Decoding Baan Mankong- Bangkok, Thailand

DE-CODI-NG

BA AN MANKONG

SPACES OF COMMUNITY FOR TRANSFORMATION

2011 M S c B u i l di n g a n d U r ba n D e s i g n i n D e v e l o pment Develo p m e n t P l a n n i n g U n i t | U n i v e r s i t y C o l l e g e L ondon

F i e l d T r i p Repor t

SILVIA CHI CERVERA

SERENA LEHUA JARVIS

JOSUE ROBLES CARABALLO

NOOR AL GHAFARI

KATJA STARC

AZZURRA MUZZONIGRO

FARIDA FARAG

AFRAA ALI

McKENZIE O’NEILL

SEPIDE HAJISOLTANI

STUDENT BODY building and urban design in development 2011

THE DHRIN TEAM

MAHYA FATEMI

MAGDALENA ASSANOWICZ

DHRIN ANANTAMONGKOLCHAI dpu | budd | field trip report BANGKOK

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ACRONYMS Asian Coalition for Community Actions ACCA Asian Coalition for Housing Rights ACHR Asian Development Bank ADB Baan Mankong BM Bangkok Metropolitan Administration BMA Building and Urban Design in Development MSc BUDD Chang Chumchon ( Local Builders) CCC City Development Committee CDC City Development Fund CDF Community Organization Development Institute CODI Crown Property Bureau CPB Development Planning Unit DPU Government Housing Bank GHB International Institute for Environment and IIED Development Local Development Foundation LDF Metropolitan Waterworks Authority MWWA National Committee on Decentralization Policy for NCDP Provincial and Local Development National Economic and Social Development Board NESDB Non-Governmental Organization NGO National Housing Authority NHA National Rural Development Committee NRDC National Union of Low Income Community NULICO Organization Rural Development Fund RDF Tourism Authority of Thailand TAT Urban Community Development Office UCDO University College London UCL Urban Development Planning MSc UDP

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms Table of Contents Acknowledgments

iii v vii

1.1 Executive Summary 1.1 รายงานฉบับย่อ

viii x xii xiv

1.2 Vision 1.3 Introduction

2.0 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY

17

2.1 Definition of Transformation 2.2 Transformation/ Metamorphosis 2.3 Decoder 2.4 Methodology

18 18 22 24

3.0 FINDINGS / ANALYSIS 3.1 Pressures and Drivers of Change

27

4.0 STRATEGIES

65



28 30 35 48 63

3.2 Actors 3.3 The 6 Case Studies 3.4 Diagnosis 3.5 Conclusion



4.1 Vision 4.2 Strategies and Proposals 4.3 Synergic Connections Between Strategic Proposals 4.4 DECODING Strategic Proposals

5.0 REFLECTIONS 6.0 REFERENCES 6.1 List of Figures 6.2 Bibliography

A.0 ANNEXES



66 68 92 94





99 105

106 112

A116



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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS LONDON

BANGKOK

Presented de-CODI-ng would not take place without involvement of many significant personalities.

Through highly valuable hospitability of CODI and Somsook Boonyabancha we were exposed to practical knowledge-sharing.

This learning experienced was facilitated and carried throughout by Development Planning Unit staff :

Our transformation process would not be complete if not for people who eagerly helped us understand what Baan Mankong means:

Camillo Boano William Hunter Andrew Wade Caren Levy Cassidy Johnson Vanesa Castan Broto Ruth McLeod

Dr. Nattawut Usavagovitwong DPU Thai alumni NESDB Government Housing Bank LPN developers NHA ACHR ACCA

and all the DPU staff involved in the preparation of this trip.

Photo by Noor Al Ghafari

With the support of communities and community leaders we had a chance to see Bangkok from a different perspective and get an overall picture of CODI’s actions: Bang Khen communities Bang Bua, Roon Mai Pattana Tai, Rumjai Patthana Nu, Ruamjai-Pattana Tai, Roy Krong, Ou Tid A Nu Son, Chai Klong Bang Bua, Baan Bang Khen, Sapan Mai, Warawi Wattana and Klong Lumpai. Khlong Toey communities Koh Klang Klong Pra Ka Nhong, Sang Sun Phatana, Ruam Jai Pattana, Penang market, Rim Klong Pai Sing Tho, Rim Klong Wat Sa Parn and Lock 1,2,3 Pasi Chaloen communities Klong Lad Pha-Shi, Ra-sri, Sirapraya, Sirin and Friend, Witsampham, Wat Chan Ket 1 and Wat Chan Ket 3.

Rangsit municipality Rangsit Nimitmai, Rattana Pathum, Sang-san Nakorn Rangsit, Cha-reon Sin, Klong Nueng Pattana, Klong Sawaan, Sapann Keaw, Behind MaKro, and Lakhok Railway Bang Pu municipality Klong Mai Tai, Sam Haung,Nangnoal, Bangsamran, Srang Ton Eang and Klong Ta Kok Rattanakosin Island Baan Bart, Pom Mahakan, Wat Sumtonthammatan, Jakkaphatdephong, Wang Krom Phra Sommootamompan, Wat Saket, Wat Dusitaram, and Ta Wang. . Working with fellow Thai students strengthened our language skills and developed cultural knowledge. Cooperation with the BUDD group C and students of UDP was a great proof of what an effective community means. To all of you: SAWASDIKA and BIG KOPKUNKA !!!

สวัสดีคะ/ครับ และ ขอบคุณคะ/ครับ

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1.1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Based on extensive preparatory research and informed by data collection during the fieldwork in Bangkok, Thailand, this report represents a processed and synthesized outcome of a four months long learning process, undertaken by the students of Building and Urban Design in Development (BUDD) at University College London (2010/2011) in collaboration with colleagues from the Urban Development Planning and under supervision of the Development Planning Unit academic staff. Aim

Findings

This report has three objectives:

The identification of relevant actors at different scales along with the insights about major pressures and drivers of change provided by field-work in six sites, has exposed the following issues as being the most influential for the transformative potential of the Programme:

First, it seeks to develop an analytical perspective embedded in a broader theoretical discourse of the social and the spatial which would help with understanding transformative processes in the context of the urban, formulate a vision of a just transformation and enable a critical evaluation of findings and proposals. Second, it aims to assess the transformative potential of The Baan Mankong Secure Housing Programme as envisioned and implemented by The Community Organizations Development Institute in the wider context of the city of Bangkok, Thailand. Third, based on a contextualized diagnosis of the challenges and opportunities of the Programme, it intends to design strategic interventions meant to strengthen its transformative potential in order to reach the envisioned goal of transformation as social justice.

viii INTRODUCTION EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

1. The Programme is successful in mobilizing and empowering communities but the capacity to negotiate is constrained 2. The pressures of rapid urban growth pose a significant challenge for land accessibility and affordability, which hinders the ability of communities to participate in the Programme 3. The Programme fosters and builds on networking and knowledge sharing, however the process appears to be uneven 4. Even though the Programme’s success lies in collective problem solving this is not fully translated into design responses

Recommendations

Conclusions

Informed by the analytical diagnosis four strategies with detailed proposal have been designed:

The set of actions meant to re-shape financial policies, land and knowledge management prove to be successful to some extent, but the assessment of the strategic proposals shows that they can only reach their full transformative potential if supported by the active involvement of the usually marginalized in the decision making process. Building on CODI’s advocacy for people lead transformative processes, it is recognized that the ultimate result of the demand driven paradigm shift is appropriation of political space that enables people to participate in the shaping of city-wide urban transformations.

1. Increase land accessibility and affordability through densification, intensification and higher productivity of land 2. Strengthen networks and capitalize design solutions through a knowledge sharing process by creating a Skills Bank, Community Resource Nodes and Channels of Effective Communication 3. Decrease vulnerability of communities by expanding accessibility to alternative funding like Booster Funds. 4. Develop alliances among the actors to optimize the capacity of negotiation based on the redefinition of roles and areas of responsibility. The added value of the individual proposals lies in the potential of not only complementary but synergic reinforcements between them. As such, these connections can multiply strategic effects over time and scale.

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1.1

รายงานฉบับย่อ

รายงานฉบับนี้อ้างอิงมาจากการที่ได้ทำ�การศึกษาอย่างครอบคลุม และได้รับการยืนยันจากการวิเคราะห์ข้อมูล ที่ได้จากงานภาคสนาม ในกรุงเทพฯ เพื่อแสดงให้เห็นถึงขั้นตอนการดำ�เนินงานและผลลัพธ์ จากการสังเคราะห์ ภายในระยะเวลาสี่เดือนที่ทำ�การศึกษา รายงาน ฉบับนี้จัดทำ�โดย นักศึกษาภาควิชาการออกแบบอาคารและเมืองเพื่อ การพัฒนา มหาวิทยาลัย University College London ประจำ�ปีการ ศึกษา 2010/2011 โดยร่วมมือกับนักศึกษาภาควิชาการวางแผนเมือง เพื่อการพัฒนา ภายใต้การควบคุมของอาจารย์และทีมงานจาก กอง การวางแผนเพื่อการพัฒนา

วัตถุประสงค์

ผลจากการศึกษา

วัตถุประสงค์ของรายงานฉบับนี้ประกอบไปด้วย 3 องค์ประกอบหลัก - เพื่อพัฒนาและวิเคราะห์มุมมองที่เป็นส่วนหนึ่งของทฤษฎีที่ เกี่ยวกับสังคมและที่ว่าง เพื่อที่จะได้ช่วยให้เข้าใจถึงขั้นตอนการปฏิรูป ภายใต้บริบทของเมือง ในขณะเดียวกันก็ สังเคราะห์ออกมาเป็นวิสัย ทัศน์ของการปฏิรูปอย่างยุติธรรม และทำ�การประเมินองค์ความรู้เพื่อ นำ�ไปสู่ข้อเสนอแนะสำ�หรับโครงการ - เพื่ อ ประเมิ น ศั ก ยภาพทางการปฎิ รู ป ของโครงการบ้ า น มั่นคง ที่ได้รับการพัฒนาและดำ�เนินการโดยสถาบันพัฒนาองค์กร ชุมชน ในบริบทที่ซับซ้อนของกรุงเทพมหานคร - อ้างอิงจากการวิเคราะห์ ถึงความท้าทายและศักยภาพของ โครงการโดยคำ�นึงถึงบริบทและสภาพแวดล้อม รายงานนี้ประสงค์ ที่จะออกแบบกลยุทธ์ในการดำ�เนินการ ที่จะสามารถ เสริมความ แข็งแกร่งให้กับ ศักยภาพในการปฏิรูปของโครงการ เพื่อนำ�ไปสู่เป้า หมายที่วางไว้ของการพัฒนาอย่างมีความยุติธรรมทางสังคม

การศึกษาและแยกแยะข้อมูลที่เกี่ยวข้องเช่น องค์กรและผู้ที่เกี่ยวข้อง กับโครงการในแต่ละระดับ รวมไปถึงข้อมูลเชิงลึกเกี่ยวกับแรงกดดัน และแรงขับดันที่ก่อให้เกิดการเปลี่ยนแปลง ที่ได้จากการทำ�งานภาค สนามในหกพื้นที่ ได้นำ�ไปสู่ประเด็นต่างๆต่อไปนี้ซึ่งเป็นส่วนสำ�คัญที่ ส่งผลกระทบต่อศักยภาพในการปฏิรูปของโครงการ 1. โครงการมีความสำ�เร็จในการผลักดันให้เกิดการขับเคลื่อน ของชุมชนและภาคี แต่ศักยภาพในการต่อรองยังถูกจำ�กัดอยู่ 2. การขยายของเมืองก่อให้เกิดแรงกดดันไปสู่ความสามารถ ในการครอบครองที่ดิน ซึ่งสร้างข้อจำ�กัดในการเข้าร่วมโครงการบ้าน มั่นคงของชุมชน 3. ภาคีและการกระจายความรู้ถึอว่าเป็นโครงสร้างหลักของ โครงการ แต่ว่าขั้นตอนดำ�เนินการยังคงไม่ทั่วถึงและไม่เสมอกันใน แต่ละพื้นที่ 4. ถึงแม้ว่าความสำ�เร็จของโครงการเกิดจากการมีส่วนร่วมใน การแก้ปัญหา แต่ว่าประเด็นนี้ยังไม่ได้รับการ ส่งเสริมอย่างเต็มที่ใน ด้านการออกแบบเพื่อตอบสนองต่อปัญหา

x INTRODUCTION รายงานฉบับย่อ

ข้อเสนอแนะ

สรุป

กลยุทธ์และรายละเอียดของแผนการดำ�เนินงานได้รับการออกแบบ จากการวิเคราะห์ข้อมูลเชิงลึก 1. เพิ่ ม ศั ก ยภาพในการครอบครองที่ ดิ น ด้ ว ยการเพิ่ ม ความ หนาแน่นทั้งทางนอนและทางตั้ง และการเพิ่มประสิทธิภาพของที่ดิน 2. เพิ่มความแข็งแกร่งของภาคีและการออกแบบเพื่อเพิ่มผล ประโยชน์ ผ่านขั้นตอนการกระจายและแลกเปลี่ยนความรู้ ด้วยการ สร้าง ธนาคารทักษะความสามารถ ศูนย์รวมทรัพยากรชุมชนและ ช่อง ทางสำ�หรับการสื่อสารอย่างมีประสิทธิภาพ 3. ลดความเสี่ยงโดยการขยายช่องทางในการเข้าถึงเงินทุน ผ่าน โครงการกระตุ้นกองทุน 4. เสริมสร้างพันธมิตรระหว่างผู้เกี่ยวข้องเพื่อเพิ่มศักยภาพใน การต่อรอง บนพื่นฐานของการ นิยามบทบาทและหน้าที่รับผิดชอบ ของแต่ละฝ่ายใหม่ แผนดำ�เนินงานแต่ละแผนที่ทำ �การนำ�เสนอภายในรายงานฉบับนี้ วางอยู่บนความเป็นไปได้ที่ไม่เพียงแต่ละแผนจะสามารถครอบคลุม ประเด็นต่างๆ แต่ละแผนยังสามารถเติมเต็มและส่งเสริมกันและกัน ซึ่งจะช่วยขยายศักยภาพของกลยุทธิ์ให่้ก้าวผ่านระดับและช่วงเวลา ต่างๆได้

