Charles Correa
March 8, 2017 | Author: Saurabh Godha | Category: N/A
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THE WORK OF CHARLES CORREA Kenneth Frampton
a narrow dwelling, twelve feet wide, with sloping roofs and vents situated at the point of their intersection, was focused on an internal patio, which in fact was barely open to the sky at all. Clearly the
Over the last three decades India has gradually seen the emergence
of a contemporary
architectural
caliber, one that bears comparison produced
much of
remains unknown and the names of its practitioners
unfamiliar. Perhaps the most significant exception to this is the architect Charles Correa. Like other Indian architects trained in the West, Correa had to adjust his approach socio-economic
in the late fifties to the
realities of Indian society even if these are now
somewhat less restrictive than they were at the beginning career. Despite the evident drawbacks
this introspective
form was to shield the house down
in the heat of the day, thus protecting while simultaneously
with the finest work being
elsewhere. However, outside the subcontinent
this architecture
raison d'etrefor
culture of exceptional
facilitating
its inner volume from the sun,
cross-ventilation.
This last by virtue
of the venturi effect, would pass through the tube to be exhausted as hot-air through the broken ridge between overlapping roofs.
Throughout the first twenty years of Correa's independent practice, these two paradigms - the "open-to-sky space" and the .
"tube dwelling" will manifest themselves largely in the field of
of his
housing, although the use of the former as the nexus for the
of working in a Third World
creation of symbolic public space was implicit from the outset,
country, C,.Q!reah~s alwaysmaintained that, like Le Corbusier, he had been privileged to work in an Indian context with its strong
particularly in two works dating from 1958; these were the
sunlight and plentiful labour, two factors that favored the use of reinforced concrete, not to mention a climate that with the exception
Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya Ahmedabad.
he calls "open-to-sky
Handloom Pavilion built in the Pragati Maidan, Delhi and the built at the Sabarmati Ashram in
During the first two decades of his career, "habitat" would
of the monsoon season was usually quite benevolentv This last factor accounts for Correa's preoccupation
pitched
with what
space," a paradigm that, irrespective
of its
remain the dominant discourse through which Correa would manipulate these forms, engaging
in a combinatorial
game with
many variations, is still a pervasive theme in his architecture.
cellular housing patterns of exceptional
However, this was not the only type-form that Correa would derive
of these projects will remain unrealized, including some squatter
from the exigencies of climate. The second crucial formulation,
housing designed for Bombay in 1973. At the same time Correa will
particularly
apply the tube idea in a number of private houses; including the
suited to hot dry climates, was his so-called "tube
house," a form that was conceived
magnificent
as a means for conserving
ingenuity. Regrettably,
Ramkrishna House, Ahmedabad
(1964), that was a
energy in a society that, in the main, cannot afford air-conditioning. This extruded house type stemmed in part from the Moghul tradition
deluxe version of the original tube-house prototype.
and in part from the megaton form adopted the war. .
and concrete Parekh House, Ahmedabad
Correa's first tube house was developed
by Le Corbusier after
type it was the complete antithesis of the open-to-sky concept.
Here
He would
proceed to apply the same notion to the even more articulate brick related to housing designed
in 1962. As a generic
many
(1968), that in its turn was
in 1967 for Cablenagar
Rajasthan. The Parekh House afforded an opportunity
Township in to render the
tube house concept as two different sections, set side by side.
These sections responded.to
at its most elaborate in the 28-story, Kanchanjunga
different summer and winter
apartments
conditions, while being part of the same continuous dwelling
completed
volume. In effect the house was divided down its length into two
capacity for ingenious cellular planning to the limit, as is evident
in Bombay in the same year. Here Correa pushed his
different pyramidal sections. The first with a wide base and a narrow
from the interlock of the one and a half story, split-level, 3 and 4
top functioned as the summer section, thereby closing the house down at the upper level, while the second served as the winter
bedroom units with the two and a half story 5 and 6 bedroom units.
section, since it was, in effect, an inverted pyramid that in opening
Smaller displacements of level were critical in this work in that they differentiated between the external earth filled terraces and the
the house at the top, provided for a lightly shielded roof terrace
internal elevated living volumes. These subtle shifts enabled Correa
covered with a pergola.
to effectively shield these high rise units from the effects of both the
A section organization employed
of a more traditional character will be
by Correa in the lush tropical vegetation of South-East
India. I am thinking in particular of the Kovalam Beach Resort, completed in Kerala in 1974 and of the equally elegant Bay Island Hotel built at Port Blair in the Andaman Islands in 1982. In this last, timber shade-roofs,
suspended
over public terraces, deflect one's
sun and the m0nS00n rains. This was largely achieved by providing the tower with relatively deep, garden verandahs, suspended
in the
air. Clearly such an arrangement had its precedent in the cross-over units of Le Corbusier's Unit habitation built at Marseilles in 1952, although here in Bombay the sectional provision was achieved without resorting to the extreme of differentiating
between up- and
of the earlier Kovalam Beach Resort will descend the slope in a
down-going units. Not all of Correa's high rise apartments were so elaborate, however, as one may judge from his earlier and much
similar way, deflecting
simpler Sonmarg Apartments
vision downward towards the ocean. The stepped
interlocking
roofs
the prospect down towards the sea.
However, the Kovalam Beach building also calls our attention to another feature of Correa's architecture, manipulating
namely his habit of
floor levels so as to create different domesticsettings
at the scale of the micro-space.
Apart from their incidental debt to
Adolph Loos, these displacements
remind one of Jorn Utzon's
perception that in the West one gravitates towards the wall, whereas in the East one turns towards the floor. Thus one may find in Correa's work subtle level changes having a certain oriental . character that simultaneously
serve to articulate different living
housing completed
of 1966 or his five-story CIDCO
in Bombay in 1973.
In terms of the low-rise, high-density premium throughout
housing, at such a
India, Correa's conc~pt of disaggregating
cellular living space implies the possibility of gradually upgrading the unit with incremental additions. Such an ad hoc strategy is inseparable
from Correa's overall attitude towards planning and
urban development. particularly
Close to the pioneering work of John Turner,
in his self-build,
openly acknowledges
low cost housing proposals, Correa
the crisis of perpetual urbanization
in India
zones in a particular vivacious way. We can see this clearly at Kovalam where the kitchenette of each unit is raised above the living
and the fact that housing for the vast majority will never be met
area so as to provide long views over the sea. Correa's Loosian penchant for sectional displacement,
New Landscape
accompanied
where appropriate
by changes in the floor surface, is
through conventional
methods. As he was to put it in his book The
of 1985:
"For too long have we allowed the densities of our cities to be determined
by individual commercial
developers - higher
densities triggering off higher land values, and vice versa, in
resting on square granite bases, set at the four corners of the
an increasingly own tail."1
square. These columns, needless to say support timber trusses
vicious spiral, like a serpent that feeds off its
carrying the impluvium itself with its tiled roofs. This Mediterranean
As Correa continues, this has led to inhuman environments that have stubbornly
ignored the fact that in warm climates space itself is
the primary resource. While recognizing
the punitive constraints
urbanized
class, above all in the prototypical
of the patio perimeter, particularly
in respect of the
studio which is separated from the larger L-plan of the house by a
his ability to design for the housing needs of a newly
lower-middle
running back to Pompei, is at once inflected
by spatial devices of a local origin, above all the ingenious manipulation
attending the realities of urban poverty, Correa would also demonstrate
parti, with antecedents
staggered
housing
corner sequence
reminiscent of the entryways into
Rajasthani havelis. The square micro-stoa that surrounds the central
that he designed for Lima, Peru in 1973. This so-called PREVI two-
open-to-sky
story housing type consisted of an ingenious assembly of T, L, and
its sense of immutable calm is enhanced
S shaped units, although in the final version the built units followed a
displacements
much simpler formation.
