Durham 2010 Hip Hop Feminist Media Studies

International

Journal of Africana

Studies

VOLUME SPRING

I

16,

1 2010

NUMBER

SUMMER

Special Issue HIP Hop IN THE ACADEMY

Guest Editors KARIN L. STANFORD AND RONALD

J. STEPHENS

HlP Hop FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES Aisha Durham Texas A &M University ip hop feminism l is an emergent interdisciplinary field of study forged from the symbolic annihilation of young women and girls of color in the popular media, and shap­ ed by artists, activists and scholars using the language and opposi­ tional consciousness of hip hop to craft a culturally relevant, gen­ der-specific creative, intellectual, political movement. It also uses an intersectional mode of analysis to articulate group experience in order to transfoml the social reality of communities of color still marred by stmctural inequality (Phillips, Reddick-Morgan, and Stephens 2005; Durham 2007; Richardson 2007; Peoples 2008). Media literacy is integral to hip hop feminist studies. Media litera­ cy can be broadly defined as the ability to critically engage with media and cultural products, practices or performances through the interpretive processes of deconstruction or contextualization, applied media production, advocacy or political activism (Hobbs 1998). TIlis article provides a brief overview of hip hop feminist studies through the lens of media studies, and offers a media liter­ acy model to stage what Marc Lamont Hill describes as critical pedagogies oj, about, and with hip hop (Hill 2009). The media lit­ eracy model raises awareness about power relations, analyzes lived and symbolic bodies, and provides cOImmmicative tools to partici­ pate in public conversations concerning women from the hip hop or the "post" generation (e.g., post-civil rights, post-feminist, post­ colonial).2 TIle model along with concrete examples extracted from classroom instmction provides a practical application for what can be more precisely called hip hop feminist media studies. Hip hop feminist media studies marks media studies as a particular approach as well as an entry point into the field, and it makes ex­ plicit the assumptions about the role, the representation, and the relationship of women to the production and consumption of me­ dia. The development of hip hop feminist studies could be map­ ped by media assumptions alone. Two major threads in hip hop feminist studies tackle representation. The first thread, for exam­ ple, addresses the underrepresentation of homegirls who are writ­ ten out of official hip hop history (Watkins 2005). Early hip hop studies mirrored rock music research in its treatment of women.

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The homegirl could enter the field either as "one of the boys" (Gaunt 1995), the sexually accessible female fan or cheerleader (Guevara 1996), or as the nascent artist coming to voice Imder the guarded direction of her male creative sponsor (Emerson 2002). These examples demonstrate how the female experience has been overlooked, and therefore situates the homegirl at the pe­ riphery of hip hop culture. Nancy Guevara argues, "the lll1dermin­ ing, deletion, or derogatory stereotyping of women's creative role in the development of minority culture is a routine practice that serves to impede any progressive artistic or social development by women that might threaten male hegemony in the sphere of cul­ ture production" (1996). Guevara, Tricia Rose (1994), Cheryl Keyes (1993, 2002, 2004). and others disrupt hip hop phallocen­ tricity by identifying female emcees/rappers, tumtablists/deejays, graffiti writers/aerosol artists, b-girls, and dancers. More import­ antly, they interrogate an often celebrated hypermasculinity, which hinges on heteronormativity and female subordination (Rose 1994). Their interventions offer a more inclusive discussion of hip hop by intersecting racialized class witk gender. The cultural criticism that Rose, Guevara, and Keyes provide explores the gendered experience of yOllilg Latina and Black wom­ en and girls who cultivate distinct literacies and interpretive com­ munities using a race-gender "double consciousness" that might not be explicitly feminist or womanist, but it is decidedly female­ focused (Rose 1994; Willis 1997; Pough 2002, 2003, 2004a, 2004b; Richardson 2007a, 2007b). Female rappers, for example, extend the blues woman tradition by publicly addressing sexual politics us­ ing vulgar, aggressive or profane language, which defies traditional codes of femininity or middle class respectability (Galll1t 1995; Haugen 2003). '\t\7bile hip hop is assumed to be a masculine de­ fined space, it remains a site where homegirls stage public redress (Keyes 2002). The musical redress is best exemplified by the answer rap, but could be extended to the memoir (Steffans 2005), the personal essay Qones 1994; Hampton 2001; Jamila 2002), spo­ ken word and poetry (McDonnell 2001; Frazier 2006; de Leon 2007), or ordinary speech acts that work to demystify hip hop's "golden boy."3 Here, there is an acknowledgement in the first thread that women and girls can use media to give voice or speak back to patriarchy from a particular standpoint. Along with speaking back, other researchers within this thread attempt to redefine hip hop by suggesting so-called urban male