แผนการดำ � เนิ น การเหล่ า นี้ ถู ก กำ � หนดขึ้ น เพื่ อ เปลี่ ย นรู ป แบบของ นโยบายทางการเงิน ที่ดิน และการจัดการข้อมูล ซึ่งได้รับการพิสูจน์ ในระดับหนึ่งแล้วว่าประสบความสำ�เร็จ แต่จากการประเมินชี้ให้เห็น ว่า กลยุทธิ์จะสามารถถูกใช้ได้เต็มประสิทธิภาพก็ต่อเมื่อได้รับการ สนับสนุนจากฝ่ายที่เป็นผู้ออกนโยบาย กลยุทธิ์เหล่านี้ถูกวางขึ้นจาก แนวคิดของสถาบันพัฒนาองค์กรชุมชน บนพื้นฐานที่เชื่อว่าผลลัพธ์ ที่ยิ่งใหญ่ของ มุมมองที่เปลี่ยนไปสู่การขับเคลื่อนจากอุปสงค์(ชุมชน) นั้นเหมาะสมกับพื้นที่ทางนโยบายที่ให้โอกาสประชาชนในการมีส่วน ร่วมในการปฏิรูปเมือง

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1.2 VISION

xii INTRODUCTION VISION

“People Become The Solution People Are The Scale” -Somsook Boonyabancha

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1.3 INTRODUCTION

Launched in 2003 “Baan Mankong Collective Housing Program” carried out by CODI (Community Organizations Development Institute- a public organization under the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security) has a certain role within the metropolis: it supports process of ‘developing long-term, comprehensive solutions to problems of land and housing’ affecting the poorest within the vibrant urban structure of Bangkok (CODI website).

Photo by Silvia Chi

CODI’s methods evolve primarily around channelling governmental funds so that communities (being a part of the program), will

Figure 1.2 Community mobilisation issue based presentation

xiv INTRODUCTION

have a chance to carry out necessary housing improvements along with other issues, such as: tenure security, environment, and basic access to services. This complex process requires building many bridges (not necessarily flyovers) between the communities and other actors involved (local authorities, NGOs, Academia and the national level of politics). Baan Mankong ideals go further than just a housing programme: it is about the power of the people being a part of the collective exercising freely their rights. In order to assess the Baan Mankong Programme, an intensive exploration of the city of Bangkok was undertaken by the DPU BUDD and UDP MSc students. Fieldwork was carried out in Bang Khen, Khlong Toey, Pasi Chaloen, Rangsit, Bang Pu and Rattanakosin Island, all of which are included in the BM programme. Furthermore, this helped envisage the reality of the conditions within these communities before, during and after the programme. Figures below and on the following pages are illustrating the final presentations held at CODI`s headquarters in Bangkok the 22nd May 2011.

Photo by Silvia Chi

Bangkok is not necessarily a place where ‘jay yen yen’ (Thai phrase meaning: keep calm) is easily applicable. Rather it is a city that never sleeps and constantly has a lot to offer. Streets full of vendors, walls flashing with colours, cables hanging over one’s head – all these makes a promise of connectivity and efficiency. This dream is carried along with the construction of flyoversovershadowing the city with their monstrous presence they do not necessarily fulfill their purpose. It seems that always- smiling Bangkok citizens did not allow themselves to frown thinking about the possibility and consequences of the urban sprawl.

Figure 1.3 Community leaders participating in the feedback

Photo by Sepideh Hajisoltani Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 1.6 Bang Pu site presentation by BUDD and UDP MSc students

Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 1.5 Rangsit site presentation by BUDD and UDP MSc students

Photo by Silvia Chi

Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 1.4 Somsook Boonyabancha participation in our presentations in Bangkok

Figure 1.7 Pasi Chaloen site presentation by BUDD and UDP MSc students

Figure 1.8 Rattanakosin Island site presentation by BUDD and UDP MSc students

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Photo by Silvia Chi

“NULICO puts into practice the Baan Mankong ideals of “information exchange” and “learning by doing” -Diane Archer

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY

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2.0 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY

2.1 DEFINITION OF TRANSFORMATION

After being exposed to Bangkok we can freely say that it is an evolving, constantly moving organism that undergoes uncontrolled processes of various metamorphosis. Having said that, our interest was the condition of the poorest citizens living in this particular city and being a part of the Baan Maankong project carried out by CODI. The task of this theoretical framework is to establish a certain understanding of socio-spatial ‘transformation’ and it’s criteria within an urban context. This kind of framework should be used as a tool to see the potential ‘gaps’ for additional interventions that would bring about a visible level of improvement (for us, these will be the strategies including the vision). It has to be underlined that our ‘transformation’ definition had undergone many changes and various modifications. It was understood that it has to meet three characteristics: time/scale and space that will combine different components and criteria. This discourse is embedded within an analytical thought that will enrich further discussion over potential interventions.

2.2 TRANSFORMATION/ METAMORPHOSIS “Development requires the removal of major sources of unfreedom: poverty as well as tyranny, poor economic opportunities as well as systematic social deprivation, neglect of public facilities as well as intolerance or overactivity of repressive states”. (Sen, 3)

It was quickly understood that transformation is an ongoing (infinite?) process, with a possibly utopian goal. Instead of meeting only the spatial criteria (Lefebvrian transformation definition as “liberation time- space” understood as reappropriation of space to fight the capitalist false consciousness) or the social criteria (Rawlsian distributive “ A Theory of Justice” talking about rights and freedoms chosen by individuals under the condition of ‘veil of ignorance’), it was grasped that transformation definition requires a combination of both: socio-spatial components in the context of time. Result: Transformation (metamorphosis) is a long term process (time) of social and spatial improvement. This supposedly simple definition had to involve certain conditions. After careful assessment Transformation was additionally elaborated as an action of: re-designing the structure of power relations by applying a knowledge-sharing scheme that would ensure greatest possible degree of social justice. This discourse was led by the notion of freedom (specifically: freedom of choice) and ways to achieve its highest possible degree in the communal context within the structure of social justice (can individual freedom be maximized in such conditions?). This thought links directly with the theory of ‘Development as Freedom’ introduced by Amartya Sen what reminds us Somsook Boonyabencha’s work, who speaks of Development being Freedom (a pro-active approach).

18 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY TRANSFORMATION

POWER RELATIONS | Re-design power relations through leveraging engagement of stakeholders in decision making process

KNOWLEDGE SHARING | Engage all stakeholders in efficient knowledge-sharing scheme

SOCIAL JUSTICE | Ensure equal access to rights and liberties within a democratic community attempting to achieve highest individual freedom

POWER RELATIONS

RE-DESIGN POWER RELATIONS THROUGH LEVERAGING ENGAGEMENT OF STAKEHOLDERS IN DECISION MAKING PROCESS.

KNOWLEDGE SHARING ENGAGE STAKEHOLDERS IN EFFICIENT KNOWLEDGE -SHARING SCHEME.

SOCIAL JUSTICE ENSURE EQUAL ACCESS TO RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES WITHIN A DEMOCRATIC COMMUNITY ATTEMPTING TO ACHEIVE HIGHEST INDIVIDUAL FREEDOM.

TRANSFORMATION/ METAMORPHOSIS

IS A LONG TERM PROCESS OF SOCIAL AND SPATIAL IMPROVEMENT. IT MEANS THE RE-DESIGN OF THE STRUCTURE OF POWER RELATIONS BY APPLYING A KNOWLEDGE-SHARING SCHEME THAT WOULD ENSURE GREATEST POSSIBLE DEGREE OF SOCIAL JUSTICE. Figure 2.1 Envisioning the transformation definition

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POWER RELATIONS

PARTICIPATIVE DESIGN EQUALITY OF ENGAGEMENT OF ALL PARTICIPANTS ROLE OF COMMUNITY ARCHITECT AS DESIGN ENABLER

ENFORCING NEGOTIATION CREATE SPACE FOR NEGOTIATION

COMMUNITITY NETWORKING SCALING -UP

TRANSPARENCY OF STAKEHOLDERS NEEDS HEARD/LIMITS AKNOWLEDGED

SOCIAL JUSTICE

SOCIAL INCLUSION GENDER

DIVERSIFIED AGE STRUCTURE

MARGINALIZED

LIVELIHOODS ENSURED

SPATIAL INCLUSION PHYSICAL CONNECTIVITY ACCESSIBILITY

QUALITY OF COMMUNAL SPACES

RESPONSIVE BUILT TYPOLOGIES

ADAPTABILITY OF PROGRAM/POLICIES TO NEEDS

EFFECTIVE INVOLVEMENT OF ALL OF DIFFERENT STAKEHOLDERS AT DIFFERENT STAGES

KNOWLEDGE SHARING

COOPERATIVE INTELLIGENCE CROSS CUTTING HORIZONTALLY & VERTICALLY

GENERATION BRIDGE ENGAGEM. OF PEOPLE OF DIFFERENT AGE GROUPS

PRECEDENT SETTING

SPREADING KNOWLEDGE ACROSS SCALES

Figure 2.2 Criteria and Indicators for our definition of transformation

20 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY TRANSFORMATION

How do we then envision the transformation definition? POWER RELATIONS | Re-design power relations through leverage engagement of stakeholders in decision making process + KNOWLEDGE SHARING | Engage all stakeholders in efficient knowledge-sharing scheme. = SOCIAL JUSTICE | Ensure equal access to rights and liberties within a democratic community attempting to achieve highest individual freedom. It was clear from the very beginning that the two components of: power relations and knowledgesharing are absolutely crucial to reach the desirable level of social justice (the ultimate goal of transformation/social development). They also go hand in hand with the Foucaldian thought of “Space, Knowledge and Power” interlinkage: “Space is fundamental in any form of communal life, space is fundamental in any exercise of power.” ( Foucault, . 254). These two notions: power and knowledge within spatial context are inseparable, therefore, improving one means improving the other ones as well. To reach the highest desirable outcome all of them should be at the same level (can they ever be?).

It should take place within a structure of community seen as a web of beings: “The ‘networked individual’ is part of a continuum, [therefore] a web of beings” (Manickam). Individuals should have an opportunity to enjoy their freedom through exercising their capabilities/ capacities and knowledge within a structure of democratic community. This notion could possibly target the condition of ‘democracy to come’ (sort of a ‘promise’) advocated by Derrida: “ (…) idea of a democracy: equality, freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of the press - all these things are inscribed as promises within democracy. That is why it is a more historical concept of the political - it’s the only concept of a regime or a political organization in which history, that is the endless process of improvement and perfectibility, is inscribed in the concept. (…) that is why I call it ‘to-come’” (Derrida, Politics of Friendship, p. 5). Such a discourse can be observed vividly within the current transformation of Thailand’s political structure struggling to establish a set of applicable norms and codes. Hopefully, the broader implication of the ‘transformation’ definition will bring a stronger meaning to the ‘democratic’ system that Thailand continuously works on.

Balancing components will hopefully lead to enhancing the importance of freedom in Sen’s understanding achieving the ultimate goal seen as Social Justice: “(..) exercise of people’s freedoms, through liberty to participate in social choice and in making of public decisions that impel the progress of (…) opportunities” (Sen, p. 5). Development is precisely what we would like to see within the transformation definition: shifting human condition so that the highest possible freedom (social justice in practice) through spatial and social components within a societal structure can be obtained.

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2.3 DECODER As a methodological tool to portray and assess transformational processes, we propose a hexagonal diagram, the Decoder, with three subjects of investigation.

The second one shows the extent of social and spatial outcomes of investigated processes in the socio-spatial continuum based on a qualitative comparison.

The first axis represents the interplay between the two components defined as prerequisites for social justice, power relations re-design and knowledge sharing, to be measured through appropriate criteria (participatory design, transparency of stakeholders, community networking, enabled negotiation and generation bridge, precedent setting, cooperative intelligence accordingly).

And the last one expresses the magnitude of change across scale (community, district, city/ metropolis) and the estimated time needed to achieve that change as well as the on-going nature of it (short, mid and long term).

In order to assess transformational processes, the impacts of their outcomes are to be analyzed along all of the three axis. According to the proposed definition of transformation, social justice is achieved when all criteria are met and social as well as spatial improvements achieved across time and scale.

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Figure 2.3 DECODER: a methodological tool to assess transformational processes

22 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY DECODER

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DECODER: an analytical tool to assess transformational processess

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Figure 2.4 An example of how the DECODER works

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Figure 2.5 Ideal situation: transformational processes result in social justice

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2.4 METHODOLOGY During a two- week field trip in Bangkok we had an opportunity to visit 6 distinct sites involved in the Baan Mankong programme.

