Caste and Politics- Identity Over System Gupta

Caste and Politics: Identity over System Author(s): Dipankar Gupta Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 34 (2005), pp. 409-427 Published by: Annual Reviews Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064892 . Accessed: 28/03/2013 10:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

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Caste

and Politics:

Over

Identity

System

Dipankar Gupta Center for the Study of Social Systems, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru India; email: [email protected] University, New Delhi-110067

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005.21:409-27 The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at anthro.annualreviews.org doi: 10.1146/ annurev.anthro.34.081804.120649 2005 by Copyright Annual Reviews. All rights reserved

Key Words difference,

scheduled

stratification,

hierarchy,

reservation

caste,

Abstract caste and between the relationship politics, integrate conceptually one must that the ritual pure operates hierarchy only when appreciate hierarchies In fact, there are multiple and power. backed by wealth to in the caste order because itself in relation each caste overvalues

lb

others.

can

This

claim

be gauged an exalted

from

0084-6570/05/1021

exception,

0409$20.00

occupies on the ground. With economy

and

collapse

the rise

in caste

embedded of

the caste

past

their

origin

regardless

tales,

which,

of the actual

status

without a caste

the breakdown of the closed village the competitive element politics, to the fore. This in the has resulted

of democratic has

come

system

but

also

in the rise

of caste

49

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identities.

at the

level

THE UNIQUENESS

.. 410

OF CASTE

RECONCEPTUALIZINGCASTE 412 THE POLITICALASCENDANCE OF THE

"PEASANT CASTES"

.415

POLITICS. SYMBOLIC DEFIANCE.

dice.

417 419

CASTEARITHMETICOR

forms

not

421 422

be violated.

also prescribe

society income

disparities,

and

the nature

teractions

has

caste,

differences

community into engraved

doubt,

are

everyday of caste

that social

relations.

and

community

over

changed

religious, are deeply

but

time,

erations

along

ascriptive

lines

portant

markers

both

at the public

still

No in

consid

remain

im

and private

domains.

Although in other

as well,

societies

sets

what

In

is the prevalence of the caste order. no are differences really phenotypical that Hindus castes, but it is presumed

apart

There between have

coded

in them

substances

that

specific set them apart from one another. These sub are incommensurable stances and cannot be hence

compromised; and

were

pollution

observed.

the

meant of

Commingling and

becoming tions had

rules

substances

relating to be

strictly led to

substances

therefore

polluted, to be calibrated finely that people did not compromise inalienable

to pu

by

social to make their

rela sure

inherent

being

in close

physical proximity with members of different Even hend. critic

4.10

this

Physical of racism:

is not

that

separation Indeed

difficult

to compre

is a dominant everyday

dia

interactions

the

atten

other

rank

forms

form

of

quantita is not

that principle societies. Perhaps,

of

stratification

in racism, In which

with

the

cognate and com

of

problem

is not

it is an

separation,

religious

case,

caste

prehending has to do

as a

take

as

difficult

one

all

is to enlarge the scale and deepen of And yet grooves ascriptive prejudice.

the

this approach does not immediately satisfy ei ther

the

or

scholar

the

This

lay person.

is

primarily because of the popular belief that are

castes

that

to

Brahmannical

the

considered

impure

according nevertheless

hierarchy,

participate willingly in their own degradation (Moffat 1979, p. 303). most

and

systematic

influential

pro

ponent of this position can be found in Louis Homo

Dumont's It was

that has not of his gave

been

exposition term

(Dumont

was

said before. on caste

the

phisticated a pure

Hierarchicus

as if Dumont

not

as a state

"hierarchy"

meaning. hierarchy

of mind,

a technical

and

he so

to Dumont,

According allows

1988).

saying anything But in the course

for

economics

and

politics only surreptitiously, but only in the interstitial levels (Dumont 1988, p. 197).Oth erwise,

the stand

poles one extreme

stands firm hierarchy to each in opposition

as

its

two

other.

At

of

this hierarchy is the Brahman at the other and stands (or the most pure), the untouchables (who are positively pollut are castes in between ing). The encompassed

by this pure hierarchy, which

castes.

should

in ritual

from

might of a

exaggeration in other unknown

The

tribes and religious distinctions

one

too,

OF CASTE

there

be main

obsessive

variation

from

that or

rules should

sanctions

caste

tive

so on.

is quite the most stratified undeniably in the world. Over and above huge

in this case

stratification.

likenesses

India

apart

It is this

to the slightest out that marks

extreme

THE UNIQUENESS

stand

distinctions

but

This

RESERVATIONS.

and

lin

is that

and ritualized

just how

tained,

tion

caste

makes

norms

ing

CHEMISTRY?.

rity

and

religion,

of stratification

are elaborate

there

THE POLITICSOF

exist

community,

But what

other

dain

THE EMERGENCEOF DALIT

dia

of

guistic affiliation often partake of this preju

Contents

ranked There

on

the purity/pollution have been others

principle. before

such as Bougie (1958), Ghurye

Gupta

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is obsessively Dumont,

(1950), Leach

(1969), Marriot

(1976), and subsequendy, Beck(1970),Milner(1994),andMoffat(1979) who

others,

among

concur

would

with

Du

mont's general position although they did not articulate

quite

But

way.

that castes

the fact

undisputed

in quite the were ranked

views

their

was

hierarchy

same in an ac

unquestioningly

cepted by all. And as castes were often linked to

too were

these

occupations,

ranked

along

the purity/pollution principle (Marriot 1976). If Leach (1969) could argue that competition between

was

castes

primarily because, in his scheme of things, each caste knew its place and abided by the overarching hierarchical order. The differ ence that Dumont made is that he provided the theoretical underpinning to all this by in is a state

that a pure hierarchy sisting to which in the all those

have

been

as read

taken

of mind will

system

in the past this fact

ingly acquiesce. Whereas may

caste

and

as

quiedy

sumed, Dumont was forthright about it for he thought that his understanding of a pure hier archy provided the theoretical key thatwould explain why to

neously

the Hindu the

caste

each hierarchy, in ticipates upholding

pure

genuflected As

hierarchy.

are included within

sponta all

castes

this all encompassing caste

par ideologically as a whole system

the

as caste is seen this optic, long through at not it is all surprising that the phenomenon so and exotic, almost should appear unique e universalist It would categorization. defying As

be difficult to find a parallel in any other so ciety where the subjugated people supposedly endorse

the moral

order

that

so

thoroughly

caste who

were were

to be

accepted,

considered

low

then or

even

impure

ritual order, would consider their position to be just and befitting their status in terms of the hierarchy of purity and pollution. A single all embracing,

all acquiescing,

hierarchy

was,

of course, expressed with the expected hyper boles in Brahmannical texts such as the Yag navalkyasmriti andManusmriti, but itwas the nineteenth

century

Indologists

who

were

the

have

corrected

observations,

was

this suc

also

(see Dumont

the persuasive

1988, of

power

exotica! As Beteille (1986, p. 123) once rather observed,

trenchandy

many

anthropologists

often miss the larger analytical picture as they are

constandy

for

searching

differences

and

indicates

that

totalities.

unique

evidence

Contemporary

caste identities cannot be straitjacketed within an

hierarchical

unrelenting

the sta

grid where

tus of the pure and the impure are empirically and unproblematically firm in their interac tional nexus (see Gupta 2000a, pp. 54 85). In

this

fact, Senart,

by

was

feature

and

Bougie,

noticed

ago

long

For

Blunt.

example,

Senart (1930) argued that castes should be as units,

seen

one

and

not

should

rush

into

arranging them in a hierarchy. Even Bougie, who otherwise believed that hierarchy was an of caste,

characteristic

important

one ally repel lations were

nevertheless

that castes

demonstrated

forcefully

another.

