Globalization and the Built Environment in Kuwait

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Habitat International 28 (2004) 505–519

Globalization and the built environment in Kuwait Yasser Mahgoub* Department of Architecture, College of Engineering and Petroleum, Kuwait University, P.O. Box 5969 Safat 13060, Kuwait Received 28 March 2003; received in revised form 3 July 2003; accepted 1 October 2003 Available online 22 June 2004

Abstract This paper discusses the impact of globalization on the built environment and the tension between the forces of globalization and localization as exemplified in the case of Kuwait. It claims that globalization has been active in the countries of the Gulf area since the middle of the 20th century when they witnessed rapid development and change that permitted globalization and localization processes to be more evident and magnified than in other parts of the world. The aim of this paper is to analyze manifestations and consequences of globalization and localization processes in the built environment in Kuwait by tracing the rapid transformation of the built environment in Kuwait during the second half of the 20th century. The paper claims that the clash of styles that exists in the built environment is a product of the tension between globalization and localization processes, and that the dichotomy between the cultural forces currently shaping the built environment, i.e. modern-traditional, Islamic-Western, and local-international, is the result of this tension. While some architects attempt to integrate the local architecture into global cultural trends, others try to revive the traditional architectural style to protect the local identity and heritage. The resulting built environment is chaotic and lacks identity and sense of place. The paper concludes that the processes of globalization and localization are inseparable and that they coexist, like in many other parts of the world, in continuous state of change and interaction. There is a need for an alternative understanding of what global architecture can be; one that understands the essential need to preserve and respect diversity as well as house seemingly disparate philosophies of space, people, and their interactions with and within the built form. This approach should be reflected in professional practice, education and building regulations that govern the production of the built environment. r 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Architecture; Globalization; Localization; Change in built environment; Kuwait

*Fax: +965-4842897. E-mail address: [email protected] (Y. Mahgoub). 0197-3975/$ - see front matter r 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.habitatint.2003.10.005

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1. Introduction In his keynote speech to the 16th International Association for People-Environment Studies meeting in Paris, Antonio Remesar proclaimed that, ‘‘We have tendency to consider the globalization processes and localization processes like two separate realities’’ (Remesar, 2000, p. 1). In fact, it is being realized more and more, as Liangyong put it, ‘‘that globalization and regionalization are like two sides of a coin and that they are inseparable’’ (Liangyong, 2000, p. 12). This paper claims that there is a tendency to consider globalization and localization processes as new phenomena. It realizes that globalization has been active in the countries of the Gulf area since the middle of the 20th century onward. During the short history of the countries of the region, the rapid development and change permitted the processes of globalization and localization to be more evident and magnified than in other parts of the world. This paper discusses the impact of globalization on the built environment and the tension between the forces of globalization and localization as exemplified in the case of Kuwait. Its aim is to analyze the impact of the coexistence of these forces of change on the built environment in Kuwait in order to understand their role in the decline and rise of traditionalism and modernism during this transformation process. It attempts to envisage future directions from current trends and propose approaches to manage any negative impact of this tension on the built environment. 1.1. Globalization This paper adopts the theoretical approach suggested by Gail Satler of an analytic paradigm for reading architectural forms that gives voice to diverse philosophies and recognizes the coexistence of globalization and localization forces shaping the urban environment. This approach offers, ‘‘a more interesting definition of globalization—one that understands the essential need to preserve and respect diversity as well as house seemingly disparate philosophies of space, people, and their interactions with and within the built form. That is an architectural (and social) terrain that one could call global in the deepest sense of the term’’ (Satler, 1999, p. 15). This paradigm is useful in understanding the phenomenon of globalization, more than those focusing only on negative aspects of globalization. This view is supported by observations made by other researchers regarding the coexistence of the forces of globalization and localization in similar contexts. El-Sheshtawy et al. (2000) argue that Third World cities—especially those which have witnessed rapid growth within the last two decades—are moving towards a ‘‘co-existence’’ model which takes into account forces of modernization and change (globalization) while at the same time responding to the preservation of traditional elements within the society, initially coined by Ricoeur as a ‘‘paradox’’ facing those attempting to ‘‘join the universal civilization’’ while responding to local conditions. They recommended the examination of the viability of this model and its suitability for other cities. I speak neither as an advocate nor as a critic of globalization; I neither applaud it nor do I condemn it. What purpose either of these stances serve? Like it or not, globalization is fact (a fact-in-the-making); it is irrelevant whether one ‘‘approves’’ or ‘‘disapproves’’ of it. The phenomenon of globalization is itself global, that is to say, all-encompassing. It is of course in

