El (Ausente) Estado Ambiental
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Razones para la reforma de las instituciones y organizaciones públicas ambientales en el Perú...
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL Razones para la reforma de las instituciones y las
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… si no se ha instituido un poder o no es sucientemente grande para nuestra seguridad, cada uno ará tan sólo, y podrá hacerlo legalmente, sobre su propia fuerza y maña, para protegerse contra los demás hombres. Thomas Hobbes
... el deber del hombre es cooperar con los bienes benécos, no mediante la imitación del curso de la naturaleza, sino esforzándose constantemente en alterarlo y haciendo que la parte de la naturaleza sobre la que podemos ejercer algún control vaya estando cada vez en mayor conformidad con un
alto nivel de justicia y bondad. John Stuart Mill
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INDICE A Juve y Jesús
Presentación Prólogo Introducción Capítulo 1. Gestión Pública y Regulación Ambiental 1.1. Gestión Pública Ambiental 1.2. La Política Ambiental 1.3. La Organización Estatal Ambiental 1.4. Instrumentos de Gestión Ambiental 1.5. La Regulación Ambiental Capítulo 2. Eciencia Ambiental y Competitividad 2.1. El Costo de la Política Ambiental 2.2. La Hipótesis Porter 2.3. Regulación Ambiental y Competitividad 2.4. El Desafío de los Tratados de Libre Comercio Capítulo 3. Justicia Ambiental y Política 3.1. Ambiente, Equidad y Pobreza
Pág.
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4.6. Distribución de Competencias Ambientales en el Perú 4.. Desafíos del Estado Ambiental: Distribución de Competencias, Eciencia, Ecacia y Legitimidad Capítulo 5. Evaluando el Desempeño de la Gestión Pública Ambiental 5.1.Criterios para Juzgar Nuestra Política Ambiental 5.2.Evaluación General de la Política Ambiental 5.3.Poca Regulación Ambiental (y no tan buena) Capítulo 6. Las Razones de la Ausencia (o escasa presencia) del Estado Ambiental 6.1. Estado y Políticas Públicas en el Perú: Un Panorama General 6.2. Reformas Estructurales y Política Ambiental 6.3. Actores e Incentivos 6.4. Problemas Especícos de Regulación Capítulo . La Reforma Ambiental: Opciones, Restricciones y Desafíos .1. Opciones para el Diseño de las Redes de Organizaciones Públicas Ambientales .2. Incentivos Institucionales y Buena Regulación Ambiental
Presentación La agenda de la reforma del Estado Peruano debe asumir al mismo tiempo áreas tradicionales de la gestión pública junto a otras relativamente recientes. Una que ha cobrado un especial y creciente interés es la de la política ambiental. Problemas globales como el cambio climático y la cobertura que los medios le han brindado, han contribuido a este resultado. Pero también, la importancia que los recursos naturales tienen en nuestro país, que en pleno siglo XXI, siguen sin poder ser aprovechados de manera plenamente sostenible. Los esfuerzos realizados a partir de los años sesenta por generar una institucionalidad pública responsable de la gestión ambiental se han mostrado, hasta la fecha, inecaces. Casi la mitad de los conictos del país tienen un origen vinculado con los problemas de contaminación y del acceso a los recursos naturales, mientras que cada año el deterioro del ambiente le cuesta al país alrededor del 3.9% de su PBI. El escaso gasto público ambiental, que de 1999 al 2005 se redujo del 1,1% a 0.6% del presupuesto nacional, no ha servido para enfrentar con éxito la agenda ambiental. Y existen otras razones para que esta institucionalidad sea fortalecida con urgencia, como el ser el tercer p aís más vulnerable a los efectos negativos del cambio climático global y al mismo tiempo megadiverso.
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
Por un lado, se vincula la buena regulación en el tema con el desempeño desempeño de los países en el marco de la globalización de las economías nacionales. Los países más competitivos resultan ser también los que cuentan con mejores marcos regulatorios. Esto va a contracorriente de quienes alegan la necesidad de olvidarnos, al menos en un primer momento, de la política ambiental en aras de permitir el despegue del proceso de desarrollo. De otra parte, la institucionalidad ambiental determina en gran medida la forma como se distribuyen los costos y los riesgos generados por los impactos ambientales de las actividades humanas. Esto nos permite comprender por qué los más pobres pueden ver agravada su vulnerabilidad como resultado de la debilidad de la regulación ambiental, o de las reglas de distribución de las cargas que establece. Y ella no puede ser denida sobre la base de criterios cientícos o tecnocráticos, requiere también de un marco democrático que no se agota en la simple elección periódica de los gobernantes. El desarrollo de las políticas ambientales ha estado vinculado en buena medida a una sociedad civil activa que ha impulsado dicho proceso. Precisamente, la explicación de la debilidad de la gestión pública ambiental, explicada por el papel que los distintos actores relevantes han cumplido. No ha logrado madurar un esfuerzo de sociedad civil sostenido que apuntale la mejora de la política ambiental. De otro lado, factores internacionales han impulsado de un lado la minimización del Estado y la aplicación de políticas de privatización sin fortalecer antes las capacidades regulatorias regulatorias del sector público. Pero de otro,
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
el accionar del Poder Ejecutivo con los distintos actores públicos y privados involucrados. No es posible pronosticar el resultado nal de la iniciativa del Presidente de la República, pero parece claro que sin la intervención de los actores internos, no será posible profundizar la reforma. El (Ausente) Estado Ambiental, Ambiental, no sólo realiza un análisis detallado de lo que actualmente ocurre, se arriesga a proponer una agenda de cambios institucionales, a n de animar una discusión que nos permita embarcarnos en una reforma exitosa cuyos resultados serán disfrutados por las futuras generaciones. Esperamos que este debate se produzca, sobre la base de argumentos y buenas razones. Gustavo Guerra-García Picasso Director Gerente Consultores para Decisiones Estratégicas
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Prólogo En la historia de la minería peruana son famosos los humos producidos por la Cerro de Pasco Copper Corporation durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. Ellos afectaron la salud de los trabajadores y moradores de los centros mineros de la sierra central y de las poblaciones cercanas, contaminaron las aguas, destruyeron los pastizales, los ganados y los cultivos agrarios y desvalorizaron las propiedades de las comunidades y de los particulares. De poco o nada sirvieron las protestas y las movilizaciones de trabajadores y campesinos. Las comunidades se vieron, en la práctica, obligadas a malbaratear sus tierras y propiedades y la Cerro de Pasco, además de expandir su explotación minera, se convirtió también en una hacienda ganadera. Un negocio redondo, hecho sobre el empobrecimiento y la muerte de trabajadores mineros, pobladores urbanos y campesinos. Completada su faena sin nombre, esta empresa controló y acabó con los humos de las minas. Toda una estrategia perversa de apropiación de la renta minera y agraria así como de acumulación de capital. ¿Y qué hizo el Estado para controlar y sancionar estos, que no eran pecados privados, sino crímenes públicos? Nada. Absolutamente nada para sancionarlos. Tampoco imaginó una política que regulara la actividad minera y petrolera para preservar el ambiente y la vida de los trabajadores, la población urbana y los campesinos. Ni políticas ambientales, ni políticas sociales ni políticas culturales: Sólo
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
y petroleras dejaban en el Perú, pese a que ellas la cosechaban a manos llenas sin haberla sembrado. Preguntas escépticas y respuestas pesimistas mantienen hoy su vigencia porque, para desgracia del Perú, la realidad, en este aspecto, no ha cambiado mucho. La exploración y la explotación en las minas se han modernizado, pero el monto de la renta dejada en el país sigue siendo relativamente pequeña; la administración, la gestión y la distribución de esa diminuta renta en el territorio reproduce la inecacia e injusticia de otros tiempos, los niveles de corrupción de los gobernantes y funcionarios se mantiene al tope y la contaminación del ambiente es igualmente grave. ¿Qué es lo que explica esta esencial continuidad más allá de los