• Sites where interviews with local authorities took place: Klong Toey, Phasi Chaleon, Bang Pu, Rangsit (4 interviews)

Our methods of gathering important information varied from site to site ( site visits being one of the methods). Through this different modes of data collect, we were able to triangulate the information in order to cross-check the findings in the sites.

• Type of the interview that occurred the most: semi-structured (48 interviews) with community leaders, community comitees, Crown Property Bureau staff, NULICO staff.

METHODS

Site and house mapping (drawings/ sketches) were produced to help in understanding the spatial components of the sites and be a part of necessary documentation.

1. Site visits 2. Interviews (Inhabitants & Institutional Actors): structured/ unstructured/ semi-structures/ informal 3. Site and house mapping 4.Visual recording of the sites (photos, videos) 5. Participative workshops 6. Final presentations to the communities.

SITE AND HOUSE MAPPING

VISUAL RECORDING OF THE SITES The whole experienced was accompanied by a series of photos and occasionally videos capturing what was visible within the sites.

SITE VISITS

PARTICIPATIVE WORKSHOPS

Visited 6 sites ( number of communities visited within the site): • Bang Khen (8) • Klong Toey (8) • Phasi Chaleon (6) • Bang Pu (7) • Rattanakosin Island (8) • Rangsit (8) INTERVIEWS

Sites where PARTICIPATIVE WORKSHOPS occurred: Bang Pu (1 workshop) Sites where a different type of WORKSHOP took place: Rangsit (1 workshop)

Common system of retrieving data was a simple interview that involved an interviewer/ interviewee(s) and a translator(s). Interviews consisted of a set of simple questions helping to get the overall picture of the assessed issue: • Interviewed people were inhabitants of the communities occasionally accompanied by institutional actors. Average number of (informal) interviews per site: 10-15

FINAL PRESENTATIONS The final presentations to the communities within the week of the fieldwork as well as the final presentations held at CODI`s headquarters at the end of the fieldtrip were essential for assessing whether the initial impressions and assumptions met the reality and communities expectations/ common knowledge. The feedback of these final presentations were core in reframing and adjusting the strategies that we tested in the field. The recording of the fieldwork is elaborated in a more extended way in the annex of this report.

24 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY METHODOLOGY

Photo by Tareq Razouk

Figure 2.6 Visual recording of the sites

Figure 2.8 Interviews

Photo by Silvia Chi

Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 2.7 Site visits

Photo by Kade Wanida

Figure 2.9 Final presentation with the communities

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Photo by McKenzie O`Neill

‘There is a gap between the people and the system, let the people fill the gap’ -Somsook Boonyabancha

ANALYSIS

ANALYSIS dpu | budd | field trip report BANGKOK

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3.0 ANALYSIS 3.1 PRESSURES AND DRIVERS OF CHANGE

urban periphery, attempting to address the city’s symptoms of high-density vehicular travel and long commute times.

As a major hub in South East Asia with a vision of becoming a global city, Bangkok is facing increasing pressures on land. Gentrifying forces in the central historical, commercial and residential districts have led to an increase in real estate value. These rapid urban development pressures pose great challenges for allocating affordable land and securing land tenure for the urban poor.

As a country, Thailand is experiencing a time of great internal rift. The country’s hub, Bangkok is the setting for these conflicts and therefore one of the focal points of our investigation. The highly controversial political scenario in Bangkok has had a large influence and impact over the BM Programme’s activities and the roles of several actors. More importantly, it is vital to note that BM is a government funded programme, and it is somewhat vulnerable to being affected by frequent power shifts in the political arena.

At present, many communities are being excluded from the goods and services of the city and are often forced to look for housing solutions that are spatially and economically disconnected from the urban centre. Migration and squatting have become emerging forces within Bangkok. At the same time, megaprojects including transport expansions have greatly influenced the city’s form and the sprawling conditions at the

Several of the dominant transformative actors have experienced a greater position of power due to the nature of this conflict, increasing CODI’s vulnerability but also its strength in overcoming these struggles. In the future of the Programme, this will continue to be the greatest influence that underlies all relationships between actors.

Figure 3.1 Megainfrastructure and housing in Koh Klang Klong Pra Ka Nhong

28 ANALYSIS PRESSURES AND DRIVERS OF CHANGE

Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 3.2 Drivers of change and pressures on Bangkok

Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 3.3 Touristic activities in the central area of Bangkok, Rattanakosin Island

Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 3.4 Coexistence of slums, mega projects and new developments in Klong Toey

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3.2 ACTORS While identifying the key actors involved in the process of transformation, we recognize how several actors were involved on different levels, with multiple and varying roles. In order to represent the multi-scalar processes involved between actors we have conceptualized the BM Programme as a “machine.” We have represented these complex relations through a diagram — the poles represent the multi-scalar actors, the size of the gears relate to the power or dominance of each actor, and the “belts” between each actor explain the quality of their relations and how closely they are working together. This “machine” has become a critical tool for our analysis: it has helped us to diagnose actor relations and how they have evolved over time, as well as to understand how these relationships have changed or were clarified through our experiences in the field (The differences between the figure 3.6 and 3.7 point out these changes).

Within the diagram we have illustrated how NULICO has become the strong-hold of the Programme in coordinating and organizing community activities, and acting as the emergency generator of funding and community driven processes.

COOPERATIVE Several actors have been allies of the Programme. One important example is ACHR, as an organization they share similar strategies to the initiatives of CODI, but address the larger scale. The programmes of knowledge sharing and regional funding opportunities of large-scale ACHR projects have had an immense positive impact on the BM Programme. This has been particularly important on the community level.

As illustrated through the diagram, CODI is posited at the centre because it is a dominant actor in distributing funds to communities and one that has remained before and after the fieldwork experience. However, CODI’s level of involvement at the community scale is less visible than originally anticipated.

1950s 1960s

1970s

1980s 1990s

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The Royal Patronage of H.M. the King Misintry of Finance Thailand Rural Reconstructurction Movement

NESDB PREM

Government Housing Bank

National Rural Development Committee (NRDC)

Community Development Department Misintry of Interior

National Housing Authority (NHA)

Local Develpoment Assistance Program (LDAP) Local Development Foundation (LDF)

National Committee on Decentralization Policy for Provincial and Local Development (NCDP)

Rural Development Fund (RDF)

Urban Development Community Office (UCDO) Misintry of

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT and HUMAN SECURITY

Urban Development Community Office (UCDO)

Figure 3.5 Actor timeline

30 ANALYSIS ACTORS

Figure 3.6 Actor mapping before Bangkok

MONEY (Indirect) Part of but no control over

MINISTRY OF INTERIOR

MINISTRY OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT and HUMAN SECURITY

GOVERNMENT

ACHR

MINISTRY OF FINANCE

INTERNATIONAL NGOs(IIED, etc.)

MONEY (From big end to small end)

Coordinate Support Service (resourse and knowledge) Negotiate

MUNICIPALITY /BMA

GHB

NHA

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UNIVERSITY/ EXPERTS CITY DEVELOPMENT COMMITTEE ACHR

COMMUNITY NETWORK NULICO

COMMUNITY ARCHITECT COMMUNITY

Figure 3.7 Actor mapping after Bangkok

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Equally, NULICO has had a very strong presence in supporting CODI activities, many times filling the voids where CODI cannot act. As NULICO is born out of and imbedded within the communities, their involvement at the community level is strongest and this was made evident in our field visits to many of the communities. CODI also has a good relationship among local and larger university networks. This relationship is particularly important to the design process of CODI projects. For example, the role of Universities in the design and capacity building could be beneficial for both parties and should be further explored by CODI, especially in the case of architects and planners.

NEUTRAL Several actors assumed to have a much stronger relationship with the Programme as their large roles and responsibilities that have been undertaken. However, many of these relationships do not possess the synergies that we originally assumed in our analysis. This is specific in the position of the GHB, NHA and NESDB with CODI. While we recognize there is no conflict between these actors, their relationships have been out of necessity and under pressure to support CODI due to their similar ‘positions’ within the government structures. In this sense, the national scale of actors is primarily made up by these existing support roles.

CONFLICTING There is one relationship within all scenarios that is characterized by high tension: that is between the landlord and the communities. While many times the relations are positive and cooperative, the nature of these relations are not immediate or assumed. The role of the landlord is the most dynamic of any actor as it ranges from Central Government, Local Municipality, private entities, Royal Family lands or religious institutions. Further, the nature of the actor also lends itself to be dynamic in scale in the “machine.” This connection is therefore the most contingent to communities to enter the Programme as Upgrading or Reblocking strategies require tenure agreements and the greatest potential indicator for the level of transformation collectively sought by the community. The case of CPB is 32 ANALYSIS ACTORS

exceptional, in its positive and proactive role in advocating communities to join the programme and establishing leasing agreements, serving the interest of both parties. Another highly dynamic relationship is one between the Municipality and the community. Several communities had a cooperative relationship with members of the Municipality, or where NULICO was also collaborating with the Municipality. However, this relationship is one that is constantly evolving, and often times the landowner is highly disruptive of local relations. In many cases such as Klong Toey, this has made it especially difficult for communities to establish long-term collaborative relations with the local Municipality. Further, the Municipality often perceives communities as unorganized or limited in ability and have disregarded the needs of the community for the incentives of the landlord. As communities continue demonstrating their organization through their upgrading strategies this is shifting the perception, however the impact of the landord can still be highly problematic.

FINANCIAL CODI’s provision of funding has two-fold limitations. One is the amount of savings a community is able to acquire in order to enter the programme. The other limitation is the large fiscal cut that the government agencies have endured. As a result, CODI’s ability to fully support as many communities as possible is not always sufficient. The reductions in funding impact the very idea of transformation, potentially increasing vulnerabilities within communities and limiting their ability to effectively respond. NULICO has been helping to establish City/ Community Development Funds at the municipal level. These funds act as a revolving fund for communities to access, and essentially are an “emergency resource generator” to act without CODI. Other important financial relationships that communities rely on include donations from ACHR to CODI and to CDFs that have some impact in the community level. Additionally, the relationship between GHB and CODI was established as a result of the fiscal crisis, where GHB purchased several community loans from

GOVERNMENT

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MINISTRY OF FINANCE

MINISTRY OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT and HUMAN SECURITY

NHA

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Figure 3.8 Main actors in the national level

MUNICIPALITY /BMA

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Figure 3.9 Main actors in the metropolitan level

MUNICIPALITY /BMA UNIVERSITY/ EXPERTS

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Figure 3.10 Main actors in the district level

MUNICIPALITY /BMA LANDLORD

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CODI. This is the primary aim of the relationship, and is one in which CODI and communities mostly benefit.

POWER At the level of communities, the network of NULICO is perhaps the most empowered of any agency in the Programme. This actor has the most flexibility of roles and responsibilities, ability to mobilize and influence the community directly. In fact, this actor acts primarily to organize community processes. It is important to clarify that CODI lacks any major role at this scale, and highly relies on community self-organization. While there are tense relationships in the overall actor map, there are also several strained relationships that are not characteristic of being in direct conflict to the program’s efficiency but rather to the extent of leveraging transformation. Specifically, important is the role of the Community Architect. At present, this actor has not been empowered by communities or fully integrated in CODI’s agenda of design. Therefore, the community architect actor has a stronger role in consulting community relations rather than actually being a part of the design and building process. The relationship between actors has disempowered the role of the Community Architect more than any within the Programme. The City Development Committee is a forum composed of members from communities, NULICO, CODI, Academia, and Municipality. On site, the presence of this team was nearly imperceptible. However, while this committee lacks power of decision-making over issues of development, it is an existing space for negotiation and discussion within the Programme.

Figure 3.11 Main actors in the community level COMMUNITY MONEY (From big end to small end) MONEY (Indirect) Part of but no control over Coordinate Support Service (resourse and knowledge) Negotiate

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34 ANALYSIS SITES

3.3 THE 6 CASE STUDIES As part of a collective of urban practitioners, our experiences in the field gave us the opportunity to connect our theoretical analysis with fieldbased research. During our experiences in the field we refined our broad understandings of transformation to centre around four highly specific approaches: Partnerships and infrastructure, Land and Housing, Finance, and Community Mobilization and Capabilities. The aim of this approach was to filter and cluster the dense information gathered across the six sites and shape it into a synthesized analysis and proposal. Further, we sought to highlight the opportunities, concerns, and threats across sites respectively identifying recurrent and resonant themes throughout.

Rangsit

Ban Khen

Rattanakosin Island Pasi Chaleon

Khlong Toey

Bang Pu

Figure 3.12 Location of the 6 sites within Bangkok region

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Figure 3.13 Location of the communities visited and significant elements within Bang Khen district

3.3.1 BANG KHEN Bang Khen District known as the largest district in Bangkok is located at the centre of the city within proximity of the main highways, infrastructure and transport arteries. The communities in Bang Khen District have a strong spatial bond with the canal. Since its one of the pilot projects of BM Programme there is with a well-grounded community organization and mobilizationand also, there is a the lack of influence from the municipality and local authority. It was here that they pioneered the first CDF in Bangkok setting precedent for self sufficient and financial independence from CODI whilst mitigating the repercussion of any future financial instability. Photo by Sepideh Hajisoltani

Figure 3.14 View from Bang Bua canal

36 ANALYSIS SITES

Partnerships and Infrastructure

Finance

Land and Housing

Capabilities

•Although Bang Khen has relatively strong partnerships with the district and local authority there still appears to be problems in terms of division of equal roles and relations between local authority, municipality and the communities. •Partnership with Action Aid for financially supporting the Bang Bua nursery. (only NGO) •Uneven knowledge among the communities can create misunderstanding and fragment partnerships as one example indicates a community member employee of government opposing to BM project due to not being aware of the project being supported by government. •Uneven awareness of resources and information available in other districts due to scarcity of networks and partnerships.

