Defining Historical Fiction in New Kingdom Egypt

Opening the Tablet Box

Culture and History of the Ancient Near East Founding Editor

M. H. E. Weippert Editor-in-Chief

Thomas Schneider Editors

Eckart Frahm, W. Randall Garr, B. Halpern, Theo P. J. van den Hout, Irene J. Winter

VOLUME 42

DEFINING HISTORICAL FICTION IN NEW KINGDOM EGYPT

Colleen Manassa Yale University The Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties witness some of the greatest battles of pharaonic history—Ramesses II’s daring chariot charge at Kadesh, the repeated and often massive Libyan incursions during the reigns of Merneptah and Ramesses III, and the latter’s naval encounter with the Sea Peoples. These events are recounted in lengthy and detailed hieroglyphic inscriptions, in most cases accompanied by largescale reliefs depicting the battle and its aftermath. Egyptian temples served as the setting for Egyptian historical texts, and such compositions not only interact with their physical context, but also exist within a complex labyrinth of intertextuality—both with their historical predecessors and other genres of texts. Among these genres are fictional accounts of military events, which appear to be a direct result of the militarism of the Ramesside age.1 The use of historical elements in fictional tales provides information about the author of the texts and his sources, and contains important clues as to the historical knowledge of the intended audience. Without a proper appreciation of history, the entertainment value of fiction based on historical events disappears. Examination of the historical knowledge required of the ancient Egyptian audience may enable one indirectly to recover details of Egyptian historiography otherwise lacking from the written record. While the Middle Kingdom was—even for the Egyptians—the golden age of literature, the corpus of New Kingdom stories is more significant for a study of historical fiction, since it is only during the latter period that a wide range of historical texts and fictional literature covering the same events appears in the extant material. The 1

The following is a summary of some of the results that will be presented in a more complete version in my forthcoming monograph, Historical Fiction in New Kingdom Egypt, which will include translations and commentary to all four stories as well as more detailed examinations of comparative texts.



colleen manassa

historical settings of the great works of the Middle Kingdom, such as the Instruction for Merikare, Instruction of Amenemhat, Prophecies of Neferty, and the stories in Papyrus Westcar, provide useful comparisons for New Kingdom historical fiction, but the relevant historical sources for much in those earlier tales are now lost or obscure. However, with a definition of historical fiction and demonstration of its applicability within ancient Egyptian literature, one may ultimately shed light on literary production from the Middle Kingdom through to the flowering of demotic literature in the Graeco-Roman Period. Without tackling the enormous topic of fictionality in ancient Egyptian literature,2 one may offer a preliminary definition of “historical fiction:” a fictional narrative in which the process of historical events is itself an actor within the plot and whose characters are directly and repeatedly influenced by historical events or are themselves fictionalized versions of individuals who shaped historical events. The first criterion separates historical fiction from fiction with a historical setting; a story with a historical setting typically has only one or two events that might affect a character’s behavior, but the development of the character, irrespective of his historical setting, remains a primary impetus to the plot. In historical fiction, the specific time period permeates, limits, and defines the actions of the characters and the plot development—the flow of historical events, even if augmented by fictional elements, provides the boundaries for the narrative. Similarly, the primary characters in a work of historical fiction are either fictionalized versions of known individuals or are entirely fictional characters who frequently interact with known individuals. Four tales within the corpus of the “Late Egyptian Stories” demonstrate how this working definition of historical fiction applies specifically to ancient Egyptian literature: The Quarrels of Apepi and Seqenenere (QAS), The Capture of Joppa (COJ), Thutmose III in Asia (TIA), and The Libyan Battle Story (LBS). The following sections present summaries of these four texts along with new perspectives on lexicographic and thematic aspects of the stories that bear on their interpretation as historical fiction. With a working definition of historical fiction and specific examples thereof one may then tackle a larger comparison of fictional tales with a historical setting with actual historical fiction.

2

Moers .

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



I. The Quarrels of Apepi and Seqenenre The fragmentary tale QAS appears in only a single papyrus copy: P. Sallier I (BM ), dated to the tenth regnal year of Merneptah and probably deriving from a Memphite context.3 The story appears in the first three columns of the recto, ending mid-sentence at the left margin of the third line of the third column; the final two lines of the excerpted portion of the story appear again in the second column of the verso. In line four of the third column of the recto, the scribe then wrote the title to the remainder of the compositions on the recto of the papyrus:4 h. ɜt-# m sbɜy.t ˇs#.wt “Beginning of the instruction of letter writing.” The remaining six columns of the recto contain copies of letters between the chief of the record-keepers of the treasury of pharaoh Ameneminet and the scribe Pentaweret, which were apparently chosen for their didactic value, as use of sbɜy.t “instruction” in the title suggests.5 Far from being unrelated to the following letter-writing manual, the QAS appears to provide an entertaining and instructive beginning to the manual, specifically chosen by the scribe to introduce the additional, more sober contents of the papyrus. Although the significance of this juxtaposition has been overlooked, it offers unique information concerning the audience of historical fiction and the multiplicity of purposes it might serve for that audience (see further below). From the preserved portion of the story, one can summarize QAS as a narrative that presents an apparently imaginary scenario that occurred near the end of the Second Intermediate Period, at the onset of the war between the Thebans and the Hyksos. The main characters of the story are two historically well attested pharaohs: Aauserre Apepi, one of the last kings of the Hyksos Fifteenth Dynasty, and Seqenenre Ta#a, the penultimate pharaoh of the Theban Seventeenth Dynasty. The Ramesside scribe who copied the text in P. Sallier I and the unknown author of QAS were part of a larger New Kingdom tradition of interest in the conflicts of the Second Intermediate Period as attested by the Carnarvon tablet,6 a

3 Budge : pls. –; Gardiner : –; Caminos : . Overviews and translations of the story include: Redford : –, ; Redford : –; Goedicke ; Wente a; Barbotin : –. 4 P. Sallier I, r. col. , l.  = Gardiner :  l. . 5 On the Late Egyptian Miscellanies as a didactic corpus, see most recently Goelet . 6 Barbotin : – and references therein.



colleen manassa

copy of part of Kamose’s official historical record on a wood tablet, and the historical retrospective in the Speos Artemidos inscription of Hatshepsut.7 The story begins with a dramatic setting: hpr swt wn.ı"n tɜ n km.t ˘ 8 that then the land m ı"ɜd.t ı"w nn wn nb (m) nswt hrw “It happened of Egypt was in a state of pestilence,9 no (single) lord as king at that time.” While the pharaoh Seqenenre ruled in Thebes, the entire country paid taxes to Apepi, who resided at his capital of Avaris. The territorial extent of the Hyksos and their burdensome taxation also appear in contemporary historical sources;10 the literary tale appears to have cast these aspects of the historical record—already part of the self-conscious royal presentation of Kamose as defender of maat—into the more poetic description of “pestilence.”11 The dual historical and theological aspects of the tale appear in a description of Apepi’s exclusive devotion to Seth that occurs between the introductory passages and the beginning of the narration of events.12

