Cleopatra 'the Syrian' and a Couple of Rebels- Their Images, Iconography, And Propaganda

American Research Center in Egypt Cleopatra "the Syrian" and a Couple of Rebels: Their Images, Iconography, and Propaganda Author(s): Wendy Cheshire Source: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, Vol. 45 (2009), pp. 349-391

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"the Syrian" and a Couple of Rebels: Cleopatra Their Images, Iconography, and Propaganda Wendy

Cheshire

Abstract Following upon theacme ofPtolemaic political domination, economicprosperityand

cultural

development

in the third century,

a

seven-year-old

child

inherited

the Egyptian

thronein 204 BC, opening thewayfor several ambitious outsiders toviefor defacto power in the land. It shall be attempted in thefollowing to identifythefaces and monuments of a few of the lead players inEgypt's unstable regimeduring thereign ofPtolemy V and his Syrian bride,Cleopatra I, and todemonstratetheworth of theseobjectsas political pro paganda

in a society

increasingly

fraught

with

ethnic

tensions.

The political landscape into which Ptolemy V was born in 212 was already sown with the seeds of a social uprising. The boy's father, Ptolemy IV, had designated him in infancy as his successor, but the sudden death of the king in the summer of 2041 and the mysterious murder of Queen Arsinoe III

shortly thereafter left the young throne heir as an orphan with no capability to rule.2 The boy came under the guardianship of two scheming courtiers, Sosibius and Agathocles, according to Polybius at the behest of a fictive testament of their own making.3 After the death of Philopator, with a child sta mercenaries nominally on the throne, the two guardians paid the throng of Greco-Macedonian reassure as twomonths advance wages to the tran tioned inAlexandria them and keep them in place tactics of governing were implemented. Previously to the interim leaders were exe and abroad, suspected opponents cuted.4 The aging Sosibius died shortly thereafter, and the brutality and ineptness of the remaining co-ruler, coupled with widespread suspicion that, in particular, the late queen had been murdered, led to an organized mob lynching of Agathocles along with his family and close allies in 203. The

sition regime became established. prominent officials were deployed

Scorched-earth

eight-year-old Ptolemy was then transferred to the guardianship of two other courtiers, Tlepolemus and Sosibius (the son of the recently deceased guardian, Sosibius), and, from 201 until his attainment of majority and his coronation in 197/6, of the illustrious military leader Aristomenes.5

1 Werner

death between v.Chr. (Munich, 2001), 470, on the date of Philopator's HuB, Agypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 332-30 A and of cf. Gunther 149f., n. 38. All dates in 204; Holbl, 2001), History of thePtolemaic Empire (London, mid-July mid-August this study are BC unless otherwise noted. 2 s.v. "Ptolemaios RE 23 (1959), cols. 1691-1702 (23)" (Hans Volkmann). 3 15. 25; HuB, Agypten, 450, 474f.; Holbl, History, 127ff., 134. Polybius 4 HuB, Agypten, 476. 5 is related in great detail by Polybius, 15. 25. Giinter Grimm, "Verbrannte Pharaonen?" The entire scandal-ridden episode an events material. The illustrative archaeological 28 (1997), 233-49, esp. 233-35, alongside gives analysis of the of the events given by Polybius is clearly biased against Ptolemy IV and his clique; cf. Holbl, History, 133. HuB, Agypten, a reconstruction account of events. of the sequence also regarding Polybius' skeptically, offers

AntWelt version 474f.,

350 JARCE 45 (2009) In the interim period of his nominal rule as a child, Ptolemy V was to the populace and presented through imposing gold octadrachms silver tetradrachms bearing his portrait on the obverse and an eagle on

BASILEOS the reverse, encircled by the legend PTOLEMAIOU a domed fore (fig. I).6 The portrait's clear, simple lines, outlining head, onto which fall thin locks of fine, straight hair, a narrow,

the nose, a huge round eye and a tinymouth, communicate a a in of little clad the of frail, monarch?chiton, image boy, regalia chlamys and the Hellenistic royal fillet. On some issues the diadem is

pointed

decorated

with grain (fig. 1), while on other issues the boy wears a that appears to be interlaced with sprigs of wheat.7 At

radiate diadem 1. Silver Tetradrachm, Fig. Ptolemy V. New York, American Numismatics

Society 1961.152.655. the American

Numismatic

Courtesy of Society.

the same time were minted, evidently for a short pe approximately riod only, gold octadrachms and silver tetradrachms with the por traits of his recently deceased and parents, Ptolemy Philopator

or not one or both of the Philo Philopator.8 Thus, whether were had been in grand style commemorated murdered, patores they only a few years later. the theory that the splendid gold and silver coins were first issued by Sosibius Arsinoe

Kyrieleis9 advanced in 204/3 as payment for the troops' loyalty. Grimm10 objected and Agathocles that these emissions in power, could not possibly have been minted before the demise of the two scheming opportunists no who had and quite possibly had murdered IV and loyalist intentions whatsoever Ptolemy

court and mercenaries III. Destined primarily for members of the Alexandrian in service to the crown, with an explicit propagandistic message in support of the continuity of the Ptolemaic line, the coins must have been minted after the execution of Agathocles in late 203 to assure the populace one of the that the monarchy was not in jeopardy.11 These imposing coins were, then, intended by interim leaders to make a statement of a fresh beginning after the disastrous tyranny of succeeding

Arsinoe

Sosibius Not

and Agathocles. only was the survival of the Ptolemaic

upon the death of Ptolemy Philopator, but serious social unrest sparked by anti-Greek factions plagued the countryside as well. No doubt Polybius accurately assessed the situation, recognizing that domestic troubles had when IV for first time in the recruited, begun Ptolemy significant numbers, Egyptian soldiers to aid III at Raphia the Greco-Macedonian forces in defeating Antiochus in 217.12 The Ptolemaic victory

was due

b

in major

Ioannes

25; 42, 7.9-43;

Nikolaos

in Alexandria

dynasty

part to the effort of the Egyptians,

threatened

but the ensuing

political

developments

must

II, 175-83; III, pis. 41, 19.21.23 Svoronos, Ta nomismata ton kratous tonPtolemaion (Athenai, 1904-1908) Ptolemaios' V. und seiner Eltern/'/ZM/ 88 (1973), 213-46, Helmut Kyrieleis, "Die Portratmunzen esp. idem, Bildnisse der Ptolemaer (Berlin, 1975), 52, pi. 40; Grimm, "Verbrannte Pharaonen?" fig. 3a.

43, 3.6.8.13;

figs. 3, 5-6, 8-11; Ta nomismata, II, 176f.; Ill, pi. 41, nn. 15-18. Some issues on which the king's portrait is a bit plumper Svoronos, (pi. 41, nos. 15, 17) a few years older, but the sequence of of the coins is not, to date, entirely certain. The conclusions might show him in his monumental inaccuracies Svoronos for this period and continue work, despite all his important insights, contain numerous 218,

'

to be revised inmore recent publications. 8 230-43, 233, 246, figs, la, 2a. Kyrieleis, "Portratmunzen," figs. 20-27, 30-34; Grimm, "Verbrannte Pharaonen?" 9 "Portratmunzen," 213ff., figs. Iff., esp. 236-38, 242-43; idem, Bildnisse, 52; Hu6, Agypten, 476, n. 23, disagrees for reasons of see further his n. 9. chronology; 10 "Verbrannte Pharaonen?" AntWelt 28 (1977), 453-59, 245f., 249, n. 79; idem, "Der Ring des Aristomenes," esp. 458f. 11 states explicitly the mistrust concern that Tlepolemos had regarding Agathocles's for the young (15. 25-31) Polybius

intentions of Aristomenes king's welfare and the honorable period, caution must be used regarding some of the author's 12 Polybius 5.107, 2-3; HuG, Agypten,

towards

prejudicial

the crown. As accounts;

this is the only detailed

see n. 5.

source

for the

CHESHIRE

351

as crass to the native populace have appeared ingratitude. After the war, all significant governing power was immediately returned to the Greco-Macedonian military aristocracy. R W. Pestman,13 re events to the of and sequence constructing leading up during the native revolts, cited incidents of as as unrest internal A rebellion of 213. sporadic early significant proportions erupted in 207/6 that, according to an inscription at Edfu,14 forced work on the decoration of the temple there to be halted. In 215/4, as part of a program tomake his great-grandparents, Ptolemy I and Berenice I, dynastic gods at the head of what was, essentially, the Thirty-First Egyptian Dynasty, Ptolemy IV installed a

second college of eponymous priests of the Ptolemies, parallel to the priesthood inAlexandria, in the town of as I cultic Soter received honors Ptolemais.15 the There, Upper Egyptian Ptolemy already founder?hews ktistes?of the city,16which had a polls structure with an autonomous Greek system of Philopator also transferred there from Thebes all the top administration of Upper oikonomos, basilikos grammateus, Egypt: the strategos (who later became epistrategos of the Thebaid), ton and the The addition of hierdn.18 eponymous priests of the Ptolemies sitologos, trapezites, epistates administration.17

drew prestige to thatminor locality as a pro-Alexandrian foil to the Amun priests of Thebes. Resis tance in Thebes is revealed in the dating formula in contracts drawn up by scribes of the local Amun the "eponymous priests of the Ptolemies in Ptolemais."19 Thebes priests omitting a clause mentioning had broken away from the Macedonian rule, but there is no evidence that the Ptolemies ever relin

quished control over Ptolemais during the period of the Upper Egyptian rebellion.20 Superficially as a topographical entity n Thebes kept its venerable tradition in the integrity of the Thebaid (pi ts Nw.t)21 but in reality most of its governing and fiscal powers had been stripped away. There were undoubtedly various causes for the social unrest in the Thebaid, and Polybius is not to was primarily all them. have been informed about the revolt of that likely suggested Vandorpe22 triggered by a "decline in living conditions," while Holbl23 cited the taxes imposed on the populace as a cause. Clearly

the reason

for the success of the native revolt in Upper Egypt was recognized by of the Egyptian population, who had so effectively contributed self-confidence Polybius?the growing to defeat the army of Antiochus at III Raphia.24 Not only had the native Egyptians been empowered at that time to fight the enemy, but they had gained training, weapons in fighting and experience against

the army of another Hellenistic

kingdom. Had

they had any serious grievances

before against

13 on Thebes in Sven P. Vleeming, Thebes. Acts of a Colloquium and Chaonnophris," and ed., Hundred-Gated "Haronnophris the Theban Area in the Graeco-Roman Period. PLBat 27 (Leiden, 1995), 101-37, with reference to earlier literature; also HuB, on the conflict. 504-13, Agypten, 445-49, 14 zur Zeit Ptolemaios' V. Epiphanes, Teil I,"MDAIK "Die agyptischen Tempelbauten 42 (1986), 81-98, esp. Eddy Lanciers, Teil II," MDAIK 43 (1987), 173-82, esp. 180; HuB, Agypten, 444f.; Anne-Emanuelle Veisse, Les "re 94; idem, "Tempelbauten, a la conquete romaine. StudHell voltes egyptiennes": Recherches sur les troubles interieurs en Egypte du regne de Ptolemee IIIEvergete 41 (Leuven, 2004), 14f., 22-26. 15 Gerhard Ptolemais in Agypten. AAWL 18 (1910), in Oberdgypten. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Hellenismus 160; Plaumann, W. Clarysse and G. Van der Veken, The Eponymous Priests ofPtolemaic Egypt. PLBat 24 (Leiden, 1983), 40-52. 16 W. Otto, Priesterund Tempel im hellenistischen Agypten I (Leipzig?Berlin, 1905), 160ff.: Plaumann, Ptolemais, 39-54. Accord a sources. never to Soter called in these is Plaumann, Ptolemais, 51-53, Ptolemy god ing 17 Plaumann, Ptolemais, 4-24. 18 a Gate, Harbour are for Many These administrative and analyzed by Katelijn Vandorpe, "City of Many changes presented a Rebel," in Vleeming, ed., Hundred-Gated Thebes, 203-39, esp. 210. 19 Veisse, Les revokes, 230f. 20 Veisse, Les revokes, 18. 21 a Gate," 210. Vandorpe, "City of Many 22 a Gate," 232. "City of Many 23 H6M, History, 131, 153f. 24 Polybius 5. 82, 6; 85, 8; 65, 9; 107, 1-3; K. Goudriaan, Ethnicity inPtolemaic Egypt (Amsterdam, und das hellenistische Heerwesen," nicki, "Das ptolemaische Egitto (1988), 213-30; Holbl, History, revokes, 5f.,

1988),

Jan K. Win 131; Veisse, Les

121-25;

129ff., esp.

352 JARCE 45 (2009) in the regime inAlexandria, they were inadvertently already mobilized, a sense, to collectively show their displeasure.25 The native revolt was already fully underway when the public learned

III had died, both under unrevealed cir that Ptolemy IV and Arsinoe cumstances, and the two non-royal courtiers publicly displayed the ash urns with the presumed cremated remains of both rulers.26 Grimm27

to the fact that the cremation of the dead, while an hon even ored practice among royalty in Macedonian religious tradition, in particular would have been a horrifying concept to the Egyptians, when it involved their king. The well-being of their own country de drew attention

on the proper mummification and burial of their pharaoh ac to most the elaborate funerary rituals in their repertoire. cording Complete destruction of the king's corpse by firewas a horror to Egyp tian religious sensibility; only hard criminals and enemies were occa sionally sentenced to death by burning.28 The cremation of the king's pended

Hg.

2. Bronze Athens,

group. um,

Pancratiasts'

Dimitriou

Muse

National Collection

ANE

2547. Courtesy of theNational Archeological

Museum

the interim regime's lack of respect or inter corpse thus demonstrated est in the customs of the vast majority of the population they ruled. can more situation into visualize the of the directly Nothing enormity

which

Athens.

the young Ptolemy V was thrust after the death of his father than statuette in Athens (fig. 2) representing a small child as a vic

a bronze

torious fighter versus a fallen enemy in the brutal sport of pankration.29 an art historian. The Athens stat Its significance can perhaps be best appreciated through the eyes of uette belongs to a specifically Greco-Egyptian of two competing athletes, in of small bronzes type a or one of which the standing, victorious combatant is always either king the patron gods of the gym nasium, Heracles or Hermes.30 The defeated athlete, who has fallen to his knees and is pinned down is generally portrayed with coarse or barbaric features. The earliest known replica by his opponent, of the type, a bronze statuette in Istanbul, was created around mid-third century BC and was sup scale original that commemorated Ptolemy Ill's vie posed by Kyrieleis to be a copy of a monumental

25 A parallel

can be drawn to the rampant outbreak of violent crime male citizen had participated. Once virtually every able-bodied veterans of social outcasts and disenfranchised took to the streets, using soon the army to loot and murder, of the giving birth to the reputation see Winnicki, in in the late third "Heerwesen." century Egypt, beginning 26 (15.25) relates Possibly only the king's corpse was cremated. Polybius in which

spices 27

(ardmata). "Verbrannte

in the United the war was the weapons "Wild West."

States

after the end of the Civil War, a previously number unimagined in skills they had acquired and martial On the problems raised by anachoresis

over,

that the silver urn of Arsinoe

III was

filled only with

248; idem, "Der Ring," 454, 462. Zur Sanktionierung abweichenden Verhaltens im alten Agypten, PA 21 Vergehen und Strafen. " in Heinz in den ptolemaischen 'Feinde' Felber, ed., 2004), 60, 74, 97; Giinter Vittmann, (Leiden-Boston, Synodaldekreten," Feinde und Aufruhr. Konzepte von Gegnerschaft in dgyptischen Texten besonders desMittleren Reiches (Leipzig, 2005), 206 with n. 45. 29 ANE AntPlas Dimitriou Collection 12 2547: Helmut Museum, Athens, National Kyrieleis, "Kathaper Hermes kai Hows" "Die statuarischen Darstellun idem, Bildnisse, 54f., 173, cat. no. E6, pi. 43; Brigitte Frohlich, (1973), 133ff., no. 3, figs. 4-9,15; 28

Renate

Pharaonen?"

235, 239-45,

Muller-Wollermann,

14 (1998), 107ff., 260, cat. no. 2 (bibliog.), Herrscher," Antiquitates fig. 3. The brutal sport of pankration more savage moves as of while such the limbs back in comprised techniques wrestling allowing biting, kicking, and wrenching see E. N. Gardiner, the latter of which is illustrated in Greco-Egyptian Athletics of theAncient bronze groups; painful positions, The Traditional World 1930 = 2nd ed. Chicago, Greek Combat Sport and (Oxford, 1980), 212-21; John Arvanitis, Pankration. Modern Mixed Martial Art (Boulder, Colorado, 2003). 30 in der hellenistischen Skulptur und 133-46; Christian Kunze, Zum Greifen Nah. Stilphanomene Kyrieleis, "Kathaper Hermes" gen der hellenistischen

ihre nachhaltige Interpretation (Munich, 2009), phus, AAT 77 (Wiesbaden,

2002),

155ff. with bibliog.

in n. 860; Wendy

Cheshire,

The Bronzes

ofPtolemy II Philadel

CHESHIRE

353

II in the Third Syrian War.31 Koenen32 believed it to symbolize Ptolemy IPs tory over Antiochus defeat of a rebellion by Gaulish mercenaries in the Egyptian Delta in 274.33 The original monument, a specific historical event,34 and it is following Greek tradition, probably commemorated likely that the sporadic small-scale replicas were produced at specific occasions involving athletic competitions, as well. The

symbolism of the composition as the triumph of the king over the forces of chaos was timeless. The majority of these small bronze groups35 show an imitation of certain aspects of Egyp tian style; they are rigidly oriented in basic geometric forms, their poses static, their limbs bent at or forming isosceles triangles after the traditional canons of Pharaonic art, right angles enacting the

timeless, standard formula of the invincible king smiting the hapless enemy.36 The Athens group (fig. 2) differs from the other replicas of the type in its spatially open, centrifugal unmistakable take-off on the Ludovisi Gaul and other works of theMiddle Hellenis composition?an

style emanating from Pergamum.37 The victorious youth in this group is not steadily gaz down upon his easy conquest, as it appears on the other replicas; instead his body is twisted in a ing a gaze of pathos towards the heav spiraling movement, his head thrust back in his neck and directing ens, in accordance with theHellenistic Greek taste for expressive representation. The elegance of the tic baroque

taste, composition, avoiding jarring angles or lumpy, baroque modeling, might reflect Alexandrian but the centrifugal torsion of the victor's body and his open gaze out into the distance are elements of contemporary Middle Hellenistic style. The snakelike, loosely spiraling motion and long, smooth

limbs, along with the fluid turn of the head far upwards and around to the right, the mouth slightly a bronze Nike opened but the face not contorted, are comparable on figure that formed part of the a at in Vani plastic decoration of Hellenistic bronze vessel discovered Georgia.38 The publishers' dat that came from this ing of the Vani vase, along with several additional, spectacular bronze appliques or another similar large vessel, in the second half of the second century on the basis of the elongated, slender proportions of the Nike is certainly too late. The beautiful head appliques of Pan, Ariadne, a are characterized by the vibrant modeling of swelling flesh surfaces, satyr and a pair of maenads39

appear to pulsate, breathlessly parted lips and an intense heavenward gaze that keenly recall theNyx on the Great Altar of Zeus from Pergamum,40 or in the case of the Pan applique head, some of the giants on the same frieze.41 The head of Pan42 is astonishingly similar to the fallen enemy of to his half-human, half-animal the Athens pancratiasts' group although more grotesque, appropriate form.43 The angular articulated surfaces of the goat god's prominent cheekbones, beneath which the

which

31

"Kathaper Hermes," 142. am Ptolemaerhof," in E. Van't Dack, P. Van Dessel, and "Die Adaptation agyptischer Konigsideologie Ludwig Koenen, W. van Gucht, eds., Egypt and theHellenistic World. StudHell 27 (Leuven, 1983), 143-90, esp. 170f. 33 For the historical and origin of the group, see Kyrieleis, 136f.; Koenen (see n. 31); "Kathaper Hermes," interpretations to additional The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 194ff., with references literature. Cheshire, 34 R. R. R. Smith, Hellenistic Cf. J. J. Pollitt, Art in theHellenistic Age (Cambridge, 1991), 1986), 266-68; Sculpture (London, in Ellen Reeder, S. Ridgway ed., Hellenistic Art in theWalters Art Gallery (Baltimore, 11-14; the words of caution by Brunilde 32

Kyrieleis,

noting, but definitely too pessimistic. listed by Kyrieleis, "Kathaper Hermes," 133ff. 36 The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 60-64. Kyrieleis, "Kathaper Hermes," 136f.; Cheshire, 37 Cf. Arnold Schober, Die Kunst von Pergamon 1951), 53ff., figs. 6f., 13f., 28f.; Ludger Alscher, Griechische Plastik (Bregenz, IV (Berlin, 1957), 52ff., 250 (Index), fig. 13a-c. 38 et le monde "La Georgie Otar Lordkipanitze, grec," BCH 98 (1974), 925ff., fig. 15. 39 in "La Vickers, Vani, une Pompei georgienne (Besancon, 16a-e; idem, 1995), 37-41; Michael Georgie," Lordkipanitze, fig. Vani (Princeton, 2008), 41, fig. 16; Darejan Jennifer Y. Chi, ed., Wine, Worship, and Sacrifice: The Golden Graves of Ancient in Chi, ed., Wine, Worship and Sacrifice, 118-24, figs. 5-10. and Guram Kvirkvelia, Kacharava 40 Heinz Kahler, Pergamon. Bilderhefte Antiker Kunst 9, ed. DAI (Berlin, 1949), pi. 28. 41 Kahler, Pergamon, pis. 32, 33b. 42 Chi, ed., Wine, Worship and Sacrifice, 41, fig. 16, 118f., fig. 5a, b. 43 Cf. Kyrieleis, "Kathaper Hermes" fig. 1988), 35