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
exportaciones de gas de 20 a 45%; Colombia ha privatizado parte de ECOPETROL y ha reducido los impuestos a las industrias extractivas de 38.5% al 33% en 2006; el Perú, en los tiempos de García, ha p edido a las compañías mineras “contribuciones voluntarias” para el desarrollo social con la nalidad de eludir el incr emento de los impuestos. El proceso de negociación es distorsionado brutalmente por la corrupción de los gobernantes de turno. La falta de la transparencia hace muy difíciles los repartos justos. justos. En el Perú, los ingresos por impuestos provenientes de las minas fueron muy pequeños durante los años 90, pero entre 2000 y 2006, a medida que los precios subieron, el ingreso anual de los impuestos creció signicativamente, sin que
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
(Rosemary Thorp) llaman la maldición del diablo: Entre 190 y 1993 los países más pobres en recursos naturales crecieron cuatro veces más rápido que aquellos que los tenían en abundancia. La historia muestra que ningún país petrolero ha alcanzado el desarrollo y que sólo algunos países que explotan sus recursos minerales (Chile, Malasia, Indonesia, Botswana) han tenido un relativo éxito en su camino al desarrollo. Terry Karl va más allá que los economistas al sostener que la maldición del diablo se expresa también en autoritarismo, inecacia y corrupción. La maldición de los recursos no es un patrimonio peruano co mo lo han demostrado economistas y politólogos. Ella alcanza a varios países de
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
tema, según la cual la no relación entre la minería, el desarrollo y la democracia tiene que ver con la debilidad institucional y la falta de autonomía del Estado peruano, por un lado, con la forma inadecuada y concesiva como éste ha negociado y negocia la explotación y la renta con las grandes corporaciones mineras, por otro, y nalmente con la forma injusta e inecaz como se ha distribuido entre los peruanos la poca renta obtenida. Si el Perú hubiera tenido y tuviera gobernantes y funcionarios capaces, autónomos y transparentes y vigorosas instituciones estatales que hubieran sido y fueran ecaces y funcionaran, entonces se hubiera negociado en mejores términos y condiciones la forma de explotación (con respeto a los derechos de propiedad de los campesinos, a los derechos laborales de los
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
organizaciones, sus procedimientos, su historia, su estructura, las evalúa y explica por qué el Perú no ha tenido un Estado ambiental. En resumen, el lector tiene en sus manos un libro inteligente y útil en el que el autor se juega por una causa justa en un castrado medio político y académico que cree que la neutralidad es una virtud. Sinesio López Jiménez Lima, enero de 2008
INTRODUCCIÓN La agenda ambiental ha alcanzado un nivel de interés inédito en el país, aunque todavía menor al que generan los temas percibidos como prioritarios en la agenda pública peruana. 1 En este contexto, cada vez más voces señalan la necesidad de mejorar la atención que las entidades gubernamentales gubernamentales brindan a los problemas ambientales. ambientales. Se ha resaltado la importancia de realizar reformas en la manera como se organizan los organismos públicos p ara atender dicha materia y en
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
reeja las creencias acumuladas de la sociedad a lo largo del tiempo, y el cambio en el marco institucional suele ser un proceso gradual que reeja las restricciones impuestas del pasado sobre el presente y el futuro. Todo esto –y más– constituye la estructura estructura erigida por los seres humanos para manejar su entorno (NORTH 200: 82). Debemos además diferenciar a las instituciones de las organizaciones. Las primeras son las reglas de juego, las segundas son, junto a los individuos, los jugadores. Las organizaciones son agrupaciones de individuos unidos por algún objetivo compartido (NORTH 200: 96). En consecuencia, al hablar de institucionalidad ambiental estamos
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
Finalmente, posee una dimensión sociocultural vinculada con la generación o presencia de una identidad colectiva. De esta manera se genera un nosotros en contraposición a otros países o comunidades políticas (O´DONNELL: 150-151). Pero también las instituciones estatales conforman un modo de vida, un sustrato ético, como han sostenido Platón y Aristóteles, y luego Tocqueville y Hegel. Las instituciones políticas inuyen sobre el carácter de las sociedades (FUKUYAMA: 3-43). Es en este marco conceptual que hacemos referencia al Estado Ambiental, es decir, a la parte del Estado que, sobre la base de las dos primeras dimensiones (burocracia y reglas formales), incide sobre la
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
de las fallas del mercado, las que impiden o dicultan que los actores puedan tomar las decisiones de relevancia ambiental más ecientes socialmente, aquí introduciremos dos variables adicionales. Primero, el Estado es importante en materia ambiental pues nos encontramos frente a un problema de Justicia. Los problemas de inequidad no son sólo un asunto de redistribución redistribución de la riqueza económica. También debemos considerar la distribución de los riesgos, incluidos los ambientales, al interior de una sociedad. Esto es especialmente relevante en países como el nuestro, en el cual tenemos a cerca de la mitad de la población por debajo de la línea de pobreza. Los peligros, ya de por sí importantes, son más graves para los pobres, pues éstos tienen menos capacidades para enfrentarlos y para beneciarse de
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
A esto debemos agregar la situación general de debilidad del Estado Peruano y las dicultades que han enfrentado los últimos gobiernos para impulsar su reforma. En resumen, tenemos un Estado Ambiental débil, e incluso ausente en algunas áreas temáticas y geográcas. Pero, si por razones de justicia, eciencia y competitividad, es necesario contar con una adecuada institucionalidad ambiental, ¿qué explica que hasta el momento sigamos sin emprender una reforma de las reglas formales y de las organizaciones públicas, a n de mejorar el desempeño del Estado en dicha área? Nuestra hipótesis es que la razón fundamental estriba en la estructura de incentivos que enfrentan los principales actores vinculados con los cambios en la política
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
Cuando se tiene el enfoque amplio de “... concebir el desarrollo como un proceso integrado de expansión de libertades fundamentales relacionadas entre sí”, es posible “... apreciar simultáneamente el vital papel que desempeñan en el proceso muchas y diferentes instituciones...” (SEN 2001: 25). Entre éstas últimas podemos encontrar tanto a los mercados, como a los gobiernos (en todos sus niveles), los partidos políticos y otras instituciones ciudadanas, los sistemas educativos “... y las oportunidades de diálogo y debate públicos...” (SEN 2001: 25-26). Pero además, este “... enfoque nos permite reconocer el papel de los valores sociales y de las costumbres vigentes, que pueden inuir en las libertades de que disfrutan los individuos y que tienen razones para valorar.” Estas normas compartidas pueden pueden inuir, entre otras cosas, en el tratamiento del ambiente (SEN 2001: 25). Un aspecto interesante del análisis de Amartya Sen es el énfasis en las interrelaciones existentes entre las distintas libertades. libertades. En tal sentido, los derechos políticos, no sólo tienen un valor en sí mismas, sino que contribuyen a asegurar el ejercicio pleno de otras libertades, como los servicios económicos, las oportunidades sociales, las garantías de transparencia o la seguridad protectora (2001: 2). Las políticas ambientales, en esta perspectiva, en tanto contribuyen a reducir las amenazas sobre las personas (sobre su salud, y su bienestar en general), contribuyen al proceso de expansión de libertades y están plenamente integradas a otras políticas.