7 Gardiner : –; Allen . For the topic of Egyptians consulting earlier records in general, see Vernus : –; Redford . 8 The verb hpr is a preterite sdm=f with omitted impersonal subject and sentence ˘ references to this¯grammatical form, see Spalinger : – n. . complement; for 9 The use of the term ı" ɜd.t “pestilence” suggests that Egypt is in a state of constant danger from pestilence both physical and psychic, which was normally confined to the dangerous time of the new year (on this concept, see Darnell : –; Osing and Rosati ); for a medical discussion, see Westendorf ; Herrmann () notes the presence of a similar concept in Akkadian texts. Actual plagues from southwest Asia that entered Egypt during the late Thirteenth Dynasty might also have contributed to the significance of ı"ɜd.t in QAS; for archaeological and textual evidence of this plague, see Bietak : –; Bietak : ; Goedicke ; Panagiotakopulu . 10 Carnarvon Tablet, l.  (Helck : ):

nn sny sw ˇsɜ # r hw.t-k ɜ-pth. . mw n km.t mk sw hr hmnw nı" hnn.n zı" fkw m-#¯ b˘ɜk.w Stty.w ˘ is no bypassing him ¯(the Hyksos ruler) as far as Memphis. There As for the water of Egypt—he even possesses Hermopolis. A man cannot rest, he having been devastated with the taxes of the Asiatics. 11

Compare the “time of troubles” topos in historical texts—Redford : –; von der Way : –; Manassa : –. 12 Apepi’s worship of Seth is not monotheistic, contra Goldwasser ; the god Seth is a member of the Heliopolitan Ennead and has no meaning outside of that constellation of deities, thus Apepi’s emphasis on Seth is at most an extreme form of henotheism, but does not appear to have any relation to the exclusive solar worship of Akhenaten (for the Aten as a god who exists before the creation of other deities, see the overview in Darnell and Manassa : –).

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



The first action within the narrative occurs in the palace of Avaris, where Apepi dictates a message addressed to Seqenenre. Following the description of Apepi’s letter as “libelous,” the text becomes fragmentary, and among the broken lines the story reports that just as Apepi devotes his religious activity solely to Seth—including the construction of a large temple next to the royal palace—Seqenenere directs his worship to Amun-Re. Once the messenger arrives in Thebes, we learn the content of the Hyksos king’s missive. The messenger tells the Theban ruler: “Expel the hippopotami from the swamp that is in the eastern waters of the city, because they do not allow that sleep come to me, day or night, because their noise is in his ear!” More than five hundred kilometers separate Avaris from Thebes, making Apepi’s request ridiculous to ancient and modern audiences alike. The absurdity of the message causes Seqenenere pause, unable immediately to respond to the Hyksos messenger. After the shock wears off, Seqenenre asks the messenger a question; although the actual content of the question is not preserved, the use of the particle ı" st followed by a nominal ı".sdm=f suggests that the question is rhetorical13¯ ¯ ı" st ı" .ı"r pɜy=k nb #nh wdɜ snb {hr} sdm md.wt and quite possibly sarcastic: . ¯ ¯ ¯ hr . [ . . . ] “Did your lord actually hear the words concerning [the . . . ]”. In another broken passage a character says “As for everything that you say to him—I will do it;” although the speaker is not specified, Seqenenre is the most likely candidate. The story ends mid-sentence in the following section in which Seqenenre summons his council. Previous interpretations of the story have varied greatly—from a strictly historicist reading14 to “a mockery of the standard so-called Königsnovelle.”15 The apparent inactivity of Seqenenre has led to the conclusion that he may not be the “hero” of the tale.16 Subtle alterations to the “royal novel” may have served as humorous elements17 in the tale— while the educated ancient reader would expect the king to “rage like a panther,” he actually responds with stunned silence. One should not, however, overestimate Seqenenre’s lack of response in the beginning of For ı"st introducing rhetorical questions, see Junge : ; Darnell : , note ¯ d and references therein. For another example of ı"st with nominal ı".ı"r=f sdm, compare ¯ ı"rı" grg r# nb dy “But ¯ is injustice Wenamun   (Gardiner :  ll. –): ı"st ı".ı"r=tw performed every day even here?” 14 Goedicke . 15 Fischer-Elfert : . 16 Fischer-Elfert : ; di Biase-Dyson . 17 While it is difficult not to interject modern feelings into the interpretation of the text, comparative material that would confirm such emotions for the ancient audience is lacking. 13



colleen manassa

the tale, equating his behavior with cowardice or passivity.18 Indeed, a historical text from the reign of Seti I provides precisely the template for understanding Seqenenre’s decision to appease the Hyksos messenger. In the Sai and Amara West stelae of Seti I, which record a campaign against Irem, the date of the stela and a series of epithets is followed by a ı" w=tw formula and the king’s unexpected response to his assembled council:19 ı" w=tw r dd n hm=f . ¯ n hɜs.t Ι rm kɜ=sn bˇstɜ nɜ n hrw.w ˘ sp r=sn #h. #.n˘wɜh. Hm=f . r sdm shr.w=sn drw ¯ ˘ ¯ One came to say to his majesty: “The enemy of the foreign land of Irem—they are planning rebellion.” Then his majesty gave them time, in order to become thoroughly cognizant of their plans.

Rather than rage against the enemy as is common in the ı" w=tw report genre,20 Seti I patiently awaits further developments, giving the Iremites time to give away their plans and thus make the Egyptian strategy that much more effective. The Nubian War stelae of Seti I demonstrate that the Egyptians were not simplistic in their military strategy and that delay was not automatically equated with cowardice. The actions of Seti I may resolve the apparent contradiction within QAS and provide a parallel for Seqenenre’s stalling action as strategic decision, which in the context of a literary tale may humorously reflect the audience’s own astonishment at Apepi’s demand. 18 Similarly, the use of the term nswt “king” for Apepi and wr n nı" w.t rsy.t “ruler of the southern city” for Seqenenre may not have demeaned the latter as most scholars assume. The use of the differing titles should be seen in the context of the use of the nomen for Apepi (probably because all three permutations of his prenomen contained the name “Re”—see Schneider : –—which would contradict the Sethian worship of the Hyksos king as well as the reputation of the Hyksos ruling “without acknowledging Re”— Speos Artemidos Inscription of Hatshepsut, l. , Gardiner : pl. VI) and prenomen for Seqenenre (since his nomen Ta#a refers to Djehuty rather than the solar deity). Emphasizing Seqenenre’s status as Theban ruler continually reminds the reader of the magnitude of his accomplishments, setting the stage for Kamose and Ahmose’s military conquest and the expulsion of the Hyksos. The use of the title nswt for the Hyksos ruler might also have been intended to portray how Apepi did not properly fill the role—as a simple wr or hq . ɜ hɜs.wt, Apepi might be forgiven his transgressions, but as nswt, higher ˘ moral standards apply (such as those implied in the term nswt mnh). ˘ 19 Kitchen :  ll. –;  ll. –; translation of Darnell Forthcoming a: . On the Irem campaign of Seti I, see Darnell Forthcoming a; Kitchen : –; Vercoutter . 20 See the examples outlined in Spalinger : –; for the ı" w=tw report, see also below.

