endefensadelaprismo

En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

1

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

EN MEMORIA DE LOS JÓVENES DE TODOS LOS TIEMPOS QUE ENTREGARON SUS VIDAS EN PRO DEL IDEAL APRISTA.

Página. 1.

PRESENTACIÓN.

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2.

TEMAS DE GOBIERNO

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3.

ASPECTOS DOCTRINARIOS.

45.

4.

SOBRE EL PARTIDO.

69.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

PRESENTACIÓN.

Con ocasión del 74 aniversario de la fundación de la Federación Aprista Juvenil (F.A.J.) pongo a disposición del público aprista y no aprista una nueva compilación de mis artículos en las redes apristas del Perú y el Mundo, bajo el título de EN DEFENSA DEL APRISMO. Como todos sabemos, hoy en día en las redes virtuales de Internet diariamente intercambian información y criterios más de diez mil apristas, con una intensidad superior a la de cualquier otra tienda política. Ello hace que estar en Internet sea mucho más importante que dar un discurso en una Plaza, ser congresista de la República o funcionario del Gobierno Nacional. En las redes apristas se construye una modernísima opinión pública, influyendo cada vez más en la toma de decisiones. Pero siempre respetando las normas internas de no llevar las discusiones endógenas hacia el exterior. Por ello ejercemos nuestro derecho a la opinión con la más absoluta libertad. Por estas razones, desde hace poco más de un año elegí tomar  como centro de difusión y encuentro este nuevo espacio virtual. Aquí se dan las polémicas en torno a temas centrales del acontecer  político partidario y de gobierno, a los cuales no podemos ser  ajenos. El título de la compilación refleja de alguna forma el aspecto central de los debates en Internet. Luego de más de quince años de secuestro ideológico neoliberal sobre la sociedad peruana, se hacía necesario salir a dar la batalla en defensa de la doctrina de Haya de la Torre y la generación fundadora. Ser gobierno en momentos de cambio y modernización implica tomar decisiones que deben tener  una orientación definida. Esa línea la marcó claramente Víctor Raúl en El Antimperialismo y el APRA y es por la que han luchado, luchan y lucharán los militantes apristas. En desmedro de quienes piensan lo contrario, la esencia de la doctrina aprista permanece vigente. Es lo que estamos demostrando a través de estos artículos

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

cortos, complementarios con nuestra producción bibliográfica anterior ♦. La brega no ha terminado ni lo hará en mucho tiempo. Nuestros países viven etapas de severos cambios donde se requiere de mucha capacidad de desenvolvimiento de nuestras propuestas doctrinarias, siempre dentro del marco ideológico del desarrollo integral con justicia social y libertad. En esa línea, todo debate contribuye a esclarecer y orientar la adecuada toma de decisiones No vaya a ser que llegado el momento de escribir la historia de estas épocas se diga que no hubo quienes pudieran dar opinión desde el aprismo sobre los temas álgidos del país. Y aunque nuestra voz no está solitaria, lo cual nos reconforta, es importante que vuelva a circular y se recuerde. Se encontrarán los artículos agrupados por temas y fechas, de manera de poder analizarlos dentro del respectivo contexto. Consecuentes con la agenda aprista, hemos abordado aspectos orgánico institucionales, doctrinarios y de Estado, siempre con la mayor lealtad al Presidente del Partido y demás compañeros que ocupan los altos cargos del Gobierno. Debe recordarse que dentro de la fraternidad aprista figuran tanto el reconocimiento como la crítica, ambas ejercidas equilibradamente -más aún si es entre compañeros- contribuyen al éxito de cualquier gestión. Debo culminar reconociendo que varias de las propuestas aquí planteadas han sido progresivamente escuchadas, evidentemente no gracias a quien las expresara sino por la fuerza que marcaban los hechos, identificados debido a una sólida formación científico social enriquecida por la doctrina aprista. “Quiero que vengan generaciones nuevas que nos superen y nos venzan”. Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. Lima, 07 de enero del 2008. Arturo Ojeda S. [email protected]

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

“Sería traicionar la historia misma del Perú en el último medio siglo, si al cabo de esta larga marcha, jalonada por tantos esfuerzos, sacrificios y dolores, no tuviéramos una especial palabra de recuerdo y homenaje para los millares de compañeros, vivos o muertos, que estuvieron con nosotros en el ejercicio de una lealtad sin desfallecimientos...” Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre Discurso ante la Asamblea Constituyente del Perú. 28 de julio de 1978.

Nuestra posición frente al momento político actual. Los álgidos momentos que viven el Perú, Indoamérica y el Mundo y la necesaria interpretación de los mismos, determinan la obligación de la Comisión Coordinadora de la Generación 80-90 de Lima, de expresar su reflexión ante sus compañeros cogeneracionales y del partido: 1. El mundo vive actualmente un proceso de resistencia creciente al modelo de dominio unipolar que intenta implementar el Imperio Yanqui, vía el dominio económico, político y cultural de los pueblos del orbe. El esquema de dominación norteamericano consiste en la tríada: neoliberalismo, como modelo económico; democracias regimentadas, como modelo político y, dominación cultural como modelo de gestión social. 2. Estamos definitivamente ante una nueva fase de desarrollo del imperialismo a nivel mundial, la cual determina diferentes procesos sociales y de resistencia. América Latina, continuando con la tradición de lucha antiimperialista iniciada en la década de los 20 por movimientos políticos y sociales como el Apra continental, asume en el momento actual una

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

4.

5.

6.

7.

Arturo Ojeda S.

nunca. Contando esta vez con importantes actores que han logrado progresivamente mayor experiencia, cultura y niveles de organización política. Nos referimos a los movimientos indígenas que, continuando con la tradición de lucha y resistencia andina, han tomado las banderas de lucha antiimperialista en diversos países de la América morena. Luego, el aprismo indoamericanista, antiimperialista e integracionista, está vigente, con su estructura de partido de frente único. Debe considerarse sí, que en la nueva realidad del siglo XXI a la dominación económica y política, el imperialismo le ha agregado la dominación socio cultural. Así, a la concepción de la lucha antiimperialista sólo como lucha política por la toma del poder, debe agregársele el concepto de la lucha cultural para liberar la conciencia de la ciudadanía de los instrumentos de control social construidos por el imperialismo. En el Perú, durante el presente proceso electoral, asistimos, lamentablemente una vez más, a la confrontación entre la casta oligárquica y criolla y el populismo militarista caudillesco. Y al igual que en los años aurorales el partido Aprista debe terciar en dicha contienda, enarbolando la alternativa de renovación y superación radical del estado de cosas, para la construcción de una sociedad superior, estructurada sobre las bases de la justicia, el desarrollo y la libertad. En esa línea, en el proceso político de nuestro país en lugar  de avanzar hemos retrocedido a etapas que se suponían superadas. El actual sistema político es reflejo del orden neoliberal, estructurado sobre la base de una democracia representativa limitada, que desprestigió a la política, la cual no fue superada cuando hubo la oportunidad de hacerlo derogando el documento de 1993. En el caso del partido, contribuimos a la crisis por la falta de decisión para implementar un proceso radical de renovación de las formas de hacer política por el partido. La incapacidad de resolución de los problemas del país por  los miembros del sistema político formal es la principal causal del desprestigio total de la democracia. Como ha ocurrido en otras naciones, situaciones como éstas crean el caldo de cultivo para el surgimiento de propuestas neo fascistas, las