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
adecuada, se encuentran además privados de la capacidad de hacer escuchar su voz en la comunidad política. En consecuencia, los estudios estudios que demuestran la presencia de niveles intolerables de plomo en la sangre de niños que habitan distintas ciudades del país constatan, en la perspectiva de SEN, una agresión contra su libertad, que consiste en la reducción de su capacidad para disponer de varios vectores de realización y de la posibilidad de gozar de las correspondientes consecuencias del bienestar (IGUIÑIZ 2000: 23). Esto debería estar presente en cada decisión decisión que se tome en la búsqueda del desarrollo. Lo que interesa es garantizar que cada vez existan menos personas privadas de su libertad. Los gobiernos de los países en desarrollo han aplicado políticas destinadas a mejorar los ingresos económicos de sus habitantes, ampliando la cobertura de servicios y el acceso a bienes bienes básicos. No obstante, y he aquí el elemento más polémico, en ocasiones en el intento por asegurar el goce de ciertas libertades ponemos en riesgo otras. ¿Qué hacer frente a ello? ¿Cómo garantizar el acceso a la salud, a la educación, a un trabajo digno, sin poner en riesgo el derecho a un ambiente saludable? Nos embarcamos en proyectos productivos con el propósito de satisfacer el primer grupo de derechos, pero ponemos en riesgo el último. Además, pareciera que ciertos países, como el Perú, tendrían que enfrentar un problema adicional, la estructura de incentivos que genera la presencia de una economía sustentada fundamentalmente en el aprovechamiento de los recursos naturales.
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
Una vez que un actor ha obtenido dicho control estará poco dispuesto a compartir los benecios del recurso, salvo que se vea absolutamente obligado a hacerlo (a veces simplemente por que otro actor más fuerte se lo impone). El control sobre el recurso recurso natural otorga al actor una una fuerte de poder (dinero) que puede utilizar para obtener medios de coerción y violencia, los que utilizará para precisamente mantener su posición de control y para acceder a nuevos recursos naturales. Esto lleva normalmente a una situación de inestabilidad política, corrupción y promoverá la aparición de gobernantes autoritarios que se aprovecharán del propio Estado para controlar los recursos con nes particulares (STIGLITZ: 181-182). Este proceso, mediado simplemente por la acumulación de poder, llevará a la concentración de la riqueza en pocas manos, la de los actores más fuertes, fuertes, generando situaciones de gran inequidad. Esto afecta la cohesión social y socava la fe en la economía de mercado, pues la riqueza no se adquiere por el trabajo duro, que legitima su obtención, sino por la simple apropiación, alcanzada en ocasiones por medios ilegítimos o ilegales. El descontento de los “perdedores” en estas luchas, que son la gran mayoría, bulla bajo la supercie (STIGLITZ: 184). Sin embargo, en muchos casos los recursos naturales son no renovables (o siendo renovables, se aprovechan de manera insostenible, en gran medida por las condiciones de inestabilidad imperantes, incluyendo la necesidad de obtener rápidamente recursos para defender su posición de control) por lo que al utilizarse como “fuente de energía”
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
que amenacen su seguridad. seguridad. Para ello, acumular fuerza y prestigio social es esencial. Sin embargo, la vida para la mayoría de gente es solitaria, pobre, tosca, embrutecida, pobre y breve. (Hobbes, Thomas. El Leviatán. Capítulo XIII). La salida de esta situación depende de que los actores se den cuenta que es más conveniente tener reglas, porque así se genera un clima apropiado para poder desarrollar con tranquilidad las industrias y poder disfrutar de los frutos del trabajo esforzado. Pero, si la fuente de riqueza es la simple apropiación, este incentivo pierde fuerza. La concentración del control de los recursos en pocas manos agravaría agravaría esta situación. En este contexto, las reglas formales se convierten en un instrumento de protecc ión de los intereses particulares dominantes, y no de los intereses comunes de la sociedad. Ahora, el argumento implica que la situación es inestable no por la presencia de “malas personas” en el control de los recursos naturales. Es decir, el problema no se resuelve simplemente haciendo que buenas personas o un buen Estado (buenos gobernantes) controlen dichos recursos, pues los incentivos perversos se mantienen, por lo que tarde o temprano se volverían a repetir los problemas descritos. Ahora, sí se logra que los países con abundantes recursos naturales hagan un buen uso del dinero que obtienen por ellos, se podría reducir la pobreza de forma comparativamente más rápida y fácil que con otros aspectos del sistema económico global. Sin embargo, el primer reto que afrontan dichos países “…es garantizar que el públic o obtenga la mayor parte posible de lo que valen los recursos que yacen bajo su tierra”. Sea dentro o fuera del imperio de la ley, las corporaciones actúan buscando alcanzar la mayor utilidad posible, y esto incluye el desarrollo de prácticas de soborno y otras formas de corrupción. En
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
empresas explotadoras de recursos naturales simplemente obtienen unos intereses normales por su capital, por lo que los intereses adicionales, deberían pertenecer al país poseedor de los recursos. El valor del recurso que supera el coste de extracción se denomina rentas de los recursos naturales. Entonces, los Estados deberían pagar a las compañías por el costo de la extracción para los servicios mercantiles, quedándose con todas las mencionadas rentas (STIGLITZ: 188). “Las compañías petroleras, mineras y del gas tienen la estrategia de asegurarse que el Estado obtenga lo menos posible, mientras que, al mismo tiempo, lo ayudar a hallar argumentos que expliquen por qué es bueno o incluso necesario que el Estado reciba tan poco. Pueden decir que los benecios sociales derivados del desarrollo de la región son enormes y así debería impulsarse el el crecimiento. Sostienen que el reparto de los recursos lo consigue. En realidad, el reparto de los recursos signica sencillamente que el Estado cuenta con menos dinero para invertir en infraestructuras, escuelas y otros equipamientos que son absolutamente necesarios para que la región se desarrolle. Con demasiada frecuencia los únicos benecios que obtiene el país de una mina son los pocos puestos de trabajo que crea, pero el daño medioambiental que genera puede destruir al mismo tiempo otros empleos en otros lugares… y, en algún momento del futuro, impondrá unos costes presupuestarios enormes cuando el Estado se vea obligado a pagar la limpieza”. Este efecto se agrava cuando se privatizan los recursos naturales, pues de no conseguir todo el valor del recurso natural, se producirá una simple transferencia de riqueza desde los ciudadanos en su conjunto a quien quiera que haya obtenido
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
que la renta uctúa continuamente, con lo que complica la gestión de estos países. Para esto se han generado fondos de estabilización, con el n de “guardar pan para mayo”, aunque debido a la injerencia del Fondo Monetario Internacional, han perdido ecacia. No sólo hay que gastar correctamente, sino también en el momento justo. (STIGLITZ: 192-194). Es mejor nanciar los gastos locales con los ingresos ordinarios, guardando los recursos generados por las ventas de los recursos naturales. Estos nalmente se acabarán, por lo que deben usarse el dinero derivado de ellos en inversiones productivas. Finalmente, el aumento de las divisas producto de las ventas de los recursos naturales, puede generar el denominado “mal holandés”: la abundancia de divisas, aprecia el valor de la moneda local, haciéndola menos competitiva frente a otros países, pudiendo derivar luego esta situación en una crisis económica. A estos elementos debemos agregar la tesis por la cual un rápido crecimiento económico (el derivado de un aumento en la explotación de los recursos o de los precios de los mismos, o de ambos factores a la vez) puede generar de por sí inestabilidad política en países con un bajo nivel desarrollo institucional (HUNTINGTON: 55-58). 23 El Perú viene experimentando ambos factores (dependencia de los recursos naturales y aumento creciente de los ingresos) al mismo tiempo. Esto no debería pasar desapercibido, pues genera un conjunto de condiciones muy difíciles de enfrentar, generando restricciones a los esfuerzos de reforma institucional. 3.4. Riesgo y Política Ambiental
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