That

mutually

also mutu two

these

formu not

did

contradictory

strike Bougie with any degree of analytical force (Bougie 1958). Blunt was perhaps the of

incisive "if the

that

them

caste

ceremonial

was

observed

devised

the

with

'the purity of belief and it has

usage,'

he

all when

system

object of preserving

been

a

fail

singular

ure" (Blunt 1960, p. 37). And yet, the dom inant

Brahmannical

intellectuals

that

under

The

fact

so dominated

view

itwas Dumont's

that

caste

of

Senart

those, in the

field

So strong

149).

p.

ing

denigrates them. If traditional scholarship on

could

their

cumbed to this position

most

(Dumont 1970, p. 24).

who

thropologists, notion with

it was

then

untliinkable,

modern propagators of this point of view and gave it wider respectability. Sadly, social an

understand

Blunt,

swept

the

and

Bougie,

the carpet. is that

caste

the

order

is char

acterized by contesting notions of hierarchy and that iswhy we find competitive assertions of

caste

bolic that

identity.

energy are

and

specific

These

assertions

sustenance to each

draw

sym

origin and often

in di

from

caste

tales

rect confrontation with the Brahmannical hi erachy.

Nor

is it that

status

concerns

in these

multiple hierarchies are always linked to pu rity and pollution issues. They may also be www.annualreviews.org

Caste and Politics

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411

with

associated

castes,

Jain caste

than what

more

much

would

purists

they lived out their humble

as among

and wealth,

power

the merchant

directly us believe

have

(see Cort 2004). A general insensitivity toward this

aspect

tion

of

caste

of

to the

led

has

the Brahmannical

overvalua

version

of

tions

hierar

the general one

intellectual

puzzlement

conceptualize

the

should

tween

caste

and politics

be have

their

the hierarchy, then where does to compete for power

accept

placed

above

the superiority in terms them once

Leach

Indeed,

ings.

to compete,

begin

then

of

purity

rank

said that when

castes

no

they

longer

is that and

petition

caste

the

com

really

and

particu or to their work system, hierarchy, were In some cases, the Brahmans

lar ranking

advantage. able to realize tice;

their

in other

favored

and

Lingayats, to Dumont's

so on.

In other

words,

understanding, do not

of wealth

siderations

appear

surrepti

tiously or only at the interstitial levels but are across

manifest

caste

the entire

order.

This

is

why it is important to factor in the notion of caste caste Not identity which

cently,

never are

only

were

were

of

earlier but

confronted peasant

earthy

of

as

those

untouchables. of

these

the

understood.

fully now

ranked also

called

that none

be

we

assertions

(or menials),

know

will

within

tensions

otherwise

identity; order

castes

lowly who, Now had

by castes, shudras

until

re

we

also

ever

ide

ologically accepted their degraded status. Yet 412

put

actually Kshtriyas were times. They

pre-Aryan

then

and

the Muslim

the Himalayas

"robbers" over

took

by

de

1983, pp. 11-14). of

the origins

then,

that

not

tales,

the

au

all these

unlike

of the past

tales

myths,

are

so are Brah

but

justifications of their superiority. As

mannical

all of these

tales

origin

an iden

occupy

tical logical position. It is another thing that intellectuals mans

tend

tell us over castes.

to prefer those that

are related

But

these

today

stories

loudly broadcast, being not to heed them both

so when

contrary con

and

de

"shudra"

so-called

and analytical purposes. This

or the

power

the

were

today

in

rendition

unwise

the Ra

or the Marawas,

In this

privileged tions are

in prac

hierarchy the Jats, or

it was

cases,

or the Marathas,

jputs,

a

to make

the wherewithal

inMaharashtra,

that

ceit and cruelty (O'Hanlon

myths,

on

existed

of

across

from

just

the ground. There are different rankings in different locales depending upon who has the power

castes

(or warriors)

It is true

truth,

sans

system

never

conflict

god,

thentic Kshatriyas predate Vedic Hinduism.

func

tion as caste (Leach 1969, p. 7). The however,

are

of those who

movement

the claim

the Brahmans

cal arena come from? Each caste should be content with its lot, and itsmembers should calmly

unsuspected

or a mercurial

the kind and genial rulers of the land before

the symbolic in the politi

energy

their posi

them to lowly rungs in popular per ceptions (Gupta 2000a, pp. 69-77; Jaffrelot 2003, pp. 207-8; Sahay 2001, p. 147). Jotiba Phule, the nineteenth century leader of the forward

in

positions

an

before

priv

moted

lower contest

held

a lost war,

non-Brahman

in place of ideologi

tension and competition cal acquiescence. If castes do not

as to how

relationship because here we

once

they

chicanery,

chy, both in scholarly works and in popular imaginations. This has also contributed to

lives quietly for

for fear of the generations offending now strata. We know more of ileged tales that boast of the elevated origin

we

examine

caste

and politics, a to caste system

and as

that Brah

study

of

itwould

and for

empirical

is particularly

the relationship between caste as the move from

identity.

RECONCEPTUALIZING The

by less asser

other

caste

and

CASTE can

politics

be

an

alytically justified only when we accept that castes

are, first

and

foremost,

discrete

entities

with deep pockets of ideological heritage. As they are discrete phenomenas, it is both log ically and empirically true that there should be multiple overvalues

as each

hierarchies itself. The

is, therefore, petition caste order and not

element

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caste

a characteristic a later

2000a, pp. 55-82). This

Gupta

caste of

addition

always com of

the

(Gupta

implies that the caste

as a system,

system,

worked

because

primarily

itwas enforced by power and not by ideolog ical

we are when Only are we conceptually

acquiescence.

with

this perspective

armed pre

pared to study the relationship between caste and politics. If in the past it appeared as if there were

over

few obvious

disagreements this was primarily

archy, then sons. First,

the

the hier

castes

between

relationships

rea

to two

due

were played out within the confines of the closed natural economy of the village. This left no

room

for maneuver

communities nial

caste

times,

or a

it gave

rare,

the

following

upheaval

rise

to the

that castes

illusion

have never competed and have been politically inactive.

The

tranquility that this vision of the pure hierarchy inspired should have been shattered when

irreparably

castes

certain

to clam

began

our for a higher status following

the census

the colonial

operations

conducted

According

to O'Malley, during the 1911 cen

sus enumeration,

by

a number

of castes

regime.

objected

to being placed at inferior levels in the hier archy or wanted to be known differently from the

term

traditional came

petitions

fast

assigned and thick

but

also

about

assigning

because

putting rank

Such

them.

at that time

had gone around pression census was not just about bers

to

the

im

that

the

down

num

and prestige

(see Srinivas 1972, p. 101). Around this time caste

associations,

erate

to press

sus records

or for

as well

higher as in

(Srinivas 1972, pp. ened

Rajas,

such

sabhas,

began status both

to

prolif in cen

interactions

everyday

102-5). Some enlight

as the

ruler

of Tranvancore,

from

"low"

caste

families.

Dr.

B.R.

Ambedkar,

the legendary leader of the Scheduled Castes and one of the founding figures of inde pendent beneficiary.