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expressions like rap are rooted, if not replicated, in Black girl cul­ ture. Consider the work of ethnomusicologist Kyra Gaunt (2006). She remaps rap musicality (e.g., the break and vocal line) to Black girl hand-claps, game-songs and dance improvisation (Gaunt 1995; Guevara 1996). Moreover, the interplay between singing and rap­ ping in songs perfonned by female emcees, such as Angie Stone (fonnerly Angie B of Sequence) and Queen Latifah in the early 1980s predate those from male rap artists such as Andre 3000 (Outkast) and Mos Def (Black Star), who are considered cutting­ edge because they experiment with various vocal styles and music traditions. By documenting female artists and our artistry rooted or replicated in girl culture, researchers demonstrate the ways yotmg Latina and Black women and girls actively contribute as producers of hip hop culture. If the first thread of hip hop feminist studies recognizes UIl­ derrepresentation as the central concern contributing to the in­ visibility of the homegirl, the second thread calls attention to the overrepresentation or the hypervisibility of the sexually objecti­ fied female body in exploitive media. The second thread is dem­ onstrated by the shift in focus from the empowering images of the fashion-forward fly girl o{ the Mrocentric Queen mother (Keyes 2002) to stereotypes, such as the sexually adventurous freak (Hill Collins 2004). There are several factors contributing to the shift that cannot be explored in detail in this article. Elsewhere, I de­ scribe the profitable marriage between hip hop culture and the adult entertainment industry (Levande 2008; Miller-Young 2008; Watkins 2005; Durham 2012). The booty, for example, has served as a racial sign of sexual difference historically (Willis 2010). TIle booty makes hip hop intelligible to a young VVl1ite male audience previously adept at consuming racially coded pornography defin­ ing Black female desirability from behind (Dines 2010).4 Describ­ ing the shift in rap representations in the music video, Imani Perry recalls, It seemed to happen suddenly. Every time one turned on BET [Black Entertainment Television} or MTV [Music Television], one encountered a disturbing music video: Black men rapped surrounded by dozens of Black and Latina women dressed in bathing suits, or scantily clad in some other fashion. Video after video proved tile same, each one more objectifYing than the former. Some took place in strip clubs, some at the pool, at tile

OF AFRICANA STUDIES

beach, or in hotel rooms, but the recurrent theme was dozens of half-naked women (2004, 175).

Perry points to the increased sexual objectification of Latina and Black women in rap music videos as hip hop becomes profit­ able for youth culture industries, such as BET and M1V. Her obser­ vations about the cultural changes signal a shift in the academic discussions about hip hop as well. Researchers from the first thread use media literacy cultivated by minoritized youth to ex­ plain the complexity of hip hop aesthetics and signifying systems to folks outside the culture. In a way, ethnographies from a cultu­ ral studies perspective worked to legitimate hip hop in the acade­ my. TIle second thread, however, sees media literacy as required weaponry for the same minoritized youth who are assaulted with a barrage of controlling images and so-called negative media mes­ sages in popular hip hop. There is no explicit pronouncement, but there is a definite assumption about an all-powerful media manipu­ lating a vulnerable, if not passive, audience. As hip hop studies ex­ pands from its earlier humanistic traditions, a quasi-media effects emerges to explain the adverse impact of-hip hop in the lives of Black youth and women. Dionne Stephens and April Few, for ex­ ample, interviewed fifteen low-income Mrican American middle school youth about body images using hip hop controlling images of self representations, such as gold diggers. TI1e girls intemalize Eurocentric standards of beauty from hip hop imagery (Stephens and Few 2007). Drawing from Stephens, other researchers show increased exposure to stereotypes in hip hop music videos over time adversely affected Black girls' sexual schemas, and exposure to rap music could predict the occurrence of health risk behaviors and STDs (Stephens and Phillips 2003; Wingood, et al. 2003; Ward, Hansbrough, and Walker 2005; Watkins 2005). Although Stephens and Perry use different methods to describe the chang­ ing landscape of hip hop, a common strand stemming from the second thread suggests that the dominate stereotypes and images of the Latina and Black female body constrain how we can imag­ ine ourselves in the culture. The two mipe her weeping eyes as she viewed her production on the big screen ... Someone looking like a "real" researcher raised his hand and said something to the effect of "So you all dance. Wbo does not dance? Tell me about how SOL­ HOT creates community and exists as a site of political education." I [Ruth-Nicole Brown] know the power of little Sally "'Talker because I can feel it ... I know we are doing much more than dancing (2009, 103-104).

