developed
units, their keystones placed, not in the center but on the
periphery of the adjacent sector of the outer ambulatory.
108
Illustrations
Figure 1.
Tombstone of the Architect Hugues Libergier
(died 1263),
Reims Cathedral.
Ill
^
ij:^,.-
..rteicr/.^fl
n
Figure 2.
112
Autun Cathedral, west
portal. Ca.
1130.
Figure 3. Paris,
Notre-Dame,
central
porul of the west facade (much
restored). Ca. iiis-1220.
113
Figure 4.
Henry
I
of France bestowing privileges upon the Priory of
St.-Martin-des-Champs. Book illumination between 1079 and 1096,
London,
114
British
Museum, ms. Add. 1162,
fol. 4.
\^^flnt^ry/£t/ A'^f^
(T pniiplrttnrintfi
tnamni
MfUif* ntntnia-
CanpUuit nnimno fcnr mVo notiutu tnr,o. Vtar* 1 mttntnr' snn* illf quifCqiiut iiUirf
fUm nift pn^rrcc nijr id d^ccraUd betuixn J4SLf. and t^S7 GtnerairwowUxcn cr/so-ctySr, nete altar*: newsta/ls jj'Si. Demolition lyifS-cJSi^
Figure 10. Cluny, Third
narthex ol'
ca.
iiio-ca.
Cluny," Medieval
1
Abbey Church, groundplan, 1088-ca. 11 20; (After K. J. Conant, "The Third Church
1^0.
Studies in
Memory of A.
1939)
120
Kir}gslejf Porter,
Cambridge,
**'** t.
4-i^i
n
I.
,
t *
f
i^
^l-t? Figure 11.
Amiens Cathedral, groundplan. Begun 1220. 121
*
t
n ^
-
-
«-
-
•
41 >f
^
r
w. >*"*'
i^
^
Figure 12. Sens Cathedral, groundplan.
Constructed E.
Gall,
ca.
1140-ca. 1168. (After
Die gotische Baukunst
Frankreich
in
und Deutscbland,
Leipzig, 1925.)
figure ij.
Laon Cathedral, groundplan.
Begun
122
ca.
1
160.
Swr->fc|
123
124
no
125
Figure ij. Lessay
(Normandy), Abbey Church, Xlth century.
126
interior.
End of the
Figure l8.
Laon Cathedral, interior of the choir. Begun in conformity with elevation designed ca.
1
after
120^
160.
127
Figure 19.
Chartres Cathedral, interior of the nave. Begun shortly after
128
1
194.
Figure 20.
Reims Cathedral,
interior of the nave.
Begun 121
1.
129
Figure 21.
BO
Amiens Cathedral,
interior of the nave.
Begun 1220.
Figure 22. St. -Denis, interior of the nave.
Begun 1231.
131
Figure 23.
Caen, St.-Etiienne, vaults of the northern transept. Ca. 1
132
110. (After E. Gall, op.
cit.)
133
Figure
2^.
Soissons Cathedral,
damaged during World War
134
section of the northern nave wall I.
Beginning of the XI 1 1th century.
135
Figure 28.
Durham
Cathedral, concealed flying buttresses. End of
the Xlth century. (After R.
W.
BilHngs, Architectural Illustrations and
Description of the Cathedral of
136
Durham, London, 1843.)
.
Figure
29.
buttresses
Reims Cathedral, open Hying
of the nave. Design estoblished ca.
1
2
1 1
137
Figure JO.
St. -Denis,
west facade. Dedicated 1140. (After an en-
graving by A. and E. Rouargue, executed before the restoration of
1833-1837.)
138
\
t
Figure 31. Paris,
Notre-Dame, west
fa
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