especial. Para él, las dicultades de las sociedades industriales no son consecuencia de alguna revolución, ni de la derrota de un sistema, sino, por el contrario, de su triunfo. De forma paradójica, es su éxito el que trae consigo sus propias aporías. Douglass North, Premio Nobel de Economía, ha armado recientemente que es el increíble desarrollo tecnológico del último siglo, que fue incentivado por nuestro natural propensión a reducir la incertidumbre del medio que nos rodea, el que ha generado nuevas fuentes de incertidumbre incertidumbre (200: 41). Del mismo modo, el reconocido historiador Eric Hobsbawn ha señalado la escena mundial se encuentra actualmente dominada por la “…enorme y constante aceleración de la capacidad de la especie humana para modicar el planeta mediante la tecnología y la actividad económica” (200: viii).24 Quizás no hay ámbito que pueda reejar de mejor manera esta situación que la crisis ecológica. El lugar expectante que ocupan los problemas ambientales en la agenda mundial es resultado de la creciente conciencia de nuevos peligros que amenazan a la especie humana en su conjunto. Sin la percepción del riesgo la cuestión ambiental ni siquiera podría plantearse. Sin embargo, durante años las industrias, es decir el sector productivo, han estado convencidas de la bondad del sistema que impulsaban, y veían el deterioro del ambiente como un simple efecto secundario, incómodo pero susceptible de resolverse mediante el perfeccionamiento de la técnica, mejoras en los métodos productivos o cambios en los hábitos de consumo. Este es el camino de la
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
dentro de sí un enorme potencial de transformación en el campo ético y político, pudiendo ser un aliado clave en la construcción de una democracia global, pero, al mismo tiempo trae consigo la amenaza de la ecodictadura, es decir, un gobierno de lo ambiental sustentado únicamente en el conocimiento cientíco cientíco y en las reglas reglas técnicas. Todo lo ajeno a estas dos esferas, es excluido por denición. Para Beck, “... la invención de instituciones que posibiliten una renovación ecológica de la modernidad y que logren un consenso en torno de la técnica, se ha convertido en la cuestión clave del desarrollo político, social, económico y tecnológico” (1999: 23). No es pues un asunto secundario, sino el corazón de la cuestión. No obstante, frente a los problemas ambientales modernos, originados por cierto tipo de organización social construida alrededor de la técnica, se ha querido responder con más técnica, ante lo cual la crisis se agrava, pues los sistemas sociales, políticos y jurídicos de los países industrializados no han respondido adecuadamente. Por su parte, la realidad latinoamericana no s muestra regularmente cómo sus sistemas judiciales y la burocracia no están preparados para procesar conictos ambientales y carecen de instrumentos que les permitan una acción oportuna frente a un posible desastre ambiental. La crisis ecológica global no es por tanto un problema ambiental, sino una profunda crisis institucional de la sociedad industrial (1999: 41). Desde luego, este término responde a la realidad de los países del Norte. No obstante, el hecho de que nuestros países hayan asumido dicho modelo social como paradigma de desarrollo, hace que las ideas de Beck nos resulten de especial interés.
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
Algo característico de la sociedad del riesgo es la pérdida de la capacidad de control sobre los riesgos, a pesar de que el sistema siga negando dicha realidad. En palabras de Beck, el sistema funciona como el freno de una bicicleta para un avión intercontinental. “La tecnocracia de los peligros queda atrapada en los cepos de sus propias promesas de seguridad, cepos que, a la luz de los medios de comunicación y del estado de bienestar burocrático, la tecnocracia debe imponerse a sí misma” (BECK 1998: 8).
Si debemos adecuar nuestras instituciones y organizaciones al problema de la gestión y distribución de los riesgos, la pregunta que surge es ¿qué mecanismos utilizar para poder llegar a acuerdos en materia de justicia ambiental? Es decir, ¿cómo denir la distribución de los benecios ambientales y sus riesgos al interior de nuestra sociedad, sin caer en el riesgo de la ecodictadura?
Las dicultades que enfrenta la sociedad para gestionar los riesgos son cada vez mayores. No se trata únicamente de problemas técnicos. Se han logrado muchos avances para enfrentar un número amplísimo de riesgos de la vida cotidiana, pero los más signicativos siguen sin ningún control. A pesar de esto, las promesas de seguridad siguen siendo lanzadas sin descanso. Las sociedades tradicionales “... no disponen en absoluto ni de la posibilidad de una autodestrucción dependiente de decisiones ni tampoco tienen la pretensión de controlar la incertidumbre que generan en el mundo” (1999: 38). Son las sociedades modernas las que sufren del desencanto ante la promesa de seguridad global. De lo anterior se desprende la existencia de diferencias culturales y éticas en la percepción (evaluación y valoración) de las consecuencias y los peligros. Los riesgos y peligros no pueden ser evaluados en abstracto, dicha valuación depende de muchos factores, entre los cuales tenemos la asignación del origen de los peligros o riesgos, el papel de las decisiones humanas, la gestión de la incertidumbre y las promesas de seguridad que se brindan. El riesgo no tiene un valor objetivo, su valor lo va a dar la posición ética
El diseño y la implementación de las políticas ambientales han sido percibidos como procesos esencialmente técnicos, por lo cual han involucrado un número limitado de actores, a los que se denomina expertos, en espacios inaccesibles al público (AGUILAR: 19). Detrás de esta posición se encuentra la pretensión de que es posible hallar soluciones técnicas políticamente neutrales.
3.5. Justicia Ambiental y Política
Esta postura, que está detrás del uso extendido de los instrumentos de Evaluación de Impacto Ambiental o de los informes de expertos, podría llevarnos a pensar que cuando menos se cuenta con los conocimientos adecuados sobre los ecosistemas latinoamericanos, tanto en su estructura como en su función, como en los modos para predecir sus respuestas a los impactos humanos. Sin embargo, como ha señalado Eduardo Gudynas, en América Latina no se ha considerado con seriedad si tiene asidero dicha pretensión, es decir, si es posible generar una política ambiental cientícamente objetiva y neutra, y si se cuenta en todos los casos con el conocimiento cientíco-técnico necesario, para tomar decisiones mas allá de las opiniones de los grupos de interés. Es obvio
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
Por lo tanto, si las evaluaciones que realizan los actores están separadas por distintas valoraciones, e inclusive por distintas perspectivas culturales, entonces la decisión o política nalmente elegida tendrá que, ó reejar la posición de uno de los grupos, ó llevar las cosas a una suerte de transacción imperfecta, que podrí a cuestionar severamente la legitimidad del del proceso. Desde nuestra perspectiva, la consagración de una valuación de valores por exclusión de otras trae consigo la imposición de una cosmovisión del mundo, o por lo menos la imposición de intereses particulares sin el reconocimiento de los intereses opuestos, y sin posibilidad de la construcción de lo que sería el interés común. Esta situación puede derivar en situaciones de marginalidad y de
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grado los problemas de la acción colectiva. A menudo, el carácter difuso de los intereses en juego trae consigo la presencia de un conjunto indeterminado de actores, sin un sistema de representación adecuada a las necesidades de los problemas ambientales. Estos últimos tienden a afectar a un conjunto de actores que no responden a alguna organización pre–constituida, siendo que en varias oportunidades los problemas llevan a un primer acercamiento y aglutinación de pobladores que antes de la aparición de la nueva amenaza colectiva no habían tenido mayor mayor trabajo conjunto. Esto se opone al carácter fuertemente estructural que poseen la mayoría de los grandes contaminadores, agrupados alrededor de empresas y gremios. Así, una de las partes se encuentra en clara desventaja al momento de emprender procesos de evaluación de impactos y
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
Con todo lo anterior no se quiere negar el papel importante que juega la tecnología y la ciencia en la mejora de la calidad de vida de la población y su valiosa contribución en la búsqueda de nuevas formas de evitar el deterioro ambiental, ni tampoco se niega la importancia de las decisiones personales sobre cualquier política ambiental. Sin embargo, incluso la ciencia moderna tiene límites. Gudynas, utilizando las categorías de incertidumbre y riesgo, ha empleado el término de ciencia posnormal, para diferenciar a aquella área del conocimiento en donde la incertidumbre es muy alta, está diversicada y ampliada a otros planos como los personales, y lo que se pone en juego también implica riesgos importantes, lo cual encaja con muchos de los principales riesgos ambientales (28).
