Creasman-Overland Boat Transport During the Pharaonic Period
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Details on rock art and transport of boats to the Nile Valley...
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Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections
verlandBoatTransportationDuringthePharaonicPeriod: O ArchaeologyandIconography PearcePaulCreasman LaboratoryofTree-RingResearch,UniversityofArizona NoreenDoyle InstituteofMaritimeResearchandDiscovery Abstract Pharaonic Egyptian needs for waterborne transport surpassed the convenience of geography. Several obstacles—chiefly the lack of a water passage from the Nile Valley to the Red Sea and the unnavigable waters of the Second Cataract—had to be overcome. The Egyptians achieved this by techniques of hull construction, by architectural means, and by the employment of vehicles. Vehicles also functioned for the ceremonial transport of boats and boat-shaped shrines. This paper is a survey of the methods of overland boat transportation during the pharaonic period, with an emphasis on the archaeological and iconographic evidence. or the ancient Egyptians, the material world of everyday lifeencompassedthreemajorbodiesofwater:theNile,the Mediterranean,andtheRedSea.WhiletheNileprovided pharaonicEgyptwithits“superhighway,”greatlyfacilitatingthe north-andsouthboundtransportationofcargoandpassengers,1 it also presented obstacles in the form of cataracts beyond the Nubian border. Furthermore, until the creation of a canal during the Late Period,2 it provided no east/west corridor to the Red Sea, which was the marine route not only to the nearby SinaiPeninsula(withitsvaluableturquoise,malachite,andcopperores)butalsototheArabianandeastAfricancoasts.3 What accident of geography omitted, the Egyptians themselves engineered to provide: where water could not be brought to boats, boatswerebroughtoverlandtowater.eterrestrialgeography ofEgypthadthusaprofoundeffectonitsnauticaltechnology.4 earchaeologicalrecord,includingtexts,iconography,artifacts,andsitefeatures,providesavarietyofinformationonwhich tobaseinterpretationsofthegeneralnatureandimportanceof overland boat transportation during the pharaonic period. However, just as with the transportation of stone,5 Egyptian administrativerecordsandmonumentalinscriptionsomitmost logisticaldetailsregardingtheconveyanceofwatercraoverland.
F
Eastern Desert Portage AlthoughalsoreachablebytheNileandoverlandroutes,the landofPunt(identifiedwiththeregionnowoccupiedbyEritrea, northernEthiopia,andeasternSudan,aswellassouthernArabia)
wasthefocusoftheRedSeatrade,andfromtherecamevaluable exoticcommodities,includingfrankincenseandebony.6 eRed Sea was, for the Egyptians, “land-locked” in pharaonic times, accessible from the Nile Valley only through the wadis of the Eastern Desert.7 Absence of sufficient resources to support an independent coastal boatbuilding industry made naval operationstheredependentupontheimportationofwatercra,either astimber,asboatparts,orasmoreorlessconstructedwatercra. AlthoughtheRedSeatradecoulddatefromasearlyasthe Naqada II period,8 the earliest textual evidence suggesting the transport of boats or boat timbers through the Eastern Desert datestothereignofPepyII.PepynakhtcalledHeqaibrecordsan expeditionundertakenduringthisreignintothe“countryofthe aAmw.”9 Althoughtheinscriptiondoesnotspecifythelocationof theexpedition,10 theaAmw aregenerallytakentobethepredecessors of Eastern Desert Bedouin.11 Pepy II charged Pepynakht with fetching back the corpse of an officer named Anankhet, whomthe aAmw hadslain.Anankhetandhissoldiers,whowere alsokilledintheattack,wereintheregiontoconstruct(spt,literally “bind”)12 a “Byblos” boat (kbnt) for a journey to Punt. oughitwasformerlysuggestedthatByblosboatswerenecessarilybuiltontheSyriancoastbySyrianshipwrights,13 itisnow generallyacceptedthatthetermderivesfromtheseagoingrun onwhichsuchboatswerefirstemployed.14 Whileithasbeenconjecturedthatfullyconstructedwatercra could have been transported through the desert,15 the evidence(linguisticandotherwise)bettersupportsthemoreusual contentionthatexpeditionsbroughttimbersandthatassembly
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Figure 1. Unpegged mortise-and-tenon joint.
tookplaceontheshore.16 Ageneraldescriptionofsuchanexpedition,ledbythe“KeeperoftheDooroftheSouth,”Henu,dates tothereignofMentuhotepIII.17 Insettingoffonhisjourneyto Punt, Henu “went forth from Koptos upon the road” (i.e., the Wadi Hammamat) with an army of three thousand men (this wasperhapsanideal,ifnotstandard,complement;aninscription atAynSoukhnaalsomentionsthreethousandmen18).Donkeys accompanied them, but their only listed burdens are sandals. Onceonthecoast,Henu“madethisship”(iri Haww pn).Onthe returnthroughthewadi,aerthenavalexpeditionhadsecured the “gis” and completed the round trip, Henu and his men pickedupblocksofstonehewnfromthehills. elargenumberofmenandthevarietyoftheirtasks(security,transportation,boatbuilding,sailing,well-digging,andquarrying) indicate the logistical complexity of the expedition. Unfortunately,asthisisacommemorativeinscriptionandnot an administrative document, Henu omits details critical to understandingtheorganizationandexecutionoftheexpedition. e text indicates specifics of neither boat transport nor boat construction,andthereisnocorrespondingiconographyfrom anyperiodrelatedtooverlandtransporttoward—orboatassemblyon—theRedSeacoast.19 However,twocoastalsites,MersaGawasis/WadiGawasis and Ayn Soukhna, provide direct archaeological evidence. Scholars have known of the pharaonic site at Mersa Gawasis/WadiGawasisforatleastfiyyears20 butdidnotfully understanditssignificanceuntilthelastdecade,whenitbecame thefocusofrevivedattentionthatremainsongoing.21 esiteis located at the eastern end of the Wadi Gawasis, north of the WadiHammamat.Atleastsevenchambershewnfromthelimestone terrace served as warehouses.22 Evidence of occupation hasbeenconfirmedfortheOldandMiddleKingdoms,when thesitelikelyservedasaseasonalharborforexpeditions,especially to Punt. Here too are found disarticulated ship timbers andahostofothership-relatedcomponentsdisplayingthecharacteristics of the Nilotic boatbuilding tradition: unpegged mortise-and-tenonjoinery,dovetails,andlashingchannels.23
Figure 2. Transportation of a colossal statue by means of a sledge; porters carry a timber in hand, after Newberry and Fraser, El Bersheh Part 1, The Tomb of Tehuti-hetep (1895), pl. xv.
Figure 3. Log or timber carried to a boatyard slung from a carrying pole, after Davies, Crum, and Boulenger, The Rock Tombs of Deir el Gebrâwi I (1902), pl. XXIV.
epharaonicsiteatAynSoukhna,whichincludesatleast ninegalleriesdugintothebaseofamountainoverlookingthesea, presentssimilarevidence.24 Nofewerthanthreegalleriesdateto theOldKingdom,25 andothersareoftentativeMiddleKingdom date.Numerouscedarshipplanks(andatleasttwooakplanks) with characteristically Nilotic unpegged mortise-and-tenons (Figure1)yieldcarbondatesofapproximately2000 bce.26 esiteshavenotyetyieldedtheprecisemeansbywhichtimbersinitiallyarrived.Noneoftheinscriptionsindicateanymeans ofconveyance,althoughworkingscenesattesttotimberscarried inhand(Figure2)27 andslungfromcarryingpoles(Figure 3).28 Definitive traces of construction on the shore are also lacking, andindeed,asWardandZazzaropointout,“itishardtoimagine whatmightindicateship-assemblyratherthandisassembly”ata
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Figure 4. Funerary procession, after Naville, Das Ägyptische Totenbuch der XVIII. bis XX. Dynastie I (1971), Taf. III.D.a.