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



This possible clarification of Seqenenre’s motives and superior wit leaves the nature of Apepi’s demand unexplained. What does it mean that one should remove the hippopotami from the swamp east of the city? What do the hippopotami symbolize and how can they be related to the political events of the Theban-Hyksos conflict? Previous theories divide into two basic categories: ) Apepi as a worshipper of Seth is trying to prevent Seqenenre from ritually killing the hippopotami that are sacred to his chosen deity;21 ) the hippopotami are threatening Apepi with their roars—since the Hyksos king is equated with the chaos serpent Apep— and Apepi desires that they be driven out/eliminated.22 While hippopotami were ritually killed in a variety of contexts—from royal harpooning in the marshes23 to Ankhtyfy’s hunt during the festival of Hemen24—no comparative evidence suggests that Apepi is attempting to halt a ritual killing of the hippopotami or that such a ritual was essential to the legitimacy of Seqenenre’s rule. An abundance of parallels, however, may be garnered for the second option, in which Apepi requests something negative be done to the Sethian hippopotami, granting a much more straight-forward reading to the message. Although Apepi worships Seth, his selfish request will bring him into direct conflict with the god to whom hippopotami are sacred.25 This apparent contradiction has two important corollaries: first, the hippopotami are protective deities for the Thebans, and second, if Apepi acts against Seth then the divine template for the Hyksos king’s actions become the chaos serpent Apep.26 The hippopotami within the swamp on the east bank of Thebes echo the “pool of the white hippopotamus” from Book of the Dead Chapter ; the vignette to Chapter  shows the deceased plowing the earth in the “field of reeds (sh.t ı"ɜrw),” while the annotation reads:27 ˘

21 Säve-Söderbergh ; Gwyn Griffiths : ; followed by Brunner ; Behrmann : Dok. ; Hofmann : ; Kozloff : –. 22 Störk . 23 Behrmann : –. 24 Willems : –. 25 For hippopotami and Seth, see Behrmann : –; Störk : . 26 Störk : –. 27 Naville ; the text appears already in CT —de Buck : –. Much debate surrounds the possible associations between the “white hippopotamus” in Book of the Dead  and the festival of the white hippopotamus (hb inter alia . hd.t)—see . Behrmann : –; Kaiser , ; Altenmüller . Compare also the hippopotamus in the Book of the Fayum—see Beinlich : –.



colleen manassa ˇs n h. d.t ı" trw ¯hɜ m ɜw=f nn dd wsh=f ˘ n wn˘rm.w nb im=f¯ nn hf . ɜw.w nb.t ı"m=f The pool (var: spell) of the white hippopotamus; it is one thousand iteru in length, without stating its width. No fish exist therein and no serpents exist therein.

Iconographic evidence from Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period Thebes further indicates the specific apotropaic function hippopotami exercised in this area. In addition to her protective function within the home, the goddess Taweret—a hippopotamus-headed goddess with crocodile and leonine attributes—appears in several interesting contexts within the Thebaid.28 Rock inscriptions of Taweret appear along the Theban desert roads,29 and twin Taweret goddesses stand guard on the throne base of the Seventeenth Dynasty king Sobekemsaf I.30 The association between the hippopotami in QAS with a canal on the eastern side of the city is also consistent with Taweret goddesses protecting the eastern horizon.31 Several Theban stelae from the same time period as the composition of QAS depict the worship of Seth as a hippopotamus; one Nineteenth Dynasty stela from Deir el-Medina depicts Taweret alongside two hippopotami manifestations of Seth.32 In conclusion, one cannot be certain that the hippopotami in QAS are Taweret, Seth, or both, but the evidence points towards the hippopotami as protective deities acting on behalf of the Thebans. If Apepi is requesting a negative action be taken against hippopotami that represent Seth and/or another deity, then the template for the Hyksos king’s actions are Apep, the chaotic serpent and solar enemy, whom Seth himself spears at the prow of the solar bark.33 The equation of a foreign ruler with Apep is attested in other historical documents; in the Great Karnak Inscription of Merneptah, an Egyptian fortress 28

For a temple of Taweret in Luxor, see Gundlach : . Darnell a: –; b: ; Forthcoming b. 30 Davies : – and pls. B,  (noting a parallel on a statue base of Hatshepsut— see most recently, Roehrig (ed.) : –); I would like to thank John Darnell for pointing out this key piece. 31 Epigraphic Survey : pls.  and ; Moussa . 32 Behrmann : dok. a–d (c shows Seth with Taweret; the interpretation in Behrmann : – oddly downplays the relationships between the deities on the stela). 33 For Seth as slayer of Apep, see Te Velde : –, : ; Petschel and von Falck (eds.) : –; Broze : –; Silverman and Houser-Wegner : –. 29

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



commander reports that the Libyan leader Merey fled past the garrison in the “deep of the night,”34 an allusion to the time during which Re combats Apep in the Underworld,35 while in the Victory Stela, several descriptions of Merey cast him in the role of Apep.36 Unfortunately, without the ending of QAS, one cannot know how or when Seth may have turned against the Hyksos king or if the tale contained a more direct association of Apepi and Apep. Helpful in this context is the story “The Capture of Joppa,” which similarly alludes to Seth’s unique role as deity against foreign enemies, and “Thutmose III in Asia,” which describes how Seth and manifestations of Montu aid the king in battle (see below)—tales of historical fiction, like actual historical texts, emphasize divine judgment against the enemies of Egypt.37 One can only speculate about the ending of QAS, although the parallels presented above suggest that Seqenenre capitalizes on his superior wit and strategy to gain victory over the Hyksos king, personification of chaos, who professes to worship Seth, yet represents the solar enemy Apep. The Ramesside author of the tale, as well as its readers, may or may not have been aware of the historical ending for the Theban king: Seqenenre died from wounds sustained in battle, including a blow to the skull from an Asiatic-type axe.38 However, Seqenenre’s successors Kamose and Ahmose would succeed in expelling the Hyksos from Egypt and founding the New Kingdom, whose imperial successes created the very military scribes that probably composed and enjoyed tales such as QAS, as well as the three tales that follow.

II. The Capture of Joppa The lively fictional portrayal of the Egyptian capture of the coastal city of Joppa through a clever ruse remains a delightful read over three thousand years after its composition.39 COJ is known through a single 34

Manassa : –; compare also von der Way : –. Manassa : – and references therein. 36 Garthoff . 37 For divine judgment in particular, see von der Way : –. 38 Bietak and Strouhal : –. 39 Previous studies and translations of the text include: Goedicke ; Wente b. Discussions of New Kingdom literature frequently mention COJ, but do not provide detailed commentary to the text; cf. Loprieno : –, : , : –; Houlihan : . 35



colleen manassa

copy on papyrus British Museum  (“Papyrus Harris ”), which dates to the reign of Ramesses II;40 COJ appears on the verso of the papyrus, followed by the story of the “Doomed Prince,”41 while the recto of the papyrus contains love poems and the “Song of the Harper.”42 The beginning of the tale is lost, but the three extant columns record what must have been a significant portion of the plot as well as the conclusion of the story. The COJ unfolds within the plausibly historical setting of the Egyptian siege of Joppa, led by a known Thutmoside general Djehuty, who creates a ruse de guerre that unfolds in an increasingly implausible manner amidst elements of humor. The first column of the papyrus begins with a group of drunken individuals as well as mention of maryannu, chariots, and Apiru, all of which set the narrative firmly in the imperial world of the Eighteenth Dynasty, when Mittani and Egypt vied for control of Syria-Palestine, fighting large-scale chariot battles.43 The specific setting, the city of Joppa, soon becomes clear when the ruler of Joppa addresses the Egyptian general Djehuty; the exact place of the meeting between Djehuty and the ruler of Joppa is not mentioned, but one may imagine it occurring in a neutral area between an Egyptian siege encampment44 and the city walls. The unnamed ruler wishes to see the “staff (#wn.t) of the pharaoh Thutmose III,” and in a moment of physical humor, Djehuty obliges by striking the ruler in the forehead with that very staff. Then Djehuty launches his plan—a mixture of Odysseus’ Trojan Horse and “Ali Baba and the  Thieves”—to capture the city. With the ruler of Joppa incapacitated and fettered, Djehuty sends a messenger to the ruler’s wife, who like her husband remains nameless; she is told that Djehuty has surrendered himself and his family into her custody and that  baskets will be delivered as the initial portion of Egyptian tribute to Joppa. Significantly for both COJ and QAS, the foreigners credit the god Seth for their