•Originating the first CDF only for housing costs to constitute a self sufficiency and less dependency acting as a support to CODI funds. •There are welfare funds available which provides for elderly care, support for families facing difficulties with loan payments, acts as security for irregular incomes of community members. •Philanthropy: when government funding doesn’t come through, communities/individuals donate money to neighboring communities. (e.g. bridge in Som Chai’s community) •CDF has scaling up limitations which self-sufficiency is a motivation, but the fund is inextricably linked to CODI for continuity. •CDF is also being used to bypass funding from CODI (e.g. Ruamjai Patthana Klang, where community does not have collective land title) •Timing is another factor that associates with communities choosing CDF vs. CODI depending on how much money CODI has at any given time. (e.g. acquiring more from CODI in 2008, immediately following the successful protests)

•While observing the overall picture design aspects have been neglected. •The communities with partnership with municipality agreed on the New Building Codes for governmental projects which gives more room for maneuver in terms of design aspects and planning. •‘Baan Bang Khen’ is an example of more developed design aspects using outside architects to design mid-rise apartments and also currently maximizing their area. (in line with growth of the city) •Since 2007 there has been no visit from CODI architect which shows a disconnect between Codi architect and community. •According to design standards the fact that the communities are not adapting to changing city landscape. •Longevity of the buildings, quality of construction and design may not be desirable in the future. •There has been a definite loss of public spaces after the BM project which requires more design feature.

•Establishing the local community builders (CCC 100 local construction labor in 5 teams )which construct the BM projects in the district as well as broader boundaries and setting up ‘Home Service Centre’ which where looking to set up a call centre in future. •Builders network – build knowledge by implementing the first phase and teaching the locals as a process for knowledge transfer. •Their capacity as a collective community to change New building codes and be the catalyst for further policy changes in government. •Using protest as a means of communication which can be related to need of capacity for negotiation. •Long time to get administration funds and depends if you have good relations with government. •Canal cleaning every month with borrowing the BMA boats which can on the contrary indicate the imbalance sharing of relationship and roles resulted in the communities acting like a municipality which might result with over burden of work and an isolated city perception.

Figure 3.15 The pictures on top illustrate the problems and opportunities of the chart within Bang Khen district

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Communities visited

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Figure 3.16 Location of the communities visited and significant elements within Khlong Toey district

3.3.2 KHLONG TOEY A site full of tensions, Khlong Toey district has one of the largest and most dense slums in Bangkok, adjacent to the nation’s main port. Decades of eviction struggles have resulted from clashes with the Port Authority, as the main landowner of slums settlements and major infrastructure projects that are planned for here. The high pressure on the land results not only from these external forces but also the increasing demand for housing. For the past 30 years this site has been a major entry point for migrants to the city, due to its proximity to the port and large opportunities for work. These pressures, both internal and external have resulted in multiple conflicts and a lack of cohesion across communities.

38 ANALYSIS SITES

Figure 3.17 Khlong Toey: spatially fragmentated

Partnerships and Infrastructure

Finance

Land and Housing

Capabilities

Partnerships Infrastructure •There are and weaker network linkages between non-Baan Mankong communities, •There are weakerbeyond network and with communities the linkages between non-Baan district. Mankong communities, •One of the best communities we and withincommunities beyond the visited terms of infrastructure district. and housing improvements was •Onethe of the communities we on site best of Crown Property visited as in there terms was of infrastructure Land, an alliance and housing improvements was with Baan Mankong. on the presence site of Crown •Strong of local,Property national Land, as there NGOs, was anwhich alliance and international are with Baan support Mankong. providing to communities •Strong presence of cannot local, national that Baan Mankong reach and international which are •They have little NGOs, power to negotiproviding to communities ate with support or influence the Port that Baan Mankonghave cannot reach Consequently, weak •They have little power toon negotilinkages to communities Port ate land.with or influence the Port Consequently, have weak linkages to communities on Port land.

Finance •The Port and the Market also serve as important sources of livelihood for communities in the •The district.Port and the Market also serve as important sources of livelihood for communities in the district.

Land and Housing •43 registered communities squeezed in between this, sometimes on undesirable land (e.g. •43 registered communities underneath expressways), other squeezed in between times on land targetedthis, for somedeveltimes on undesirable land (e.g. opment. underneath expressways), other •Baan Mankong does not address times on landthat targeted for develcommunities are living in the opment. most precarious situation, in areas •Baan Mankong does not address without secure tenure, under the communities that are living in the threat of eviction. most precarious situation, areas •Or communities that are in socially without secure tenure, under the and spatially fragmented, included threat of eviction. migrants. •Or communities that socially •Families are afraid of are investing in and included theirspatially homes, fragmented, because they don’t migrants. know when they might need to •Families of investing in leave We are alsoafraid saw entire commutheir they don’t nities homes, living inbecause temporary-looking know whenfor theyover might to structures 40need years, leave Wethe also saw entire visits commubecause Port actually the nities living every in temporary-looking community year to make structures for over years, sure they don’t build 40 permanent because the Port actually visits the structures. community every year to make •Global City Competitions sure they don’t build permanent demands a certain type of structures. infrastructure and Development – •Global City Competitions conflicting vision for the area. demands a lease certainthrough type out of Land security infrastructure and Development – the site. conflicting vision for the area. Land security lease through out the site.

Capabilities •Communities got mobilized during events, such as eviction and fire and port authority •Communities got mobilized evictions. during events, such asTrash eviction •Livelihood committee, for and infire and port authority cash communities that were not evictions. part of BM. •Livelihood for •The districtcommittee, office isTrash undercash in communities that were not resourced part ofcommunities BM. •The were weak in •The office is against underterms district of mobilizing resourced evictions at first due to their suspi•The communities weak in cion and trust in were getting land terms and of negotiation. mobilizing against tenure evictions at first due to their suspicion and trust in getting land tenure and negotiation.

Figure 3.18 The pictures on top illustrate the problems and opportunities of the chart within Bang Khen district

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Communities visited

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r ajo

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Figure 3.19 Location of the communities visited and significant elements within Pasi Chaloen district

3.3.3 PASI CHALOEN Located within the metropolis, Pasi Chaloen sits on the edge of a rural past facing a rapid development future. Once agricultural land characterized by several canals, urbanization is now occurring and the city has consumed this site. Most of the communities living here have been relocated here from other parts of the city. As a result, while the relationship between the local authorities is good the network is fairly weak due to this recent development. However, due to the highly speculative nature of the land, acquiring it is perhaps the largest challenge here.

Photo by Azzurra Muzzonigro

Figure 3.20 The community leaders of the district plays an important role facilitating comunication within and between the communities

40 ANALYSIS SITES

Sirin & Friend Community

Partnerships and Infrastructure

Finance

Photo by Azzurra Muzzonigro

Figure Sirin & Friend funded the •Roles 3.21 and In Responsibilities on Community •Cooperatives Codi for welfare mechacommunity partly through loansnisms to the (which environmental issue, such as withincooperative the community give repays @ 2% interest and keeps 3%toprofit for toWelfare). waste Codi management, are not opportunity scale-up mechaThere also a subsidy that Codi to the clearlyis defined, which creates nismaddresses for widerdirectly inclusion of gaps of management thatB$is (of individuals and groups which are Community of 5.000.000 which 3.000.000B$ to level reflected on 2.000.000 the precarious ground and B$condito build currently road). excluded from BM tions of marginalized pockets of poor settlements. •Opportunity to create partnerPartnerships and Infrastructure ships among communities and with local authorities as well as with inhabitants of other parts on of •Roles and Responsibilities the district affected by same environmental issue, suchissue. as waste management, are not clearly defined, which creates gaps of management that is reflected on the precarious conditions of marginalized pockets of poor settlements. •Opportunity to create partnerships among communities and with local authorities as well as with inhabitants of other parts of the district affected by same issue.

Ra-sri Tum Community

…don’t constitute a viable solution to overcome the gap between the members of communities and the Finance poorest of the poor that still can’t access for financial difficulties.

•Cooperatives for welfare mechanisms within the community give opportunity to scale-up to mechanism for wider inclusion of individuals and groups which are currently excluded from BM …don’t constitute a viable solution to overcome the gap between the members of communities and the poorest of the poor that still can’t access for financial difficulties.

Land and Housing

Capabilities

Photo by Azzurra Muzzonigro

Figure In in Ra-Sri Tum through •Increase3.22 density an area of Community •Design couldthe playloans an active role the will be repayed to Codi @ 4%and interest. rapid cooperative urbanization could constiin strengthening spatial social Cooperative keep 3% profit for Welfare. tute a long termwill viable response to linkages within Additionally the communityCodi as will provide 2 subsidies: 6.900.000 for land and road the scarcity of available land in the well as B$ between the community urban area of Bangkok the surrounding area as construction. and 250.000 B$ forand housing construction •Tax incentive for vacant land •Network based Land Bank •Economical constrain to acquire land for the Land Bank Land and Housing •Scarce design response to community’s needs as a consequence of marginality in •Increase density in of andesign area of list of BM’s priorities.could constirapid urbanization

tute a long term viable response to the scarcity of available land in the urban area of Bangkok •Tax incentive for vacant land •Network based Land Bank •Economical constrain to acquire land for the Land Bank •Scarce design response to community’s needs as a consequence of marginality of design in list of BM’s priorities.

•Design plays a marginal role into BM agenda but Community Architects have limited range of action within the existing priorities Capabilities of BM.

•Design could play an active role in strengthening spatial and social linkages within the community as well as between the community and the surrounding area as •Design plays a marginal role into BM agenda but Community Architects have limited range of action within the existing priorities of BM.

Figure 3.23 Problems and opportunities within Pasi Chaloen district

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ad Major ro

Canal

Communities visited

Figure 3.24 Location of the communities visited and significant elements within Rangsit municipality

3.3.4 RANGSIT Situation just outside of Bangkok, Rangsit is of a highly suburban and disconnected nature as it was once agricultural land dominated by irrigation canals. At the periphery of the city, the issues of migration and urban sprawl collide here. Similar to Pasi Chaloen, land speculation highly affects communities in this region resulting in a landscape dominated by gated communities and empty land. However, this community is exceptional in its strong community network and close relationship with the municipality.

42 ANALYSIS SITES

Figure 3.25 Rangsit position in Bangkok peri-urban area

Partnerships and Infrastructure

Finance

Land and Housing

Capabilities

Partnerships and Infrastructure •Potential better relations between NHA schemes and communities to share facilities (daycare, etc) that •Potential relations between they are better exploring at city wide NHA level.schemes and communities to share facilities (daycare, that •Experimenting with etc) Private they are exploring at city wide contractors as the market is highly level. competitive in Rangsit right now •Experimenting with success Private for this and current contractors as the market highly however careful not to isdetract competitive Rangsitschemes. right now from capacityintraining for this and lack current success •Infrastructure: of connectivity however careful not to detract of sites, especially relocation sites from capacity to services astraining land is schemes. cheapest in •Infrastructure: lack of connectivity these dis-connected areas as a of sites,ofespecially relocation sites result private ownership and to services as land is cheapest in partnerships. these dis-connected areas as a result of private ownership and partnerships.

Finance •More developed CDF expansion to include Welfare Fund already, but also “Occupation” training as •More well asdeveloped Insurance.CDF expansion to include Welfare Fund already, •Lack of criteria, while an opportubut “Occupation” training as nity also to completely bypass CODI, well this as canInsurance. also be seen as danger•Lack criteria, while opportuous inofterms of lack of an land tenure nity completely bypass CODI, and to high risk. this can also be seen as dangerous in terms of lack of land tenure and high risk.

and Housing •Land Land sharing schemes- 4 communities coming together to share cost of purchasing land on •Land schemesone site. sharing “Sang Saan community.4 communities coming land together to •Lack of available (large share cost purchasing land i.e. on amount of of private ownership one “Sang Saan community. landsite. speculation) •Lack availableby land (large Lack ofofregulation municipality amount of private ownership i.e. addressing migration and urban land speculation) sprawl Lack of regulation by municipality addressing migration and urban sprawl

Capabilities •Very Strong Network working in cooperation with municipality, NULICO, CODI etc. All on very •Very Strongand Network working in good terms in strong commucooperation with on municipality, nication and alliance all issues. NULICO, CODI etc. All on very •“Knowledge Center” specific to good in strong commueach terms site, inand some examples is a nication alliance on all unit, issues. concreteand block making in •“Knowledge Center” to others it is helping with specific accounting each in some etc. examples is a for thesite, community, concrete unit, in •Working block issue making based networks others with accounting which it is is helping connecting canal for the community, etc.specifically. communities together •Working issuethat based networks •The one point the municipalwhich is speaking connecting ity is not acrosscanal the communities specifically. province withtogether other municipalities, •The one point the municipalotherwise nothatweakness at ity is not speaking across the Community Network level. province with other municipalities, otherwise no weakness at Community Network level.

Figure 3.28. Khlong Toey: actors

Figure 3.26 The pictures on top illustrate the problems and opportunities of the chart within Rangsit Municipality

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Ma oad

r jor Communities visited

Figure 3.27 Location of the communities visited and significant elements within the Bang Pu municipality

3.3.5 BANG PU Like Rangsit, Bang Pu is located outside of Bangkok Municipality, directly on the Thai coast. Environmental hazards in the coastal mangroves and canals that dominate the Bang Pu have affected land availability for communities. A satellite of Bangkok, this site is expected to grow as several megaprojects are planned for the skytrain, airport expansion, and plans of the Department of Treasury. Bang Pu is of a peri-urban nature, with many community residents working in the nearby factories or in shrimp and clam farming industries.

