Bariša Krekić Dubrovnik, Italy, and the Balkans in the Late Middle Ages 1980

Dubrovnik,Italy and the Balkans in the Late Middle Ages

Barisa Krekic

Dubrovnik,Italy and the Balkans in the Late Middle Ages

VARIORUM REPRINTS London 1980

British Library CIP data

Krekic, Barisa Dubrovnik, Italy and the Balkans in the late Middle Ages. — (Collected studies series; CS125). 1. Dubrovnik, Yugoslavia — Foreign relations I. Title II. Series 301.29'497'2 DB879.R2 ISBN 0-86078-070-8

Copyright © 1980 by

Variorum Reprints

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Variorum Reprints 20 Pembridge Mews London W11 3EQ

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Galliard (Printers) Ltd Great Yarmouth Norfolk VARIORUM REPRINT CS125

CONTENTS

Foreword

i—ii

DUBROVNIK AND ITALY

I

Four Florentine Commercial Companies in Dubrovnik (Ragusa) in the First Half of the Fourteenth Century

25-41

The Medieval City, ed.H.A.Miskimin, D.Herlihy and A. L. Udovitch. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn., 1977 II

Trois fragments concernant les relations entre Dubrovnik (Raguse) et l'Italie au XlVe siècle

19-35

Godilnjak Filozofskog fakulteta u Novom Sadu IX. Novi Sad, 1966 III

La Puglia tra Dubrovnik (Ragusa) e il Levante nell'epoca angioina

63—69

Quaderni dell'Archivio storico pugliese, no. 7 (= Archivio storico pugliese XIV, f . III-IV, 1961, pp. 173-179). Bari, 1962 IV

Le relazioni fra Venezia, Ragusa e le popolazioni serbo-croate Venezia e il Levante fino al sec. XV, vol. 1. Olschki, Florence, 1973

389—401

V

VI

Un mercante e diplomatico da Dubrovnik (Ragusa) a Venezia nel Trecento Studi veneziani, IX. Florence, 1967 Dubrovnik (Ragusa) and the War of Tenedos/Chioggia (1378-1381)

71 — 101

1-34

Variorum Reprints, London, 2950 o/ Zbornik rado va Vizantoloìkog instituta V(pp. 21-47). Belgrade, 1958 VII

Contributo allo studio degli schiavi levantini e balcanici a Venezia (1388-1398)

379-394

Studi in memoria di Federigo Melis, vol.II. Giannini, Naples, 1978 VIII

Italian Creditors in Dubrovnik (Ragusa) and the Balkan Trade, Thirteenth through Fifteenth Centuries

241-254

The Dawn of Modern Banking: Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn., 1979 IX

I mercanti e produttori toscani di panni di lana a Dubrovnik (Ragusa) nella prima metà del Quattrocento

707-714

Produzione, commercio e consumo dei panni di lana, Atti della "Seconda Settimana di Studio Istituto Internazionale di Storia Economica "F. Datini, " Prato. Florence, 19 76 X

Ragusa e gli Aragonesi verso la metà del XV secolo Rivista Storica del Mezzogiorno, a.I, f.I-II. Lecce, 1966

205-219

DUBROVNIK, THE BALKANS AND THE LEVANT

XI

XII

Courier Traffic between Dubrovnik, Constantinople and Thessalonika in the First Half of the Fourteenth Century Variorum Reprints, London, 1980. Trans. ofZbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta I (pp. 113-120). Belgrade, 1952 La Serbie entre Byzance et l'Occident au XlVe siècle

1-8

62-65

The Proceedings of the XlIIth International Congress of Byzantine Studies, ed. J.M.Hussey, D. Obolensky, S. Runciman. Oxford University Pressf Oxford, 1967 XIII

Crime and Violence in the Venetian Levant: A Few XlVth Century Cases

123-129

Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta XVI. Belgrade, 1975 XIV

Venetian Merchants in the Balkan Hinterland in the Fourteenth Century

413—429

Wirtschaftskrafte und Wirtschaftswege, vol.1: Mittelmeer und Kontinent; Festschrift fur Hermann Kellenbenz. Beitrage zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte 4. Nuremberg7 1978 XV

A Note on the Economic Activities of Some Greeks in the Latin Levant towards the End of the XlVth Century Studi veneziani IX. Florence, 1967

187-191

XVI

Contribution à l'étude des Asanès à Byzance

347-355

Travaux et Mémoires 5. Paris, 1973 XVII

Dubrovnik's Participation in the War against the Ottomans in 1443 and 1444

1-17

Variorum Reprints, London, 1980 Trans, of Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta II (pp. 145-158). Belgrade, 1953 XVIII