studio is extended into the interstices of the enclosed volumes,
Over the last two decades a great deal of Correa's low-rise, high-density
space is not disturbed by this inflection. On the contrary particularly
by these subtle
because the "Iabyrinthic"
wall of the
especially where tiled stairways with stepped balustrades serve the bedrooms at the first floor.
housing has in fact been realized for India's urban'
middle class as in the Tara Housing settlement built on the outskirts
rise up to
The broader implication of Correa's thinking about dwelling
of New Delhi in 1978. Four stories high and clustered about a central
cannot be separated from his activity as an urban planner which is a
community space, the Tara project comprised
crucial aspect of his work. In the company of his colleagues Pravina Mehta and Shirish Patel, Correa first entered the lists as an urban
120 narrow-fronted,
two-story duplexes stacked on top of one another. Accessed
either
at the ground or at the second floor, these relatively standard
planner in the second half of the sixties with extremely pertinent
megaton dwellings all confirmed to the same module; three meters
proposals for the expansion of Bombay; plans which have lost
wide and six meters high.
nothing of their relevance during the thirty years that have elapsed since their initial formulation.
As he has matured Correa has drawn closer to the primordial traditton of the patio house, a type that is as much Mediterranean it is Indian. This reinterpreted
classic paradigm is clearly the basis
for his own house and studio recently completed so-called Koramangala
in Bangalore, the
House. Here an uncanny charm derives
from the simplest of conjunctions. ying-yang
as
In first instance there is the subtle
assembly of the.house and the studio spiraling around a
central square court containing a single tree. In the second instance, there is a reinforcement import of this "open-to-sky"
of the symbolic and practical
space by virtue of cylindrical
columns,
Given the vast commuter-cum-squatter
implosion into and
around the built-up area of Bombay that was already beginning to escalate out of control from the mid-fifties onwards, with workers commuting as much as four hours each way, in order to work in the center, Correa and his colleagues
proposed the creation of a New
Bombay across the harbour. The State Government put this plan into action, and between 1970 and 1974 Correa served as chief architect to then newly created City and Industrial Development Corporation
(CIDCO). The acquisition of some 55,000 hectares of
some two million
the central business district of New Bombay. Once again a future
people by 1985, gave Correa the opportunity of addressing the housing needs of the poorest sector of the population, through the hierarchical articulation of "open-to-sky" spaces within a single story
rapid transit line is to be the central axis of the entire scheme with
land by CIDCO, for the purpose of accommodating
and hence to the city center. Between the villages and the rapid
urban fabric. As he put it: ""...Living
in an Asian city involves much more than the use
transit line lie large maidans to either side, and these spaces are
of a small room. Such a cell is only one element in a whole
further articulated as communal squares, one for each village. The
system of spaces people need in order to live. This system
overall plan is designed to accommodate
is generally hierarchical
population
consisting of four major elements:
seventy percent of the
not more than ten minutes walk from either a tram stop or
a railway station.
space needed by the family for exclusively private use
Unlike the rest of New Bombay, Ulwe is structured as an
such as cooking and sleeping; areas of intimate contact i.e. the front doorstep where children play, you meet your
ecological,
neighbour,
series of retention and holding ponds and the further provision of an
etc.; neighbourhood
places e.g. the city water tap
,where you bec;ome part of your community; and finally, the principal urban area e.g. the maidan (open space) used by Arguing that at least three quarters of the essential activities,
cooking, sleeping, and entertaining,
etc. can take place in private
land-management
elaborate system of drainage
system involving the creation of a and flood control. It is envisaged that
this hydraulic landscape would provide for all sorts of incidental economic
the whole city."2 .
"swags" of train lines picking up the village traffic to either side of the rapid transit and thus bringing the commuters to the rail stations
activities from the cultivation of vegetables
and fruit, to
fish farming and garbage treatment, this last being geared to the production
of bio-gas. Correa envisages all this as an urban
courtyards for seventy percent of the year, Correa proposed a single
equivalent of Gandhi's rural economy program. Brilliantly worked out
story, mud brick, thatched roof residential fabric, interspersed
in many of its details, the Ulwe plan also allows for its phased
with
realization and one only hopes that within a few years it will still be
courtyards of various scales and character. As far as Bombay was concerned,
the second most crucial
factor was the provision of a transportation
network capable of
affording cheap and rapid access to employment
in the center. To
this end Correa projected a complex infrastructure
running out at its
possible to bring it to fruition. Aside from the six story stepped terrace middle-class
.
apartments that Correa built while he was chief arc1litect of CIDCO, the only housing stock that he has so far realized in New Bombay is
extremities to the villages of Taloja, Panvel and Uran and comprising
in the Belapur district. Distancing himself from any particular class
a linear net of looped bus routes, feeding the settlements through a series of short "necklaces" that in their turn would be linked back to
image, Correa designed his Belapur prototype as a combination
a future rapid transit spine feeding directly into the center of
spaces within low bounding walls. Such a cluster formation
Bombay. As a further and more recent development
of the same
plan Correa projected the so-called Ulwe node, comprising 1580 hectares, descending
some
from the hills to the Waghivali Lake, in
of
several "L" shaped pitched roof units enclosing private open-to-sky spontaneously
produced a larger "open center/open
settlement pattern which when combined squares produced
corner" square
with three other such
a further level of aggregation;
a 12 x 12 meter
11
square linking 21 houses. This larger pattern generated a serpentine
Mauritius, built some two years later, also adheres to the same.
Radburn layout, in which the clusters were pulled back from the
principle, although in this instance, the oversailing shade roof and
outer perimeter of the block to provide inset parking, while the
the seven story portico serve to establish the building on its corner
jagged inner open space form was irrigated by a small stream or
site as a classic batiment d'ang/e.
na//ah, provided to drain away storm water. By walling-in the site of each house, Correa was able to cross class and economic
lines by
In his 1986 paradoxical
LlC Center in New Delhi, Correa will
create the parasol as an enormous space frame, running along the
offering units of different size and cost within the same cluster. At
northern side of a long block. Regrettably this is an office building
the same time the house allowed for its subsequent
that in attempting to mediate between two totally conflicting
for the modification
expansion and
of its cellular form. Needless to say, we will find
variations of this same patterning principle, with contiguous walls, in
forces
fails to serve either. On the one hand it is patently not of the same
many other housing schemes including the ACC Township in
order as the high rise development rising behind it, on the other hand it fails to relate to the scale and form of the classical colonnade
Andhra Pradesh of 1986 and the HUDCO Housing project for
running around the perimeter of the nearby Connaught Circle.
Jodhpur of 1986.