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

embaucar por esos “cantos de sirena”, encubridores de falsas posiciones progresistas y populares. 8. Ahora más que nunca le cabe al aprismo la inmensa e histórica responsabilidad de enfrentar exitosamente la nueva situación nacional e internacional. Para lo cual debe recuperar  y consolidar su praxis de izquierda democrática y antiimperialista, superando las tendencias colaboracionistas con el modelo modelo neoliberal, funcionales a la dominación imperial yanqui. 9. Vencer a los representantes de las viejas castas oligárquicas y criollas y desenmascarar y combatir al populismo neo fascista, son las tareas del momento político actual. A posteriori, el partido deberá emprender la reforma total de su sistema de organización y dirección y en dicha brega la Generación 80-90 deberá tener un rol protagónico y de vanguardia, enarbolando las banderas de izquierda democrática y antiimperialista de Haya de la Torre. 10. En ese sentido, llamamos una vez más a cerrar filas con los candidatos a la presidencia de la República, el Congreso y el Parlamento Andino por el partido del Pueblo, por el Partido Aprista Peruano, marcando las tres estrellas y, ejerciendo el voto preferencial, votar por los candidatos de nuestra generación que aseguren y apoyen el proceso de renovación progresista de nuestro partido. POR LA REFORMA INTEGRAL DEL SISTEMA POLÍTICO. POR UN ESTADO DEMOCRÁTICO, NACIONALISTA Y POPULAR. POR UN NUEVO MODELO DE DESARROLLO EJEMPLO PARA AMÉRICA LATINA. EL APRA AL PODER!!!.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

I. ASPECTOS DE GOBIERNO.

Arturo Ojeda S.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

DE LA POLÌTICA REIVINDICATIVA A LA POLÌTICA REALIZATIVA. Encuestas de opinión publicadas el día de hoy demuestran que los resultados electorales del partido el 19 de noviembre no son producto solamente de la crisis interna sino también del desgaste de un Gabinete que no ha logrado empatar con las mayorías ciudadanas de todo el país. Las encuestas que se han venido publicando respecto a la aprobación de la gestión de los poderes del Estado son hechas en Lima y Callao. Y ya quedó evidente que una es la forma de pensar  de los limeños y chalacos y otra es la del resto de provincianos. El acceso a la modernidad, específicamente a la tecnología moderna, trae consigo información, mucha información. Pero lo más importante es qué tipo de información y formación trae consigo. La televisión, el cable, el Internet, la radio, el celular, los DVD, son instrumentos que se pueden encontrar en todas las capitales del país. A través de esas vías circulan modelos de sociedad y de consumo. En la información que llega a través de mensajes, sean sólo orales o audiovisuales, se va formando la conciencia de las personas. La mayor parte de los estudiosos de la comunicación social en el Perú han coincidido en el carácter frívolo y exótico de los mensajes que se envían a través de los medios de comunicación. Sin embargo, son esos mensajes los que llegan a las grandes mayorías nacionales.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

vivir como reyes. El producto de este contraste es la Anomia. Es decir un comportamiento que nos lleva a buscar realizar nuestras aspiraciones sociales sea como fuese, aún sea violando las normas de convivencia éticas y morales. Por eso encontramos autoridades corruptas, policías coimeros, “combis asesinas”, empresarios estafadores y un largo etcétera. El Perú es una sociedad anómica. Es decir, la sociedad peruana está enferma. Sin embargo, el Gabinete de gobierno actual en lugar de proceder a curar la enfermedad la está alimentando para que crezca. No es por  la ruta del crecimiento por el crecimiento que se resolverán los problemas del país. Más aún con la estructura tan desigual de distribución de la riqueza que nos ha legado el modelo neoliberal. Están muy equivocados los que creen que sólo una buena política económica es una buena política social. O como dijo alguien “resolvamos primero lo económico y después vemos lo social”. No es así, las ciencias modernas de la gobernabilidad democrática reconocen que los problemas económicos y sociales deben atacarse simultáneamente y con el énfasis debido. La “política del aeropuerto”, esperar a ver cómo bajan los aviones para ver si es necesario actuar como bomberos, no es la que corresponde a nuestro país. Y eso lo está diciendo el pueblo peruano, tanto en las elecciones como en las movilizaciones que se realizan en las provincias del interior. No planteamos para nada volver a las políticas reivindicativas del pasado, netamente populistas que buscaban sólo repartir lo poco existente. “No hay que quitar la riqueza al que la tiene sino crearla para el que no la tiene”, es una premisa que resulta más que nunca

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

El Estado debe liderar los esfuerzos por combatir la anomia. Y no basta para ello con plantear la “ética del deber” sino va acompañada con la “cultura de la responsabilidad”. El segundo punto, es construir un nuevo liderazgo en la conducción del país en los temas sociales y económicos. Con mucha certeza se planteó en algún momento “un TLC para adentro”, es decir  desarrollo para las provincias y para los provincianos. Ello implica mirar lo nuestro, construir una economía basada en nuestra cultura y nuestra riqueza natural. El presidente García alguna vez mencionó que las Pymes, en el peor momento de la economía nacional, habían sido capaces de crear autónomamente dos millones de empleos. Ese es sólo un botón de lo que se podría hacer con las potencialidades nacionales, si se cuenta con una fuerza colectiva dedicada a desarrollarla. Y esa fuerza colectiva debe estar conformada por el Estado, el Capital y el Trabajo. Conjuntamente debe desarrollarse el modelo nacional, que corresponda a nuestra realidad. Las naciones que llegaron a ser  grandes, lo primero que hicieron fue construir sus modelos en base a sus propias vivencias, recursos y costumbres. Gran Bretaña, Estados Unidos, Alemania, Japón, China, se formaron como potencias habiendo definido primeramente su identidad. Cada uno de esos países forjó su propio modelo, en base a su espacio tiempo histórico. Esa es la peculiaridad de cada Pueblo Continente. Sus modelos allá y para ellos, para nosotros lo que inteligente y concertadamente construyamos. El pueblo peruano busca una pronta salida a sus problemas, busca un liderazgo que lo oriente. Busca un gabinete de gobierno con una visión más amplia del desarrollo, con capacidad de innovar, con

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

.