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the first instance a material or economic phenomenon, but, like all significant civilizational developments, it also has profound cultural or spiritual significance (Madison, 1998, p. 5). Discussions of globalization are currently dominating the intellectual and public discourse. While some view it as an evil trend towards dehumanization and economic domination others view it as a multifaceted phenomenon that pauses challenges and offers new opportunities. Dandekar (1998, p. 5) argues that the question that needs to be considered is ‘‘What are the manifestations of globalization in tangible reality, in the physical spaces and places of the emerging city of the 21st century?’’ This process has generated an opposite process of localization in many parts of the world. This is not the cry of the Third World and developing countries only, but it is also a global call to realize local conditions and appreciate human differences. As experienced by many countries, the distinctive national identity is being threatened by an emerging identity that is more global and international. There is emphasis on the regional and geographical identity more than on the cultural and political boundaries of nations. Globalization is viewed by some as a new form of colonialism and occupation promoting cultural and social superiority and domination. Economic superiority, allowing two-thirds of the world’s wealth to go to only one-third of the world’s population while one-third of the world’s wealth is going to two-thirds of the world’s population, is increasing the ‘‘gap’’ between poor and rich countries. Many fear the loss of identity and privacy; in general, fear of the unknown. Among the fears, especially from the ‘‘South’’ is that ‘‘the impact of globalization on the culture of the ‘developing’ ‘post-colonial’ countries is pervasive and endemic’’ (Dandekar, 1998, p. 6). In the Arab world, globalization is viewed as ‘‘another term for capitalism and imperialism’’ and that ‘‘all Arabs and Muslims need to consider it an imminent danger that is endangering the political, social, cultural and economic stability’’ (Za’za’, 2002, p. 1). This attitude is due to the fact that the impact globalization was more rapid and dramatic in most Arab and Muslim countries than in other parts of the world. They feel that they are on the receiving end of globalizations and not participating in its making. The other group, on the other hand, points to the advantages of globalization and argues that superiority and domination worries are exaggerated and that there is no threat to sacred beliefs. They argue that America, the leader of globalization, has more people who are considered religious than any other country in the world. They predict that more human rights and democracy penetrating the traditional boundaries of countries and that the individual will gain new rights outside his own country. As Madison (1998, p. 5) puts it, ‘‘we now have a name for the dynamics at work in the present stage in the development of civilization: globalization’’. He identifies the phenomenon of globalization as having five main aspects: economic, political, technological, social and cultural. The impact of globalization on the built environment can be understood in relation to the aspects of globalization: *

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Telecommunications and information technology has produced a need for a new type of technological infrastructure, building types and design requirements. The electronic technology produced new breed of intelligent and smart buildings. Transportation technology affected urban and city planning and produced changes in understanding space and proximity.