Patently influenced by Louis Kahn in its play between the "served"
Among the various typologies that Correa has entertained.
status of the curtain-walled
office space and the "servant" character
during his practice none is more general and partial in its
of masonry shafts, faced in red sandstone, the LlC Center abandons
implications than the large oversailing shade roof or parasol which, while it has assumed different forms in different works, is
the quasi-Loosian,
pierced-window
aesthetic that Correa had
adopted for almost all of his office buildings, up to that point
nonetheless always associated with the various bureaucratic
including the Indian Mission to the United Nations in New York faced
institutions that he has designed during the course of his career.
in red enameled steel and the more recent Alameda Park building,
This element first appears at a large scale in an office complex for
projected in 1996 for Mexico City, as part of a large piece of urban
the Electronic Corporation
renewal area, now in the process of being realized according
Hyderabad
of India Limited (ECIL), built in
in 1968. In this instance a three story complex is made
up of three linked but independent
T-shaped office clusters that
to
Legoretta's eight block master plan. In this instance Correa's cubic office block will be faced throughout in black tufa, with 2 three-story
would fail to attain any kind of corporate unity were it not for the
roof top loggias facing out over the park. It is intended that each of
parasol that envelops them at roof level and runs around the
these monumental volumes will be decorated
perimeter of the building, as a deep overhang, from the southwest to the northeast elevations.
painted by a local artist within the Mexican mural tradition. As with
Much the same formal strategy will be employed for the MRF Headquarters
at Madras of 1991, although here the building is
shielded by a shade roof extending
across the north western arc,
by a full height mural
Correa's other office structures, these crowning loggias will be covered by louvred parasols. Correa first broached what he refers to as a "ritualistic pathway along a shifting axis" in 1958., with his Delhi Handloom Pavilion
from due west to due north. Here as in the ECIL building, the parasol
which consisted of a square, multi-leveled,
L:ontinues across the top of the central/entry
out of sun-dried bricks, open terraces shielded from the sun by
patio. The LlC center in
labyrinthic
podium, built
fifteen cable-supported
canvas parasols (chatri), each covering one
of the sixteen squares into which the podium had been divided. The sole square that remained open in the asymmetrical
"center"
consisted of a garden court around which the spiraling itinerary of the exhibit revolved, doubling back on itself over four different levels that were interconnected
by either ramps or stairs.
whole structure rests on a brick podium that in this instance houses a small museum, Correa will return to the same form in a series of works that
follow in rapid succession, the partially realized Gandhi Darshan,
Correa would take a more strictly tectonic approach to the same theme in his commemorative museum for Mahatma Gandhi that he completed
defined by a series of brick walls leading down as an undulating labyrinth to the samadhi itself. As in the Handloom Museum, the
in 1963 for the Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad.
This
.
Ragighat (1969), the unrealized Indian Pavilion for the Expo '70, Osaka (1969), the Cochin Waterfront project (1974), and finally, the magnificently expansive Bharat Bhavan Arts Center built on the lake
consisted of a strictly gridded space elevated above the ground.
at Bhopal in 1981. Here the natural contours of the site were used to
Rendered in a fair-face brick and concrete syntax but strongly
create an irregular "acropolis"
influenced by Moghul architecture
courts, around which a number of cultural facilities were organized
at its most abstract, (c.f. Fatehpur
Sikri), the Gandhi Museum remains one of the most compelling
comprising
national monuments erected anywhere in this century. As Correa was to put it in 1989:'
and open amphitheater,
", . . the great Islamic mosques of Delhi and lahore
residence.
are at the
of terraced gardens and sunken
galleries, a museum of tribal art, a library, an enclosed workshops and studios for artists in
Following the Cochin Waterfront project, this is the first
occasion on which Correa will make extensive use of stepped
other end of the spectrum: they consist mainly of large areas
terraces in the manner of the traditional stone bathing ghats.
of open space surrounded
Thereafter he will return to this motif repeatedly, first in a small,
by just enough built form to make
one feel 'inside' a piece.of architecture. relationship
(open-to-sky-space
. , . This ying-yang
surrounded
collective meditation space, the so-called Surya Kund built in Delhi
by solid built
in 1986, and then in the Jawahar Kala Kendra, built in Jaipur in 1992
forms, and vice versa) generates figure/ground patterns in which the open spaces can act as areas of visual rest
between enclosed volumes - a principle of enormous
as a Rajasthani crafts museum, dedicated Jawaharlal Nehru.
to the memory of
This last is a complex symbolic work which represents'a
potential for museums. For not only does this pattern create
condensation
the opportunity to provide a combination
a synthesis which he has always sought between popular culture
of concentration
and
of Correa's thought to date and is a demonstration
relaxation, it also opens up the possibility of offering the visitor
and archaic cosmology.
alternate paths through various sections of the museum."3
symbolic central square is left empty and bounded with ghat-like stepped terraces on four sides to create a kund which in this
After the Gandhi Museum, Correa's symbolic "open-to-sky" space assumed a more organic and topographic
character,
As with the Indian Handloom Museum, the
one that
instance is dedicated
was less determined by an overriding architectonic structure. This is at once evident in the memorial that he realised for Mahatma
The visitor's itinerary
Gandhi's wife in Poona, in 1965, where the commemorative
meant to recall the Vedic ritual route of the pradakshina which is
space is
of
to the sun (Surya). The other eight squares or
mahals are each dedicated
to a different planet and its attributes.
weaving its way through these squares is
effected here through openings on the central axis of each mahal.
vaguely recalls Schinkel's loggia in the Altes museum, Berlin; a
However this seemingly "circular" route does not have to be
feature that is backed up by the central courtyard of charbagh on to
slavishly adhered to and the visitor is free to explore the different
which it opens, together with an ornamental garden situated to the
sectors of the compound
rear of an elongated site.
at will.
The most surprising and refreshing aspect of this entire complex is the way in which a radiant, popular architecture, icons, is combined
replete with
with antique lore, while at the same time
retaining the vitality of contemporary
.
Like the Mexican architect Recardo Legoretta, to whom he may
be compared,
Correa seems to be torn at times between pursuing
colorful abstract compositions,
craft activity. The implicitly
regional character of this institution finds expression in the red
vaguely referential to popular culture,
as in his extremely scenographic Cidade de Goa of 1982, and a more direct evocation of an actual vernacular as we find this in the
Rajasthan sandstone with which it is faced, topped by copings in
National Crafts Museum that he finally realized in New Delhi in 1991.
beige Dholpur stone. These are the same materials that were used
Closer in spirit to the Bharat Bhavan in Bhopal than to Jawahar Kala
for the Jantar Mantar Observatory
at Fatehpur Sikri and in the Red
Kendra, this museum is not organized about a strict mandala pattern
Fort at Agra. In each mahal this revetment is enlivened by
and while it is graced by a number of square courtyards,
appropriate
not treated as analogies of the Vedic kund, despite the fact that they
icons inlaid in white marble, black granite, and grey
these are
mica stone. At the same time the interior of the whole is enriched by
are occasionally
local artists who have painted images of Krishna and other cosmic
various courts give access to different exhibits opening off a
figures, together with Jain cosmological
diagrams on the internal
pathway in an informal manner; Village Court, Temple
Court, Darbar Court, etc. As in Bharat Bhavan, the podium is
vaults and walls of the compound. A similar mandala parti, structured
meandering
stepped to create informal arenas. Instead, the
about a central kund, will
elaborated at two levels; on the ground floor through a series of
again appear in Correa's work in the late '80's, first in the new British
courts and above through a set of roof terraces. At the same time
Council at New Delhi and then in the premises of the Jawaharlal
most of the single story accommodation
Nehru Institute of Development buildings
being completed
Banking at Hyderabad
(JNIDB), both
in 1992. Of these two works, the building
provided is totally enclosed.