Un recientemente publicitado informe del Banco Mundial se une al conocimiento de que el Perú estaría muy pronto calificado como un país sin riesgo para la inversión internacional. Son estas buenas noticias que muestran la buena salud macroeconómica del país. Sin embargo, no bastan para comenzar a atender la solución de los problemas de la población en situación de pobreza y pobreza extrema. La preocupación que muestran los conductores de los conglomerados empresariales, sobre la supuesta amenaza de implementación de medidas populistas por el Gobierno, obedecería a que no entienden la crítica situación social del País o no quieren reconocer que la estructura actual de nuestra economía no permite el trickle down o “chorreo” hacia los más necesitados. El Perú profundo no tolera más ver cómo un segmento privilegiado de personas –nacionales o extranjeras- mejora geométricamente su nivel de vida en tanto el resto continúa estancado en la pobreza. Ello afecta seriamente la gobernabilidad. Y éste es otro elemento fundamental que evalúan los inversionistas cuando estudian su inversión en un país.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

conformación consideramos que ya resulta insuficiente. Hoy más que nunca debemos volver al concepto de la planificación concertada, vía un Congreso Económico Nacional, cuyas facultades estén orientadas fundamentalmente a servir como el punto de encuentro del Estado, el Capital, el Trabajo y la Sociedad Civil (consumidores, poblaciones marginadas). Los esfuerzos del poder legislativo por su naturaleza no son lo suficientemente especializados para avocarse a estos temas. Es más, la forma en que ahora se elige a sus integrantes genera mucha desconfianza frente a la calidad y oportunidad de sus dictámenes. El Congreso Económico Nacional es la única vía por la cual todos los peruanos, desde la función que cumplamos en el proceso económico, podemos enriquecer unitariamente nuestros esfuerzos por lograr el desarrollo con equidad e identidad nacional. ¿Qué aspectos deben de tratarse en un inmediato Congreso Económico Nacional? Lo fundamental es ir a un GRAN PACTO POR EL DESARROLLO NACIONAL, que apunte a lograr el objetivo planteado por el Presidente García, ser los líderes del Pacífico Sur  en América Latina. Ello nos lleva a plantear que en ese espacio se

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

.

El día de hoy aparece un preocupante titular en uno de los diarios de la capital, el cual manifiesta que el denominado Shock de Inversiones “hace agua”. Una de las decisiones más importantes del Presidente Alan García fue destinar casi dos mil millones de soles para obras sociales a ejecutarse en los primeros meses de su gobierno. Ahora nos encontramos con la triste noticia que a la fecha y según reportes de la Contraloría sólo se habrían ejecutado el 25% de lo presupuestado. Como parte del comentario periodístico se afirma que “se carecía de proyectos” en qué ejecutarlos. Todos sabemos que el Sr. Matute procede del anterior gobierno y no estaría sino respondiendo de esta forma al proyecto de acusación constitucional contra su otrora líder, Alejandro Toledo. Más allá de ello sí cabe hacer un análisis de lo que está pasando en el gobierno. Dado que si en verdad se hubiese ejecutado eficientemente la mayor parte de lo presupuestado Matute no tendría de qué cogerse para hostigar al gobierno. Todos sabemos que iniciado el gobierno la mayor parte del Gabinete no es aprista. Todos sabemos que una gran cantidad de técnicos y funcionarios de anteriores gobiernos (fujimoristas y

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

siempre la que aletarga, demora, imposibilita su ejecución. Dado que, ciertamente, la legislación es muy estricta en la política de controles y saltarse uno de los pasos puede ocasionar desde un proceso administrativo hasta uno penal. Nadie quiere eso. Pero ese es el verdadero motivo del retraso de la ejecución: la lentitud de la burocracia que ha perdido sus privilegios. ¿Cuál es la solución? Hacer uso de la autoridad que como gobernantes tenemos, sin ninguna clase de miramiento, temor (por  no emplear un término más criollo que está vinculado a la testosterona), ni contemplación. Trabajan con la eficiencia requerida r equerida o son reemplazados por gente que se ponga la camiseta del país, porque la lentitud es antipatriótica. Éste que es el año del deber  ciudadano, debería ser también el año del deber burocrático. Pero, antes de culminar, ¿qué hay de la preparación, actualización, promoción de cuadros de gobierno? ¿Por qué no se fomenta la competitividad también en la administración pública reactivando a la adormecida Escuela Superior de la Administración Pública, que todavía figura como Organismo de la PCM? A Maquiavelo no sólo hay que leerlo para conquistar y mantenerse en el poder, también hay que leerlo para gestionar el Poder.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

. Todos somos concientes de los grandes temas que debe resolver  nuestro país y mucho más aún de la responsabilidad que tenemos ante nuestras conciencias, el pueblo y la historia para lograr que el Perú salga adelante. Estamos próximos a cumplir 180 días en el gobierno central y ya se están haciendo evaluaciones, cuyos resultados son diversos. No pretendo abundar más en ello. Más bien considero que es imperativo asumir una actitud proactiva en este momento. Es decir  de análisis, propuesta y acción. La problemática del país es muy grande para que sea patrimonio solamente de los sectores del Estado. No hay que esperar todo de él, menos aún en las condiciones en que se lo ha recibido. Consideremos también que la estructura jerárquica y vertical del Estado impide la adecuada circulación de la información y la evaluación eficaz y eficiente de los funcionarios de gobierno, ocurriendo que los problemas se detectan cuando ya es casi imposible resolverlos. La función de evaluación técnica concurrente es muy deficiente en el Estado Peruano, situación que debe cambiar radicalmente en un gobierno de partido, es decir en una gestión con Programa de Gobierno.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

Grupo Autónomo de Trabajo en Políticas Sociales y Lucha Contra la Pobreza. En el cual analizaremos la problemática nacional en ese rubro y formularemos las recomendaciones correspondientes, incluyendo las acciones de monitoreo y reformulación que correspondan. Informando de nuestros trabajos a la Secretaría General del Partido, a la Dirección Nacional de Política, a la Presidencia del Consejo de Ministros, a la Presidencia de la República y a la militancia del Partido. Es imperativo hacer hincapié que el afán es CONTRIBUIR al mejoramiento de la gestión de gobierno, tanto como ciudadanos y como militantes (en ambas condiciones tenemos derechos que nos amparan). No está ni estará en los objetivos ningún tipo de cálculo para la obtención de puestos públicos. Por el contrario, son los propios compañeros militantes del Partido que se encuentran en el Sector Público y que tienen propuestas que no están siendo