29-30,

Examples

are worth

JARCE 45 (2009)

354

lean cheeks form sunken hollows, the clearly offset, wavy ridges of the eyebrows, even the expression to the Athens group. A signifi of the eyes and the piercing of the pupils are stylistically comparable cant difference on the Alexandrian statuette is that?typically for the reticence of Egyptian art?the mouth of the fallen combatant is closed, the face showing little expression despite the pain of his strained position. The elongated limbs of the Nike from the Vani urn are a peculiarity of the type; ap on a pliques of shield-bearing Nike that are incessantly repeated black-glazed hydriai and amphorae44 on or appear that way in the first of the third taken half have century already elongated proportions,

in their twisted movements, adjusted to the arched form of the shoulder of the vase. The Vani bronze in a major from the vessel was doubtless manufactured Nike, which along with the other appliques center such as Pergamum, should be dated in the decades around 180 BC, the Athens pancratiast group during the reign of Ptolemy V, 205/4-180. Not only respective of style is the Athens statuette unique within the type, but also because the vic

tor's head is represented as decidedly childish, almost babyish. Helmut Kyrieleis convincingly attrib uted the portrait to Ptolemy V.45 The domed forehead, short-cropped locks of thin hair, the pointed, slightly arched nose, large round eyes and a tinymouth undeniably represent the same boy who is on the coins (fig. 1). Certain features on the coin portrayed gold and silver PTOLEMAIOUBASILEOS long, pointed nose, the bony, protruding chin, the tightened facial expression, rings of not have appeared the neck?would in thismanner on a young child but were exagger ated by the glyptic artist in Egyptianizing taste to give the boy king's image a more mature effect. Por traits of Ptolemy V from his later years show that he did not, in fact, grow up to look much like the

portrait?the flesh around

early coin images (see infra). The cheeks of the Athens bronze "king as pancratiast" are fuller and the nose smaller than on the coin images, on this piece rendered according to a Hellenistic Greek artist's interpretation of a little boy. The Athens bronze portrait figure of Ptolemy V provides a date for the entire statuette some time within his reign but most probably during his childhood rule under guard ianship. The coin portrait types of Ptolemy V as a little boy continued to be minted until he reached

and was crowned sole ruler in 197.46 The body of the victorious athlete belongs to a rather than a small child, but the babyish face reveals his tender age. Throughout his years under the guardianship of courtiers, the official portraiture of the orphaned Ptolemy V retained the image of a small, frail child in a huge role. This sort of propaganda paralleled, in a sense, the native Egyptian image of a boy pharaoh (such as Tutankhamun) or the designated heir to the throne; regardless of the age of the prince regent, he could still have been represented in offi cial contexts, such as on temple walls, with a long braid of hair on one side of his head, the symbol of a young child.47 An alabaster head in Berlin48 dia portraying Ptolemy V adorned with a Hellenistic an crown of Upper and Lower Egypt (pschent) represents the boy dem, Egyptian youth lock and the at time the this caricaturized with facial features seen on his coins. The essential pharaoh pinched, difference on the Greek bronze work is that the artist emphasized in the Athens the childishness victor's chubby-cheeked, cherubic face with itswide eyes and tiny, slightly parted lips, in a sentimental adolescence

young man

manner

44

that was far from heroic but appealed

Cf. Wolfgang

to popular

taste in the Hellenistic

Greek world. The

"Vom Topfer und Toreut,"/?A765/66 Zuchner, 190ff., figs. 23-25 (1950/51), (with additional references). on idem, Bildnisse, 54f. On the ambiguity or idealization "Kathaper Hermes"139f.; portraits of the king in the other repli The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 196f., 200, 202f. cas, two of which may represent Ptolemy III, see Cheshire, 46 "Portratmiinzen," 224, 230, 240, 242f. Kyrieleis, 47 On the Egyptian precedent for the image of a child king, see, for example, HuB, Agypten, 534f. 48 Museum 14568: Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, in Herwig Klaus Parlasca 54ff., 134ff., 172, cat. no. El, pi. 41,1-4; Agyptisches Maehler and Volker Michael 27-29. Strocka, eds., Das ptolemdische Agypten. Akten des internationalen Symposions, September "Der Ring," 462f., 467, fig. 1976 (Mainz, 1978), 28; Grimm, 45

CHESHIRE

355

a third century Sicilian poet, Theocritus, composed touching idyll about the mythical child hero, and his in feats Heracliscus, superhuman already infancy, but the poem was actually a thinly disguised own for Ptolemy Philadelphus' metaphor princely upbringing.49 Like the victorious athlete of the was represented inHellenistic court art, as well as inAlexandrian group, Heracliscus an as never near sometimes the adorable humorous but with child, poetry, anywhere sobriety of or can not be crown statuette of of creation deities The date the the Athens princes. precise Egyptian

Athens bronze

through style analysis alone, but the artist's emphasis on the childlike features of the king, including the long hair of a youthful Apollo, seem to imply that he had not yet attained his majority. The small scale group, which is of high artistic quality, might have been created as a memento for gained

a

in 203/2 or in prestigious visitor or a successful competitor at the Ptolemaieia held at Alexandria 199/8, possibly to stand in the gymnasium in their own home town.50 Already in 199/8, two years before his coronation, the young Ptolemy received an eponymous cult as King Ptolemaios Epiphanes, translated in Egyptian Pr-(i Ptlwmys (pi ntr) ntypr, or "the pi i-irpr, etc., comes was Pharaoh Ptolemaios, (the god) who forth." The cult served by the Priest of Alexander

the Great inAlexandria, while parallel to that, a cult of the living pharaoh was installed alongside the cult of Ptolemy Soter in Ptolemais.51 Holbl52 was certainly correct in observing that the firstmention of the Upper Egyptian priestly office in a Theban papyrus of 199 occurred at a time when the pro Alexandrian forces had temporarily seized control of the city,which had strong leanings towards the (see infra). The innovation in the Upper Egyptian ruler cult at that time, somewhat a politically moti prematurely elevating the young Ptolemy V to divine status, may thus have been move to in the South and among reinforce the crown's influence, particularly vated, opportunistic

Egyptian

rebels

the native populace.53 In receiving the byname Epiphanes, Ptolemy V was epiclesis with an implication of transcendence?with

the first king of his line to receive a non-secular

the possible exception of Ptolemy Soter, whose success but had divine parallels. The epithet undoubtedly of the royal presence as a dazzling or glorious epiphany, like the

from a military

titlewas primarily derived drew on the Egyptian perception sun or a star in the sky.54Although

Ptolemy V had not yet attained majority as was necessary for the Priest of Ptah inMemphis, the concept of the royal epiphany was by High as king" inherent to Egyptian kingship since remote antiquity. The term for "making an appearance on occasion of any royal audience or at of the the of but Window (obviously Appearances palace

his ritual coronation

visit), used also to express "accession to the throne," the verb h(y, was actually an extended meaning to of the word for the rising or the shining of the sun.55 Clearly the likening of the king's appearance the sun in the skywas a grandiose statement, and thus the term hcywas reserved for festive uses.56 As 49 am Glan, Eine agonistische Inschrift und fruhptolemdische Konigsfeste (Meisenheim 1977), 80ff.; Cheshire, Ludwig Koenen, The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 163-68. 50 see the remarks of Holbl, History, 171. of the Ptolemaieia, On these celebrations 51 12If. Pestman, Chronologie, 137f.; Minas, Ahnenreihen, 52 Donald Redford, History and Chronology of theEighteenth Dynasty ofEgypt. Seven Studies (Toronto, 1967), 171. 53 9 (Mainz, 2000), Treverensia Martina Minas, Die hieroglyphischen Ahnenreihen der ptolemaischen Kbnige, Aegyptiaca 122, of the Ptolemaieia held in that the reforms in the ruler cult under Ptolemy V were introduced on the occasion 124, supposes

to the public within one of in 199/8. It is easy to imagine that the holders of the new cult offices were introduced on occasion of the games in the capital, but it is far less likely that administrative the customary festive processions changes in on the basis of such a frivolous venue. the ruler cult apparatus would have been undertaken solely 54 see also Ludwig Koenen, Redford, History, 3ff.; HuB, Agypten, 505. On the significance of the Greek byname Epiphanes, as a Religious in A. Bulloch "Die Adaptation 168f., and idem, "The Ptolemaic Figure," King agyptischer Konigsideologie,"

Alexandria

et al., eds., Images and Ideologies. Self-definition in theHellenistic World (Berkeley-Los 55 Wb. Ill, 239-41; Erichsen, Glossar, 359f.; Redford, History, 3-27. 56 Redford, History,

Angeles,

1993),

64-66,

79.

JARCE 45 (2009)

356

there had, as yet, been no festive inaugura Egyptian practice was concerned, tion. In terms of the Egyptian calendar, there was also no interim regency, however, and the boy In this way, a king's reign began the day after his father's death as "year one" of the new pharaoh. far as traditional

lacuna in the dating system was avoided, as was a hiatus in the vital presence of a pharaoh guiding the of the new king in Alexandria, land.57 Polybius (15. 25) relates of the hastily arranged proclamation at which time he first donned the diadem of a Hellenistic monarch. The perception of divine king

ship would have been obvious not only to every Egyptian, but also to every Greek immigrant to Egypt who had walked past a native temple, ever seen the pyramids or witnessed a native religious celebra tion. In that sense, the proclamation of the young Ptolemy V as "The Manifest God" had a traditional

in Egyptian religion, even though his coronation was still some two years away.58 was given the additional byname Eucharistos, V for Ptolemy "bringer of good will/graciousness," trans which the Egyptian translations vary between a phonetic writing (iwkrsts, etc.) and approximate foundation

lations into colloquial Egyptian, meaning "the doer of good things" (pi i-irmd.t nfr.t,pi ir ni-nfr.w, to the Pharaonic epithet for the king, ntr nfr, "the that this title reverted Koenen60 etc.).59 suggested

good god," and thismay well be what the Egyptians were thinking. Yet the fact that the Egyptian scribes struggled to find a proper equivalent for the Greek term suggests that the concept of eucharistos was not quite inherent to their own royal ideology. A rarely attested epithet of Ptolemy V inDemotic, pi nb (pi) sp, was also thought by Zauzich and de Cenival to be a translation of Eucharistos.61 The uncommon

Demotic

phrase, which might be translated "the Lord of Reward," reveals that the new royal bynames some sense of hope in their new and their variants were probably intended to instill in the populace of the The his in soldiers, for concept king rewarding subjects, pharaoh.62 particular his mercenary their service recalls the statement of Polybius about the two guardians of the young king paying the

loyal to the crown during the transition regime,63 and it corresponds well to the of the coins of Ptolemy V (see infra). Itwas presumably due to the peculiar circum symbolic imagery stances of the child rule and the urgent need for a ruler on the throne in a time of social uprising that

military

to remain

numerous

variants for the king's epiclesis appeared almost at once, all giving approximate equiva lents for the concept of being pharaoh. This explanation of an ad hoc solution is supported by the fact that the epithet Eucharistos disappears again from the titulary of Ptolemy V after his to marriage

Cleopatra

57 58 59

I in 195.64

Redford, History, 12, 19-22, 25. In this sense also Minas, Ahnenreihen,

122.

to earlier literature. Pestman, Chronologie, 42, 161; Minas, Ahnenreihen, 121-24, with references 60 "Die Adaptation von "Zu den agyptischen Wiedergaben 157, 168; Giinter Vittmann, agyptischer Konigsideologie," Eupa tor," GM 46 (1981), 21-26, esp. 21; Holbl, History, 166. 61 Karl-Th. Zauzich, Die dgyptische Schreibertradition in Aufbau, Sprache und Schrift der demotischen Kaufvertrdge aus ptolemdischer a un Zeit (Wiesbaden, de Cenival, "Un acte de renonciation consecutif 1968), I, 110; Francoise partage de revenus liturgiques 123, n. 470, notes that this rare title is not (P. Louvre E 3266)," BIFAO 71 (1972), 32, 52, n. 2. Minas, Ahnenreihen, memphites

in Pestman, Chronologie. included 62 Cf. Erichsen, Glossar, 502, s.v. "sp? Werner HuB, V. als Harpokrates?" AncSoc 36 Agypten, 534f. and idem, "Ptolemaios on the intentions of the court to instill the with hope that their new (2006), 45-48, esp. 48, commented propaganda populace young king would bring them prosperity. 63 See nn. 3-4. 64 The assessment of Carl G.Johnson, that Egyptian influ 145-55, "Ptolemy V and the Rosetta Decree," AncSoc 26 (1995), ence was not present in the Greek version of the Rosetta Decree is based on the expectation that a translation from the con

Greek would have been an exact duplicate in meaning. This was not always servative, hieroglyphic titulary to the Hellenistic the two cultures, but it can not be denied that the Egyptian percep possible due to the large philosophical disparities between tion of the pharaoh as Horus, the son of the sun god Amun-Ra, in a mystique of ceremony, material wealth and un enveloped an touchable power, must have made impression on them.

CHESHIRE

357

The Egyptian scribes, undoubtedly receiving their instructions from the King's Scribe, the sh nsw who worked in conjunction with the High Priest of Ptah inMemphis, translated Epiphanes back into Demotic and into hieroglyphs using the verb pr, literally "to come out of, come forth."65 The wordpr was used not only for such expressions as "the sun coming forth above the horizon," but in colloquial

contexts. The common formula from Demotic language in countless different mundane legal con tracts? nty nb ntyprn-im=w, "everything that comes out of them (i.e., out of said business obligations)," "all future proceeds," suffices to demonstrate the potential banality of the term.66 In the meaning case of the king, pi ntypr provided an Egyptian term for the Greek byname a divine vision suggesting but has a nuance

of "the one who comes forth (next)," or inmodern terms, "the natural successor," as a sense in had basic Greek of "to show be up, just epiphanein present." That is to say, help was on the way or a new age had arrived. That the Egyptian scribe knew well that the word h(y was the actual in the glory of his position is evident in the theological equivalent to express the king's "appearance" the of of (for pr) has frequent writings hieroglyphic titulary Epiphanes inwhich the house phonogram been

replaced read h(y).67

by the rising sun disc with rays beaming

down

to earth (which could also have been

a Kyrieleis68 surmised that small group of gold octadrachms and silver tetradrachms of Ptolemy V that are labeled on the reverse with the legend PTOLEMAIOY "of Ptolemy, the Man EPIPHANOUS, must to in ifest One," instead of BASILEOS refer the PTOLEMAIOY, boy's Egyptian coronation

in 197/6, shortly after his celebration of majority (anakleteria) in Alexandria. It is indeed the cere logical to assume that new coin types of Ptolemy Epiphanes were issued to commemorate was at in the the directed Greek which mony young Ptolemy's capital, subjects, reaffirming primarily that the boy had a strong hold on the throne. Since, however, a ruler cult for the "Manifest God" in 199/8, undoubtedly with the and Ptolemais (Theos Epiphanes) was already installed in Alexandria

Memphis

the shaky authority of the underage king, his court advisors might have issued the coins a few years earlier as well, possibly distributing them as a EPIPHANOUS to his allies. It that the king's portrait on these coins often still appears to be that is payoff noteworthy a of young child. If the coins with the ruler's official epiclesis were first issued tomark his celebration intent of bolstering festive PTOLEMAIOU

a more mature

portrait type would presumably have been used. A silver tetradrachm in to a youth coming of age Trier,69 among others, appears to convey a sense of solemnity appropriate and facing the responsibilities of a king, but there is still uncertainty in the chronology of the individ of majority,

ual

issues.

on the splendid octadrachms Already Svoronos70 saw a connection between the various monograms and tetradrachms of Ptolemy V and the names of the most influential military leaders and courtiers around the child, as were described in such detail by Polybius. Kyrieleis71 recognized the place of the

not in the later years of the Philopatores, as did III gold octadrachms Ptolemy IV and Arsinoe effort on behalf Svoronos, but alongside the festive Ptolemy V emissions all as part of a propaganda of the guardians of the underage king. The re-ordering of the Philopatores festive emissions, which to the early Ptolemy V coins, necessitated a scholarly revision carry many of the identical monograms of some of themint attributions, which were dependent

on the chronology

65 Wb. I, 518. 66 Erichsen, Glossar, 134. 67 Gauthier, Livre des rois IV, 348-30, nos. 75B, 76B, 77A, 78, 80. 68 Ta nomismata IV, 257f. Portratmunzen," 218, as did earlier Svoronos, 69 "Der Ring," 453, fig. la-b. Universitat Trier OL 1997.1: Grimm, 70 Ta nomismata IV, 224-28, 271-75. 257-68, 71 215-43. "Portratmunzen,"

of the vacillating relations

JARCE 45 (2009)

358

of key figures at the Ptolemaic court. Thus coins with the monogram ZQ, identified by Svoronos72 as Sosibius, a close advisor to Ptolemy III and after him to Ptolemy IV,were argued by Kyrieleis73 not to has shown that, on have been minted until early in the reign of Ptolemy V. Grimm,74 meanwhile, must to the Sosibius the refer another (II), monogram chronological grounds, politically active son of the illustrious court advisor of the same name.

Silver and gold coinage of Ptolemy V, on which the on a lance his shoulder, other times a small lance tip appearing as a king is represented carrying can fairly certainly be attributed to a well-known military officer in the clique monogram only,75 around Ptolemy V. The lance monogram is otherwise attested on coinages of central and northwest ern Greece, particularly inAetolia, and itwas a symbol of the Aetolian League.76 The accompanying as on certain of these coins have been read themark of the mint of Scopas, the letters II, K, A, ?, O

in central Greece for the young Ptolemy V in either strategus who was recruiting mercenaries this decipherment it of the monogram has been doubted by M0rkholm,78 203/2 or 199.77 Although other well led these Greek appears historically troops against grounded. Among things, Scopas

Aetolian

III in the Fifth Syrian War and perhaps afterward to help the Ptolemies quell the uprising of Egyptian insurgents in the Thebais.79 Another monogram found frequently on these coins has as that of AP for the Acarnanian Ar(istomenes), an illustrious military and political been deciphered leader who, after holding the offices of Priest of Alexander and archisomatophylax, took over the

Antiochus

role of the young Ptolemy V from 201/0 until the boy was crowned in 197/6, and con guardianship tinued to advise him thereafter until forced to commit suicide in 192.80 Regency emissions marked with themonogram TIO have been attributed with probability to themint of Po(lycrates), an eminent

courtier and governor of Cyprus who sided politically with Aristomenes and led a military campaign to subdue the Upper Egyptian rebels.81 A suggested attribution of portrait coins with monogrammed

to Ni(kon), an admiral in the navy under Ptolemy IV and a member of the clique of Agathocles,82 has been questioned by Grimm on the grounds that the position of the former at court would have with the assassination in 203.83 The Second Philensis Decree, of Agathocles inscribed disappeared

NI

onto

the walls of the Isis Temple in Philae in the latter part of the reign of Ptolemy V,84 credits the with king having deployed Greek troops to guard the temples, and relates that he recruited addi tional Greek soldiers abroad, supporting the evidence known for Scopas and Aristomenes. The grain motif of the coin images may have referred to the livelihood of the mercenaries when at home in Greece.

As

into disuse

they were often farmers, their crops might have been ravaged in times of war or fallen in their absence, causing extreme hardship to their families at home.85

72 Ta nomismata

73

74 75

IV, 225ff.

See n. 9. See n. 10.

Corn Supply, 216ff. "Portratmunzen," 217, 218, 220, n. 26; BMC Thessaly-Aetolia, 194f., nn. 1, 2, 4ff.; 196, nn. 16ff. Kyrieleis, 77 Ta nomismata IV, cols. 263f.; Kyrieleis, 18.53f. Svoronos, "Portratmunzen," 218, 219f.; HuB, Agypten, 478, n. 37. Polybius notes in Alexandria that Scopas was poisoned to Kyrieleis, in 197. According coins with the lance 220, in the Epiphanes "... programmatisch eine besondere Verbundenheit mit dem traditionellen Soldner-Reservoir Mittelgriechenland demonstriert werden sollte" 78 "Some coins of Ptolemy V from Palestine," INJ 5 (1981), 6f. 79 HuB, Agypten, 490-92, 502-3, 508. 80 Ta nomismata, 257; Kyrieleis, "Der Ring," 453ff. Svoronos, "Portratmunzen," 215-18; Grimm, 81 "Die Portratmunzen," to 225; HuB, Agypten, 503 n. 10, 504, 508, 512, 521. The attribution of the monogram Kyrieleis, 76

Rickham,

"Some coins of Ptolemy V from Palestine," 5. Polycrates has been doubted by M0rkholm, 82 "Die 480. Portratmunzen," 223-30; HuB, Kyrieleis, Agypten, 83 "Verbrannte Pharaonen?" 249, n. 79. 84 Urk. II, 222.8-223.8; cf. idem, "Die historische 45; Lanciers, Bedeutung," "Tempelbauten, "Philensis-Dekrete" (Erich Winter). 85 Garnsey, Famine, 111, 145.

II," 179; LdA

4,

1027f.,

s.v.