Contribution to the Study of the Pronoia in Medieval Serbia

1 —9

Variorum Reprints, London, 1980 Trans, of Zbornik radova Vizantololkog instituta VIII(pp. 227-234). Mélanges G. Ostrogorsky II. Belgrade, 1964

DUBROVNIK - INTERNAL HISTORY

XIX

Contributions of Foreigners to Dubrovnik's Economic Growth in the Late Middle Ages

375-394

Viator 9. Berkeley /Los Angeles, 1976 XX

Quelques remarques sur la politique et l'économie de Dubrovnik (Raguse) au XVe siècle Mélanges en l'honneur de Fernand Braudel, vol. I, Histoire économique du monde méditerranéen 1450-1650. Privât, Toulouse, 1973

311-316

XXI

The Role of the Jews in Dubrovnik (Thirteenth-Sixteenth Centuries) Viator 4. Berkeley /Los Angeles, 1973

257-271

1-14

Index

This volume contains a total of 332 pages

FOREWORD The city-republic of Dubrovnik,1 with its unique setting on the eastern coast of the Adriatic sea, at the junction of important naval routes and continental roads, played a major role in the economic and political history of the area in the late Middle Ages. Fortunately, the record of this lively activity has survived from 1278 on in the rich Historical Archives of Dubrovnik, which provide a treasure of information on the life of the city itself and on its relations with other parts of the contemporary world. In this volume, I have collected three groups of articles, dealing with various aspects of Dubrovnik's relations with Italy, the Balkans and the Levant and with its internal development. In addition to the articles published originally in Western languages, I have translated into English four articles published a long time ago in Serbo-Croatian and I have, in part, updated thèir bibliography (nos. VI, XI, XVII, XVIII). I wish to express my sincere gratitude to the periodicals, publishers and editors who graciously granted permission to reproduce the following articles: Vizantoloski institut Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti, Belgrade, Yugoslavia (articles VI, XI, XIII, XVII, XVIII); Leo S. Olschki, Florence, Italy (articles IV, V, IX, XV); University of California Press, Berkeley, California (articles XIX, XXI); Yale University Press, New Haven, Connecticut (articles I, VIII); Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Novom Sadu, Novi Sad, Yugoslavia (article II); Archivio storico pugliese, Bari, Italy (article III); Giannini Editore, Naples, Italy (article VII); Rivista storica del Mezzogiorno, Lecce, Italy (article X); Oxford University Press, Oxford, England (article XII); Beitrâge zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Klett-Cotta, Niirnberg, Germany (article XIV); Travaux et Mémoires, Paris, France (article XVI); Edouard Privât Editeur, Toulouse, France (article XX).

ii My warm thanks go to my friend and colleague, Professor Speros Vryonis, Jr., of the University of California at Los Angeles for suggesting the publication of this volume, to Mrs Eileen Turner for accepting the idea and including the book in the prestigious Variorum Reprints series, and to Mr John Smedley, of the Variorum publishing house for his patience and help with the preparation of this volume. I also wish to express my special gratitude to Dr Betty Messenger, of the Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, who edited my English translation of the four articles with greatest skill and care, and to Dr Zdravko àundrica, of the Historical Archives in Dubrovnik, who gave generously of his time and energy to check archival documents for me. Finally, I cannot help mentioning here the names of four of my teachers, the late Professors George Ostrogorsky and Jorjo Tadié, of the University of Belgrade, and Professors Paul Lemerle and Fernand Braudel, of the Collège de France. Without their great wisdom, generous help and warm kindness these articles would never have been written. BARISA KREKIC

Los Angeles, April 1980

1

It might be useful to note here that the Slavic name of the city, Dubrovnik, appeared for the first time in the late twelfth century. However, the Latin form of the name, Ragusium, and the Italian one, Ragusa, survived in official use until the nineteenth century. In this volume the name "Ragusans" for citizens of Dubrovnik and the adjective "Ragusan" will be used for reasons of convenience.

DUBROVNIK AND ITALY

I

Four Florentine Commercial Companies in Dubrovnik (Ragusa) in the First Half of the Fourteenth Century