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Building technology suggested new methods of construction and materials that require new methods of expression. The global marketplace liberated professional services and labour, building materials and construction methods, trade and investment from the limitations of national boundaries. The rise of human rights awareness pointed to issues of the right to housing; housing of marginalized populations, and housing for the poor. The traditional work habits that resulted in the separation between work and home, are giving way to new and revived forms of home-work environment and mixed use planning that existed centuries ago. Relationships between groups and individuals are influenced by ease of interaction and communication over the internet, permitting ‘‘virtual’’ social interaction with people all over the globe easier than with those across the street. The Internet offers information and knowledge about other societies that used to take long time to disseminate. The lifestyle of fast food chains, luxurious shopping centres, and other commodities is available all over the world today. The culture of the ‘‘global village’’ disregarded cultural differences and increased similarities in lifestyles around the world through these ‘‘icons’’ of globalization. The impact of the internet on architectural practice is evident in new trend of international firms to establish branches in different parts of the world utilizing the time difference to keep their businesses running 24 h a day. For example, the easy transfer of drawings and documents aided in the globalization of architectural offices and projects is speeding the production and development of projects.

This rapid social transformation and dislocation is frightening to many individuals who face an escalating identity crisis. While some chose to indulge in the new lifestyle, others chose to retreat to the more familiar world of the past hoping to overcome their social alienation and dislocation.

2. The case of Kuwait The built environment found in Kuwait today is a product of the decisions made during its early stages of planning and construction. Kuwait was mostly isolated from external influences until the discovery of oil during the 1940s. As thoroughly documented by Saba George Shiber (1964, p. 6), planning and construction of the modern city-state of Kuwait 50 years ago was a ‘‘dramatic urban revolution that swept over Kuwait as a hurricane, leaving one dizzied and dazzled in its wake. y Kuwait literally exploded from a small village to a fast-urbanizing regional metropolis in just over 12 years’’. He illustrated in his detailed account the fast speed of transformation that Kuwait went through from fishing and trading vernacular settlement to a modern, planned metropolis. This transformation was the result of efforts made by the Kuwaiti’s to utilize the wealth generated by the discovery of oil to improve their living conditions and join the developed, modern world. It was not imposed on them by outsiders as much as it was a selection and choice. The problem was not in choosing to modernize but in the ‘‘rushing’’ towards modernization without comprehending its drawbacks.

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The modern urbanization in Kuwait has passed through significant stages. During each, a master plan or a review of the master plan was produced, which contributed to the development of modern Kuwait (Kuwait Municipality, 1980). These stages are: 1. The First Master Plan prepared by Minoprio, Spencely, and Macfarlane (1951). 2. The Municipality Development Plan, which was an assembly of different planning studies for different areas during the period from 1952 to 1967. 3. Colin Buchanan and Partners-developed Second Master Plan from 1967 to 1968. 4. First Review of the Second Master Plan by Shankland Cox Partnership in 1977. 5. Re-examination of the Master Plan by Colin Buchanan and Partners in 1983. 6. A proposed Master Plan by Kuwait Municipality in 1993. 7. Most recently, Kuwait Engineering Group in collaboration with Colin Buchanan were commissioned to develop a new master plan in 2003. Prior to 1952, Kuwait was a vernacular settlement overlooking the Arabian Gulf and composed of courtyard houses built using mud brick along narrow alleys. The city was surrounded by protective walls with several gates. Fig. 1 illustrates the urban pattern in old Kuwait city and its traditional houses lined along narrow streets, looking inward into courtyards suitable for climatic conditions and social needs. The city was surrounded by semi-circular defensive wall constructed in 1920, in 2 months, to protect it from the tribal attacks. After the discovery of oil in economic quantities during the 1930s and its exportation during the 1940s and the immediate wealth generated by its sales, the rulers of the country appointed the British firm, Minoprio et al. (1951) to propose a ‘‘plan’’ for the development of the city of Kuwait. The matters which the consultants regarded as being of ‘‘primary importance’’ in the re-planning of the town were: (a) the provision of a modern road system appropriate to the traffic conditions in Kuwait, (b) the location of suitable zones for public buildings, industry, commerce, schools,

Fig. 1. The urban pattern of old Kuwait.