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

La actividad política desarrollada a partir del cumplimiento de los 180 días de gestión del gobierno ha sido muy positiva. Por un lado, el mensaje presidencial demostrando la seriedad en el cumplimiento de los compromisos asumidos y luego la reunión conjunta del Consejo de Ministros con los principales líderes de las fuerzas políticas del país. De todo ello se concluye en la necesaria reforma del Estado que los apristas venimos exigiendo desde nuestro Plan histórico de Gobierno. El mismo que tiene como eje de acción la descentralización del Estado y el fortalecimiento de los programas sociales y productivos, en especial aquellos que beneficien a los sectores de la micro y pequeña empresa urbana y rural.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

inversionistas, a trabajadores, a profesionales, a la burocracia del Estado. Estamos hablando de un Proyecto Nacional. Ese proyecto que todos los peruanos estamos esperando desde el origen de la República, y que sin embargo nunca hemos alcanzado por la propia forma en que ésta se ha constituido. Conciente de esta deficiencia años atrás el propio presidente Alan García planteó la necesidad de refundar la República. Como la única manera de superar los vicios y vacíos que ésta ya secularmente tiene al estar de espaldas al Perú profundo, que es   justamente de donde viene el crecimiento pero también donde se dan los más altos niveles de pobreza y extrema pobreza. Los apristas por cuestiones de principios planteamos el retorno a la Constitución de 1979. En contra se arguye que sería problemático el hacerlo. Nosotros planteamos que sería peor no hacerlo. Con la

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

En el ámbito del pedido del presidente Alan García de propuestas para la reforma del Estado Peruano, nos viene a la mente formular  una pregunta fundamental para este proceso. ¿Qué tipo de Estado es el que queremos? La respuesta a la misma nos establecerá el marco de la acción a desarrollar para la reforma del Estado. No debemos olvidar tampoco que el tipo de Estado implica también un modelo de organización social. Ciertamente existen dos grandes tendencias sobre el origen del Estado, una basada fundamentalmente en Hobbes que entiende al Estado como el órgano responsable de controlar los ímpetus de dominación del hombre sobre el resto de su especie. Y el otro, basado en Rousseau, que entiende al Estado como producto del Contrato Social. Los “técnicos” que pretendan conducir la reestructuración

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

Estado Promotor no es sólo de políticas sociales de bienestar o asistencia, como ha estado organizado populistamente el Estado Peruano. El Estado promotor está referido al desarrollo de capacidades económicas, sociales y culturales, las mismas que deben ser abordadas individual y/o colectivamente. En este último acápite cabe hacer también una precisión. El Estado Promotor no debe tener solamente como beneficiarios a individuos aislados, sino también debe tener como objetivo la promoción de la institucionalidad social, sea en los espacios económicos, sociales o políticos. Uno de los grandes errores del neoliberalismo fue querer  acabar con la capacidad de organización colectiva y emprendedora de las comunidades, quebrantando su ancestral espíritu cooperativo. Como hemos podido comprobar en breves reflexiones, la reforma del Estado implica toda una concepción de la sociedad y la política. De por sí conlleva una ideología y una doctrina que se expresa por 

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

. Acaba de terminar la Copa América y conviene analizar como se desenvolvió nuestra selección. Pero no debe llamarnos a sorpresa que así como se evalúa a la selección nacional se pueda evaluar a la forma en que se gobierna un país.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

políticas sociales se pueden hacer goles, o los delanteros -las políticas productivas- pueden asumir funciones de defensa. Todo depende de cómo se formule la táctica. Hechos estos comentarios, cabe preguntarnos ¿qué ha venido pasando en el actual gabinete ministerial? La táctica elegida ha sido bastante agresiva en el uso de la delantera. El medio campo -la política económica- siempre se orientó a tratar de proveerles de bola para que hagan goles. Y fue así hasta que los adversarios se

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

“Rompamos el pacto infame de hablar a media voz”. M.G.P. En estos días se vienen sucediendo una serie de movilizaciones a lo largo de la República que a los apristas como ciudadanos y

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

proceso de desarrollo nacional. Y cuando hablamos de integral, nos referimos a la combinación de acciones y políticas en lo económico, social, político y cultural. Hasta ahora el sesgo notorio ha sido economicista. 6. A esta situación se ha llegado por desoir las voces que dentro del propio partido se han venido expresando reclamando una visión integradora y estratégica para el proceso de gobierno. Esta situación se ve agudizada por la crisis interna estructural del partido, que lleva a que tenga representantes en diversos niveles que no se

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

esbozara el Maestro Víctor Raúl, por vía del frente único de clases explotadas para lograr la revolución de las conciencias y la consecuente justicia social en libertad, esa es la ruta que jamás se debe de olvidar. En el aniversario de la firma de la legítima Constitución de la República por 

Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

parece.

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Arturo Ojeda S.

criolla, son indignantes para el hombre andino. Aceptan y

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Arturo Ojeda S.

el Perú, con una mayor responsabilidad social de los empresarios,

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Arturo Ojeda S.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

factor es muy importante en el actual proceso homogenizador con el que irrumpe la globalización. De ésta podemos decir que lo bueno es lo que podemos enviar de nuestro al mundo; lo malo, lo que podemos recibir de él si no sabemos procesarlo inteligentemente. Lo “nuestro” es lo mejor que tenemos, es lo que realmente está diferenciado. El cobre, el oro, el petróleo lo hay en todas partes, nuestra cultura propia sólo en sus manifestaciones sociales, artísticas y económicas. Y aquí cabe la pregunta, ¿alguna entidad se está preparando para potenciar nuestra variopinta identidad social e institucional? Estados Unidos, de quien se dice es el país más globalizado del planeta, vive en carne propia las consecuencias de la anomia y la desconfianza. Aquí al costado, Chile, el país más globalizado de Sudamérica, está conmocionado por el desapego progresivo de su sociedad a valores de solidaridad social, que son justamente los hechos que movilizan a la protesta a su juventud. En nuestro país, la política de desarrollo social es la que menos podemos dejar a criterio de mercado y mucho menos a la improvisación. Estamos en un momento en que todos juntos, Estado, empresas y sociedad civil debemos poner las manos a la obra para que el nuevo Perú que surja en esta nueva oportunidad que nos da la historia, sea el de todas las sangres, sin excluidos ni exclusores. Que el árbol no crezca torcido, será responsabilidad de todos, pero más que nada de nuestros gobernantes. En el aniversario de la Batalla de Ayacucho. Lima, 09 de diciembre del 2007.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