India's

Constitution,

was

one

such

precedence by was the correct

custom (Dirks 2001, pp. 10, 170-71). This in certain

Brahmans

gave

regions,

particu

larly in South India andMaharashtra (see also 1998), a lot of supralocal influence of Wagle the kind they did not enjoy hitherto. Resent ment

this

Brahman domi growing movements in anti-Brahman

against

nance

resulted

in South India andMaharashtra from the lat of

the nineteenth

now

has

Although

inMaharashtra

or

more

become

the years.

century.

movement

less

the

defunct,

in Tamilnadu has evolved over

mobilization

are

There

two mainstream

politi

cal parties inTamilnadu that can legitimately claim to be descendants of the original anti Brahman

Dravida

in North

India,

were

Kazagham traditional as

classified

lowly

movement.

Also

castes

peasant shudras,

that

according

to Brahmannical ranking, were forming their own associations to press for their rightful status under British rule. The Kurmi Caste for

Association,

example,

was

set up

as

early

as 1890 in Lucknow, and the Ahir-Yadava Mahasabha began in 1919. the Moreley-Minto of reforms electorates that gave separate

Second, 1909

introduced

a to non-Brahman castes in their quest fillip now to orga for self-respect. They began as nize themselves Classes." This "Depressed momentum from 1917 onward, and gained various

Depressed in different parts

for

the

lower

Caste of India.

castes

Associations

began the concern

In fact,

and untouchables

was

ev

ident in the colonial administration from the 1880s onward. This was initially with spe cial

also helped in this regard by elevating cer tain castes (Cox 1970, p. 8). The Baroda prince gave scholarships to bright students

it gave

First,

ways.

extraordinary on what advice

their

taking

caste

in the

intervened

significant

Brahmans

the non-Brahman

contested

social

major

the

authorities

in three

ter years

1976). As such instances

(see Chattopadhyaya were

subaltern in precolo

were

episodically

of a war

the

Second,

hierarchies

and renegotiated philippics

for

castes.

and

British order

reference

to education,

so that

the poor

would find a ladder to climb from "the gut ter to the university" (Radhakrishnan 1990, such a policy also de p. 515). Nevertheless, manded

the enumeration

of backward

classes.

This process began from 1883 onward, and the list of castes included in it began to grow rapidly. As the backward class rubric also in cluded

the

untouchables,

there

www.annualreviews.org

was

a move

Caste and Politics

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413

in 1917 to separate them

initiated inMadras the rest

for

British

presence of

lessen the weight so-called

polluting the Madras

ample,

a dif

also made laws were

had

to

enacted

of untouchability castes

that the

to bear.

Government

ex

For

the

passed

Removal of Disabilities Act in 1938; this was soon followed by Mysore in 1943. There after, between 1943 and 1947 a number of states

enacted

similar

to free

laws

those

tra

ditionally deemed as low castes from the in cubus of traditional disprivileges. After India became independent, Article 17 of the Consti tution of India outlawed untouchability. The Yadavs, Kurmis, and Koeris of North India formed theTriveni Sangh to contest the 1935 elections. Though they lost that round to the Congress, the Triveni Sangh held and gradually increased its size. It incorporated other castes from similar backgrounds into its fold to form the Backward Class Federation. The members of the Backward Caste Federa tion were

tenants

generally

the

and

small

cultiva

traditional to thumb

communities

superior noses

their

and

at established

sym

bolic and ritual systems. As Beteille rightly re ismost

caste of the family, in contem

the domain

outside

marks,

at the

active

level of politics

porary Indian society (Beteille 1996, p. 167). If this

was

caste

of

aspect

it was

then

past,

not

noticed

in the

because

primarily

political

upheavals of themedieval agewere few and far In

between.

each

times,

premodern

at

attempt

caste identity assertion required the philippics of war and could not be carried out, as it is in a routine

today,

form

a democratic

within

political format. Quite politics;

transparent castes to a throne,"

caste

contemporary

more

in the past

ambi

through

slaughter are a daily castes in times,

today

colonial are not

India

outside

is much

tensions

unlike

Further,

never

were

connection

today. Wliereas to "wade had

tious

grind.

castes

clearly, the only

concerned

about

official rankings. Caste identities have evolved to amuch

level,

higher

and

it is now

a

question

of self over others and not self in relation to

tors, and they used their organization to fight

others.

for

tion, its involvement in politics is primarily to

their

lord

economic

classes,

many

Recent strate

that

to power came

interests

the

against were close

of whom

land to the

(Jaffrelot 2003, p. 198).

Congress

demon clearly are up warming after be India only of question process

studies,

therefore,

it is not

as if castes

considerations

independent.

The

itics were

always

related,

but

the

change

in the way

caste

and

politics

interact,

and that is bymaking all castes legally equal. It took some time for this legal equality to gain empirical momentum, but with the gradual dissolution of the closed village economy, the tempo has certainly become easily visible to the naked eye. This combination between law and

economic

change

has

allowed

castes

that

were hitherto considered low to take the fight

caste

which

is in ques

a claim

to jobs, educational opportuni as to in gov of power positions in direct bodies competition against

as well

ernment

castes.

other

the census assertions

the

Unlike

regarding agitations in 1911 and later, caste operations are not in just to feel good today

an attributional way (seeMarriot 1959) but to make it good in a highly competitive environ ment that disregards the interactional setting that

relationship

was manifested differendy at different periods of time. The establishment of democracy in independent India has introduced one major

no matter

Thus,

stake ties,

ing established hierarchies through means other than war began with the establishment of British suzerainty in India. Caste and pol

414

to even

treatment.

special

as a number

Third, ference

for

the pure

caste

recommends.

hierarchy

The breakdown of the traditional caste sys tem

and

the emergence

of caste

contemporary

caste

energize

identities politics

that can

be

explained in avariety of ways. Weiner believed that the repeated ideological exhortations of the Congress self-imposed is, the

party

brought to protests

barrier of

acceptance

their

place

an

end

to

"the

that by caste, in the hierar

chy" (Weiner 2002, p. 199). Itmay be recalled that India's struggle against British colonial ism was rally

lead by

this party

the Congress, also

Gupta

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controlled

and quite

natu

the government

for 20 years after indepen

uninterruptedly dence.

According

the

combined

with

leaders,

Congress of

toWeiner,

the freedom

the moral

of

grading

basis

the

castes.

of

of

castes led by Charan Singh. In Bihar, also, there was

a

caste

of upper

decline

significant

members of the legislative assembly after 1977 (Blair 1980, p. 67).

success

the to

led

movement,

charisma

down

In Bihar

Accord

and Uttar

caste

the Yadav

Pradesh,

ing toKaviraj this resulted in a "democracy of castes in place of a 'hierarchy'" (Kaviraj 2000, p. 104). Although it is certainly true that the political representation and the impact of the Congress have played a significant role, they

has gained a great degree of political salience. In Uttar Pradesh, the Samajwadi party is headed byMaulayam Singh Yadav, and in Bi har, the Rashtriya Janata Dal has Laloo Prasad Yadav at its helm. It may also be noted that

need to be placed in the context of the signif icant shifts in the structural plates of agrarian

Maulayam Yadav is today the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh (UP), and Laloo Prasad Yadav's wife, Rabri Devi, is chief minister of Bihar.

These

India. that

they

so

were

changes

cut

the ground

from

fundamental the

under

tra

elite castes and gradually brought about their political decline. As the power of the erstwhile big landlords waned, the middle

ditional

and

farmers stature

the former

and became

untouchables

politically

in

grew

more

assertive.

