Cognitive and Affective Development in Adolescence - Laurence Steinberg

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TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences  Vol.9 No.2 February 2005

Cognitive and affective development in adolescence Laurence Steinberg Department of Psychology, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA 19122, USA

Questions about the nature of normative and atypical develop developmen mentt in adolesc adolescenc ence e have have taken taken on specia speciall signifi significan cance ce in the last last few years, years, as scient scientist ists s have have begun to recast old portraits of adolescent behavior in the light of new knowledge about brain development. Adolescence is often a period of especially heightened vulnerability as a consequence of potential disjunctions betwee between n develo developin ping g brain, brain, behavi behaviora orall and cognit cognitive ive system systems s that that mature mature along along differ different ent timeta timetable bles s and under under the contro controll of both both common common and indepe independe ndent nt biological biological processes. processes. Taken together, together, these developdevelopments reinforce the emerging understanding of adolescence cence as a critic critical al or sensit sensitive ive period period for a reorga reorganiz nizati ation on of regulatory systems, a reorganization that is fraught with both risks and opportunities.

Introduction   Adole Adolesce scence nce is charac character terize ized d by an increa increased sed need need to regulate affect and behavior in accordance with long-term goals goals and conseq consequen uences ces,, often often at a distan distance ce from from the adults who provided regulatory structure and guidance during childhood. childhood. Because Because developing developing brain, brain, behavioral behavioral and cognitive systems mature at different rates and under the control of both common and independent independent biological biological proces processes ses,, this this period period is often often one of increa increased sed vulner vulner-ability and adjustment. Accordingly, normative development ment in adoles adolescen cence ce can profita profitably bly be unders understoo tood d with with respect to the coordination of emotional, intellectual and behavioral proclivities and capabilities, and psychopathology in adolescence may be reflective of difficulties in this coordination process. The notion that adolescence is a heightened period of    vuln vulnera erabil bility ity specifi specifical cally ly becaus because e of gaps gaps betwee between n emotio emotion, n, cognit cognition ion and behavi behavior or has import important ant impliimplication cationss for our unders understan tandin ding g of many many aspect aspectss of both both normative and atypical development during this period of  the life-span. With respect to normative development, for instance, this framework is helpful in understanding age differ differenc ences es in judgme judgment nt and decisi decisionon-mak making ing,, in riskrisktaking, taking, and in sensationsensation-seeki seeking ng [1] [1].. With ith resp respec ectt to atypical development, the framework helps us to understand why adolescence can be a time of increased risk for the onset of a wide wide range range of emotio emotional nal and behavi behaviora orall problems, including depression, violent delinquency and substance abuse [2] [2].. ([email protected]). Corresponding Corresponding author: Steinberg, L. ([email protected]).  Available online 23 December 2004 www.sciencedirect.com

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Questions about the nature of normative and atypical development in adolescence have taken on special significance in the last few years as scientists have begun to recast old portraits of adolescent psychological development in light of new knowledge about adolescent brain development. Recent discoveries in the area of developmental neuroscience have stimulated widespread scientific tific and and popu popula larr inte intere rest st in the the stud study y of brai brain n development development during adolescence adolescence,, as well as substantia substantiall speculation about the connections between brain maturation and adolescents’ behavioral and emotional development. Indeed, the topic has garnered such widespread public interest that it was the subject of a recent cover story in Time magazine aimed at parents of teenagers [3] [3],, and was raised in arguments submitted in late 2004 to the Unit United ed Stat States es Supre Supreme me Cour Courtt in conn connect ectio ion n with with the Court’s consideration of the constitutionality of the  juvenile death penalty [4] [4].. Brain development in adolescence  As reviewed in the accompanying article by Paus [5] there is growing evidence that maturational brain processes are continui continuing ng well through through adolesc adolescence ence.. Even Even relativ relatively ely simple structural measures, such as the ratio of whiteto-gray to-gray matter matter in the brain, brain, demonst demonstrate rate large-sc large-scale ale changes into the late teen-age years [6–8] [6–8].. The impact of  this continued maturation on emotional, intellectual and behavioral development has yet to be thoroughly studied, but there is considerable evidence that the second decade of life is a period of great activity with respect to changes in brain brain structure structure and function, function, especially especially in regions regions and system systemss associ associate ated d with with respon response se inhibi inhibitio tion, n, the calicalibrati bration on of risk risk and and reward reward,, and and emoti emotion on regul regulati ation. on. Contra Contrary ry to earlie earlierr belief beliefss about about brain brain matura maturatio tion n in adole adolesc scenc ence, e, this this acti activi vity ty is not not limi limite ted d to the earl early y adolescent period, nor is it invariably linked to processes of pubertal maturation (Figure (Figure 1). 1). Two particular observations about brain development in adoles adolescen cence ce are especi especiall ally y pertin pertinent ent to our underunderstanding of psychological development during this period. First, much brain development during adolescence is in the particular brain regions and systems that are key to the the regu regula lati tion on of beha behavi vior or and and emot emotio ion n and and to the the perception and evaluation of risk and reward. Second, it appears that changes in arousal and motivation brought on by pubertal maturation maturation precede precede the development development of  regula regulator tory y compe competen tence ce in a manner manner that that create createss a disjunction between the adolescent’s affective experience