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entonces se requiere emprender algún tipo de proceso alternativo. Ese proceso es, desde nuestro punto de vista, político. Y es así en dos sentidos. Por un lado, implica la gestión de conictos sociales, y no la simple aplicación de métodos de análisis técnico o ciencia puramente objetiva. No están en juego verdades cientícas, sino formas distintas de apreciar las amenazas y de enfrentarlas. No basta por lo tanto para enfrentar la crisis ambiental una racionalidad instrumental o estratégica, es indispensable, en palabras de Jürgen Habermas, una racionalidad comunicativa. Pero, el proceso para enfrentar los riesgos es político en otro sentido. Hace necesario estructurar políticamente a la sociedad a través de temas como lo ambiental, rescatando su naturaleza pública. La
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las visiones que han buscado reducir la discusión a un solo factor, sea este económico, social o político, han terminado por construir visiones limitadas de la sociedad, y han o lvidado buena parte del legado de la teoría política (92). Por dicha razón, utilizaremos un enfoque sobre la democracia que busca recuperar dicha discusión, pro blematizando la relación entre Estado, mercado y so ciedad civil. 3.6. Esfera Pública, Deliberación y Política Ambiental
Uno de los principales problemas que enfrentan los gobiernos democráticos de las sociedades complejas contemporáneas es el alcanzar un equilibrio entre el papel de los expertos (y del conocimiento experto) y el control popular, manteniendo al mismo tiempo bajo
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el mundo contemporáneo, ideas que tienen en Weber y Schumpeter a importantes antecedentes, siendo Norberto Bobbio y Robert Dahl quienes han consolidado esta perspectiva. perspectiva. En síntesis, corresponde a la población elegir a los gobernantes mediante elecciones periódicas, mientras que corresponde al gobierno tomar decisiones basadas en criterios de racionalidad técnica. técnica. Así, correspondería al Estado denir lo más apropiado en materia ambiental, utilizando a los expertos al interior de sus procesos técnicos. Cualquier intento de participación por fuera de éstos podría implicar una amenaza contra la racionalidad de las decisiones. Pero, ¿es posible pensar en otra base de legitimidad? ¿Tiene la idea de decisiones colectivas sobre el ejercicio del poder algún asidero
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afectadas puedan concordar como participantes en un discurso racional” (AVRITZER: (AVRITZER: 60). La expresión política concreta concreta de estas ideas sería la democracia deliberativa, un modelo que implicaría “... una soberanía popular procedimental y un sistema política ligados a redes periféricas de una esfera pública política.” La Esfera o Espacio de la Opinión Pública no es ni una institución (conjunto de reglas o normas), ni una organización, ni un sistema, por el contrario, es abierta, exible y porosa. Es básicamente una red de comunicación de contenidos y opiniones (posiciones o posturas), con una estructura de la comunicación orientada al entendimiento, estando basada en la acción comunicativa (HABERMAS: 440-441).
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culturales y de comunicación), privacidad (un espacio para la reexión individual) y legalidad (un marco normativo que precise las otras condiciones) (HABERMAS: 395-396). La sociedad civil, con su acción, es ofensiva y defensiva al mismo tiempo, pues al accionar arma su existencia. existencia. Es por dicha razón que no bastan los derechos para mantener la sociedad civil, dado que ella debe armarse continuamente (HABERMAS: 450-451). Arato y Cohen analizan que la sociedad civil tiene que autolimitarse estructuralmente, en tanto resulta necesario para el sistema. En primer lugar, porque la sociedad civil vital requiere de una cultura
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Ahora bien, el espacio público de Habermas es una mezcla de lo normativo y lo empírico, extremadamente compleja, tanto en actores como en espacios. Lo interesante es que no levanta barreras entre los actores, pudiendo producirse siempre alianzas en el espacio público. Debemos diferenciar también el rol de los actores. Algunos actúan, y otros sólo observan. Hay actores que surgen del público, mientras que otros sólo aparecen ante el público, pues vienen de los subsistemas económico y administrativo. Los primeros se pueden distinguir por su necesidad de autodenición y su autonomía (HABERMAS: 454-460). Cobb, Ross y Ross han explicado como se incorpora un tema a la agenda
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No obstante, es claro que tanto en Habermas como en la propuesta de Bohman la intención es abrir el proceso de deliberación pública a todos, en la medida que utiliza el lenguaje común de la sociedad, sin que ellos signique el renunciar a la a la información técnica y cientíca que proporcionan los distintos miembros de la sociedad (y los sistemas). Aun más, la institucionalidad existente debería facilitar la información necesaria para el desarrollo del proceso deliberativo. Lo que queremos resaltar es que este último constituye un asunto político y ético, en tanto la discusión central se dará sobre los valores y las necesidades fundamentales vinculadas con la agenda ambiental. Otra visión distinta, pero igualmente útil proviene de autores como Chantal Mouffe, quien está de acuerdo en “… que las cuestiones políticas
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
al modelo actual. Culminó de elaborar, en diciembre de 2006, un proyecto de reglamento para el ordenamiento de las competencias ambientales, en los tres niveles de gobierno el cual contó con el consenso de instituciones públicas, privadas y de la sociedad civil. ii. Tribunal de Solución de Controversias Ambientales
Adicionalmente se ha previsto un mecanismo para la solución de casos particulares. Así, de acuerdo con el artículo 54° de la Ley General del Ambiente, cuando en un caso particular, dos o más entidades públicas se atribuyan funciones ambientales de carácter normativo, scalizador o sancionador sobre una misma actividad, le corresponde a la Autoridad Ambiental Nacional a través de su Tribunal de Solución de Controversias Ambientales, determinar cuál de ellas debe actuar como la autoridad competente. La resolución de la Autoridad Ambiental Nacional es de observancia obligatoria y agota la vía administrativa. Esta disposición es aplicable en caso de conicto entre: a) Dos o más entidades entidades del Poder Poder Ejecutivo. b) Una o más de una entidad del Poder Ejecutivo y uno o más gobiernos regionales o gobiernos locales. c) Uno o más gobiernos regionales o gobiernos locales. iii. Tribunal Constitucional