Brown invites the two men from the Black private and White public sphere to see hip hop through the lens of Black girls. The female-focused perfommnces even make the sacred hip hop ci­ pher lmintelligible to the men who see 'Just dancing" rather than the participatory citizenship, athleticism, and improvisation that often accompanies theorizations about the dance practices per­ formed by b-boys or male break-dancers (Guevara 1996).5 Brown emphasizes embodied forms of knowledge and she locates her theorizations about hip hop pedagogy from the local, interpretive community in which she is immersed. Brown and her homegirls enact the very ethos of hip hop. From the two exchanges, how­ ever, Black girl cultural production and Black women's intellectual production are devalued. Brown remains unapologetic. "[SOLHOT] is living and breathing our feminism, invoking the word, in the same institutional spaces that seem to thrive on patriarchal leader­ ship, and a hip hop feminist pedagogy that feels too much and too little like school for critics on both sides" (2009, 104). For Brown, hip hop feminist pedagogy requires researchers to use new lan­

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guage, new frames of reference, and locate new sites to recall, remember and represent the homegirls from the hip hop "gen­ deration." Like Brown, my articulation of hip hop feminist media studies comes from embodied knowledge cultivated in the classroom where I teadl hip hop feminism and popular culture, and from com­ munity-based workshops where I have engaged .vith youth by shar­ ing media literacy. Examining gender representations in media is not a new enterprise. I emphasize the term articulation to mark the ways hip hop cultural products, hip hop feminist theorizations, and media studies approaches congeal at this moment to form a distinct intellectual project within hip hop studies. TIle need to name it, to explain it comes from a real place. As Brown demon­ strates, it comes from our frustrated efforts of translating hip hop aesthetics and knowledge outside masculinist frameworks. It comes from the educator who held up Home Girls Make Some Noise! Hip Hop Feminism Anthology (2007) and asked panelists: "I have the book, but how do I teach it?" The media literacy model is my formal attempt to answer the educator's question. I identify three entry points to engage with hip hop cultural products and performances made for, about or by women of color: awareness, analysis, and advocacy (see Figure 1). In the follmving section, I explain each entry point and offer classroom examples that reflect experiential, experimental hip hop pedagogy. I dose by sharing suggested classroom exercises and a topical reference guide, which serves as an additional re­ source for educators interested in teaching hip hop feminist media studies. FIGURE 1: MEDIA LITERACY MODEL

AWARENESS

The manifold aim of awareness is to understand the conversa­ tions about gender and sexuality that take place in hip hop cul­