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and other purposes, (c) the choice of zones for new houses and other buildings needed in residential areas, both inside and outside the town wall, (d) the selection of sites for parks, sports ground, school playing fields and other open spaces, (e) the creation of a beautiful and dignified town centre, (f) the planting of trees and shrubs along the principal roads and at other important points in the town, and (g) the provision of improved main roads linking Kuwait with the adjoining towns and villages (Minoprio et al., 1951). The plan led to the demolition of the walled city and its traditional houses to provide land for economic and public facilities and the establishment of western style neighbourhoods surrounded by modern highways for cars and vehicles. The late 1950s and early 1960s witnessed the implementation of the First Master Plan by the Ministry of Public Works under the supervision of the Kuwait Development Board established in 1950, headed by the ruler of Kuwait himself. The demolition of the wall and old houses in residential areas inside it to clear land for the construction of new public buildings paralleled the construction of new roads and residential neighbourhoods south of it in the desert. The neighbourhoods were self sufficient entities with schools, shops, mosques and other services. As Gardiner (1983, p. 46) states, ‘‘there was no need to come into the city except for work because every thing was there’’. As part of the government’s policy for the distribution of wealth, low income families were given public houses built by the government while rich families were compensated with plots of land and money for their demolished houses and acquired land. Building regulations proposed by the plan allowed for the construction of individual ‘‘villas’’ on these plots of land. Fig. 2 illustrates buildings and houses erected during the 1950s and 1960s reflecting the modern style of architecture that dominated this era.

Fig. 2. The architecture of the 1950s and 1960s.

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In 1968, a Second Master Plan was developed by Colin Buchanan and Partners that stretched the city north and south along the Gulf shores. It also called for the dissemination of the city centre by creating new centres to overcome the growing traffic congestion problems. With the rise of oil prices after the 1973 Middle East War, the country was able to acquire enough income to support its ambitious plans. In 1976, the British planning firm Shakland Cox proposed the establishment of two new cities. During the 1980s several remarkable buildings designed by internationally recognized architects were constructed in Kuwait. They included: the National Airport by Kenzo Tange, the National Assembly by Jorn Utzon, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs by Reima Pietila, the Central Bank by Arne Jacobsen, and the Kuwait Water Towers by Lindstorm, Egnell and Bjorn (Kultermann, 1999). This practice facilitated the dissemination of global trends into the urban environment in Kuwait. Ibrahim (1985) argues that the new styles of architecture entered the Gulf area after the discovery of oil through two venues. The first venue was large projects of monumental architecture that were designed and constructed by Western architects without any economic or technical limitations in designing these projects (banks, hotels, public buildings, service buildings, etc.). It was described by Western magazines as the ‘‘playground of architecture’’. The role of the local architect was very limited due to his limited experience in studying, evaluating and managing large projects. See Fig. 3 for examples of public buildings built during the 1980s. The second venue was domestic architecture built by individuals in the form of private houses or apartment buildings. These were mostly designed and constructed by local or Arab architects who were influenced by economic, cultural and social requirements of the owner who usually imposed his views on the architect. The social and cultural status of the owner was reflected in the design of his buildings. Many architects from neighbouring countries, such as Syria, Egypt, Iraq, India, and Iran were attracted to the region along with many construction workers and labourers. They brought with them their ideas, understanding and styles of architecture. In 1980, on the occasion of its 50th anniversary, Kuwait Municipality published a book ‘‘registering its most important works and achievements, in the form of records and documents which are assembled in a permanent exhibition’’ (Kuwait Municipality, 1980, p. 3). In this book the municipality perceived that planning and urban development in Kuwait had passed through two main periods: (1) random growth (pre-1952); and (2) modern growth (post-1952). This

Fig. 3. Examples of Kuwaiti public buildings erected during the 1980s.