2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.tics.2004.12.005

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Early adolescence

Middle adolescence

Late adolescence

Puberty heightens emotional arousability, sensation-seeking, reward orientation

Period of heightened vulnerability to risk-taking and problems in regulation of affect and behavior

Maturation of frontal lobes facilitates regulatory competence

TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences 

Figure 1. It has been speculated that the impact of puberty on arousal and motivation occurs before the maturation of the frontal lobes is complete. This gap may create a period of heightened vulnerability to problems in the regulation of affect and behavior, which might help to explain the increased potential in adolescence for risk-taking, recklessness, and the onset of emotional and behavioral problems.

and his or her ability to regulate arousal and motivation. To the extent that the changes in arousal and motivation preced precede e the develo developme pment nt of regula regulator tory y compet competenc ence e – a reason reasonab able le specu specula lati tion on,, but but one one that that has has yet yet to be confirmed – the developments of early adolescence may well create a situation in which one is starting an engine without without yet having having a skilled skilled driver behind the wheel [9] [9].. Cognitive development in adolescence Until recently, much of the work on adolescent cognitive deve develo lopm pmen entt was was devo devote ted d to a sear search ch for for a core core mech mechan anis ism m that could account parsimoniously for broad changes in adolescent thinking [10] [10].. After nearly 50 years of searching, ing, what what has has emer emerge ged d inst instea ead d is the the nece necess ssit ity y of an integr integrate ated d accoun account. t. What What lies lies at the core core of adoles adolescen centt cognitive development is the attainment of a more fully conscious, conscious, self-direct self-directed ed and self-regula self-regulating ting mind[10] mind [10].. This This is achie achieve ved d princ princip ipal ally ly throu through gh the the asse assemb mbly ly of an advance advanced d ‘executi ‘executive ve suite’ suite’ of capabil capabilitie itiess [11] [11],, rathe ratherr than than throug through h specifi specificc advanc advanceme ement nt in any one of the consti constitue tuent nt elemen elements. ts. This This repres represent entss a major major shift shift in prevailing views of adolescent cognition, going beyond the search for underlying elements [12] that are formed and operate largely outside awareness.   As Keating [10] has noted, the plausibility of such an integrative account has been substantially enhanced by recent major advances in the neurosciences [6–8,13–18] [6–8,13–18],, in compara comparative tive neuroa neuroanat natomy omy across across closely closely relate related d primat primate e specie speciess that that illumi illuminat nate e core core issues issues of human human cognitive cognitive evolution evolution [10,19] [10,19],, and and in a deep deepen ened ed unde underrstanding of the critical role of culture and context in the shaping of cognitive and brain development [11,20] [11,20].. Much of the underlyin underlying g action action is focuse focused d on specifi specificc develo developpments ments in the prefro prefronta ntall cortex cortex,, but but with with an equa equall lly y signifi significan cantt role role for rapidl rapidly y expand expanding ing linkag linkages es to the whole brain [11,15,21] [11,15,21].. This complex process of assembly is supp suppor orte ted d by incr increa easi sing ngly ly rapi rapid d conn connec ecti tivi vity ty (through (through continued continued myelination myelination of nerve fibers), particula ticularly rly in commun communica icatio tion n among among differ different ent brain brain regio regions, ns, and and by signi significa ficant nt and and local localiz ized ed syna synapti pticc prunin pruning, g, especi especiall ally y in fronta frontall areas areas that that are crucia cruciall to executive functioning [6–8,18] [6–8,18].. www.sciencedirect.com