CHESHIRE

359

The decoration of the royal diadem on coin portraits (tetradrachms and octadrachms) of Ptolemy on a V with small ears of grain on the Hellenistic others with radiate fillet and crown, royal (fig. I)86 a possibly with blades of grain alternating between the sun's rays,87 is unique feature of the coins of Ptolemy V and, as shall be demonstrated below, of his consort, Cleopatra I. A common scholarly woven terms of in the diadem with of Pharaonic Egyptian interpretation grain sprigs transposed assumes a connection of the wheat/barleycorn motif with the chthonic, regenerative as theology88 pect of Osiris. Another early interpretation89 attributed the symbolism of the grain in the king's dia dem to the chthonic cult of Ptah, in whose Memphite temple the king was crowned, but Kyrieleis90

coins that must date before 199, two that the grain ears already occurred on Phoenician sources the the of before coronation. As varied years according to time and need, the symbol grain ism would probably not have been of a specific local nature. Egyptian iconography or the familiar observed

imagery of the fecundity of the Land of the Nile91 is nowhere tangibly referred to in the symbolism occurs on the coinage of this royal couple of the grain?which of the coins. The actual message alone?is probably quite the opposite: the paucity of domestic grain reserves due to the native upris ings, necessitating the importation of emergency supplies through the crown's intervention.

The Egyptian ceremony of enthronization, not performed until Ptolemy V was declared of age in that the leaders of the rebels in Upper Egypt, who had 197/6, made a statement to the populace factions out of many assumed titularies of Egyptian kings and driven pro-Ptolemaic meanwhile corona were not legitimate Upper Egyptian settlements and temples (see infra), pharaohs.92 At his tion by theHigh Priest of Ptah inMemphis, Ptolemy V received theHorus name of hwn h(y m nswt hr st it=f ("the youth who appears as king on the throne of his father"),93 a phraseology only slightly varied from the titulary of his father, Ptolemy IV, hwn kny sh(-sw it=f ("strong youth, whose father made him appear as king").94 It can thus be argued that the Greek epiclesis Epiphanes for Ptolemy V was derived from the native concept for a festive appearance, for which the relevant titulary would only be granted

to him officially when

his Horus

name was bestowed

upon

him at his Egyptian

coronation.

The coin portrait of a child wearing a radiate crown, possibly interlaced with blades of grain, alludes a guarantee of protection to his epiphany?dependable like the dazzling sun above the horizon?with as in the Rosetta Decree, The related of his people and their vital needs. coronation ceremonies,

included the execution of numerous Egyptian dissidents?another pointed political statement defying the rebels in the South, featuring the new king in the traditional pharaonic model of the triumph of in divine terms in Egyptian religion by the order over chaos.95 The same achievement, paralleled over Seth, is represented in the bronze pancratiast group inAthens (fig. 2). Ptolemy victory of Horus restoration of peace after the subjugation of the native revolt inUpper Egypt was praised Epiphanes' in the Rosetta 86

Decree

of 196 and

in the Philensis Decrees.96

It was proclaimed

in these documents

to imagine these woven in gold thread or wrought of gold filigree and affixed to the diadem. Ta nomismata III, pi. 41, 15ff.; IV, 263-66; "Portratmiinzen," 218ff., fig. 3; idem, Bildnisse, 52, 271-75; Kyrieleis, "Verbrannte Pharaonen?" figs. 3a, 4a. pi. 40, 4; Grimm, 88 Notes 2 (1947), 10f.; Kyrieleis, A. B. Brett, AmNumSocMus Stuart Poole, BMC Ptolemies, 48, 60 ("Osiris/Serapis"); Reginald 245f. "Portratmiinzen," 89 244f. "Portratmiinzen," Kyrieleis, 90 223, 244, n. 89. "Portratmiinzen," 91 Ta nomismata IV, 25If. As supposed by Svoronos, 92 Veisse, Les revokes, 187-94, esp. 189. 93 in n. 28. Gauthier, Livre des Rois, 282, no. 26; HuB, Agypten, 504f., with references 94 nn. 384f. Livre des 268f. Rois, 21-23, 26; HuB, Agypten, 336f., Gauthier, 95 Veisse, Les revokes, 194, with n. 132. 96 1927), 263-68; Kurt Sethe, "Die historische Bedeu Edwyn Bevan, A History ofEgypt under thePtolemaic Dynasty (London, aus 53 Ptolemaios ZAS der Zeit des Philae-Dekrets des 2. (1917), 35-49; Veisse, Les revokes, 197-220. tung Epiphanes," 87

One

has

Svoronos,

JARCE 45 (2009)

360

that a statue of the king, entitled "Ptolemy, the Avenger (or Protector) of Egypt (ndd Bky)" should be placed in the most prominent place in every temple of the land alongside the local deity of that a sword temple, which was represented handing the (statue of the) king (Eg. hps kny; Gr. hoplon nike tikon).97 Even though different artistic means were used by the Egyptian sculptors, themessage of the official statue thus had a military nuance, similar to the Athens bronze group (fig. 2). the simmering animosity between the two Hellenistic kingdoms of Egypt and Syria, the Despite

a peace treaty and establish an entente with danger of interference by Rome loomed larger. To secure new the Seleucid house threat, by 195 the guardians of the young Ptolemy V royal against this III, Cleopatra.98 brought to realization his long-standing betrothal to a young daughter of Antiochus

the couple married about ten. Cleopatra

When

at Raphia

in 194/3, Ptolemy V was

sixteen years old, the Seleucid

princess

came to be known,99 was evidently Cleopatra Syra ("the Syrian"), as the child bride of Ptolemy V well received in Egypt, and alongside her spouse she received an official titulary appropriate for a some to of documents label her distinction.100 fact, queen exceptional Contrary Egyptian biological Sister of the King,101 as was, in actual fact, her predecessor, Arsinoe III Philopator, and she lived to play a significant role as Egypt's queen. In 180, when Ptolemy V met his premature death,102 his son, Ptolemy VI, inherited the throne, and once again, Egypt had a king of but five or six years old.103 The boy assumed the throne first under of his mother, Cleopatra the mother as the guardianship Syra. That Alexandrian policy recognized the supreme authority in Egypt is evident from official protocols, which name the queen first before

her under-age son: "the pharaohs, Cleopatra themother, theManifest Goddess (Thea Epiphanes), and son the A of Manifest God Greek (Theos Epiphanes)"104 Ptolemy, Ptolemy, inscription from Cyprus names the mother/son to also the I105: "Queen Cleopatra, co-regents Cleopatra giving precedence

are the goddess, and King Ptolemy and her other children." The other children mentioned sister II and the VIII II. future and To what extent, brother, boy king's Cleopatra Ptolemy Euergetes in actual fact, Cleopatra I ran the political affairs of Egypt herself, independent of her court advisors, from 180 until her own death in 176 is not known.106 I is based initially on the shaky testimony of The identification of representations of Cleopatra the bust of a woman coins from a Cypriote (Paphos) mint and whether illustrated on Alexandrian

manifest

queen of interpreted as physically individualized portraits of the contemporary are as of likenesses has been postulated in scholarship just often107 as they Cleopatra

these should be

Egypt. That

97

Sethe, Urk. II, 189, 8-10 (Rosetta Decree); 207,3 (Philensis I); 226,11-12 (Philensis II). 18. 51,10; App.ll. to 3; Liv. 33. 40.3; Holbl, History, 140; HuB, Agypten, 499. The Seleucid princess' marriage in been two her the childhood IV of between fathers, rather, already arranged Ptolemy Egypt (or by proxy and Antiochus III of Syria as part of a peace treaty to end the Fourth Syrian War. through his advisor, Agathocles) 99 App., Syr. 5, 18. 100 (London, 1994), 84ff. John Whitehorne, Cleopatras 101 A Demotic document of 191/90: Pestman, Chronologie, 15; in both "Die Adaptation Koenen, bilingual Philensis Decrees: 98

Polybius Ptolemy V had

159, n. 47; HuB, Agypten, 535, n. 27. agyptischer Konigsideologie," 102RE 23/2 (1959), cols. 1698L, s.v. "Ptolemaios HuB, Agypten, 536. (23)" (H. Volkmann); 103 On the uncertain date of birth of Ptolemy VI, see HuB, Agypten, 538, with references to earlier literature. 104 Pestman, Chronologie, 146f. 105 SEG XVI,788; HuB, Agypten, 540, n. 20. 106 HuB, Agypten, 537ff. 107 Ernst Kornemann, KLIO 9 (1909), 138; Svoronos, Ta nomismata IV, cols. 278ff.; Jean Charbonneaux, "Sur la signification et la date de la Tasse Farnese," MonPiot 50 (1958), 96f.; Gisela M. A. Richter, Portraits of theGreeks III (New York, 1965), 265; R. R. R. Smith, Hellenistic Royal Sculpture (Oxford, 1986), 76; tentatively Dimitri Plantzos, Hellenistic Engraved Gems (Oxford, 1999),

CHESHIRE

361 it has

been viewed with skepti 108 cism. Results on the native Egyp tian statues of Ptolemaic women brought recently by Sabine Albers the most im meier109 have made strides portant the portraiture Cleopatra; discussion

in reconstructing of the "Syrian"

of the following is an elaboration of her

much

conclusions.

3-4.

Copper Figs. can Numismatic matic

assarion, Society

Cypriote Mint, 1944.100.78697.

"Cleopatra Courtesy

" I. New

types of tiny iconographic a Paphian coins from copper on the obverse female bear mint110 Three

York, Ameri

of the American

Numis

that are possibly of histori sig cal, rather than mythological, on some emissions with the legend heads

Society.

Since

each

of

types is circumscribed it has rightly been supposed that the heads ("of Queen Cleopatra"), a would probably portray queen of that name. One common emission of Cypriote assaria (figs. 3 a shallowly stamped image, bears the profile head of a woman wearing a coins with 4),111 tiny copper thin diadem on the obverse, on the reverse the Ptolemaic emblem of an eagle standing on a thunder PTOLEMAIOU. bolt and the legend BASILEOS The woman's hair is coiffed in long corkscrew curls nificance.

BASILISSES

KLEOPATRAS

these head

the diadem, the hair above it being flattened against the cranium. The ringlets are shorter the face. The diadem appears to be a thin band out of which poke blades of grain, the largest sprig emerging over the top of the head on most unclear stamps like an indistinct, thickened section of the diadem.112 A wreath of wheat or grain is common on coin images of Demeter and appears in Ptolemaic II.113 The theme of agricultural royal iconography first on glyptic portraits of Berenice reverse to is carried the of of the coins, where the "Ptolemaic many "Queen Cleopatra" bounty beneath around

on a thunderbolt, carries a around which is sometimes bound a eagle," standing single cornucopia, on a diadem The head the is female obverse royal consistently repeated facial type, but cer (fig. 4). tain vacillations?in from piece to piece as dies particular the length and curvature of the nose?occur

were worn down

and re-cut. The face is long and thin, the forehead short and slightly receding to the hairline, the cheek long and flat, a long, straight and pointed nose, firmly set lips and a chin. Despite her steely, determined facial expression, the strong, bony, somewhat protruding woman appears to be young. These issues, which on account of their small size and low value bear a

ward

on some KLEOPATRAS fairly crudely carved image, are identifiable through the BASILISSES legend it appears that the only queen before Cleopatra VII who would have had the of them. Historically,

108 Marie-Francoise

Die Bildnisse der Ptolemderinnen BCH 113 (1989), 326; Edelgard Boussac, Brunelle, (Frankfurt-a.M., on the the idea of recognizing coins, in particular because 1976), 62f., rejected portrait features in the female bust Cypriote to be minted on coinage of the following royal couple. Likewise Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 114. the same facial type continued 109 zu den Frauenstatuen Treverensia 10 (Mainz, 2002), 202-4. des ptolemdischen Agypten, Aegyptiaca Untersuchungen 110 Stuart Poole, British Museum?A 1883), lvii ff. Reginald of theGreek Coins: The Ptolemies (London, Catalogue 111 New York, American Numismatic cf. Poole, BMC Ptolemies, lix f., pi. 18, 7; Forrer, Portraits, 25f., Society 1944.100.78697:

no. 78 (ill.); Svoronos, Ta nomismata III, pi. 47, 15; Poole, BMC Ptolemies, pi. 18, 9. 112 Forrer, Portraits, 26, no. 80. 113 Martina Minas, "Die Kanephoros. Aspekte des ptolemaischen Dynastiekultes," dans VEgypte ptolemaique au Hie siecle avant notre ere. StudHell 34 (Louvain, 1998),

inHenri

Melaerts,

ed., Le culte du souverain

362 JARCE 45 (2009) right tomint coins in her own name, with her co-regent, Ptolemy, a portrait?on in secondary place and named?without the reverse, I. After the death of Ptolemy V, that would have been Cleopatra queen ruled as regent for her young son, the future Ptolemy VI Philometor, from 181/80-174. Examples of these issues have been at Saqqara in four an excavated in the Sacred Animal Necropolis cient deposits underneath the floor of a courtyard, their closed

context enabling a dating of the remarkably homog archeological enous hoards within the reign of Ptolemy VI.114 It can not be denied that the facial features of the woman on

these Paphian coins strongly resemble coin portraits of the adult lean, bony face and protruding, Ptolemy VI Philometor115?the bony chin, a short forehead, a long and pointed nose, the firm set he was only a boy of five or six years as I had old, Cleopatra coins, at least at the Ptolemaic mint regent on Cyprus, issued with her own portrait and name on the obverse, of the small mouth. While

Fig. 5. Museum

Gold

Trustees

the boy being represented by the eagle and the legend Of King Ptolemy on the reverse. Her coin image included several new fea

British

London, Ring. GR 1917.5-1.96.

?

The

of the British Museum.

tures;

not

only

was

Cleopatra's

name

a new

one

in

the

Ptolemaic

royal house (possibly not a significant matter at the time), but she proclaimed her Syrian heritage openly in being represented with the non-Greek coiffure of long cork screw curls. Her epiclesis Syra, "the Syrian," was another open declaration of international eunoia.

A plastically more fully carved image on one Cypriote issue of the same type116 almost certainly portrays the same woman wearing a corkscrew coiffure and a thin diadem of corn, an attribute of the and Triptolemus.117 The head shape is still long and Eleusinian Kore/Persephone, gods?Demeter,

relatively lean, the cheek is long and flat, the nose decidedly long and pointed, its sharply pinched contour indicating a thin nose bridge. The modeling is suppler, including a rounded sculpting of the brow area that produces a slight shadow effect and a fleshier cheek. The flesh beneath the jaw ismore swelling and rounded, the neck fuller and the expression of the large eye and the small, firmly set lips a bit

softer.

In her recent study on Ptolemaic stressed the coincidence of statuary of women, Albersmeier118 of the corkscrew curl coiffure on statues of Ptolemaic queens and on coin images of the appearance a woman, either a or the queen herself, on coins simultaneously goddess ("Isis/Demeter"?) during the

I as guardian and regent of her young son, Ptolemy VI. While those coin images KLEOPATRAS would appear to directly identify the head as the queen, there is on the coins that lack this legend to differentiate the woman's head from the former

reign of Cleopatra labeled BASILISSES

no evidence issues. 114 M. Jessop

Price, in Geoffrey T. Martin, The Sacred Animal Necropolis at North Saqqara. The Southern 1981), 156-65, pis. 44-46. Temple Complex (London, 115 Ta nomismata III, pi. 48, 19f.; IV, col. 302; Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 58f., pi. 46. Svoronos, 116 Ta nomismata II, no. 1384; III, pi. 47, 11; Poole, BMC Forrer, Portraits, 26, no. 80 (ill.); Svoronos, rer described the bust this time as Isis, but there is no typological difference from the former image, also Forrer, Portraits, no. 83 = Svoronos, Ta nomismata II, no. 1387; III, pi. 47, 15). 117 Michael of ears of Blech, Studien zum Kranz bei den Griechen (Berlin, 1982), 256f. The diadem to Triptolemus Aravantinos, eds., 1984), 105, fig. 22.

on

assimilation

is still found

Bonanno

Studie Miscellanei

(Rome, 118 Frauenstatuen,

72ff., 203; Plantzos,

coin

portraits 28. Giornate

Hellenistic

Engraved

Dependencies

of theMain

Ptolemies, pi. 21, 3. For a one (see only stylistic

as a an grain symbol of cf. Sandro Stucchi in S. Stucchi and Margherita of Gallienus; nov. 1984 in Onore di Studie di Achille Adriani, Roma 26-27

Gems,

CHESHIRE

363

this case clearly a portrait?is found on the bezel of a gold ring in 1917 (fig. 5).119 Not only are the corkscrew curls and the lean, a short forehead, a bony face with long, thin nose, long, flat cheeks, and firmly set lips similar, but the serious mien of this woman, who ruled Egypt alone as regent for her underage son in a time of con

likeness of the same queen?in which entered the British Museum A

siderably civil unrest at home, mirrors the expression on the coin portraits. She wears also a chlamys or cloak fastened with a fibula on the left shoulder?a male costume

a necklace

but

signifying her as Ptolemaic Her is and leader of the diadem almost regent position figural military. royal entirely obscured by long blades of barley-corn that are bound into it on the side of the head with some

shorter sprigs above the forehead.120 On top of her head, she wears the horned sun disc, a native of Isis. While representations vegetal Egyptian crown adopted with frequency on Greco-Roman wreaths were common inGreek iconography and fashion, the first occurrence of the ears of corn on

an Egyptian diadem is in the composite crown for the cult statue of the deceased, deified Princess Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy III and Berenice II, as specified in the Canopus Decree.121 The apo theosis of the young deceased princess was attached onto the Choiak festival of Osiris, with which it approximately coincided, and adhered in principle attributes (such as animal's horns, uraeus serpent)

to Egyptian

funerary beliefs.122 The concept that a tradi or "sprout" "grow" out of the crown was a an tional Egyptian mode of expression, essentially synonym for hcy, "come forth."123 Thus inscrip Stela says of Arsinoe Philadelphus that she tion in the vignette in the upper sector of the Mendes appears (or comes forth) as the uraeus on the forehead (or crown) of the king.124 It is necessary to emphasize, however, that the grain attribute on the fully Greek diadems of Ptolemy V and Cleopatra I made use of a symbol very familiar in the Greco-Roman world, generally expressing agricultural

bounty that need not have had any funerary implications.125 The marble head of a woman from a statue in Egyptian type in Brooklyn (figs. 6-7),126 although one would hope to understand with ease, has often confounded artistically a very satisfying work that 119 London,

British Museum

GR

1917.5-1.96.

Finger Rings, Greek, Etruscan and Roman, in Susan Walker and Sally-Ann Ashton,

Max.

in theDepartment and Peter Higgs,

of bezel: 9.5 mm. See Frederick H. Marshall, Catalogue of the (London, 1907), cat. no. 96; Peter Higgs ofAntiquities, British Museum eds., Cleopatra ofEgypt. From History toMyth (London, 2001), 67, cat.

breadth

no. 43 (ill.). 120 identified as the forms that are mistakenly The sprigs of grain, typical for the iconography of Cleopatra I, are apparently same in Cleopatra ofEgypt, 67. These above the fore feathers of a vulture cap by Higgs and Ashton, tiny, feathery protrusions on the well-known were recognized as sprigs of grain by silver patera from Aquileia heads of two female allegorical figures von Aquileia," in Isis (Hans Mobius, "Der Silberteller motif symbolizing them to be an Alexandrian who supposed Mobius, and Hagen Nikolaus Himmelmann-Wildschiitz Biesantz, eds., Festschrift fur Friedrich Matz (Mainz, 1962), 85, with pi. 24. 121 71 (Cairo, 1970), 989ff.; Sethe, OGIS I, no. 56,11. 62f.; cf. Andre Bernand, Le Delta Egyptien dapres les textsgrecs I MIFAO Tochter Ptolemaios' "Die Apotheose der Berenike, Urk. II, 124ff., esp. 148f., 11. 3If.; S. Kothen-Welpot, III.," in Maechteld

zum 65. Geburtstag. AAT 35 (Wiesbaden, Schade-Busch, ed., Wege Offnen. Festschrift fur Rolf Gundlach 1996), 129-32; Holbl, A before that corn ears from the first harvest should be placed as dedications decree also stipulated History, 108-9. The Canopus her statue (Sethe, Urk. II, 150, 7-151, 4). 122 decree also stipulated "Die Apotheose der Berenike," S. Kothen-Welpot, 129-32; Holbl, A History, 108-9. The Canopus before her statue (Sethe, Urk. II, 150, 7?151, 4). that corn ears from the first harvest should be placed as dedications 123 Redford, History, 18. 124 The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 110. Cheshire, 125por an important corn pro a sprig of barley-corn on the coinage of Metapontum, the ever-recurring example, image of I?II and corrections by Ann Johnston, The Coinage ofMetapontum ducer in South Italy; cf. Sydney P. Noe, with additions (New to the Egyptian hieroglyph for bd.t, "barley" (Wb. I, York, 1984), pis. 1-22, 24-45. The astonishing similarity of this symbol 486), is perhaps not accidental. 126 not known. H. -12.7 cm, see Bulletin of theBrooklyn Museum 12 (1971), 20f.; of Art 71.12. Provenance Brooklyn Museum and Alexandrianism, inM. True and K. Hamma, Bernard V. Bothmer, eds., Alexandria April Symposium, J. Paul Getty Museum, inWalker and Higgs, 1993 (Malibu, eds., Cleopatra of Egypt, 164, no. 163, with 22-25, 1996), 218, fig. 12; Sally-Ann Ashton, color ill. ("Cleopatra Frauenstatuen, 39, 202f., 204, cat. no. 38, pi. 30c-d I"); Paul Stanwick, VII"); Albersmeier, ("Cleopatra Portraits of thePtolemies (Austin, 2002), 34f., 37,40, n. 1, 80, 87,124f., cat. E13 (bibliog.), figs. 17lf. ("Cleopatra

JARCE 45 (2009)

6-7. Figs. Museum.

Marble

Head,

"Cleopatra

I.

" Brooklyn,

N.Y.,

The

Brooklyn

Museum

of Art

71.12.