T h e history of the four great Florentine commercial companies—Bardi, Peruzzi, Acciaiuoli, and Buonaccorsi—is fairly well known and their activities in various parts of Italy and Europe have been rather thoroughly examined. 1 Still, one area close to Italy herself has been neglected. T h a t is the eastern shore of the Adriatic Sea and, more particularly, the most active and important commercial center on that shore—Dubrovnik. Dubrovnik's role as intermediary between the Balkans and the West in the late Middle Ages was bound to attract the Florentines. Nevertheless, their presence in that city has been hardly touched upon in scholarly research and publications. 2 This article obviously is not designed to trace a complete picture of the Florentine presence in Dubrovnik or of Florentino-Ragusan relations. Instead, it attempts to outline the role of the Bardis, Peruzzis, Acciaiuolis, and Buonaccorsis in Dubrovnik on the basis of available Ragusan archival materials. Dubrovnik in the first half of the fourteenth century was under Venetian protection, but it possessed internal autonomy and a large degree of freedom to maneuver in international affairs. It was in a stage of rapid economic growth and social and political consolidation. T h e economic 1. See, for e x a m p l e , R. Davidsohn.S/oriai/i Firenze (Florence: Sansoni, 1965), I V / 2 , 3 4 7 - 4 0 7 . A. Sapori, La crisi delle compagnie mercantili dei Bardi e dei Peruzzi (Florence : Olschki, 1926) ; A. Sapori, Studi di storia economica (secoli XIII,

XIV, XV),

vol. II (Florence: Sansoni, 1955). Y. *lenouard, " F l o r e n c e a u temps d e

L a u r e n t le M a g n i f i q u e " , "Affaires et culture à Florence au X I V e et au XV* siècle", " L e c o m p a g n i e commerciali fiorentine del T r e c e n t o " , Etudes d'histoire médiévale (Paris: S . E . V . P . E . N . , 1968), pp. 4 5 2 - 5 3 , 483-96,511-45. 2. Yugoslav historians have m a d e only passing references to the Florentines a n d their c o m p a n i e s in their works dealing with thirteenth to fifteenth century R a g u s a n history. See B. Krekic, " T r o i s f r a g m e n t s c o n c e r n a n t les relations e n t r e D u b r o v n i k (Raguse) et l'Italie au X I V * siècle", GodiSnjak Filozo/skog Jakulteta u Movom Sa du 9 (1966), pp. 2 7 - 3 1 , 3 4 - 3 5 . Davidsoho, Storia di Firenze, IV/2, 7 7 4 - 7 8 , has touched upon the Adriatic area, but only briefly and incompletely.

I 26 expansion was the result of maritime trade and, more importantly, of the Ragusan role in the exploitation of mines in Serbia, beginning in midthirteenth century, and in Bosnia somewhat later. (Both areas yielded silver, copper, iron, lead, and so forth). T h e Ragusans managed from the outset to make themselves indispensable as entrepreneurs and intermediaries in the transport and marketing of the Balkan minerals in the West, chiefly through Venice. 3 T h e booming economic activity in Dubrovnik and the multiple opportunities it offered attracted numerous foreigners. Apart from the Slavs from the Balkan hinterland and from Dalmatia, m a n y Italians also came to Dubrovnik, principally from Venice. T h e Florentines and their commercial companies began showing interest in Dubrovnik in the second decade of the fourteenth century. T h e activities of the Florentine companies were largely connected with the imports of cereals from southern Italy into Dubrovnik. Built in an arid and agriculturally poor area, the city constantly needed to import grains. Southern Italy, along with the Levant, was a vital source of these provisions. 4 T h e earliest mention of Florentine companies in Dubrovnik is connected with those imports: in May of 1318, "Feus Leonis, procurator Butini Benciuenni de societate Bardorum, Philippi Bagnesis de societate de Peruççis et Bertini Andree de societate Aççaraliorum" sold to Dubrovnik a quantity of southern Italian barley. 5 As a representative of the Peruzzis, Feus also had to defend in the Ragusan court his right to dispose of a house in the city. T h e Ragusan patrician Petrus de Pabora alleged 3. O n m i n i n g in the Balkans see M . Dinic, Za istoriju rudarstva u srednjovekovnoj Srbijiji Borni, 2 vols. (Belgrade: Srpska a k a d e m i j a n a u k a i umetnosti, 1955, 1962). D. Kovacevic, " D a n s la Serbie et la Bosnie médiévales: les mines d ' o r et d ' a r g e n t " , Annales, Economies-Sociétés-Civilisations ( M à r c h - A p r i l 1960), pp. 2 4 8 - 5 8 . O n D u b r o v n i k ' s general development a n d position at this time see B. Krekic, Dubrovnik in the 14th and J 5th Centuries: A City between East and West ( N o r m a n : University of O k l a h o m a Press, 1972). 4. O n R a g u s a n n o u r i s h m e n t a n d cereal t r a d e see R. J e r e m i c and J . T a d i c , Prilozi za istoriju zdravstvene kulture starog Dubrovnika (Belgrade: Biblioteka Centralnog higijenskog zavoda, 1938), I, 2 7 - 3 5 . D. DinicKnezevic, " T r g o v i n a zitom u D u b r o v n i k u u X I V v e k u " , Godiinjak Filozofskog fakulteta u JSfovom Sadu 10 (1967), 7 9 - 1 3 1 ; Dinic-Knezevic, " P r o m e t zitarica i z m e d j u D u b r o v n i k a i zaledja u srednjem v e k u " , Godiinjak Filozofskog fakulteta