THE POLITICAL ASCENDANCE OF THE "PEASANT CASTES" In the years

following castes upper

ditional

the

independence, to rule

tra

inmost

continued

parts of India. For example, until 1977, upper castes continued to hold prominent elected positions inUttar Pradesh, themost populous state in the Indian union (Hasan 2000, p. 149; 1962, Jaffrelot 2003, pp. 67, 129). Untill as many

as 63%

of

ruling

mem

Congress

ever,

peasant

castes

such

In the

southern

state

and Thevars have Vanniyars in Karnataka, and control

of Tamilnadu, become was

the

in

the mid-1950s within

from the traditional rural elite the Congress party by the Vokkaligas

and Linagayats (see Brass 1997, p. 205;Manor 1997, pp. 267-70). In theNorth IndianHindi speaking

belt,

upper

caste members

parties

as widely as the Yadavs

are.

percent

of Samajwadi

party members

are

Kurmis these three

of parlia

Hoeber

1987,Washbrook

Weiner

2002).

effec

tively in the late 1960s by a coalition of peasant

only of

1989, Sheth 2002,

ascendant

charac as

castes

peasant

"bullock capitalists" who challenged the hege mony

of the

Hoeber

traditional

1987, 34%

trol

51%

about

of

(Rudolph & castes

peasant

the

population than land, more

of

a

category

ers"

than

are

they to kulaks.

closer

to

but

con

any

other

1987). As farm

"yeoman the

Hence,

such

castes,

Kshatriya

52). These

p.

constitute

appellation

"bullock capitalists" is an apposite term for their

economic

is amix

operation and

ist, preindustrial,

noncapitalist

of "capital features"

(PP- 52-53). The political emergence of these bullock the backward

rather

in

1996,

& Hoeber

Rudolph

the newly

capitalists

Pradesh

In

in Indian politics has been discussed quite fre quently in academic literature (Rudolph &

was

in Uttar

other

represented

India,

lb

coincides

with

the

class movement put

the matter

emergence in large parts

in

www.annualreviews.org

perspective,

of of it

Caste and Politics

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Pradesh

members

assembly

the legislative assembly (MLA) were Kurmis (Jaffrelot 2003, p. 376). In Bihar, the num bers were higher but still not more than around eight percent ofMLAs were from the Rashtriya Janata Dal Qaffrelot 2003, p. 381). The decline of the traditional elite castes

ment fell below 50% for the first time in 1977. The challenge to the established Congress mounted

not

Uttar

the legislative

always rally behind either the Janata Dal or the Samajwadi party. According to Jaffrelot,

agrarian class (Rudolph & Hoeber

assertive, wrested

that

MLA:

and Koeris

as the Rajputs and Bhumiyars

as Ahirs,

Kurmis, Koeri, Lodh Rajputs, and Jats began to dominate the political scape of northern India.

the case, however, always castes such as the Kurmis

peasant

terized

bers of the Legislative Assembly came from elite castes (fain 1996, p. 137). Soon, how traditional

It is not

UP:

415

of

to be

needs

recalled

or zamindari, NSS:

feudal

landlordism,

variant

was

National

undercut

seriously

Survey

of the traditional

base

power of whose

members

this

to

class

conceal

on

of fictitious

the wall.

extent

the

in was

the writing their

lost

they

social

ascendance

of

or bullock

capitalists,

many

ants under

zamindars,

the middle

large

and

Brass 1997, p. 205). In

Srinivas

1963,

was

ship inance.

wrote

"a crucial

factor

that

in

landowner

dom establishing of landowner

of

arable

land

is concentrated

a

small number relatively a who against large number

in the hands of big

owners own

either

as very

little land or no land at all" (Srinivas 1972, p. 11). The picture has obviously changed a great deal since the 1960s. The bullock capi talists of Rudolph & Hoeber are small owners of land, litical

considerable po they exercise in contemporary India as can be the successes of Samajwadi party

and yet

power from

gauged

and Rashtriya Janata Dal in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, respectively (see also Bose 1991, Frankel 1988, Frankel 1989). It is not become

denly fact

as if these

is that

come

much the

poorer.

richer.

The

of

the

patrons

They

castes

peasant

can no

have

more

longer

sud

crucial be

have

past

wield

the

kind of power or influence they used to take for granted. Naturally, the idea of vote banks in the control of dominant factions does not quite apply today (Sharma 1997, p. 216). Ac cording

to Sharma,

ral India

are not

the new

necessarily

political connections Karanth

416

puts

this

of ru

dominants

are eco

those who

at the top. must, They nomically a viable economic have standing, numbers also have sufficient should

of

course,

but as well

they as

(Sharma 1997, p. 217). idea

across

Beteille

rather

nicely

(Karanth

of domi

than decisive today castes can simul

few

very

superiority at

and cultural

levels

(see

1965). features

morphological structure agrarian

rary

to

enough

dominance"

political,

of

attributes

are

two

prevalent

the economic,

neces

always the

taneously claim unchallenged

and

of contempo

inhibit

decisive

in

cumulative

It needs

dominance.

to be remembered that 85% of landholdings in India are below five acres and 63% below three

acres. Given

owner

cultivators

this ground can

like the power a

dition,

ship in rural India is such that the bulk of the

of

because

behave

the pattern

Generally,

is more

equalities

ten

(see also

small

all or

The

peasants, were

of whom

a modicum

dominance

preem

inence in rural India, and this was signaled by the

ensure

is not

"it

to have

.but one

dominance..

nance

their

their possessions

owners,

Gradually,

ur

of

that

says a caste

1996, p. 105). Indeed, a modicum

elite, many

there were attempts

holdings by registering the name

and

an established

also had

ban foothold. Although by

rural

he for

sary

in India.

economic

the

when

known,

was abolished after independence This

Sample

that

as the Indian

level be

hardly wielders

situation,

In ad

of yore.

are seek

of rural people

large number

to

expected

44.5 % Today, is nonagricul

ing rural nonfarm employment. of rural net domestic product

tural (Chaddha 2003, pp. 55). The 50th round of the National Sample Survey (NSS) held during 1993-1994 shows that 32.9% of ru were

ral households

outside

By

agriculture.

the 57th round of theNSS

during 2002-2003,

the percentage

to 35.2%.

as

such

increased

and Kashmir,

Jammu

Punjab,

and Haryana,

In states

the number

Kerala,

of nonagricultural

households in rural India is above 50%. Even in the backward state of Bihar, 40% of rural are nonagricultural. to rural exodus, but

households led

only

This even

has for

not those

who stay back in the village, it is not agricul ture

that

The

poorer

occupations

to their

contributes

villagers

earnings. in a host of

that

band width

solely

participate a narrow require

of skills, ranging from construction to rickshaw

coolie,

to

puller,

labor, to seller.

vegetable

The better-off owner cultivator is also looking for nonagricultural outside and

land,

various

course,

such forms

outlets

and

tends

to invest

as in transportation, of mercantile

for all of them

getting

shops, activity.

a

regular

Of

urban

job has the highest value (see Gupta 2005). All ification

of this that

suggests cannot

a

picture

uphold

the

of rural

strat

earlier

pres

tige that was accorded to the landed elite in a

Gupta

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caste

noncompetitive

of caste

It is obvious

hierarchy.

that if the earlier hierarchy held, with all its id it was primarily because nuances, iosyncratic itwas buttressed of the the economic power by rich. As that is no longer the domi agrarian out nant feature in rural India, castes compete in the open.