44 ANALYSIS SITES

Photo by Parvathi Nair

Figure 3.28 Floating platform used for public gathering in Bang Pu municipality.

Partnerships and Infrastructure

Finance

Land and Housing

Capabilities

Partnerships and Infrastructure •Community leaders in Bang Poo have strong relationship with local authorities, although transparency •Community Bang Poo of informationleaders can beinquestioned have strong relationship with local at some point while perceived in authorities, transparency responses although to specific questions of information can be questioned asked in the shared meetings. at some point perceived in •Potential for while future linkages responses to specificthrough questions between communities the asked in the of shared meetings.and exchange knowledge •Potential for future information about the BM linkages process between in termscommunities of differentthrough forms the of exchange and of the knowledge and upgrading challenges that information about the process appears during theBM process. in terms building of different formsand of Through new roads upgrading and the that infrastructure andchallenges megaprojects, appears during the effected. process. communities are directly Through building new roads and infrastructure and megaprojects, communities are directly effected.

•Ta Ko canal Finance community successful cost cutting project by using recycling materials - cuts 25% of •Ta Ko canal community successconstruction ful cost Baht cuttingcan project by using •15000 be saved by recycling materials - cuts 25% of using recycled material – reducing construction cost of construction process as •15000 can be by well as Baht translating it tosaved financial using recycled material – reducing assets. cost of construction as •Excluded members ofprocess community well as translating it to not having access to BMfinancial due to assets. affordability •Excluded members of community •‘Ta Ko canal’ community is not not having accessany to commercial BM due to allowed to have affordability activities in the area or lower level •‘Ta their Ko canal’ community not of houses which is has allowed to have any commercial constrains on their livelihoods. activities in the area or lower level (Design from CODI) of their houses which has constrains on their livelihoods. (Design from CODI)

and Housing •Large Land amount of recycling material on sites that can be used for housing – cuts 25% of •Large amount of recycling construction material on sites that canthey be used •In the slum formation had for – got cuts lost 25% of morehousing space, but in the construction process of appropriation of near •In the spaces slum formation they had home when they got more space, but got lost in the relocated. process of appropriation of near •The houses are on dirty water but home when they got they arespaces still being rebuilt on the relocated. same water with the idea of having •The houses are on dirty water but stronger foundation to substitute. they still being rebuiltbase on the CODIare provides the solid for same water with the ideathey of having the house, however are stronger on foundation substitute. located the filthyto mud water CODI is provides the solid base for which quite hazards and insanithe tary. house, however they are located on the filthy mud water which is quite hazards and insanitary.

Capabilities •The community leaders across Bang Poo know each other while on the contrary the members of •The community leaders across community are not familiar with Bang Poo know each other while each other. on the leaders members of •As the a contrary tactic the take community are one not community familiar with members from to each other. another. •As a tactic the leaders take members from one community to another.

Figure 3.29 The pictures on top illustrate the problems and opportunities of the chart within Bang Pu Municipality

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Communities visited

Touristic node

Figure 3.30 Location of the communities visited and significant elements within Rattanakosin island

3.3.6 RATTANAKOSIN ISLAND Formally Phra Nakon, Rattanakosin is the oldest area in Bangkok and is saturated with historical allures such as The Grand Palace and Wat Phra Kaew (Emerald Buddah Temple). The largest landowner is the CPB who is responsible for managing the King’s land assets. There is a unique rental system particular to the CPB land that has driven the CPB to sign a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with CODI to upgrade the communities due to preserving the character of the site with participatory conservation. Over the years, there has been a multitude of plans for the area. These plans have had an increasingly disparaging bearing on tenure for most of the Rattanakosin communities as it failed to recognise the “heritage of local people, such as a daily life landscape, market, and shop house” excluding them from the master plan.

46 ANALYSIS SITES

It is this notion of culture as building and disregard for people that is the driving force behind communities in Rattanakosin Island perusing upgrading that supports culture as living heritage in order to not only secure their tenure; but to demonstrate their capacity to set precedent to be outstanding responsible good citizens and change the way they are perceived by the local area and the city, as emphasised by one community leader.

Rattanakosin Island Rattanakosin Island Partnerships and Infrastructure

Finance

Land and Housing

Capabilities

•Community centre was part of Partnerships proposal and Infrastructure infrastructure to CODI and therefore supported by the grant •Community was partwith of •Community centre collaborating infrastructure children’s proposal activities, to CODI universities: andgallery. therefore supported by the art grant •Partnership with private sector in •Community collaborating palace: community is able to with use universities: children’s activities, space for community activities art gallery. of outside working hours •Partnership privateCPB sector in (agreement iswith between and palace: community is able to use private company) space for activities •CODI andcommunity CPB partnership outside in the of alley. working hours walking (agreement is between and •Temple does not grantCPB receipts private company) meaning residents have no proof •CODI and CPB partnership of occupancy walking inarchitect the alley. warned TAT •CODI •Templebedoes not grant should on board but receipts worried meaning no proof they will residents get too have involved and of occupancy disrupt peoples lives and •CODI architect warned livelihood as they want to keep TAT site should be on board but worried not the people. they geteducated too involved and •CPB will prefer professiondisrupt lives and als to take peoples lead on tourism livelihood as they want to keep site not the people. •CPB prefer educated professionals to take lead on tourism

•Private funding from other savings groupFinance as well as interest from investment/banking. (wat saket) •Private fundinghousing from grade other •Started grading a savings group as well as interest and grade b inputting their own from investment/banking. design guidelines for quality (wat and saket) preservation. •Started grading housing gradebut a •Loan has been granted and grade b inputting their have own remains in the bank as they design guidelines for quality and no proposal for plans. preservation. Community level comes down to •Loan has been granted but whose funding, receiver you get remains in theconditions, bank as they have this but with developno proposal ment done for forplans. hidden agenda, Community levelmodel comes to need to change of down commuwhose funding, receiver you and get nity development with plan this but with conditions, developfind sponsor. ment done for hidden agenda, need to change model of community development with plan and find sponsor.

•Materials used can increase and Housing heights.Land (currently buildings are concrete on the bottom and wooden on the top) •Materials •By law, landused owner can owns increase building, (currently ifheights. they are evicted, buildings the CPB are will concrete them. on the bottom and reimburse wooden theownership top) •Split in on land has split •By law, land owner owns building, community. if theyputs are restrictions evicted, theonCPB will •CPB building reimburse them. heights. •Split in land ownership split •No community space yethas (sitram) community. •If you have a fighting chicken •CPB how puts can restrictions farm you liveoninbuilding a high heights. rise? Thai massage how many •No community space yetceramics (sitram) people will go upstairs, •If you oven, have ahow fighting chicken need would you farm howthat caninyou integrate highlive rise.in a high rise? Thai massage how many people will go upstairs, ceramics need oven, how would you integrate that in high rise.

•Middle class contribute to savings Capabilities group to help others out •Part of a network of a historic walk (between the 6 communities) •Middle class contribute to savings – eco-tourism walk. group tried to help others out session •CPB to hold training •Parteach of acommunity network ofposition a historic for but walk (between the 6 communities) not successful. – eco-tourism walk. departments •Various government •CPBtraining tried to hold hold for 2training comm. session Reprefor each community position sentatives who should relate but to not restsuccessful. of comm.. but the skills are not •Various government transferable and departments community hold training 2 comm. Repremembers not for interested anymore sentatives should relatee.g. to •Rely on who existing asset rest of comm.. the skills not accountant butbut what if he are goes? transferable community Need to build and peoples capacity members not interested anymore more. •Rely on existing asset e.g. accountant but what if he goes? Need to build peoples capacity more.

Figure 3.31 The pictures on top illustrate the problems and opportunities of the chart within Rattanakosin Island

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onstrained
NegoGaGon





3.4 DIAGNOSIS

RaOanakosin
Island



In the process of distinguishing between the symptoms and the fundamental underlying causes of the concerns.

Challenging, the scale at which they should be addressed and recognizing the involvement of actors, clarifying the extent of their roles and responsibility. This enhanced grasp, informed our collective clustering of these underlying triggers shifting the initial scope to encompass these new four overarching categories; negotiation, networking, land and alliances with design being inherit in all of these.

Bang
Khen



Photo by Sepideh Hajisoltani

Figure 3.32 Shack by the canal in Bang Khen.

3.4.1 NEGOTIATION The BM Programme has given communities tremendous capacity to negotiate with actors, for instance by collecting and owning data that enhances their power to negotiate when entering discussions with different actors. If communities cannot enter such dialogue with actors they collectively default to mass demonstrations in order to voice their demands.

Diagnosis

Lack
of
Land
Acces Photo by Mahya Fatemi

Figure 3.33 A bridge in Bang Khen community: an example of community mobilisation to fullfill the role of the municipality

Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 3.34 View from the Klong Toey District Authority building

48 ANALYSIS DIAGNOSIS

RaOanakosin
Island

 While this represents an example of exercising

their freedoms it also highlights that there is lack of space for negotiation. This was evident in the case of Khlong Toey where the insecurity of land and tenure, as well as the complexity of urbanization suppressed the community from being fully integrated into the decision making process surrounding the development plans made by the Port Authority. In order to avoid the instrumentalisation of the community and create a balance of power in the decision making Bang
Khen

 process the roles and responsibilities of actors need to be clarified and redefined.

nosis

Constrained
NegoGaGon
 RaOanakosin
Island

 Highlighting this tension

between supply and demand is the example of Bang Khen (Figure 3.33) where for four years the community requested the local municipality to rebuild a broken bridge that was essential for connectivity on the site. However, even after making their needs clear the municipality failed to acknowledge their request.

Photo by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai

Figure 3.35 The main issue in Rattanakosin Island concerned the lack of willingness of CODI to start or help facilitate negotiation with the Temple land to include the poor communities in the BM Programme.

Bang
Khen

 Consequently, the community self-mobilized and collected donations from visitors in order to finance the construction, thus successfully rebuilding the bridge. While this illustrates the strength of the community to proactively respond to infrastructural challenges, it raises important questions of how far these communities are being asked to mobilize and at what point they are being asked to fulfill the responsibilities of the Municipality.

ng
Toey


National level Metropolitan level District level

Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 3.36 View of the port in Khlong Toey. The communities have little power to negotiate with or influence the Port Authority in terms of Land Tenure and the pressures of the Global City Competition master plan.

Community level Household level Levels in which the problem is present

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3.4.2 LAND ACCESSIBILITY AND RaOanakosin
Island

 AFFORDABILITY The rapid urban development pressures on land pose great challenges for allocating affordable land and securing land tenure within the city centre. Land owners are not willing to negotiate on the price of land to accommodate the urban poor and the price of land is the result of its centrality to the goods and services of the urban centre. Additionally, there are a lot of interstitial spaces that are not being fully utilized. Therefore, there is a need for land readjustment on these unfilled, open space fragments in order to establish Rangsit
 greater productivity and connectivity, particularly within the superblocks.

Photo by Dhrin Anantamongkolchai

Figure 3.38 Different communities in Rattanakosin Island are facing the same problems in terms of the tourist and master plan; however they have no forum to discuss for collective solutions. ( for more information refer to Annex page 141)

There have been emerging symptoms of gentrification and densification in Khlong Toey due to the intense pressures on the central business district, forcing residents to cluster on undesirable land, such as spaces underneath expressways or land that is earmarked for development. These communities are priced out of decent land as there is greater return and profit to be made by landowners, as a consequence of this, private developers negating the possibility of negotiation. Photo by McKenzie O`Neill

Figure 3.37 Land speculation spurred by the majority of private ownership in Rangsit with plans to develop private residential units restricted negotiation for the price of land.

Figure 3.39 Interstitial spaces in the city

50 ANALYSIS DIAGNOSIS

Photo by Silvia Chi

Bang
Poo
 Bang
Poo


3.4.3 UNEVEN KNOWLEDGE SHARING & NETWORKING Changing the space but not changing the slum values



Weak
Knowledge
Sharing
Process
 Photo by Parvathi Nair

Figure 3.40 Bang Pu Community workshop Lack of networking within Bang Pu as community members were not acquainted with one another and one of the community was not aware of the different strategies that BM Programme offers to address their housing problem in terms of upgrading.( Refer to Annex page 154 for further detail on community workshops held in Bang Pu)

Island



Photo by McKenzie O`Neill

Figure 3.41 Rangsit Community building

angsit


Knowledge sharing within communities proved to be strong, however, there was a weak correlation of knowledge transfer between certain communities regardless of their status with the BM Programme. This is a missed opportunity as information regarding the BM Programme and the lessons learned by communities, the resources and skills that they possess that could build their capacity are not capitalized on.

Rangsit represents a highly organized community where they efficiently utilized their network of community’s skills of building construction and Bang
Poo
 design in order to inform their design process. However, Rangsit networking strength raises the important question of why this is not happening elsewhere and how come there are so many projects being developed in the scale of the community without knowledge sharing taking place in the scale of the district, losing the opportunity to strengthen the network within the district and the city. In the same district, there is a strong presence of CDF´s that has emerged as an alternative and autonomous finance mechanism to CODI’s loan in the districts where it is implemented. However, this initiative presents the risk of being itself counterproductive as communities are obtaining CDF financing to build/ upgrade their homes regardless of land title, that can lead to potentially recreate ‘slums’-maintaining and multiply an insecure land tenure settlement. Considering this risk, the production of knowledge is central for a community that is managing CDF`s funds.