Varios sucesos han ocurrido en el transcurso de la semana pasada sobre los cuales es menester reflexionar. El primero de todos es la firma del Acuerdo de Preferencias Comerciales (o TLC) por el presidente Bush; el segundo, la manifiesta rebelión de las provincias de la “media luna” contra la imposición constitucional en Bolivia. El tercer hecho, es la entrevista del diario El Comercio a Luis Bedoya Reyes, en el que expresa que el programa del gobierno es más social cristiano que aprista (y da a entender que por ello es “exitoso”). El cuarto, la encuesta nacional de la empresa Apoyo en el que la aprobación al gobierno es sumamente menor  que la desaprobación. Y, en contraste, el comunicado del INEI anunciando que en el último mes la economía creció 10,4% respecto al año anterior en el mismo periodo. Considero que es posible incorporarlos a todos ellos en una reflexión del momento político actual. A pesar del crecimiento sostenido de la economía la gente continúa descontenta, pero a la par se estaría percibiendo en el panorama nacional que este gobierno no aplica precisamente una política “popular” (los índices de desaprobación se dan justamente en los sectores populares), hecho que lleva al propio Bedoya Reyes a reclamarla como suya, y parecería que eso mismo es lo que piensa la gente. Por contraste, se observa lo que ocurre en Bolivia, donde el país está dividido en dos partes. Más allá de los colores de los protagonistas del conflicto, lo que conviene subrayar aquí es la polarización debido a una situación en que las puertas del diálogo han sido cerradas completamente. “No sólo de pan vive el hombre” es una conclusión que debemos sacar del proceso actual que vive el país. No basta con el crecimiento, el pueblo peruano está buscando mucho más que eso. El pueblo peruano está buscando ser redimido, ser protagonista él mismo de la historia. El crecimiento sigue siendo percibido como beneficio de terceros, no de connacionales. La percepción popular  sigue siendo que existen “los de arriba” y “los de abajo”. Y la tajada mayor sigue siendo para “los de arriba”. Cierta o no, esa es su

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

El modelo, por tanto, debe ser cambiado, por uno que incluya el crecimiento pero también la exaltación nacional. Y ello no es sólo lo económico, lo es también la cultura, el espíritu. Cada día somos testigos de las contradicciones de un modelo exógeno, enajenante de nuestros valores, generador de conflictos sociales (anomia, corrupción y desarraigo). El Perú profundo (Sierra centro y sur, y el Oriente) se resiste a ello. El rechazo no es gratuito, es la desconfianza frente al modelo extraño, enajenante. Diego de la Torre, presidente del Cade 2007, tuvo el valor de denunciar a los “empresaurios” incapaces de relacionarse antropológicamente (culturalmente) con las poblaciones andinas y nativas. Y no debía haberse referido solamente al sector privado, muchísima gente del sector público adolece de esta carencia. Esta situación no se resuelve con paliativos (como sostiene el social cristianismo) sino con modelos adecuados de gestión y desarrollo social, surgidos de nuestra realidad (aprismo). Sólo en la medida en que el Partido Aprista y el Gobierno encuentren esa fórmula, en que podamos articular desarrollo económico con desarrollo social, estaremos en capacidad de darle sostenibilidad al actual éxito económico. Lima, 17 de diciembre del 2007.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

.

Un señor Miguel Aragón, tratando de aprovechar el silencio en la creación y el debate doctrinario provocado por el pensamiento neoliberal, distorsiona la historia de nuestro país respecto a las relaciones políticas entre Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre y José Carlos Mariátegui, elaborando una lista de mentiras sostenidas sólo subjetivamente. En un artículo titulado LA DIVERGENCIA FUNDAMENTAL CON EL APRA, Aragón incurre en una serie de falsedades siguiendo la tradición del mercenario de Eudocio Ravines: 1º Afirma Aragón que José Carlos al retornar de Europa “se vinculó a los elementos de la vanguardia obrera”. Falso, cuando Mariátegui retornó de Europa la llamada vanguardia obrera no quería saber  nada de Mariátegui por haber sido becado a Europa por el dictador  Leguía. Para los obreros, el futuro autor de los 7 Ensayos se había vendido al leguiísmo. Fue Haya de la Torre, quien conoció a Mariátegui gracias a Gonzalez Prada, el que vinculó a José Carlos con el movimiento obrero, incorporándolo como profesor de las Universidades Populares. 2º En la maquillada síntesis político biográfica de Aragón, olvida que al ser deportado Haya en 1923, éste le cede la dirección de la revista Claridad y de las Universidades Populares. Además, cuando Haya funda el APRA, José Carlos saluda tal hecho dándole acogida a su producción ensayística. Es más, la única ún ica vez que Mariátegui es tomado preso, lo acusan de ser un propagandista del movimiento aprista. Haciendo una defensa cerrada del movimiento aprista, con el cual declaró su identificación, tal como lo reconoce el propio Martínez de la Torre en Apuntes para una historia social del Perú. 3º Amauta aparece luego de la clausura de la revista Claridad, fundada por Haya y cuya dirección se la cediera, repetimos, Víctor  Raúl al momento de su deportación. En Amauta, como puede comprobar cualquiera revisando sus ediciones, Mariátegui difunde los artículos de Haya de la Torre en que expone las bases del ideario aprista. Durante todo este tiempo Haya y Mariátegui coincidieron en la tesis del Frente Único de Clases, cuya expresión