The

of caste

fact

in

competition

the

more overtly in conflict today, then it is largely because

caste

the

as we

system,

knew

it, has

by and large collapsed inmost parts of India. The

of this

side

obverse

asser

is the

collapse

tion of caste identities. Castes that could not project what they had always believed for fear of reprisal can now boldly assert their pride and

status

claims. field

Numerous that

conflicts

studies

kinds,

the caste

but,

panchayat,

re

rarely

level. In the past, the to mediate

used

panchayat

are

castes

between

solved at the village village various

demonstrate

also

tensions

as Karanth

demonstrates,

or council,

has

of

portance (Karanth 1996, p. 89). Sahay finds that

in Bihar

tensions at the

adjudicated the

tensions

remain

stances,

the matter

decision

it is not

are not

castes

between

In some

level.

local

cases,

in other

unresolved;

to court where

is taken

In one

satisfactory.

always

in the

instance, Sahay recalls from his field notes, "members

caste

of the Chamar

work

[leather

secular

a better

away when

is struck

bargain

and

interests, and more

with

they

As iswell known, the Constitution of indepen dent India not only abolished untouchability also made

to reserve

provisions

in government

jobs and

undertakings

and

educa

tional institutions, respectively, for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. With indepen dence, and the abolition of untouchability, the untouchables

became

because

Castes

they

as Scheduled

known

were

listed

for

special

privileges in the Schedule of the Constitution. had

Untouchability in different

of

parts as to which

diverse

manifestations so it was

India,

far from

case was

in the Schedule of die Constitution (Galanter 1984). In any event, roughly 17% of seats

chamars

went

not

up

and

to the

court

they realized that the court to

going

mediately,

level. The

village

to the police

for justice.When was

at the

the

punish

im

Brahmins

they beat some of the Brahmins

and withdrew

the

case

from

the

court"

(Sahay 2001, p. 117; see also Sahay 2004, pp. 125-26; Kumar 2003, p. 3870). It has been frequendy pointed out that caste caste

politics as an

is not

to end

instrument

for

caste

but

social

(Weiner 2002, p. 196). Democratic has

brought

but

this has not

caste aggressive in contesting resulted

about

to

"use

change"

politics assertion, the cat

egory of caste as such (Jayaram 1996, p. 73). As Sheth points out, the vertical consolidation

and Gujars

THE EMERGENCE OF DALIT POLITICS

obvious

settled

AJGAR: Ahirsjats

and ing Ksahtriyas, Harijan, and Muslims) and of Ahirs, AJGAR (made up Jats Gujars) had their best days in the 1980s and are now defunct (see also Brass 1990, pp. 217-22).

seats

in government

castes

sector

be

included

institutions

educational

in the public

jobs

should

were

and for the

reserved

Scheduled Castes and, similarly, about 7% for the Scheduled Tribes. It is not lock caste are

just

capitalists, as a vehicle those

who of were

who

are

aggressively but

self-assertion, earlier

northern

using so also to be

considered

This

too has

phenomenon

wide character from Tamilnadu to

or bul

cultivators

in the traditional Hindu

untouchables hierarchy.

the owner

states

such

caste

an India

in the south,

as Uttar

Pradesh.

The Republican party inMaharashtra and the Bahujan Samaj party inUttar Pradesh are the www.annualreviews.org

Ksahtriyas, and

Harijan, Muslims

appropri castes and

other

ers] were beaten up by the Brahmins. The not

KHAM:

endur

caste clusters (Mitra 1980, pp. 53-54). For example, alliances such as KHAM (compris

but

its im

lost

of

coalescence

ate

are

are not

relations

ing, and they are "open-ended entities" (Sheth 2002, p. 223). They aremade keeping inmind

a restatement

If castes

caste

of

scheme

tal

fade

system.

re

has been

hierarchy

placed by a "horizontalization" (Sheth 2002, p. 212). Political alliances in this horizon

politics should not lead us to believe that this is of the caste

the purity

along

Caste and Politics

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417

two most

the

ganizations forwarding former untouchables.

RPI:

Republican party of India BSP:

acknowledged

widely

Bahujan

Samaj

party

STs: Scheduled Tribes

political of

aspirations

or

two occasions with themost unlikely political

the

allies. was

first

supported

time

ascendance

Mayawati's by the Congress

and

then

later

The Republican party was founded by the legendary Babasaheb Ambedkar in 1957. He later led his people to renounce Hinduism

by the Hindu right-wing Bharatiya Janata party (BJP). Just aswas noted in the alliances arrived at by the rising peasant castes in the

and embrace Buddhism instead (see Zelliot 1970). It is true that most of the votaries of the Republican party of India (RPI) belong to

section

the Mahar

caste

touchable

castes

Mangs,

because of

the

other

formerly

region,

such

and Chambars,

Matangs, from

away

it. In fact,

they

have veer

often

un as

stayed toward

Hindu

of these

is because

This

organization.

members

castes

other

believe

many that

the

RPI is a vehicle of upward mobility for the Mahars alone. They have also desisted from becoming Buddhists. Babasaheb Ambedkar's Nevertheless, shadow looms large even today in the politics of

former

the

untouchables.

They

resent

or the oppressed.

was

group.

as

are more nomic

edge

(see also

Guru 2001, pp. 98-99). Ambedkar, today, has been deified among the Buddhist Mahars of and has

Maharashtra

a similar

iconic

status

to

Buddha inmany Mahar families (Burra 1996, p. 164). Ambedkar's death anniversary in 1981 provided the occasion for Kanshi Ram to inaugurate the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sang harsh Samit (or DS-4). In its attempt to attract

as wide

a range

as

possible,

the DS-4

also called out toMuslims to help fight the privileges of the traditional elite castes. In 1984, this time in celebration of Ambed kar's birthday, the DS-4 transformed itself into the Bahujan Samaj party (BSP). Since then, it has been a vital force inNorth India. It may

not

have won

the elections

outright

in

the several polls that it has faced, but by clever political

maneuvering,

pelMayawati

it has

managed

as the Chief Minister

to pro

inU.P. on

superior

or

and

an

eco

of

questions

are not

issues

these

significant impact upon ruralMahar Dalits. of

observance

norms

Buddhist

a

and

singular identification with Buddhism were more

common

among

urban

Mahars

after Ambedkar to economic

p. 283).

Dalits

it comes

to

are, however,

consis

any

paid issues

(Vora

very

active

in elections.

voting

(Burra

to Vora, no

1996, pp. 166-67). According leader

combative

about but

exploitation,

attention

its obvious

a ho

adequately attended to by their middle class leaders (Shah 2001b, p. 212). For instance, Burra found that Buddhism had not made a

tent

for

for

Buddhists,

concerned

Dalit

Castes

They

compacts

constitute

contest

people,

indigenous

the

Ambedkar

stable

other group (see Burra 1996). But the poor Dalit marginal farmer and landless laborers

first to use this term to denote the Scheduled

"Dalits,"

no

found

ity among themselves (Desai 1976; Rao 2001, p. 82).Middle classDalits aremore concerned about identity and often project themselves

Strict

the term "Harijan" (children of God) that Gandhi used for them as they consider it too patronizing. They would rather be known as

we

above,

inDalit politics either. Neither do the Dalits mogenous

the

supporting the Bharaiya Janata party (Omvedt 2001, p. 156),which is, ironically, a right-wing

4i8

The

As Yadav

2004, when notes,

the turn out of Scheduled Caste (orDalit) vot erswas as high as 62.2% in the 1998 elections (Yadav 2001, pp. 129, 139). Although the Constitution also provides for reservations for Scheduled Tribes (STs), their situation is inmany ways quite different from that of the Scheduled Castes. It is diffi cult to arrive at a formal definition of tribes in India; many more

many

are

them

of are

in transition,

peasants

already

and

and far

re

moved from a life in the forests. In addition, there are the tribes of Northeast India, such as the Nagas ward ties

in their

who

and Mizos,

because

they

were

respective

the hegemony of theHindus country. Angami,

Some

of

even

had

Gupta

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are not

back

communi the ruling not under and regions

them, slaves

such until

in the rest of the as the Ao very

and

recently

(Karyoltinesis 1982, pp. 53-54). But as with other tribes in India, they too worshipped gods that were not part of the Hindu pan theon

a few exceptions).