Courtesy

of the Brooklyn

scholars. They have dated it variously from the early to mid-second century to the end of the Ptole maic Period, the most recent trend attributing it to Cleopatra VII. The symmetrical, vertically aligned features, the hardened oval shape of the head and the severe attitude evoked by the firmly set lips

to an overall effect similar to the strongly Classicizing style of Late Hellenistic/Republican art, but the austere look is deceiving. The sculptor of the Brooklyn piece achieved a similar result decades before the beginning of the Classicizing era, transposing an individualized Hellenistic observed that portrait type into a solemn, timeless image of Pharaonic demeanor. Albersmeier127 the highly arched, hairless eyebrows, carved in a stylized fashion as the sharp edges of scooped-out contribute

Roman

orbital cavities, and sharply cut upper and lower lids to frame the large eyes, once inlaid in another in Copenhagen.128 She material, are already found on a basalt portrait of Arsinoe III (r. 217-205/4) also recognized the stylistic and physiognomic similarities of the Brooklyn head to the granite head that has been indis fragment from a statue of a young pharaoh in a nemes head cloth inAlexandria129 as a VI. of That is well attested by coin putably accepted portrait Ptolemy king's physical appearance portraits130 that represent him with thick, wavy hair, a long, narrow and lean face, high cheekbones and a square chin, traits also reproduced on a granite torso of a young pharaoh inAthens.131 Albers

127 202. Frauenstatuen, 128 jEIN 1472: Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 118, 184, cat. M5 Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek (bibliog.), pi. 102, 1-2; Stanwick, Portraits, 104f., cat. no. 44; Albersmeier, Frauenstatuen, 190, 200, 202, 203, 330f., cat. 80, pi. 51c-d. 129 Greco-Roman Museum 3357: Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 37, 59ff., 174, cat. F2, pis. 48, 1-2, 49, 1; Stanwick, Portraits, 147 (In dex), cat. B7 (bibliog.), figs. 54f. 130 Ta nomismata III, pi. 48, 19-23; IV, cols. 302f.; Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 58f., Svoronos, pi. 46. 131 ANE National Museum 108: Jan Six, AthMitt 12 (1887), 212ff. (with earlier bibliog.), Archaeological pis. 7f.; Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 37, 59ff., 174, cat. Fl (bibliog.), pi. 47, 1-3; Stanwick, Portraits, 148

CHESHIRE

365

the family resemblance of the king's long, observed flat cheeks and square lean face with high cheekbones, long, on woman to the Cypriote coins (figs. 3 chin the represented 4), suggesting that Ptolemy VI took after his mother, Cleopatra I, rather than after his Ptolemaic ancestors on his paternal side.

meier132

same lean physiognomy and heavy coiffure of ringlets that is remarkably similar to the appears on the Brooklyn head as well. Egyptianizing portraits of Ptolemy VI

The

on the Brooklyn head, re heavy flesh beneath the chin is upon by Albersmeier,133 probably not to be inter a physical trait but as a stylistic feature borrowed as preted from contemporary Hellenistic sculpture. The plastic modeling The

marked

of heavy yet firm flesh, with contours that are never stream lined and uplifting but always sagging, swelling or bulging, is an on the innovation featured on numerous heads of goddesses

Fig.

8.

''Artemis," Pergamon-Altar.

Berlin,

of Staatliche Courtesy Pergamon-Museum. Museen Berlin, Antikensammlung.

in particular the Artemis from Pergamum, or more the facial type of the Hekate.135 rectangular (fig. 8)134 The oval-shaped face of the Brooklyn queen may have been substantially idealized in the taste of a Middle Hellenistic female Great Altar of Zeus

head. As the Altar was apparently nearing completion for its in in Pergamum in ternational viewing at the Great Nikephoria was the of the reliefs with the 181,136 contemporary sculpting I in Egypt, 194/3-176. An identification of reign of Cleopatra the Brooklyn heads with that queen is thus supported elements of Hellenistic stylistic influence. Two

heads

from a series of mold-made

through

terracottas

from

as por Smyrna were published by Simone Mollard-Besques137 I of Egypt. One of the replicas had already traits of Cleopatra been described by G. M. A. Richter138 as a portrait, possibly rep

II. Their physical similarity to the Brooklyn resenting Berenice head (figs. 6-7) and a statuette of the same queen in theMetro politan Museum (figs. 10-11), to be discussed below, illustrates the difficulty in differentiating

Fig.

9.

Terracotta

Head

from Memphis.

between London,

an actual portrait and

Petrie Museum

of Egyptian

ArchaeologyUC 48248. ? PetrieMuseum ofEgyptian Archaeology,Univer sityCollege London.

132 202f. Frauenstatuen, 133 202. Frauenstatuen, 134 Heinz Kahler, Der grofie Fries von Pergamon (Berlin, 1948), pi. 27. 135 Kahler, Der grofie Fries, pi. 6; Der Pergamon Altar (Berlin-Mainz, 2004), cover; ill. on 43. 136 Kahler, Der grofie Fries, 139ff.; Elisabeth Rohde, Pergamon. Burgberg und Altar (Berlin, 1982), the best explanation, of the exterior frieze of the Zeus Altar around 180 remains completion

LAutel de Pergame. Images et pouvoir en Grece d'Asie (Paris, 2005), Francois Queyrel, 137 RA 1968/2 (= Festschrift J. Charbonneaux, part II), 241-50, esp. figs. 1-4. 138 17. "Greek Portraits III," Latomus 48 (1955),

123ff.

26ff., esp. 30. A dating of the recent objections despite by

366 JARCE 45 (2009) a generic ethnic type. The clay heads show a woman with a long, rectangular face, high cheekbones, a solemn mien evoked primarily by the horizontal, closed lips, and a square chin. The face is framed

by a row of paratactically arranged corkscrew curls which are longer

falling over the ears. Clay portrait rulers are figurines of Hellenistic

extremely rare and, even though such an exception might be less surprising among the high quality terracottas

from

Smyrna,

the Ana

tolian provenance of both head not speak for their fragments does as of a identity representations

queen of Egypt. A terracotta head

found

dur

campaign at a very Memphis (fig. 9)139 has similar facial type, but it displays ing Petrie's

a more 10-11.

Figs.

Metropolitan of Art.

Limestone Museum

Statuette

from of Art 89.2.660.

L" New "Cleopatra Courtesy of theMetropolitan

Egypt,

of a crown or diadem

York, The Museum

ominous

second

facial

expression

through deeper hollowed out or bital arches and a lumpy, heavy rendering of the flesh that sug

in the sec gest its manufacture the defense of its identification as the

reduces ond century BC. The absence a of Like the from queen. examples Smyrna, the Memphite clay head is said to have been portrait are there other uncontroversial ruler portraits serial Nor mold-made, any implying production.140 over at Mit-Ra terracotta Petrie the of excavation the number of heads found years among by large

terracotta heads and the Cypriote (Memphis). An optical similarity between the series-produced coins rests probably not on corresponding portrait features, but rather on the combined overall aus tere effect of a long, rectangular face with a solemn expression of eyes and mouth, framed starkly by thick, stifflyand vertically falling corkscrew curls. Such a combination could have occurred in various

hine

centers at different time periods, misleading scholars to place the Brooklyn head among Roman Classicizing works of the first century BC. The Memphite clay head, a forceful work inminia to introduce to Egyptian artists the "Syrian" type?including ture, might have been used as a model a stern facial expression, to be used not only on the image of the queen, but now also long ringlets, cultural

139 London,

Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology UC 48248: William M. F. Petrie, The Palace ofApries College, 17, no. 102, pi. 31; Sally-Ann Ashton, Petrie's Ptolemaic and Roman Memphis 2003), (ill.); (London, and Peter Lacovara, eds., Excavating Egypt. Great Discoveries from thePetrie Museum ofEgyp Betsy Teasley Trope, Stephen Quirke tian Archaeology (Atlanta, 2005), 35, cat. 30 (color ill.). 140 this aspect on the original, but it does not seem to show the freshness of an The present author has not investigated (Memphis II)

original

University

(London,

1909),

CHESHIRE

367

in a series, were probably ide for a global Isis type. The Smyrnaic terracottas, which were mold-made alized, perhaps ethnically specific heads. A limestone statuette141 of a queen in Egyptian type with an uninscribed back pillar in the Metro politan Museum (figs. 10-11)142 has numerous features in common with the Brooklyn head. It was

style and type but in a soft stone appropriate for adapting Greek sculpting tech an exceptional niques. Both heads wear a triple uraeus on the horizontal headband, insignia which has been the subject of much scholarly debate (see infra). The hair is arranged in identical fashion in twisted, tubular ringlets falling densely like a mat from the crown of the head onto the shoulders. carved

in Egyptian

the forehead, emerging from beneath the plain Egyptian circlet, is a row of stylized snail-shell to a similar statuette, curls. It is tempting to speculate that the Brooklyn head originally belonged costume outer in the with ends knotted between the breasts, possibly garment striding, Egyptian

Across

even holding a cornucopia. mic differences.

Both

a young woman images clearly portray

but show slight physiogno

the similarities, particularly in the coiffure, Albersmeier143 placed the Metropolitan Recognizing statuette likewise in the early second century, allowing that it, too, might represent Cleopatra I, albeit are in the "Arsinoe Philadelphus" The distended with the eyes type cornucopia. large, typically Ptole maic, although the trait could imply a partial assimilation toArsinoe II. She drew a comparison to the octadrachms bearing the K-monogram, second century issues of the Arsinoe Philadelphus suspected in official protocol of Egyptian docu I. The queen's mention since Svoronos144 to portray Cleopatra ments honorifically as "King's Sister"145 was a declaration that the new queen took her place in the Ptolemaic dynasty as successor of the ruling brother-sister pair that preceded her. She was, moreover, III ("the Great") of Syria and the sister in actual fact of royal blood, the daughter of King Antiochus intended as IV.Her union with the young Ptolemy V, which was undoubtedly of the future Antiochus a measure as an alliance between the two Greco-Macedonian defensive powers against Rome, would

turn of phrase "King's Sister."146 In the Raphia have justified?in the eyes of the Egyptians?the III is actually cited using the Egyptian wordpr- i ("pharaoh"), and of 217 (line 11), Antiochus his name is set within a cartouche followed by cnhwdl snb, a slogan of well wishes for the king. This gesture of respect for the enemy king implicit in the Egyptian textmight have been determined by

Decree

the way inwhich the peace treaty was drawn up, as the betrothal of Antiochus's daughter to the son and heir of Ptolemy IV was negotiated between the two parties, making them future relatives.147 That foreign princesses married into the family of other monarchs was a familiar custom in Egypt

as well as in other kingdoms of the ancient world long before the Ptolemaic Period. The addition the extension of Greek attribute?underlined to the New York statuette of the single cornucopia?a the relationship beyond Egypt's borders. Hellenistic rulers, among each other, even occasionally 141 There

see Robert S. Bianchi in Susan Walker and Peter is some uncertainty whether the stone is limestone or marble; n. 58. Reassessed 22, eds., (London, 2003), Cleopatra Higgs, 142 not known. Gift of Joseph W. Drexel, 1889. h.-61.8 cm, Museum of Art 89.2.660. Provenance New York, Metropolitan see Winifred Needier, in the Yale University Art Gallery," Berytus 9 (1948/49), "Some Ptolemaic 137, 139f.> pi. 26, 5; Sculptures II or III"); Bernard V. Bothmer, Egyptian Sculpture of theLate Period (New York, 1960), 145f., no. 113, figs. 281-83 ("Cleopatra cat. Ml, inWalker and Higgs, eds., Cleopatra ofEgypt, 164, with color ill. and bib Ashton 101,1; Bildnisse, 118, 183, pi. Kyrieleis, ser. 9, no. 6 (1995), 39, 415ff., 431ff. (already with the identifi Capriotti Vittozzi, RendLinc liog. ("Cleopatra VII"); Giuseppina cation "Cleopatra Frauenstatuen, 204f., cat. no. 105, pi. 31a; Stanwick, Portraits, 34, 37, 40, n. 1, 80, 87, 95, 125, I"); Albersmeier, cat. E14, fig. 173 ("Cleopatra VII"). 143 203f. Frauenstatuen, 144 See infra. 145 See n. 100. 146 On the life of Cleopatra York, 1994), 80-88. I, see John Whitehorne, (London-New Cleopatras 147 "Feinde," Vittmann,

368

JARCE 45 (2009)

their royal peers from other kingdoms as "brother"148?an international bond of Mace elites, irrespective of their ties to their own subjects. The attribute, which was most closely in its double version (dikeras) and was then passed on, usually associated with Arsinoe Philadelphus as a single horn, to certain later Ptolemaic on copper coins from Cyrene, queens,149 is repeated addressed

donian

I (figs. 3-4), which show a already sometimes in the third century and also on coins of Cleopatra diadem of sprigs of grain on her portrait on the obverse, and the cornucopia bound by a royal fillet with the eagle on the reverse. amount of scholarly literature concerning the interpretation of the triple There is a considerable uraeus

and whether it can be used as a means of identifying the queen.150 A definition of the attrib ute is given by Diodorus (1. 47, 5), who visited Egypt at the time of Ptolemy XII. He described a statue of an Egyptian queen and mother of a prominent pharaoh Osymandias, as having "three diadems around her head (treis basileias epi tes kephales)" to signify that she was "daughter, mother and wife of a

king (thygaterkai gyne kai meter basileds)"151 This information may well have been given to the visit ing Sicilian historian by a native tour guide, a scribe or a priest, reading the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the back pillar of a statue such as the sculpted fragment of a feather crown with a horned sun disc,

with a triple uraeus, which was discovered by Petrie at Coptos.152 Aside from a possible adaptation of the attribute in Kush, in Egypt the triple uraeus is seen only on certain queens but almost never on kings,153 and thus logically could have alluded to a royal woman's multiple roles as daughter, sister or consort, and mother, such as are embodied by the uraeus, Hathor or other Daugh adorned

ters of Ra.154 Three

uraei appear already on a statue of Queen Tiye of the Eighteenth Dynasty.155 a with royal lady triple uraeus described by Diodorus was undoubtedly Touiya, the mother of Ramses II ("the Great"), the famous king who is repeatedly cited by that historian as Osymandias?a. as the Greek transliteration of his throne name (Wsr-mi'-R*).156 Touiya was known to the Romans The

of one of Egypt's greatest pharaohs and herself as a celebrated King's Mother.157 Albers interpretation of treis basileias as perhaps a mixture of different royal insignia totaling three is overly cautious; the number of components of a crown would not have been noteworthy, only to in Greek as a basileial59?w2is tripled. As Stanwick observed,160 the fact that the uraeus?referred the tripling of a symbol could signify, in Egyptian orthography, simply plurality; hence, the three uraei could be interpreted as ntr.wt, "goddesses." The statement of Diodorus is supported by the

mother

meier's158

148 Wilhelm

Kunst und Gesellschaft an den Hofen Alexanders des Grofien und seiner (Munich, Volcker-Janssen, 1993), Nachfolger The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 124, n. 849. 63; Cheshire, 149 Ptolemaic Oinochoai and portraits infaience (Oxford, 1973), 31-34; Katrin Bemmann, in klassischer Fullhorner Thompson, und hellenistischer Zeit (Frankfurt-am-Main, The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 117ff. 1994), 82ff., 88ff.; Cheshire, 150 in Cleopatra of Bothmer, Egyptian Sculpture, 145-57; Robert S. Bianchi, Cleopatra's Egypt (Brooklyn, 1988), 176; Ashton

48-52. 171; Stanwick, Portraits, 37, 41, 46, 76, 80; Albersmeier, Frauenstatuen, Egypt, 154-55, 151 New Albersmeier, Frauenstatuen, 48, citing Paul Stanwick, Egyptian Royal Sculptures of thePtolemaic Period (Dissertation, York University, 1999), 105. 152 Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology UC 14521: William M. F. Petrie, Koptos (London, London, University College, in Cleopatra ofEgypt, 171, cat. no. 170, with excellent 1896), 2If., pi. 26, 3; Ashton, Ptolemaic Royal Sculpture, 67 (ill.); Ashton and bibliography. photographs 153 in Cleopatra ofEgypt, 155, cites one example of the first century bc at Dendera. Ashton 154 48ff. with a review of the various interpretations; for the identity of the queen with Hathor/ Albersmeier, Frauenstatuen,

"Zur Deutung eines Szepters etc., see Wendy Cheshire, daughter of Ra/uraeus, 108ff.; with revisions in idem, The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 110, 123f., n. 843; Lana 1986), lOOff., 126ff. Myth and History (Uppsala, 155 Bianchi, Cleopatra's Egypt, 176. 156 j^er KleinePauly 4, col. 379, s.v. "Osymandias" (Wolfgang Helck). 157 Diodorus Siculus I7lf. 1, 47, 3-5; Cheshire, "Aphrodite Cleopatra," 158 48. Frauenstatuen, 159 OGIS I, no. 56,11. 56, 62-3. Decree: Canopus 160 portraitSi 37.

der Arsinoe

Troy, Patterns

II. Philadelphos," of Queenship

ZPE 48 (1982), in Ancient Egyptian

CHESHIRE

369

titulature inscribed on the Coptos fragment: "Noble queen's woman, great of praises, Mistress of Upper and Lower Egypt, of the King, Sister of the King, Great satisfied . . .Daughter Wife of the King, who placates the heart of Horus." The epi thet "who placates to the queen

ence

a refer (shtp-ib-Hr) is the precise of Hathor; of Arsinoe II, who was also

the heart of Horus"

as the embodiment

in a cartouche epithet appears to that goddess as sister of Horus, otherwise assimilated the to Because of the tendency syncretism among the king.161 three cobras could the deities, represent virtually any Egyptian three "daughters of Ra" who had a theological connection with

Fig.

12.

Copper I." London,

patra

Coin,

Cyrenaica, British Museum

"Cleo 1866

1201-3880. ? The Trustees of theBritish

Museum.

royal sculptural

style. The

the institution of queenship as well. Ashton162 rightfully inter preted the triple uraeus as a reference to a queen with mul from our tiple family ties to the king, but presumed?differing own arguments?that

the three known Ptolemaic

portrayed Cleopatra VII. In contrast to the Hellenizing

examples

all

head in Brooklyn, the Egyp statuette created a rather sche tian artist of the Metropolitan matic portrait within the parameters of contemporary native small mouth with tightly pursed lips is a similar physical feature to the

Brooklyn portrait, although there the mouth is fleshier, similar to the Cypriote coin images (fig. 3). The thin cutting of the lips and nose-bridge, as well as the linear incisions for the eyelids, is symptom atic of the less graceful workmanship statuette. The pert, lively facial expression of theMetropolitan

of the statuette is a frequent tendency on provincial works, including on royal sculpture from native workshops from the second century. The nose appears to show a slight hook, but minor variations in the length or curve of the nose are found as well among the various coin issues due to the extremely small size of the copper coins (which are irregularly formed but paper-thin and about the breadth of a U.S. dime). One miniscule slip of the hand of the die-cutter would have led to the nose on these me diocre silhouettes being twice as long, or aquiline instead of straight. a During the reign of Ptolemy V Epiphanes, significant change appears also to take place on a familiar type of Cyrenaic copper coinage with a portrait head of Ptolemy I Soter on the obverse and on the reverse. From the of Libya, encircled by the legend BASILEOS PTOLEMAIOU early second century bc on, when a more pathetic visage of Ptolemy Soter is introduced, the reverse now

a head

a bust of the eponymous goddess with the head of a much younger woman, and on some the facial features that appear to represent the contemporary queen shows individualized issues, girl of Egypt. One new feature in the public image of Cleopatra I is that she, like her husband, through

bears

their child marriage

Museum politan

assumed

the throne when barely reaching adolescence. An assarion in the British shows (fig. 12)163 Libya with youthful, pert facial features that closely resemble the Metro statuette?the wide open, brightly gazing eye, a low, straight forehead, the short "Cleopatra"

161 "Zur Deutung II. Philadelphos," 109. eines Szepters der Arsinoe Gauthier, Livre des Rois, 241f.; Cheshire, 162 See n. 149. 163 British Museum BMC Cyrenaica 1866-1201-3880: Poole, BMC Ptolemies, lvii f., 6f., no. 83, pi. xviii, 4; E. S. G. Robinson, (London, 1927), cxlvi?clix, pi. 31, 3-8, esp. no. 6. For earlier issues of the Soter/Libya type, which show a harshly "barbaric" head of Libya, see Robinson, Ta nomismata TV, 128ff., who suggests a pis. 30, 12f. and 31, 1, as well as comments by Svoronos, to a portrait of Berenice, wife of identification of that Libya head as an assimilation plausible, but still hypothetical, King Magas of Cyrene and daughter of the Persian princess Apama, rather than, as suggested by Robinson and others, as Berenice (II),

who married West

I will have been the second descendant Ptolemy III. In this sense, Cleopatra and marry a king of Cyrenaica, which was meanwhile annexed by Egypt.

of the last Persian

royal family to go

370

JARCE 45 (2009)

the thin-lipped mouth and a firmly protruding chin, which is offset by a deep indentation be the lower lip. A stiffbut bright smile is evoked on the sculptural portrait as on the glyptic im age by the lips being pressed tightly together and curled up at the corners. The profile contour of the nose on both portrait types is straight in its upper half and has a slight downward hook near the tip; nose,

neath

of a tip ends abruptly a bit higher than the level of the nostrils, giving the appearance curve on in it is of when the Even the coin the the nose, fact, turned-up opposite. jawbone portrait statuette. The long corkscrew curls on the Cyrenaic the profile of the Metropolitan closely matches coin images, typical not only for Oriental fashion but also for the mythical figure Libya and hence the pointed

term "Libyan locks,"164 are hardly to be differentiated from the Cypriote giving rise to themisleading or stone portraits in Brooklyn and theMetropolitan. I of In front of the head the portraits Cleopatra of "Zifrya/Cleopatra I" on some of the coins, such as figure 12, is a tiny cornucopia?an attribute that

on refers to the vast occasionally Cyrenaic coinage since the third century and undoubtedly was of much of from the for The which destined also export. production grain region, cornucopia occurs on the limestone statuette inNew York, the connection within the Ptolemaic although dynasty is obvious here. The style of the coin image is unsophisticated and rather simplified with clearly out appears

on flat, empty flesh surfaces. The features lacking inner modeling, lying owes to facial its glyptic portrait cheery expression provincial Egyptian influence, just as does the of I" in the limestone the sculpting style "Cleopatra Metropolitan Museum. The style of the Cyrenaic assarion recalls that of the Arsinoe Philadelphus coins,165 although it is cruder, while the Greek lined, isolated

individual

inspired portraits of the same queen evoke the fierce authority of Persian art. The inscription of the queen's name within a cartouche on the right shoulder of the Metropolitan statuette, although by no means without precedent on Egyptian sculpture,166 has been the object of much scholarly speculation. The most remarkable aspect of the cartouche is not its placement on the

arm like a tattoo167 but its terse form. The queen's proper name (a Greek one, spelled alphabetically in Egyptian characters Qliwlpldrl), written neither with the traditional prefix of a title (queen, wife of . . .", king, etc.) nor in combination with an epithet of divine association stp n? (mryn- , "beloved by, . . . "chosen by ,"etc.) with the name of an Egyptian god.168 The overall effect of the hieroglyphs has an authentic appearance, despite the orthographic blemishes that were recently pointed out by R. S. the addition of the cartouche as a modern more likely who discounted Bianchi, forgery.169 It is far that the blunt cliche of naming a ruler by his proper name, spelled alphabetically within a cartouche,

164 O. Elia, Rivista del Real Istituto di Archeologia e Storia delVArte 8 (1941), 89ff.; Albersmeier, 7lf. with bibliog Frauenstatuen, in L. Bricault, M. J. Versluys, and R Meyboom, eds., Nile into Tiber. Egypt in theRoman World (Leiden raphy; Robert S. Bianchi, Boston, 2007), 482-87. 165 See n. 235. 166 To name only a few, a granite statue of Ramses VI in Marseille, Musee mediterraneenne 209: Christine d'archeologie Favard-Meeks and Dimitri Meeks, Musees deMarseille. Cahier du Musee dArcheologie mediterraneenne. La Collection Egyptien, Guide on the sleeve of his du Visiteur (Marseille, torso of an official, also 1989), 19, bears a cartouche garment. A limestone engraved in Marseille with color of Ramses bears II inscribed on his upper arms. In London, cartouches Petrie Cahier, 15, (Meeks, ill.), Museum of Egyptian Archaeology et al., eds., UC Two colossal, diorite 14632: Trope Excavating Egypt, 29, with bibliogaphy.