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Fig. 4. The clash of styles of architecture in Kuwait as illustrated by buildings of different styles, local and classic, forming a composition side by side in Kuwait.

perception of the situation prior to 1952 as ‘‘random’’ was the driving force behind the adoption of modern planning and construction methods in order to achieve a better quality of life. The invasion of Kuwait by its northern neighbour Iraq on the 2nd of August 1990, and its liberation by international coalition of forces, had a remarkable impact on the Kuwaitis security and sense of belonging. Many buildings were affected during the war due to vandalism and deliberate damage. The Kuwaitis became more appreciative of what they have and realized the value of the built environment in creating a national identity and sense of belonging. These events produced two contrasting trends towards architecture; on one hand there is a trend towards establishing a national identity in architecture, while on the other, there is a trend to build according to international styles found in other parts of the world. See Fig. 4 for examples of these contrasting style. The resulting urban environment illustrates a clash of styles and identities. The prominent, late Hamed Shuaib, the first Kuwaiti to practice architecture in Kuwait, reiterated the question posed in many conferences and seminars held in the Gulf area: ‘‘when will we, in Kuwait and other Gulf countries, have modern architecture suitable for our community, environment and heritage?’’ (Shuaib, 1999). He criticized the fact that architecture in Kuwait being produced by architects coming from different parts of the world.

3. Architecture of globalization in Kuwait Kuwait shares the experience of many cities of Third World countries around the world. They are all experiencing the pulling and pushing of forces of globalization and localization. As stated by Abel (1994, p. 190), ‘‘it is easy to conclude that the forces of a globalized consumer culture have all but won’’, yet, the rise of localization efforts cannot be ignored. He identified the visual attributes of familiar Western models as: * * *

The central business district; The air-conditioned office towers; The McDonald’s franchises;

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The shopping centres selling the same consumer products; The jam-packed highways spreading out into the suburbs; and The suburbs themselves, with their ‘Dallas’-inspired mixture of neo-classical and Spanish-style villas.

While all these attributes can be found in Kuwait, as shown in Fig. 5, yet unlike its Southeast Asian counterparts, Kuwait was not exposed to ‘‘layers of imported cultures’’, as illustrated by Abel (1994). It ‘‘exploded’’ from a small village to a fast-urbanizing regional metropolis in just over 12 years (Shiber, 1964). The introduction of new building materials and construction systems accelerated the speed of transformation. ‘‘The use of traditional local materials and techniques, which are often considered archaic and obsolete, was abandoned in favour of modern imported material and construction techniques’’ (Khattab, 2001, p. 57). Use of reinforced concrete replaced the traditional mud bricks and stone construction techniques. This trend has developed to include; glass, wood, accessories, air-conditioning systems, and all other types of state-of-the-art finishing and construction materials and systems. The forces of globalization were most evident in the case of Kuwait during the Second Gulf War when the country continued to exist economically and politically as a virtual country outside its physical borders and was brought back to existence due to a global intervention by the world community. This dramatic experience of invasion and occupation for a brief period of time awakened the Kuwaitis sense of belonging and identity. As described by Khattab (2001, p. 56), ‘‘particularly in the case of Kuwait, reasserting the local identity has lately become a matter of great importance especially after Iraq’s claims in Kuwait and the Second Gulf War’’. This was reflected on the architecture being produced in Kuwait by local and Kuwaiti architects in their attempts to recognize and acknowledge the heritage of traditional Kuwaiti architecture during the 1990s. Architecture in Kuwait is affected by the forces of globalization and localization. While stateof-the-art glass-box office buildings and classic style villa represent a one-way influence of globalization, other examples illustrate, with varying degrees, attempts to incorporate globalization and localization forces in their design and construction. The efforts range from copying and pasting elements and forms from indigenous architecture to sophisticated design that incorporate state-of-the-art technologies with local expressions. For example, the Parliament Building by Jorn Utzon illustrates a utilization of a modern material—reinforced concrete—to bring back the strong image of the tent as place for gathering and communion. The ultra-modern shopping centre, Souk Sharq, brings back the image of the traditional market place environment with its planning and traditional wind catchers. The Arab Organizations Headquarters building provides an example of a ‘‘luxurious’’ localization of building technology and automated systems that are restrained by the introduction of traditional and Arab architectural elements and forms. The state of the art Scientific Centre, hosting one of the best aquariums in the world, is another example of incorporating modern functions with local expression. The building hosts sophisticated technologies within spaces and forms derived from Arab and Islamic architecture; solid walls from the outside with the broken axis and the tent covering the entrance. A few other examples illustrate attempts to integrate local images and understandings with global trends and practices. Most of the buildings adhere to globalization forces without reflecting the local context and requirements.