What is key here, as Jyotindra Jain has written, is that the whole museum is conceived
after the timeless world of the Indian village
for the British Council has the strongest initial impact, largely
where otherwise incompatible
because of its portico which is decorated
how the unofficial folk culture of India has always maintained its
with a striking mural in
crafts exist side by side. Jain shows
white marble and black Kudappah stone, designed by the British artist Howard Hodgkin. This is one of those rare instances in which
anarchic autonomy despite colonialising
the artwork makes the building rather than the other way around. It is
Museum as helping to maintain some resistance to the
a demonstration
homogenizing
dimensions paradoxically
of the way in which a figurative abstraction
can be used to activate a three dimensional emphasizing
in two
space by
its spatial depth. And indee.d the most
rhetorical aspect of this building is its "open-to-sky"
portico,which
character of its production.
efforts tQ regularize the
Jain sees the value of the National Crafts
forces of the late modern world.4
The last in the line of Correa's nine-square mandalas to date is his design for the hew State Assembly in Bhopal, the capital of Madhya Pradesh. Although this work was put in hand in 1983, only
now, after twelve years, is it finally nearing completion;
a delay that
is modified by a diagonal of granite slabs, embedded
is rather typical of the rate at which buildings come to be realized in
conducting
in grass,
the pedestrian to two adjacent courts situated at the
India. Inspired in both plan and section by the hemispherical
extremities of the central space. This landscaped
Buddha stupa at Sanchi and $ituated some fifty kilometers from the
disrupting
city, this building partially represents the mythical mountain of Meru.
centrifuge of energy extending
However, within its circular perimeter the plan is orthogonally
the concept of the kund is totally transformed,
subdivided
plan, arising out of the collegiate typology and the shape of the site
into nine compartments,
matrix being occupied
with the four corners of the
by the circular Legislative Assembly, the
Upper House, the so-called Combined Hall and the Library. For security reasons the mode of circulation contained
independent
in each sector is a self
system. Thus VIPs enter the building via an
diagonal,
the tranquility of the square, is also meant to represent a out towards the limits of space. Thus
no longer conforms to the mandala concept.
just as the organic In many respects this
assembly depends for its cultural legibility on the presence of literal icons, such as statues of Galileo, Newton, Einstein and the Indian Sage Aryabhatta,
who more than fifteen centuries ago established
axis coming from the southeast, while the general public enters from
that the world was round. The two peripheral courts are also
the southwest. These two axial approaches
landscaped
culminate in a central
square which unlike the kund, as this appears in other mandala
in such a way as to represent scientific paradigms;
hostel quad being paved according
the
to a fractal diagram known as
schemes, is covered by a pergola. After passing through a
Serpenski's gasket, while the computer court is structured about a
checkpoint
figure representing
the public may gain access to viewing galleries
overlooking the three main halls through a complex system of ramps and elevated circulation. This promenade
architecturale,
to coin the
Lagrange's
Lobes.
Needless to say, Correa's architecture
is a product of his
formation; that is to say he has been influenced to an equal degree
Corbusian phrase, as being analogous to the ritualistic
by both the lateral thinking of Richard Buckminster
circumambulation Sanchi.
one of his teachers in the United States, and Le Corbusier, whose
that takes place around the sacred stupa at
The Inter-University
Fuller, who was
stature both as an urbanist and an architect left an indelible mark on Center for Astronomy and Astrophysics
contemporary
Indian architecture.
This last is still evident today in
completed on the campus of the Pune University, near Pune City in 1992, is a much more somber work than the Jawahar Kala Kendra,
the work of Correa, even if today he rarely makes any direct
in the main because the architect attempted to express overtly the
related back to the presence of a similar geometry as this appears
dedication of the work to the exploration of outer space. Hence the "black on black" aesthetic, reminiscent of the American artist Ad Reinhardt, with walls faced in black basalt, capped by dark Kuddapah
stone and a final course of glossy black granite. This
Corbusian reference. However, even the mandala form may be in Le Corbusier's
last work of consequence:
his regrettably unbuilt
project for the Venice Hospital made in 1965. The other ethos that Correa shares with Le Corbusier is his faith in the presence of what Sigfried Gideon called the Eternal Present.
dark masonry revetment, symbolizing astral space, brackets the main entrance, which in its turn frames two concrete columns that
This is the deep source that links Correa not only to his own youth in
imply the axis leading to the central kund. In this instance, the kund
subcontinent
Goa but also tQ the absolutely inexhaustible
history of a
where past, present and future co-exist in an all but
continuum. "We live in countries of great cultural
indistinguishable
heritage," he says, "countries which wear their past as easily as a
sustenance
was for Le Corbusier; the source of a spiritual
that is as universal in its implications
rooted in the geo-physical
conditions
must re-invent the expression of the
mythic images and values on which it is based."6 These two extremely succinct paragraphs
woman drapes her sari"5. Thus India for Correa is like the Mediterranean
happens, architecture
effectively sum up
the full scope of Correa's activities over the past three decades and
as it is deeply
the fact that changes in the technique of building have been far less
and mores of a particular
dramatic in India than in other parts of the world may go some way
place. Like other Indian intellectuals of his generation, Correa will
towards explaining the apparent ease with which Correa has been
find inspirational depth in the mythic and cosmological
able to reinterpret and reintegrate the past into an extraordinary
beliefs of the
body of work.
past. In this way he has been able to elaborate partis that were initially somewhat schematic into works of poetic consequence. In opposition to the stylistic superficiality
of Post Modern
pastiche, Correa postulates three separate levels at which the environment
may be conceptualized
and perceived today;'first,
as
an everyday pragmatic given, second, as a domain where fashionable imagery of one kind or other will inevitably be present and, third, as an all but invisible cultural sub-stratum that rises, from time to time into the architectural
unconscious
Correa argues that this triadic interplay way architecture
of a particular region.
is further modified by the
evolves over time through the dynamic interaction
of climate, technology,
and the emerging aspirations of the society.
Thus of the forces shaping architecture World Correa writes:
in the modernizing
Third
". . . at the deep structure level, climatic conditions, culture and its expression,
its rites and ritual. In itself, climate is the
source of myth: thus the metaphysical open-to-sky
quantities attributed to
space in the cultures of India and Mexico are
concomitants
of the warm climate in which they exist: just as
the films of Ingmar Bergman would be inconceivable
without
the dark brooding Swedish winter. "The fourth force acting on Architecture other art feels its influence so decisively. technology
is Technology.
No
. . the prevailing
changes every few decades. And each time this
References: 1. Charles Correa: "The New Landscape," Book Society of India, 1985, p.46. 2. Ibid, p. 38. 3. Museum Quarterly, UNESCO Review, No. 164, N:4, 1989, p. 223. 4. Dr. Jyotindra Jain: "Metaphor of an Indian Street," Architecture + design, Delhi, Vol. VIII, N:5, Sept-Oct 1991, p. 39-43. 5. "Charles Correa," Concept Media, Singapore, 1st Edition, 1984, p. 9. 6. MASS, Journal of the University of New Mexico, Vol. IX,Spring 1992, p.4-5.