Whateve Whateverr the underlyi underlying ng processe processes, s, during during early early adolescence, individuals show marked improvements in reasoning reasoning (especially (especially deductive deductive reasoning), reasoning), information information processing (in both efficiency and capacity), and expertise. These conclusions derive from studies of age differences in logical reasoning on tasks in which participants are asked to solve verbal analogies or analyze logical propositions; basic basic cognit cognitive ive proces processes ses,, such such shortshort- or long-t long-term erm memory; memory; and in specialize specialized d knowledge knowledge [10] [10].. There has been broad consensus for more than 25 years that, as a result of these gains, individuals become more capable of  abstract abstract,, multidi multidimens mension ional, al, planned planned and hypothe hypothetica ticall thinking as they develop from late childhood into middle adolescence (less is known about cognitive changes during late adolescence). No research in the past several decades has challenge this conclusion. Implications of new brain maturation research for adolescent cognitive development   After a rather lengthy period during the late 1980s and early early 1990 1990s, s, when when the study study of adole adolesc scent ent cogni cognitiv tive e devel developm opmen entt was was more more or less less mori moribu bund nd,, inte intere rest st in intellectual intellectual development development during adolescence adolescence has been revitalized in recent years in two ways. First, researchers in the field of developmental neuroscience began to direct attention to the study of structural and functional aspects of brain development during early adolescence [6,8,13,22] [6,8,13,22].. These studies have pointed both to significant growth and significant significant change in multiple multiple regions of the prefrontal cortex throughout throughout the course of adolescence adolescence,, especially especially with with respec respectt to proces processes ses of myelin myelinati ation on and synapt synaptic ic prunin pruning g (both (both of which which increa increase se the effici efficienc ency y of inforinformation processing) [8,17,23] [8,17,23].. These changes are believed to underg undergird ird improv improveme ements nts in variou variouss aspect aspectss of execut executive ive functioning functioning,, including including long-term long-term planning, planning, metacognit metacognition, ion, self-evalua self-evaluation, tion, self-regula self-regulation tion and the coordinatio coordination n of  affect and cognition [10] [10].. Most research research has focused on age differences in skills known to be related to functioning in the dorsolateral region of the prefrontal cortex, such as those involving working memory, spatial working memory and planning planning [24–26] [24–26],, but two recent recent studie studiess [27,28] indicate as well that adolescence is a time of improvement