sitesuchasWadiGawasis.29 AtboththissiteandAynSoukhna, stored timbers represent the end (or at least intended middle) stageintheexistenceoftheseagoingshipsfromwhichtheycame. AtWadiGawasis,damagedtimbersweremarkedbeforedisassembly of the vessel, and workers removed barnacles and other marineincrustationsbeforestoringtimbersinthecaves—allindicationsofintenttoreuse.30 LikethedisassembledKhufuIboat interred at Giza, the Ayn Soukhna timbers were stacked in an organizedmanner,readyforfutureapplication.31 Ship-breaking with the aim of preserving the utility of at leastsometimberswasmadepracticalbytheprevalentformof constructionemployedinthehulls;thiswas,toallevidence,a deliberategoalofpharaonicshipbuilders.32 Evidence of lashings (cordage run from plank to plank in ordertoessentially“sew”theboattogether)ontheinboardfaces oftimberscanbefoundontheremainsofmostpharaonicvessels, beginningnolaterthantheEarlyDynastic,asrepresentedbythe boatburialsatAbydos.33 Repurposedboattimberswerefoundin theFirstDynastycemeteryatTarkhan,34 whiletimbers“recycled” for the construction of a Twelh Dynasty ramp appeared at Lisht.35 All of these—in addition to the timbers from Ayn SoukhnaandWadiGawasis,theFourthDynastyKhufuIvessel at Giza,36 and possibly the boats from the pyramid complex of SenwosretIIIatDahshur37—likelydemonstrateevidenceoflashing. is would have made the boats easily disassembled (or, indeed,asevidencedbythemodernreconstructionofKhufuI,38 easilyreassembled)usingafewspecializedtools.39 e second key element of hull joinery is characterized by whatitlacks:pegged mortise-and-tenons.Inabsolutetermsofhull integrity,peggedmortise-and-tenonjoineryismoreeffectivethan unpegged;lockingtenonsandplankstogetherbymeansofapeg preventstheplanksfromslippinglaterallyorlongitudinallywhen subjected to stresses.40 In the construction of other objects, Egyptiancarpentersdidlocktenonsinthismannerandhadsince asearlyastheNaqadaIIIperiod,41 andevenusedthetechniquefor boatdeckhouses(KhufuI)andrudders,42 buttheyseemtohave entirelyavoideditforhullconstruction.43 Nevertheless,beginning inaboutthefourteenthcenturybce,peggedmortise-and-tenon jointsprovedsoeffectivethattheybecamethedominantshipbuildingtechnologyintheMediterraneanforaboutthenexttwothousandyears.44 Suchjoineryismeanttobepermanent:disassembly
ofapeggedhullwouldhaverequiredbreakingtimbers,oratleast drillingorhammeringouthundredsofpegspervessel,appearsnot to have suited the pharaonic Egyptian shipwrights’ purpose. Althoughitwouldhaveresultedinimprovedseaworthiness,peggingwouldhavelimitedthereuseoftimbersandwouldhavemade the regular disassembly of hulls an excruciating and impractical task.econcessionseemsclear:moretimeinvestedinconstruction(andperhapsmaintenance)oflashedandunpeggedhullswas exchangedforsavingswhenthevesselswereinuse.ereturnson theinitialconstructioninvestmentwouldhavecompoundedeach timeavesselwasdisassembledandreassembled. Easeofdisassemblyshouldalsobeconsideredinthecontext oflargeNiloticvessels,particularlyobeliskbarges.evolumeof timber required to transport such architectural elements downstreamfromthequarrieswouldhavebeenastounding,andtowing a vessel of such large proportions upstream to the quarries (eitherfromtheshipyardwhereitwasconstructedorbackfrom itslastportofcall)mightnothavebeenpractical.erivercurrent,whichcouldreach4knots,45 couldhaveprovedimpassable when the barge was headed southward. Disassembly of a barge, forsubsequenttransportofthetimbersonsmaller,morestreamlinedvessels,mighthavebeenabetteroption.46 Slipways and Vehicles e wooden runners of sledges, with their characteristic bluntandusuallyupturnedforwardends,oenappearinpaintingsandreliefsshowingthetransportoflargeorheavyobjects. Itemstransportedbythismethodincludedstoneblocksandfinished architectural features such as colossal statuary, columns, and obelisks,47 as well as considerably less massive but no less unwieldystatuary.48 Boatscomposedanothersignificantclassof objectstransportedinthismanner. Mostoftheiconographicevidenceforsuchboattransport comesfromthecontextofceremony49 ratherthandepictionsof workingwatercrainscenesofdailylife.Ashrineaboardaceremonialcra,whichmightbealargemodelratherthanaworking vessel, houses an image of the deity or the mummy of the deceased,whichistakeneitheralongaritualcircuit(inthecase ofagod)orfromtheembalmingstationtothetomb(inthecase ofamummy;seeFigure4).Modelbarquesarebornealoonthe
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Figure 5. Portable sacred barque of Amun. O. BAM 21 446, Deir elMedina, after Emma Brunner-Traut and Hellmut Brunner, Osiris, Kreuz und Halbmond: die drei Religionen Ägyptens (Mainz am Rhein: von Zabern, 1984), 52 fig. 36.
Figure 7. Construction of a funerary shrine (TT51), after Davies, Two Ramesside Tombes at Thebes (1927), pl. XXXVI.
Figure 6. Funerary procession, after Caminos, “Fragments of the ‘Book of the Dead’ on Linen and Papyrus,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 56 (1970): pl. LIII.1.
shouldersofpriests(Figure5),aloierversionofthepresumably originalpracticeofdrawingboatsalongonsledges(suggestedby thefactthattwoormorehorizontalcarryingpoles50 commonly supportasledgeuponwhichthebarquesits). Intheiconography,funeraryvesselslargeenoughtoaccommodate the mummy and its coffin are the ceremonial cra far morelikelytobeshownbeingdraggedonsledges.51 Althoughfrequentlyreferredtoasboats,manyoftheobjectsrepresentedin theiconographyhaveanaturethattranscendsthenautical:they are,rather,atypeofwoodenfuneraryshrine.“Boatless”versions of these shrines appear mounted on sledges or wagons (Figure 6).52 In some cases, the shrine encases the hull; that is, onlystemandsternpostappear(suchasinFigures7and8).ese instances may represent shrines fitted with finials to give the appearanceofaboat.Althoughexcavationhasrevealednoexamples of these boat-shaped shrines, two such finials—a matching set of stem and stern of New Kingdom date—are known.53 A sceneofcarpentersatwork(Figure7)showsthatshrine,boat,and sledgewereconstructedaselementsofasingleobject.isisfurtherunderscoredbyaninstanceinwhichatow-ropeistiednotto thesledgeorothervehiclebuttothebowofthe“boat”beingtransported(Figure9).Insomecases,thesledgerunnersmightnever havebeenintendedtofacilitatetransportoftheobject;ithasbeen noted, for example, that neither the little golden shrine of Tutankhamen54 norasmallsledgefromLisht(probablyintended foracanopicchest55)hasbeendragged.Inrareinstances,wagonmountedsledges(discussedfurtherbelow)havetransversebeams
Figure 8. Wagon-mounted funerary shrine, after Orazio Marucchi, Guide du Musée Égyptien du Vatican (Rome: Imprimerie Polyglotte Vaticane, 1927), 40 fig. 11.
Figure 9. Wagon-mounted funerary shrine, after John H. Taylor, Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egypt (London: British Museum Press, 2001), 188 no. 131.
beneath therunners(Figures8and9),whichwould,ofcourse,renderasledgeimpracticalfordragging.Whilethesecouldbetaken forelementsofthewheeledvehiclethatcarriesthesledge(alsodiscussedbelow),inonecaseparticularly(Figure9),itisevidentthat the beams (or blocks?), being outside the wheels, are associated with the sledge runner and not the wagon body, which seldom appearsintheiconography.esewoodenmemberswereprobablyaddedtofacilitateliingtheshrinefromtheground.56
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Figure 10. Papyrus or papyriform funerary boat towed on a sledge by six men (not shown), after Davies and Gardiner, The Tomb of Antefoker (1920), pl. XIX.
Figure 11. Detail of funerary sledge, after Vandier d’Abbadie, Deux tombes ramessides á Gournet-Mourraï (1954), pl. XIII.
Figure 12. Sledge from Dahshur, from Reisner, Models of Ships and Boats (1913), 89 fig. 326.
Whilesuchobservationswarrantcautionindrawinginterpretations about functional nautical details from these objects, theydonotnegatetheuseofwagonsorsledgestomovebulky objects such as boats; these shrines will thus be treated as evidencewithoutprejudice. eusualconventionistoshowasinglerunner,butonrare occasions,bothrunnersappear—as,forexample,inthetombof Intef-iker (Figure 10). is has the advantage of showing both tow-ropesclearlytiednottoabeambetweentherunnersbutto the runners themselves.57 Typically, no means of attachment is shown, and the line of the rope simply terminates at the sledge, thoughinsomeimagesaring(presumablymetal)affixedtothe runnerservesasapurchasetotierope(s)(Figure11).58 Inother cases,ropes(whichintheiconographycanappearasoneortwoin number59)aretieddirectlyaroundtherunners(Figure10). Few working sledges (Figure 12) are known.60 One was found—alongwithasmanyasfiveboats—buriedbeyondanouter enclosurewallsouthwestofSenwosretIII’spyramidatDahshur;61 presumably,itcarriedatleastone,ifnotall,oftheboatstothesite for burial. Each runner, which has the same upturned end that appearsinpaintingsandreliefs,measures4.21minlengthandhas an L-shaped mortise running between the upper and outer side faceimmediatelybehindtheupturn(presumablyforfasteninga tow-rope).eoverallwidthofthesledgeisapproximately80cm. Fourcrossbeamsspanthespacebetweentherunners.eextant sledges,orrecordsthereof,seemtoindicatethat4mbyslightly lessthan1mcouldbeconsideredcommondimensions.
Infuneraryscenes,suchboat-bearingsledgesarepulledby a team of men,62 cattle,63 or both (men following cattle,64 or menandcattleondifferentropes65).Liquid(perhapsmilk?)was poured in advance to purify the way,66 but pouring sufficient quantities of water would also have the effect of slicking the roadway for readier passage of the sledge runners.67 Nile silt makesahighlyeffectivelubricant:oncemoistened,“itbecomes as slippery as ice.”68 Iconography attests to the fact that the Egyptianstookadvantageofthispropertyfortheoverlandtransportationofheavyobjects.69 Indeed,ithasbeenobservedthat theundersideofatleastoneoftheextantsledgesdidnothave scratches,whichindicatesthat,ifitwasdraggeditall,itwasnot pulledover(oratleastnotdamagedby)roughsurfaces.70 Innauticalterminology,“slipway”referstoaslopingsection ofshoreonwhichshipsandboatscanmoreeasilybemovedto andfromthewater.etermhasbeenmorewidelyappliedto any path across which an object may be dragged, pushed, or towed.71 Kemp defines the term more narrowly as a mudlubricatedroadway,72 whichmayormaynotbereinforcedwith stone,timber,ormudbrick.Slipwayswithoutsomekindofreinforcementarelikelytohavebeenoverlooked,reclaimedbythe Nile or desert, or otherwise obscured from the archaeological record.Mostwereprobablyconvenientpathsreinforcedasnecessaryforthetaskathandandlaterdisassembledtoreusethematerials,thusleavinglittle,ifany,evidence.Occasionally,morepermanentfacilitiesweredevised,suchasthelaunchingslipwayat thequayatKarnak73 andtheportageslipwayatMirgissa.74
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Figure 13. Slipway around the Second Cataract at Mirgissa, after Vila, “Les vestiges de la plaine,” in Vercoutter, Mirgissa I (1970), 193 fig. 1.
Figure 14. Transverse section of the Mirgissa slipway, after Vila, “Les vestiges de la plaine,” in Vercoutter, Mirgissa I (1970), 209 fig. 16.