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

4º Las divergencias comienzan a sucederse con el proyecto de creación del Partido Nacionalista Libertador, es decir en una medida de táctica política para enfrentar a la dictadura. Ya para ese entonces la enfermedad de José Carlos había recrudecido, lo que le quitaba capacidad de movimiento e información veraz. 5º Cuando se da la ruptura con Haya de la Torre, avivada por la presencia del delegado de la III Internacional, Eudocio Ravines, José Carlos funda el Partido Socialista Peruano, el cual está integrado por “obreros, campesinos, maestros e intelectuales de vanguardia”, es decir por un Frente Único de Clases, tesis eminentemente aprista. Ello obedeció a la comprensión que sobre la realidad tenía Mariátegui, conciente de la inutilidad de un partido solo obrero-campesino. Sus delegados ante la Internacional Comunista confrontaron abiertamente con las consignas de Moscú, como lo reconocen tanto Martínez de la Torre en el libro citado y Alberto Flores Galindo en La Agonía de Mariátegui. 6º Cierto es que Mariátegui se proclamaba socialista, pero NO del tipo ortodoxo marxista – leninista que construyera el stalinismo. Está absolutamente demostrada la influencia Soreliana sobre Mariátegui. Hecho que repercutió en la variación de su concepto de socialismo, lo que fue categóricamente expresado en su famosa frase: el socialismo no será “ni calco ni copia, sino creación heroica”. Su temprana muerte le quitó la oportunidad de desarrollar  su concepto. 7º Finalmente, como bien lo narra Martínez de la Torre en sus “Apuntes..”, el Partido Comunista sólo se fundó en el Perú luego de muerto su principal obstáculo, José Carlos Mariátegui. Por todo lo dicho, mal se puede pretender distorsionar la verdad histórica. Hoy que estamos en el siglo XXI y que la historia le da una nueva oportunidad a nuestro país de construir un destino mejor, el concepto del FRENTE UNICO DE CLASES EXPLOTADAS debe ser desarrollado plenamente, recogiendo los aportes de estos dos colosos del pensamiento indoamericano, Haya y Mariátegui. En el 89 aniversario de la heroica jornada por la conquista de las 8 horas de trabajo. Viva el Frente Único de Clases Explotadas. Viva el APRA. VIVAN VÍCTOR RAUL HAYA DE LA TORRE Y JOSE CARLOS MARIATEGUI.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

III. SOBRE EL PARTIDO.

Arturo Ojeda S.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

¿DÓNDE ESTAN LOS MILITANTES? No es difícil recordar el día de las elecciones internas para el Congreso, en especial la gigantesca movilización de personas que hacían gigantescas colas para votar por uno u otro candidato. Estos compañeros, simpatizantes y amigos, eran traídos mayormente por  dirigentes y activistas del partido. Ahora que la campaña ha empezado debemos preguntarnos ¿dónde están esas decenas de miles de electores? ¿porqué solo unas cuantas decenas de compañeros son los que se movilizan en los comités distritales y sectorales, en algunos casos ni siquiera todos los dirigentes? El partido durante el proceso de reinscripción captó más de 400 mil afiliados. Sólo en Lima se habló de 120 mil. ¿Qué ha pasado con ellos? ¿Qué trabajo se ha hecho con ellos? La campaña de inscripción fue muy intensa, donde se invirtió recursos humanos y materiales considerablemente. Esa inversión es ahora cuando debería de recuperarse. La guerra, dicen los conocedores, es la proyección de la política por  otros medios. Bueno, así como un país se prepara para la guerra, un partido debe prepararse y organizarse para la política y más si es electoral. Sin afán de explayarme en temas complejos, cabe preguntar ¿cómo se está aprovechando la ventaja comparativa que ofrece el partido al contar con cerca de medio millón de afiliados? Mas aún si consideramos que no tenemos recursos suficientes para emprender una agresiva campaña mediática (comparado con el uso de armas de tecnología de punta en la guerra convencional).

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

pero los objetivos no se logran sólo con "bombardeos", detrás del bombardeo viene la acción de la infantería. ¿Dónde está nuestra infantería? ¿Dónde están esas fuerzas que lleguen a aprovechar y consolidar la sensibilización lograda por el volanteo? El efecto de consolidación y compromiso con nuestros candidatos se logra en el contacto personal, en la conversación, en el diálogo. Si no ocurre ello, corremos el peligro que vengan otros a cosechar lo por  nosotros sembrado (!). ¿Es posible organizarse para capacitar, informar y movilizar a toda la militancia aprista? Por supuesto que sí, la estructura actual lo permite. Por un lado la estructura territorial y por la otra la funcional, variables verticales, deben cruzarse con una variable horizontal, la organización celular. Las células deberían organizarse en cualquier  tipo de lugar y ser coordinadas y alimentadas por el recurso informático, por Internet. Ahora ¿en qué se usa el Internet? Es un recurso mal empleado, sub utilizado. Podemos estimar cerca de 10 mil compañero inscritos en las redes apristas. ¿En qué sirve a cada uno de nosotros este instrumento para la campaña electoral y poder vincularnos con nuestros militantes rápidamente? Las Células Alan Perú, planificadas por el Comité Departamental de Lima en el 2001, fueron el mejor ejemplo de organización celular. Cada una se organizaba donde podía y trabajaba autónomamente, con un objetivo central: respaldar y propagandizar la campaña presidencial. Estas Células eran alimentadas desde la secretaría nacional de propaganda, que formó una división de activismo, responsable de continuar la iniciativa de la Departamental. Ahora podría descentralizarse la función a cada distrito, de manera de multiplicar los polos de acción y hacer del local distrital y/o sectoral un centro de coordinación y abastecimiento, haciendo que el centro

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

En el año 2001 quien escribe estas líneas se desempeñaba como secretario general del distrito de Ate, jurisdicción que incluye a Huaycán. En Huaycán habíamos estado ya formando las Células Alan Perú, distribuyéndolas estratégicamente a lo largo de Huaycán y su vecino, Horacio Zevallos. Un día miércoles fuimos convocados por el director general del comando nacional de campaña quien nos comunicó que el día domingo se realizaría el mitin del c. Alan García en Huaycán. Ese mismo día convocamos a una asamblea general extraordinaria distrital en Huaycán, donde se informó de la convocatoria al mitin y se estableció la estrategia de difusión vía la distribución de los militantes en cuatro grandes zonas y con el concurso de las células Alan Perú, el objetivo era llegar casa por  casa a toda la población y los organismos vecinales, (clubes de madres, vasos de leche, UCV). SE nombraron responsables por  ada zona estratégica. Estos compañeros con el plano y el padrón en la mano designaron responsables por sub zonas para ir a visitar  a los compañeros y convocarlos a una nueva reunión para el día siguiente. Esa reunión fue muy simple, se les informó de la visita y se les entregó los volantes que habíamos traido del comando de campaña. La consigna era repartirlos casa por casa. Por suerte no había auto ni equipo para perifonear, no habia recursos monetarios para ello, sólo los más valiosos, los humanos. Por ello no se desperdició ningun volante. El sábado llegó Cesar Zumaeta quien aportó para contratar un equipo de perifoneo y por la tarde lo hicieron los compañeros del comando nacional de campaña, asi tuvimos dos equipos de perifoneo, que mas que nada se convirtieron en apoyo al trabajo casa por casa que hicieron los militantes del partido.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

recursos para el traslado de los militantes de los comítés cercanos, como Vitarte, Chosica y Chaclacayo, quienes fueron ubicados conjuntamente con los militantes de Huaycán estratégicamente en torno al estrado para garantizar la seguridad del evento. El resultado electoral fue bastante positivo, el distrito de Ate tuvo el tercer porcentaje de votación más alto en la primera vuelta, empero debe considerarse que mucha gente de aquel entonces votaba en otros distritos del conos este y centro, por lo que tranquilamente podía haber sido el de la primera votación en Lima. El objeto de este recuento no es sino formular una propuesta a los dirigentes y militantes del Partido de una forma de organización que funciona, es efectiva y de poco costo para el partido. Pero que está centrada en el principal activo de nuestro glorioso partido, en nuestros militantes. Lima, 17 enero del 2006.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