12j\ (1969), 7 3 - 8 7 . O n the i m p o r t a n c e of southern Italy a n d its grain for

the Florentine c o m p a n i e s see Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, I V / 2 , 5 1 5 - 2 1 , 7 9 7 - 9 8 ; also G. Yver, Le commerce et les marchands dans Vltalie méridionale au XIIIe

et XIVe siècle, (Paris: A. Fontemoing, 1903), pp. 107-26,

137-39. 5. Historijski arhiv u D u b r o v n i k u [Historical Archives in D u b r o v n i k ] (hereafter cited as H A D ) , Diversa notariae (hereafter cited as Div. not.), vol. I l l , ff. 2V, 5 7 - 5 7 v . Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a " , p. 83. O n Philippus Bagnesi in southern Italy see R . Davidsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichte von Florenz (Berlin : E. S. Mittler u. S o h n , 1901) ( T u r i n : Bottega d ' E r a s m o , 1964), I I I , 155, 156, 174. O n the Bagnesi family see G. A. Brucker, Florentine Politics and Society 1343-1378

(Princeton, N . J . : Princeton University Press, 1962), p. 43. O n

Bertinus A n d r e e in southern Italy see Davidsohn, Forschungen, p. 151. O n Butinus Bencivenni see Davidsohn, Forschungen, I I I , 181; also Sapori, Crisi, p. 260; Sapori, Studi, I I , 736: " t e n n e la 'ragion' di Barletta dal 1318 al 1319." O n the family, see L. Martines, Lawyers and Statecraft in Renaissance Florence (Princeton, N . J . : Princeton University Press, 1968), p. 68.

FOUR COMMERCIAL COMPANIES IN DUBROVNIK

27

that the house "et omnia bona dicte societatis" (i.e., Peruzzi) were bound to him 4 'pro certo naulo unius navis quod recipere debet a Donato, filio Giocti de Peruççis de Florentia." Nevertheless, the court decided in favor of Feus, and he sold the house for 1,200 Ragusan hyperpers. 6 Later on, however, he had to give this money to the representative of two Venetians who "vigore j u r i u m et actionum quas . . . habent a sociis de societate de Peruççis" had a prior right to the Pabora estate. T h e Pabora family was at the time in deep financial trouble, not only in Dubrovnik but also in Venice, and with the Peruzzi company. 7 As for Feus, he remained for a while in Dubrovnik and transacted business, sometimes as a Peruzzi representative, 8 sometimes as an agent of the Bardis, 9 and at times on his own. 10 Sometime between J u n e and October of 1319 Andreas del Seno took over as the new representative of the Peruzzis in Dubrovnik. 1 1 His work was again related to the tribulations of the unlucky Pabora family. Indeed, Del Seno protested still another sale of the Pabora possessions by their Venetian creditors. 12 T h e Paboras owed at this time a total of 305 "librarum venetarum grossarum" to the Peruzzis, and in November of 1319 all the documents pertaining to these debts, previously deposited in the Ragusan chancellery, were given "ex iure eis cesso a sociis societatis de Peruççis de Florentia" to the representatives of Paboras' Venetian creditors "qui habent j u r a et actiones a sociis dictarum societatum (i.e., Peruzzi) pro dictis debitis." T h e Venetian creditors collected the debts from the Paboras by selling their properties in Dubrovnik in 1319 and 1320. 13 Andreas del Seno meantime had developed businesses of his own, 1 4 but failure to pay his debts forced him to leave Dubrovnik in 1322. 15

6. Div. not., vol. I l l , f. 5. 7. Ibid., ff. 2 9 9 v - 3 0 0 . Feus is called " p r o c u r a t o r sociorum m e r c a t o r u m

florentinorum

de societate

P e r u ç ç o r u m de Florentia cui dicitur societas T o m a x i i de Peruççis." A n o t h e r d o c u m e n t p e r t a i n i n g to the same g r o u p is Div. not, vol. I l l , f. 26. An a t t e m p t by the P a b o r a s in 1318 to pay off their debts to the Peruzzis by selling a house in D u b r o v n i k : Div. not., vol. I l l , f. 7 V . O n the P a b o r a family see I. M a h n k e n , Dubrovackipatricijat

u XIV veku (Belgrade: Srpska a k a d e m i j a n a u k a i umetnosti, 1960), I, 3 5 2 - 5 3 .