En primer lugar, el fortalecimiento de la Autoridad Ambiental Nacional y la denición precisa de su rol regulador, sea como subsidiario de las entidades sectoriales y subnacionales, o como regulador de actividades de importancia nacional. En segundo lugar, la denición de las funciones que deben quedar en las entidades sectoriales (posiblemente sólo las normativas y políticas), pasando la aplicación de las mismas a los niveles subnacionales de gobierno. Otra posibilidad lo constituye la separación de funciones entre el órgano promotor de la inversión y el órgano regulador ambiental en el nivel nacional, para posteriormente descentralizar las funciones ambientales. Un tercer reto lo constituye la necesidad de generar un proceso de transferencia de funciones ordenado y coordinado (por la distribución horizontal nacional) que permita una secuencia lógica y que esté acompañada de la generación de capacidades en los niveles subnacionales de gobierno. Un cuarto punto lo conforma la macroregionalización y la relevancia de incluir la variable ambiental en la denición de los espacios territoriales que constituirán las futuras regiones. Un quinto aspecto consiste en precisar las funciones regionales y municipales, buscando no generar mayores cargas funcionales de las que pueden manejar de forma razonable en el mediano plazo. Esto implica además concentrar funciones en órganos especializados y no
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CAPITULO 5
Evaluando el Desempeño de la Gestión Pública Ambiental
La descripción histórica y formal realizada en el capítulo anterior nos ha mostrado el diseño legal de nuestras instituciones ambientales y el modelo de distribución de tareas actualmente vigente. Sin embargo, no es posible juzgar el funcionamiento de las instituciones a partir de la simple descripción formal. Requerimos indicadores que nos brinden señales más claras sobre los problemas existentes y sus posibles causas. En el presente capítulo intentaremos desarrollar estos puntos. 5.1. Criterios para Juzgar Nuestra Política Ambiental
La percepción sobre la gravedad de los problemas ambientales ha ido en constante aumento durante los últimos años 42. No obstante, sigue siendo un tema de poca prioridad en comparación con otras preocupaciones públicas como el desempleo, la pobreza, la corrupción y la inseguridad ciudadana. 43 Muchos factores han contribuido al creciente interés público en lo ambiental, pero sin duda la amplia cobertura mediática dada al problema del cambio climático global y algunos problemas ambientales especícos (por ejemplo el caso del Centro Metalúrgico de La Oroya, o los conictos ocurridos con la minería en Cajamarca y Piura), han tenido una participación importante crucial. Al mismo tiempo, han aparecido diversos estudios
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
a) Una autoridad ambiental nacional débil (el Consejo Nacional del Ambiente), con funciones básicamente de coordinación que a partir del año 2004 han sido ampliadas en alguna medida con la Ley Marco del Sistema Nacional de Gestión Ambiental (2004)45 y en especial con la Ley General del Ambiente (2005)46, y con pocos recursos disponibles.4 b) La debilidad del modelo de distribución sectorial de competencias descrito en el capítulo anterior, el cual se ha mostrado poco efectivo tanto para desarrollar una institucionalidad ecaz como en la tarea de generar conanza en la ciudadanía sobre la actuación del Estado en la materia. Así, sectores de la mayor importancia como la industria pesquera o el saneamiento carecen de normas tan básicas como los límites máximos permisibles, mientras que carecemos a la fecha de un reglamento que regule un instrumento tan básico como la evaluación de impacto ambiental. c) Costos muy altos de la falta de regulación ecaz, 3.9% del PBI anual (alrededor de 8.2 billones de soles) según el Banco Mundial (2006), mientras que el gasto público ambiental es claramente bajo (alrededor de 150 millones de dólares al año para todo el Estado en el año 2002) (ABUGATTAS). Es decir, cada año cada peruano o peruana pierde más de 100 dólares por causas ambientales, mientras que de sus impuestos sólo gasta el Estado 5 dólares, llegando a 13 si sumamos la inversión de los privados.
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
implicará, naturalmente, la solución automática de los problemas de gestión, pero que, sin duda, contribuirá a generar la necesidad de reformar con urgencia la institucionalidad ambiental. El análisis de la política ambiental pone en relieve estos problemas. Los criterios que propondremos servirán para comprender, criticar, así como para or ientar la reforma de la gestión pública ambiental. Desde nuestro punto de vista son cinco los criterios básicos a considerar: a) La cobertura regulatoria, es decir, el grado en el cual las áreas o actividades que generan los principales impactos negativos están adecuadamente cubiertas, mediante instrumentos de gestión ambiental o políticas públicas especícas. b) La calidad de las normas y de las políticas que se dictan, lo cual incluye su propia viabilidad viabilidad y potencial ecacia. El denominado enfoque de derechos puede ser muy útil al momento de evaluar este punto. 48 c) La capacidad de las instituciones existentes para aplicar las políticas y normas ambientales así como los niveles de cumplimiento existentes. d) La cantidad y la eciencia en el uso de los recursos asignados para cumplir los puntos anteriores. e) El nivel de apertura del modelo regulatorio a la participación de terceros, mediante políticas de participación, transparencia y acceso a la información pública.
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
pérdida que sufre el país como resultado del deterioro deterioro ambiental. El estudio de Larsen y Strukova citado por el Banco Mundial (2006: 12) estimó que el costo económico de la degradación ambiental en el Perú, considerando la reducción de los recursos naturales, los desastres naturales, y los servicios ambientales inadecuados (tales como la sanidad inadecuada) sumaban, como ya señalamos, 8.2 billones de soles, equivalentes al 3.9% del producto bruto interno en el año 2003, datos basados en estimaciones muy conservadoras, por lo que existe una gran posibilidad de que los costos sean aún mayores. Sí consideramos el nivel de impacto de los distintos factores de deterioro tendremos una visión bastante precisa de las prioridades reales en materia ambiental. Así, tomando en cuenta el citado estudio, los problemas, en orden de importancia son:
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
Sin embargo, no basta con conocer cuál es la situación de la degradación. También es bueno comparar nuestro desempeño en comparación con otros países de similares características. El mismo estudio del Banco Mundial realiza dicho análisis, y tampoco los resultados son halagadores, como veremos en el siguiente gráco. Costos de Degradación Ambiental (Salud y Calidad de vida)
3,5% 3,0% 2,5% 2,0% 1,5% 1,0% 0,3%
1.El inadecuado abastecimiento de agua; 2.La sanidad e higiene; 3.La contaminación atmosférica urbana; 4.Los desastres naturales; 5.La contaminación por plomo; 6.La contaminación del aire en locales cerrados .La degradación del suelo agrícola 8.La deforestación 9.La inadecuada recolección de desechos sólidos en los hogares
Costos de Degradacion Ambiental Anual(% del PBI)
0,0%
Egipto
Perú Perú Colomb Colombia ia Líbano Líbano Argelia Siria MarruecosTúnez
Fuente: Libano y Túnez; Sarraf, Larsen y Owaygen(2004); Argelia Ministerio de Gestión Territorial y Ambiental, 2002; Egipto: Banco mundial (2003) Marruecos: Banco Mundial (2003); Siria: Saffaf, Bolt y Larsen (2004); Jordania METAP (2000). Nota:Los Costos en el Perú incluye efectos sobre la salud y desastres naturales.