III in the Metropolitan seated statues of Amenophis on both upper of Art, New York, bear the king's cartouches Museum arms: William C. Hayes, The Scepter ofEgypt (Greenwich, Conn., 1959), 234f., figs. 139f. 167The late fourth century Papyrus Bremner-Rhind details that two young women, in preparation to enact the roles of Isis in the Choiak and Nephthys festival, should each have the name of the goddess written on their arm; Robyn Gillam, Perfor mance and Drama in Ancient Egypt (London, 103f. Further on tattoos in ancient Egypt: Albersmeier, Frauenstatuen, 59, 2005), with n. 366. 168 That the inscription is a modern Frauenstatuen, 114, and Stanwick, Portraits, forgery has been suspected by Albersmeier, in greater detail by Bianchi in Cleopatra Reassessed, inWilly Clarysse, Antoon 95, and argued 15ff.; also A. Rammant-Peeters Schoors, and Harco Willems, eds., Egyptian Religion, vol. 2. OLA 85 (Louvain, 1998), 1453. 169 In I7f. Cleopatra Reassessed,

The Last Thousand

Years. Studies Dedicated

to theMemory

offan Quaegebeur,

CHESHIRE was added

371

after the completion of the statue, but the reason is difficult to determine in view of the statue's present, disengaged context. Following H. G. Fisher's observations on Pharaonic sometime

Period monuments, the orientation of the hieroglyphs in the cartouche towards the left, that is, away from the body of the queen, could firsthave been determined upon the placement of the statuette in a temple, where itwas then juxtaposed with a statuette of the king or beside an image of the local times as synnaos theos), the inscriptions on both monuments thus arranged temple god (in Ptolemaic to face inward towards each other.170 The truncated form of the then also probably would inscription have been the result of an on-the-spot addition after the statue was in place, in which case some in the execution

of the signs (reed leaf, birds) might easily be excused.171 Bianchi compared the inscription to the simplistic use of a cartouche containing the words Pr-9 a as for the ever-changing name of the ruler of Egypt in hieroglyphic temple substitute ("Pharaoh") of Roman Erich Winter173 called attention to a scene on the architrave over the times.172 inscriptions

awkwardness

entrance gate to the Ergamenes chapel at Dakke that was recarved under Tiberius. Behind the phar aoh figure, representing the Roman Emperor, stands a figure of his consort in the familiar manner of a Ptolemaic

queen. Instead of the name of the Empress?which might well have been unknown to the of Egypt's southern frontier region?the column of hieroglyphs in front of the woman's reads phonetically Cleopatra without a cartouche. Undoubtedly, the mystique of one notorious

stonemason head

or several other Ptolemaic a Demotic statue

of

queens of that name acquired a remarkable longevity in the Roman world; of fourth century AD at the Isis Temple on Philae refers to the gilding of a the graffito

"Cleopatra."174

on Ptolemaic Egyptian royal sculpture, Paul Stan wick175 has collected a good of sculptures of kings of similar style, for the most part wearing the nemes headcloth, which he dates certainly correctly to the "first half of the second century B.C." Although Stan wick does not include the Metropolitan queen statuette within the pieces of this time period,176 the material he In his recent book

number

presents enables a good characterization of native art of the reigns of Ptolemies V and VI. Among them, a limestone head of a pharaoh in a nemes from Canopus177 offers a particularly close stylistic comparison to theNew York Cleopatra. Both heads have a very direct, friendly expression, are sculpted in large, simplified, flat-lying features with a complete lack of sophistication (one is reminded of the extreme youth of both kings, as well as their spouses, Cleopatras I and II, at the time of their ascent to the throne). The shape of the face of these portraits, both with a strong Egyptian stamp, is similar: the side planes of the head extend vertically down the temples to the cheekbones, beneath which the

170 Cf. Henry G. Fischer, The Orientation ofHieroglyphs. Egyptian Studies 2 (New York, 1977), 33, n. 86. 171The of the lasso (wt) with a cobra in the spelling of "Cle-o-pa-t-r-a" is not, despite Bianchi's (see objections replacement n. 117), as a to discredit in a small space and the sculptor is crammed the cartouche forgery. The botched hieroglyph grounds its replacement the loop of the tiny lasso in the friable stone. Instead, by an easily might not have been able to execute as an of the word linear etched inscribed, i(r.t, cr(.t, "uraeus" serpent might have satisfied the stonemason approximation

transliteration of the vowels in the Greek name in the car (Greek, oupaioc;); cf.Wb. I, 42; Erichsen, Glossar, 65. The alphabetical the serpent could be considered touche is, as often the case in Ptolemaic writings of the queen's name, excessively elaborate; over an a cryptogram or an stone. chipped acrophonic improvisation writing, 172Bianchi in Cleopatra Reassessed, 15, with nn. 34-35. 173 ZAS 130 (2003), 197-212, Die Datierung des Kalabscha-Tores," als Soter, Euergetes und Epiphanes: "Octavian/Augustus esp. 209, pi. 50. 174 F. LI. Griffith, The Demotic Graffiti of theDodekaschoenus (Cairo, 1937) I, 104, Ph. 370,11. 7f. See also Cheshire, "Aphrodite III, who received 151-91, for other Egyptian Cleopatrae before the illustrious seventh, especially Cleopatra signifi Cleopatra," cant cult forms that might have evolved into the later Roman divine figure. 175 27 (with earlier bibliography), Portraits, 20, 21, 110f., cat. nos. B19-B figs. 65-77. 176 Instead he assigns it to Cleopatra VII, as do the authors of the recent exhibition catalogue, Cleopatra ofEgypt (see n. 90). 177 1925-1931 Greco-Roman Museum 28103: E. Breccia, he Musee Greco-Romain Alexandria, 1932), 17f., no. 10, (Bergamo, n. cat. B22 21, 86, 110, (bibliography), fig. pi. 9, 32; Stanwick, Portraits, 20, 21, 70, 83,

372 JARCE 45 (2009)

13-14. Figs. Larrieu.

Marble

Bust from Egypt,

"Cleopatra

I.

"

Paris, Musee

du Louvre

Ma

3546.

?

Louvre,

DistRMNI

Christian

cheek planes slant inward and become rapidly slimmer towards the large, rather pointed chin. A hori on the pharaoh's head in Alexandria zontal axis, low set on the forehead, is emphasized by the on a row drawn band of the New I" the York horizontal of nemes, straightly "Cleopatra by tiny snail shell curls arranged across her brow. Both heads show the rendering of the eyebrows each by one sharp edge, cut along a simple, shallow curve, the narrow bridge of the nose and the identical, rou tine and symmetrical cut of the upper and lower eyelids framing almond-shaped eyes. It is probable that the New York

statuette and the Alexandria head represent the young couple, Cleopatra I and a V their in As of the Alex Ptolemy Epiphanes respectively, relatively early reign. portrait Ptolemy V, andria head can be compared with respect to the head shape, the large eyes and slimmer lower part of the face beneath the cheekbones, to a marble head in the Louvre178 and a head in Budapest,179 both of which Kyrieleis180 persuasively attributed to Ptolemy V. Another pharaonic-style portrait of a nemes a same to and these and traits its identifica pharaoh wearing bearing stylistic physical pointing tion as Ptolemy V is a granite head retrieved in recent years from the Alexandria harbor.181 The baroque modeling of heavy flesh and mannish, dark facial expression that characterizes the

on the Pergamum Altar (fig. 8) and influenced the Egyptian sculptor's style can be (figs. 6-7) recognized on a marble bust in the Louvre (figs. 13-14), as a portrait of Cleopatra from Egypt,182 which also merits consideration I. The

heads of many goddesses on the head in Brooklyn said

to come

178 du Louvre Ma 3532: Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 56f., 133f., 173, cat. E10 Paris, Musee (bibliography), pis. 44, Ptolemaic Royal Sculpture, 54 (with ill.). 179 Muzeum 842: Anton Hekler, Die Sammlung antiker Skulpturen (Vienna, 1929), no. 161 Szepmuveszeti nisse, 55f., 135, 173, cat. E9 (bibliography), pi. 44, 1-2. 180 Bildnisse, 55f., 135, 173, cat. E9 (bibliography), pi. 44, 1-2. 181 Alexandria 1015: Ashton, Ptolemaic Royal Sculpture, 66, no. 2. 6, with ill. and bibliography ("mid-first 182 du Louvre Ma 3546: Richter, Portraits, 267, figs. 1850-52; Paris, Musee 120ff., Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, pi. 104, 1-2 ("Cleopatra, early 2nd century"); Smith, Hellenistic Royal Portraits, 94, 166f., no. 56 ("Cleopatra

3-4;

45,

1; Ashton,

(ill.); Kyrieleis,

Bild

century bc"). 128, 185, cat. M12, I, II or III"); O. M.

"Om ptolemaeiske 104 ("Cleopatra og gudinder," Meddelelser fra Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek 51 (1995), I?"); dronninger Les sculptures grecques II: La periode hellenistique Ille?Ie siecles av.J.-C. (Paris, 1988), 87f., no. 89 ("Cleopatra Hamiaux, II or III?"); Ashton in cat. no. 25, with 2 color ill. II or III"); Stanwick, Portraits, 75f., 77, 87, Cleopatra ofEgypt, 59, ("Cleopatra figs. 263f. ("Cleopatra

Nielsen, Marianne

CHESHIRE

373

lower edge of the nude bust was trimmed to be fitted into a statue. The thin, flat ruler's and the corkscrew curl coiffure have led to a widespread assumption that the head portrays a Ptolemaic queen, who would have worn in addition an Isiac crown or another attribute inserted into rounded

diadem a hole

whether

in the top of the head.183 Several scholars in more recent years, however, have questioned it represents a female at all. E. La Rocca184 contended that it represents a man, attired as a

its attribution to a Nabataean priest of Dionysus, and Stephan Schmidt185 more recently proposed are on coins with this identical coiffure. Schmidt's argument for an portrayed king, several of whom attribution to a Nabataean king hinges entirely on the dating of the extant; since the nomad people were not sufficiently Hellenized, nor did they build permanent settlements, until about a one statue of in and of their leaders Hellenistic could 100, style portrait hardly be expected before

of Arabia that

time.186

180, which can the heavy flesh by "Venus rings" and of the support of the

a Kyrieleis187 put forward stylistic arguments for dating of the Louvre head around be better defended. Typically for Pergamene heads from the time of the Great Altar,

of the face and the thick neck, even more than the Brooklyn head articulated an Adam's apple, has a substance of its own and swells or buckles independent bone structure. The sculptor was evidently more interested in creating a dramatic texture of the sur face than in symmetry or stable forms. The energetic twist of the neck and upward turn of the head,

gaze of the eyes with plastically sculpted hollows under the brows to either to evoke a shadowing effect were typical for the late Baroque phase of the Middle Hellenistic Period. Kyrieleis188 recognized Egyptian influence in the sculpting style of the to Louvre head; the surfaces of the marble are calmer and the mouth almost closed, appearing on case the is the with the passionate divine figures "breathe" less heavily, than Pergamene reliefs.189 and the dark, passionate side of the nose bridge

the stylistic proximity of the Louvre Nonetheless, firsthalf of the second century is remarkable?and

school of the bust to the sophisticated Pergamene a to be from expected provincial school in hardly

to an Alexandrian Desert.190 Kyrieleis' comparison of the Louvre "Cleopatra" portrait of an to the boy king's mother, Cleopatra I, or to his Ptolemy VI191 is implicit attribution of the head II. The attribution to a Ptolemaic queen provides an easier explanation for the sister-wife, Cleopatra the Arabian

carved into the top of the Louvre head, into which one of various Isiac crowns or attributes sun disc, feather crown, lotus bud, uraeus ring as base for an additional Egyptian crown, ears (horned of grain) could have been inserted, while Schmidt's suggestion of an attribute such as corn ears of the is rarely represented. Nabataean deity Dusares192 recession

183 Hamiaux, Sculptures grecques, 87. 184 L'eta d'oro di Cleopatra. Indagine sulla Tazza Farnese (Rome, 185 Ein nabataisches Herrscherportrat "Konig, nicht Konigin. 186 97ff. Schmidt, "Konig, nicht Konigin," 187 Bildnisse, 120f. 188 Bildnisse, 120. 189 Schmidt, 97, also acknowledged "Konig, nicht Konigin,"

1984), 26. in Paris," AA

(2001),

9Iff.

on the Louvre the influence of Alexandrian provincial style but, dating the head to the end of the second or the first century, attributes this influence to the geographical proximity to Egypt. of Arabia 190 of the sculpture of the latter part of the early second century BC and the baroque modeling To differentiate between one century later, the lifeless or weakened towards rendering heavy, sagging flesh with a more the tendency expression torso of "Inopos/Alexander the Great" the Delian head may be contrasted with another work at the Louvre, "Cleopatra" cat. 71 (ill. and (Louvre Ma 855: Smith, Hellenistic Royal Portraits, 172, no. 89, pi. 54, figs. 6f.; Hamiaux, Sculptures grecques, 67ff., is the rendering of the eyes. The was undoubtedly 100 BC. One key difference around sculpted in the decades bibliog.), which

head

of the orbital cavities of evoked by deeper undercutting of the eyebrows as sharp edges and the shadowing crisp demarcation of the lumpy brow of the eyes, while the modeling the "Cleopatra" greater pathos or even fury in the expression produce like a monotonous the swollen flesh around the eyes, and the thick lids of the "Alexander/Inopos" musculature, appears juxta position of identically textured 191 Greco-Roman Alexandria, 192 nicht Konigin," "Konig,

elements, Museum

into each other with no higher points of interest. melding 24092: Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 59ff., 120f., 127, 174, cat. F3 (with bibliog.),

pis. 49-51.

374 JARCE 45 (2009) "Cleopatra" are difficult to recog to and modern due restoration of most of the nize, partially damage nose and a large portion chipped out of the upper lip.193Moreover, taste for ex the sculptor made use of theMiddle Hellenistic baroque The

facial features of the Louvre

aggerated, sensual forms with such artistic liberty that he neglected the accurate physical portrait of the queen. A physical resemblance of the portrait to the Cypriote coins with a bust of "Cleopatra I" (fig. 3) can possibly be recognized, however: a low forehead, jutting out over the brow, what appears from the extant upper part of the nose is straight, a long, flat cheek and a meaty, protruding chin. The al

most masculine Fig. 15. Hyacinth

Portrait molean

Intaglio

with

I. Oxford, Ash of Cleopatra Museum 1892.1572. Cour

tesy of the Ashmolean

Museum.

strength of the portrait, the grimly set lips of the and the fierce glance of the eyes on the marble portrait are comparable to the furrowed brow and sternly setmouth on some small mouth

of the Cypriote coin images (figs. 3-4) and, in sentiment, to the fierce on early second century K-mono image of Arsinoe Philadelphus Decisive for the attribution of the Louvre grammed octadrachms.

I are, on the basis of its art historical placement about bust to Cleopatra from the round-faced countenance of Cleopatra II, who had prominent as I and large eyes, have recently discussed elsewhere.194

180, its physical differences a wide mouth cheekbones,

A hyacinth intaglio in the Ashmolean Museum (fig. 15)195 closely follows the type of the Cypriote coins (fig. 3) showing a woman wearing a corkscrew coiffure with loose sprigs of grain bound into one over ear corn her diadem, sun a full of In her forehead. disc flanked addition, including by a or as an as a queen is sup Isis pair of cow's horns identifies her Egyptian queen; the identification

common feature of the ported by the long streamer falling down behind the head from the wreath?a a Hellenistic The it diadem.196 dominant is that ruler eye suggests royal large, portrait, intended to be intimidating.