THE BLESSINGS OF THE SKY Charles Correa
Rajasthani chattris
In India, the sky has profoundly affected our relationship to builtform, and to open space. For in a warm climate, the best place to be in the late evenings and in the early mornings, is outdoors, under the open sky. Such spaces have an infinite number of variations: one steps out of a room. . . into a verandah. thence on to a terrace. courtyard, Throughout
human history, the sky has carried a profound and
sacred meaning. Man intuitively perceived Supernatural.
it'as the abode of the
Hence to climb a path to the top of the hill, where the
Gods dwell, is a paradigm of such mythic power that it has been central to the beliefs of almost every society, since the beginning time.
of
Thus the great Hindu temples of South India are not just a collection of shrines and gopurams, open-to-sky
but a movement through the
pathways that lie between them. Such a path is the
essence of our experience
-
it represents a sacred journey, a
pradakhshina, a pilgrimage. And this sense of the sky extends to the architectonic vocabulary as well: as witness the walls around
. . and
. . from which one proceeds to an open
perhaps shaded by a tree. . . or by a large_~9.2!§,
overhead..61.eachQ1oment, subJI§ c.hange2 in ttle qua~ity of light and ambient-.ail:.gepeJ:ateJe..elings within us.- feeliQ.gs_~hi~h are
--
-
'"central to our beings. Hence to us i~ A'sTa,the symbol of Education has never been the Little Red Schoolhouse of North America, but
the guru sitting under the tree. True Enlightenment cannot be
'
achievedwithintheclosedbox of a room- one needsmustbe outdoors, under the open sky. These open-to-sky
spaces have very practical implications
as
well. To the poor in their cramped dwellings, the roof terrace and the courtyard represent an additional
room, used in many different ways
during the course of a day: for cooking, for talking to friends, for sleeping at night, and so forth. And for the rich, at the other end of
Rajasthan palaces and Moghul forts, crowned with patterns that
the income spectrum, the lawn is as precious as the bungalow itself.
interlock builtform with sky - and the wonderfully
Thus in traditional villages and towns all over India, such open-to-
evocative ~is
(umbrellas) along the roofscape, capturing fragments~,?f the infinite heavens above.
sky 1spaces are an essential element in the lives of the people. Examine, for instance, the village of Banni in Kutch, where the
The Red Fort at Agra
The Lord Buddha at Borabudhur
~
AQ~
Diagrammatic section of Red Fort
0 Guru under the tree
House in Banni village
houses consist of a series of circular huts around a central courtyard.
Each hut has a specialised
function: one for visitors,
another for storing grain, a third for sleeping, and so forth. The family moves from one hut to the next, depending
on their need, the time of
day, etc, in a nomadic pattern of astonishing sophistication.
Then again, consider the Moghul Emperors in their magnificent Red Forts at Agra and Delhi, living in a similarp?ly-centric typolog~i: On the roof terraces of these forts, we find truly elegant patterns of free-standing
Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya
.
style and natural
pavilions, placed in immaculate gardens, inlaid with
the this pattern is -.'" terrace - -"'- level. .. In the cold ~, but sunny -. -. winters, ---_. reversible: the terrace gardens Qi3Lng used during t~_eday, and the
10w!~~~;I~~rn~-~t night. The result is a brilliant re-inventio~;fthe desert tents of Central Asia from whence the Moghu1scame. These Moghuls generated a life-style as royal as Versailles
..
but
fountains and channels of running water. As in the village of Banni,
with truly aristocratic finesse, their palaces are built on the. scale Qf a
these pavilions are differentiated
tennis court, not a parking lot.
as to use: the Diwan-I-Am for
The typologies
receiving visitors, the Moti Masjid for prayerS, the hamams for
l
bathing, and so forth. Given the cold winters of North India and the annihilating
"-
revealed in these examples are astonishing:
flexible and incremental, achieving great spatial richness through heat of
minimalist means. They exercise a seminal influence on many of the
its summers, how did the Moghuls manage to live in such a
projects in these pages - starting with one of the earliest, the
disaggregated
Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya (1958-63) at the Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad. This memorial to the Mahatma is a museum and
pattern of pavilions? The answillJie~[n
the sunken
sourtyardE,-.WbiGl:i give.accesS-tG-aJowBLleyeLof rQQJJ1s.Jn the early morning of the summer months, a velvet shamiana (canopy) is
research centre where scholars come to study his letters, books and
~tretched over the rim of the c.2.ldrtyards-,JrapQing the cold overnight air in the lower level of. rooms. This is where the Moghul Emperor
photographs. --rThese aLe.housed in- a disaggregated ----plan connected by covered and open areas a pattern which not only allows for ~--'--
'Spends~his da;.in
mc:re flexible .growth but also gives to tFi~ users-_areas ~-visu?1 q~iet ~e the-eye can rest and the mind meditate. ~ .. -
Em~er~~ ~d
th;even~n§L ~ami.§.n;js
removed, ~ndthe
his co~r:!..~:::.~eup on to th~ g,a!:ge~and
pavilions of
Instruction, Enlightenme-n
v
Salvacao Church
Jama Masjid, Delhi
Another example is the Salvacao Church (1974-77) in Bombay which speculates on what church typology might have been if Christianity had not been headquartered
in Europe, but had stayed
Kapur Think Tank
in Asia - where it originated, Yet another is the Sen Farmhouse (1972, unbuilt) outside Calcutta which has four caves (living,
.
This concept has also generated the Museld-Olof Archaeology.
sleeping, cooking and washing) placed around a ~QQI2.:fo~ courtyard; at different times of the day, this courtyard can be used in
(1985, unbuilt) Bhopal, wh5're the system of courtyards
conjunction
galleries are built separately and incrementally
with any particular cave, depending
on the activity. The
is first clearly
defined by a continuous masonry wall, and then the exhibition on the other side of
same principle also generates the Patwardhan Houses (1967-69) in
it. This typology of the inside-out sock can also cope more easily
Poona, where the sleeping and cooking functions are housed in
with the constantly fluctuating
square masonry boxes, grouped
economy like India's, since the basic architectural statement - the
in.a pattern which creates breeze-
wall - is completed
ways for the living areas. These typologies were further developed
into a pattern which
budgets and time-tables of an
in the first instance. It places the highest
emphasis on open-to-sky
space - as do the great Islamic mosques,
might be termed the In..§.ide-OutSock. An example is the project for
like the Jama Masjid in Delhi, which is really just a large open
a mud Farmhouse for Mrs. Indira Gandhi (1972, unbuilt) - a concept
courtyard with enough builtform around the periphery to make one
which re-surfaces again in the Kapur Guesthouse (1978, unbuilt) to
feel one is within a piece of architecture.
accommodate
participants
in a high-powered
think-tank discussing
COURTYARDS & TERRACES
India's future. Here the main arena is a square courtyard made of
earth, defined by a high mud wall - with the rooms for each of the visitors as appendages
on the other side of this wall. Each suite of
Open-to-sky space is also of vital importance in housing where it can make a decisive difference between livable habitat and
rooms has a door opening on to the courtyard, in the centre of which the discussions take place - surely a configuration which should
claustrophobia
serve to wonderfully
each family can be provided
focus the mind! What is crucial here are not the
formless rooms that lie on the other side of the wall, but the clarity of the central core - hence the analogy of the sock turned inside-out.
- particularly so for the lowest income groups. Even
in reasonably dense housing, individual terraces and/or gardens for -
as in the Jeevan Bima townships
(1969-72) in Borivli and Bangalore (1972-74), and the low-income ho.using (1971-72) for the Gujarat Housing Board in Ahmedabad.
Kanchanjunga
Low-income housing, Gujarat Housing Board
,\
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Masterspaces
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On
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Reading Area
0 Terrace'
Library: lower level
Library: upper level '--'~ 0 1
The Library - that ancient symbol of knowledge - "breaks through" the granite wall, establishing closer relationship with the forest
Walking past the Hostel entrance, with the Library ahead
,!: Axonometric
of Library
The zone between work area and forest
"---' 35m
a
~"
Viewfromthe forest, back towards the work areas I
Thewall,made up of blocks of grey granite, quarried locally, through which one steps intothe forest. . .
JNIDB Hyderabad 1986-91
This Institute is set up to train senior managers from banks in India and South Asia, who come in for various types of courses from two weeks to a full year. One of the key objectives
of the programme
therefore is that informal interaction and discussion
among
management trainees and faculty members should be encouraged by the very pattern and layout of the built form itself. Hence the complex system of interdependent organised around a series of landscaped provide the humidified micro-climate
climate of Hyderabad
-
spaces,
courtyards,
so as to
-
necessary in the hot-dry
and very evident in its traditional
architecture. The sequence
of these courtyards
connects the
auditorium to the teaching rooms, and thence on to the faculty offices. Along a cross axis, another sequence the gently ascending
leads one up through
levels of the sloping site, past the lounges and
dining hall to the residential rooms, which are laid out around . smaller courtyards. In the centre of the entire complex is the kund, whose stone steps echo the boulder-strewn
landscape
of
Hyderabad, creating a focus in the centre of the complex - an ideal place for casual conversations, formal occasions.