(with

strat

However,

many

these

northeastern

that

and

peoples,

iswhy they do not fit our usual understanding of "tribes" though they are categorized as such in

the

Indian has

"tribe"

Constitution.

True, one

a contentious

been

term

the

in anthro

as Xaxa

those

out,

points

they

nature

sacralize

spontaneously are primarily

hunters

and

and gatherers

are

tribes

general,

In

the northeast,

isolation. graphic in a majority, but

in certain

central

are in substantial

India,

they

belts

they in east

as

such

tions,

as those

the Jharkhand in the northeast

be

tonomy

control

their

are embedded

their members ety

on

and

numbers,

of these states

phenomenon, In fact,

been

more

have

their

claims

caste

system,

society. As SCs nexus

the interactive

always within

were

they

more

of the at

adept

using

the levers of power than the STs. Be that as it may, the logic of caste politics is certainly very different from that of tribal politics and there fore

to be understood

deserves

separately.

SYMBOLIC DEFIANCE As we mentioned

because agenda in Hindu soci

in

east India and Chattisgarh in central India it is hoped that greater attention will be paid to the specific claims of the tribes that live there. The most important demand that tribes

matter

to espouse

really

thinks

that this

were never they of view with

point

were the subaltern communities ily because a locked within closed Be economy. village cause economic relations and land agrarian

inant

have

patterns

in recent

transformations

Yet,

caste

the facility with which they do so now primar

ownership been

no

above,

of itself to be inherently inferior to any other able

states.

SCs

recognized in practice than have STs. This is because of the latter's geographical isola

It is another

Jharkhand

quite

really

argues,

in getting

successful

caste.

two

as Xaxa

are cog

castes are

two

the

in

seem at first sight and

tribes

different.

really

in these states is exclusively in tribal hands. This is not possible because the tribes are not separate

of

as tribes,

regional zones.

although itmight

the politics

in

in recognition of the numerical strength of the tribal population in those re gions. This does not mean that the leadership

in either

nate

in compact

as

regional

formed

these

live

are

and dispersed all over the country. recent two states have years,

by carving

plans

organiza on what was

iswhy tribal develop

to be

tend

enterprises,

those

established

once tribal land. This ment

movement,

In

in amajority

been

SC: Scheduled Caste

are

character (see Sharma 2001). Scheduled Caste (SC) organizations do not have regional au or

emphasis

tion from the larger Hindu

although never over 50% of the population of those regions. This iswhy tribalmobiliza well

on

were

to

considered

away

for more

state

other

that

deprived communities because of their geo

take

claims

cer

tainly do not hold true for the majority of STs in India (see Singh, 1982; Jackson & Chattopadhyay 1998, p. 153). In

and

that have

Thus,

would rather be called "adivasis" (or original inhabitants) instead (Xaxa 1999, p. 3591). In addition, the tendency to romanticize tribes can also be highly misleading. The belief that tribes

in factories

tions

their

up

stepped

particular

that

as tribes

designated

jobs with

also

the main,

con and instances from India only pology, status. firm its somewhat dubious Incidentally,

not

should

their lands and the forests from which they made a living in the past. In addition, they have

ification between classes was quite marked in of

is that nontribes

make

castes

are not

as

major

undergone times,

powerful

earlier as

they

dom once

were. This

change

in

agrarian

class

relations,

coupled with the provisions in the Constitu tion, has allowed for the proliferation of caste associations all over the country (Kolenda 1978, p. 121). It is true that this process began in the early decades of the twentieth century when caste competition at the political level first began tomanifest itself. Today, there are literally hundreds of associations of this sort, www.annualreviews.org

Caste and Politics

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41p

each putting forward its special claims (see for example,

2004).

Narayan

gaurav

Through

gathas (tales of pride) and jati pur anas (origin

AIYM: All India

tales

Yadav Mahasabha

of

or castes),

jatis

these

seek

associations

to instill a sense of pride in their primordial identities without which itwould be difficult to use caste identities for political aims. This is as true of the Brahman

castes

and Baniya

(see

Gupta 2000a, pp. 117-23; Babb 1998; Cort 2004) as it is of peasant castes, such as the Ahirs (Michelutti 2004), or the SCs (Narayan 2004, Jodhka 2004, Deliege It

1993).

to note

is interesting

in

connec

this

tion that the origin tales of the nonsched uled castes rarely question established norms customs

and

other

as to an exalted

than

past. There

their

staking are

claim

some

excep

tions such as in the case of the Khandelwal Jains of Rajasthan, who pointedly distance from

themselves

con

and

practices

Kshatriya

sider them to be abhorrent (Babb 1998, pp. contest

rule,

non-SCs

Otherwise,

394-401).

or

Hinduism

do

as a

not,

the various

prac

records, the AIYM believes that the Yadavs are not just "natural politicians" (Michelutti 2004), but they are also the best custodians of

democracy for whom tion

and, at the nicely can be caste how loyalty in the name interests sectional

this

exemplifies

rather

demonstrates

time,

to forward

used

of democracy. Yadav

were

associations

as

established

decades

of the twentieth

early cen

tury. In 1933, the formation of the All India Yadav Mahasabha (AIYM) brought together various

associations

Yadava

disparate

under

one roof. The AIYM traces the history of the to Lord

Yadavs

in several He

Krishna,

are many

nations

also

the

lores role

of

egete

and

sagacious

warrior

ex

as a supreme

epic, Mahahharatd), of Advaita

cast

cowherd.

(a chapter of the

priest in the Bhagvat Gita Hindu

widely

as a romantic a

incar

earthly

ismost

but who

popular plays

whose

the

laws of karma.

By relating the Yadavs to Krishna, the cowherd, the AIYM is able to portray its fol lowers

as descendent^

tor with

Kshatriya

to make

the

further

of

a

progeni

mighty

status.

This

claim

that

allows they

them

are natu

ral politicians as power wielding and herding people come naturally to them. As Michelutti 420

and well,

one

should

caste

between

over

in such

vote.

The

and

loyalty

is to keep

it is the Yadavs

then

contradic

the democratic

is calmly glossed

assertions.

We related above that SCs too have their own organizations, which speak of their proud pasts. Although many SC associations are content

in

status,

those to

keen

are

that out

point

or

Brahman

claiming

Kshatriya

their

are

active

politically alienation

es

from

tablished Hindu myths, beliefs, and rituals. When Ambedkar converted to Buddhism, he made it clear in his vows that he did not consider Buddha to be an incarnation of the Hindu

as many

Vishnu

god

claim.