Aptlyconceivedasa“boatroad,”75 theMirgissaslipway,the only known example of its type, was constructed to avoid the leastnavigableportionoftheSecondCataract(Figure 13);76 in thevicinityoftherockofAbuSir,southofWadiHalfa,theNile became“scarcelynavigableforaconsiderabledistance.”iswas the customary end-and-return point for nineteenth- and early twentieth–century European tourists venturing up the Nile.77 During the inundation, the rocks and islands of the cataract might be submerged, turning this portion of the river into a stretchofrapids;whenlow,fromroughlyDecembertoJuly,the riverranveryshallow.78 Because neither trade, exploration, nor war wait for high waters,slipwaystoensuresafeportagewereprudentinvestments ofpotentiallygreatstrategicadvantage.atlaborandresources
wereinvestedtoconstructsuchanelaborateportagesuggeststhe significance,inqualityorquantity,ofthetraffic.Itiscertainlyby intentthatthesouthernendoftheslipwaywasincloseproximitytothefortofMirgissa(formonitoringandprotection),with thenorthernendperhapsatMatugaorAbuSir.79 Itranstraight fornolessthan1.5andperhapsasmuchas4km.80 UsedatleastaslateasthereignofAmenemhatIIIandpossibly into the New Kingdom,81 the slipway was not a simple ditchorrut,buthadasupportstructureofmudbricks,packed mud, and lateral wooden ties “rather like [a] railroad” (Figure 14).82 e slipway itself is approximately 3 m wide,83 morethanenoughtoaccommodatethemaximumbeam(width) of the Twelh Dynasty Dahshur boats (2.15–2.43 m84) and wouldprovideampleclearanceforthewidthofasledgesuchas
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P. P. Creasman and N. Doyle | Overland Boat Transportation that found at Dahshur (approximately 0.8 m).85 Sledge tracks were,infact,evidentontheslipway,thelasttravelsbakedinto thewateredsiltroad;86 incisedafewcentimetersintothesiltby the weight of the sledge and its load,87 these are easily distinguishedasparallelimpressionsapproximatelyonemeterapart,a figure corresponding tolerably well to the width of the sledge foundatDahshur.Hoof-andfootprintswerealsofoundinthe boat track. In this case, people (watering the silt? drovers?) walked in front of cattle88 that dragged a sledge while one or morepersonsfollowedbehind.isprovidesanarchaeological paralleltotheiconographicexamplesofsledge-towinginfuneraryscenesdiscussedabove. PhotographsoftheMirgissaslipway(Figure15)appearto indicate that an additional mode of portage was employed along the slipway: dragging a boat directly on the silt. Vercoutternoted:“Thesiltstillshowslongtrackwhereeither thesledgeor the boat itself rubbedonthe[wet]silt”[emphasis added];89 however,itseemsthatbotheventsoccurred. A certain set of raised striations is easily overlooked, but nonethelesspresentsconvincingevidencefordirectcontactofa boathullonthesilt.esestriationsaremuchthinnerthanthe sledgetracksandlikelyresultedfromtheseamsofaboatcoming into contact with the wet silt. ey are remarkably consistent and spaced approximately 15–20 cm apart from the next90—spacingthatrecallsthedimensionsofhulltimberson theDahshurboats.91 Betweenthemarksoftheboat’sseams,it mayalsobepossibletoseetheevensmallerstriationslebythe grainofthedraggedtimbersthemselves.92 Ifasledgehadbeen employed,aboatshouldnothavecomeintocontactwithsilt andlesuchmarks. Inexceptionalcasesintheiconography,thereisnosledge beneaththefuneraryboatinprocessionalscenes.93 Sledgesare also missing from a couple of two-dimensional depictions of working boats being actively moved across land: one from the tombofMeryneithatSaqqara,94 theotherfromTT40,the tombofHuy(Figure16).95 ereisnodoubtthattheformer image, associated with workshop scenes, represents the festive launchofaroyaltravelingboat.Twogangsofmenpullatropes; whatseemstobeamakeshitruss,withthemastservingasa truss stanchion, prevents the ends of the hull from bending downward,orhogging.erudder isnotpresent.eeban scene, associated with the collection of tribute from Nubia, is moreambiguous.Hereeachcargoboat(alsorudderless)isfitted withamoreconventionalformofhoggingtruss.esetrusses are also associated with depictions of (the same?) boats elsewhereonthiswall,withcrewmenaboardandruddersmounted. Oneoftherudderlessboatsisbeingsimultaneouslypushedand pulled.egroundbefore(butnotbehind)thehullisdepicted asanirregularsurfaceabovethepaintedbaseline,suggesting,as Daviessays,“themud-flatsneartheriver.”Althoughitisimpossible to discount the possibility that this is, like Meryneith’s scene,alaunch,itistemptingtoviewthisastheslipway,either atMirgissaorelsewhere.96
Figure 15. Surface of Mirgissa slipway with features labeled, after Vila, “Les vestiges de la plaine,” in Vercoutter, Mirgissa I (1970), 207 fig. 13.
Figure 16. Boats dragged or launched, after Davies, Gardiner, and Davies, The Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia in the reign of Tutankhamun (No. 40) (1926), pl. XVIII.
A water-slicked mud surface was not the only means the Egyptiansusedtolessenfrictionforthetransportationofheavy loads: wooden rollers facilitated the passage of sledges bearing stoneblocksorstatuary,97 someofwhichmayhavesurpassedone thousandtonsinweight.98 Suchmassisaseriousobstaclewhen employingrollers,99 buteventhelargestboatswerenotnearlyso heavy; the largest extant pharaonic vessel, the approximately 43.5 m long Khufu I,100 consists of approximately 38 tons of Lebanesecedar.101 Whilerollersareahypotheticalpossibilityfor theportageofboats,theavailableevidenceisdisputable.
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Figure 17. Funerary procession, after Corteggiani, The Egypt of the Pharaohs at the Cairo Museum (1987), 92 no. 53.
Figure 18. Funerary procession, tomb of Sobeknakht (II), from Tylor, Wall Drawings and Monuments of El Kab (1896), pl. II.
ApurportedexamplefromtheNewKingdomcanbefound in a vignette from the funerary papyrus of Maiherpri (Figure 17).102 efunerarybarquesitsonitscustomarysledge andisdraggedbyacombinedteamofmenandcattle.esledge doesnotrestonthegroundline,butinsteadontwosmallsolid circles that have been interpreted as rollers.103 A similar scene from a New Kingdom linen at Dartmouth College Museum (no. 39-64-6623), in which a team of cattle drag a “boatless” funerarysledgewiththreecirclesbeneathit,hasbeensimilarly interpreted(Figure6).104 euseofthewheelinEgypthasbeendismissedasimpracticalonaccountofthenatureofthegroundinbothfloodplain and desert.105 However, additional evidence reveals that this scene almost certainly represents wheels rather than rollers;106 althoughspokedwheelswerewellknownbytheNewKingdom, diskwheelsmadetheirfirstidentifiedappearanceintherecord inEgyptatthebottomofasiegeladderinapaintingoflateFih orearlySixthDynastydate.107 AnotherparallelroughlycontemporarywiththeMaiherpri vignetteappearsonanEighteenthDynastysteleinthecollection oftheUniversityofLiverpool(no.E.30).108 Hereitisnotaboat beingtransportedbutasledgebearingwhatappearstobeacompartmentalizedcrateforavarietyofagriculturalproduce.Pulled by a team of at least two oxen tended by a drover, the vehicle rides low to the ground. ere is no sign of a separate wagon frame beneath the sledge—only a pair of circles. Kitchen con-
cedesthatthesecouldrepresentwheels,butstronglyprefersto interpretthemasrollers.109 Whetherthearrangementofcaptive rollers(i.e.,affixedtothesledge)110 wouldinEgyptbeanymore effectivethanwheelsseemsdubious.Italsobearsnoting,regardingtheutilityofwheelsinEgypt,thatchariotssometimesappear inagriculturalandgardenscenes.111 Furthermore, among the Karnak talatat, fatted cattle appearonwhatareindisputablywheeledwagons.112 Unlikechariotsoftheperiod,thesewagonshavediskwheels;theaxleand linchpinsecuringeachwheelareclearlyportrayedinrelief,distinguishingthemfromrollers.Eachvehicleisequippedwiththree pairsofwheelstoconveytheenormousweightofthelivestock. Similarly, barque-shrines with nominal stem and stern (associatedwiththeburialoftheBuchisbullinthePtolemaicperiod) havewhatappear tobefourpairsofdiskwheels.113 Other examples of solid wheels exist in association with boats.EarliestoftheseisthewallpaintingintheSeventeenth Dynasty tomb of Sobeknakht (II) at el Kab (Figure 18),114 in whichashrinecontainingthemummysitsaboardasmallboat of typically funerary form. The vessel sits on a sledge that in turnisprovidedwithsolidwheelsthroughwhichtheaxleterminalsprotrude.115 AswiththewheeledvehicleintheLiverpool stele,thereisnoevidenceforawagonbody.Whetherthesledge itselfhasbeenfittedwithwheels—orrestsuponawagonundepictedexcept foritswheels—isimpossibletosay.Aswithscenes of sledge-dragging (and also paralleling evidence from the
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Figure 19. Wheeled boat model, after Brunton and Engelbach, Gurob (1927), pl. LII.