8. Div. not., vol. I l l , ff. 26 v , 315 b i s . 9. Ibid., ff. 49 v , 75. 10. I b i d , ff. 4 1 \ 149 v . 11. Del Seno b o u g h t himself a vineyard a n d a lot near D u b r o v n i k in J u n e 1319. I n O c t o b e r of the s a m e year he is listed a m o n g the witnesses for the p a y m e n t of the a n n u a l R a g u s a n tribute to the S e r b i a n King. I b i d , ff. 314 b i s , 157 v , 207 v . 12. I b i d , f. 326. 13. I b i d , ff. 218, 230, 231 v , 255, 336. H A D , Diversa cancellariae (hereafter cited as Div. canc.) vol. V I , ff. 61 v - 6 2 v . 14. Div. not., vol. I l l , ff. 234 v , 247 v , 248 v , 253. Div. canc., vol. V I , ff. 33 v , 92, 100 v , 108 v , 114 v . Del Seno had money invested in credits to R a g u s a n s a n d m a i n t a i n e d contacts with southern Italy. Div. canc., vol. V I , ff. 88 v , 89, 90, 126, 130, 131. Div. not., vol. I l l , f. 78. 15. Div. canc., vol. V I , ff. 193 v , 194.

I 28 I n addition to the Peruzzis, members of the Acciaiuoli company from southern Italy, Bertinus Andree and Phylippus Ridolfi, had their agents in Dubrovnik. In 1318 it was "Heliseus Johannis de Florentia" who arranged a sale of wheat, 1 6 and next year a new agent, Tadeus Ricci, took over, acting for "Bertinus Andree et Bencius Johannis . . . socii, mercatores de societate Açaralorum de Florentia Baroli commorantes" in another sale of wheat. 1 7 In the spring of 1320 Ricci sold to the Ragusan government part of the wheat and barley bought by the Venetian representative from the Acciaiuoli associates in Barletta. 18 T h e failure of Andreas del Seno prompted the Peruzzi associates from southern Italy to send to Dubrovnik "Gregorius Johannis de Florentia" in April 1322, and he immediately engaged in the sale of cereals to the city. 19 T h e Bardis, however, had a much stronger representative in Dubrovnik in 1323-24 in the person of "Duccius Puccii de Florentia." 2 0 He dealt in financial transactions between Barletta, Dubrovnik, and Venice 21 and in the sale of cereals from southern Italy to Dubrovnik. 2 2 T h e transfer of money from Dubrovnik to the Bardi associates in Venice became a more frequent occurrence at this time and was not always connected with the company's south Italian members. Thus in 1324, in addition to Pucci, the 16. Div. not., vol. I l l , ff. 40, 40 v . Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a " , p. 84. Heliseus r e m a i n e d in D u b r o v n i k as a representative of the Acciaiuolis at least until M a y 1319. Div. not., vol. I l l , f. 41. O n Phylippus Ridolfi in southern Italy see Davidsohn, Forschungen, I I I , 133, 135. O n the Ridolfi family see also Brucker, Florentine Politics, p p . 125, 203. L. Martines, The Social World of the Florentine Humanists (Princeton, N . J . : Princeton University Press, 1963), pp. 60, 63, 113. 17. Div. not., vol. I l l , f. 200. O n Bencius J o h a n n i s in Southern Italy in 1318 see Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, I V / 2 151, 156. O n the Ricci family see Brucker, Florentine Politics, pp. 26, 33, 68, 124-27. Martines, Social World, p p . 41, 78; Martines, Lawyers, p. 187. 18. Div. not., vol. I l l , f. 253 v . In M a r c h 1320 Ricci was a g u a r a n t o r for a Tuscan " q u i i n c u l p a b a t u r q u o d d e b u e r a t retinere filiam cuiusdam sciavi." Div. not., vol. I l l , f. 2 5 5 \ 19. Div. canc., vol. V I , f. 203 v . 20. Interestingly, Duccius is not mentioned a m o n g the Bardi " f a t t o r i " in Sapori, Crisi, p. 261, or in his Studi, I I , 7 3 0 - 5 4 . O n the Pucci family see Martines, Social World, pp. 7 3 - 5 ; Martines, Lawyers, p. 403, n. 33. 21. In J u l y 1323, Duccius sent 216 hyperpers belonging to Cione de Lanfranchis from Barletta to L u n a r d o de Molino in Venice, t h r o u g h the good services of a R a g u s a n patrician. In M a r c h 1324, the same R a g u s a n received f r o m Duccius 42 "libras h o n o r u m d e n a r i o r u m venetorum grossorum de a r g e n t o , " property of the Bardi associates in Barletta, to be transfered to Giovanni Maffei, a m e m b e r of the same c o m p a n y in Venice. Div. canc., vol. V I I , f. 11 ; Div. not., vol. I V , f. 2V. O n Giovanni Maffei see Sapori, Crisi, p. 267; R e n o u a r d , " L e c o m p a g n i e " , p. 529. 22. Div. canc., vol. V I I , f. 4 3 v ; Div. not., vol. I V , f. 9. Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a " , p. 87, n. 73. T h e Bardi m e r c h a n t s mentioned in Barletta were " A n d r e a P o r t u n a r i " a n d "Francischus Bonçii." O n A n d r e a Portinari in southern Italy see Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, I V / 2 , pp. 156, 174. Sapori, Crisi, p. 255 ; Sapori, " I l personale delle c o m p a g n i e mercantili del medioevo", Studi, I I , 718, 731 ; R e n o u a r d , " L e c o m p a g n i e " , p. 5 2 8 — d o not m e n t i o n southern Italy. Davidsohn, Storia, I V / 2 , 775, maintains t h a t the Bardis had a " f o n d a c o per il g r a n o " in D u b r o v n i k , b u t there is no proof for such an assertion either in his book or in archival materials of D u b r o v n i k .