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ture and in the academic field of hip hop studies, acknowledge the aesthetic contributions of homegirls, and explore the group experiences that characterize the hip hop generation. Bakari Ki­ twana, for example, explains the world in which the hip hop gen­ eration emerges. He suggests, increased visibility of Black youth culture impacts black media representations and the "Afro-Ameri­ canization" of Wl1ite youth; globalization intensifies poverty in new deindustrialized city centers; new racism and the "illusion of inclusion" supplants Jim Crow; state militarism is legitimated by ra­ cially biased laws and public policy regarding drugs and senten­ cing; and, the overall quality of life for Black youth decreases as a result of poverty, HlVIAIDS, and suicide (2002). Welfare reform transforms communities of color as well. Political elites and news media-makers constmct the welfare queen to gamer public sup" port for limited benefits and mandatory employment for poor Latina and Black mothers (Smith-Shomade 2002; Jordan-Zachery 2009). In many ways, welfare reform operates as a gender-specific form of racial surveillance by policing reproductive choices, work opportunities and housing eligibility for poor mothers (Price 2007). The welfare queen morphs into hip hop's baby mama; both use children to sipllOn money from fathers or the patriarchal state (Cooper 2007). Awareness asks us to make explicit the interrela­ tionship of the two images that depict Latina and Black female sexuality as predatory. Moreover, it asks us to connect the past with the present so that we can better understand the historical context by which hip hop images gain meaning. The emergence of hip hop feminism is addressed as well. Early on, we identify the intellectual interventions from Tricia Rose, Joan Morgan, and Gwendolyn Pough. Rose, for example, docu­ ments homegirls as hip hop practitioners and active consumers while Morgan coins the term hip hop feminism and situates hip hop feminist sul?jectivity within a longer trajectory of Black femi­ nist thought. Pough places Black, hip hop and third wave fem­ inism in conversation with one another. and outlines hip hop ped­ agogy. Pough, Rose, and Morgan describe the complex, often con­ tradictory relationship women have with hip hop, yet each are in­ formed by the oppositional consciousness embedded in hip hop. We also interrogate the very idea of popular hip hop as opposi­ tional. Hip hop media, for example. can recall dominant relations of power by reproducing racist stereotypes about Black female hyper sexuality and by reproducing the logic of capitalism through

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its familiar trope of the pimp and ho. Hip hop feminism is anchor­ ed by in terse ction ality. Through hip hop feminism, we adopt a gender standpoint to describe the cultural production and COll­ slunption of homegirls. Cultural immersion is in tegral to become familiar with the life stories, the artistry, and the ongoing conversations about the hip hop genderation. I rely heavily on videos, songs and spoken word to hmnanize academic discussions about real bodies, and to privi­ lege marginalized forms of knowledge in the academy. Students are exposed to independent art in order to raise awareness about alternative spaces of cultural production. This exposure encoura­ ges students to consider why particular forms of hip hop media, such as queer and feminist rap music, are underrepresented in the popular. Here, we return to stnlctmal and cultural constraints. Take the gender concept of respectability. Interviews with emcees and graffiti writers suggest girls and young women who dare to participate in male-dominated street culture with male crews (of­ ten at night) risk "losing" respectability (Guevara 1996). A popular artist like Seyonce, for example, avoids acquiring the bad reputa­ tion of the "loose" woman by adopting a freaky stage persona cal­ led Sasha Fierce. Cultural immersion expands how we might think about female art and consider the conditions that media are form­ ed. Exploring the hip hop generation, hip hop feminism, and fe­ male art are all components of awareness. Awareness underpins the other moments of the media literacy model, and it is there­ fore a suggested entry point to critically analyze racialized gender and sexuality in hip hop media. ANALYSIS

Analyzing hip hop media is useful to thinking critically about the '\AI4yS messages are constructed and interpreted. Textual meth­ ods, such as discourse, semiotic or rhetorical analyses, examine the meaning-making process of language and culture. As discussed earlier, hip hop feminism is concerned with the underrepresenta­ tion and overrepresentation of women and girls. In class, we ask: "Vhat stories do we tell in hip hop media about women and girls? How are these stories communicated? Who benefits from the cir­ culation of these stories? Why are the stories (re) told? To decode hip hop culture, we develop a common vocabulary by recalling rep­ resentations, stereotypes and sexual scripts germane to hip hop culture (Phillips, Reddick-Morgan, and Stephens 2005; Stokes