Mirgissa slipway), cattle pull Sobekhnakht’s vehicle, before whichwalkmen,oneofwhompurifiestheway.Tylor’sinterpretation of the scene as a representation of a wagon drawn over rollers (on account of the artist’s unfamiliarity with the functionofwheels)wasdiscountedatanearlydate.116 Wheelsofthissortappearwithaboatmodelfoundina tombatGurob(Figure19).117 Unlikemostotherboatmodels, thisoneisgenerallyconsideredtobeachild’stoy;118 thehull formdiffersfromotherboatmodelsanddoesnotmatchwell withEgyptianritualwatercraft.Asidefromapiercedrectangular piece of wood that served to attach the boat to its conveyance,ofthesupportingvehicleonlythefourwheelsremain. If this was made as an amusement, something with which a child could play, the arrangement of the supporting vehicle need not reference any other representations or working arrangement: the wheels might exist only to allow the boat model to be moved across the ground or floor and nothing more. However, the polychrome decoration of each wheel is vaguely reminiscent of some post–New Kingdom representationsofdiskwheels(see,e.g.,Figure9)thatappearinscenesof funerary processions with wagons towed by men or by men and cattle. While in some cases it is ambiguous whether the wheelsdepictedareratherimpressionisticallyrenderedspoked wheels,oneexamplewithconcentriccirclesoverlainbypetal shapesonitswheelsseemsmorelikelytorepresentdecorated solid wheels.119 With the interpretation of the object from Gurob in dispute (toy or representation of wheeled ritual craft?),itisdifficulttoinfermuchinformationfromitregardingtheportageofworkingwatercraft. Alowwagonwithfoursmallsolidwheelsandthusavery lowprofile—dubbedbysomea“trolley”120—isknownfromthe Ptolemaic Period (Figure 20).121 Found at Medinet Madi, the
Figure 20. Wagon from Medinet Madi, after Dittmann, “Der Segelwagen von Medinet Madi,” MDAIK 10 (1941), 64 Abb. 3.
wooden frame of the wagon measured 2.09 m in length and 1.23 minbreadth(excludingthetwoaxles,eachofwhichmeasures1.70mfromendtoend).esoliddiscwheels,affixedto theaxlewithalinchpinandeach31cmindiameter,areprobably not strong enough to support large stone loads. However, lessweightyloads,includingsmallvesselsofperhaps15morless (aboutthesizeoftheDahshurboats),wouldnotbeunreasonable.Ithasbeensuggestedthatasledgeorotherstructurewould havebeensecuredatopthewagon.122 Althoughthereisnoevidencethatthisvehiclecarriedaboat,itisentirelypossiblethat just such a trolley was what the artists of the examples mentionedaboveintendedtorepresent.123 Moresophisticatedspokedwheelsalsoappearwithfuneraryboattransport.Mostofthesearepost-pharaonic,buttheearliest example comes from the tomb of Ahhotep (I). A model wagon, made of copper alloy and wood, was found in associationwithtwoexceptionalmodelboats,oneofgoldandoneof silver.124 e wagon (Figure 21) has two pairs of four-spoked
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P. P. Creasman and N. Doyle | Overland Boat Transportation
Figure 21. Model wagon from the tomb of Ahhotep, after von Bissing, Ein Thebanischer Grabfund aus dem anfang des neuen reichs. Neudruck der Ausgabe (1900), Taf. X.
Figure 22. Funerary procession, tomb of Petosiris at Tuna el-Gebel. Photograph by Noreen Doyle.
wheels125 onfixedaxlesthatrunundertheextremeendsofthe wagonframe.Atoptheframesitsablockofwoodtowhichone ortheotherofthehullswasfastened;bothblockandhullshave protruding, horizontal metal eyes, two on each side, with the blockhavinganadditionaleyeononeshortside. Thereisdebateastowhichmodelboatbelongsmounted onthewagon.Ascurrentlydisplayed,thegoldmodelisplaced there.126 It has the characteristics of a funerary barque with papyriformfinialsturnedinboard,butbearsnochapel,hasa single quarter rudder (extremely unusual for the period127), and includes a complement of oarsmen. Unlike t wodimensional representations of vehicle-borne boats or any other boat models, both metal hulls are provided with rings by which each could be fastened to corresponding rings on the(ora)wagon.Furthermore,thepresenceofthecrewswith theiroarsorpaddles128 callsintoquestionthepurposeofsettingeitherboatontoawagon.Possiblytheyaretoys,afunctionthatrelievesthemofanyneedtoaccuratelyrepresenta working, real-world arrangement; in no known representationsofceremonialoverlandboattransportfromtheperiodis rowing or paddling portrayed, although this would not, of course,beimpossible.
Representationsofwagonsatleastnominallybearingaboat orboat-shapedshrinebecamemorecommonduringtheird IntermediatePeriodandthereaer.129 Someareprocessionsassociatedwithgodsandtemples,whichare(alongwiththefestival ofOpet)probablyancestraltothefestivalofthelocalsaint,Abu el-Haggag,celebratedannuallyeventodayatLuxorwithawagonborneboat.130 However,mostofthepost-pharaonic,pre-Islamic examplesoccurinassociationwithfuneralprocessions. ewagonsthemselvesarenotwelldefinedintwodimensions,andseldomprovideanyinterpretivelyusefulinformation. ey appear most commonly as sledges perched atop wheels, withlittleclearevidenceofanystructuralconnectionbetween thetwoelements.Asdiscussedpreviously,itispossiblethatwhat appear to be beams parallel to the axles in two examples (Figures 8and9)mightbelongtotheshrinebeingcarriedrather thantothewheeledvehicle:notethatsuchbeamsdonotappear onthemodelsortheMedinetMadiwagon.Anotherpossibility isthatthecartbodyitselfisdeliberatelyarchaizedasasledge.131 OnthefunerarywagoninthetombofPetosirisatTunael-Gebel (Figure22),132 abarappearsrunningbetweenthetwowheels;it passes“behind”thefelloeoftherearwheelbutruns“over”the felloeandspokestothehuboftheforwardwheel,almostasifit wereintendedtorepresent(insomekindofperspective)theaxle. But it seems highly doubtful that this is a two-wheeled cart ratherthanafour-wheeledwagon.ezigzaglinesbetweenthis barandthebottomofthepolesthatsupporttheboat(whether decorativeorintendedtoindicatesomestructuralelement)are likewisedifficulttointerpret.133 Evenifmostofthesewheeledprocessionalwagonsnevercarriedworkingboats,anotableaccountofthetransportofworking (as opposed to ceremonial) watercra by wheeled conveyance does exist. e Gebel Barkal Stele of utmoses III describestheeventaspartofthatking’seighthAsiancampaign, inhisthirty-thirdyear,whentheEgyptianarmyhadtocrossthe Euphrates.134 ekingorderedboats(aHaw)tobemadeorhewn (mDH)135 inthehillsnear“theMistressofByblos.”etermaHaw isacommontermusedtorefertoNileboatsusedforpurposes asdiverseasfishingandwar.136 ese vessels were transported to the river by ox-drawn carts(wrrywt).Faulkner’sclaimthatthisisthe“firstrecordeduse bytheEgyptiansofwheeledtransportasdistinctfromthelight two-wheeledchariot”137 isincorrect,asthepreviouslydiscussed iconographic evidence of wheeled vehicles (some predating utmoses III)attests.eterm wrrywt is,infact,usuallytranslated as “chariot.” Chariots occasionally appear in agricultural scenes, apparently to transport officials into the fields,138 but sometimes also to haul loads. Ox-drawn chariots are known too,139 butinthiscontext,“cart”(meaningatwo-wheeledvehicle otherthanachariot)isprobablyintended.140 eymighthave generally resembled those that appear later in the Battle of Kadeshreliefs(Figure23)141 or,morenearlycontemporarywith theinscription,thetwo-wheeledox-drawncartwithrailedsides knownfromafragmentaryreliefofanagriculturalscene.142
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P. P. Creasman and N. Doyle | Overland Boat Transportation Notes
Figure 23. Carts at the Battle of Kadesh, after Wreszinski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte II (1935), 170.
Faulknersuggeststhat,giventhedistanceandroughnessof theterrainthatutmosesIII’sarmywouldhaveencountered, its boats must have been transported in sections.143 is is certainlypossibleandevenprobable;sometimesevenchariotshad to be disassembled for mountain crossings.144 For most watercra, timbers approaching 4 m in length would probably have beenrare.Forexample,ofthe99structuraltimbersusedinthe constructionoftheCairoDahshurboats,onlyoneexceeds4m inlength,withonlyeightexceeding3m.emajority,51,are lessthan2m,andanadditional39timbersare2–3m;allsuch lengthscouldeasilybetransportedontwo-wheeledcarts.Over rougherterrainunsuitableforwheeledvehicles,asinglefitporter wouldfinda2mtimbermanageable,andcertainlydonkeysor teamsofporterscouldtransportlongertimbers(Figures2and3); fewtimberswouldhaverequiredspecialoverlandtravelarrangements.145 is account strongly suggests that whoever “hewed” theboatsatByblosdidsousingNiloticbuildingtechniques. Conclusions While there is insufficient evidence to indicate that the need for overland transportation—especially as disarticulated timbers—inhibitedthedevelopmentofboatandshipconstruction and technologies, it was at least a consideration for the pharaonic shipbuilder. is consideration (or necessity) may havehadfurtherramificationsonEgypt’sprowessasaseafaring power, especially from the New Kingdom onwards, as other Mediterranean cultures adapted more efficient construction technologiessuchaspeggedmortise-and-tenons. For working watercra of relatively modest size, portage withoutdisassemblywascertainlypossiblebyseveralmeans,but the available evidence suggests this practice was probably confinedtoexceptionalregions(suchastheSecondCataract)and/or circumstances(e.g.,ritualcontexts).Inthelattercase,portagepreservedtheEgyptianidealofwatertransport,eveniftheboatcarryingthedeceasedtothetombwasmoresemblantthanauthentic.