. Si caminas por las calles o viajas en el micro y escuchas la radio, en ella sueles comprobar un revivir de la música de los 80. Del rock en español, de la “Salsa Sensual”, hasta de la Chicha de Chacalón y de los Shapis. Con ellos recuerdas también a Silvio Rodríguez y Pablo Milanés. ¿Quién va a olvidar a la inmortal “Yolanda” o “Porqué no se van del país” de Los Prisioneros?. Nacimos a la juventud en los estertores del éxito de los Bee Gees y de filmes taquilleros como “Fiebre de Sábado por la Noche” y Grease”. Ya los Beatles como banda no existían, pero aún nos seguía dando magistrales clases de humanidad Sir John Lennon (p.ej. ese canto a la mujer que fue “Women”). Nuestros primeros pasos se dieron en política, mayormente cantando esa gloriosa e imborrable marcha “El Apra es el camino”, que marcaría junto con Armando -de quien haríamos el ícono de la izquierda aprista (“Armando seguro a la derecha dale duro”)- a la década de los 80. La mayor parte de nuestros coetáneos no conoció a Víctor Raúl, por  lo que debió aprender el Aprismo de las fuentes escritas, no del

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

El asalto al cielo. El congreso extraordinario de 1982, significó otro hito vital para una generación que se iba moldeando. Había que ayudar a licenciar definitivamente a una generación que no estaba cumpliendo con su compromiso de sacar adelante a nuestro partido. Y así colaboramos a hacer de Alan García el secretario general (el c. Gogny testimonió cómo jóvenes de nuestra generación promovieron la candidatura de A.G.P. a la secretaría general del Partido) y después como presidente de la República (recordemos nuestra gigantesca banderola APRA ES JUVENTUD, entrando a la Plaza San Martín, que valiera una portada en la prestigiosa Caretas). Los jóvenes de los 80 enfrentamos permanentemente y cara a cara la violencia subversiva y los horrores de la guerra interna. Muchos de los mártires y héroes de la democracia y las libertades fueron  jóvenes militantes del Partido, hoy penosamente olvidados. El mejor  símbolo de ellos es el c. David Guerrero, sanmarquino, sanfernandino, muerto por la barbarie senderista cuando cumplía con su deber de médico junto a los más necesitados, en un poblado andino. Conciencia, esfuerzo y sacrificio, puede ser la frase que sintetice la formación política de la generación de los 80. Hoy que estamos en

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

. Carlos Marx sentenció alguna vez que el grado de independencia de una Sociedad se medía por el grado de independencia de la Mujer. Cuán vigente es aún esa expresión. Cuando los medios de dominación en el Mundo actual ya no son como los de antes, sino más sutiles. Ya no necesitamos ser ni esclavos, ni productores. Ahora se nos domina como consumidores. Y la pieza vital de la Sociedad Consumista es la Mujer. A ella apunta mayormente el objetivo de los nuevos medios de sujeción. Haciéndole creer que bajo un falso concepto de libertad (para consumir), la mujer es ahora más libre que antes. La auténtica libertad nos enseña a ser como querramos serlo cada uno y no como los medios de comunicación -guiados por el interés capitalista- quiere que seamos. Basta ver la televisión, el azote de los tiempos modernos, para ver cómo somos conducidos por esa falaz "libertad". Vístete así, peinate asá. Luce como fulanita, sueña con menganito. Cásate con alguien como zutanito. Las telenovelas son el nuevo "opio del pueblo". Y es que acaso ¿ellas no son el medio de "socialización" actual, en el que se nos "enseña la vida" y el modus vivendi ? Y en el otro sentido, ¿también

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

.

Cumpliéndose con el diseño estratégico planteado por el presidente Alan García, son tres las fuerzas que se disputan la primera vuelta. La derecha representada por Lourdes Flores y Unidad Nacional, la extrema izquierda encabezada por Ollanta Humala y la UPP y desde una creciente posición de centro izquierda, Alan García y el Apra. Las encuestadoras se resisten aún a sincerar completamente sus cifras y desnudar así la caída en picada de la derecha. Es un hecho que quince años de modelo neoliberal han agotado ya la paciencia del pueblo peruano y éste está virando hacia las corrientes progresistas. Alberto Fujimori y Alejandro Toledo, tanto como el programa de gobierno de Lourdes Flores, son la expresión del mismo neoliberalismo, que en los últimos años sólo ha logrado hacer más ricos a los ricos y más pobres a los pobres. La candidata de la derecha creyó que al tratar de mimetizarse con los pobres, tal como lo hizo Fujimori, obtendría su respaldo. Con la diferencia que el dictador lo logró sólo después que persiguió o neutralizó mediáticamente a sus opositores. Situación que ella no puede repetir. Lourdes es una candidata del centralismo limeño, y

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

del último Concejo Distrital y continuará acercando la gestión de los gobernantes hacia el pueblo vía la generalización de la “plena participación” ciudadana, como lo plantea acertadamente el programa aprista desde 1931. Ello deberá complementarse con la extensión de los servicios del Estado a todos los peruanos: justicia, seguridad ciudadana, educación, salud, son servicios que el Estado garantizará a todos los peruanos, no sólo a los que poseen recursos, como ocurre en la actualidad. La patria es de todos, es el principio de su acción. El Apra, ha sido, es y será un partido que preconiza la justicia social con el pleno respeto a las libertades ciudadanas. La libertad es un concepto sustancial de la vida de una democracia. Sin libertades llegan las dictaduras y con las dictaduras, la corrupción, y con la corrupción, la represión indiscriminada contra los que no se incluyen en aquella. Ahí está el modelo soviético que como dictadura cayó presa de la corrupción, e idolatrando ese mismo modelo fue criado el candidato ultraizquierdista que ahora aspira a la presidencia. Cuidado entonces, la democracia cuando se pierde es muy difícil recuperarla. El partido del pueblo, y su candidato Alan García, son por ello la mejor garantía del cambio sin violencia, del cambio con consensos, sin represión ni autoritarismos. El Apra, en una frase, es Justicia