The landscape
of Hyderabad
as also for concerts and more
Entrance lobby
-
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53
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Entrance canopy
r'
View of faculty
teaching
rooms
from
entrance
plaza
sing
1, O'-{~~om
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Axonometric of the main complex
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The sequence of spaces
--
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A cluster of residential rooms around a small courtyard
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-~ Repeating the basic interlock of 3 and 4 bedroom units generated facades that seemed like just so much yardage, Incorporating 5 and 6 bedroom units (created by adding an additional half-level to some apartments), enriched this basic pattern, giving the tower rhythm and energy, like a Tree of Life,
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l
130
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terrace gardens
at the corners
"
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--
SONMARG APARTMENTS Bombay 1961-66
This is an early attempt to deal with the context and climate of Bombay.
In order to create two lines of defence against the rain
and sun, a belt of auxiliary spaces (verandahs,
studies, dressing
rooms, etc) is arranged to form a zone of protection
around the main
living areas. The apartment
is on two levels with a difference
between the living room and the main bedrooms. only two apartments
per floor, each unit is open on three sides,
creating through-ventilation
and a subtle ambience
Over three decades of occupation apartment
of 75 cm
Since there are of cross-light.
by the same family, the
illustrated has had to deal with many different changes in
the ages and the space requirements of its users - and this is where the cordon of auxiliary spaces along the western and eastern faces have proved extraordinarily
responsive and flexible, combining
with
the main rooms to deal with a large number of spill-over activities in an easy and economical
Shadow on bamboo
132
chik
manner.
The living room, looking towards protection zc
133
i~
,
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II A diwan in the living room, with photograph
of the Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya
Plan showing protective
zone along eastern and western -perimeters ~~ 0 1
The main facade facing Napean Sea road
3
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~ookingacross fromprotective zone in frontof livingroom, towards master bedroom
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along eastern perimeter
Connecting zones of protection: the door (with the faux Matise) opens to connect the Living Room to the Guest Room.
'
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--=.J "'
jving
room, with protective
zone along western perimeter
/'
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'.
for the Master bedroom
HOUSE AT KORAMANGALA Bangalore 1985-88
The traditional courtyard typology
houses of South India represent a
much older, and really quite different, from that of the
bungalows built by the British - which is usually a long shed (with the Living and Dining rooms down the centre and the Bedrooms on either side), wrapped
around with continuous
result: rooms which are large and generous, light and cross-ventilation. In contrast, the traditional Goa are usually organised
verandahs.
The
but sadly lacking in
old Hindu houses in Tamil Nadu and
around a small central courtyard,
Ji1'f
with a
tree or tulsi plant in the middle. One enters through the front door, intentionally placed off-centre on the main facade, and then moves along a shifting axis to arrive at the courtyard which acts as a central focus, bringing wonderful
bounce-light
and ventilation to the rooms
that surround it. How infinitely more delightful to the somewhat dark and predictable
spaces of the colonial bungalow!
Constructionon this housewasstartedin1986- unfortunately, before user requirements
Entrance
were sorted out. Thus during
construction, the house kept changing
-
really quite fundamental
changes in the number of rooms, in their sizes, in their relationship to each other. These went through more than a dozen incarnations -
the only thing they all had in common was the courtyard in the
centre. Thatnevervaried- and it allowedthe restto keep changing,
right until the end.
These successive complicated
rounds of decision-making
layering - an ambiguity
which would probably
been impossible to achieve in a design conceived through a single round of decision-making designer's
have generated
a
have
and executed
(however complex the
intentions), but which has come about as a natural
fall-out of a process involving consecutive
rounds of decisions
(each hopefully the last!) like the subtle ambience
a
0
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a
of an old town
which has grown organically with time.
L::> ring-yang interlock around courtyard I~
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The living room, with stairs to upper bedroom and terrace
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Roof plan
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Bamboo chiks around the courtyard
The Burma teakwood doors, taken from a turn-of-the-century bungalow that the family use to live in, incorporate the traditional symbol of the tortoise (appearing in various sizes, depending on the width ofthe door). These doors have been hand painted by the architect to celebrate their new incarnation. Studio garden, with granite blocks
...
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:entrywatchingdoberman crossing courtyard very swiftly
VILLAS AT VEREM Goa 1982-89
Thirty-eight
houses located on a beautiful piece of land along
the Mandovi river, across from the city of Panaji. Because of the elongated
nature of the site, which runs between road and river
bank, it was possible to string out these houses so that all of them get a river view, with still enough land left over to create a shared garden along the river front. Most of the house-owners
are Bombay families who want to
have a second home in Goa. In this sense these are holiday homes, though they can also function as permanent year-round
houses
(and in fact do so for a few resident families). There are two basic house-types, with an equal mix of 2 and 3 bedroom size~. On the river front, the elevations vary, so that families have a certain amount of individual identity, and the view of the clusters from the river has diversity. Simple changes in the floor levels within the houses help define specific areas, while preserving openness cross-ventilation. Construction
and
is of brick bearing walls, finished in stucco and
painted white, with a mezzanine floor of RCC, surmounted
by a roof
of wooden rafters and clay tiles. Shared back-garden,
along the banks of the Mandavi river
~~-----..
::::~~~ -~~ "2"'.
r.~. ."~M'
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Site Plan Typical three-bedroom
house
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The basic unit in the Site Plan is a block offourhoo
- and this block can become eitherconvexor con depending on the angle of two bedrooms, placed one centre. This pivot increases central units to 3 bedrooms
the "pivot" (consisting0 over the other), in the I the capacity of thetwo each, while the endOn
remain as 2-bedroom units. Thenuancesofthese \ A block of four houses with hinge in centre
~
subtle movements in the shapes of the blocksfrom concave to convex and back again, animatesthes plan, giving a certain individuality to each house (which, as in the case of the beach hotel DonaSy/ is further augmented through the use of different balconies, porches, etc).
0
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"---' ~ 0 1
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The house at the eastern end of the site is a holiday home for the architect. The living and dining areas
are wrapped around an atrium
-
which is protected
by a jaffrey, covered with bouganvilla. This allows the Living and Dining rooms to be free of any protective grills, for even when the wooden shutters - of these openings are closed, the rooms continue to be cross-ventilated through this atrium (which acts as a lung for the whole house).
Looking towards the river, from the living room
II
Upper flap, partly open
From the living room one steps out on overlooking the river, through a door ~ flaps. The lowest flap acts like the bot dutch door, while on the upper two is scene of the river and landscape out, when the flaps are closed, the river c( part of the house; and when they are present a somewhat unreal counterp( scerJery.
The living room, looking towards three-flap opening facing the river
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All three flaps open
~
INCREMENTAL HOUSING AT BELAPUR Belapur, New Bombay 1983-86
This project, located on six hectares of land about 2 km from the city centre of New Bombay, attempts to demonstrate
how high
densities (500 persons per hectare, including open spaces, schools, etc) can be easily achieved within the context of a low-rise typology. The site plan is generated
by a hierarchy of community
spaces,
starting with a small shared courtyard 8m x 8m around which seven houses are grouped.