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in abilities that have been linked to functioning in the   ventromedial prefrontal cortex, such as the calibration of  risk and reward (Box (Box 1). 1). In addi additi tion on,, adol adoles esce cenc nce e appe appear arss to be a time time of  improved connectivity between regions of the prefrontal cortex and several areas of the limbic system, a restructuring that further affects the ways in which individuals evaluate and respond to risk and reward [22,29] [22,29].. Whether and to what extent these changes in brain structure and function are linked to processes of pubertal maturation is not known. known. Some Some aspect aspectss of brain brain develo developme pment nt are coincident with, and likely linked to, neuroendocrinological changes occurring at the time of puberty, but others appear appear to tak take e place place along along a differ different ent,, and later later,, timeta timetable ble.. Dise Disent ntan angl glin ing g the the first first set set from from the the seco second nd is an impo import rtan antt challenge for the field [9] [9].. It is also important to note that there are relatively few studies of developmental changes in brain function (as opposed to structure) in adolescence, and that conclusions conclusions about the putative putative links between changes in cognitive performance and changes in brain Box 1. Age differences in ventromedial functioning The most most widely widely used task task in the assess assessmen mentt of ventro ventromed media iall functioning is the Iowa Gambling Task [56] [56].. Subjects are asked to draw cards from one of four face-down decks; each card provides inform informati ation on on howmuch hasbeenwon andlost on that that draw. draw. Cards Cards fromtwo of thedecksoffer thedecksoffer high high reward rewards, s, but in onedeck therewards therewards are paired either with occasional very high losses, and in the other with frequent modest losses, and continuing to draw from either of  these decks results in a net loss over time. By contrast, cards from the other two decks offer low rewards, but these are paired either with frequent small losses, or sporadic, sporadic, but modest, modest, losses, and these decks lead to net gains over time. Researche Researchers rs monitor monitor individua individuals’ ls’ pattern pattern of card selection selection over numerous trials. Healthy adults typically begin by drawing from the decks at random, then gradually increase their pulls from the ‘good’ decks and decrease their pulls from the ‘bad’ decks. The notable exceptions to this pattern are patients with lesions to the ventromedial medial prefrontal prefrontal cortex, individua individuals ls with substance abuse problems, blems, and indivi individua duals ls who report report high high levels levels of risk-t risk-taki aking ng in everyday life, all of whom persist in drawing from the ‘bad’ decks despite the net losses that result. Only recently have studies examined age differences on the Iowa Gambling Task. In one study [27] of four age groups – 6–9 year-olds, year-olds, 10–12 year-olds, 13–15 year-olds and 18–25 year-olds – the youngest subjects drew equally from the good and bad decks. The two middle groups showed modest improvement over time; by the final trial block,they block,they were were drawin drawing g fromthe good good decksabout55% decksabout55% and 60%of  the time, respectively. By the final block, however, the young adults were drawing from the good deck nearly 75% of the time, and they began began shifti shifting ng towards towards the good decks decks much much earli earlier er than than the younger groups. Another Another study, study, of 9- to 17-year17-year-olds olds,, also also found found signific significant ant improv improveme ement nt in perfor performan mance ce on this this task task with with age [28] [28].. 14–17 14–17 year-olds drew from the good decks more often than 9–10 year-olds (although not more often than 11–13 year olds) and began shifting to the good decks earlier than did either of the younger groups. The resear researche chers rs also also admini administe stered red two tasks tasks known known to activ activate ate the dorsolatera dorsolaterall prefrontal prefrontal cortex: cortex: a go/no-go go/no-go task, task, which which assesses assesses response inhibition, and a digit span test, which assesses working memory. memory. As expected, expected, performance performance on both dorsolateral dorsolateral tasks improved improved with age. More importantly, importantly, however, however, there were no significant correlations between performance on the ventromedial task and performance on either of the dorsolateral tasks, suggesting that that matura maturatio tion n of the ventro ventromed medial ial prefronta prefrontall cortex cortex may be a developmen developmentall tally y distinct distinct process process from the maturation maturation of other regions of the frontal lobe. www.sciencedirect.com

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structure during adolescence are suggestive, rather than conclusive. Cognitive development in context   A second relatively new direction in research on adolescent cent cognit cognitive ive develo developme pment nt has involv involved ed the study study of  cognitive development as it plays out in its social context and, and, in part partic icul ular ar,, as it affe affects cts the the deve develo lopm pmen entt of    judgment, decision-making and risk-taking [30–35] [30–35].. New perspectives perspectives on adolescent adolescent cognition-in cognition-in-conte -context xt emphasize emphasize that adolescent thinking in the real world is a function of  social and emotional, as well as cognitive, processes, and that a full account of the ways in which the intellectual changes of adolescence affect social and emotional developme opment nt must must exam examin ine e the the ways ways in whic which h affe affect ct and and cognition interact [10] [10].. Studies of adolescents’ reasoning or problem-sol problem-solving ving using laboratory-bas laboratory-based ed measures measures of  intellectual functioning might provide better understanding of adoles adolescen cents’ ts’ potent potential ial compet competenc ence e than than of their their actual performance in everyday settings, where judgment and decisi decision-m on-maki aking ng are likely likely affect affected ed by emotio emotional nal states, social influences and expertise [1] [1].. Thus, whereas studies studies of people’s people’s responses to hypothetica hypotheticall dilemmas dilemmas involving the perception and appraisal of risk show few reliable age differences after middle adolescence, studies of actual actual risk-tak risk-taking ing (e.g. (e.g. risky risky driving, driving, unprotec unprotected ted sexual activity, etc.) indicate that adolescents are significantly more likely likely to to make risky decisions decisions than are adults. adults. One reasonable hypothesis is that adults and adolescents 16 and older share the same logical competencies, but that age differences in social and emotional factors, such as susceptibility to peer influence or impulse control, lead to age differenc differences es in actual actual decision-ma decision-making king [36] [36].. Research that examines developmental changes in cognitive abilities assessed under varying social and emotional conditions conditions (e.g. the same task administered administered under condition ditionss of high high versus versus low affec affectiv tive e arousa arousal, l, or in the presence presence versus versus absence absence of peers) would be potentiall potentially y quite quite inform informati ative, ve, as at least least one study study indica indicates tes that that adolescents’ risk taking is more influenced than that of  adults by the presence of peers [37] (Figure 2). 2). Consistent with findings on the advances in reasoning, characteristic of the transition into adolescence, studies of  social social cognit cognition ion demons demonstra trate te that that the ways ways in which which adolescents adolescents think about about others others becomes becomes more abstract, abstract, more different differentiated iated and more multidimen multidimensiona sionall [38] [38].. More recent recent studie studiess of change changess in socia sociall cognit cognition ion during during adolesce adolescence nce have have attempte attempted d to clarify clarify the conditio conditions ns under which relatively more advanced displays of social cognit cognition ion are likely likely to be seen; seen; to descri describe be gender gender and cultural differences in certain aspects of social cognition, such such as prosoc prosocial ial reason reasoning ing [39,40] or impres impressio sion n forformation [41] [41];; and to examin examine e the links betwee between n social social cognition and social behavior. These studies indicate that patterns of social cognitive development in adolescence, like patterns patterns of cognitive cognitive development development more generally generally,,  vary both as a function of the content under consideration and and the the emot emotio iona nall and and socia sociall cont contex extt in whic which h the the reasoning occurs [38] [38].. For exampl example, e, althoug although h indivi individual duals’ s’ thinkin thinking g about about moral dilemmas becomes more principled over the course