If the facial features on the glyptic image are to be interpreted as a portrait, then it is easy to find in it similarities to the images now identifiable as Cleopatra I. That the image is a Ptolemaic queen is

supported by the parallel of an intaglio of the same portrait type and attributes in Alexandria,197 which I have argued elsewhere is a representation of Cleopatra Berenice III.198 The woman on the cameo a is Oxford low forehead, slanting in towards the hairline, the nose is clearly young. She has and is the chin straight sharply pointed, prominent?features typical of all the coin portraits of Cleo I. The

of the queen, whose gently rounded cheeks and chin, and pert, youthful appearance not have little smile yet acquired the lean, bony frame and the harsh facial expression of tight-lipped the mature Cleopatra I. In this aspect, the cameo portrait is comparable to the youthful images on

patra

the Cyrenaic coin portrait (fig. 3) and the New York statuette (figs. 10-11) discussed above. The are a rolled curls in onto corkscrew rendered down her shoul manner, hard, ropelike tightly falling ders from beneath the diadem; above it, the hair lies flat against the head, and a shorter, ropelike ringlet in the front falls over the ear; this rendering of the hair closely resembles that on the statuette 193 to the bust, see Hamiaux, por a description of the damages Sculptures Grecques, 87f. 194 The Ptolemies inMemphis "Excursus: The Portraits of Cleopatra II." Cheshire, (forthcoming), 195 Museum h.-3 cm, see La Gloire d'Alexandrie 1892.1572. Oxford, Ashmolean 161, no. (Paris, 1998), Francoise Boussac). 196 Smith, Hellenistic Royal Portraits, 85. 197 Museum Greco-Roman Boussac 28855: Marie-Francoise and Paola Starakis-Roscam, "Une Collection camees du Musee BCH 107 (1983), 468ff., no. 32, fig. 31. d'Alexandrie," 198 Berenice Cheshire, Ptolemies, Chapter, "Cleopatra

102

(ill.)

d'intailles

(Marie

et de

CHESHIRE

375

in the Metropolitan and the head in Brooklyn (figs. 6-7). The mouth is small but the lips are fleshy, the upper lip protruding a bit beyond the lower one, in an earnest, almost frowning expression?a look apparently found on most of this queen's portraits?an attitude more typical for determined

royal portraits than for the Ptolemies, hinting at the queen's own lineage. style of the gem carving fits well within the early second century.199 Coins of the young Ptolemy V (fig. I)200 show similar hardened forms, stone-like skin surfaces, angular contours of the to the intaglio are the sharp rendering of the pointed nose, the addi profile. Particularly comparable Seleucid The

tive lips, and the offset, protruding chin, each feature lying isolated on top of the inanimate shell of the face with a lack of plastic integration within the flesh. The large, rigid eye is very comparable on the gem portrait of the queen and the king's coins. An identification of the Oxford intaglio as Cleo

I is thus well supported. The addition of thin blades of grain to her diadem, represented not on the cameo but also on some of the Cypriote coin portraits (figs. 3-4), is paralleled on coin only a diadem decorated with corn (fig. I).201 portraits of the young Ptolemy V, on which he wears a Certainly the valuable gold and silver emissions bearing the boy king's portrait, in major part outside the sphere of circulation of destined for the Ptolemies' Greek subjects and mercenaries

patra

copper money,202 but also a large portion of the low value copper coins from a Cypriote mint, destined for domestic circulation, will have been minted to cover the expenses of the military. from dispar The troops still consisted in the early second century bc to a large extent of mercenaries Ptolemaic

ate parts of the Greek world. In the age of democracy, shipments of food supplies to various parts of the Mediterranean world in times of famine or extreme hardship had been undertaken among the

Greek poleis but more often by well-to-do private citizens. This emergency relief took the form of loans, in ideal cases at minimal interest, or of outright grants. From the late fourth century bc on, in on the peasant folk became the expanded world of the Hellenistic monarchies, increasingly reliant the euergetism of well-to-do private citizens.203 The recipients of the charitable actions often rewarded their benefactors with public gestures in the form of portrait statues and decrees set up in the Agora, or with the bestowal of honorific titles for their assistance.204 golden wreaths or diadems, In Egypt, a farmore centralized government was already well developed long before the Ptolemaic as an Period, and the intervention of the king, agent of the gods with the enormous grain reserves

of the State at his disposal, in times of crisis was a natural expectation of the populace.205 The agri cultural wealth of Egypt was known to the Greeks since earliest historical times, and it is likely that more often than is documented, grain was exported to theWest before the Ptolemaic Period far although

pharaoh

to Diodorus,207 on the part of private the In 396, according entrepreneurs.206 a an I alliance with fulfilled large shipment Sparta by sending King Agesilaos Nepherites possibly

199 "Collection Boussac, d'intailles," 468ff., suggested a dating of 180 BC. 200 "Portratmiinzen," passim. Kyrieleis, 201 213ff., figs. Iff.; idem, Bildnisse, 52, pi. 40, 1-3. "Portratmiinzen," Kyrieleis, 202 222. The Raphia Decree "Portratmiinzen," Poole, BMC Ptolemies, lxx; Kyrieleis,

of 217 states (lines 27-30) that Ptolemy Beitr.z.Klass.Philol.23 IV paid his troops 300,000 gold pieces for their victory; Heinz-Josef Thissen, Studien zum Raphia-Dekret. am Glan, 1966), 20f., 64f. (Meisenheim 203 In came to the aid of those in need in that private individuals of means ancient Egypt as well, itwas a known practice times of famine, Jacques Vandier, La Famine dans VEgypte ancienne (Cairo, 1936), 26f., 38, 130f. 204 Peter toRisk and Crisis (Cambridge, 1988), 30, 82 Garnsey, Famine and Food Supply in theGraeco-Roman World. Responses Dirscherl, MBAH19 66, 163f., 261-67, 272; Hans-Christian (2000), 26, n. 121; Peter Van Minnen, "Euergetism in Graeco-Roman

36 (Leuven, 2000), in Leon Mooren, ed., Politics, Administration and Society in theHellenistic and Roman World, StudHell Egypt," 437-69. 205 Vandier, La Famine, 23-25, 54, 57; Paul Barguet, Le stele de lafamine a Sehel (Cairo, 1943). 206M. M. Austin, Greece and Egypt in theArchaic Age (Cambridge, 1970), 35, 69-70, nn. 2-3; Friedrich Kienitz, Die politische Geschichte Agyptens vom 7. bis zum 4. Jahrhundert vor der Zeitwende (Berlin, 1953), 73. 207 1 3.79,

JARCE 45 (2009)

376

of grain and supplies for his troops to fight the Persians.208 Conversely, in a period of hardship in bought grain from Sicily.209 In the third century BC King Egypt in 323/2, the satrap Cleomenes Hieron of Syracuse sent a shipload of grain to Egypt in a time of famine.210 Grain imports by Ptolemy in the Canopus Decree.211 When the inhabitants of Rome and Syria are mentioned to suffered a famine after their countryside had been ravaged in the Hannibalic Wars, they appealed an emergency shipment of corn.212 Ptolemy IV for III from Crete

As Greek mercenaries were recruited from abroad to quell the Egyptian nationalist uprising in the south of Egypt,213 the message of the coins was surely pragmatic and international. The broad inter pretation of the corn symbolism alone, as mentioned by Kyrieleis,214 alluding to the prosperity and sustenance guaranteed in the person of the king, was undoubtedly the populace drew the message of native revolts caused severe destruction in many parts of the Egyptian while countryside, people who were uprooted from their land either to escape the fighting or to join the military deserted their farms, which fell into disrepair and draught, so that no crops were har vested. A Dublin papyrus215 relates about the Lycopolite nome that, at the time of the rebellion of from them. Two decades

Chaonnophris, most of the population died and the land went arid.216 The Greeks might easily have connected the hope that these images offered in the person of the king with the cult of Triptolemus, Demeter or another chthonic deity.217 Clement of Alexandria218 relates one historical tradition that the Alexandrian cult image of Serapis (or, in the words of Clem ent, "Pluto") was a gift from the people of Sinope inAsia Minor in gratitude to Ptolemy Philadelphus for having sent them grain in a time of famine. This rumor may have had some basis in fact, since the canonic times a modim?a basket of image of Serapis wore on his head a kalathos, in Roman the volume of the standard measure I would have been tacitly assimilated, of grain.219 Cleopatra through the addition

of the blades

of grain in her diadem,

to Demeter.

Even

though the imagery of

208

Kienitz, Die politische Geschichte, 79-80. 209 Garnsey, Famine, 152-57, 161f. 210 V 209b; Vandier, La famine, 33f. Athenaeus 211 Sethe, Urk. II, 130f., hierogl. 1. 9, Greek 11. 13-19; Vandier, La famine, 126-28; Heinz Heinen, "Hunger, Not und Macht," AncSoc 36 (2006), 13-44, esp. 17-19. 212 I, 155; II, 269, n. 186, with further references. Polybius, 9.11; cf. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria 213 Hu6, Agypten, 476-78. 214 244. "Portratmunzen," 215 Pestman, 103, 12Iff. (ww). "Haronnophris," 216The ancient Egyptian grain reserves, replenished times throughout annually through taxation in kind, were, in normal to sustain the population in times of hardship. It was only during periods of civil unrest, a foreign history, generally equipped invasion or an unstable system broke down; Vandier, La famine, 24-27, 35-38, 48-50. regime that this well-organized 217 "A drought in the late eighth century B.C.," Hesperia 48 (1979), 397-411, saw John McK. Camp, esp. 398, 401-3, 407-8,

the relief from severe drought in Athens as the reason for the foundation of the cult of Zeus Ombrios (the Bringer of Rain) on additional the aetiological myth of the foundation of the cult of among numerous Hymettos. He compared, examples, Artemis at Brauron, which was allegedly to end a plague or famine she herself had inflicted intended to persuade the goddess on the not to specific the cults of agricultural deities to be addressed {Famine, 112) believed populace. Disagreeing, Garnsey crises but to the normal risks and vicissitudes on the behavior of farming, which was always dependent of the weather. 218Protr. 4.48: Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria I, 247; II, 398, n. 449. 219Der Kleine Pauly 3 (Munich, in the Bibliotheque 1975), col. 1379, s.v. "Modius (4)" (E. Bund). Thus on a large cameo in the role of Triptolemus, rides in the god's serpent-drawn Nationale, Paris, the Emperor Claudius, chariot, while at his side in the guise of Ceres, reaches out to the the Empress Messalina, with a volumen in one hand, and sprigs of grain in the populace

Mount

Camees et intailles II. Les Portraits romains du Cabinet des medailles (Paris, 2003), 98f., cat. 105 (with ref other; M.-L. Vollenweider, erences to earlier literature), und die Ptolemaer," JbKGHamb 6/7 (1988), 32f., 40, n. 132, pi. 14. H.-P. Laubscher, "Triptolemos an effort to relocate observed that not only did Claudius made to Rome the center of the Eleusinian (Suet., Claud. Mysteries of his reign necessitated initiated on the part of the 25, 5), but a severe famine at the beginning large scale political operations cf. also Rickham, Corn Supply, 73ff., 193, Emperor;

CHESHIRE

377

KLEOPATRAS coins was to a large extent pragmatic and political, an additional plea to the gods for assistance might also bring results. III Philopator, had appeared before the troops to encourage Cleopatra Fs predecessor, Arsinoe to success against the troops of Antiochus them before the Battle of Raphia III, and an applique a lance might represent her in this role.220 The figure from a faience oinochoe of a woman holding the BASILISSES

rather different one and a half generations the later, when the "Syrian" Cleopatra, a of that Antiochus the forces whom had herself assumed very daughter Egyptian helped defeat, a as role?if the Ptolemaic military. leadership only, possibly, figurehead?of When Ptolemy V died in 180 bc, and the rule of the land fell upon his widow in a guardianship role for the young Ptolemy VI,221 it became necessary for Cleopatra I, as the only adult of the reign a country embroiled in civil war, to establish at the head of ing pair prestige in the eyes of the troops. situation was

assumption of the right to mint her own coinage, her portrait head adorned with a crown of could be brought from abroad, if necessary wheat, was an assurance that sustenance for the populace a large number of Greek mercenaries?would in times of conflict, and that themilitary?including be

Her

asset which the Ptolemies were always able to distribute as dependable payment was land?a commodity that was scarce in Greece. Second-century papyri from Tebtynis attest that four thousand soldiers who fought on behalf of the crown against the rebels in the rewarded

for its service. One

were rewarded with parcels of land (ge klerouchike) in the ears of grain (most Fayum.222 The in her of the role of Deme diadem Cleopatra's symbolized earthly assumption probably barley-corn) ter, the fertility goddess who provided grain for her divine son, the ploughman Triptolemus, who in turn distributed it to the human populace.223 On Roman coinage, the assimilation of the portrait of

Thebaid

certain empresses to Ceres through the addition to the urban populace of Rome.224

of ears of grain symbolized

the Imperial

corn dole

for Macedonian queens to assume a temporary leadership role in the govern as it their of land, occasionally occurred that they took political matters of the country into ing just their own hands and arranged the necessary assassination of opponents!225 There was indeed histori Itwas not unknown

the king and his troops were at staples imported from abroad.226 The in an inscription sister of Alexander the Great, Cleopatra, and his mother, Olympias, are mentioned of 333/2 as having received grain from Cyrene,227 obviously in a time of crisis when that basic com as regent inMacedonia, is recorded as modity was not available at home. The same Cleopatra, acting that same year.228 Yet the sole rule of a having sent a shipment of grain to Corinth in approximately a situation when the an was abroad to been had solution Macedonian emergency queen always king or and the (Alexander IV) (Alexander Great), underage incapable (Philip Arrhidaeus), officially she an name a extent the of Ptolemaic in To certain acted the of the queens Egypt were always king.229 exception to this tradition.230 cal precedent for a Macedonian war, to provide for the populace

220

queen, minding the homeland in times of famine by having

while

Ptolemaic Oinochoai and Portraits in Faience. Aspects of theRuler Cult (Oxford, 1972), Dorothy Burr Thompson, 221 See n. 105. 222 Veisse, Les revoltes, 158, with n. 14. 223 25, 28f., 32f., 38, n. 79 (with further bibliography). Laubscher, "Triptolemos," 224 Sarah Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves2 (New York, 1995), 184, 202-4, 216. 225 E. D. inMacedonia (Norman, Okla., 2000), 290f., n. 5, 291f., n. 22. Carney, Women and Monarchy 226 Carney, Women and Monarchy, 89f. 227 SEG IX, 2; Carney, Women and Monarchy, 86, 89f. 228 Lycurg., Leoc.26; Carney, Women and Monarchy, 86, 89f. 229 in Ancient Macedonia," AncSoc of Power: Royal Women and Representatives "Transmitters Dolores Miron, 35-52, esp. 39-42, 52. 230 51. "Transmitters and Representatives," Miron,

26.

30

(2000),

JARCE 45 (2009)

378

on the special issues In Egypt, a change in the representation of the deified Arsinoe Philadelphus of her high-value coins occurred around the beginning of the second century, including variations in the physiognomy of the head of the queen as well as a new, fierce facial expression. Svoronos231 a K-monogram belonged at the head of a new type, and the earliest suggested that the issues bearing

the tenth anniversary (reading K for kappa, the Greek writing for "ten") of I. Kahrstedt232 believed, like Svoronos, that the new head the marriage of Ptolemy V to Cleopatra on the Arsinoe-coins these type of the Thea contemporary queen in the iconographic type portrayed

of these commemorated

a Philadelphos, working hypothesis expounded upon by Brunelle.233 Kyrieleis234 allowed that the por on trait these later Arsinoe coins showed a steeper forehead with a sharp break at the top of the nose it for bridge235 and the fuller lips of the small mouth located closer up beneath the nose, but held that the crasser features were

"auf eine allmahliche Deformierung des traditionellen Arsinoe-Bildes than the deviations in the physiognomy of the long deceased queen is striking on the the sudden change in the rendering of the facial expression of the Brother-Loving Goddess the eyebrow arched high, as if in indignation, the bulging cornea issues. With K-monogrammed or per to than staring placidly, the lips, pressed in determination rather appearing glare ferociously a clear break with the calm and timeless coin portrait of the third marks haps sneering?this image possible

zuriickzufuhren!' More

century goddess236 and hints that a significant change had taken place. Although Svoronos catego in the later second and first centuries rized some of the K-monogrammed Arsinoe octadrachms based on stylistic judgments, most examples237 come close to reproducing the same long, lean facial type, a thin aquiline nose, a small mouth with firmly set lips, and an offset, somewhat protruding issues with little essential variation. The Cypriote bronze chin as do the other K-monogrammed a coins struck in the name of Cleopatra gold ring in the British (figs. 3 4)238 and the bezel of Museum but of a I, (fig. 5)239 fairly certainly portray Cleopatra consistently give the appearance woman. It is Arsinoe issues that therefore the younger possible Philadelphus K-monogrammed a new face for the Brother-Loving Goddess with a fierce expression and features to assimilated of those I, but the problem stillmerits further study. Cleopatra strongly The new interpretation might be explained by the entry of a Syrian princess into the Ptolemaic

merely

introduced

even fearsome, a coin portraits are more royal family. Seleucid intensely expressive, occasionally that Kyrieleis240 explained as an attempt to intimidate the culturally widely diverse fac phenomenon I tions of a vast empire. The new portrait type can not, however, have made reference to Cleopatra at the time when she married Ptolemy V, since she was only about ten years old and figured in politics

marginally, even as a symbol. The coins from Cyrenaica (fig. 12) portray the "foreign" Ptolemaic a that shows around the time of her marriage, queen in youthful type, presumably approximately 231 Svoronos, "Greek Portraits

II, no. 1374; III, pi. 47, 1-3; 51, 17-24; IV, cols. 252ff.; Forrer, Portraits, 23ff. (2 ill.); Richter, of portrait features); Brunelle, Bildnisse, 60-62; Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, III," 265 (with hesitant recognition 113ff., in Dietrich Wildung and Giinter Grimm, eds., Gotter?Pharaonen (Mainz, 1978), cat. 82.

Ta nomismata

100,1; Grimm 232 U. Kahrstedt, "Frauen auf antiken Munzen,"XL/0 10 (1910), 274f. 233 Bildnisse, 61-63. The current state of research on these coins is still unsettled. 234 Bildnisse,llS. 235 on most of her third century coins. curvilinear profile of Arsinoe's I.e., in contrast to the smooth and unbroken portrait 236 The rigid and formal style of the Arsinoe coins was characterized by Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 80, as "ceremonial," but the remote to native of the deceased otherworldliness assimilation image might also be considered queen's Egyptian art; cf. Cheshire, The

pi.

Bronzes 237 no.

ofPtolemy II, 94. even example,

an issue placed 1841; III, pi. 61, 26; IV, col. 352. 238 See n. 110. 239 See n. 118. 240 Bildnisse, 161f.; cf.Wendy Cheshire,

by Svoronos

"Aphrodite

as late as the reign of Ptolemy

Cleopatra,"/Ai?C?

43

(2007),

XII:

160.

Svoronos,

Ta nomismata

II, 303,

CHESHIRE

379

the ferocity nor the mature physiognomy of the Cypriote coins of the adult queen as guard ian for Ptolemy VI. It is fairly certain that the Arsinoe gold octadrachms with the K-monogram and the ferocious glare were minted for a special purpose. The goddess Arsinoe Philadelphus figured after her death as the neither

divine protector and supporter of her husband, Ptolemy II, in his military enterprises while he was as Cleopatra still on the throne in Egypt some twenty years I was to run the military longer,241 just affairs in a guardianship role for the boy king, Ptolemy Philometor. The venomous glare in the facial

on the expression of "Arsinoe Philadelphus/Cleopatra" gold coins has a more intimidating effect than the accustomed placid mien of the Brother-Loving Goddess and would have been more effective for the glyptic image of a sole ruling queen, but other factors might also lay behind the new inter pretation of the queen's image. In Egyptian theology, the queen was assimilated to the daughter of

It Ra, Hathor, and hence the uraeus serpent?a function assumed already by Arsinoe Philadelphus.242 was in the form of the venomous cobra on the brow of the that the pharaoh queen/uraeus destroyed all foes and hence would

K-monogrammed of her kingdom.

Arsinoe

have

functioned

Philadelphus

as "Mistress of the Navy." The ferocious glance of the to imitate the fiery uraeus serpent in defense

issues appears

coins may have assumed, to a certain extent, the portrait features of the contempo case of Cleopatra in I just as had been done for Berenice II243 and Arsinoe III,244 but the rary queen their appearance is of a mature woman. As Cleopatra I lived to be about forty years old, the coin towards the end of her life, as she ruled portrait could only have been assimilated to her appearance The Arsinoe

as guardian

for her son, the underage Ptolemy VI Philometor, from 180-174. It ismost likely that the K-monogram did not signify "year ten" but instead would be theminting mark for K(leopatra) who, as one of the few Ptolemaic queens to do so, the right to issue her own coinage as leader of possessed in hieroglyphs within a the State in this period.245 The praenomen of the queen, spelled phonetically on the upper arm of an statuette a in New with York (figs. 10-11) was Egyptian cornucopia on the festive coin issues in the also seen to contain exceptional features. Moreover, the monograms tumultuous early years of the reign of Ptolemy V have also been thought to refer to the moneyers cartouche

within the circle of courtiers who assumed hood

a role of military

or

guardianship for the child The Sd(sibios)?AR(istomenes).246 interpretation of the own mint is thus well founded. leadership

rule?SKOPA(S), PO(lykrates), Nl(kon), monogram K(-leopatra) for the ruling queen's An imposing gold octadrachm in the British Museum

a veiled woman with a bearing the bust of on on and the and the in obverse somewhat smaller reverse, scale, a lean-faced boy scepter stephane a labeled "of and "of Queen wearing royal diadem, Cleopatra" King Ptolemy" respectively,247 was I as guardian for the underage Ptolemy VI. attributed by Helmut Kyrieleis248 to the rule of Cleopatra A clear overall pattern can be obtained from a review of the larger mass of portraits attributable to 241

The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 110, 114-16, 132f. Cheshire, 242 See n. 153. There was, at least in the case of Arsinoe maritime

power;

Hans

Hauben,

"Arsinoe

esp. HOff. 243 Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 96 pi. 82, 3. 244 Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 103, pi. 88, 3. 245 Ta nomismata See p. 358. Svoronos,

II et la politique

a real basis for her influence on the Ptolemies' II, apparently exterieure de l'Egypte," in Egypt and theHellenistic World, 98-127,

that a letter in front of this possibility but rejected it, believing IV, 253f., considered the head must be a numeral for the year. 246 See p. 358. 247 von British Museum CM 1978-10-21-1: Helmut London, Kyrieleis, Ein Bildnis des Konigs Antiochos IV. Syrien, Berliner 127 (Berlin, 1980), 17-20, figs. 8f.; Smith, Hellenistic Royal Sculpture, 93, 94, pi. 75, 15f.; Andrew Winckelmanns-Programm inWalker and Sally-Ann Ashton and Higgs, eds., Cleopatra ofEgypt, 84, no. 77. Meadows 248 See n. 150.