40

Budge : pl. XLVII; the exact provenance is unknown, but the state of preservation suggests that it probably came from a tomb (Quirke : ). 41 For overviews and translations, see Wente c; Helck ; Loprieno : – ; Galan : –. 42 The love poems and “Song of the Harper” are frequently discussed; see inter alia Fox ; Mathieu ; and Darnell in this volume. 43 For warfare of the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty and Mittani, see inter alia Spalinger : –; Redford ; Darnell and Manassa : –; Freu ; Evans . 44 Compare the circumvallation walls that Thutmose III constructs around the city of Megiddo—Redford : –.

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



apparent victory,45 which unbeknownst to them will be their downfall. Two hundred Egyptian soldiers—armed and equipped with ropes and manacles—hide within the baskets and capture the city from within. Following his military success, Djehuty writes a letter to the pharaoh Thutmose III, praising his victory and commending the captives to the temple of Amun-Re. Before discussing the historicity of the story, one should examine its literary elements. What do the characters and lexicography tell the reader about the purpose of the tale? How does the entertaining ruse relate to the overall trajectory of the story? With regards to the characters, the only named individual in the story is the Egyptian military hero Djehuty, who served during the reign of Thutmose III (see below). The ruler of Joppa and his wife remain nameless, denying perpetuation of the enemy’s name and keeping those characters entirely within the topical realm,46 in contrast to the more mimetical presentation of Apepi in QAS. One of the more interesting lexicographic features of COJ is the use of objects of foreign origin against the foreign enemies: the staff that the ruler of Joppa wishes to see is an #wn.t-staff, which in several contexts is a wooden stave specific to Syria-Palestine;47 and the baskets in which the Egyptian soldiers hide are called thbstı", possibly a Hurrian loan word.48 ˘ Ultimately the products of the northern Egyptian empire are turned to Egypt’s advantage, just as Seth, god of the foreigners, aids the Egyptians in QAS and COJ. COJ represents one of the longest works of historical fiction to survive from the New Kingdom, and a large corpus of comparative texts and archaeological data from Egypt provides information concerning the historical inspiration for the story. Archaeological evidence for Egyptian activity at Joppa is limited, consisting primarily of stone blocks with

45 COJ, col. , l.  (= Gardiner :  l. ): ı" .dı" (n)=n swth dhwty hn# hm.t=f hrd.w=f . . . ˘ ¯ family!” ¯ “It is to us that Seth has handed over Djehuty with his wife and 46 For namelessness in Egyptian literature, see the brief comments concerning female characters in Blumenthal : . 47 For #wn.t staves and Syria, compare Caminos : ; Fischer : –; Darnell : –; note particularly the text of a love poem from P. Harris  (the same papyrus as COJ), where the girl promises not to separate from her lover even if driven r pɜ tɜ n hɜrw m ˇsbdt hr . #wn “to the land of Syria with shuba and staffs” (for the ˘ text, see conveniently Fox : –). 48 Hoch : –; Ward . The syllabic orthography used to spell qh “mana. cles,” which has an Egyptian root, might also fit into this pattern—on the term, see Derchain .



colleen manassa

the name of Ramesses II.49 Egyptian texts first mention Joppa in topographical lists from the reign of Thutmose III,50 and by the late Eighteenth Dynasty, an Egyptian official ruled the city. Nineteenth Dynasty texts affirm that Joppa remained an Egyptian military base and was outfitted with a chariot workshop.51 The extensive royal war records of Thutmose III that detail his campaigns from Year  to , however, contain no mention of the city of Joppa. The silence of the monumental texts does not necessarily rule out a historical basis for the story, because internal features of the narrative provide a solution to this apparent contradiction—the pharaoh was not physically present at the battle, thus no royal day-book, the source for the “published” royal annals, recorded the capture of the city.52 Fortunately, the royal accounts are not the only source of information concerning the historicity of COJ. The protagonist of the story, Djehuty, was a historical figure,53 whose titles included “general,” “overseer of northern foreign lands,”54 “confidant of the king in every foreign land and the isles of the Mediterranean,”55 and “overseer of the garrison,”56 the last of which may appear in a fragmentary passage of COJ.57 One can be almost certain that Djehuty’s military accomplishments would have been recorded in the additional leather rolls in the temple of Karnak that listed dates, campaigns, and commanders.58 Although these records have been lost, the fact that titles from objects in Djehuty’s tomb correspond with his role in the story COJ suggest that Djehuty’s actual military exploits inspired later authors to compose fictional tales vaunting his soldiery. 49

Hasel : ; Higginbotham : –, . Müller :  and pl. , no. ; Helck : –; for the topographical lists in general, see Redford : –; Stockfisch . 51 Morris : –, –; Ahituv : . 52 As Redford : – notes, the day-book of the king’s house was complemented by additional documents that described military activities when the king was not present. The use of the phrase “one came to report” in a message delivered to Djehuty in COJ would also signal an affinity to royal military accounts for the ancient reader—see Spalinger : –; see also the reasonable re-evaluation of this genre as “dominion records” in Lundh : –. 53 Lilyquist ; Yoyotte  (publication of seated scribal statue whose text specifies Djehuty’s duties in Syria-Palestine, which parallels the annals of Thutmose III); Hirsch : –; Bryan : –. 54 Hirsch ; see also Murnane . 55 For a Late Period parallel to this title, see Darnell :  n. . 56 Turin, Cat. —see Lilyquist : , . 57 Col. , l.  = Gardiner :  l. . 58 On these leather rolls, described in the Annals of Thutmose III, see Redford : –. 50

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



III. Thutmose III in Asia The historical tale in Papyrus Turin – is less well preserved than either QAS or COJ, and no clear narrative may presently be reconstructed.59 The main characters appear to be Thutmose III and a man named Paser, son of Taatia, whose title is not preserved; the military speech Paser renders to his pharaoh in column two of the papyrus suggests that like Djehuty, Paser was a high military official. Paser is not otherwise known in the historical record, but this would not be surprising if he were buried at Memphis or another northern necropolis where few mid-Eighteenth Dynasty tombs have been discovered.60 The first column of the text has the final portion of seven lines of text, with a few signs of a further four lines; despite the fragmentary state of this part of the text, the story is clearly set within the same milieu as the COJ: line  mentions “fodder for my chariot [team]” and in line  the Apiru appear. The only toponym in the text is Kharu— a general designation for Syria61—in a reference to “the donkey of the ruler of Kharu” (col. , l. ); Thutmose III fought numerous battles in Syria, particularly against Mittani’s allies in the region, and TIA may have involved any of these campaigns.62 The better preserved text on column two consists of ten lines, many of which belong to speeches of Paser and Thutmose III; Paser exhorts the king to be firm, describing how Amun-Re will support the pharaoh in battle. The king likens his actions to Montu, his chariot horses become Seth, while the three Montu manifestations of the Thebaid come forth like a wind, destroying the enemy. With such powerful aid from the divine, Thutmose III overcomes his foe—although the end of column two is damaged, enough survives to indicate that the details of the battle itself did not figure in the story. The speech of Thutmose III in TIA is intertextually significant, employing interesting variations of epithets commonly found in royal military texts and a direct quote from a speech Ramesses II delivers in the Kadesh Poem (see note ). Perhaps TIA was a royal counterpart to COJ—an entertaining, fictional version of Thutmose III’s exploits instead of a general’s ruse; if so, the non-royal characters in TIA may have been primarily 59