Hindus

Nor

did he follow any of the rituals of Hin duism and abided stricdy by the Buddhist code. was

to Buddhism

conversion

Ambedkar's

a highly symbolic political act that helped fuse Dalit antipathy toward Hinduism and, at the

same

that

time,

new

their

as in the opening

alive

principle of individualism

tices associated with it.The Yadav association same

if one

Therefore,

democracy.

identity

them

enabled to great

political

to

leverage

advantage

(Zelliot 1970). In recent years, the All India of Scheduled Castes and Confederation Scheduled Tribes has held many conversion ceremonies

that In

lic attention. a

been

always bolic

systems.

when

amass

have

a lot of pub there has ceremonies,

attracted

these

attack

pointed

was

This conversion

on Hindu

clearly was held

sym

in evidence of SCs who,

in hundreds, embraced Buddhism in New Delhi as recendy asNovember 3, 2001. The extent to is the which these point of debate overt

of

demonstrations

dia

are

the

rural

actually

carried

hinterlands

identity over to

(for

example,

in urban

In

the Dalits

of

see Burra

1996). Dalit politics today symbolically defy Hin duism

by

either

promoting

conversions

to

Buddhism or by claiming that Dalits be long to the original Kshatriya orders be fore Vedic Hindus

Gupta

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entered the geographical

space of India. As mentioned above, Phule of the Satyashodhak Samaj inMaharashtra that

argued Maharashtra

the

so-called

were

the

castes

low

of

and

original

real

Kshatriyas before the Brahmans and then the Muslims overwhelmed them (see O'Hanlon 1983; Gore 1993, p. 180).Many SC organi now

zations

as the origin

culture

their

project

of all cultures in Indie civilization. These Dalit communities believe that they are the adi (lit erally the origin, or the founders) of all other cultures in the Indian subcontinent, although the Aryans, who came later, did their best to undermine this fact.This adi theme helps fur ther the Dalit claim that social and political supremacy should rightfully belong to them and not to the Brahmans who, by deceit and have

treachery,

top.

their cultural supremacy in

By legitimizing terms

to the

their way

worked

of historic

Dalits

priority,

the nec

gain

essary symbolic confidence in their quest for political power in contemporary politics. This is again quite in keeping with our conceptual ization of castes as being principally discrete in character.

Such instances of symbolic defiance are limited to Hindus alone. Jodhka inci sively highlights how the Sikh leather work ers (pejoratively known as chamars) have also challenged the established norms of the mainstream Gurudwaras (Sikh temples) and their styles of worship (Jodhka 2004). These not

Sikh

leather

now

workers

call

themselves

Ad

(etymologically linked to Phule's of adi) and refuse to bow down to the concept dictates of the dominant Jat Sikh community.

Dharmis

The

Ad-Dharmis

rudwaras

and

set up

have refuse

to go

own

their

to those

run

Gu by Jat

Sikhs. It is true that SC Sikhs have often felt alienated and unwanted in local Sikh Gurud waras, although Sikhism is officially against casteism.

Ad

Dharmi

Gurudwaras

also

give

the Sikh holy book the pride of place but have a bust or engraving of Ravidas, the devotional medieval man

low caste

orthodoxy.

saint who

Although

challenged Ravidas'

Brah contribu

tion is acknowledged fulsomely in the Sikh holy book, his image is not to be found in

any mainstream is an important

Jat Sikh Gurudwara.

Ravidas

among

figurehead

un

former

touchables, especially inNorth India, and by installing his image in the Gurudwara, the Ad

were

Dharmis

out

reaching

even

elsewhere,

outside

those

to other

SCs

Sikhism.

CASTE ARITHMETIC OR CHEMISTRY? fact that castes are politically

The

not

should

the

give

that

impression

active

the equa

tion between caste and political allegiance is unequivocal if all members

and of

is not

It

unproblematic. a certain caste

as

unan

vote

imously with utmost primordial loyalty. Un fortunately, this view has not been challenged as

as

strongly

it should

In many

be.

schol

arly works it is uncritically assumed that the political fortunes of parties depend primar the caste

ily upon

of constituen

composition

cies (Frankel 1989, pp. 823-101). When castes align politically, it is not as if the bond is in or tra

of hierarchy

by considerations

formed

dition.We have found that formations like the Bharatiya Lok Dal (which was a conglomer ate of various

peasant

castes

of Uttar

Pradesh)

or the KHAM and AJGAR alliances were not very

stable

cause

they

come

sense

together,

believe

coincide, which ical

in the political

fixtures

castes

When

that

iswhy

of such

members

so be

do

they

their

secular

interests

itmakes good polit

an

alliance.

alliances

do not

to cement

firmament.

Otherwise, always

think

well of their political partners, and in many cases, they have developed oppositional folk lores (such as between the Jats and Gujars of Uttar Pradesh). The KHAM alliance, to take another

example,

comprises

Har

Kshatriyas,

ijans, andMuslims. One would be hard put to find a more unlikely combination if one were

to calculate

strictly

along

lines

of

caste

ideologies. Further,

the

a certain

of

predominance

caste in a defined region is not because it has superior

numbers

that

can

carry

it

through

but rather because it is better organized. This is the case with Jats ofWest elections

www.annualreviews.org

Caste and Politics

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421

OBC:

Uttar Pradesh (Gupta 1997) as well as the Ahirs (Michelutti 2004) and the Marathas (Lele 1981), to give but a few examples. In

Other

Backward

the

Castes

case

it is true

the Marathas,

of

that

they

about 30% of the population of Maharashtra, but this caste is politically di vided into numerous political affiliations. constitute

are Marathas

There

in the Congress,

in the

Communist parties, in the Bharatiya Janata party, in the Shiv Sena, and so forth. This of Marathas

the possibility

negates

are not

as dominant

nearly

in terms

than

other

any

among

because

powerful and were

of

Inspire

region.

in

community

they

the best

so

are

they

the other they national

the most

literate

of the region, connections

SCs

have

better

administrative

vote

always the BSP,

among

all

and consequently, with local and

officials.

for that

parties, are slated

tions. In fact, Congress largest

share

of

SC

votes

such

as

as Dalit

the RPI

or

organiza

party still polls the across

the

country

(Pushpendra 2002, p. 364). Although the BSP secures mostly Dalit votes, it is not as if the percentage of votes from this community is assured (Pushpendra 2002, p. 365). Occasion ally, it has also been noticed that non-SCs also vote for parties such as the BSP. Jaffrelot brings to our attention the fact that in the 1996 elections about 25% of Koeris (a peas ant caste of Uttar Pradesh) voted for BSP, and

422

won

have

may

over

a section

though it

of Koeris,

there

is no marked Yadav preference for BSP over the

elections.

last few

If one were to study the relationship be tween

caste

elections

and

then

there

would

traditional

upper

as well.

castes

Inciden

tally, there is no constituency in Bihar where the Yadavs are over 20% of the population. Yet, if the Yadav-controlled Janta Dal con tinues to rule in Bihar, itmust be something more

than

caste

just

to consider.

Among

one

that

loyalty the Yadavs

too,

needs are

there

serious factions, and it is an established fact that

they

do not

vote

assumption

popular

en bloc.

Therefore,

the

that caste

arithmetic

is all

thatmatters in determining political behavior is clearly in need of revision. Empirical data not

this

substantiate

argument

beyond

a

point.

have already noted that SCs do not

We

party

peasant

of

because

not,

to its cause

Gaffrelot 2003, pp. 401-2). Even

do

organized

the

strongest peasant economically In the case of SC politics, the region. are most inMahrashtra the Mahars prominent

caste

to attract

striven castes

the

the Jats were

this,

were

has

of popula

as a

the Sadar Bazaar area of Uttar Pradesh where she conducted her study (Michelutti 2004). Likewise, Jats used to dominate west Uttar Pradesh, although they never constituted more than 8% of the population anywhere in that

the BSP

and other

the Yadavs

tion inUttar Pradesh and Bihar, but theymake up for it by the intensity of their political ac tivism. As Michelutti points out, the number of Yadavs in politics is proportionately much higher

said that

indeed be many instances of mismatch and of marked fluctuations in political loyalties (Gupta 2000a, pp. 150-76). This is true not just of peasant castes or the SCs but holds for

acting

united political lobby. Conversely,

also be Muslims

as one

might

of the middle

expect, peasants.

for

the

Samajwadi itmust However,

THE POLITICS OF RESERVATIONS When the Indian Constitution provided reservations for Scheduled Castes andTribes, it also added that in due course of time similar legislations ought to be devised for the Other as well.