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2007). Jotting terms associated with women is an immediate, ef­ fective strategy to illustrate the significance of sexuality that de­ fines the visibility and desirability of Latina and Black women. In addition to iden tifying gender represen tations, we leam visual cul­ ture techniques and forms of objectification. vVe incorporate these decoding strategies to read still and moving images in hip hop media. Color, for example, is used in visual culture to convey meaning in still and moving imagery. Consider pink, which is a color associ­ ated with girlhood or femininity today. Pink also recalls prepubes­ cent sexuality, blending the innocence of vVhite with the adult sexuality represen ted by red. Also, sexual proficiency can be re­ flected by the intensity of pink (e.g., hot pink). vVhen we decode aJune/July 2010 Vibe magazine cover featuring rapper Nicki Minaj wearing hot pink, thigh-high boots in a baby doll dress, it suggests sexually proficiency and gender subordination. The latter combi­ nation is a familiar trope in pornography and her represen tation recalls infantilization, a form of objectification where women are depicted as children. Pink is repeated in moving images as well. I point to the music video "vVhateverYou Like" by rapper T.I. (2008). Music videos involve-a multisensory engagement where the inter­ play with image, narrative and sound work together or undercut one another. Students recognize how prepubescent sexuality is conveyed by the red and vVhite stripe uniform and the pink bed­ room of the rapper's love interest. T.I. introduces the low-wage fe­ male worker to the accoutrements of high society and he grooms her sexually as she dons solid red by the close of the video. Stu­ dents often highlight tensions with the text. They grapple with objectification illustrated visually and through rap lyrics with the vocal delivery that they interpret as a "love" song. The sing-song rap T.I. performs counters the aggressive masculinity from other rap music. Not only do studen ts appreciate his vulnerability, they suggest the melody works to undercut a narrative that essentially tells Black women to barter our bodies in exchange for his wealth. His love interest is adored in the music video, yet women who ex­ press desire for money or opt to sell sex for financial security are demonized as gold diggers and hoes. Through encoding, we can better lmderstand how gender and sexuality are constructed in the hip hop imaginary. It is important for us to recognize ruptures when analyzing music videos featuring female rappers and singers. They, like the

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actresses and dancers of the hip hop dream world, participate in media industries tmder particular structural and cultmaI con­ straints. The video "Wait a Minute Gust a Touch)" by Estelle (2007) provides an example of the way we can read mpture on multiple levels. First, Estelle contemplates a one-night stand with a man she meets at a party. From the outset, Estelle defines the parame­ ters of the potential sexual encoullter. The refrain "wait a mi­ nute," works to slow his sexual aggression and it serves as a point of critical reflection for the rapper who walks to the front door, gives him goodbye kiss and walks away from the man. Close up shots offer Estelle subjectivity denied to other women in the hip hop dreamworld that might be depersonalized when the camera frames the booty or pans the body. Estelle retums the gaze. The audience is invited to identify with Estelle and understand the narrative from her point of view. vVhile Estelle discusses sex, it is seen as fun and flirtatious (e.g., just a touch). Rana Emerson ar­ gues hegemonic and counter hegemonic themes, such as sex and freedom, occur simultaneously and are interconnected, and they demonstrate the complex and contradictvry representations of Black womanhood (2002). By incorporating multiple decoding strat­ egies and contextualizing representations within specific structur­ al and cultural constraints, we are able to recognize ruptures and the in-betweeness that hip hop feminism privileges. ADvOCACY

Advocacy emphasizes accountability. New knowledge acquired from hip hop culture and generated through classroom collabora­ tion should be shared publicly with the communities we call home. The media literacy model is multidirectional because our commu­ nity engagement can raise awareness about the hip hop gendera­ tion and anchor our analysis of hip hop media. The imperative to share notwithstanding, Advocacy should not be prescriptive. In­ stead, modes of advocacy could be co-created to respond to the needs of students, who are members of diverse communities as well. During one semester, students developed talking points to educate their peers about Black representations during the Don Imus spectacle while another group of students requested we take time to collectively address partner abuse after then-boyfriend Chris Brown battered Rhianna. 'While there are activist-oriented approaches that orchestrate service learning as a form of built-in accountability, I want to encourage a kind of critical reflection