The sole publication of the text remains Botti . For the parallel between col. , II. – and the Kadesh Poem of Ramesses II (§§ –), see Spalinger : –; a reading of select passages of the Turin papyrus appears in Fischer-Elfert : –. 60 For Saqqara as the probable location of Djehuty’s burial, see Lilyquist : . 61 Spalinger : . 62 Redford .



colleen manassa

as a supporting cast for Thutmose III, exactly as Paser functions in the preserved portion of the text. The different approaches of COJ and TIA indicate the flexibility of the genre of historical fiction, and if more texts were preserved, one might even be able to speak of sub-genres within the larger category.

IV. The Libyan Battle Story A fourth work of historical fiction, and the most recently published, is Louvre N , which has two well-preserved columns of text and several unplaced fragments.63 The first column appears to begin with a group of soldiers who sing a hymn of victory to the king; textual parallels to the fragmentary passage combined with iconographic evidence suggest that the story evokes a festival procession or military review.64 Heliopolis is then mentioned in a broken context, and shortly thereafter a royal palace, which may be the setting for the procession/military review. Several statements describe pharaoh’s benefactions and “the gods who acted for pharaoh, the great ruler of every land.” The pharaoh is not named, which complicates the interpretation of the text, but the emphasis on divine support in warfare follows the theme of the previous three tales. The last lines of the first column introduce the military action more specifically, referring to a “fortified plantation of pharaoh in Perire” and bow-troops, both of which appear prominently in the military records of the Libyan campaign of Merneptah.65 The second column elaborates upon the Libyan enemy, the Egyptian forces marshaled against them, and the setting of the battle. Three Libyan tribes are named: the Meshwesh, Rebu, and Hasa; the first two appear in the Libyan campaigns of Merneptah and Ramesses III, while the Hasa are unique to Ramesses III. Egypt prevails against the Libyan invaders, and as in the historical texts of Merneptah and Ramesses III, fortresses play a key role in the Egyptian defense. Perire is again mentioned as the location of the battle, but unlike the Year  campaign of Merneptah, in which Libyans fought alongside Sea People allies, LBS lists Sherden and

63 The initial publication of the text is Spalinger : –; a translation and commentary appeared in Manassa : –. 64 Manassa : . 65 Manassa : –; –; –; on Egyptian fortresses guarding the Libyan frontier, see also Snape .

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



Pelset as auxiliaries of the Egyptian army; the appearance of Sea Peoples as Egyptian allies and the specific mention of Pelset corresponds with the war scenes at Medinet Habu. The second column concludes with several statements in the first person plural, firmly removing LBS from the royal, historical sphere and placing it in the realm of fiction. Most likely, the first person plural pronoun refers to the army or a portion thereof—perhaps a group of military commanders.66 The preserved text of LBS does not provide names for any individuals, including that of the pharaoh himself, yet the story includes more details and corresponds more closely with known historical events than the other three tales. Most strikingly, the LBS appears to combine names and events from the Libyan campaign of Merneptah with additional peoples (e.g. the Hasa and Pelset) known only from the records of Ramesses III. The author of the tale definitely had access to historical texts—either the monumental hieroglyphic versions or hieratic papyrus copies thereof— and may have intentionally “updated” the campaign of Merneptah to enhance its relevance for an audience living two generations later.

V. Function and Audience of Historical Fiction Thutmose I and his soldiers—such as the colorful Ahmose son of Ibana— campaigned in far-distant lands north and south of Egypt, thereby establishing imperial borders that greatly expanded Egypt’s previous sphere of influence. The consequent expansion of Egypt’s intellectual scope paved the way for new textual genres. Although the Königsnovelle and royal daybook accounts both originate in the early Middle Kingdom,67 the length and complexity of such compositions in the New Kingdom is unprecedented.68 Why did New Kingdom scribes, particularly from the early Nineteenth Dynasty onwards, choose to write historical fiction? To answer this question is to examine the functionality of literature in ancient Egypt, and in this brief presentation one may only skim the surface. The larger and 66

As indicated by the statement in col. , l. : “and we sent forth  Peleset [. . .].” For an Eleventh Dynasty Königsnovelle, see Darnell : ; bare infinitives reminiscent of day-book style records appear already in Middle Kingdom expeditionary texts; see Darnell : – n. h,  n. a,  n. d, and , with references; Hsieh Forthcoming; Darnell and Manassa Forthcoming. 68 A basic presentation of the differences between pre- and post-Amarna New Kingdom literature appears in Baines . 67



colleen manassa

much more intensively examined Middle Kingdom corpus simultaneously entertained an audience, discomfited their moral norms through the presentation of difficult situations, and affirmed existing social and political values through the stories’ resolutions.69 The New Kingdom tales QAS and COJ incorporate elements that appear from a modern perspective as entertaining and humorous, but we can only imagine if Apepi’s complaint or Djehuty’s antics at Joppa inspired laughter in the ancient reader. The preserved portions of the other two stories, TIA and LBS, are more sober in their narration, but may have resonated specifically with men who had served in the Egyptian military.70 The historical fiction of the New Kingdom promoted the same worldview as the military texts preserved within Egyptian temples or those enjoyed in personal papyrus copies.71 Although the general Djehuty is the protagonist in COJ, the glory of conquest is dedicated to Thutmose III and the spoils of war to Amun-Re; in TIA, Thutmose III takes his place on the battlefield among Egypt’s gods. One of the themes present in all four stories is the importance of the divine world and the direct impact deities have upon events. The god Seth appears in QAS, COJ, and TIA, and in the first two stories, the foreign, enemy groups specifically venerate Seth. Although the ending of QAS is not preserved, the Egyptian victory at Joppa indicates that while the foreigners may worship Seth, the god acts solely on behalf of the Egyptians. Therein may rest one element of the propagandistic force of QAS and COJ for a Ramesside audience—despite the possible ambiguities of Seth’s roles, the god of foreigners ultimately acts to protect Egypt against any inimical non-Egyptians. Tackling the issue of Seth’s theology goes hand-in-hand with more complicated topics, such as the indignity of foreign conquest during the Second Intermediate Period. QAS memorializes this period in literature, with the purpose of affirming the triumph of order over chaos through the cleverness of the rightful pharaoh Seqenenre. Historical fiction thus served as a creative and entertaining means of expressing the triumphal, imperialistic spirit of the time. 69

Parkinson : – and references therein. For example, the Sherden who settled in Egypt with their families in Middle Egypt (e.g. those mentioned in P. Wilbour—see conveniently Kemp : –, ) may have been a particularly receptive audience for the Libyan Battle Story or the other tales described here. 71 For the New Kingdom, only the Kadesh texts of Ramesses II are known from hieratic papyri (Spalinger ), but the wooden tablet with a portion of the Kamose Stela (see n.  above) speaks for a much wider-spread circulation for military texts. 70