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

Los resultados electorales del 19 de noviembre deben ser  considerados como uno de los síntomas de la crisis política que vive nuestro país y que se inscribe dentro de un proceso más amplio de transformación y cambio que se sucede a nivel subcontinental y mundial, debido al cambio de los patrones de vida y producción en el que está inmerso actualmente el Mundo. El nuevo orden mundial –económico, político y cultural- se caracteriza, entre otros hechos, por excluir a grandes porciones de la humanidad. Muchas de ellas antes incluidas en el desempeño y el mercado internacional, como es el caso de América del Sur. Ello

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

Sur ya conoce de muchas experiencias de trastornos económicos, políticos y sociales debido a las crisis en el norte desarrollado. Ese es el verdadero péndulo de nuestra historia, auge con mercados boyantes y crisis con recesiones mundiales. El modelo de desarrollo imperante no es ninguna solución a nuestros problemas estructurales. Y aunque el pueblo no sepa de economía sí vive intensamente su día a día, y en él no percibe cambios que le garanticen mejoras en su calidad de vida. No debe olvidarse que la Sociedad es un sistema integral, constituido por subsistemas económicos, políticos, sociales y culturales. ¿Qué significa ello? Que todo es interdependiente. Nada ocurre en uno de los subsistemas que no afecte a los otros. Como también algo que ocurre en un subsistema puede que sea

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

debe pasar desapercibida la violencia en el reciente proceso electoral en diversos lugares de la sierra peruana. Hoy, desde las Ciencias políticas y sociales, también se sabe que los países mueren producto de su desintegración por su inviabilidad. La existencia de una exagerada variedad de “alternativas” no fortalece sino debilita extremadamente el sistema político democrático y dificulta el establecimiento de una visión de país hacia el futuro. Hoy más que nunca, se requiere de la existencia de un Partido, por  lo menos, estructurador de la vida nacional. Como lo fue el aprismo en los años 30 y 40. Pero con la importante salvedad que hoy no se puede repetir a rajatabla el mensaje y el programa político de hace 60 años. Las tareas del momento actual son diferentes. Empiezan

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

El Estado no puede ni debe, mucho menos ahora, estar al margen de esta situación. El Perú es una sociedad que exige mayor  compromiso social de sus gobernantes, donde no hay neutralidad posible. Pero ese compromiso no pasa por revivir posturas populistas de las que todos estamos agotados, sino de asumir un liderazgo movilizador y recuperador de la confianza, la fe, de la población. La “cultura del deber” no basta, es insuficiente. Hay que dar paso a una revolución del Espíritu del país. Ello implica recuperar la fe en nosotros mismos, levantar la moral en los peruanos. Este solo hecho implica multitud de acciones en las cuales debemos confluir el Estado, los partidos, las empresas privadas, la sociedad civil, la intelectualidad y la juventud. Por sus dimensiones éste es un esfuerzo nacional, que debe ser liderado por el Estado democrático, descentralista y popular que históricamente ha enarbolado el aprismo como modelo de organización y acción política. Se vienen dando los primeros pasos pero no con la intensidad que el país y el momento político exigen.

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

Perú. Frente a esa ausencia institucional el único recurso ha sido apelar a la popularidad –real o ficticia- de los candidatos. Si hay “buenos” candidatos teníamos “buenos” resultados, sino mordíamos el polvo de la derrota. Tras de todo ello se ocultaba la más triste de nuestras verdades, el haber dejado de ser un partido político determinante en la vida de todo el país. La política dejó de ser el leit motif del partido, para pasar a convertirnos en un “club social”. En los locales del Partido se dejó de lado la formación de cuadros, la organización de los sectores populares, los servicios sociales a la comunidad, el debate político sobre la realidad local, regional y nacional. En pocas palabras dejamos -en la práctica- de ser una organización política. Un partido político implica la existencia de una vida institucional en torno a la formulación de propuestas programáticas y estrategias de acción para llevarlas a cabo. Un partido nacional debe de tener esa

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

en conflictos intestinos, a todo nivel, desde el nacional hasta el de las bases sectorales. Así es como se ha perdido la mística o la moral del combatiente. En todo conflicto o competencia, en la mística del luchador está por lo menos el 90% del secreto del éxito. Hoy, los militantes del partido ya casi la han perdido totalmente. ¿Qué hacer?

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

para recuperar la mística y con la conciencia para recuperar la inteligencia y la capacidad propositiva. Y figurativamente mencionamos dos órganos, porque también sabemos que la labor  de reconstrucción partidaria es tarea de equipo. El Congreso del Partido debe darse, por supuesto que sí, pero como siempre se ha querido, como PROCESO. Que empiece por  elegirse una comisión organizadora imparcial, de alta capacidad

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

amalgamó la organización. El aprista era y debía ser “ejemplar”, ser  el primero –en calidad de ejemplo- en todo, en la vida escolar, académica, profesional, laboral y familiar. Haya de la Torre solía decir que la mejor prédica del aprismo se daba a través del prestigio de sus militantes. Por eso tuvimos el mejor literato, el mejor  economista, el mejor agrarista, el mejor constitucionalista, el mejor  científico, el mejor sindicalista, la mejor lideresa, el mejor orador, el mejor estudiante. La competencia interna era fraterna y solidaria por  ser los mejores. Y quien lo era disfrutaba del apoyo y el

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

El partido del pueblo está enfermo hoy en día como producto de la “acción” de los “ismos”. Por la acción de las argollas de personajes de severa medianía, que hacen creer a alguien con algo de poder, económico o político, que es un  predestinado y que su acción y pensamiento son de eterna y ubicua vigencia. Pero lo peor de ello, es que estos “predestinados” manipulan y privilegian la conducción y operación de la vida partidaria, para consagrar y consolidar su poder. No puede negarse la importancia que su aporte en algún momento de la historia haya tenido. Pero ello no justifica la

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

capituleros. Quienes crean eso que se vayan y funden su propia organización. No permitamos que sigan traficando con una que tiene más de 80 años de vida y de lucha por la conciencia libre de las gentes y por la construcción de la justicia social. Es la hora que los mejores hijos del aprismo de todas las generaciones, demos el mayor esfuerzo y recuperemos la línea de conducta aprista revolucionaria que ha sustentado nuestra historia y

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En Defensa del Aprismo.

Arturo Ojeda S.

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Arturo Ojeda S.

Washington” ha fracasado. Lo sentenció con sabiduría el Presidente

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Arturo Ojeda S.

ahora lo sabemos también, al del país. Es sorprendente cómo los

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Arturo Ojeda S.

responsabilidad de la alta dirección partidaria velar porque ello sea

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