1. eeaseofNilenavigationisoenoverstatedbyscholars,thoughseldombytravelers,whoseaccountsareoenfilledwithfrustrations occasionedbystorm,lackofwind,andotherdelaysandhazards. Forareviewofthechallenges,seeAngusGraham,“PlyingtheNile: Not Plain Sailing,” in Kathryn Piquette and Serena Love (eds.), Current Research in Egyptology 2003: Proceedings om the Fourth Annual Symposium (Oxford:Oxbow,2005),41–56. 2. Carol A. Redmount, “e Wadi Tumilat and the ‘Canal of the Pharaohs,’” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 54 (1995): 127–135. Belief in such a canal prompted, for example, Carl Sølver (“EgyptianShippingofabout1500b.c.,”e Mariner’s Mirror 11 [1936]:430–469) tosuggestthatit“wouldhavebeenmucheasier tobuildshipsontheNileandsendthembyitseasternarmtothe RedSeathantotransportmaterialsforshipbuildingfromtheNile by land to the coast of the Red Sea” (454). Torgny SäveSöderbergh (e Navy of the Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty [Uppsala: Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1946], 13) also believed thatHatshepsut’sPuntexpeditiontraveledfromtheRedSeato the Nile by some water passage, because “no desert traveling is depicted”inthescenesoftheeventatDeirel-Bahri. 3. EvidenceofamaritimecorridorbetweentheNileandtheOases andtheFaiyumtothewestisscant.Anotableexceptioncould betheLahun-HawaragapconnectingtheriverandLakeMoeris, especially during the annual floods; see James Harrell and Thomas Bown, “An Old Kingdom Basalt Quarry at Widan elFaras and the Quarry Road to Lake Moeris,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 32(1995):71–91. 4. For a discussion of the development of ancient Egyptian waterborne transportation from a geoarchaeological perspective, see Fekri A. Hassan, “The Dynamics of a Riverine Civilization: A Geoarchaeological Perspective on the Nile Valley, Egypt,” World Archaeology 29(1997):51–74. 5. Barbara G. Aston, James Harrell, and Ian Shaw, “Stone,” in Paul Nicholson and I. Shaw (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2000),5–77. 6. Foracurrentreviewoftheliteratureandsummaryoftheevidence regardingPuntanditslocation,seeKathrynA.BardandRodolfo Fattovich,“Introduction,”inK.A.BardandR.Fattovich(eds.), Harbor of the Pharaohs to the Land of Punt: Archaeological Investigations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis Egypt, 2000–2005 (Napoli: UniversitàdegliStudidiNapoli“L’Orientale,”2007),17–27. 7. See, for example, Lanny Bell, Janet H. Johnson, and Donald Whitcomb, “e Eastern Desert of Upper Egypt: Routes and Inscriptions,”Journal of Near Eastern Studies 43(1984):27–46. 8. JurisZarins,“AncientEgyptandtheRedSeaTrade:eCasefor ObsidianinthePredynasticandArchaicPeriods,”inA.Leonard andB.Williams(eds.),Essays in Ancient Civilization Presented to Helene J. Kantor (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1989), 339–368. Zarinssuggeststhatforeignobsidiancouldhavefounditswayinto EgyptviaRedSeatradebasedatKoptos,attheendoftheWadi Hammamat,asearlyastheNaqadaIIperiod.
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P. P. Creasman and N. Doyle | Overland Boat Transportation 9. Text: Kurt Sethe, Urkunden des Alten Reichs I (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, 1933), 131–135. Translations: JamesHenryBreasted,Ancient Records of Egypt Volume 1: e First rough Seventeenth Dynasties (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1906),161–164;AlessandroRoccati,La literature historique sous l’Ancien Empire égyptien (Paris:EditionsduCerf,1982),208–211; MiriamLichtheim,Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, Chiefly of the Middle Kingdom: A Study and an Anthology (Freiburg: Universitätsverlag,Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht,1988),15–16;Nigel C. Strudwick,Texts om the Pyramid Age (Atlanta:SocietyofBiblical Literature,2005),333–335. 10. Säve-Söderbergh(1946,11)suggestedSuezasthelocation,butthe twositesdiscussedbelow,Mersa/WadiGawasisandAynSoukhna, aredistinctpossibilities. 11. Breasted1906,163,n.e;Strudwick2005,377n.27;Roccati1982, 182.ForadiscussionoftheidentityoftheaAmw,seeJaniceKamrin, “eAamuofShuintheTombofKhnumhotepIIatBeniHassan,” Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 1.3(2009):22–36. 12. Translations of spt vary: “build” (Breasted 1906, 163; Percy E. Newberry, “Notes on Seagoing Ships,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 28 [1942]: 64–66; Strudwick 2005, 333); “equip” (Lichtheim1988,16;PierreMontet,“Notesetdocumentspour serviral’histoiredesrelationsentrel’ancienneÉgypteetlaSyrie III:Byblosetlesnaviresgiblites,”Kêmi 13[1954]:63–75).Fora listofoccurrencesofthisverb,firstusedfor“binding”apapyrus ra, see Dilwyn Jones, A Glossary of Ancient Egyptian Nautical Titles and Terms (London:KeganPaulInternational,1988),222, VI.76. e type of watercra indicated here is not, however, a “reedboat,”astranslatedinStrudwick. 13. Newberry1942,65. 14. R. O. Faulkner, “Egyptian Seagoing Ships,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 26 (1941): 3–9; Shelley Wachsmann, Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant (CollegeStation:Texas A&M,1998),19.ItisstillsometimessuggestedthatduringtheOld Kingdom, Syrian shipbuilders were responsible for the construction of these vessels; see Steve Vinson, “Seafaring,” in Elizabeth Frood and Willeke Wendrich (eds.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology (Los Angeles: UCLA Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures), escholarship.org/uc/item/9d93885v (accessedMarch26,2009). 15. Robert Partridge, Transport in Ancient Egypt (London: e RubiconPress,1996),61. 16. Forexample,Sølver1936,453;Newberry1942,63;CherylA.Ward, Sacred and Secular: Ancient Egyptian Ships and Boats (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum, 2000),140; C. A. Ward and Chiara Zazzaro, “Evidence for Pharaonic Seagoing Ships at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis, Egypt,” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 39.1 (2010): 26–43; Abdel MonemA.H.Sayed,“DiscoveryoftheSiteofthe12thDynasty PortatWadiGawasisontheRedSeaShore,”Revue d’Égyptologie 29 (1977): 140–178; A. M. A. H. Sayed, “New Light on the RecentlyDiscoveredPortontheRedSeaShore,”Chronique d’Égypte 48(1983):23–37.
17. Breasted 1906, 429–433; Jules Couyat and Pierre Montet, Les Inscriptions hiéroglyphiques et hiératiques de Ouâdi Hammâmât (Cairo: l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1912), 81–84, pl. XXXI;Lichtheim1988,52–54. 18. Mahmoud Abd el-Raziq, Georges Castel, and Pierre Tallet, “L’exploration archéologique du site d’Ayn Soukhna (2001–2004),” inJean-ClaudeGoyon(ed.),Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists/Actes du Neuvième Congrès International des Égyptologues, Grenoble, 6–12 septembre 2004 (Leuven: Uitgeverij PeetersenDepartementOosterseStudies,2007),1:61–68. 19. For Nilotic boat construction scenes, see Edward M. Rogers, “An AnalysisofTombReliefsDepictingBoatConstructionfromtheOld KingdomPeriodinEgypt”(master’sthesis,TexasA&MUniversity, 1996), nautarch.tamu.edu/eses/pdf-files/Rogers-MA1996.pdf (accessedDecember16,2008). 20. LeoA.Tregenza,Egyptian Years (London:OxfordUniversityPress, 1958), 182. See also the following by Abdel Monem A. H. Sayed: 1997; “e Recently Discovered Port on the Red Sea Shore,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 64 (1978): 69–71; “Observations on Recent Discoveries at Wadi Gawasis,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 66(1980):154–171;1983. 21. See,forexample,BardandFattovich2007andWardandZazzaro2010. 22. TrinaArpinetal.,“Fieldwork,”inBardandFattovich,Harbor of the Pharaohs to the Land of Punt,37–99. 23. See Ward and Zazzaro 2010 and also Ward and Zazzaro, “Finds: ShipEvidence,”inBardandFattovich,Harbor of the Pharaohs to the Land of Punt,135–164. 24. MahmoudAbdel-Raziq,GeorgesCastel,andPierreTallet,“Dans legolfedeSuez,lesminesdecuivred’AynSoukhna,”Archéologia 414 (2004): 10–21; “Ayn Soukhna et la mer Rouge,” Égypte, Afrique et Orient 41(2006):3–6;“L’explorationarchéologique dusited’AynSoukhna(2001–2004),”inGoyon,Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists,61–68;Institut français d’archéologie orientale – Le Caire, “Ayn Soukhna.” Travaux archéologiques. www.ifao.egnet.net/archeologie/aynsoukhna (accessedMarch15,2010). 25. Pharos: Newsletter of the Alexandria Centre for Maritime Archaeology & Underwater Cultural Heritage 1(2009):2. 26. PatricePomey,“APharaonicSea-GoingShipoftheMiddleKingdom (c.2000b.c.)fromAynSoukhna”(paperpresentedattheTwelh InternationalSymposiumonBoatandShipArchaeology,2009). 27. Forexample,theplankcarriedinassociationwiththetransportof the colossus depicted in the tomb of Djehutyhotep (Percy E. NewberryandGeorgeWilloughbyFraser,El Bersheh Part 1, e Tomb of Tehuti-hetep [London, Egypt Exploration Fund, 1895], 20,pl.xv).Compare,too,thetransportofamummycasecradled in the arms of four men who carry it to the tomb (TT277, Ameneminet; Jeanne Marie Vandier d’Abbadie, Deux tombes ramessides á Gournet-Mourraï [Cairo: Imprimerie de l’Institut Françaisd’ArchéologieOrientale,1954],pl.XIV,XV.2,XVI.1–2). 28. NormandeGarisDavies,W.E.Crum,andGeorgeAlbertBoulenger, e Rock Tombs of Deir el Gebrâwi I (London:EgyptExploration Fund,1902),pl.XVI,XXIV;KlausP.KuhlmannandWolfgang
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P. P. Creasman and N. Doyle | Overland Boat Transportation Schenkel,Das Grab des Ibi, Obergutsverwalters der Gottesgemahlin des Amun (ebanisches Grab Nr. 36) (Mainz am Rhein: Verlag PhilippvonZabern,1983),1:95,2:Taf.31,103,104b. 29. WardandZazzaro2010,14. 30. Ibid. 31. Pomey2009.SeealsoPharos 1(2009):2. 32. Ward2000,140. 33. David O’Connor, Abydos: Egypt’s First Pharaohs and the Cult of Osiris (London: ames and Hudson, 2009), 183–194; Cheryl A. Ward, “Sewn Planked Boats from Early Dynastic Abydos, Egypt,” in C. Beltrame (ed.), Boats, Ships and Shipyards: Proceedings om the Ninth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Venice 2000 (Oxford:OxbowBooks,2003),19–23.Someoftimbers oftheKhufuIboatwereinscribedwithcomplementaryhieroglyphs, suggestingstep-by-stepassemblyinstructions(Ward2000,140). 34. Steve Vinson, Egyptian Boats and Ships (Buckinghamshire: Shire, 1994),18–19;WilliamF.FlindersPetrie,GeraldA.Wainwright, and Alan H. Gardiner, Tarkhan I and Memphis V (London: SchoolofArchaeologyinEgypt,1913),24,pl.9. 35. DieterArnold,Building in Egypt: Pharaonic Stone Masonry (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 86–92; Ward 2000, 110–112; Cheryl Ward Haldane, “Boat Timbers from El-Lisht: a New Method of Ancient Egyptian Hull Construction. Preliminary Report,” e Mariner’s Mirror 74 (1988): 141–152; C. W. Haldane,“eLishtTimbers:aReportoneirSignificance,”in Dieter Arnold (ed.), e Pyramid Complex of Senwosret I: e Southern Cemeteries of Lisht (New York: Metropolitan MuseumofArt,1992),102–112. 36. Mohammad Zaki Nour, Zaky Iskander, Mohammad Salah Osman, and Ahmad Youssof Moustafa, e Cheops Boats (Cairo: General Organisation for Government Printing Offices, 1960); Abdel Moneim Abubakr and Ahmed Youssef Moustafa, “e Funerary Boat of Khufu,” Beiträge zur ägyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 12 (1971): 1–16; Paul Lipke, e Royal Ship of Cheops (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1984); P. Lipke, “RetrospectiveontheRoyalShipofCheops,”inSeanMcGrailand EricKentley(eds.),Sewn Plank Boats (Oxford:BritishArchaeological Reports,1985),9–18;J.RichardSteffy,Wooden Shipbuilding and the Interpretation of Shipwrecks (College Station: Texas A&M Press, 1994),24–28;Ward2000,47–60;SamuelMark,“eConstruction oftheKhufuIVessel(c. 2566 b.c.):ARe-Evaluation,”International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 38.1(2009):133–152. 37. eirmethodofconstructionisamatterofdebate(seePearcePaul Creasman,“AFurtherInvestigationoftheCairoDahshurBoats,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology [forthcoming]); however, even theseboatsdemonstratehallmarksofeasydisassembly. 38. Lipke1984. 39. Vinson1994,44. 40. SeeCreasman,forthcoming,forabriefdiscussionofthestructural meritsofpeggedversusunpeggedmortise-and-tenonjoinery. 41. Ward 2000, 32; see also William Matthew Flinders Petrie, Guy Brunton, and Margaret Alice Murray, Lahun II (London: BernardQuaritch,1923).