Fuente: (BANCO MUNDIAL 2006: 13)
El Perú aparece claramente rezagado respecto de países como Colombia, que enfrentan dicultades de regulación similares a las nuestras, tanto en materia de la oferta, como en la demanda, al ser igual que nosotros, un país megadiverso. Es evidente que el Estado (y la sociedad en su conjunto) han sido hasta el momento inecaces para atender el problema de los costos
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
de ingresos iguales o menores a 6.500 dólares per cápita (países de ingresos bajos), estando prácticamente en la media de este grupo. Entonces, el factor ingreso no explica el n ivel de desarrollo institucional ambiental. Precisamente ESTY y PORTER se preguntaban sobre las razones que explicaban las diferencias entre países de ingresos similares, tomando como ejemplo los casos de Costa Rica (puesto 36), Panamá (42) y del Perú (50). Es importante indicar que en el mismo año de la evaluación de la regulación, el Perú ocupó el lugar 55 entre los mismos países considerando su PBI, y el 63 tomando en cuenta el índice de competitividad. Desde luego, el contexto legal y socioeconómico tiene una gran importancia, pero, como explicamos en la introducción, consideramos que los principales obstáculos para la reforma se encuentran en las características y los incentivos que tienen actualmente los actores que han tenido un papel central en las reformas institucionales ambientales en otros países. Es interesante que a junio de 200, el Perú aparezca en el lugar 52 entre 18 economías nacionales en el ranking elaborado por el Banco Mundial respecto de la facilidad para hacer negocios, justamente delante de países como Panamá, Costa Rica y Colombia (WORLD BANK 200). Por lo tanto, sí se logra mejorar la regulación ambiental, el Perú podría aumentar su posición en relación a otros países, convirtiéndose en un lugar mejor para hacer negocios. En este punto es importante resaltar que la insatisfacción sobre los avances en la consolidación de las políticas e instituciones ambientales
es un aspecto compartido en América Latina (GABALDON y
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registrados. Como vimos en el análisis de los incentivos que generan las economías basadas en la explotación de recursos naturales que carecen de una institucionalidad pública fuerte, este resultado es completamente explicable. Pero, no es el peor resultado posible. Conforme las actividades extractivas se desplacen a zonas ocupadas por las comunidades campesinas y nativas, el riesgo del conicto será mayor, y a esto no ayuda un Estado sobre el cual no se tiene conanza. Tambogrande (Piura), el Cerro Quillish (Cajamarca) y Majaz (Piura) son buenos ejemplos. Desde luego también hay casos positivos, pero en ellos las empresas además de adoptar políticas sensatas, han terminado por asumir los costos de la ausencia del Estado, lo cual también les ha traído problemas, como en el caso de Antamina (Ancash). El contraste lo ofrece la minería informal, que siendo altamente contaminante (considerando (considerando su escala) no se encarga precisamente de cubrir los costos de la falta de institucionalidad pública, por lo que el mismo es trasladado a las comunidades, o al propio Estado en el largo plazo (como en el caso de la minería aurífera informal en Madre de Dios y en Puno). 5.3 Poca Regulación Ambiental (y no tan buena)
A partir de los cinco puntos referidos, que conforman en términos prácticos la política ambiental del país, podemos pasar a analizar la situación institucional actual del país. a. Cobertura Regulatoria
Existen importantes áreas que requieren ser reguladas ambientalmente que sin embargo carecen de normas y políticas a pesar de existir en muchos casos mandatos legales explícitos. Así,
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
Un buen ejemplo de los problemas en ésta área lo representa la aplicación de la Ley N° 2881 dictada en el año 2006, la cual estableció que el CONAM, que dirige el proceso de elaboración y revisión de Estándares de Calidad Ambiental (ECA) y Límites Máximos Permisibles (LMP), de conformidad con la Ley General del Ambiente, culminará dicho proceso en un plazo que vence en julio del año 2008. Con este n, mediante el Decreto del Consejo Directivo del CONAM N° 029-2006-CONAM/CD, aprobado el 8 de noviembre del año 2006, se estableció el cronograma de aprobación progresiva de los ECA y LMP. Los ministerios, bajo responsabilidad, debieron haber prestado su colaboración y realizan las acciones que le hubieran
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Elaboración del ECA de Aire para Sulfuro de Hidrógeno
Abril bril de 200 200
Elaboración de ECA de Aire para metales pesados: cadmio, arsénico, antimonio, bismuto y talio Elaboración de ECA de agua para 80 parámetros agrupados por uso Elaboración de ECA para
Marz Marzoo de de 200 200 CONA CONAM/ M/ Gesta Aire Noviembre de 2006 Noviembre de
CONA CONAM/ M/ Gesta Aire
CONAMINRENADIGESA CONAM
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
Elaboración de LMP para emisiones de gases, partículas y vapores de Plantas de mezcla asfáltica Elaboración de LMP para emisiones de partículas de Plantas de chancado empleadas en proyectos viales Elaboración de LMP de euentes industriales en las redes colectoras de aguas residuales
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
Diciembre de 200
MTC
Diciembre de 200
MTC
Julio de 200
VIVIENDA
Elaboración de LMP de emisiones para industrias del hierro y acero
Diciembre de 200
PRODUCE
Elaboración de LMP de euentes para industrias del hierro y acero Elaboración de LMP de ruido para actividades manufactureras Elaboración de LMP para ruido de actividades
Diciembre de 200
PRODUCE
Diciembre de 200
PRODUCE
Diciembre de 200
Municipalidades Provinciales
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
Tipo de Proyectos que requieren pasar por el Sistema Nacional de Evaluación de Impacto Ambiental Actividades Mineras Concesión Minera, benecio, labor general y de transporte minero. Actividades mineras que pasen de la etapa de exploración a la de explotación. Ampliaciones de producción en sus operaciones o tamaño de planta de benecio superior al 50% Exploración Minera (no está sujeta a EIA sino a Evaluación Ambiental, qué es una gura similar)
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Inicio de actividad de Planta Envasadora de Gas Licuado de Petróleo o su ampliación Inicio de actividad de distribución por ductos o su ampliación Actividades Eléctricas Generación de energía eléctrica que utilice recursos hidráulicos y geotérmicos cuando la potencia instalada sea superior a 10 MW, siempre que se requiera para su ejecución de la utilización de bienes de uso público o la imposición de una servidumbre. La transmisión de energía eléctrica, cuando las instalaciones afecten bienes del Estado y lo requieran la imposición de servidumbre por parte de éste, siempre que se requiera para su
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EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
Actividades de Servicios de Residuos Sólidos Infraestructura de Residuos Sólidos. Rellenos Sanitarios, Plantas de Tratamiento y Plantas de Transferencia
Otro ejemplo son las normas ambientales para la minería que se comparan en el siguiente cuadro en lo que respecta a los límites máximos permisibles de emisiones atmosféricas de dicha actividad.
Actividades de Transporte Infraestructura de Transporte de Uso Público Elaboración propia
Existen además tres supuestos que obligan a contar necesariamente con EIA por más que la actividad no se encuentre en la lista anterior
Arsénico Plomo Material Particulado
Fundiciones Fundiones de de Plomo y Cobre (Banco Zinc (Banco Mundial 1998) Mundial 1998) 0.1 0.5 0.5 0.2
20
20
RM 315-96EM/VMM (Perú)
25 25 100
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
d. Eciencia en el Uso de los Recursos
Este punto no es claro. En general las instituciones con competencias ambientales han trabajado con escasos recursos, sin embargo la inecacia al momento de lograr el cumplimiento de las normas y políticas ha dejado en un segundo lugar la discusión sobre la eciencia. No obstante, una inyección de recursos, sin las . principal. Un indicador de este problema lo podemos observar en el comportamiento general del Estado frente a la situación de un aumento sustantivo de los recursos disponibles, y sus limitaciones para mantener niveles de ejecución de gasto alto, tanto en el nivel nacional, como los niveles descentralizados de gobierno.
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encontramos áreas tan importantes como la agricultura, el saneamiento y el turismo. Sector Minería Hidrocarburos Electricidad Industria Pesquería Transporte
Unidad Normas Ambiental sobre EIA Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí
Existencia Normas de Normas de de LMP Participación Fiscalización Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí Sí 4 áreas Sí Sí No Sí Sí 1 área Sí Sí
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EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
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EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
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EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
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A modo de conclusión Construyendo un Estado Ambiental que Mejore el Estado del Ambiente
Estado ambiental y estado del ambiente son elementos que se reejan mutuamente. Hemos sostenido que sin un cambio en las reglas formales y en las organizaciones públicas ambientales, es muy probable que las
tendencias negativas del deterioro ambiental continúen. Un ambiente de mala calidad inuye en la economía, en especial en el mediano y largo plazo, afectando su recurso central: el ser humano. Pero también impacta sobre la capacidad de los ecosistemas para sostener procesos productivos. Al nal, el propio Estado deberá asumir los costos de la degradación, debilitando su capacidad de brindar los bienes públicos que se le exige proveer. El Estado cumple además un papel central en la distribución de los costos y riegos ambientales en la sociedad, especialmente en las reglas que gobiernan dicha distribución. En consecuencia, debe enfrentar un problema de Justicia Ambiental. Al mismo tiempo, el impacto de los costos ambientales no es homogéneo en las distintas áreas de la economía y de la sociedad. No hay elemento más claro que la mayor vulnerabilidad de los más pobres frente a fenómenos como el cambio climático global.