I FOUR COMMERCIAL COMPANIES IN DUBROVNIK

29

Count of Dubrovnik himself three times sent money through the good services of some Ragusan patricians in the total amount of sixty-eight "libras . . . venetorum grossorum." It was to be given in Venice to "domino J o h a n n i Buldu . . . et Dato, socio societatis Bardorum de Florentia Venetiis commoranti." 2 3 These were most probably payments for grains sold to Dubrovnik by the Bardis. Duccius Puccii was relatively quickly replaced in Dubrovnik by another representative of the Bardis, Bonsignore Phylippi. In the latter part of 1324 he sold grains to the Ragusan island of Lastovo (Lagosta) and to Dubrovnik itself on behalf of the Bardi associates from Barletta. 24 Soon he became the representative of the Peruzzis from southern Italy as well 25 and simultaneously engaged in various business deals of his own. 26 Bonsignore is especially noteworthy as one of several Florentines who, in 1325, hired servants in Dubrovnik for long terms. 27 These servants were mostly from poor hinterland areas near, but outside of, the territory of the Ragusan state. 28 T h e Bardi and Acciaiuoli companies remained active in Dubrovnik in 1325 and in subsequent years, always primarily in connection with their southern Italian trade. 2 9 There was, nevertheless, from time to time friction between the Florentines and the Ragusans, especially because of 23. Div. not, vol. I V , ff. 2 \ 4 5 \ 52 v , 62. 24. I b i d , ff. 4 6 v - 4 7 , 53 v , 65 v . This "Buonsignore P h y l i p p i " is probably the same m a n as the " B u o n o Filippi" mentioned by Sapori, Crisi, p. 260, as being between 1318 a n d 1345 in E n g l a n d a n d elsewhere, but not in D u b r o v n i k or in southern Italy. See also Sapori, Studi, I I , 7 3 5 - 3 6 ; R e n o u a r d , " L e c o m p a g n i e " , p. 529. In D e c e m b e r 1324 Buonsignore sold " m a g i s t r o M a f f e o Pellianico v e t r a r i o " a q u a n t i t y " d e çenere g a t i n a , " t h a t had been shipped f r o m Apulia. Div. not, vol. I V , f. 73 v . O n glass p r o d u c t i o n a n d trade in D u b r o v n i k see Krekic, " T r o i s f r a g m e n t s " , pp. 19-23, 3 2 - 3 3 ; V. H a n , " F i f t e e n t h a n d Sixteenth C e n t u r y T r a d e in Glass between Dubrovnik a n d T u r k e y " , GodiSnjak BalkanoloSkog instituta SANU

4 (1973), pp.