42. SeeCreasman,forthcoming,andWardandZazzaro2010,34(fig. 10), foranillustrationofrudderbladeswithpeggedmortise-and-tenons. 43. CherylA.Ward,“BoatbuildinginAncientEgypt,”inFrederickM. Hocker and C. A. Ward (eds.), e Philosophy of Shipbuilding: Conceptual Approaches to the Study of Wooden Ships (College Station:TexasA&MUniversityPress,2004),13–24. 44. Forfurtherdiscussion,seeVinson1994,37–41. 45. Vinson1994,7. 46. BjörnLandström,Ships of the Pharaohs (NewYork:Doubleday, 1970),130.However,thereisalsoanargumentforthetowing of such barges upstream; see J. V. Wehausen, A. Mansour, M. C. Ximenes, and F. Stross, “The Colossi of Memnon and EgyptianBarges,”International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 17(1988):295–310. 47. Newberry and Fraser 1895, 17–26, pl. xii, xv; Aston, Harrell, and Shaw 2000, 18–19; Mark Lehner, “Construction of Pyramids (Old Kingdom),” in Kathryn A. Bard (ed.) Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt (London:Routledge,1999),639–645; Partridge1996,131–137;HarrellandBown1995,82–83;George Goyon, “Les navires de transport de la chaussée monumentale d’Ounas,”Bulletin de l’Institut ançais d’Archéologie orientale 69 (1971):11–41,pl. I–VII;Arnold1991,275–280. 48. Forexample,Vandierd’Abbadie1954,pl.X,XI. 49. See,forexample,ArvidGöttlicher,Kultschiffe und Schiffskulte im Altertum (Berlin: Mann, 1992), 13–75; Alan R. Schulman, “A Memphite Stela, the Bark of Ptah, and Some Iconographic Comments,” Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 2 (1980): 83–109,pl.1–2;W.B.Kristensen,“DeSymboliekvandeBootin den Egyptischen Godsdienst,” Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Verslagen en Medeelingen: Afdeeling letterkunde 5.4 (1919): 254–288; Claude Traunecker, “La barque processionnelle d’Amon,” Les Dossier Histoire et Archéologie 61 (1982): 49–54; G. A. Gaballa and Kenneth A. Kitchen, “e Festival of I Sokar,” Orientalia (New Series) 38 (1969): 1–76; CatherineGraindorge-Héreil,Le dieu Sokar à èbes au Nouvel empire (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994); L. B. Mikhail, “e Festival of Sokar: An Episode of the Osirian Khoiak Festival,” Göttinger Miszellen 82 (1984): 25–44; Epigraphic Survey, e Festival Procession of Opet in the Colonnade Hall with Translations of Texts, Commentary, and Glossary (Chicago: OrientalInstitute,1994). 50. GeorgesLegrain,“Lelogementettransportdesbarquessacréesetdes statuesdesdiexdansquelquestempleségyptiens,”Bulletin de l’institut ançais d’archéologie orientale 13(1917):1–76,pls.I–VII,1–13. 51. On occasion, funerary boats are elevated, such as depicted on the Nineteenth Dynasty Memphite relief of Merymery (see P. A. A. Boeser, Die Denkmäler des neuen Reiches: Gräber [Milano: Cisalpino,1911],pl.XV;HansD.SchneiderandMaartenJ.Raven, De egyptische oudheid [’s-Gravenhage: Staatsuitgeverij, 1981], 98, no. 84b).Notonlyisthesledge-mountedmodelfuneraryboatcarriedonpolesbymen,butaropeisheldinhandbythreeadditional menandisfastenedtoateamoftwocattle.Merymerythusenjoys allpossibleadvantagesofeveryformofconveyance.
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P. P. Creasman and N. Doyle | Overland Boat Transportation 52. Iconographicandactualexamplesabound,butsee:NormandeGaris Davies and Alan H. Gardiner, e Tomb of Antefoker, Vizier of Sesostris I, and of His Wife, Senet (No. 60) (London: G. Allen & Unwin,1920),pl.XXI(TT60);NinadeGarisDaviesandNorman de Garis Davies, e Tombs of Menkheperrasonb, Amenmose, and Another (Nos. 86, 112, 42, 226) (London:EgyptExplorationSociety, 1933), pl. XXXVIII (TT42); Torgny Säve-Söderbergh, Private Tombs at ebes 1: Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs (Oxford:Griffith Institute,1957),pl.XXIV(TT17);NormandeGarisDavies,“e Tomb of Tetaky at ebes (No. 15),” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 11 (1925): 10–18, pls. II–V, pl. V (TT15); Edouard Naville, Das Ägyptische Totenbuch der XVIII. bis XX. Dynastie I (Graz:AkademischeDruck&Verlagsanstalt,1971),Taf.III.P.e.,L.a, L.e;AhmedFakhryandJürgenOsing,Denkmäler der Oase Dachla (MainzamRhein:vonZabern,1982),Taf.22c,24a,31b;Marianne Eaton-KraussandE. Graefe,e Small Golden Shrine om the Tomb of Tutankhamun [Oxford:GriffithInstitute,1985]). 53. S. R. K. Glanville and R. O. Faulkner, Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum II: Wooden Model Boats (London: TrusteesoftheBritishMuseum),67,pl.XIIb–c(BM36848). 54. Partridge1996,137. 55. Arnold(1992,59)suggeststhatthelackofscratches“might”indicateceremonialratherthanpracticaluse. 56. NotethatinTT49(NormandeGarisDavies,e Tomb of Neferhotep at ebes I–II [New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1933], pl. XXV) two shrine-bearing boats arrayed with other funerary furniture before the tomb-owner sit either on a sledge setonwhatisapparentlyasetofcarryingpoles(lowerregister)or is set directly onto carrying poles, which are set upon blocks to keepthemofftheground(upperregister). 57. e watercra in this scene—which supports a funerary lionheadedbier,thecoffin,and,presumably,themummy—couldbe eitherapapyruscraorawoodenpapyriformvessel.Remainsof papyruswatercra,whichsurelyexistedaseverydayworkingcra, arenotknownfromthearchaeologicalrecord. 58. Forexample,Vandierd’Abbadie1954,pl.VIII,X;GeorgeFoucart, Le tombeau d’Amonmos (tombeau no. 19) (Cairo: L’Institut françaisd’archéologieorientale,1932),37,fig.5;pl.IV,9. 59. Occasionally, the rope is omitted entirely; see Earl of Carnarvon and Howard Carter, Five Years’ Exploration at ebes (London: H. Frowde,1912),pl.LXIII(TT37:mandrivingtwocattlewith a brace between their horns for the rope, pulling a sledge-borne barquewithtwosteeringoars). 60. In addition to the sledge from Dahshur (George Andrew Reisner, Catalogue général des antiquités égyptiennes du musée du Caire, 68, Nos. 4798–4975 et 5034–5200: Models of Ships and Boats [Cairo: l’Institutfrançaisd’Archéologieorientale,1913],88–89;Jacquesde Morgan, Fouilles à Dâhchour: Mars–Juin 1894. [Vienna: Adolph Holzhausen,1895],81–83),asmallsledge,approximately1.70cm inlength,fromSenwosretI’spyramidcomplexatLishtisknown (Dieter Arnold, Pyramid Complex of Senwosret I at Lisht [New York:MetropolitanMuseumofArt,1992],59;WilliamHayes,e Scepter of Egypt: A Background for the Study of the Egyptian
Antiquities in the Metropolitan Museum of Art I [Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1953],193).Arnold(1992,26)hypothesizesthatatleastoneotherlargesledge,approximately4.2m,was alsopresentatthatsite,butthewoodwastoodegradedtoconfirm thesuspicion.Itispossiblethatanotherfull-sizedsledgeexists.On displayattheCairoMuseumisasledgelabeled“5460,”presumably correspondingtotheCatalogue General.However,“GC5460”isan amulet (G. A. Reisner, Amulets, Catalogue General 5218–6000 et 12001–12527 [Cairo: L’Institut français d’Archéologie orientale, 1907],35).esledgeondisplayisoen(correctly)identifiedas thesledgefromSenwosret III’spyramidcomplexatDahshur(“GC 4928” in Reisner 1913, 88–89). For example, Partridge (1996, 131–133) explicitly reconciles the visual differences between Reisner’srecordingsoftheDahshursledgeandtheoneondisplay, but no one has clarified the conflicting labels. Comparison of Reisner’sdrawing(1913,89,fig.326)oftheDahshursledgewith theonelabeledGC5460producesanear-identicalmatch.Records associatedwithasledge“5460”reportthatitcamefromtheNew Kingdom and has similar dimensions to the Dahshur sledge (WaheedEdwar,personalcommunication,June4,2004).Aphotographofthesledge,withArabiclabellegible,canbefoundinPearce PaulCreasman,“eCairoDahshurBoats”(master’sthesis,Texas A&M University, 2005), associates.imrd.org/pcreasmanMA2005.pdf (accessed December 12, 2009), 123, fig. 57. To the best of our knowledge, the records of the Cairo Museum sledge (JE?)“5460”areotherwiseunpublished. 61. Reisner 1913, 88–89; de Morgan 1895, 81–83. For the Dahshur boatsandtheirdiscovery,seeDianaCraigPatchandCherylWard Haldane, e Pharaoh’s Boat at the Carnegie (Pittsburgh: Carnegie Museum of Natural History; 1990), Ward 2000, 83–102; Pearce Paul Creasman, Benjamin Vining, Samuel Koepnick, and Noreen Doyle, “An Experimental Geophysical Survey at the Pyramid Complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur, Egypt, in Search of Boats,” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 38.2(2009):386–99;P.P.Creasman,DouglasSassen, S.Koepnick,andN.Doyle,“Ground-PenetratingRadarSurveyat thePyramidComplexofSenwosretIIIatDahshur,Egypt,2008: SearchfortheLostBoatofaPharaoh,”Journal of Archaeological Science 37.3(2010):516–524;Creasman,forthcoming. 62. For example, Vandier d’Abbadie 1954, pl. X (TT277); Naville 1971,Taf.III.P.e. 63. Forexample,MarcelleBaudandÉtienneDrioton,Le tombeau de Roÿ (tombeau no. 255) (Cairo:l’Institutfrançaisd’Archéologieorientale,1928),fig.7;Naville1971,Taf.III.P.j.,L.e. 64. Forexample,TT78(AnneliesBrackandArthurBrack,Das Grab des Haremheb: eben nr. 78 [Mainz am Rhein: P. von Zabern, 1980],Taf.16,55b);TT16(MarcelleBaudandÉtienneDrioton, “Le tombeau de Panehsy,” in Georges Foucart, M. Baud, and E. Drioton (eds.), Tombes thébaines: Nécropole de Dirâ’ Abû’nNaga: Le tombeau de Roÿ [tombeau no. 255]; Le tombeau de Panehsy [tombeau no. 16]; Le tombeau d’Amonmos [tombeau no. 19]; Le tombeau d’Amon-am-anit [tombeau no. 277] [Cairo: L’Institutfrançaisd’archéologieorientale,1935],pt.2,11,fig.3).