Castes

Backward

The

population

of

these so-called Backward Castes is difficult to estimate, and the figures range from 25% to 52% of the total population of the country. In terms

of

their

social

and

they are placed between castes

such

economic

standing,

the traditional elite

as Brahmans,

Banias,

Kayasthas,

Rajputs, other lower castes, and the SC and STs. The upper castes are about 15% of the population, the SC roughly 17% and the STs make up 7% or so.The Backward Castes make up

the These

rest. Backwards

Backward Castes

Gupta

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are now

(OBC)

known

as Other

and, in general,

communities.

are not

castes

These

ables but are considered lack a culture

of

backward as they on

learning

mission

untouch

account

of

their

lowly peasant status. Thus though they did not have to bear the burden of untouchabil their

ity,

economic

depressed

con

position

tributed to their general cultural backward ness.

In recognition

tution

of

of

this

the Consti

fact,

recommended

India

that

state

the

intervene and help these communities by leg islating some measures that would break this cycle of poverty and backwardness. Although the Constitution provided clear policies of positive discrimination and reservation for the SCs, it did not do so in the case of the back castes.

ward

It only

an intention

expressed

of

intervening in some form and left it at that. In pursuance of Article 340 of the Con the Kalelkar

stitution, in

but

1955,

conclusion

factory

was

Commission not

it could

come

to any

who

about

set satis

be

should

le

gitimately considered as OBCs. The Mandai came into existence in 1980, Commission and it promptly came up with a long list of 3743 backward castes on the basis of social, and

economic, The

Mandai

backwardness.

educational

recommendations

Commission's

were implemented in 1990 by the then Prime This meant that a further V.P.Singh. seats in educational and institutions

Minister 29%

of

jobs would

government

now

be

reserved

for

OBCs. The

implementation

a few

suicides,

are considered

castes. Many were

all over

the

for

reservations

set off a furor of protests,

OBCs who

of

country

to be members

including by

those

of forward

felt that reservations for OBCs

not warranted

for two reasons.

First,

this

would make India a caste society by law, and second,

many

of

those

who

as

are considered

OBCs are really quite powerful and dominant in rural India, both economically and politi cally. The

obvious

reference

was

to Jats

and

Yadavs. A number of social anthropologists wrote

against

reservations

for OBCs

primarily

on these grounds (see Srinivas 1996, Beteille 2000).

criticism of the Mandai

Beteille's

comprise largely peasant and other agrarian

was

recommendations

Com com

widely

mented upon. He distinguishes between reservations for OBCs following Mandai rec and

ommendations

that were

the reservations

already granted in the Constitution for Sched uled Castes and Tribes. Although provisions for Scheduled Castes andTribes were with the intention of reaching toward greater equality, reservations for OBCs were really to bring a balance

about

on

of power

the

of

calculus

caste. The

kind of deprivations that former untouchables (SCs) and adivasis (STs) encoun can

for centuries

tered

in no way

be compared

to the traditional condition of the OBCs. fact,

the Mandai

tions

were

Commission

in to a powerful

giving

actually

In

recommenda ru

ral lobby that did not really care for equality of opportunities asmuch as it did for equality of results (Beteille 2000, pp. 211-26). It can also be said that Mandai recommendations are not

out

to

caste

extirpate

as was

aim

the

of instituting reservations for SCs and STs, but

to represent

castes,

and

thus make

as

this

criptive marker a perennial political resource to be flogged in perpetuity (Gupta 2000b, pp. 212-25). Another major justification for uphold ing reservations for SCs and STs came from that these communities acknowledgment assets that would lacked viable marketable

the

low them

to pursue

a life of dignity

al

in a demo

cratic society (Gupta 2000b). The SCs were kept away from education, could only per form menial and polluting jobs, and suffered from a variety of other deprivations. In the case of the STs, itwas their physical isolation that put them at a disadvantage with respect to others munities

in society. Reservations meant were therefore

for

com

these

to raise

their

skills and educational standards to compensate for their historic lack of privileges and to facilitate their participation as equal

marketable

citizens (Gupta 2000b). The OBCs, however, are politically powerful because they many of them

are

cultivators.

helps

self-sustaining Reservations,

them to convert

farmers Mandai

and

owner

style,

their political

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only

and

Caste and Politics

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423

economic

are

which

assets,

could

on their

develop intervention

sary

own without

of national

to

rural,

currendy

urban jobs and related skill assets. These

they

the neces

were

to

look

at

closely

the

that

apparent

quite that went

into

the

the

crite

considerations

the OBCs were politically weighted. As we mentioned earlier, the Mandai Commission listed

three

categories and

economic,

social,

of backwardness,

a

all

is very

unreliable. to

sonable

that

the

for

provisions

devised

needs only 11 to qualify as backward. Each of the four indicators of social backwardness

tions

in mind.

carries

bullock capitalists,

three

a maximum

the three

points,

ucational

backwardness

and

of

each

are

important, social

we weight, four indicators

est

work

females the

state

should

have

been

one

only

examine of social

of males before

be noted,

castes

other

the women

do

the

age of

that

points

think

if 25%

and

of

above

17. In this are

being

given for actually breaking the law regarding the legal age of marriage. Each of these indicators carries three points, and it isnot at all difficult for awell-to do

rural

caste

to score

on

each

of

them,

earn

12 points, and thus qualify as an OBC. Ed ucational

and

economic

backwardness

need

not come into the picture at all (see Beteille 2000, pp. 216-21; Larson 1995, pp. 264-65). All

landowning

peasant

castes

are

proud

the

it is not

this

Indeed,

to

unrea have

anthropologists),

OBC

reservations

considera

political

keeping

salience

of peasant

also

demon or

castes,

in contemporary

the

Indian

politics.

mendations

in that

get married

as

either

It is interesting how the Mandai

the most

point.

the home,

10%

each,

strates

back

is given the great that more closely. The are per backwardness

labor, what caste,

average

it must

case,

economic

outside

and

points

for

given

forming manual of a particular caste

just two

backwardness

of ed

indicators

criteria

which

wardness,

As

the

22 points

of

outside

of Mandai

of them were

were

score

do

actually

working indicator

good

as critics

but

can

caste

they

Therefore,

argue,

(and many

e.g., In

educational.

a

is not

man

perform

riages in India, information on this indicator

were

of who

reckoning

not

of women

criterion

homes

who

or

on others' not be toiling they need necessarily com fields or as coolie labor. We have already more of mented the and upon age marriage, over mar the conditions of recording given

ria for social backwardness, then itwould be come

farmers

whether

work,

their

policies (Gupta 2000b). If one

themselves

so. The

reservation

level

call ual

provoked

recom to de

anthropologists

bate issues such as citizenship and equity in the context of Indian society, perhaps for the first time (for example, Beteille 1991, 1996; Shah 1996; Gupta 2000b). Policy concerns, at the all-India level, received a kind of ur gency in several anthropological writings in, and

on

India,

on

a scale

that was

never

wit

in assumption governing not the is that caste all such works and identity, caste and informs system, underpins politics.

nessed

before.

The

This point of view is gradually gaining ground are now who anthropologists explicitly to nature the discrete acknowledge beginning of caste and the consequent clash identities among

of multiple hierarchies. Dumont's prestigious Homo Hierarchicus for long stood in theway of realizing

this

phenomenon,

but

the pressure

of social facts has forced anthropologists to look for a different analytical perspective (see Gupta 2004).

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