1 6 3 - 7 8 ; V. H a n , " P r o b l è m e s relatifs à l'identification de l'ancienne verrerie r a g u s a i n e " , GodiSnjak BalkanoloSkog Instituta 5 (1974), 2 1 5 - 3 3 ; V. H a n , "Les relations verrières entre D u b r o v n i k et Venise d u X I V e au X V I e siècle", Annales du 6e Congrès de VAssociation Internationale pour Vtiistoire du Verre (Liège 1975), p p . 159-67. 25. Div. not., vol. V, f. 81. 26. I b i d , vol. I V , ff. 9 9 \ 101 ; Div. canc., vol. V I I I , f. 2. 27. In F e b r u a r y and M a r c h of 1325 Buonsignore engaged a young m a n from T r e b i n j e , not far f r o m Dubrovnik, for six years, another m a n for twenty years, a n d a girl for twelve years. Div. not., vol. V, ff. 35 v , 3 9 \ 43. 28. A p a r t from Buonsignore, other Florentines hired servants in Dubrovnik for their companions in Italy as well as for themselves. I b i d , ff. 32, 39. O n servants in D u b r o v n i k , see R . S a m a r d z i c , " P o d m l a d a k d u b r o v a c k i h trgovaca i zanatlija u X V i X V I v e k u , " JÇbornik studentskih struinih tadova (Belgrade, 1948), pp. 6 4 - 7 8 . 29. Div. canc., vol. V I I I , ff. 3, 19. In 1325 the most p r o m i n e n t Florentine in D u b r o v n i k , Bencius del Buono, a p p e a r e d on behalf of the Acciaiuolis in a sale of barley. Div. canc., vol. V I I I , f. 14. Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a " p. 88 n. 76.

3° financial problems. In 1326, for example, Phylippus Bagnesis, the Peruzzi associate in Barletta, had taken by force a Ragusan ship in that harbor as payment of a debt of 400 hyperpers that two Ragusan patricians owed him. T h e Ragusan government responded to this act of violence by sequestering the debt. 3 0 Such occurrences, however, did not discourage business between the Ragusans and the Florentine companies, both in Dubrovnik and in southern Italy. A significant indication of Dubrovnik's new importance emerged in 1327 and concerned that city's role in the Florentine contacts with the Levant. Representatives of the Peruzzis and the Acciaiuolis, as well as a merchant from Pisa, had hired, in 1323, the ship of a Ragusan patrician for a trip to "Tuniço de Barbaria." In 1327, the Ragusan shipowner was going to Venice to claim the money that the Florentines still owed him. 3 1 Although our information on this aspect of Florentine use of Dubrovnik is still rather scarce, there is, as we shall see, enough to conclude that the document of 1327 indicates the beginning of a trend, rather than an isolated case. T h e reappearance in Dubrovnik, in 1329, of the former Bardi representative Duccius Puccii, this time as a factor of the Acciaiuolis, was connected with considerable transfers of Acciaiuoli monies from Dubrovnik to Venice. In the first half of that year, using four Ragusan patricians as intermediaries, Duccius sent over 130 "libras venetorum grossorum" and 712 hyperpers to Johannes Petri, an Acciaiuoli associate in Venice. 32 T h e next year, Duccius sent to Venice, this time through Bencius del Buono, the prominent Florentine merchant in Dubrovnik, and through a Ragusan patrician, over 90 "libras venetorum grossorum." This Acciaiuoli money was to be delivered to "Bonacorso Giani, socio diete societatis Veneciis commoranti." 3 3 Simultaneously, Duccius engaged in sales of Acciaiuoli barley and wheat from southern Italy 3 4 and, having also become a representative of the Peruzzis in Dubrovnik, he sold their wheat to the city. 35 Toward the end of 1330, however, Duccius must have left Dubrovnik, for 30. Div. canc., vol. V I I I , ff. 106, 107 v . 31. Ibid., ff. 157—157v. In the same year a Florentine, mentioned as " h a b i t a t o r J a d r e " and " h a b i t a t o r Ragusii," together with a n o t h e r man from Z a d a r , received 79 bags of flax from Clarentia. Div. canc., vol. V I I I , ff. 144-144 v . O n Glarentia's importance for the Florentine trade, see Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, I V / 2 , 7 7 2 - 7 3 . O n a conflict between Z a d a r and the Peruzzis in 1313, see Davidsohn, Forschungen, I I I , 126. 32. Div. canc., vol. I X , ff. 23, 24, 26, 35, 41, 48. 33. Ibid., f. 207 v . See Davidsohn, Storia, IV/2, 865. 34. Div. canc., vol. I X , f. 208. Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a " p. 90. 35. Div. canc, vol. I X , f. 212 v .