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



Within this overarching literary purpose, one may also deduce a more specific function for QAS. QAS is the only Late Egyptian story that includes human scribes as characters, and communication between rulers is the crux of the portion of the story reproduced in P. Sallier I. The story might thus serve as a lively introduction to the manual of letter writing, using a fictional tale to demonstrate the importance of scribes throughout Egyptian history. The scribe, or possibly scribal student,72 who read the papyrus would have been both entertained and edified. This theory may also explain why the scribe did not copy the entire story; perhaps the next section turns from royal communications to more military affairs, at which point the tale is no longer relevant to the student of letter writing. Ultimately, the QAS combines the functional and non-functional purposes of New Kingdom literature, suggesting that both may co-exist within a single manuscript. In the sole copy of the text, the QAS served a functional purpose as part of a letter-writing manual, and internal criteria suggest that the tale possessed normative features concerning kingship and religious belief, like the other three works of historical fiction described here. However, despite the political or religious significance of the hippopotami within QAS, the playful and humorous use of this animal through the obvious absurdity of Apepi’s request argues for the independent literary qualities of the text. The same dichotomy between function and autonomous literary existence appears to exist in all works of Egyptian historical fiction73—they are historical episodes that retain meaning as cultural artifacts, but were altered to create a sense of enjoyment for the ancient reader.

VI. Conclusion: A Tentative Genre Classification Returning to the definition set forth in the introduction of this study, the essential feature of historical fiction is the active role of known events and persons within the tale. Fantastical elements may be incorporated into a work of historical fiction, but characters and plot are still defined in reference to a fixed progression of historical events. In QAS, the two main characters are historical figures acting within a fictional narrative; however, the parameters of the story, including the setting and descriptions of 72 73

See n.  above. For these features in New Kingdom literature in general, see Assmann .



colleen manassa

each ruler, fit within those set forth in texts known from the Second Intermediate Period. The fictional elements of QAS play with, but do not contradict, the historical facts that would have been available to the ancient author or his audience. The COJ provides further evidence for the role of history within the fictional tales—a historical figure (Djehuty) captures a town (Joppa) within the extent of Thutmose III’s military victories and Ramesside Egyptians could have read the name of Joppa in topographical lists still present in the temple of Karnak.74 Both COJ and TIA mention foreign groups (e.g. the maryannu and Apiru) that existed at the time of Thutmose III and appear in documents from his reign. Historical details form the core of LBS, and specific groups and toponyms from the reigns of Merneptah and Ramesses III appear to be essential to the narrative; in fact, without documented events as a recognized element, the story simply could not exist. In all four tales, history is an essential element within the fiction, and the narrative could not be transposed into another temporal setting without a significant loss of meaning. Djehuty could not capture a Libyan town, Apepi could not dispatch a messenger from Joppa, and Thutmose III could not fight against the Hittites. Far from being simple contra factual statements, these examples demonstrate a difference between historical fiction and fiction within a historical setting. The Story of Sinuhe could have had a similar function and plot if the main character journeyed to Nubia rather than Syria-Palestine; the speeches within the Eloquent Peasant could have had similar force if set during the reign of Khufu rather than the Herakleopolitan dynasty; the Prophecy of Neferty could have been foretold during the reign of a king other than Snofru. In each of these examples from Middle Kingdom literature, the historical setting does add meaning to the tale—particularly the use of the Herakleopolitan period as a setting for injustice in the Eloquent Peasant—but if one removes the specific time-period from these tales, the entire plot does not collapse. Instead each of the imagined changes to the Middle Kingdom stories mentioned above would alter the mood of the tale and necessitate other changes to arrive at the same result; for example, setting the Eloquent Peasant in the Twelfth Dynasty would perhaps suggest a moralizing tone not present in the original setting and create a critique of the prevailing legal system—to which the audience might themselves 74 Joppa also appears prominently in P. Anastasi I (Fischer-Elfert )—the possible associations of this text and COJ will be addressed in my forthcoming monograph on historical fiction in New Kingdom Egypt.

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



belong. In other words, in these Middle Kingdom stories, the temporal setting does not influence the story continuously and throughout the plot development, as it does in historical fiction, but serves as an overall framework to launch or refine the story.75 If history forms such a central part of some New Kingdom fiction, then both the author and the expected audience must have had access to texts describing the events that inspired the tales. The stories described above strongly suggest that the target audience at the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty knew the events at the end of the Seventeenth Dynasty and details of the campaigns of Thutmose III; by the reign of Ramesses III, a comparable audience was familiar with the names of Libyan tribes and the locations of earlier battles. Without having to consider access to royal monumental texts within Egyptian temples, these stories indicate what a literate man of the time might know about his own history. The lack of obvious anachronistic elements and the playful use of historical details accords well with the precise historiography evident in monumental hieroglyphic texts.76 The very existence of a genre of historical fiction within literature indicates that knowledge and study of history was prized among literate Egyptians. As the scholarship of Benjamin Foster has demonstrated, the diversity and beauty of literature “before the muses” should never cease to amaze.

Bibliography Ahituv, S. . Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents. Leiden: Brill. Allen, J.P. . “The Speos Artemidos Inscription of Hatshepsut.” Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar : –. Altenmüller, H. . “Das ‘Fest des weissen Nilpferds’ und das ‘Opfergefilde’.” In Hommages à Jean Leclant, eds. C. Berger, G. Clerc, and N. Grimal. Pp. –. Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Assmann, J. . “Cultural and Literary Texts.” In Definitely—Egyptian literature, ed. G. Moers. Pp. –. Göttingen: Seminar für Ägyptologie und Koptologie. Baines, J. . “Classicism and Modernism in the Literature of the New Kingdom.” In Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, ed. A. Loprieno. Pp. –. Leiden: Brill. 75

Parkinson : section ... For the importance of factual accounts in Egyptian historiography, see most recently Popko : –. 76



colleen manassa

Barbotin, C. . Ahmosis et le début de la XVIIIe dynastie. Paris: Pygmalion. Behrmann, A. . Das Nilpferd in der Vorstellungswelt der Alten Ägypter Vol. . Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang. ———. . Das Nilpferd in der Vorstellungswelt der Alten Ägypter Vol. . Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang. Beinlich, H. . Das Buch vom Fayum. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. di Biase-Dyson, C. . “Two characters in search of an ending: the case of Apophis and Seqenenre.” In Tenth International Congress of Egyptologists, Abstracts of Papers. Pp. –. Rhodes: Department of Mediterranean Studies, University of the Aegean. Bietak, M. . Tell el-Daba V. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. ———. . “Avaris, Capital of the Hyksos Kingdom: New Results of Excavations.” In The Hyksos, New Historical and archaeological perspectives, ed. E. Oren. Pp. –. Philadelphia: University Museum. Bietak, M. and Strouhal. E. . “Die Todesumstände des Pharaos Seqenenre’ (. Dynastie). Vorbericht.” Annalen des Naturhistorischen Museum, Wien : –. Blumenthal, E. . “Mut-em-enet und die ägyptischen Frauen.” Thomas Mann Jahrbuch : –. Botti, G. . “A Fragment of the Story of a Military Expedition of Tuthmosis III to Syria.” JEA : –. Broze, M. . Les Aventures d’Horus et Seth dans le Papyrus Chester Beatty I: Mythe et roman en Egypte ancienne. Leuven: Peeters. Brunner, H. . “Apophis und Seqenenre.” In Lexikon der Ägyptologie Vol. , eds. W. Helck and E. Otto. Pp. –. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Bryan, B. . “Administration in the Reign of Thutmose III.” In Thutmose III, A New Biography, eds. E. Cline and D. O’Connor. Pp. –. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. de Buck, A. . The Egyptian Coffin Texts Vol. . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Budge, E.A.W. . Facsimiles of Egyptian Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Second Series, London: British Museum. Caminos, R.A. . Late-Egyptian Miscellanies. London: Oxford University Press. Collier, M. . “A note on the syntax of xpr and omitted impersonal subjects in Late Egyptian.” Wepwawet : –. Darnell, J.C. . The Kbn.wt-Ships of the Late Period.” In Life in a MultiCultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization ), ed. J. Johnson. Pp. –. Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. ———. . “Hathor Returns to Medamud.” SAK : –. ———. . “The Apotropaic Goddess in the Eye.” SAK : –. ———. a. The Theban Desert Road Survey in the Egyptian Western Desert I. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ———. b. “Opening the Narrow Doors of the Desert: Discoveries of the