Photo by McKenzie O`Neill

Figure 3.42 Rangsit community homes in progress

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3.4.4 LIMITED DESIGN RESPONSE “Planning for communities but design for Klong
Toey
 individuals” Pasi
Chalen
 When land is allocated and the communities begin the building process there is an overemphasis on the planning and design of individual plots. The BM Programme’s success originates from its value of collective problem solving, where consensual decision-making is an integral aspect of each project. However, the housing typology within communities is detached housing.

Diagnosis

Limited


There is a need for more community input in the design process in order to develop housing strategies that would represent the local vernacular and could accommodate changes in household needs over time. Equally, on the larger scale land plots are not being designed as cohesive spaces with appropriated areas for recreation, places of gathering and social enterprise. Additionally, there is a need for design strategies that would improve the productivity of the site through utilizing ecological services such as the reclamation of water or the onsite production of food. Also, the community architect could be a vehicle to promote greater knowledge sharing within the community and between communities. The longevity of buildings, quality of construction and design may not be on par in the future, due to the forward thinking design motto of the community that captures what they can afford at the given timeframe. This incremental built form will be stark contrast to the rest of the competing city skyline that has plans leveraging vertical scenarios.

Photo by Azzurra Muzzonigro

Figure 3.43 Walkway through Pasi Chaleon

Diag Photo by Azzurra Muzzonigro

Figure 3.44 Pasi Chaloen housing design Land is a limited resource however the ineffective configuration of housing plots does not allow the community to capitalise on the full potential of their space; this can be addressed through an efficient design response. (Refer to Annex page 136)

Klong
Toey
 Pasi
Chalen


Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 3.45 Khlong Toey open spaces The prevalence of interstitial spaces in Khlong Toey presented for a fragmented urban fabric where there were disjointed pockets of unused space

52 ANALYSIS DIAGNOSIS

3.4.5 DISTILLING THE DIAGNOSIS: A GRAPHIC INTERPRETATION

Figure 3.46 Key for the cubes in the graphic synthesis of problems and opportunities across the six sites

As a graphic synthesis of our diagnosis, we develop these diagrams to compare the problems and opportunities across the six sites and identify the common denominators throughout. Thus clustering them according to the nature of the problem relating to: design, access, partnership, roles and relationships knowledge network and resource. Stacking these cubes adjacently, each being a representative of an issue makes it easier to compare the sites and see visually the density of each problem according to not only the site but to the overall distribution. Following a thorough analysis, we identified four entry points to address this array of issues.

Figure 3.47 Graphic synthesis of problems and opportunities about NETWORKS across the six sites

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Figure 3.48 Graphic synthesis of problems and opportunities about ACCESS across the six sites (explanatory chart in the next page)

Figure 3.49 Graphic synthesis of problems and opportunities about RESOURCES across the six sites

54 ANALYSIS DIAGNOSIS

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ACCESS

•Timing is another factor that associates with communities choosing CDF vs. CODI depending on how much money CODI has at any given time (e.g. acquiring more from CODI in 2008, immediately following the successful protests)

•Communities that are socially and spatially fragmented including migrants.

•Economical constrain to acquire land for the Land Bank.

•Cooperatives for welfare mechanisms within the community give the opportunity to scale-up to mechanism for wider inclusion of individuals and groups which are currently being excluded from BM do not constitute a viable solution to overcome the gap between the members of communities and the poorest of the poor that still cannot access for financial difficulties.

•Baan Man Kong does not address communities that are living in the most precarious situation, in areas without secure tenure, under the threat of eviction.

•Originating the first CDF only for housing costs to constitute a self-sufficiency and less dependency acting as a support to CODI funds.

•There are welfare funds available which provides for elderly care, support for families facing difficulties with loan payments, and acts as security for irregular incomes of community members.

Pasi Chaloen

Khliong Toey

Bang Khen •Excluded members of community not having access to BM due to affordability.

•Infrastructure: lack of connectivity of sites, especially relocation sites to services as land is cheapest in these dis-connected areas as a result of private ownership and partnerships.

•Lack of available land (large amount of private ownership i.e. land speculation)

•Land sharing schemes- 4 communities coming together to share cost of purchasing land on one site. “Sang Saan community. “

•More developed CDF expansion to include welfare fund already, but also “Occupation” training as well as Insurance.

Bang Pu

Rangsit

Rattanakosin Island

Figure 3.50 Graphic synthesis of problems and opportunities about KNOWLEDGE SHARING across the six sites

Figure 3.51 Graphic synthesis of problems and opportunities about DESIGN across the six sites (explanatory chart in the next page)

Figure 3.52 Graphic synthesis of problems and opportunities about ROLES AND NEGOTIATION across the six sites

56 ANALYSIS DIAGNOSIS

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DESIGN

•Global City Competitions demands a certain type of infrastructure and Development – conflicting vision for the area. Land security lease throughout the site.

•CDF is also being used to bypass funding from CODI (e.g. Ruamjai Patthana Klang, where community does not have collective land title) Design

•Using protest as a means of communication which can be related to need of capacity for negotiation .

•There has been a definite loss of public spaces after the BM project which requires more design feature.

•Longevity of the buildings, quality of construction and design may not be desirable in the future.

•According to design standards the fact that the communities are not adapting to changing city landscape.

•‘Baan Bang Khen’ is an example of more developed design aspects using outside architects to design mid-rise apartments and also currently maximizing their area (in line with growth of the city)

•While observing the overall picture design aspects have been neglected.

Khliong Toey

Bang Khen

•Design plays a marginal role into BM agenda but Community Architects have limited range of action within the existing priorities of BM.

•Design could play an active role in strengthening spatial and social linkages within the community as well as between the community and the surrounding area.

•Scarce design response to community’s needs as a consequence of marginality of design in list of BM’s priorities.

•Increase density in an area of rapid urbanization could constitute a long term viable response to the scarcity of available land in the urban area of Bangkok.

Pasi Chaloen

•The houses are on dirty water but they are still being rebuilt on the same water with the idea of having stronger foundation to substitute. CODI provides the solid base for the house, however they are located on the filthy mud water which is quite hazards and insanitary.

•In the slum formation they had more space, but got lost in the process of appropriation of near home spaces when they got relocated.

•‘Ta Ko canal’ community is not allowed to have any commercial activities in the area or lower level of their houses which has constrains on their livelihoods. (Design from CODI)

•Lack of regulation by municipality addressing migration and urban sprawl. •Lack of regulation by municipality addressing migration and urban sprawl.

Bang Pu

Rangsit

•No community (Sitram).

space

•CPB puts restrictions building heights.

yet

on

•Split in land ownership has split community

•Materials used can increase heights (currently buildings are concrete on the bottom and wooden on the top)

•Loan has been granted but remains in the bank as they have no proposal for plans.

•Started grading housing grade a and grade b inputting their own design guidelines for quality and preservation.

Rattanakosin Island

Figure 3.53 Graphic synthesis of problems and opportunities about PARTNERSHIPS AND INFRASTRUCTURE across the six sites (explanatory chart in the next page)

Figure 3.54 Summary of problems and opportunities across the six sites

58 ANALYSIS DIAGNOSIS

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PARTNERSHIP & INFRASTRUCTURE

•Partnership with Action Aid for financially supporting the Bang Bua nursery. (only NGO)

•Uneven awareness of resources and information available in other districts due to scarcity of networks and partnerships.

•CDF has scaling up limitations which self-sufficiency is a motivation, but the fund is inextricably linked to CODI for continuity.

•The communities with partnership with municipality agreed on the New Building Codes for governmental projects which gives more room for maneuver in terms of design aspects and planning. •Strong presence of local, national and international NGOs, which are providing support to communities that Baan Man Kong cannot reach.

•They have little power to negotiate with or influence the Port Consequently, have weak linkages to communities on Port land.

•One of the best communities we visited in terms of infrastructure and housing improvements was on the site of Crown Property Land, as there was an alliance with Baan Man Kong.

•Using protest as a means of communication which can be related to need of capacity for negotiation.

•Since 2007 there has been no visit from CODI architect which shows a disconnect between CODI architect and community.

Khliong Toey

Bang Khen

•Working issue based networks which are connecting canal communities together specifically.

•Very Strong Network working in cooperation with municipality, NULICO, CODI etc. All on very good terms and in strong communication and alliance on all issues.

•Experimenting with Private contractors as the market is highly competitive in Rangsit right now for this and current success however careful not to detract from capacity training schemes. •Due to having one community architect for the whole of Bangkok and lack of professionals such as architects the community people are misguided and are not fully informed about the effects and consequences of having new developments.

•Community collaborating with universities: children’s activities, art gallery.

•Community leaders in Bang Poo have strong relationship with local authorities, although transparency of information can be questioned at some point while perceived in responses to specific questions asked in the shared meetings.

•Potential better relations between NHA schemes and communities to share facilities (daycare, etc.) that they are exploring at city wide level.

•Roles and Responsibilities on environmental issue, such as waste management, are not clearly defined, which creates gaps of management that is reflected on the precarious conditions of marginalized pockets of poor settlements. Therefore this give opportunity to create partnerships among communities and with local authorities as well as with inhabitants of other parts of the district affected by same issue.

•Middle class contribute to savings group to help others out.

•Community level comes down to whose funding, receiver you get this but with conditions, development done for hidden agenda, need to change model of community Development with plan and find sponsor.

•CODI architect and CPB? Warn TAT should be on board but worried they will get too involved and disrupt people’s lives and livelihood as they want to keep site not the people.

•Temple does not grant receipts meaning residents have no proof of occupancy.

•Partnership with private sector in palace: community is able to use space for community activities outside of working hours. (agreement is between CPB and private company)

Rattanakosin Island

Bang Pu

Rangsit

Pasi Chaloen

NATIONAL/CODI

Scarce design response to communities needs as a consequence of marginality of design in list of BM priorities

Ta-Ko canal” community is not allowed to have any commercial activities in the area or lower level of their houses which has constrains on their livelihoods

CITY

Longevity of the buildings, quality of construction and design may not be desirable in the future priorities

In the slum formation they had more space, but lost in the process of appropriation of near home BM does not spaces when they Increase density address communities get relocated in an area of rapid that are living in the most urbanization could precarious situation, in constitute a long term areas without secure viable response to the tenure, under the threat scarcity of available land of eviction in the urban area of Bangkok Lack of r e g u l a ti o n by the municipality addressing migration and urban sprawl

C o m m u n i ti e s squeezed into and in between undesirable land such as underneath expressways, other times on land earmarked for development

MUNICIPALITY DISTRICT NETWORK

within the community give opportunity to scale-up to mechanism for wider inclusion of individuals and groups which are currently excluded from BM …don’t constitute a viable solution to overcome the gap between the members of communities and the poorest of the poor that cant access for financial difficulty

CDF is also being used to bypass funding from CODI (e.g. Ruamjai Patthana Klang), where community does not have collective Started grading land title housing grade a and grade b inputting their own design guidelines for quality and p r e s e r v a ti o n

Families are afraid of investing in their homes, insecurity over eviction, entire communities living in temporary- looking structures for over 40years, because the port actually visits the community every year to make sure they don’t build permanent structures

Global city competition demands a certain type of infrastructure and development- conflicting vision for the area. Land security lease throughout the site

Excluded members of community not having access to BM due to affordability

COMMUNITY

FINANCE

LAND AND HOUSING CONSTRUCTION

Figure 3.55 Multi scalar entry points of analysis diagram ( see next page for key and explanation)

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Design in CODI could play an active role in strengthening spatial and social linkages within the community as well as between the community and the surrounding areas

Little power to negotiate with or influence the Port consequently, have weak linkages to community on Port land One architect for the whole of Bangkok and lack of professionals means the community can be misguided and are not fully informed about the effects and consequences of having certain developments

CPB prefer to have professionals take the lead on tourism

Infrastructure lack of connectivity of sites, especially relocation sites to services as land is cheapest in these disconnected areas as a result of private ownership and partnerships

U n e v e n awareness of resources and information available in other districts due to scarcity of networks and partnerships

There are weaker network linkages between BM and non BM communities and those beyond the district

Design in CODI could play an active role in strengthening spatial and social linkages within the community as well as between the community and the surrounding areas

The municipality is not communicating across the province with other municipalities

Imbalance of roles and relationships, canal cleaning every month with borrowing the BMA boats which can on the contrary indicate the imbalance sharing of relationship and roles resulted in the communities acting like a municipality which might result with over burden of work and an isolated city p e r c e p ti o n

Little power to negotiate with or The district Uneven knowledge influence the Port office is under between the communities consequently, have resourced can create misunderstanding weak linkages to and fragmented partnerships as community on one example indicates a commuPort land nity member employee of governThe community Various government ment opposing to BM project leaders such as in departments holdtraining due to not being aware of the Bang Poo know each for communities with two project being supported other well whilst the representatives from each elected by government Roles and responsibilicommunities are not to attend, however they are ties on environmental issues, as familiar with expected to relate to the rest of the such as waste management, are each other group; but the skills they are taught not clearly defined, which creates are not easily transferable at times gaps of management that is reflected on irrelevant, thus the community the precarious conditions of marginalized has lost interest in this pockets of poor settlements. Therefore opportunity this gives opportunity to create partnerships among communities and with CPB local authorities as well as with attempted for Using protest as habitants of other parts of the two years to get a means of commudistrict affected by the different communities nication which can be same issue to network, however related to need of this top down capacity and space approach has been for negotiation Potential for unsuccessful future linkages between C o m m u n i ti e s communities through the squeezed into and in exchange of knowledge and between undesirable information about BM land such as underneath process in terms of upgradexpressways, other times ing and the challenges on land earmarked for that appears during development the process

PARTNERSHIPS AND INFRASTRUCTURE

COMMUNITY MOBILIZATION AND CAPACITY BUILDING

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MULTI SCALAR ENTRY POINTS DIAGRAM EXPLANATION Comparing the different stacks of density that reflect the opportunities and problems, we were able to identify the entry points that would address these problems. For example, in Roles and Partnerships the lack of concession and cooperation between the actors is partly due to the fact that roles and responsibilities are not clearly defined. Therefore we see negotiation can be the entry point towards solving these factors, as people can understand their responsibilities and be able to reach agreements for their needs by making partnerships and alliances and better delimit the space for negotiation. On the horizontal axis is the initial lens through which we analysed the sites. The vertical axis indicates the scale at which the problems could be addressed according to where the relevant actors are positioned, and additionally require a multi-scalar response. The spheres are colour coded according to the entry point by which they could be resolved. The different sizes of the spheres reflect the importance of issues with regard to the horizontal axis, large being a dominant factor, medium size being significant and small being dormant. Here, the common denominators of opportunities and constraints across the sites have been identified and classify the resonant issues. It is important to challenge the scale at which they should be addressed and recognize the involvement of the actors and clarify the extent of their roles and responsibility. This enhanced grasp, informed our collective clustering of these underlying triggers, shifting the initial scope to encompass these new four overarching categories: Negotiation, Networking, Land Access and Alliances with design being inherit in all of these.