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P. P. Creasman and N. Doyle | Overland Boat Transportation 65. Foucart1932,37,fig.5,pl.IV(TT19). 66. Forexample,BaudandDrioton1928,12,fig.7(TT255);Naville 1971, Taf. III.D.a. For the ritual, see Foucart, 52–63; Davies 1925; Norman de Garis Davies, “An Apparent Instance of PerspectivalDrawing,”Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 11(1926): 110–112; Miriam Lichtheim, “Situla No. 11395 and Some Remarks on Egyptian Situlae,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 6.3(1947): 169–179. 67. Barry Kemp, “Soil (Including Mud-Brick Architecture),” in Nicholson and Shaw, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology,78–103. 68. Jean Vercoutter, “Excavations at Mirgissa II (Oct. 1963–March 1964),”Kush: Journal of the Sudan Antiquities Service 13(1965): 62–73; see also J. Vercoutter, “Desert Highway Built for Ships,” e UNESCO Courier (December1964):36–37. 69. Kemp2000,93. 70. Howlikelyanexplanationthisisforthelackofscratchesmentioned byArnold(1992,59)isunknown.eundersidesofotherextant sledge(s)havenot,toourknowledge,beensimilarlyexamined. 71. Forexample,therearequarry-andconstruction-relatedslipwaysat Lahun(Petrie,Brunton,andMurray1923,2,12,34,pl.XIII,XV) and Lisht (Arnold 1991: 86–92; Ward 2000, 110–112; Haldane 1992;Haldane1988),bothreinforcedwithdisarticulatedboattimbers.Sometimespyramidrampsarereferredtoasslipways(James Frederick Edwards, “Building the Great Pyramid: Probable Construction Methods Employed at Giza,” Technology and Culture 44.2 (2003): 340–354, 349; Mark Lehner, e Complete Pyramids (London:amesandHudson,1997),215–217;Dows Dunham,“BuildinganEgyptianPyramid,”Archaeology 9.3(1956): 159–165. For a summary of road-building in context of quarries, seeAston,Harrell,andShaw2000,18–20. 72. Kemp2000,93. 73. Jean-Claude Golvin, “Temple of Amen-Re at Karnak,” in Bard, Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt,400–404,fig.53; Partridge1996,8,fig.5. 74. JeanVercoutter,Mirgissa I (Paris:DirectionGénéraledesRelations Culturelles, Scientifiques et Techniques, Ministère des Affaires Étrangères,avecleconcoursduCentreNationaldelaRecherche Scientifique,1970),13–15,173–180;AndréVila,“Lesvestigesde laplaine,”inVercoutter,Mirgissa I,193–221. 75. atis,aroadintendedfor boatsanddistinctfromroadsmadeof boattimbers,likethosepreviouslymentionedatLahunandLisht. A70msegmentofthenearly10kmquarryroadbetweenWidan el-Faras and Lake Moeris was constructed of silicified wood (HarrellandBown1995,80,fig.15),butitisnotclearifthewood wassilicifiedpriortouseintheroad.Regardless,therearenoindications the wood was from a repurposed boat(s), nor is there a clearinterpretationofwhenthisroadwasconstructed. 76. Vercoutter 1964, 37–38; Vercoutter 1965, 62–73; Vila 1970, 204–214.Ironically,theslipwayisnowsubmergedandlikelylost duetothecreationofLakeNasser/Nubia. 77. Cook’s Tourists’ Handbook for Egypt, the Nile and the Desert (London:omasCookandSon,1892),243.
78. H. E. Hurst, The Nile: A General Account of the River and the Utilization of Its Waters (London:Constable,1952),73.Before theNilewasdammed,thefloodstypicallybeganinJune,reaching their apex in September. The waters would quickly recede, ultimately reaching their lowest levels in May (John Ball, Contributions to the Geography of Egypt [Cairo: Survey and Mines Department, Ministry of Finance, 1939], 204; Harrell andBown1995,83). 79. Vercoutter1965,69. 80. etotallengthoftheslipwayisunknown.eFrenchconcession only included the southernmost 1.5 km (Vila 1970, 193, fig. 1; Vercoutter 1970, 12–13, fig. 4), and the remaining portion was notsurveyedpriortothefloodingoftheregion. 81. Alessandra Nibbi, “A Group of Stone Anchors from Mirgissa on the Upper Nile,” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 21.3(1992):259–267;Vercoutter1970,18–23. 82. Vercoutter1965,69;Vercoutter1964,37. 83. Vercoutter1965,68. 84. Creasman,forthcoming,table1;Ward2000,84,table8. 85. Reisner1913,88. 86. Vila1970,209,figs.13,15,16. 87. See Vila 1970, 207, fig. 13 (“Les traces de patins de traîneau sont indiquéesparlesflechesblanches”);209,fig.16(“empreintesdes patins”);215,fig.22,atbottom. 88. Note that the carcasses of dra cattle were found in the builders’ debrisfromtheEleventhDynastycomplexofMentuhotepatDeir el-Bahri(Lehner1997,203;Arnold1991,64). 89. Vercoutter1965,68. 90. See,especially,Vila1970,figs.13,22. 91. For hull plank dimensions, see Creasman 2005, 37 (table 1), 49 (table2),85(table7),92(table8). 92. See,especially,Vila1970,fig.13. 93. Onthesideofarishi coffinintheMetropolitanMuseumofArt (William Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt: A Background for the Study of the Egyptian Antiquities in the Metropolitan Museum of Art II [Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1959],31,fig.14), two cattle, driven by a man with a stick, drag a funerary boat directlyontheground.ItshouldbenotedthatHayesdescribed the style of painting on this coffin as “somewhat crude”; the absence of the sledge could be merely an artistic oversight, or even the result of concern for fitting the entire scene into the narrowregister. 94. RenévanWalsem,“TheTombofMeryneithatSaqqara.Results of the Dutch Mission 2001–2003,” Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 14(2003):117–134,pl.12. 95. Norman de Garis Davies, Alan H. Gardiner, and Nina de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia in the Reign of Tutankhamun (No. 40) (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1926),pl.XVIII. 96. FirstproposedverybrieflyinNoreenDoyle,“Iconographyandthe Interpretation of Ancient Egyptian Watercra” (master’s thesis, Texas A&M University, 1998), nautarch.tamu.edu/eses/pdffiles/Doyle-MA1998.pdf (accessed December 16, 2008), 32. If
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P. P. Creasman and N. Doyle | Overland Boat Transportation Huy’sisnotadepictionofaslipway,itcouldinsteadbeavisual manifestationofaboastencountered,forexample,inautobiographies in which the tomb-owner specifies that he has built watercraforaparticulartaskappointedtohimbytheking—see,e.g., the inscription at Qubbet al-Hawa in the tomb of Sabni, which states: “e majesty of my lord sent me to construct two great barges in Wawat so as to ship two great obelisks north to Heliopolis” (Strudwick 2005, 339; also Roccati 1982, 214–215; Lichtheim1988,17). 97. Karl Martin, “Obelisks: Quarrying, Transporting and Erecting,” in Bard, Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt,587–589; Arnold1991,273–275. 98. Martin1999,588;SomersClarkeandReginaldEngelbach,Ancient Egyptian Construction and Architecture (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress,1930),34. 99. Arnold1991,275.Notethateventhecolossusbeingtransportedin ascenefromthetombofDjehutyhotep(Figure2),estimatedto have weighed about sixty tons (Clarke and Engelbach 1930, 85), wasmovedonasledgewithoutrollers. 100. SeeNour,Iskander,Osman,andMoustafa1960;Abubakrand Moustafa 1971; Lipke 1984; Lipke 1985; Steffy 1994, 24–28; Ward2000,47–60;Mark2009). 101. Mark2009,133.RowenaGale,PeterGasson,NigelHepper,and GeoffreyKillen,“Wood,”inPaulNicholsonandIanShaw(eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 334–371, offer a figure of 40 tons“displacement.”However,displacementis“theweightof a vessel and all of its burden” (Steffy 1994, 251–252; emphasis added).eKhufuIvesselcouldhaveheldfargreater;thefigure of 40 tons displacement is too low. It is, in any case, extremely unlikelythatsuchalargevesselwouldbetransportedoverlandas asingleunit,giventhestressesthatwouldbeplacedonthehull whenremovedfromthewater. 102. Jean-Pierre Corteggiani, e Egypt of the Pharaohs at the Cairo Museum (London:Scala,1987),92–93,no.53. 103. Arnold1991,275. 104. Ricardo A. Caminos, “Fragments of the ‘Book of the Dead’ on Linen and Papyrus,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 56 (1970): 117–131.Pointingtotheunusualnumberofcirclesbeneaththe sledge,Caminospreferedtointerpretthemasrollers. 105. Partridge1996,76;similarly,theuseofwheeledvehiclesatDeir el-Medina is said to “rarely have occurred, if ever” (Jacques J. Janssen, Donkeys at Deir el-Medîna [Leiden: Instituut voor het NabijeOosten,2005],74). 106. DaviespointedoutthewheelsinelKabscenein1926,112. 107. SaqqaratombofKaemhesit.WolfgangHelck,“Rad,”inW.Helk andEberhardOtto(eds.),Lexikon der Ägyptologie V.1 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1983), 76–78; Yigael Yadin, Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands in the Light of Archaeological Discovery (London: WeidenfeldandNicholson,1963),147. 108. KennethA.Kitchen,“AnUnusualStelafromAbydos,”Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 47(1961):10–18. 109. Kitchen1961,13.