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  s    t   r   a 2.9    t   s   e   r 2.4   y    k   s    i   r 1.9    f   o   r 1.4   e    b   m0.9   u    N

Adolescents Youths Adults

0.4 Alone

With friends TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences 

Figure 2. In a study study designed designed to investig investigate ate age difference differences s in risk-taki risk-taking ng [37] [37],, partici participan pants ts were asked to play play a compute computerize rized d game game in which which they had opportunities to take driving risks, such as continuing to drive after a traffic light had turned turned yellow yellow in order order to drive drive the car further further andearn morepoints.Individual morepoints.Individuals s were randomly assigned to one of two conditions: playing the game alone, or playing it while two friends were watching and giving advice. The graph shows the number of times individuals individuals risked crashing crashing the car by stopping and then restarting it to try to drive a bit further after the yellow light had appeared. Adolescents (aged 13–16), 13–16), youths youths (aged 18–22), 18–22), and adults (aged 24 and older) demonstrated demonstrated equivale equivalent nt degrees degrees of risk-taki risk-taking ng when alone, alone, but in the presence presence of peers, peers, adolescents and youths, but not adults, took more risks.

of adolescence, their reasoning about real-life problems is often not as advanced as their reasoning about hypothetical dilemmas [42] [42].. The correlation between adolescents’ moral reasoning reasoning and their moral behavior behavior is especially especially likely to break down when individuals define issues as person personal al choice choicess rather rather than than ethic ethical al dilemm dilemmas as (for (for instance, when using drugs is seen as a personal matter rather rather than than a moral moral issue) issue) [43] [43].. Similarly Similarly,, when faced with a logical argument, adolescents are more likely to accept faulty reasoning or shaky evidence when they agree with the substanc substance e of the argument argument than when they they do not [44,45].. And, although [44,45] although individuals’ individuals’ ability ability to look at things things from another another person’s person’s perspective perspective increases increases in adolesadolescence, cence, the extent extent to which which this this advanc advanced ed social social perspe perspecti ctive ve taking tak ing transl translate atess into into tolera tolerance nce for others others’’ viewpo viewpoint intss depends depends on the particular issue involved [46] [46].. In other words, adolescents’ social reasoning, like that of adults, is influenced not only by their basic intellectual abilities, but by their desires, motives and interests. Affect and cognition In contrast to most measures of cognitive development in adoles adolescen cence, ce, which which seem seem to correl correlate ate more more closel closely y with with age and and experi experienc ence e rather rather than than the the timin timing g of pube puberta rtall maturation, there is evidence for a specific link between pubertal pubertal maturat maturation ion and developm developmenta entall changes changes in arousal, motivation and emotion. For example, there is evidence evidence that pubertal pubertal development development directly influences influences the development of romantic interest and sexual motivation [47,48] [47,48].. There is also evidence that some changes in emotional intensity and reactivity, such as changes in the frequency and intensity of parent-adolescent conflict, may be more closely linked to pubertal maturation than to age [49].. Some cognitive skills related to human face-proces[49] sing sing have have also also shown shown intri intrigui guing ng alter alterati ation onss in midmidadolescence – an apparent decrement in face processing skills skills that that is associ associate ated d with with sexual sexual matura maturatio tion n (measu (measured red by Tanner staging by physical examinations) rather than www.sciencedirect.com