Each of these houses is on its own piece of
land, so that the families can have the crucial advantage
of open-to-
sky spaces (to augment the covered areas). Furthermore,
they do
not share any party-walls with their neighbours houses truly incremental,
-
which makes these
since each family can extend their own
house independently: These houses cover almost the entire social spectrum from squatter families to the upper income brackets - yet, in order to maintain the fundamental
principle
of Equity, the sites themselves
vary in size only marginally (from 45 sqm to 70 sqm). The form and plans of these houses are very simple, so that they can be built and extended by traditional employment
masons and craftsmen - thus generating
in the Bazaar Sector of the urban economy (i.e., exactly
where they are needed for the new urban migrants).
~
t
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~y I A cluster of seven houses, arrangec
Looking out to shared courtyard
-, Buildable to this boundary edge
The house sites are arranged in pairs
so as to save
-
Water supply and drainage
on plumbing and sanitation costs. The main structure of each house has small but mandatory set-backs on
two adjacent sides
-
and can abut the boundary on
the other two. Windows are allowed only on those walls which are set back and on the main facade which faces the community space in the centre. This pattern ensures that each house will be free-standing with respect to its neighbour, and hence can grow independently.
Shared service lines
Road
Plan of seven houses around the courtyard
Site plan
Road
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20m
EBN
Type A units
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These house plans are merely indicative, 1 construction of the units is simple enough undertaken by local masons and mistrys, , active participation of the owners themse/\ In time these occupants will add their own of colours and symbols, colonizing the pro through their life-styles.
Arriving at a cluster
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The low-rise houses are "malleable';
adapting
easily to the lifestyles of the inhabitants
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A general view, with low lying hills surrounding
New Bombay
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15m
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,modules and strips N
In of New Bagalkot
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First of all, based on social and cultural patterns, as well as the existing income profile and housing plot sizes in the existing town of Bagalkot, a schedule was worked out of area requirements forthe different income groups, These plots were laid out in small sub-assemblies termed "Modules" and "Strips" - which could then be fitted together to form Sectors of 1280 m x 280 m. As will be seen from the Sector plans, joining the access roads and pathways of the various I sub-assemblies (by omitting a few sites) allows a fine-scale mix of different income groups - thus avoiding the cruel segregation of income groups and classes found in most "planned" Indian towns (including Chandigarh),
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,100m
Module
tr
of 70 sqm plots
Module
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plots
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Bus stop 24m wide road
Corner 'open space
Shop houses
Open market
pen space
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18m wide main road
I 'sector,showing fine-grained mix of different income groups
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Bazaar
sector,
with circulation
Pedestrian spine moving
diagonally
across
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TypeA2
The Demonstration
Sector
(presently
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Street elevation
under
construction) incorporates typical houses for various sized plots and income groups. Each house is arranged so that the main living spaces focused around a private courtyard for the exclusive use of the family
Toilet
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SURYA KUND Delhi 1986
,.>
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The traditional
kunds, generally located next to temples, are
rectangular
water ponds where the faithful come for ritual
purification
before entering the temple to worship, The sides of these
kunds consist of geometric
patterns of steps, surrounding
this body
of water, During the monsoon, the water in the kund is full; when the hot weather sets in and the water level recedes, more and more
steps get uncovered
-
but the relationship of the devotees to the
water stays constant, allowing them to perform the same sacred rituals along a new layer of steps, The form of these kunds is derived from the vastu-purushmandalas, those ancient Vedic diagrams which con'ceived of Architecture
as a Model of the Cosmos, Like many other aspects of
India,-these
diagrams are both ancient and contemporary,
pragmatic
and metaphysical.
both
Axonometric
Like the thali (the flat circular plate
0
used for eating), their physical form seems timeless. The Surya Kund, a re-incarnation built for a futurologist
of these traditional
kunds, was
who lives on a solar energy farm in Delhi
("Surya" in Sanskrit for the Sun), and who hosts think-tanks on various social and political issues concerning
India, In that sense it
is a tank where one comes to think - and hopefully purify! - oneself. Like its prototypes,
the orientation of the Surya Kund has been
precisely determinecj by the cardinal directions
of the compass.
From the garden
Section 186
===::I
0
1
!:: 3
7ce to the Surya Kund
The peripheral walls, defining the central space, give to the participants of the think-tank a clearly demarcated arena for discussion, one which serves to marvellously focus the mind. In the centre, symbolising the bindu (the Source of all Energy) is the Shri Yantra - the most sacred of all
yantras.
Think-tank in session
BRITISH COUNCIL Delhi 1987-92
This new building for the British Council houses a number of diverse functions, including a Library, an Auditorium, and the Headquarters of their offices in India.
an Art gallery.
These elements are arranged in a series of layers, recalling the historic interfaces that have existed between India and Britain over the last several centuries.
From the main entrance gate, one moves
down the main axis which extends right up to the rear garden wall. The three nodal points along this axis are structured axes mundi, each recalling one of the principle exist in the Indian sub-continent.
around three
belief systems that
At the farthest Wd is the axis
--
mundi of Hinduism, a spiral symbolising Bindu - the energy --- centre of the Cosmos. The next nodal point, located in the main courtyard, is centred around another mythic image: the traditional
Islamic Char
Bagh, i.e. Garden of Paradise. The third nodal point alo~ is a£uropean icon, inlaid in marble and granite, used to represent the -Age- of -Reason, - - including the mythic values of Science and
Progress.
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The 3 axes mundi are placed along the length of the site, connecting the entrance gate to the rear boundary at
the other end.
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Shiva, from whose hair sprang the sacred Ganga river
-
sculpture
by Stephen Cox
DO
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section through the site
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'1 HOUSING,
1969-73, Lima, Peru, for the UN
he Government
of Peru. Thirteen
international
ects were invited to submit designs ,etition for a prototypical
housing complex of 1500
)s. Each house had to be incremental, nmodating
in a limited capable of
up to 10 persons (including
grand-
1970
.-. ---
.
.,-.
KANCHANJUNGA APARTMENTS, 1970-Bc Bombay, for T.V, Patel Pvt Ltd. The conce~ originated for the Cosmopolis Apartments (195E finally built some twelve year" after being designee (See pages 126-131)
6-
$§i
hI "-""
N!I -
ItS). ) units, 3 metres wide, broaden \0 6 metres at the 3, in an interlocking
pattern which orients them
.SSE (climatalogically the optimal orientation for . All units have vehicular access from one end porch connecting
to the community
spine at the
=-
11 a small cluster of a dozen units were built of Jfthe 13 entries, The common-wall nodified into a zig-zag
between units
.
(to make it more earth-
~
) resistant) in which are located service elements as stairs and toilets.
... . .
.
~
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General ';"i'an
~7ang
camm;;;;?;
spi~~u
~~~om
0~ HEREDIA HOUSE, 1970-73, Chembur, Bombay, Ie Mr. & Mrs. C. Heredia. This three-bedroom house 01 a gently sloping site in Chembur, a suburb c Bombay, uses tiled roofs and brick bearing walls.
Section
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Plan of units as built
o~~~om
0~
Plan
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EB N
24!
1971 DCM APARTMENTS, (Unbuilt), 1971, Delhi, for the DCM Ltd. The third incarnation of the theme of major and minor living spaces which can be combined through sliding doors in various configurations. (A concept which was first developed for Sonmarg Apartments, and later for the Rallis Apartments).
LOW-INCOME HOUSING, 1971-72, Ahmedabad, for the Gujarat Housing Board. A high density housing project, providing accommodation for 5,000 people in an area of 4.9 hectares. Five different types of designs were developed, each providing the range of 1, 2, and 3 units required by the programme. This gives a variety of configurations, varying from incremental housing on small individual sites, to two-storey walk-ups with open-to-sky terraces.