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
El mal gobierno, las instituciones débiles, la corrupción política y el clientelismo existen porque ciertos actores políticos tienen un fuerte interés egoísta en el status quo. Si desde dentro de la sociedad no se genera la voluntad política de apartarlos del poder, la presión exterior rara vez es suciente para desalojarlos” (155-156). Una estrategia para salvar esta dicultad es el tratar de vincular problemas como la pobreza, el desempleo, o la seguridad con la agenda medioambiental. Podemos enfatizar, en especial en el espacio público, que el deterioro ambiental afecta principalmente a los pobres, disminuye la competitividad del país (reduciendo las oportunidades de empleo), y hace la vida más insegura. Es a partir de la consideración de los puntos anteriores que podemos armar que se ha abierto en el Perú una ventana de oportunidad. La creciente importancia que se le asigna a la agenda ambiental en la opinión pública a raíz del problema del cambio climático global, más procesos externos como los tratados de libre comercio, o las exigencias del nanciamiento de los grandes proyectos de inversión, exigen cierto nivel mínimo de institucionalidad. institucionalidad. Está claro que hoy en día no estamos siquiera en dicho nivel, y que requerimos de reformas para alcanzarlo. Los dos ejes que hemos priorizado son la reforma de la Autoridad Ambiental Nacional, dejando un modelo de gestión sectorial disperso por otro ministerial (que no pierde su carácter transectorial); y la descentralización paulatina de la regulación ambiental a los gobiernos regionales, dejando a los gobiernos locales las funciones tradicionales del manejo de los residuos urbanos, el
EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
En cualquier caso, el proceso no se agota en lo anterior, sea cual fuere su resultado. Los desafíos institucionales serán constantes, y nos demandarán una buena dosis de creatividad y perseverancia. La institucionalidad ambiental es un requisito para la competitividad del país, y un factor que dene como se abordan los problemas de justicia ambiental. Sin ella, seremos más propensos a los conictos y terminaremos desaprovechando oportunidades para el desarrollo sostenible. Esperemos que cada día más personas tomen conciencia del problema e impulsen impulsen su solución. Los peruanos y peruanas de hoy y de mañana se lo agradecerán.
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EL (AUSENTE) ESTADO AMBIENTAL
Un (pequeño) Epílogo Cuando habíamos ya culminado la redacción de este libro se produjeron dos hechos muy importantes. El 20 de diciembre del 200 el Presidente de la República anunció la creación del Ministerio del Ambiente aprovechando la delegación de facultades legislativas concedidas al Ejecutivo para la implementación del Acuerdo de Promoción Comercial con los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, Norteamérica, recientemente raticado. raticado. Esto sin duda ratica la hipótesis principal que hemos expuesto. La política ambiental se explica en gran medida por factores externos antes que internos. En este caso las variables críticas han sido el TLC con EEUU y las necesidades de nanciamiento de la segunda etapa del proyecto de explotación del gas de Camisea. El segundo hecho fue la ppresentación resentación del Proyecto de Ley N° 2026/200CR el 21 de diciembre de 200, elaborado bajo el liderazgo de la Congresista Gloria Ramos Prudencio, Presidenta de la Comisión de Pueblos Andinoamazónicos, Afroperuanos, Ambiente y Ecología, que propone la creación del Ministerio del Ambiente y los Recursos Naturales. Aunque ambas son buenas noticias, supeditar el diseño ministerial a las exigencias externas, contexto bajo el cual se ubica el anuncio presidencial, sería un error. Como hemos visto la agenda ambiental peruana es mucho más amplia y compleja. Por lo tanto es muy importante entender los principales desafíos que deberá enfrentar esta nueva entidad. ¿Qué
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Iván K. Lanegra Quispe
ii) Un Ministerio que complete los instrumentos de gestión ambiental (la evaluación ambiental, las normas de adecuación, la scalización y la remediación ambiental) y que ponga metas ambiciosas de gestión gestión ambiental. Debemos igualar nuestras normas de calidad ambiental a los estándares mundiales. Los peruanos y peruanas tenemos derecho a vivir en un ambiente saludable. iii)Un Ministerio que enfrente el problema de la vulnerabilidad del cambio climático, que promueva la conservación y el aprovechamiento sostenible de nuestra diversidad biológica, que mejore la gestión de nuestros recursos hídricos y que atienda los crecientes problemas ambientales urbanos. Esto implica ejercer un liderazgo técnico y político que permita orientar importantes recursos en estos temas. El fortalecimiento de la investigación en ciencia y tecnología y la articulación de la política ambiental con las demás políticas públicas (la económica, la social, la cultural, etc.) serán temas de la mayor relevancia. iv)Un Ministerio que promueva la descentralización de la gestión ambiental. El papel de los gobiernos regionales y de las municipalidades es fundamental. Debemos acercar la acción del Estado a la población, y desde una entidad nacional esto es imposible. Desde luego esto implica generar capacidades, y establecer un proceso ordenado de transferencia de las funciones ambientales.
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pares en Asia, América Latina y África. Por eso requerimos más gasto público en el tema (que en realidad es inversión), que sin duda también debería ser eciente y ecaz. Es importante que el Poder Ejecutivo permita una discusión amplia sobre este tema, incluyendo no sólo a expertos, sino también a representantes de los gobiernos regionales y locales, del sector privado y de la sociedad civil. El Ministerio del Ambiente no resolverá por sí solo todos los problemas de la gestión ambiental pero podría ser el inicio de una reforma exitosa, siempre que se diseñe de forma adecuada. De no hacerlo desperdiciaremos una gran oportunidad de fortalecer nuestra institucionalidad ambiental. Los más jóvenes y las futuras generaciones nos pedirán cuentas sobre las decisiones que tomemos hoy.
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Referencias Bibliográcas -Abugattas, Javier. El gasto medio ambiental en Perú: exploración inicial. Santiago de Chile, CEPAL, 2005. -Aguilar Fernández, Susana. El reto del medio ambiente. Conictos e intereses en la política medioambiental europea. Madrid, Alianza Universidad, 199. -Aguilar, Susana; Font, Nuria y Subirats, Joan (ed). Política ambiental
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-Beck, Ulrich. Políticas Ecológicas en la Edad del Riesgo. Barcelona, El Roure Editorial, 1998.
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-Garrido Peña, Francisco. Las Ecopolíticas. En: Ballesteros, Jesús y Pérez Adán, José (ed). Sociedad y medio ambiente. Madrid, Trotta, 199. p. 301-321. -Giglo, Nicolo. La dimensión ambiental en el desarrollo de América Latina. Santiago de Chile, CEPAL, 2001. -Gil Corrales, Miguel Ángel. Crónica Ambiental. Gestión Pública de Políticas Ambientales en México. Ciudad de México, FCE, 200. -Gonzales de Olarte, Efraín. Medio Ambiente y Pobreza en el Perú. Lima, IEP, 199.
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-Morón, Eduardo y Sanborn, Cynthia. Los desafíos del policymaking en el Perú: actores, instituciones instituciones y reglas de juego. Lima, CIUP, 200.
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-World Bank. Doing Business 2008. Latin America. Washington D.C., World Bank, 200. -Zaelke, Durwood; Kaniaru, Donald; y Kružíková, Eva (ed). Making Law Work, (Volumes I and II) - Environmental Compliance & Sustainable Development. Londres, International Law Publishers, 2005.
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