with age or grade level [50] [50].. A parallel finding has been reported for voice recognition [51] [51].. There There is also also eviden evidence ce that that increa increases ses in sensat sensation ion-seeking, risk-taking and reckless behavior in adolescence are influenced by puberty and not chronological age. For example, in a study by Martin et al. [29] [29],, where sensationseeking and risk behaviors were examined in a large group of young young adolescen adolescents ts aged aged 11 to 14, there there was no significa significant nt correla correlatio tion n betwee between n age and sensat sensation ion-se -seeki eking, ng, but a significant correlation between sensation-seeking and pubertal stage. There is also evidence in animal and human studie studiess suppo supporti rting ng a link link betwee between n increa increasi sing ng level levelss of  reproduct reproductive ive hormones hormones and sensitivi sensitivity ty to social social status status [52,53],, which is consistent with the link between puberty [52,53] and risk-taking risk-taking,, since several influential influential theories of adolesadolescent risk-taking risk-taking [54] sugge suggest st that that at leas leastt some some of this this behavior is done in the service of enhancing one’s standing with peers. Although further research is much needed, it appears that there are important links between pubertal maturation and social information-processing. In some models of the development of affect regulation there there is an explic explicit it emphas emphasis is on cognit cognitive ive system systemss exerti exerting ng control over emotions and emotion-related behavior [55] [55].. Many aspects of affect affect regulation regulation involve involve the ability to inhibit, delay or modify an emotion or its expression in accord accordanc ance e with with some some rules, rules, goals goals or strate strategie gies, s, or to avoid avoid learned negative consequences. However, there is increasing understanding that cognitive-emotional interactions in adoles adolescen cence ce also also unfold unfold in the other other direct direction ion in important ways. Thus, just as cognition has an important impact on emotion, emotion has an important impact on basic cognitive processes, including decision-making and behavioral choice. Decision-making and risk-taking Behavioral data have often made it appear that adolescents cents are poor poor decisi decisionon-mak makers ers (i.e. (i.e. their their high-ra high-rates tes of  participati participation on in dangerous dangerous activities activities,, automobile automobile accidents, drug use and unprotected sex). This led initially to hypoth hypothese esess that that adoles adolescen cents ts had poor poor cognit cognitive ive skills skills relevant relevant to decision-ma decision-making king or that information information about consequences of risky behavior may have been unclear to them [56,57] [56,57].. In contrastto contrastto those those accounts accounts,, however however,, there there is substantial substantial evidence that adolescents engage in dangerous dangerous activities despite knowing knowing and understa understandi nding ng the risks risks involved [29,58,59,60–63] [29,58,59,60–63].. Thus, Thus, in real-l real-life ife situat situation ions, s, adolesce adolescents nts do not simply simply rationa rationally lly weigh weigh the relative relative risks and consequenc consequences es of their behavior behavior – their actions are largely influenced by feelings and social influences[1] influences [1].. In contra contrast st to much much previ previous ous work work on adoles adolescen centt decision-m decision-makin aking g that emphasiz emphasized ed cognitive cognitive processes processes and mainly ignored affective ones, there is now increasing recogni recognitio tion n of the import importanc ance e of emotio emotion n in decisi decisiononmaking [64] [64].. The ‘decision’ to engage in a specific behavior with long-term health consequences – such as smoking a cigare cigarette tte,, drinki drinking ng alcoho alcohol, l, or engagi engaging ng in unprot unprotect ected ed sex – cannot be completely understood within the framework of ‘cold’ ‘cold’ cognit cognitive ive proces processes ses.. (‘Cold (‘Cold’’ cognit cognition ion refers refers to thinking processes under conditions of low emotion and/or arousal whereas ‘hot’ cognition refers to thinking under conditions of strong feelings or high arousal and which