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Fig. 5. Visual attributes of globalization in Kuwait.

The work of the Kuwaiti architect Saleh Al Mutawa cannot be passed unnoticed in the urban landscape of Kuwait. He attempts to localize his architecture practice by reinterpreting some local architectural elements in a contemporary language of three-dimensional forms (Al-Mutawa, 1994). Fig. 6 illustrates examples of his work where he utilizes elements of Kuwaiti traditional architecture in his buildings. Several researchers have reviewed his work and concluded that ‘‘one

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Fig. 6. Example of projects by Saleh Al Mutawa.

can define positive and negative aspects (but) what is undeniable is that Al-Mutawa’s work has resulted in an emerging style’’ (Khattab, 2001, p. 66; see also Goodwin, 1997). Other young Kuwaiti architects are alluding to the absence of identity in architecture and the need to develop a Kuwaiti identity in the built environment. A documentary movie produced by Kuwait Television titled ‘‘Kuwaiti Architecture: A Lost Identity’’ depicts the development of architecture in Kuwait and points to the importance of developing a Kuwaiti identity in architecture. The relationship between masses of buildings in the urban landscape is the main problem currently dominating the urban environment in Kuwait. While each building is designed and constructed according to a specific view and solution, the collection of buildings do not form a coherent character or identity. Forty years ago, Shiber (1964, p. 118) envisioned this problem and alarmed that: The application of civic design, at least in the composition of major buildings, has to date been non-existent. In the future much more sensitive care must be accorded the art of disposing one architectural element in relation to another, and in relation to the spaces displaced and created.

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The fact that most of the public buildings in Kuwait were designed by foreign architects and firms was a result of absence of qualified local architects and firms that could handle projects of this size. With the emergence of Kuwaiti architects, educated mainly in Western cultures and the USA, and the establishment of the Department of Architecture at Kuwait University, and the graduation of its first group of students in 2002, the landscape of the practice of architecture in Kuwait is expected to change dramatically. Most of the young Kuwaiti architects are aware of the impact of the forces of globalization and localization on their architecture but their responses vary from dramatic to minimal according to their personal understanding.

4. Towards a vision of architecture of globalization Kuwait is experiencing, as in other developing countries, the tension between the forces of globalization and localization. On one hand, people are eager to enjoy the luxuries of modern life that they can afford to have while at the same time retaining a cultural identity and satisfying special social requirements. It is expected that recent political changes in the region will release the country’s eagerness to develop and catch up with its Gulf neighbours after more than a decade of political unrest in the region. A new wave of development, in the form of large scale projects, public buildings, new towns, and housing developments, is expected to sweep the country in the coming few years. Learning from the pros and cons of past experiences is the most meaningful way to create a better future. This paper argues that the clash of styles that exists in the built environment in Kuwait is a product of the rapid process of globalization that swept the country since the middle of the 20th century. A dichotomy between cultural forces of globalization and localization is shaping today’s built environment, i.e. modern-traditional, Islamic-Western, local-global. While some architects employ fashionable styles of architecture in order to integrate the local architecture into global trends, others are trying to revive the traditional architectural style as a mean to enforce the local identity and heritage. The resulting built-environment lacks shared identity and sense of place. Some authors argue that Third World cities are moving towards a ‘‘co-existence’’ model which takes into account forces of modernization and change while at the same time responding to the preservation of traditional elements within the society (El-Sheshtawy et al., 2000). We are currently witnessing an architectural style ‘‘in the making’’ as a product of the tension between globalization and localization forces. This tension is creating ‘‘clash of styles’’ in the resulting urban environment which requires more responsible approach towards culturally responsiveness architecture. Culture-supportive design does not mean ‘copying’ the traditional or popular environments; yet lessons need to be derived through analysis of the socio-cultural and physical environments in concern, based on a conceptual model (Rapoport, 1987). There is a need for an alternative understanding of what global architecture can be, one that understands the essential need to preserve and respect diversity as well as house seemingly disparate philosophies of space, people, and their interactions with and within the built form (Satler, 1999). This approach should be reflected in building codes and regulations that govern the production of the built environment. It should also be part of architectural education curriculum in order to graduate local architects who can participate meaningfully in the creation of future built environments.