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Figure 3.56 Key of the Multi scalar entry points of analysis diagram ( previous figure, page 60)

3.5 CONCLUSION Through our exposure to the work of CODI we have seen how Soomsook Boonyabancha promotes a “paradigm shift in housing development by people building new local partnerships.” This process of transformation emphasises the change from supply to demand driven housing development by the community. However, in order to ensure the long-term success of this project there needs to be more room for manoeuvre, spaces for negotiation and a clearer definition of the roles and responsibilities of actors. This will be essential in order to increase accountability and promote good governance of citywide responsibilities. The rules of the formal game exclude many options presented by informal solutions. “In summary – the urban poor rely, for their survival, on their capacity to break the rules, whilst the state relies for its success on enforcement of the rules. Neither side succeeds in solving the problem and other players such as formal financial institutions remain on the outside not knowing how, why and where they can fit in. No one wins”. (McLeod & Mullard, Bridging the Finance Gap in Housing & Infrastructure, 2006)

Since housing design regulations are made to fit the middle class, CODI is using political negotiation to redefine standards to better suit poor communities. This is conflicting to BM practices as there is a limited design response on CODI’s behalf. Communities are given an option from a catalogue of housing design, neglecting the full capacity of community architects, focusing transformation on prioritising the social attributes of the programme and overlooking the power of design as a means to reinforce the social aspect of it. A recurrent matter in all this issues arose, the need of a more effective knowledge-sharing scheme that is crucial for the communities to open opportunities for negotiation and make informed decisions about design, land acquisition, and manage various financing systems that they are actively engaged in. The outcomes of these analyses will inform the strategies in the next chapter, building upon the strengths and opportunities whilst effectively addressing the problems and issues at a multi-scalar level and with the inclusion of the relevant actors.

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Translation: “Economically Sustainable Community”, Photo by McKenzie O’Neill

“ Networks have power, they are visible unlike individuals who are invisible.” -Somsook Boonyabancha

STRATEGIES

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4.0 STRATEGIES 4.1 VISION In this report we have sought to identify the main issues of the BM Programme in the wide context of the city of Bangkok. Our analysis also appraised the opportunities and challenges of the Programme. Among the latter, we identify: land accessibility and affordability, spaces of negotiation, roles and responsibilities of the various actors, limited design responses, and production of knowledge. All these challenges are vitally connected to various financial systems being the main driver for further possibility of development. Therefore, our vision is to build a strong network of communities able to negotiate their spaces of participation in a political arena. This should happen through an effective process of knowledge-sharing which would also ensure better design responses with impacts on different scales – from community, through district and finally a city level.

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In order to achieve this vision, we propose the following strategies for community development: •

Increase land accessibility and affordability

•

Strengthen networks and capitalize design solutions through a knowledge sharing process

•

Decrease vulnerability of communities by expanding accessibility to alternative funding

•

Develop alliances among the actors to optimise the capacity of negotiation and to redefine responsibilities

Within these strategies, we develop eight proposals to address the different challenges in the variety of scales of the urban processes: community, district and city. Some of our proposals present a synergy among them and are crosscutting through several of the challenges we identify in the diagnosis.

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d

e

kn

edg l w o

nc a i l l a

e

finance

Figure 4.1 Strategic Vision: “Build a strong network of communities able to negotiate their spaces of participation in a political arena”

lan

4.2 STRATEGIES AND PROPOSALS 4.2.1 INCREASE LAND ACCESSIBILITY AND AFFORDABILITY In Bangkok, the urban-rural interface is a highly dynamic space, affected by multiple forces, both human and environmental. The urban footprint is expanding outwards impacting surrounding territories while a constant influx of rural migrants are drawn inwards towards the city centre. The combination of these two opposing forces has resulted in the urbanisation of agriculture. The pressures between sprawl and migration place demands on land, so there is a great need to develop mechanisms that could accommodate growing urban populations. Due to restricted accessibility of land plots, communities are forced to live in isolated areas with insufficient infrastructure. This social and spatial disconnection consequently results in difficulty accessing economic opportunities. Even though some communities, such as Rangsit, listed a set of criteria for livelihood, including proximity to their original site and accessibility to children’s schools, in most instances the deciding factor was the price of the land. As large portions of land are developed over time this could lead to an increase in urban sprawl and a lack of productivity within communities.

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With this being said, there is a great willingness amongst communities for alternative building typologies. In our interviews with the Bang Pu communities there was a positive response to our proposed ideas of housing typologies that would offer more flexibility and higher density,

GOAL OF OUR STRATEGY Based on observations of the multiple realities in Bangkok that affect its markets and people, the acknowledged necessity to address not only permanent residents but also temporary ones and the challenges, current limitations and possibilities of the BM Programme, we propose three actions oriented towards densification, intensification and increased productivity of land. They would not only result in improved affordability and accessibility of land for communities, but aim to have positive implications in the social, economic, spatial and environmental spheres at the citywide level.

Photo by Noor Al Ghafari

Figure 4.2a Community over water in Bang Pu

Photo by Jennifer Cirne

Figure 4.2b Land to be developed in Pasi Chaloen

Photo by Noor Al Ghafari

Figure 4.2c Canal community in Bang Bua

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PROPOSAL 1. DENSITY Increasing density for better affordability and accessibility Where there is scarcity of land, like in Pathum Thani and Pasi Chaloen, the potential of increasing density for better affordability and accessibility needs to be explored. More communities can join together to acquire land similar to several communities in Rangsit (See Figure 4.4, note this image does not depict Rangsit). However, instead of opting for an area that would have normally been used, they can choose a smaller plot, possibly in a more central area (applicable also for individual communities), and a design solution that allows for higher density(See Figure 4.3). However, these re-densification schemes can only be successful if they accommodate the community’s social and livelihood needs. This

would be achieved with the active involvement of the community in the design process and a redefinition of the role of the community architect. The main actors involved in the implementation of this strategy are the municipality, local authorities, CODI and the community architects. This neighbourhood design proposal at the community scale needs to be incorporated in and facilitated by a densification policy framework at the metropolitan level as a coordinated work among the several municipalities that form Bangkok city. We recognize that the mitigation of urban sprawl requires cooperation between local and district authorities following a national strategy for sustainable urban development.

Figure 4.3 Illustration of how half the amount of money can be used to purchase land by increasing density.

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Figure 4.4 Representation of how densification can provide housing, social and livelihood responses in restricted land availability or more opportunities of land for various communities.

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PROPOSAL 2. INTENSITY Increasing productivity of interstitial spaces Interstitial space, meaning “in between” characterizes many of Bangkok’s urban landscape. There is an opportunity for land readjustment on these unfilled, open space fragments that would offer greater flexibility of spatial uses in the city centre. Exploring strategies for possible community usage is highly attractive for various reasons — the potential of the land, as seen by the landowner, has already been fulfilled. They have been subjected to market forces and the estimated profit has already been achieved therefore interest in further investment is lost. They do however remain under-developed, forgotten and unrecognizable as places suitable for additional, alternative use. As such, they represent an opportunity for adjacent communities to appropriate or negotiate with the landowner. Recognizing the risks of pollution and traffic, the opportunity of these sites lies in the paradox of their centrality contrasting with their state of oblivion. Increasing the intensity of these spaces by incorporating them for community use has positive implications on various scales.

In the city scale, they function as cohesive transitions between landscapes, which results in a better integration of urban fabric. They have been created with the fragmentation of infrastructure in Bangkok and could work towards reconnecting it again; in the district scale, they represent the opportunity of bridging communities together; in the community scale, they dissolve the strong boundaries between the different communities and open up communities to each other. The actors involved in this process are the communities, public and private landowners, municipalities and district authorities. Interstitial Spaces: Figure 4.5 demonstrates a possible use of the abandoned space under the raised homes that are built above water. Some people use this space for storage or garbage disposal, which was observed on site in Bang Pu. This interstitial space can be used in many ways that best fits the community, such as communal meeting space, and/or children’s play area. It can also be used for individual family use, such as dining area, living area, and/or storage. Figure 4.6 demonstrates another type of interstitial spaces adjacent to communities that have no specific use, as observed in some communities in Khlong Toey. This can be used as space for community social activities, art performances, and commercial market activities.

Figure 4.5 Interstitial space under raised houses used as community space.

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Figure 4.6 Land adjacent to communities used for community activities.

PROPOSAL 3. PRODUCTIVITY Rental schemes as social enterprise Many individuals do not have the capability or willingness to enter the BM Programme. There is a lack of opportunities for temporary immigrants or migrants to rent a house, and as a result they are squatting in the central areas of the city. Others are reluctant to join the Programme because they are afraid of getting into debt without having another means of increasing their incomes. At the community level, this could be solved through rental schemes in the form of an ongoing social enterprise as demonstrated in Figures 4.8 and 4.9. Recently there was a new scheme developed in the Programme that was established in the rural Chom Pare community in Khonkaen Province. It will be important that this

scheme is further developed so that it could be expanded and applied to communities in urban areas. Initially investing money in building rental facilities and later collecting the revenue represents an option for communities to reduce its debt to CODI. This proposal is also suitable for areas with high migration rates such as Rangsit and Bang Pu. It would not only provide housing opportunities, but facilitate social integration of migrants as well. We do however recognize that this process cannot only be community driven — there is a need for a migrant policy at the city level or at least at municipal level in most affected areas such as Rangsit and Bang Pu.

Photo by Silvia Chi

Figure 4.7 Existing rental units overlooking the Khlong Toey market demonstrate a rental demand in the Bangkok metropolis

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Figure 4.8 Rental Schemes The diagram shows that by communities investing together in potential rental locations within the site, the return can be used towards community based activities or maintenance costs.

LOAN

SERVICES

LOAN WELFARE

SERVICES

LOAN WELFARE

BUSSINESS FUND

Figure 4.9 Intensifying Rental Schemes: As the community enterprise grows it can improve the social and spatial conditions of the community

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4.2.2 STRENGTHEN NETWORKS THROUGH KNOWLEDGE SHARING PROCESS In order to empower communities and individuals, knowledge has to be communicated and exchanged in a transparent and effective manner. Communities can take advantage of their existing assets, thus providing community members with the opportunity to learn from past experiences, knowledge, skills, and capabilities (See Figure 4.11). Although many of the communities we visited have adopted a highly effective means for knowledge sharing (See Figure 4.10), there is still a demand for a more efficient scheme that would provide better distribution of problem solving approaches and issue based information. The main actors involved in the implementation of the following proposals would be the community and NULICO. Most of these proposals would be implemented at the community level. NULICO aims to connect various communities who are in process of undergoing the BM Programme. Further, NULICO has initiated a forum on their site to exchange information between communities. These strategies aim to enhance networking at different scales as well as the upgrading process at large.

Figure 4.10a

Figure 4.10b

Photo by Noor Al Ghafari

Photo by Noor Al Ghafari

Figure 4.10a- 4.10d Community members and leaders in Bang Pu participating in issue based meetings and design workshops with regional community leaders and MSc BUDD and UDP students.

Figure 4.10c

Photo by Noor Al Ghafari

Photo by Noor Al Ghafari

Figure 4.10d

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Figure 4.11 Networks at Scale Diagram representing the community networks at different scales. Working from community to community, community to metropolitan scale of Bangkok, and to the national scale reaching Thailand.