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therefore may be much more important to understanding risky risky choice choicess in real-l real-life ife situat situation ions.) s.) These These affec affectiv tive e influen influences ces are releva relevant nt in many many day-to day-to-da -day y ‘decis ‘decision ions’ s’ that are made at the level of ‘gut-feelings’ regarding what to do in a partic particula ularr situat situation ion (rathe (ratherr than than delibe deliberat rate e thoughts about outcome probabilities or risk value). These ‘gut feelings’ appear to be the products of affective affective systems in the brain that are performing computations that are largely largely outside outside conscious conscious awareness awareness [65,66] [65,66].. How these feelings feelings develop, develop, become become calibrated calibrated during maturation maturation,, and are influenced by particular types of experiences at particular points in development are only beginning to be studied studied within within the framework framework of affectiv affective e neuroscienc neuroscience e [29].. It does, however, [29] however, appear appear that puberty and sexual sexual maturation have important influences on at least some aspects of affective influences on behavior through new drives, motivations and intensity of feelings, as well as new new exper experie ience ncess that that evoke evoke stron strong g feeli feeling ngss (such (such as developing romantic involvement) [67,68] [67,68].. The development of regulatory competence During the adolescent transition, regulatory systems are gradually brought under the control of central executive functions, with a special focus on the interface of cognition and emotion. Two Two important important observations observations are especially especially importan important. t. The firstis that that the developm development ent of an integra integrated ted and consciously controlled ‘executive suite’ of regulatory regulatory capacities capacities is a lengthy process. Yet, Yet, adolescents adolescents confront major, major, emotionally emotionally laden life dilemmas dilemmas from f rom a relatively relatively early age – an age that has become progressively younger over historic time due to the decline in the age of pubertal onset and in the age at which a wide range of choices are thrust upon young people, as well as a decline in the active monitoring of adolescents by parents as a result of changes in family composition composition and labor force participation. The second observation is that the acquisition of a fully coordin coordinated ated and control controlled led set of executi executive ve functio functions ns occurs relatively relatively later in development development [10] [10].. As such, it is less less likely likely to be canali canalized zed (to the same same degree degree as, say, say, early early language language acquisitio acquisition), n), leaving leaving greater greater opportuniti opportunities es for subopti suboptimal mal traject trajectori ories. es. These These subopti suboptimal mal pattern patternss of  develop development ment tak take e many many differe different nt forms, forms, cluster clusterss of  which which are associ associate ated d with with broad broad catego categorie riess of psycho psycho-pathology, such as the excessive down-regulation of mood and motiva motivatio tion n that that charac character terize izess many many intern internali alizin zing g difficulties, or the inadequate control of arousal that is associated with a wide range of risky behaviors typically seen as externalizing problems. Concluding comments Like early childhood, adolescence may well be a sensitive or critical developmental period for both normative and maladaptiv maladaptive e patterns patterns of developmen developmentt [69–71] [69–71].. Severa Severall aspects of development during this period are especially significant in this regard, among them: the role of puberty in a fundamental restructuring of many body systems and as an influence influence on social social informat information ion-pro -process cessing ing;; the appare apparent nt conce concentr ntrati ation on of change changess in the adol adolesc escen entt brain in the prefrontal cortex (which serves as a governor of cognition and action) together with the enhanced interregional regional communicat communication ion between between the prefrontal prefrontal cortex www.sciencedirect.com

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and other brain regions; and the evidence for substantial synaptic pruning and for non-trivial physiological reversibility of behavioral and neuroendocrine patterns arising from early developmen developmental tal experiences experiences.. Taken Taken together together,, these developments reinforce the emerging understanding of adolescence as a critical or sensitive period for a reorganiza reorganization tion of regulatory regulatory systems, systems, a reorganizat reorganization ion that is fraught fraught with both risks and opportunities opportunities [10] [10].. As we look to the future of research on cognitive and affective develo developme pment nt in adoles adolescenc cence, e, the challe challenge nge facing facing researchers will be integrating research on psychological, neuropsychologi neuropsychological cal and neurobiologica neurobiologicall development. development. What we now have are interesting pieces of a complicated puzzle, but the pieces have yet to be fit together in a way that moves the field out of the realm of speculation and towards some measure of certainty. Acknowledgements Many of the ideas expressed in this article grew out of the work of the MacArth MacArthur ur Foundat Foundation ion Researc Research h Network Network on Psychopa Psychopathol thology ogy and Development. I am especially grateful to Ron Dahl, Dan Keating, David Kupfer Kupfer,, Ann Masten Masten and Danny Pine Pine for their contri contribut bution ionss to the enterprise. Thanks also to Marnia Davis for bibliographic assistance.

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