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5. Conclusion As indicated by the case of Kuwait, the problem does not reside in individual buildings alone but is the product of the collective image created by the urbanscape. While there are individual efforts to reflect a local Kuwaiti identity in architecture, these efforts have gone unnoticed due to the lack of coherence between neighbouring buildings. No meaningful pattern has been identified in these efforts. They range from ‘‘screams’’ for recognition, ‘‘superficial’’ additions of decorations and ornaments, ‘‘disregard’’ the matter as irrelevant, to ‘‘humble’’ recognition without actual participation (Alexander, 1977). ‘‘It is usually the whole building fabric, rather than individual buildings that matters most to the identity and of a setting. The character of a town reside in the sum of its multiple and often fragmented inter-relationships in space between buildings themselves, the social mix of people, its activities and events, and the wider geographical setting of the town’’ (Silva, 2001, p. 18). There can be no doubt that globalization will force people the world over to make far-reaching, sometimes even painful, changes in their accustomed ways of doing things. But if the challenges are great, so also are the opportunities (Madison, 1998, p. 20). The result may look like chaos and fragmentation at a local level, but is more accurately described as a spontaneous adjustment of human activity to cope with exposure to a larger and less predictable world environment (see Fig. 7). The whole reciprocating process is boosted by an environmental crisis which demands at one and the same time a global awareness of the interconnectedness of all things, and local actions which raise levels of self-sufficiency in such vital areas as food and energy consumption. If there is such a thing as an emergent global culture, it may well arise out of these contradictory processes (Abel, 1994). Understanding the impact of the forces of globalization and localization allows us to interact meaningfully instead of wailing and fearing their negative impact on us. We should not isolate

Fig. 7. Contemporary urban environment in downtown Kuwait representing different styles and time periods.

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ourselves from the human development; rather we should learn how to participate in it. There is no threat to our own existence and culture if we choose it to be so. We should be active participants instead of passive recipients of globalization. As architects, we need to learn how to link cultural and built environment elements in order to be able to improve our professional practice and teaching of architecture. Today feelings about globalization are more sophisticated. Globalization may bring within reach regions of cultural difference, but it also threatens those regions with sameness. No global culture can absorb everything. A coexistence of diverse philosophies is not only possible but necessary (Satler 2000, p. 22). The impact of globalization on culture is evident all over the world. While some view it as a ‘‘problem’’ others perceive it as a ‘‘challenge’’ towards improving the quality of life of the people. There should be active and positive participation from all cultures in order to shape the world in the ‘‘New Millennium’’ in a way that satisfies all cultures instead of, as Madison put it, ‘‘walling themselves up in their own national cocoons and isolating themselves from the winds of change blowing over the surface of the globe’’ (Madison, 1998, p. 21). As Dandekar (1998, p. 6) put it, ‘‘it has raised questions about how to preserve historic and cultural identity, as embodied in the physical fabric of the city, without commodifying and packaging it purely for touristic consumption’’. The main challenge is to change our view of globalization as a problem and view it as another phase in the human development that requires positive and active participation from all of us.

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