LJ
LJ
BIMANAGAR TOWNSHIP, 1972-74 Consultant
pattern
1
35m
Der
of India.
where every family
space, (either a garden
of living
conducive
to th
life-style of Bangalore.
_MW
1972 ERANGAL BEACH RESORT (Un built), 1972, Bombay, for the Department of Tourism, Government of Maharashtra. Development of a beach near Mandwa, just North of Bombay, as an international tourist centre.
1973 SQUATTER HOUSING (Unbuilt), for CIDCO (City and Industrial Corporation). The basic module ry units (under a pyramidal roof) is rer a hierarchy of spaces. An idea furtr the Belapur housing (1983-85).
Plan "--'~~
Corporation
15,000 persons, open-to-sky
SEN FARMHOUSE (Unbuilt), 1972, Calcutta, for Nilu and Abhijit Sen. A weekend house for a Calcutta family: 4 caves (for sleeping, cooking" etc.) around a multi-purpose pergola-covered central space.
0
to the Architecture
Life Insurance
MOZUMDAR HOUSE, 1972-74, Delhi, for Riten Mozumdar. This house on a 200 square metres site for one of India's leading textile and graphic designers, combines a studio/workshop and residence.
Site plan
Plan
IS APARTMENTS (Unbuilt), 1973, Bombay, lilis Brothers. Another version of the idea of
1974
No-lines-of-defence" theory first explored in Jnmarg Apartments and then in the DCM nents.
COCHIN WATERFRONT (Unbuilt), 1974, Cochin, Kerala, for the Government of Kerala. Development along the waterfront to create housing and shopping facilities as well as amphitheatre and public promenades.
STRUCTURAL PLAN FOR BANGALORE (not implemented), 1974, for the Government of Karnataka. This project conceptualised a strategy for using Bangalore's enormous growth rate to shift the centre of gravity north of the existing city centre in
the old Cantonment- which is fast beingdestroyed. This was to be done in a series of consecutive each of which uses existing infrastructure
17~9
steps,
(e.g. under-
utilised railway lines) to gradually develop aT-shaped city structure with the new commercial centre at the intersection of the two arms of the T.
JJ
OFFICE (Unbuilt), 1973, Bangalore, for the taka State Electricity Board. Five decks of 3 around a central atrium on a corner site, an important traffic junction in the city. VISVESVARAYA
-
Consultant
CENTRE, 1974-80, Bangalore,
to the Architecture
Life Insurance
Corporation
Department
as
of the
of India. This complex
provides over 20,000 square metres of offices, shops' and parking.
Instead of air-conditioning,
advantage
is taken of the strong wind currents that swirl around
BACKBAYWATERFRONT(Unbuilt), 1974, Bombay, for the Save Bombay Committee. The purpose of this project was to put a stop to the continuing reclamation of land at Nariman Point and Cuffe
]
Parade, an activity which was adding considerably to the already enormous pressure at the southern end
the towers to provide controlled the office areas.
air-circulation
/sliding
within
glass
of Bombay - and generating enormous political corruption in the process. The perimeter of land already reclaimed will be sealed off by a belt of community facilities and promenades along the waterfront. The Government of Maharashtra has ~
NO
officially accepted
this scheme
-
through with its implementation! AKADEMI,1973-83, Panaji, Goa, for the Kala ,mi A performing arts centre, together with , and music schools, along the Mandovi river laji. (See pages 62-65)
.
, ~
Site
plan
~
but has still to follow
Operable louvres for air control
1975
SALVACAO CHURCH, 1974-77, Bombay, for the Archdiocese of Bombay. This church consists of a series of interlinked spaces, some covered, and others open-to-sky. The shell roofs are ventilated at the top, thus setting up continuous convection currents of air. The areas are functionally differentiated, in an analogue of Christ's life. First the years E)f preparation; secondly the years of public life; and finally, the death and resurrection. The skylight in the baptistry is by the noted Indian artist M. F. Husain.
CRAFTS
India organised village
1975,
along aped
to temple to palacE
herself. (See pages 36-41)
BHARAT BHAVAN, 197 Government of Madhya pr; museum, and performing E on a hillslope, overlooking pages 42-45)
Plan
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MUSEUM,
Authority of India. Handicra
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JEEVAN
BHARATI,
to the Architecture
1975-1
Departm
Corporation
of India. The sit
proscenium
between the ole
Circle and the many new hi~ (See pages 102-107)
'-"I". 252
...
1976
, GROUP HOUSING, 1975-78, Delhi, for the ~o-operative Society. Over 160 two- and threeam maisonettes stacked in two decks, with the ones stepped back so as to form a pergola3d terrace for each family. This configuration ates a central area which allows the units to
WALLENBERG
CENTRE (Unbuilt), 1976, Madras, for
the Western India Match Company. A training centre consisting of low-rise tiled roofed buildings courtyards.
around
each other against the hot dry climate of India (a centuries-old energy-saving pattern) Iso creates a central community area which is caped with trees and running water, so as to ify and cool the dry winds. va-bedroom units cover 84 sq.m and are 3 m 3 m high and 15 m long. The three-bedroom ire 130 sq.m and interlock in an L-shape - so ley use one bay width on one level, and two In the other.
N I~)['
Site plan
(?/
in
~ 0 5 10
SHIMOGA CAMPUS (Un built), 1976, Karnataka, for. Mysore University. The campus on the top of a hill in a
20 m
beautiful region of Karnataka, famed for its thick teak forests,
was designed
vocabulary
STEEL
to use the contextual
TOWNSHIP,
1976-77,
. the Steel Authority, Government plan
for this
developed Section
'
'~
'---"
0
2
5
10 m
rural
of white plastered walls and tiled roofs.
township
in collaboration
Misurata,
Libya, for
of Libya. The master
of 50,000
persons
was
with M.N. Dastur & Co.,
who were the prime consultants
for the development
of the steel plant. Ten sectors of approximately
5,000
persons each were generated, in successive stages, along the arterial roads which run at the northern and southern
boundaries
of the site. Along the centre of
each sector is a spine of public open spaces which contain the schools and neighbourhood mosque. The belt of sand dunes across the middle of the site has been preserved for ecological
balance.
253
1977 PALAYAM SHOPPING CENTRE (Incomplete), 1977, Trivandrum, for the Trivandrum Development Authority. A large shopping-cum-office complex in the centre of the city, involving both urban renewal and new construction,
1978 CIDADE DE GOA, 1978-82, Dona Paula, Goa, for Formento Hotels and Resorts Pvt. Ltd, A 1O0-room
MALABAR CEMENTS TOWNSHIP, 1978-82, Kerala, for Malabar Cements Ltd, A town of 400 housing units on a wooded site at Walayar lake. The client was keen on developing the township in a pattern which would encourage secondary income generation for each family (unusual in a companyowned town). Hence each family (including those on the upper floor) has open to sky-space, both in the form of terraces as well as small kitchen gardens (where they can supplement the family income by keeping chickens or a goat, or even a buffalo - as is commonly done in Kerala),
WalayarL
A Workers village Market
A. Workers village
resort on a beach near Panaji, which seeks (among other things) to create a metaphor of Goa's history. (See pages 76-85) c::F 050
Site plan
~-
~
(
I~CYCLONE-VICTIMS HOUSING, 1978-79, Guntur Andhra Pradesh, for the Government of Andhra Pradesh. Housing for homeless families after the 1978 cyclone, The houses are incremental, the government providing only a single cyclone-proof room of stone walls, with the inhabitants adding on extra rooms in mud, bamboo and country tile,
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