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PROPOSAL 1. SKILL BANK In examining a number of communities undergoing the BM Programme, there is a great variety in their level of organization. Some of them have been successful in sharing knowledge and collectively improving their communities. Through community collective action, this scheme illustrates how people can work together and invest time and effort in exchange for a greater benefit. However, in some communities there is an abundance of skills, but a lack of community networking among members. This has resulted in a lack of productivity within the community and has isolated them from creating collaborative relations and knowledge sharing with other communities. Skills Bank is a strategy designed to pool resources where communities have access to the services they need and in exchange offer a skill of their own such as gardening, cooking, or building. This exchange is done through a mediator that connects participants together based on their demands and capabilities. Every individual in the community is registered with what they can offer, as well as what they need in terms of skills and services; tangible and intangible. A community credit system is also adopted. Through the mediator, a skill holder is linked with the recipient based on whatever service that can be provided and on that basis earns credit with the Skills Bank (Lets link UK, 1991). The participant can then use earned credit on a skill or service that is offered in that scheme. Figure 4.12 diagrams how people connect with each other through their skills. One side of the box illustrates their desired skill or service, while the other illustrates what they can offer. The skill holder connects on one side with the skill receiver, while on the other side connects with another desired skill as shown in figure 4.14, which also illustrates how different skills banks from different communities can connect for a wide pool or resources. Bringing this proposal on a larger scale, mediators of each community Skills Bank can connect their pool of resources together and link individual needs and capacities across communities. These networks could eventually extend beyond BM communities to address vulnerabilities of those 78 STRATEGIES KNOWLEDGE

excluded from the services provided by the city. In a time where traditional crafts are diminishing, it is more important than ever to find ways to safeguard communities from turning away from ancient skills and sacred traditions. The Skills Bank presents the opportunity to share knowledge across communities and generations.

Figure 4.12 Diagram of each participant in the skills bank

Figure 4.13 Diagram of each community skills bank hub linking to other skills bank hubs from other communities

Figure 4.14 Illustration of individual participants in relationship to each other

Figure 4.15 Sharing skills: Bow tie making

Figure 4.16 Sharing skills: Carpenter

Figure 4.17 Sharing skills: Belt making

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PROPOSAL 2. COMMUNITY RESOURCE NODE Through the observation and evidence gathered from the field, it is demonstrated that capacity of design to act as a tool to improve the living conditions of these communities is not being fully explored. This is where the community architect could be part of a process of production of knowledge that engaged the community in the process of design. For example, in our fieldwork, in the Khlong Mai Tai community, a workshop was conducted to share information about the logistics of a survey that proved that the cost of construction could be reduced by 50,000 Baht if recycled materials were used.

The proposal The Community Resource Node is a structure composed of a team of practitioners, community architects, and academia that gives technical support to communities on the most pressing issues they identify. The practitioners also facilitate the communication within each community as well as among the members of different communities from different districts. Furthermore, these practitioners act as facilitators in the decision making process by giving informed advices on specific matters, such as design solutions, finance, agriculture, environmental issues, recycling options, etc.

many of the communities visited are already experts on efficient use of space. These design recommendations take these capabilities to another level, where people can utilize the space for community meetings, markets, and community theatres.

Implementation on site Community Resource Nodes would arise from the recognition and improvement of existing informal and fragmented practices of knowledge sharing already in place. The existence of such practices partly relies on the activity of NULICO network of communities and partly on the figure of community architects. The scaling-up of these scattered practices into a formal hub for the creation and sharing of knowledge on technical matters would occur with the inclusion of universities, through specific educative programmes for the training of young community architects, financial advisers, agriculturalists and so on, as well as through more advanced research programs. CODI would also play a role, mainly in the initial phase, in terms of facilitating the connection between the actors, but may drop out once the network is strong and able to rely on itself.

The Community Resource Node would be initiated at the community scale. Each node would then connect with the others and create a wider pool of resources: a network of Community Resource Nodes would be created at the district and metropolitan level, allowing room for communities to share successful as well as unsuccessful practices of how singular cases faced and eventually solved particular issues they had to deal with, in order to be able to adopt a solution that best fits community’s conditions and collective needs. This proposal gives the opportunity for people to express their physical housing problems and discuss design solutions. Figures 4.19, 4.20 and 4.21 illustrates the type of suggestions or informed design solutions that are discussed in those community resource nodes. Use of space is a wide issue, for example, since people in 80 STRATEGIES KNOWLEDGE

Figure 4.18 Community architect facilitating informed knowledge sharing on design solutions

Figure 4.19 Optimising the use of communal spaces within community for group meetings

Figure 4.20 Optimising the use of communal spaces within community for commercial and market activities

Figure 4.21 Optimising the use of communal spaces within community for community theatre and arts activities

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PROPOSAL 3. CREATION OF CHANNELS OF EFFECTIVE COMMUNICATION The following strategy proposes to enhance networking at different scales, resource management and finally to address the documentation and dissemination of information related not only to the upgrading, but other lessons learnt among the communities. The latter will be implemented through a multimedia library where communities will have access. This would work as a hub where they can see what other communities have been doing and what issues they had faced to learn from them and to identify solutions or potential improvements to their community, through channels of communications. Figure 4.23 represents a proposed community library where archives of different communities are stored through different medias for easy access by all people. Figure 4.22 illustrates the ‘information hubs’ within the districts and the exchange of resources and knowledge on the wider city scale addressing issues and lessons learned throughout the different communities undergoing or have already undergone BM Programme. These hubs are accessible by all people and can also offer information to people

who don’t know much about BM and how to connect with other communities. The main actors in this process would be NULICO, who has interest in the information exchange and who represents the wider scale, and the community who represent issue based groups at the micro scale. Other actors such as, the media, local authorities, ACHR, and academia are already documenting a large amount of sites, which could set a precedent for this scheme. As community residents who have already completed upgrading and know best what the experience entails, they are better placed to inform their counterparts than government bureaucrats who view things from afar.”(Archer, 2010) The process will primarily start within the district and branch out to the wider city scale. The use of mix-media such as video, cartoons and recordings will help deliver the message to all members of community in terms of addressing members with illiteracy or other disabilities.

Figure 4.22 Diagram illustrating different community libraries connecting together on a wider city scale

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Figure 4.23 Community library where archives are stored through different medias

4.2.3 DECREASE VULNERABILITY OF COMMUNITIES BY EXPANDING ACCESSIBILITY TO ALTERNATIVE FUNDING Cooperatives form the basis of the BM Programme. In order for communities to join the Programme, they must form savings groups beforehand. In 2008 when CODI’s funds dried up and there was no money to loan out to new projects, communities saw the importance of having CDFs in order to establish financial independence as well as help others in need.

“The GHB finances CODI to provide loans for low-income communities gathered under savings groups. These are the borrowers and CODI evaluates their ability to repay in the long term. CODI charges a two per cent interest to the groups and they charge a six per cent to the individuals interested on taking loans. The margin is used by the saving groups mainly to develop a welfare system within the communities. The main difficulty is that cheap funds can only come from the government basically from tax money. The market is not able to do that because the operational costs and risks are too high. Then, the main issue is to use tax money wisely as CODI is doing.” -Kitti Patpong-pibul, Chairman of the Housing Finance Association in Thailand

As shown in the photos in Figure 4.24 demonstrate how Baan Mankong communities are organising and administering funds within the savings groups.

Photo by Sepideh Hajisoltani

Figure 4.24 Savings across communities

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Photo by Silvia Chi

Photo by Elian Pena

Photo by Elian Pena

Photo by Farida Farag

Photo by Noor al Ghafari

Photo by Farida Farag Photo by Noor al Ghafari

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PROPOSAL 1. BOOSTER FUNDS The Booster Fund is a community collective fund that enables the poor of the poor to access the BM Programme through a form of welfare in order to reach the 10 % of the total amount they need to join. The residents of the community would pool together their resources to help excluded households to join the Programme. In return, these members would have to offer a service to the community, rather than having a 4 % interest per annum, as in the CDFs. The Booster Fund would expand upon the existing CDFs as alternative sources of funding. This would act as a mechanism to empower the communities, by reducing their vulnerability and integrating them into the larger collective network. As illustrated in figure 4.25, in order to support marginalized community members, the sponsors (i.e other community members) may at their own discretion give more money to the savings groups to allow those marginalized to be part of the upgrading scheme with the rest of the community. Through the joint input of the community, those who are excluded are given the chance to join BM Programme, as illustrated in figure 4.26. In return, those financially supported members will offer a service to their community in return, for example gardening, to pay off that “loan”. A similar example was conducted in the Samki Ruam Jai (SRJ) Community. “The community savings group in SRJ has a welfare program, which was financed partly by member contributions (in which each member puts in 1 Baht every day) and partly from a portion of the

Figure 4.25 Illustration of marginalized community member in relationship to the rest of community in terms of booster loans or services.

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interest margin the community earns on CODI housing loans (we borrow from CODI at 2% but on- lend to families at 6%), and this added margin supports most of our community activities, adds funds to our welfare program, and provides a buffer fund to take care of repayments in cases where individual members have problems repaying.” (ACHR, 2008) SRJ is an important reference as to how community savings groups are addressing reoccurring financial challenges from an effective and new position. The main actors involved in the implementation of this process would be the community and NULICO. The criteria of this strategy requires that households be in close proximity to the community being upgraded and that their own savings groups should be formed to contribute an affordable amount and to demonstrate their ability to self-organize. The first stage of the process depends on the length of time it takes to raise enough money to reach the 10 % needed to join the BM Programme. These members will continue to be supported by welfare, until their debts are paid, but are still expected to contribute whatever they can, as well as provide a service to the community that is supporting them. NULICO will act as an agent to spread this practice across the communities to have a simultaneous development.

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Figure 4.26 Illustration of before and after effect of the Booster Fund proposal

4.2.4 DEVELOP ALLIANCES AMONG THE ACTORS TO OPTIMISE THE CAPACITY OF NEGOTIATION AND TO REDEFINE RESPONSIBILITIES The basis of the BM Programme is a community driven process addressing specific social, physical and financial needs. This approach is effective in its nature and the fact that they are providing their own services can help build the community’s capacity and ability to self-organize, as well as open a space for participation in the decision making process. However, this also represents a risk of instrumentalisation of the communities, so there needs to be a balance of power between the local authorities and the communities.

“Citizens ‘should be able to choose freely the conditions of their own association’ and determine the ‘form and direction of their polity’. This implies certain rights and obligations from the side of citizens and ‘a common structure of political action’ that is ‘a “neutral” basis of relations and institutions which can be regarded as impartial of evenhanded with respect to their personal ends, hopes and aspirations’”. (Held, 1995: 153-6) (Patomaki, 2003: 349)

The city planning and the development of mega-projects that have a major impact across different scales and actors also requires a further engagement of all of this actors that are being impacted, in a new definition of their roles in the decision making process. Figure 4.27 exhibits actors across scales and roles within communities and influencing communities in transformation.

Figure 4.27 Space for Negotiation: Community Members and Leaders across Bangkok

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PROPOSAL 1. REDEFINITION OF ROLES AND AREAS OF RESPONSIBILITY In order to address these concerns, the role of the stakeholders must be redefined to have a more responsive system of governance. The aim of the initiative is to include the communities affected by the city planning in the decision making process. This proposal will help to bridge the gap between top-down and bottom-up strategies through the effective transfer of knowledge and information. Furthermore, this would re-involve the state and others actor to participate in community mobilization and capacity building. The local authorities must enhance their own capacity to provide effective solutions and basic services to the communities. In order to ensure the future success of this initiative, it will be important to create a platform that monitors and evaluates the community governance system. At the city level, the City Development Committee (CDC), which is comprised of representatives from the municipality, the community, CODI,

universities and experts, creates space for negotiation and acts as a neutral third party while still maintaining the insight given by the different actors involved (See Figure 4.28). The role of the CDC needs to be redefined and their responsibilities expanded. Furthermore, involving other actors depending on the nature of the situation can also increase the capacity of this committee. A methodology to monitor and evaluate the community governance system can be created with the help of the CDC. Additionally, within the Committee, communities and local authority can negotiate and balance areas of responsibility, priorities and implementation of strategies and visions from the community to citywide level. Finally, with this strengthened partnership, the community could be able to negotiate and find alternative solutions for multi-scalar conflicts at the national level.

Figure 4.28 Bridging mechanics which connect Top Down (Blue) and Bottom Up (Orange) Agendas and Governance.

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Figure 4.29 Combining top down plans with community input in Rattanakosin Island within national level conservation planning

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4.3 SYNERGIC CONNECTIONS BETWEEN STRATEGIC PROPOSALS The added value of the individual proposals tackling land mechanisms, network knowledge management, funding issues and possible alliances at city level, lies in the potential of not only complementary but synergic reinforcements between them. As such, these connections can multiply strategic effects over time and scale:

Rental scheme as social enterprise (Land) Booster Fund (Finance) The rental schemes will provide revenue to reduce its debt to CODI, which will strengthen the capacity to access land and housing. Moreover, the capital going back to the community savings groups will reinforce the booster fund.

Community Resource Node (Knowledge Network) - Land The Node can help provide technical support for land strategies, i.e. advise how communities could shift their approach for housing towards densification to fit with the urban grain, suggest ideas to increase the productivity of interstitial spaces or help develop skills to manage the rental scheme.

Multimedia Library (Knowledge Network) Land Document all the land negotiation methods to distribute them to other communities.

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Alliance - Land Providing the space to discuss the role of actors by involving the community in the planning process can support negotiation for the use of interstitial spaces and institutionalize bottom-up densification schemes.

Knowledge Network to Alliances - Alliances to Knowledge Network The Node can use the Multimedia Library as a repository of individual skills at local community and district level to distribute innovation, intervention and experiences city-wide. The cooperation of the Node and CDC (a platform that involves professional and academic experts as well as authorities representatives) will provide a dynamic mechanism that can distribute knowledge between all levels. Also, involvement in the Node activities is a way to expand CDC’s role and responsibilities in balancing community tasks. Through multidimensional networking, this three-partite system will enhance horizontal as well as vertical knowledge sharing.

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