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



Theban Desert Road Survey.” In Egypt and Nubia: Gifts of the Desert, ed. R. Friedman. Pp. –. London: British Museum Press. ———. . “The Rock Inscriptions of Tjehemau at Abisko.” ZÄS : –. ———. . The Inscription of Queen Katimala at Semna: Textual Evidence for the Origins of the Napatan State (YES ). New Haven: Yale Egyptological Seminar. ———. . “The Eleventh Dynasty Royal Inscription from Deir el-Ballas.” RdE : –. ———. Forthcoming a. “A Stela of Seti I from the Region of Kurkur Oasis.” In Studies in Honor of Kenneth Kitchen. ———. Forthcoming b. The Theban Desert Road Survey II: The Rock Shrine of Pahu. Darnell, J.C. and Manassa, C. . Tutankhamun’s Armies, Battle and Conquest in Ancient Egypt’s Late th Dynasty. Hoboken: Wiley & Sons. ———. Forthcoming. “A Trustworthy Seal-Bearer on a Mission: The Monuments of Sabastet from the Khephren Diorite Quarries.” In Middle Kingdom Studies in memory of Detlef Franke, eds. H.-W. Fischer-Elfert and R. Parkinson. Davies, W.V. . A royal statue reattributed. London: British Museum Press. Derchain, P. . “Miettes.” RdE : –. Epigraphic Survey . Medinet Habu Vol. : The Temple Proper Part , The Re Chapel, The Royal Mortuary Complex, and Adjacent Rooms, with Miscellaneous Material from the Pylons, the Forecourts, and the First Hypostyle Hall. Chicago: Epigraphic Survey of the University of Chicago. Evans, J.M. . “The Mittani State.” In Beyond Babylon, Art, Trade, and Diplomacy in the Second Millennium bc, eds. J. Aruz, K. Benzel, and J.M. Evans. Pp. –. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Fischer, H.G. . “Notes on Sticks and Staves in Ancient Egypt.” Metropolitan Museum Journal : –. Fischer-Elfert, H.-W. . Die satirische Streitschrift des Papyrus Anastasi I: Übersetzung und Kommentar. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ———. . “Die Ankunft des Königs nach ramessidischen Hymnen.” SAK : –. ———. . “Representations of the Past in New Kingdom Literature.” In ‘Never Had the Like Occurred’: Egypt’s View of its past, ed. J. Tait. Pp. –. London: UCL Press. Fox, M.V. . The Song of Songs and the Ancient Egyptian Love Songs. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. Freu, J. . Histoire du Mitanni. Paris: L’Harmattan. Galan, J. . Four Journeys in Ancient Egyptian Literature. Göttingen: Seminar für Ägyptologie und Koptologie. Gardiner, A.H. . Late Egyptian Stories. Brussels: Édition de la Fondation égyptologique Reine Élisabeth. ———. . “Davies’s Copy of the Great Speos Artemidos Inscription.” JEA : –. Garthoff, B.W.B. . “Merenptah’s Israel Stela, A curious case of Rites de Passage?” In Funerary Symbols and Religion, eds. H. Kamstra, H. Milde, and K. Wagtendonk. Pp. –. Kampen: Kok. Goedicke, H. . “The Capture of Joppa.” Chronique d’Egypte : –.



colleen manassa

———. . “The Canaanite Illness.” SAK : –. ———. . The Quarrel of Apophis and Seqenenre#. San Antonio: Van Siclen Books. Goelet, O. . “Writing Ramesside Hieratic: What the Late-Egyptian Miscellanies tell us about scribal education.” In Servant of Mut: Studies in Honor of Richard A. Fazzini, ed. S. D’Auria. Pp. –. Leiden: Brill. Goldwasser, O. . “King Apophis of Avaris and the Emergence of Monotheism.” In Timelines, Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak Vol. , eds. E. Czerny et al. Pp. –. Leuven: Peeters. Gundlach, R. . “Thoeris.” In Lexikon der Ägyptologie Vol. , eds. W. Helck and E. Otto. Pp. –. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Gwyn Griffiths, J. . “Allegory in Greece and Egypt.” JEA : –. Hasel, M.G. . Domination & Resistance: Egyptian Military Activity in the Southern Levant, – bc. Leiden: Brill. Helck, W. . “Joppe.” In Lexikon der Ägyptologie Vol. , eds., W. Helck and E. Otto. Pp. –. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ———. . “Die Erzählung von verwunschenen Prinzen.” In Form und Mass, Beiträge zur Literatur, Sprache, und Kunst des alten Ägypten, eds. J. Osing and G. Dreyer. Pp. –. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ———. . Historische-biographische Texte der . Zwischenzeit und neue Texte der . Dynastie, Third Edition. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Herrmann, S. . “iAd.t und di#u. Die ‘Seuche des Jahres’.” Gött. Misz : – . Higginbotham, C.R. . Egyptianization and Elite Emulation in Ramesside Palestine. Leiden: Brill. Hirsch, E. . “Die Beziehungen der ägyptischen Residenz im Neuen Reich zu den vorderasiatischen Vasallen: Die Vorsteher der nördlichen Fremdländer und ihre Stellung bei Hofe.” In Der ägyptische Hof des Neuen Reiches, Seine Gesellschaft und Kultur im Spannungsfeld zwischen Innen- und Außenpolitik, eds. R. Gundlach and A. Klug. Pp. –. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Hoch, J. . Semitic words in Egyptian texts of the New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Hofmann, I. . “Der rechtmässige Herrscher als Nilpferdjäger.” Göttinger Miszellen : . Houlihan, P.F. . Wit & Humor in Ancient Egypt. London: Rubicon. Hsieh, J. Forthcoming. “Grammatical Analysis and Commentary on Four Gebel el-Girgawi Rock-Cut Stelae Dated to the Middle Kingdom.” Junge, F. . Late Egyptian Grammar, trans. D. Warburton. Oxford: Griffith Institute. Kaiser, W. . “Zwei weitere b-D.t-Belege.” In Studies in Honor of William Kelly Simpson Vol. , ed. P. Manuelian. Pp. –. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. ———. . “Noch einmal zum b-D.t.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo : –. Kemp, B. . Ancient Egypt, Anatomy of a Civilization. London: Routledge. Kitchen, K. . Ramesside Inscriptions, Historical and Biographical Vol. . Oxford: Blackwell.