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that has the potential to inspire willing students to use media literacy to transform their lives and the lives of others. TIlat said, advocacy at the level of the personal should not be llilderestimat­ ed. It is by personal reflection, interpersonal interaction, and col­ lective engagement that we perform praxis. This point is especial­ ly salient for yOtmg women of color who learn a vocabulary to name their lived experience using a hip hop feminist standpoint and familiar franles of reference. Naming concretizes experience; it makes theory real. We can advocate for ourselves. Remember, Joan Morgan nanled hip hop feminism and she ignited a move­ ment. Collaborative performance is another strategy employed in Advocacy to incite change. Exploiting the emotive and evocative power of language, performance compels us to (re)act at a visceral level. Performance privileges embodied ways of knoV'.ring. Here, we might recall Ruth Nicole Brown and the hip hop cipher cap­ tured on a cell phone at the commllility center. In the classroom, we read "If Women Ran Hip Hop" by Aya de Leon (2007). de Leon uses hip hop as a metaphor for society, and she describes a world free of ageism, homophobia, hypermasculinity, misogyny and violence. Using de Leon as a template, students complete the phrase: "If women ran hip hop...." Their individual statements are compiled and composed as a llilified performance read aloud. The performance stages citizenship. Personal dreams become a part of an overall (re)vision of hip hop. Students hear their wishes voiced by others. Their voice -the single sentence -is powerful when heard in concert with their peers who imagine what hip hop could be. The performance is in part a form of collective naming or advo­ cacy where we see our vested interests connected with other members of the classroom comrmmity. Through awareness, anal­ ysis, and advocacy, we can explore, examine and ultimately be­ come empowered to make real the world we envision. CONCLUSION

In this article, I provided an alternative genealogy of hip hop feminist studies, and I offered a media literacy model to llilder­ stand the symbolic and lived realty of the hip hop genderation. The model illustrates how to think critically about hip hop media and how to translate new knowledge to other commllilities. TIle classroom is one commllility. It is a site where students can ex­ amine the twin processes of production and consumption. The

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utility of the media literacy model is in its flexibility. It is capable of responding to the changing hip hop media climate and the changing needs of the classroom community. The creative-intel­ lectual work cultivated in the classroom from minoritized commu­ nities should be shared publicly like the hip hop art we analyze. Hip hop feminist media studies serves as one approach where we can explore, analyze and create culturally-relevant media that informs how we understand society. Hip hop feminist media studies engages with hip hop cultural products and performances made for, about or by women of color. The approach goes beyond integrating audiovisual material about women in hip hop in the classroom. It necessitates that students and educators become versed in the lived realities of women of color, and recognize that women of color share an interpretive community with distinct literacies to define the world. Put anoth­ er way, our lived experience mediates how we express culture. In this article, I provided practical classroom exercises and examples of decoding still and moving hip hop advertisements. In one class, however, we learn more than thirty repre~ntations, images and sexual scripts associated with women in hip hop, six basic tech­ niques to decode visual culture, and six forms of sexual objectifica­ tion. 6 The interpretive possibilities are abundant, especially when we represent embodied knowledge in forms devalued in the acad­ emy (e.g., spoken word). Hip hop 'culture and hip hop studies al­ ways have been enriched by the creative and intellectual contribu­ tions of women and girls. Hip hop feminist media studies serves as the latest example in a long tradition of women bringing wreck.

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ApPENDIX SUGGESTED RESOURCES FOR COURSES IN HIP Hop FEMINIsT MEDIA STUDIES HlP Hop ART AND THE POETICS OF GENDER

Batiste, Stephanie. 2007. Hip-hop and this one-woman show. In Home girls make some noise: Hip hop feminism anthology, eds. G. Pough, E. Rich­ ardson, A. Durham and R. Raimist. Mira Lorna, CA: Parker Pub­ lishing. Gaunt, Kyra Dallielle. 1995. African American women between hop­ scotch and hip-hop: "Must be the Music (That's Tumin' Me On)." In Feminisr", rmlltiwltumlism,and the media: Global diversities, ed. A.N. Valdivia. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications. Guevara, Nancy. 1996. Women .mtin' rappin' breakin'. In Dwppin' sci­ ence: C1itical essays on rap music and hip hop culture, ed. W.E. Perkins. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. McDonnell, Evelyn. 2001. Divas .declare a spoken-\vord revolution. In Black feminist cultuml criticism., ed. J. Bobo. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Raimist, Rachel. 2007. B-Girls, femcees, graf girls and lady deejays: 'Women artists in hip hop. In Home girls make some noise: Hip hop fem­ inism anthology, ed. G. Pough, E. Richardson, A. Durham and R. Raimist. Mira Lom