110. M.A.LittauerandJ.H.Crouwel,Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals in the Ancient Near East (Leiden:E.J.Brill,1979),8and also 35, where the authors propose that wagons developed from sledgesonrollers. 111. For examples, see Cyril Aldred, “An Unusual Fragment of New Kingdom Relief,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 15 (1956): 150–152,pl.XVII;Yadin1963,188–189,210–211. 112. DonaldB.Redford,e Akhenaten Temple Project Volume 2: RwdMnw, Foreigners, and Inscriptions (Toronto: Akhenaten Temple Project,1988),10,pl.31. 113. Robert Mond and Oliver H. Myers, The Bucheum III: The Plates (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1934), pl. CIX.1; ÉtienneDrioton,Encyclopédie photographique de l’art: Le Musée du Caire: Photographies inédites d’André Vigneau (Paris: Éditions“Tel,”1949),pl.192,no.192,46. 114. JosephJohnTylor,Wall Drawings and Monuments of El Kab: e Tomb of Sebeknekht (London:EgyptExplorationFund,1896),4, pl.II.FortheplacementofthisSobeknakhtinthechronologyof the Seventeenth Dynasty, see Chris Bennett, “A Genealogical ChronologyoftheSeventeenthDynasty,”Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 39(2002):123–155. 115. Davies1926,112;vanWalsem1997,229. 116. Tylor1896,4;Davies1926. 117. GuyBruntonandReginaldEngelbach,Gurob (London:Bernard Quaritch, 1927), pl. LII; Angela P. omas, Gurob: A New Kingdom Town (Warminster: Aris & Philips, 1981), 1:86, no. 747;2:pl.56,no.747;Wachsmann,e Gurob Ship Model (CollegeStation:TexasA&MUniversityPress,forthcoming). 118. Emma Brunner-Traut, “Spielzeug,” in Wolfgang Helk and Eberhard Otto (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie V.8 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1984), 1152–1156; omas 1921, 1, 86. See Wachsmann,forthcoming,foradifferentinterpretation. 119. Foradiscussionoftheserepresentations,seeRenévanWalsem,e Coffin of Djedmonthuiufankh in the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1997),226–231;seealsoWachsmann,forthcoming. 120. LittauerandCrouwel1979,112. 121. Karl Heinrich Dittmann, “Der Segelwagen von Medinet Madi,” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 10(1941):60–78,pl.16. 122. Dittmann1941,62–64,abb.2. 123. Forfurtherdiscussion,seeDittmann1941,65. 124. Friedrich Wilhelm von Bissing, Ein ebanischer Grabfund aus dem anfang des neuen reichs. Neudruck der Ausgabe (Berlin: A. Duncker,1900),19–22,Taf.IX.2a–k,X. 125. Forthespokesofchariotwheelsandthesignificanceoftheirnumber, see James K. Hoffmeier, “Observations on the Evolving Chariot Wheel in the 18th Dynasty,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 13(1976):43–45. 126. MohamedSalehandHourigSourouzian,e Egyptian Museum, Cairo: Official Catalogue (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1987),no.123. 127. Doyle1998,122.
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P. P. Creasman and N. Doyle | Overland Boat Transportation 128. Whether these crewmen are rowing or paddling (among other detailsofthesilvermodel)issubjecttodebate;forasummary,see Wachsmann,forthcoming. 129. Alistofexamples,withdiscussion,canbefoundinvanWalsem 1997,225–239;seealsoWachsmann,forthcoming. 130. Abdel Moneim Abubakr, “Divine Boats of Ancient Egypt,” Archaeology 8 (1955): 93–95; S. Wachsmann, “Sailing into Egypt’s Past: Does a Celebration of Luxor’s Patron Saint Echo Ancient Pharaonic Traditions?” Archaeology 55.4 (July/August 2002): 36–39; S. Wachsmann, “e Moulid of Abu el Haggag: A Contemporary Boat Festival in Egypt,” in Harry Tzalas (ed.), Tropis VII, Proceedings of the 7th International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity (Athens: Hellenic Institute for the Preservation of Ship Construction in Antiquity), 2:821–835; Wachsmann,forthcoming. 131. Archaizingmightalsoaccountfortheproliferationofdisk(rather than spoked) wheels on many funerary vehicles. e Egyptians employeddeliberatearchaicformsinwatercra,mostnotablygiving wooden hulls the pretense of being ras by means of papyriform finials, but also, more elaborately, in rigging: see Noreen Doyle,“ePersistenceoftheBipodMastandtheTransienceof the Tripod” (paper presented at the Fiy-Seventh Annual MeetingoftheAmericanResearchCenterinEgypt,2006). 132. N.Cherpion,J.-P.Corteggiani,andJ.-Fr.Gaout.Le tombeau de Pétosiris à Touna el-Gebel. Relevé photographique (Cairo:l’Institut françaisd’archéologieorientale,2007),134–135(scene92,6). 133. e depiction is vaguely visually reminiscent of a funerary cart appearinginavignettedrawnonlinen(BM10265),inwhichthe cart body appears as a cross-hatched area between the wheels (Kristensen1919,272,fig.6;Göttlicher1992,69,abb.40). 134. Adriaan de Buck, Egyptian Readingbook: Exercises and Middle Egyptian Texts (Leyden:NederlandschArchaeologisch-Philologiscal Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten, 1948), 1–2, 58; Donald B.
Redford, e Wars in Syria and Palestine of utmose III (Leiden: Brill,2003),106–107;R.O.Faulkner,“eEuphratesCampaignof utmosis III,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 32 (1946): 39–42; Georg Steindorf, “Stele utmosis’ III. Vom Gebel Barkal,” in Wolfgang Helck (ed.), Urkunden der 18. Dynastie: historische Inschrien utmosis’ III und Amenophis’ II (Leipzig:Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung, 1955), 1227–1368; George Andrew Reisner and MaryB.Reisner,“InscribedMonumentsofGebelBarkalPart2.e GraniteStelaofutmosisIII,”Zeitschri für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 69(1933):24–39. 135. Jones1988,215–216(VI.39). 136. Jones1988,131–132(II.14,II.15). 137. Faulkner1946,40. 138. One example is TT17 (Nebamun); see Richard B. Parkinson, The Painted Tomb-Chapel of Nebamun (London: British MuseumPress,2008);Yadin1963,210.Asecondexampleisa faiencefragment(chariotinvineyard);seeYadin1963,188. 139. Davies, Gardiner, and Davies 1926, 24, pl. XXIII, XXVII, XXVIII(Nubian). 140. SeeA.ErmanandW.Grapow,Wörterbuch der ägyptische Sprache (Berlin:Akademie-Verlag,1926)1:334;compareuseoftheword in O. Cairo 25 543, which makes reference to a “she-ass of the wagon”(Janssen2005,74). 141. Walter Wreszinski, Atlas zur altaegyptischen Kulturgeschichte II (Leipzig:J.C.Hinrichs’-schen,1935),Taf.22,23,82,92,92a,93, 94,169,170;Yadin1963,107–109. 142. FromTT125,datingtothereignofHatshepsut;seeCyrilAldred, “AnUnusualFragmentofNewKingdomRelief,”Journal of Near Eastern Studies 15(1956):150–152,pl.XVII. 143. Faulkner 1946, 40. Vinson (1994, 44) suggests that the army brought“prefabricatedboats”withthemfortherivercrossing. 144. Yadin1963,454. 145. Creasman2005,tables1–5and7–11.
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