JARCE 45 (2009)

380

those rulers, but the London gold coin is, to date, typologically unique and presents numerous excep I have been thus far identifiable on the basis of the tional features. The other portraits of Cleopatra coiffure of corkscrew curls, a long, lean or bony face and a stern expression or, in her early years as a of Egypt, a pert facial expression with wide-open eyes, a short, pointed nose, child bride and Queen a a short forehead and somewhat fuller cheeks charac tight smile with lips upturned at the corners,

to use the London octadrachm as a base for teristic of youth. In view of this evidence, it is dangerous or in her official true for of either the I, appearance portrait study Cleopatra queen's portraiture249 in it the from the when, fact, presents quite opposite picture larger corpus of evidence. Her other in combination wise typically fierce or stern facial expression could have been thought appropriate

with the Orientalizing corkscrew coiffure of the Syrian newcomer, while the docile facial expression of the London octadrachm was better suited to the purely Hellenistic type with veil, scepter, stephane and a melon coiffure, of which the ends of the tresses of hair, bound in a knot on the back of the head, can be seen beneath the veil. Differing from the "Arsinoe Philadelphus" type is the absence

ear like an occur on the second curving around the earring.250 The horn does "Arsinoe the issues with and the fierce century Philadelphus" special K-monogram portrait version. On the London octadrachm, it is instead the smaller image of the boy "Ptolemy" on the reverse who is represented with stern, bony, overly mature features similar to the coin portraits of his father as an of the small horn

king (fig. 1). As shall be observed on a portrait of that king in Alexandria (figs. 23-24), at the time of his coming-of-age and marriage to his sister, Cleopatra made II, the young probably Philometor probably had a proportionally broader face with somewhat fuller cheeks and a smaller underage

chin than is shown on the lean, bony portrait heads of his adult life. The London octadrachm thus a a of role reversal and determined represents regent queen boy king, possibly specific message of by some Thus coin this still unresolved poses propaganda. unique questions.

sources clearly attests to the importance of the supply of food to A plethora of papyrological to hostile territory in Upper Egypt to subdue the rebels. A papyrus containing a the army deployed Greek letter of September 188 to one Spemminis in Lycopolis writes of a shipment of grain for the soldiers.251 The archive of the sitologos of the southern border garrison of Syene252 records shipments of wheat

from other Upper Egyptian towns (Thebes, Dendera, the Pathyrite nome, etc.) to a to summer of 187, in the within the three-month soldiers; span directly delivery of was of The artabae of wheat other recorded.253 and food 11,000 transport grain supplies to the or was a abroad in hostile vital the of In troubled times, itwas vital that troops military. territory duty the Ptolemies maintained control of the Nile and other waterways so that their ships carrying food received

be distributed

was perhaps and reinforcement troops could pass the success of supplies, weapons through.254 It I for her in for sustenance collaborations the and reward of the Cleopatra pan-Hellenic providing to and the the her rebels that led cultic hon troops combating pro-Ptolemaic populace posthumous ors with an eponymous priesthood in the Macedonian administrative base regime's Upper Egyptian in Ptolemais. From 176 to 165/4, an eponymous priest (Gr. hiereus, of w(b) Eg. "King Ptolemy and his mother" is alive the of the recorded,255 memory Cleopatra, keeping "Syrian" queen in Egypt even 249

Such as Whitehorne, Cleopatras, 83-84. 250On this attribute, see Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, literature. 251 I 24: Pestman, Rgr.Med. "Haronnophris," 252 SB in Proceedings VI, 9367: H. Hauben

79; Cheshire, 118, n. nn. of the XVIIIth

Pestman, 119, n. pp. "Haronnophris," 253 yeisse, ]^es revoltes, 156. 254 Veisse, Les revoltes, 156, n. 4; Hufl, Agypten, 51 Of. 255 Pestman, Chronologie,

The Bronzes

International

ofPtolemy II,

Congress

111-12,

117, with

of Papyrology

references

(Athens,

1988),

to earlier

II, 243ff.;

381

CHESHIRE

16-18. Sandstone Figs. Museum. the Rosicrucian

Head

of

a Pharaoh.

San Jose, Rosicrucian

Egyptian

Museum

RC

1755.

Photographs

courtesy

of

in 165/4 bc, the offices are separated; Ptolemy VI then after her death.256 Apparently beginning Pharaoh received, as the living, Mother-Loving (Philometor), an eponymous priest,257 and the cult of a was the mother, the goddess the deceased administered queen by priestess (w(b.i) of "Cleopatra,

Manifest

(Epiphanes)."258 A bluntly carved sandstone head of a pharaoh to the statuette of Cleopatra I in theMetropolitan

in San Jose (figs. 16-18)259 is stylistically comparable Museum (figs. 10-11) and can thus be conveniently the head is a conventional representation of an Egyptian

this same context. Formally, pharaoh wearing the nemes headcloth, adorned face area of the uraeus has been demarcated studied within

with an erect cobra over the brow. The

in high relief but remains

general sur in itself an unarticulated

block?a preliminary step in carving the royal head as is seen commonly on unfinished "sculptors' models."260 Also the left ear (fig. 18) is in a state of incompletion. The bottom limit of the sketched uraeus stops short of touching the brow of the king, while its thick tail continues back to the top of

nemes against the forehead indistinctly cut horizontal depression along the edge of the appears to indicate the flat band that borders the head cloth, to which the uraeus is affixed above. The nemes has a smooth surface without plastic indication of lateral stripes. It is rounded at the top and lies closely against the contour of the head until a point vertically aligned with the temples; from the head. An

256 The

a priesthood mother was probably the living ruler and his deceased initially the ambiguity of serving, collectively, as in Demotic to the notaries, as in RBoston 38.2063b, written in 176, the title of the office is garbled of some confusion and Cleopatra, the Manifest Gods" w(b (n) the Mother-Loving, "the priest of King Ptolemy, the Manifest God (i.e., Epiphanes), 136 Pr-(? Ptlwmys pt ntr (nty) pr pt mr mw.t=w irm Glwpytrl nl ntr.w (nty) pr; Pestman, Chronologie, note c); Minas, Ahnenreihen, of his sister-wife, Arsinoe in the cult of Ptolemy II who, after the death and immediate deification 38. There was a precedent cause

to the Theoi Adelphoi collectively; Cheshire, to receive dedications The Bronzes of Ptolemy II, 130ff. addressed II, continued in her capacity as divine protectress of her brother, the living Pharaoh, cult of Arsinoe the posthumous Philadelphus, Already The Bronzes ofPtolemy II, 109-11, 132-33. of agricultural produce; included a perpetual Cheshire, 117-23, guarantee 257 Pestman, Chronologie, 143 (p), 148. 258 Pestman, Chronologie, 143 (k). 259 not known. from Parke-Bernet New York. Provenance Rosicrucian RC 1755. Acquired Galleries, Egyptian Museum A Lisa Schwappach-Shirriff, Treasures of the Rosicrucian Dimensions: 20.9 x 18.7 x 19.5 cm. Bibliography: Egyptian Museum. (San Jose, 2004), 104 (with color ill.). I am indebted to David Pinault, former Curator at me with this unusual and allowing me to publish piece. As providing photographs generously close parallels, of its being a and virtually without the suspicion without provenance acquired to place this piece within provincial Egyptian sculpture of the early following argumentation

Catalogue

as a supporting opinion for its authenticity. simultaneously 260 Models The Tomoum, Sculptors' of theLate and Ptolemaic Nadja

Periods

(Cairo,

2005),

pis. 2-6,

for Museum, the case with pieces forgery naturally arises. The second century should serve the Rosicrucian is often

13-14.

JARCE 45 (2009)

382

there, where it is folded over in the back, it pokes out sharply to the sides. The back of the head is irregular and rough hewn. The head is a squat, round shape, the low forehead appearing as if compressed beneath the nemes. The sculpting style of the sandstone is simplified and limited to the placement of big, schematized features isolated on large, hard surfaces. The cheeks are round and full, even bloated. Large pieces

to have its original form, but it appears the chin obscure chipped off the front and underneath near so a as the cheeks, that the entire face is followed the same rounded contour globular form. The a are across In of breadth the face. and almost the entire eyes profile view, they appear large spread wide open with only slightly convexly curved corneas, their surfaces slanting inward toward the lower

the artificial appear shaping of the eyes is rigidly geometric and symmetrical, producing ance of a mask. The hard and evenly cut upper eyelids overlap the tear ducts but meet the lower lids to form sharply pointed outer and inner corners. The nose is completely broken off, probably inten are the tionally, since ithas been very thoroughly removed. The most distinctive features of the face lids. The

thick lips, which are turned up at the corners in a slight smile. The surface of themouth was polished The smooth without an incised or plastically raised contour, giving the lips their fleshy appearance. ears?in particular the left ear?are schematically rendered in a half figure-eight shape, with sketched

but hardly precise detailing of the inner ear, probably after a crude model. The exuberant, round face, plump cheeks, and fleshy lips of the San Jose sculpture appear to point to ethnically African features, such as were represented in those times in the art south of the border inMeroe261 but were

well represented to the Egyptians already in Kushite royal sculpture of the 25th Dynasty.262 A group of monuments I" (figs. 10-11), and cited above as similar to the New York "Cleopatra which Stanwick263 has placed convincingly within the first half of the second century BC, were worked

in a style that could also be compared well to the San Jose portrait. Particularly similar on the Metro politan and the San Jose heads is the shaping of the brow region. The lower edge of the nemes of the king lies low and snugly across the forehead, tapering down slightly towards the temples to follow a steady course equidistant from the line of the brows. The smooth plane of the forehead is clearly

above by the incised outline of the nemes running parallel to the gently indented edge of statuette is similarly a narrow, smooth plane, eyebrows. The forehead of the "Cleopatra" the row of snail shell curls lying closely against the head and curving a bit lower over the temples to

demarcated

the hairless

continue to run parallel to the downward curvature of the outer edges of the eyebrows. The orbital cavities on both heads are very slightly hollowed out, so that the eyes are shallowly embedded. The eyebrows are indicated by sculpted edges in flattened arches, which bend down slightly at the outer corners. As the narrow distance between the eyebrows and the lower edge of the nemes (on the king) or forehead curls (on the is almost equal to the height of the orbital cavities on both heads, queen)

the eye and forehead region achieves a certain balance of its own. The eyes are in neither case the blank, distended eyes characteristic of many portraits of Ptolemies; they are closer to almond-shaped, large in the center and coming to pointed inner and outer corners in even, stereotypical Egyptian fashion without Hellenistic influence. The upper lids are delimited by a double incised outline, the lower lids by a shallow second outline. Both pieces are modest under the rubric of royal sculpture. The individual

considered

261

provincial creations but must still be features on both portraits are simpli

Kasimierz The Art of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1969), Michalowski, figs. 620, 625; Laszlo Torok, The Kingdom ofKush. = HdO Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization 31 (Leiden, 1997), 425. 262 Edna R. Russmann, The Representation in theXXVth Dynasty (Brussels, 1974), 9, 13-24, figs. 1, 5ff.; Robert of theKing in Egyptian Art from the New Kingdom "Archaism to the Late Period," in J. Tait, ed., Never Had the Like Occurred: Morkot, Egypt's View of itsPast 263 See n.

(London,

2003),

84; Torok,

Kingdom

ofKush,

428f.

CHESHIRE

383

fied. An openly smiling facial expression on both heads is evoked not only by the upturned corners of the lips but also the expansive horizontal sweep of the upper and lower eyelids and the direct gaze of the large, wide open eyes. The eyes of the San Jose are tilted up slightly at the outer cor pharaoh ners, enhancing the open, happy expression of the usurper. The lower eyelids on the Metropolitan I curve upward tomeet the outer corners of the upper lids Cleopatra midway, but the strong upward bend

of the lower lids from their centers

towards the outer and inner corners creates a buoyant, effect that lacks the of the sobriety of first?century royal art. Of Stan third?or "smiling" elegance wick's group, a particularly comparable portrait head of a pharaoh from in Alexandria264 Canopus must represent Ptolemy V or VI. The San Jose head differs from these pieces mainly through the emphasis of an African physiognomy. The prominent, globular form of the face and the fleshy lips of the San Jose pharaoh present a starkly different appearance from the loose shaping of the elongated on the latter, the contours of the brow face of the New York Cleopatra; dip in slightly at eye level, then expand gently to indicate the cheekbones and then taper gradually towards the chin to suggest a weaker, or ethnically European, physiognomy.265 A limestone torso of a female in Egyptian type in the Petrie Museum266 wears, over an echeloned

wig of corkscrew curls, a uraeus tifying her as royal. In addition,

serpent attached to a horizontal band (ssd) above her forehead, iden the ring of uraeus serpents on top of her head served as a base for

of a tall crown. The portrait head of this queen is stylistically closely comparable to its routine in execution of the and the brows; eyes pharaoh267 large, almond-shaped eyes are framed by even, double incisions marking the cosmetic strip on the upper lids. On the Lon don torso, this strip overlaps and extends far beyond the outer corners of the eyes. The lower lids on the attachment the Alexandria

this work are indicated

a on the only by single incision, but the shaping of the eyes is comparable are whose bordered beneath outlined dull and lids, equally eyes pharaoh, by doubly immobile. The eyebrows on both are gently articulated ridges without indication of eyebrow hair, flattened horizontally over the orbital cavities, which are only slightly hollowed on both sides of the nose. The puffy quality created in the entire lower region of both faces due to the rounded-off con tours is very similar, even though the queen has a broad, plump face and the king a lean one. The differentiation between Pharaonic-style portraits of Ptolemies V and VI is not clear, and Stanwick has

Alexandria

leftmany attributions dated to approximately

in this time frame open. On stylistic grounds, the London torso should be the same period. The London portrait, with itsmerry, round face, large eyes and plump cheeks, clearly represents a different individual than the stern, lean-faced queen whose attribution to Cleopatra I has been defended above. In the entire firsthalf of the second century, this II.268 In a separate study I have recently attributed the London queen can only have been Cleopatra torso, along with a statue fragment of a physically similar, round-faced young queen inMariemont,269 264 See n. 176. 265 the ethnic distinctions and Asians, between Europeans Regarciing read the Hellenistic treatise by an anonymous author of the Hippocratic W. Backhaus, "Der Hellenen-Barbaren-Gegensatz und die hippokratische 170-85.

It is unfortunate

that the sections

of the ancient

text devoted

no

in the view of the ancient Greeks, it is informative to school, About Airs, Waters and Places; see, for example, Schrift peri aeron hydaton topon,"Historia 25 (1976), to ethnography of Egyptians, Libyans and Africans are

longer preserved. 266 Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology UC 16674: Anthea London, University College, Page, Egyptian Sculpture, Archaic to Saite, from thePetrie Collection (Warminster, Frauenstatuen, 337f., cat. no. 89 1976), 90f., cat. no. 100; Albersmeier, (first century bc), pi. 54b-d; Excavating Egypt (see n. 138), 36, cat. no. 31. 267 See n. 176. 268 portraits of as is discussed that queen's daughter, Cleopatra III, differ clearly from those of the mother, by the present author in Ptolemies (forthcoming). 269Musee B. 505 (=E. 49): Baudouin Van de Walle, CdE 24 (1952), 29ff., pis. 6f. ("Cleopatra VII?"); Kyri royal de Mariemont eleis, Bildnisse, 119f., 185 cat. Mil; Frauenstatuen, Albersmeier, 17, 53, 55, n. 337, 241ff., 339f., cat. 91 (with bibliog.), pi. 53c ("Cleopatra

VI Tryphaena");

Sally-Ann Ashton,

The Last Queens

ofEgypt (London,

2003),

120ff., fig. 20 ("Cleopatra

VII").

384

JARCE 45 (2009)

to Cleopatra II in the early years of her reign, some time between 174 and the early 160s.270 The a as well, and it is statuette Petrie provides good stylistic link to the San Jose pharaoh (figs. 16-18), possible to date the portrait of the queen stylistically early in her reign with Ptolemy VI. The Marie mont fragment, which is a finer work, the Petrie torso and the San Jose head are characterized by a similar simple, unpretentious sculpting style in large surfaces, big, heavy facial features?the almond shaped eyes, framed by routinely carved, somewhat thick lids, a simple, rounded form of the full cheeks and chin and barely curved ridges marking the eyebrows, which establish a stabilizing horizon in San Jose had been an tal across the forehead. The robustly bulging flesh of the "fat pharaoh"

art up to this point but can be compared with the bulging cheeks on the Richardson Head, a portrait of Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II in his youth,271 made presumably between II. 170-164 at the time of his joint reign with his two older siblings, Ptolemy VI and Cleopatra unusual

feature in Ptolemaic

Within the time frame of the early second century bc, there were no ruling Ptolemies who looked even remotely similar to the San Jose portrait. It is, however, possible to suggest an attribution of the ethnically distinctive pharaoh to one of the two leaders of the rebellion in the Thebaid, who usurped the throne over

large parts of Upper Egypt towards the end of the reign of Ptolemy IV and well into the reign of his son, Ptolemy V.272 Other than their names and the duration of their rule, noth at least the names they assumed ing is known personally about the two pretenders. Their names?or

as kings

in Egypt and had written in hieroglyphs within cartouches273?are Egyptian, as are their one were From the rebels led for 205?199, epithets. by Hor-wennefer, (Egyptian "Horus-Onnophris," the latter component being a name of Osiris). A Demotic inscription of late 205 bc dated officially to his reign274 attests that he was recognized as pharaoh?at least in Thebes?by that time. His successor bore a similar name, Ankh-wennefer ("Onnophris"or "Osiris (from 199-191) into Greek Chaonnophris,275 and he bore the identical epithets. Chaonnophris

lives"), transliterated counted the years of

his reign collectively from the beginning of the rule of Horonnophris, thus beginning with "year seven."276 If following Pharaonic Egyptian custom, thismethod of numbering the years would imply that he had first been a co-regent, perhaps with lesser status, with Horonnophris the first seven years. There is no known coregency, and it is possible that the pretenders used a unique method of dating

according to the combined years of their counter-regime. An attribution of the San Jose head to the later of the two rebels, Chaonnophris, agrees best with the closest stylistic comparisons, portraits of and II V in her early years. Due to the wide chronological margin of I, Cleopatra Ptolemy Cleopatra error in dating Egyptian art according to style, however, the possibility that the head might represent cannot be excluded. his predecessor, Haronnophris, It is hardly to be expected that the young princess, the future queen Cleopatra II, and the insur ever met; he was and in the executed 186,277 gent leader Chaonnophris year when her captured 270 The

torso was identification of the Mariemont tentatively by Bothmer, Egyptian Sculpture, 132f., and Claire suggested Choix d'Oeuvres 50: Egypte (Morlanwelz, in detail, along with Derriks, Mariemont. 1990), cat. no. 40, and discussed portraits of the mature Cleopatra II, by Cheshire, Ptolemies, "Excursus." 271New R. R. R. Smith, "Ptolemaic Collection: Portraits: Alexandrian York, William Kelly Simpson Types, Egyptian Ver and Alexandrianism sions," inMarion True, ed., Alexandria (Malibu, 1996), 207f., fig. 5; Stanwick, Portraits, 58, 59, 62, 63, n. 26, 72f., 77, figs. 258f. 272 Detailed discussions

on this in Ptolemaic episode history are given by Pestman, passim; HuB, Agypten, "Haronnophris," literature cited in 445, n. 17; Veisse, Les revoltes, 11-26, 83-98, 155-85. 445ff., 506ff., with extensive 273 Gauthier, Livre des Rois, 426-28. 274 Sethe, "Die historische Bedeutung," 41; Pestman, 104-5; Veisse, Les revoltes, 23-26 "Haronnophris," (disputing Pestman's results and assuming a date of the expulsion of the Ptolemaic regime already in 206). 275 126f. Pestman, "Haronnophris," 276 Pestman, 128ff.; Veisse, Les revoltes, 22. "Haronnophris," 277 HuB, Agypten,

CHESHIRE brother and future husband tender in Thebes

385

was born. Yet

the sculptor who created the San Jose head of the pre about contemporary royal art of the Ptolemies to portray him enough find acceptance among the same native populace, while at the same time empha

understood

in a way that would

sizing the ethnic physiognomy to appeal to their anti-Greek sentiments. The San Jose head appears to have been left in a state of incompletion. The choice of sculptural material?a coarse-grained sandstone thatwould have hindered the carving of finely nuanced details is a possible indication that the piece was made well to the south, in the Thebaid or even beyond Egypt's borders. Sandstone was Coupled with the ethnic African

commonly used for sculpture as well as architecture in Meroe.278 features of the head and the blocklike execution of the uraeus, the San Jose head was presumably sculpted by an Upper Egyptian artist. The implication of "resurgence from the dead" that is embodied within both similar?but otherwise names of the rebel leaders can unparalleled?proper possibly be interpreted as a sign of the Egyptian nationalist

renaissance that the rebel leaders wanted to convey.279 One might therefore suspect that names were not were these chosen specifically with the rebellion inmind. The ease given at birth but with which the two leaders assumed these half-authentic sounding, theophoric names seems almost in the sources refer to the rebels presumption,280 but the Greek and Demotic consistently The titulature the leaders of them identically?is of the most bore?and both royal "Egyptian."281

heretical as

obvious

sort, "forever-living, Beloved of Amun, King of Gods, the great god" (cnh dt mr ylmn-nsw-ntr.w ntr 9), aligning the pretenders with the Theban clergy in contrast to Ptolemy V, whose epithet mry pi "beloved of Ptah," underscored his affiliation with the priesthood of Pth, Memphis.282 It is generally assumed on the basis of their names, their conventional Egyptian royal titles and their success

in mobilizing the Egyptian priesthood and populace that Haronnophris and Chaonnophris themselves native Egyptians,283 although a similarity has also been observed between their names and those of their Ethiopian II, and royal contemporaries, Arnekhamani, Arqamani (Ergamenes) Their Adikhalamani.284 titulatures, "Beloved of Amun" (mry 'Imri) and "Beloved of Isis" (mry '1st),were were

identical not only with those of the ruling Ptolemy inAlexandria but also with those of the contem porary rulers inMeroe.285 Just as "Beloved of Amun" asserted their friendly relations with the priests

at Thebes, the title "Beloved of Isis" underscored the close religious attachment that the and Lower Nubia felt towards the great Isis Temple of Philae.286 people of the Dodekaschoenus The revolt had the character of a native or nationalist movement rather than of a foreign invasion; the of Amun

"bands of Nubians" 278 Alfred Lucas 279 Edouard Will

mentioned

and J. R. Harris, and Cl. Orrieux,

in the second Philensis Decree

(written in hieroglyphs

Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, 4th ed. (London, 1962), 56f. Essai sur lejudaisme judeen a Vepoque hellenistique Ioudaismos-Hellenismos.