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



———. . Ramesside Inscriptions, Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments Vol. . Oxford: Blackwell. Kozloff, A. . “The Artistic Production of the Reign of Thutmose III.” In Thutmose III, A New Biography, eds. E. Cline and D. O’Connor. Pp. –. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Lilyquist, C. . “The Gold Bowl Naming General Djehuty: A Study of Objects and Early Egyptology.” Metropolitan Museum Journal : –. Loprieno, A. . Topos und Mimesis, zum Ausländer in der ägyptischen Literatur (Ägyptologische Abhandlungen ). Wiesbaden: Harraassowitz. ———. . “Defining Egyptian Literature: ancient texts and modern theories.” In Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, ed. A. Loprieno. Pp. –. Leiden: Brill. ———. . “Travel and Fiction in Egyptian Literature.” In Mysterious Lands, eds. D. O’Connor and S. Quirke. Pp. –. London: UCL Press. Lundh, P. . Actor and Event, Military Activity in Ancient Egyptian Narrative Texts from Thutmosis II to Merenptah. Uppsala: Uppsala University. Manassa, C. . The Great Karnak Inscription, Grand Strategy in the th Century bc (YES ). New Haven: Yale Egyptological Seminar. ———. . The Late Egyptian Underworld: Sarcophagi and Related Texts from the Nectanebid Period. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Mathieu, B. . La Poésie Amoureuse de l’Egypte Ancienne: Recherches sur un genre littéraire au Nouvel Empire (Bibliothèque d’étude ). Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Moers, G. . Fingierte Welten in der ägyptischen Literature des . Jahrtausends v. Chr. Leiden: Brill. Morris, E.F. . Architecture of Imperialism: military bases and the evolution of foreign policy in Egypt’s New Kingdom. Leiden: Brill. Moussa, A. . “A Limestone Lintel of Imn-m-ipt from Saqqara.” Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Egypte : . Müller, W.M. . Die Palästinaliste Thutmosis III. Berlin: Wolf Peiser Verlag. Murnane, W. . “ ‘Overseer of the Northern Foreign Countries’: Reflections on the Upper Administration of Egypt’s Empire in Western Asia.” In Essays on Ancient Egypt in Honour of Herman te Velde, ed. J. van Dijk. Pp. –. Groningen: Styx. Naville, E. . Das aegyptische Todtenbuch der XVIII. bis XX. Dynastie  Vols. Berlin: Asher. Osing, J. and Rosati, G. . Papiri geroglifici e ieratici da Tebtynis. Firenze: Istituto papirologico. Panagiotakopulu, E. . “Pharaonic Egypt and the origins of plague.” Journal of Biogeography : –. Parkinson, R. . Poetry and Culture in Middle Kingdom Egypt: A Dark Side to Perfection. New York: Continuum. ———. . Reading Ancient Egyptian Poetry, Among Other Histories. Malden: Wiley-Blackwell. Petschel, S. and von Falck, M., eds. . Pharao siegt immer, Krieg und Frieden im Alten Ägypten. Bonen: Kettler.



colleen manassa

Popko, L. . Untersuchungen zur Geschichtsschreibung der Ahmosiden-und Thutmosidenzeit. Würzburg: Ergon. Quirke, S. . “Archive.” In Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, ed. A. Loprieno. Pp. –. Leiden: Brill. Redford, D. . “The Hyksos Invasion in History and Tradition.” Or : –. ———. . Pharaonic king-lists, annals, and day-books: a contribution to the study of the Egyptian sense of history. Mississauga: Benben Publications. ———. . “The Hyksos Period in Egypt.” In The Hyksos, New Historical and archaeological perspectives, ed. E. Oren. Pp. –. Philadelphia: University Museum. ———. . The Wars in Syria and Palestine of Thutmose III. Leiden: Brill. Roehrig, C. ed. . Hatshepsut, From Queen to Pharaoh. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Säve-Söderbergh, T. . On Egyptian representations of hippopotamus hunting as a religious motive. Uppsala: C.W.K. Gleerup. Schneider, T. . Ausländer in Ägypten während des Mittleren Reiches und der Hyksoszeit Teil : Die ausländischen Könige. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Silverman, D.P. and Houser-Wegner, J. . “A Late Egyptian Story in the Penn Museum.” In The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt, Essays in Honor of David B. O’Connor Vol. , eds. Z. Hawass and J. Richards. Pp. –. Cairo: Conseil Supreme des Antiquites de l’Egypte. Snape, S. . “The Emergence of Libya on the Horizon of Egypt.” In Mysterious Lands, eds. D. O’Connor and S. Quirke. Pp. –. London: UCL Press. Spalinger, A. . Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians. New Haven: Yale University Press. ———. . “Two Ramesside Rhetorical Poems.” In Egyptological Studies in Honor of Richard A. Parker, ed. L. Lesko. Pp. –. Hanover: Brown University Press. ———. . Transformation of an Ancient Egyptian Narrative: P. Sallier III and the Battle of Kadesh. Wiesabden: Harrassowitz. ———. . War in Ancient Egypt: The New Kingdom. Oxford: Blackwell. ———. . The Great Dedicatory Inscription of Ramesses II, A Solar-Osirian Tractate at Abydos. Leiden: Brill. Stockfisch, D. . “Original und Kopie—ein Aspekt in den Untersuchungen zu den Fremdvölkerlisten.” In Altägyptische Weltsichten, eds. F. Adrom, A. Schülter, and K. Schülter. Pp. –. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Störk, L. . “Was störte den Hyksos am Gebrüll der thebanischen Nilpferde?” Göttinger Miszellen : –. te Velde, H. . Seth, God of Confusion. Leiden: Brill. ———. . “Seth.” In Lexikon der Ägyptologie Vol. , eds. W. Helck and E. Otto. Pp. –. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. von der Way, T. . Göttergericht und “Heiliger” Krieg im Alten Ägypten, die Inschriften des Merenptah zum Libyerkrieg des Jahres . Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag. Ward, W. . “Egyptian txbs: A Hurrian Loan-Word in the Vernacular of Deir el-Medina.” Göttinger Miszellen : –.

defining historical fiction in new kingdom egypt



Wente, E. a. “The Quarrel of Apophis and Seqenenre.” In Literature of Ancient Egypt, ed. W.K. Simpson. Pp. –. New Haven: Yale University Press. ———. b. “The Capture of Joppa.” In Literature of Ancient Egypt, ed. W.K. Simpson. Pp. –. New Haven: Yale University Press. ———. c. “The Doomed Prince.” In Literature of Ancient Egypt, ed. W.K. Simpson. Pp. –. New Haven: Yale University Press. Westendorf, W. . “Seuchen im Alten Ägypten.” In Heilkunde und Hochkultur I: Geburt, Seuche und Traumdeutung in den antiken Zivilisationen des Mittelmeerraume, eds. A. Karenberg and C. Leitz. Pp. –. Münster: LIT Verlag. Willems, H. . “Crime, Cult and Capital Punishment (Mo#alla Inscription ).” JEA : –. Vercoutter, J. . “Le pays Irem et la pénétration égyptienne en Afrique.” In Livre du Centenaire. Pp. –. Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Vernus, P. . Essai sur la conscience de l’Histoire dans l’Égypte pharaonique. Paris: H. Champion. Yoyotte, J. . “Le général Djehouty et la perception des tributs syriens.” Bulletin de la Société Française d’Égyptologie : –.