Vandorpe, City, 232; Vei'sse, Les revokes, 98-99. 280 some of the Theban Vei'sse, Les revokes, 95-99. While statement of the Ptolemaic court on the Rosetta Stone labeled

tswntNhs.w,

(Nancy,

1986),

in

23;

their seizure of the throne, the official population accepted the rebels as asebeis ("impious"), is called the and Chaonnophris n n? ntr.w); cf. Sethe, Urk. II, 221, 8f.; Pestman, 101, 103, 120f., no. 7; Vei'sse, Les "enemy of the gods" (pt sb? "Haronnophris," revokes, 221, with further discussion; Vittmann, "Feinde," 207-16. Vittmann, 210, has shown that the (northern, probably text for the Rosetta Decree to allowing the name of felt an aversion Memphite) Egyptian scribe who drew up the hieroglyphic

to contain the symbolic value of the cnh ("life") and nfr ("goodness") and thus devised the unetymo ideograms is reminded of the graffito at Abydus written phonetically in Greek letters logical writing Hr-wn-nf for the usurper's name. One see n. 294. Hurganophor; 281 Veisse, Les revokes, 12If. 282 Lanciers, I," 84; Holbl, History, 155. "Tempelbauten, 283 Lanciers, I," 83f.; Pestman, 125ff.; Vandorpe, "Tempelbauten, "Haronnophris," City, 232. 284 Veisse, Les revokes, 85. 285 aus der Zeit des wilhelm "Zwei Kaufvertrage I und II)," RecTrav 35 Spiegelberg, (Papyrus Carnarvon Konigs Harmakhis (1913), 150-61, esp. 151; Veisse, Les revokes, 86-87. 286 Torok, Kingdom ofRush, Chaonnophris

386

JARCE 45 (2009)

mscn ni yIgs.w) as uniting the rebel forces were doubtless reinforcements but not the instiga tors of the "Egyptian" revolts.287 The light-handed manipulation of instruments of Egyptian royal were more dogma could suggest that they closely bound to the Lower Nubian peoples who ethnically

Demotic

wandered

back and forth over the border

areas of the Dodekaschoenus

and Meroe.288

sources

show that the uprising began in Edfu and the Pathyrite nome, and moved from there to Diospolis magna.289 While Ptolemy IV built substantially onto the temples of the Southern fron tier?the Isis Temples at Aswan, Dakke, Philae, and Sehel, as well as in the Theban area, the building loss of control in the Thebaid and farther program of Ptolemy V was very limited.290 The Ptolemies' The

rulers to spread their sphere of influence into the Dodekaschoenus. In the Meroitic at time V lost in the when the of First had control the the Meroitic Philae, Cataract, Ptolemy region as into leader Arqamani moved the is recorded vacuum, II) power (Ergamenes by his decoration of south allowed

Temple, later reinscribed with cartouches of Ptolemy V.291 The same ruler built a a Nubian in the leader who was probably the successor of chapel Temple of Dakke.292 Adikhalimani, is in his of adoration the local Egyptian gods by a stela found at Arqamani/Ergamenes, represented the Arensnuphis

at Kalabsha also paid Philae,293 and he built onto the Temple of Debod.294 The sanctuary of Mandulis at to the Meroitic rulers the time of the native in rebellion the The two Thebaid.295 allegiance Egyptian

usurpers to the throne in Thebes were understandably preoccupied securing a tenuous hold on the are not commemorated rule of Upper Egypt, and their collective reigns by building activity, while the

of the native sanctuaries in their names is limited, to our present knowledge, to one of in at in I Greek the of To lim this Haronnophris graffito clumsy Temple lettering Sety Abydus.296 can now be added the San Jose head, but it is unknown ited expression of revolutionary propaganda whether the statue to which itbelonged once stood in a major native temple or in a modest?perhaps "decoration"

in the desert. The Ptolemies retained throughout the conflict their control of the improvised?chapel towns of Elephantine vital border and Syene.297 The turbulent times are reflected in a strategically Berlin Demotic papyrus,298 a letter addressed to three Egyptian priests who had fled the temple com on Philae plex during the hostilities, them that it is now safe to return.

seeking refuge inNubia;

a local authority in Elephantine

assures

287 a band Veisse, Les revokes, 84-86; Torok, Kingdom ofKush, 427f. That the rebel leaders were themselves Nubians, leading of Egyptians, was argued by Sethe, "Die historische on the 35-49. Sethe, 42, based his conclusion Bedeutung," writing of in lines 7 and 13 of the Demotic text of the Raphia Decree followed by the foreign-land determinative, while the Chaonnophris as slb.w ("enemies"), are determined man but without larger corps of rebels, also characterized by the beheaded, falling indication of foreign origin. Vittmann, that the orthographic in this document subtleties "Feinde," 207-9, has commented to indicate that or both rebel leaders, were themselves Nubians. alone are not enough evidence Nevertheless, Chaonnophris, the seemingly African of the San Jose head is a warning that Sethe's opinion should not be unequivocally physiognomy dismissed. 288 Cf.

Torok, Kingdom ofKush, 433. 289 Veisse, Les revokes, 240-42. 290 Lanciers, I," 178, passim. "Tempelbauten, 291 Lanciers, I," 95f.; Veisse, Les revokes, 87f. "Tempelbauten, 292 Erich Winter, and seine Bautatigkeit in Nubien," MDAIK 37 (1981), 510f.; Lanciers, II., seine Datierung "Ergamenes I," 97. "Tempelbauten, 293Adel Found at Philae," MDAIK 34 (1978), 53-56. Farid, "The Stela of Adikhalamani 294 Lanciers, I," 96. "Tempelbauten, 295 Lanciers, II," I76f.; Veisse, Les revokes, 92. "Tempelbauten, 296 pjeter \y Pestman, Jan Quaegebeur, and R. L. Vos, Receuil de textes demotiques et bilingues (Leiden, 1977), no. 11 (with earlier bibliography); Veisse, Les revokes, lOf. 297 Pestman, 134-36; Veisse, Les revokes, 18, 91f. "Haronnophris," 298 Karl-Th. Zauzich, Papyri von der Insel Elephantine, DPB / (Berlin, 1978), no. 15527, vso. 2-5; Lanciers, II," "Tempelbauten, 180. Veisse, Les revokes, 221 f., expresses uncertainty about the date of the

CHESHIRE

387

The ethnic distinction of the rebel leaders seems to be confirmed by the portrait discussed above, which wears a typical pharaonic costume, the nemes and uraeus. The broad and plump face with thick a and it differentiates from the Greco-Macedonian rulers inAlexandria. saucy expression lips clearly the common rebels felt much in with the peoples of bordering Lower Nubia and Meroe, Evidently although

their attachment

support of Nubian in the first decades

to the Egyptian cults remained. As was able to gain the Chaonnophris was he with the troops by 187/6,299 clearly compatible people of the South. A date of the second century bc and a more probable attribution to the second usurper

from the south, Chaonnophris can be (r. 200-186), but possibly to his predecessor, Haronnophris, on stylistic as as well the was non-Greek The conflict grounds by type. physiognomic on as characterized one the of the versus Ptolemies of not of rebels, part consistently loyal subjects versus Hellenes in in the first two decades of the second century, Thebes Egyptians.300 Nevertheless, anti-Greek sentiment must have been considerable.301 advocated

Within

this framework, it is possible to re-evaluate the head of an in Antwerp Egyptian pharaoh a The has was some curious at The which time shaved down on head, (figs. 19-22).302 piece history. the right side of the neck to fit with a torso that originally did not in the belong to it,was discovered on an an the of beneath ancient enclosure vaulted resident, century eighteenth property Antwerp that would have dated back to ancient Roman or, at the latest, medieval times.303 It received its as a "statue of Isis" in the misnomer since the eighteenth century, evidently garment wrap-around to people of that time to be a feminine costume.304 Both the head and torso were appeared sculpted out of gray granite, but the two pieces were carved separately out of slightly different specimens of the stone and fitted together by an adept craftsman.305 The head portrays a plump-faced male wear the edge, to which is ing the royal nemes with its thin, horizontal band?now severely abraded?along a uraeus attached serpent coiled in an elegant figure eight. The surface of the head cloth is smooth without the frequently detailed, plastic indication of lateral stripes. No traces of paint are now visible. The statue was combined, possibly in Roman times,306 with the torso of a man who wears a non a and book holds roll in his right fist in front of his abdomen, his left Egyptian, wrap-around garment 299 Hu6, 300 Trm

Agypten, 507; Vei'sse, Les revoltes, 93-95. attitude was no different from the traditional

of their Pharaonic cf. David O'Connor, standpoint predecessors; theLike Occurred, 155-85, esp. 157-59; Vittmann, "Feinde," 198ff. "Egypt's View of 'Others'," in Tait, ed., Never Had 301 Veisse, Les revoltes, 130f., 135. 302 A.l: Constant De Wit, "Some Remarks the so-called "Isis" in the Museum CdE Vleeshuis," Antwerp,Vleeshuis concerning 39 (1964), 61-66; Berthe Rantz, "Notes sur la pseudo-Isis d'Anvers," Latomus 35 (1976), 383-98, pis. 37-39; Bothmer, Egyptian to therefore limit the discussion Sculpture, 84. The present author has not been able to view the statue first-hand and must in this light, the statue would certainly merit an additional, suggestions; close-up investigation. 303 Rantz, "Notes," 383, quoting early sources with a history of the investigations. 304 is a Twenty-Seventh statue of an official in a Persian costume, which Similarly, Louvre A.93 Dynasty basalt naophorous was combined a head of Isis "La statue de Hekatefnakht," times; see Jacques Vandier, incongruously with sculpted in Roman

Revue

du Louvre 14 (1964), 57ff., figs. 1-3, 8-13, "Hellenistic." The illogical montage is already dating the head erroneously in drawings dating to 1707, when the restored piece was in an English private collection; Vandier, "Hekatefnakht," depicted around the body, leaving the breasts exposed, was a favorite, exotic costume used on many 6If., fig. 13. A garment wrapped as well as on 18th and 19th century Neo-Classical the of Cleopatra sculptures of Egyptian or Nubian women, interpretations Great; cf. Jean-Michel Humbert, Michael Patnazzi, and Christiane Ziegler, eds., Egyptomania. L'Egypte dans I'art occidental 1730 cat. No. 1930 (Paris, 1994), 284f., cat. no. 165 (ill.); 290-92 170 (ill.); 454 fig. 7, 578, cat. no. 390 (ill.). In these times, the asso ciation of the Persian costume with Isis was popular. 305 Constant DeWit, "A propos de l'Isis d'Anvers," BIFAO 58 (1959), 87, n. 6, 96; Rantz, "Notes," 386f., 395. 306 was It who 61ff., that the owner of the property where the statue was discovered, suspected by De Wit, "Some Remarks," was an artist one two assume have united the himself. would that statue the base trade, by might fragments Certainly acquired with it bearing an inscription, "ISIS," inset in bronze of an eighteenth (Rantz, "Notes," 386, 389), was the concoction century collector. There that the head, to be identified below as a rebel usurper, as well, had been combined is, however, a possibility in the chaotic times of the revolt with the conveniently typologically foreign statue, which had since been

388

JARCE 45

CHESHIRE

Figs.

23-24.

tesy of DAIK,

Granite Neg.nos.

Fragment from D-DAI-KAI-F-7053

a

Dyad

from Canopus. + 7054.

Alexandria,

389

Greco-Roman

Museum

11275.

Photographs

cour

in Persian art, but also clasping his right wrist?a costume and a gesture that were conventions in Egypt for statues of certain officials during periods of Persian occupation (Dynasties 27-29) and sometimes later.307 The second century BC dating?in any case, of the head?suggested by DeWit in a

hand

1959 museum

from the time of catalogue308 is defensible through comparison with the monuments V and VI discussed above. The fleshy lips of this ruler, pressed firmly one atop the other like short sausages, recall the peculiar, detached and terse rendering of the horizontally set lips of the

Ptolemies

I (figs. 6-7)?one of several indications that the artist of the Antwerp king was Brooklyn Cleopatra versed in native Egyptian sculpting style and techniques. The saucer-round shape of the king's large, wide open eyes is accentuated by the bold, deep cutting of the inside edges of the eyelids and appear to expand even more since the outer edges are only indicated by an indentation tomark their thick ness rather than by a heavy, encircling line. The irises and pupils are plastically indicated but do not detract from the overall pop-eyed stare reminiscent of much Ptolemaic royal portraiture. A notewor thy subtlety is the thickened, fleshy rendering of the inner corners of the eyes to suggest tear ducts. An important argument in dating the Antwerp head is its close stylistic resemblance to the por a now trait head of boy pharaoh from Canopus, in the Alexandria Museum (figs. 23-24), whose iden tity has been

307

Constant

a subject

DeWit,

of much

Oudheidkundige

Egyptian Sculpture, 85. 308 Oudheidkundige Musea, 309 Museum Greco-Roman

Musea,

debate.309

The

Stad Antwerpen,

companion

Vleeshuis, Catalogus

5, no. 4; Rantz, "Notes," 385, 396. Van de Walle, "La 11275: Baudouin

statue fragment

VIII, Egypte

of his

(Antwerpen,

1959),

consort

in

5; Bothmer,

de Mariemont," CdE 24 (1949), 29ff., pi. 7; idem, 'Cleopatre' et Cleopatre," le pretendu CdE 25 (1950), 31-35; Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 37, groupe d'Antoine 73f., 120, 175, cat. H5, pi. 61, 1-2; Ashton, Ptolemaic Royal Sculpture, 98f., no. 34 (ill.); Stanwick, Portraits, 18f., 23, 28, 34ff., 45, see Bothmer, 49, 60, 79, 86, 122, cat. no. El, figs. 153f. For the identification as Ptolemy VI and not as Ptolemy XV "Kaisarion," "Un nouveau

Egyptian

document

Sculpture,

concernant

132f.; Cheshire,

Ptolemies,

390

JARCE 45 (2009)

to Cleo and, in greater detail, in a separate publication,311 patra II, despite a growing consensus in recent scholarship that it should portray Cleopatra VII. The of this important statue group in the first century bc has only contributed to popular misplacement of late Ptolemaic art. The identification of the boy king as the confusion regarding the development

Mariemont310

has been

attributed above

not one of the younger brothers or the son and co-regent of Cleopatra VII, Ptole Ptolemy VI?and mies XIII through XV?is arguable on stylistic as well as on physiognomic grounds. The rendering of the boy's wavy hair in energetically curving, snakelike locks, each varied in form from the next and from each other by deep undercutting, was borrowed from the dramatic trend inMiddle art as exemplified in the early part of the second century bc on the Great Altar at Perga mum.312 This stylewas adapted in Ptolemaic art on the portraiture of Ptolemy VI, not only on a mar separated Hellenistic

statues in hard stone in but also on Pharaonic-style style in Alexandria,313 and Another of feature of Athens314 Alexandria.315 stylistic portraits Ptolemy VI is the sharp-edged, angular cut of the eyebrows, achieving a rough-hewn effect similar to wood carving; this style appears ble bust

in Hellenistic

not only on the two portraits of that king in Egyptian type wearing a nemes inAthens and Alexandria, but also on the Hellenistic-style marble bust inAlexandria, the head of the boy king from the Alexan drian dyad (figs. 23-24) and the head inAntwerp (figs. 19-22). The harsh simplification of Philome

to a flat frontal plane and flat cheek planes, exposed tor's bony physiognomy through taut skin to near at to a of of the frontal like sides box is common to all the the face the adjoin right-angles plane above-mentioned heads attributed to Ptolemy VI. The construction of the Antwerp head is less box like because of the fleshier physiognomy of a different individual, which obscures the bone structure.

A comparison of the profile view of the Antwerp king with that of the boy king from the dyad inAl exandria (figs. 19, 23), however, shows on both remarkably flat side planes and a rough-hewn, differs from other rep squared-off structuring of the head form. The dyad fragment at Alexandria a at resentations of Philometor in that it portrays the king very young age, probably precisely at the time of his coming-of-age, his marriage to his sister, Cleopatra in 175/4.316 As II, and his coronation a as was as not be of his head form in later young boy, years, the eyes might expected yet elongated are wide and given a delicate, childish look a linear of the inner outline through slightly ornamental, a edges of the eyelids and graceful tapering of the lids towards the corners?in contrast to the stern

coin portraits of his mother, his acting guardian and regent from his childhood years (fig. 3). The fe a a of the in bears similar Mariemont317 pendant figure dyad gentle, wide-eyed expression with full fleshed, rounded countenance of youth and can only represent his sister-bride, Cleopatra II. A basic structural similarity of the Antwerp head to the pharaoh of the Alexandrian dyad points to the former being created in the early second century, as well. Again, with the lack of stylistic parallels from the end of the third century, it is impossible to state without doubt that Chaonnophris's prede

male

is not represented, but comparisons point preferably to a later cessor, Haronnophris, dating. The "Ptolemaic" look of the large, round eyes and the rather rough carving of the eyebrows of theAntwerp solid sculpting style speak so clearly for a traditional royal atelier head, as well as the understated, 310 Musee

"La 'Cleopatre' de Mariemont," document 29ff., pis. 6f.; idem, "Un nouveau (= E49): B. Van de Walle, royal B505 et Cleopatre," le pretendu Frauensta 3Iff.; Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 119f., 185, cat. Mil; Albersmeier, groupe d'Antoine tuen, 24Iff., 339f., etc., cat. 91, pi. 53dc. For the identification as Cleopatra II, and not Cleopatra VII, see Bothmer, Egyptian Choix d'oeuvres 50: Egypte (1990), cat. no. 40; Cheshire Scultpure, 85; C. Derriks, Mariemont. (see n. 267). 311 See n. 267. 312 For example, Kahler, Pergamon, pis. 9, 10, 13, 18, 23, 31, 34b. 313 Greco-Roman Museum 24092: A. Adriani, BSArchMex 32 (1928), 97ff. fig. 11, pis. 10-12; Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, Alexandria, 59ff., 120f., 127, 174, cat. F3 (bibliog.), pis. 49, 2; 50; 51. 314 See n. 130. 315 See n. 128. 316 On the child marriage of the two siblings, see Holbl, History, 172; HuB, Agypten, 541. 317 See n. concernant

CHESHIRE

391

that it is evident that the usurper inUpper Egypt sought this out, as if to ally himself with the indige nous aristocracy in exceptional circumstances. To search for comparisons among the Ptolemies of the first quarter of the second century, one must revert again to only two candidates. The Antwerp ruler structure of Ptolemy VI.318 Coin portraits representing later in his life319 show him with somewhat fleshier cheeks yet still the same fine-boned structure of the nose and the high, domed forehead, and a gentle, serene facial expres sion with a slight smile and lack of tension in his large eyes. The Antwerp head is less subtle, instead clearly does not have Ptolemy V Epiphanes

the thin facial bone

the horizontal band of direct and almost intrusive?and definitely corpulent. Beneath unabashedly as an nemes hair is surface the of the Antwerp pharaoh, rendered unarticulated lying in flat relief times. The profile of the basalt head is against the temples, a stereotype rendering from Pharaonic even from these views, the large eyes and the difficult to reconstruct, as the nose area ismutilated; seem to and the head form appears squat rather than elon dominate the portrait, firmly pressed lips not appear to have the high, domed forehead of Ptolemy V nor the oval gated. This pharaoh does must remain face shape of Ptolemy VIII.320 An attribution of the Antwerp head to Chaonnophris two but it cer to rule of the of the of due the documentation leaders, tentative, paucity renegade more to on to a than who would be attribution Ptolemy VIII, plausible tainly appears stylistic grounds not rule Egypt as an adult until 145. attributable to the reign of Ptolemy V Epiphanes As the number of royal monuments grows, so does the evidence for a breakdown of the Egyptian artistic tradition. The Hellenistic media of propa

illustrated by the bronze wrestlers' group inAthens (fig. 2) and the splendid gold and silver ganda?as an overt to reward the Ptolemaic mercenaries for their service (fig. 1)?proclaimed coins minted

to the Hellenistic koine. Two Egyptian-style representations commitment beyond Egypt's boundaries I (figs. 6-7, 10-11) wear a coiffure of long ringlets and a row of snail shell curls across of Cleopatra the brow that is decidedly un-Greek but was equally at home in Egypt as in the Near East. The single on many of her coins and represented on one portrait statue (figs. 10-11) was a cornucopia depicted to the sprigs of grain in some of her Hellenistic Greek attribute that corresponded portraits. The

motif, reverting to iconographic symbols first used for the deified Arsinoe Philadelphus, made refer ence to Egypt's extended relations with her neighboring kingdoms, should the Pharaoh fail to arrange to procure ample food supplies through his appeal to the gods at home. Based on the recent work by Stanwick, one gains the disappointing impression that the Pharaonic are of remarkably mediocre quality, and the small alabaster head of V of Ptolemy style images sculpted the boy king, wearing the side-lock of childhood, in Berlin321 appears to have been more of a schematic

caricature than an attempt to create a dignified work of nationalist art. The bold, chunky portrait of the in San Jose (figs. 16-18) boldly asserts his provincial roots in the region rebel leader (Chaonnophris?) around the Nubian frontier. It is ironic that a second portrait possibly attributable to Chaonnophris, inAntwerp (figs. 19-22), is the only thus far recognized native royal portrait of relatively high artistic caliber in hard stone from the time of Ptolemy V?but representing a usurper. the head

Independent

318

Scholar

YoV portraits of Ptolemy VI, see Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 58ff., pis. 46-51. II no. 1291; III pi. 94,5; IV, cols. 273ff.; Bevan, History, 253, figs. 45-46; Kyrieleis, Svoronos "Portratmunzen," 225, fig. 7. >K 612, attributed convincingly by O. Neverov, Antique Intaglios in theHermit A carnelian intaglio in St. Petersburg, Hermitage the king as an adolescent with the same gentle 1976), 63f., no. 61 (color ill.), to Ptolemy V represents age Collection (Leningrad, nose and chin. a facial bone structure, a high, domed and characteristic forehead, pointed long, flat cheeks, expression 320On see Kyrieleis, Bildnisse, 63f., pis. 52f.; Stanwick, Portraits, 71-73; the physical features of portraits of Ptolemy VIII, "Ptolemies VIII-X." Cheshire, Ptolemies, Chapter 321 See n. 47. 319