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the Acciaiuolis were represented there by "Pone cancellarius Ragusii." 3 6 T h e Peruzzis, incidentally, had another man in Dubrovnik at this time, who also was taking care of their affairs, particularly those concerning continued sales of wheat and related financial matters. 37 Much more interesting and important, however, were the events in 1330 involving the Bardi company and its presence in Dubrovnik. T h e troubles started in April of that year, when a letter from the Venetian Doge arrived in Dubrovnik, ordering that "debeamus habere, tenere et capere omnes de societate Bardorum et eorum b o n a . " This resulted in a conflict between the Ragusan patricians, constituted in their three councils, and the Venetian Count of the city and, through him, the Doge. A unanimous decision of the Major Council stated that the Count, "nobis ignorantibus, fecit capi et detineri J o h a n n e m Fei uti factorem societatis Bardorum de Florentia," in accordance with Doge's orders. This decision ran against one of the same Major Council of February 1, 1330, according to which "quilibet possit tute et secure in avere et persona venire, stare et reddere Ragusii cum biavo, frumento et grascia qualibet, non obstantibus aliquibus represaliis, contradictionibus, preceptis, factis vel faciendis per aliquam dominationem, rectorem, universitatem vel locum." For Ragusans, the matter obviously involved much more than just the arrest of a Florentine merchant. It concerned the jurisdiction of the Venetian Count; it endangered the reputation of Dubrovnik as a safe commercial center, and it menaced its source of essential foodstuffs. Ultimately, the whole relationship between Dubrovnik as a protégé and Venice as a protector was at stake. 38 T h e Ragusan Major Council, therefore, by unanimous vote decided "pro bono civitatis, non obstantibus dictis licteris" (i.e., from the Doge) to set Fei and his property free and to send an explanatory letter to Venice. The protests of the Count's companion—also a Venetian—were of no avail, although the Ragusans must have been aware of the basic truth of his warning that "ipsi debebant obedire preceptis domini Ducis et quod non faciant contra sibi precepta." They therefore decided to send an embassy to Venice. 39 In spite of, or perhaps because of, the delicate nature

36. Ibid., r. 209. 37. H A D , Apthay, vol. II, f. 16. 38. H A D , Reformaliones (hereafter cited as Réf.), vol. I X , f. 51. For the causes of the V e n e t i a n action against the Bardis see Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, IV/2, 863; Yver, Le commerce, pp. 2 6 8 - 6 9 . O n VenetoRagusan relations at this time see B. Krckic, " L e relazioni fra Venezia, Ragusa e le popolazioni serbocroate," Venezia e il Levante fino al secolo XV (Florence: Olschki, 1973), p p . 3 9 6 - 9 7 . 39. Réf., ibid. vol. I X , f. 51.

I 32 of their business, the two elected ambassadors took a long time leaving Dubrovnik. Their instructions were approved in the Major Council only at the beginning ofJ u n e and they left the city on J u n e 15, 1330, returning there on J u l y 23. They were supposed to make excuses " d e relaxatione q u a m fecimus fieri de mercatore qui fuerat detentus per dominum Comitem contra Deum et justitiam et contra fidem."40 In a letter sent to them during their stay in Venice, the Ragusans explicitly forbade the ambassadors from asking any "misericordia de eo quod non sumus cupabiles [«V!]" and specified that an earlier letter to the Doge should not be interpreted as asking forgiveness, " c u m que fecimus, cum quo fecimus, non credimus nec credimus aliquid fecisse quod sit contra dominum Ducem et formam pactorum et quod non petent aliquam misericordiam." 4 1 T h e Doge, of course, rejected such Ragusan contentions and ordered them—through the returning ambassadors in J u l y — t o send to Venice within three months 115 "libras grossorum et extimationem seu utilitatem" of 800 staria of wheat and 500 staria of barley. He considered these to be Fei's property, which should have been confiscated in Dubrovnik. T h e Major Council sent another embassy to Venice to explain that there were no goods belonging to Fei in the city at the time the Doge's orders arrived, except for the 115 "libre grosse." It was, also, to be stressed that "the wheat and barley did not belong to Johannes nor to the Bardis," but that it belonged to an Anchonitan on whose ship these grains had been transported. T h a t being so, they could not be confiscated, because "res que non erant dicti Johannis vel societatis Bardorum non reperitur [«V!] interdictum." 4 2 T h e new embassy left for Venice on August 29 and returned on November 13, 1330. From its instruction it is evident that the Venetians were very irritated by the Ragusan attitude in this affair. Not only was the Doge "agravatus" because Fei had been freed from jail, but "multo magis agravari poterat de verbis explicatis coram Ducali Excellentia per ambaxatores Ragusii." This was especially true considering the contents of several letters sent in the meantime to Venice by the Count and "communi tas" of Dubrovnik. T h e Venetians were insisting that Dubrovnik deposit the above mentioned money and cereals, or their value, in Venice. T h e Ragusan Major Council, for its part, maintained its original position, 40. I b i d , ff. 5 2 v - 5 3 . 41. I b i d , f. 56 v . 42. I b i d , ff. 58 v , 75. Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a , " p. 90, n. 100, has a brief a n d erroneous note on this case. T h e Fei case is also mentioned briefly a n d with errors by Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, I V / 2 , 7 7 5 - 7 6 .

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b u t used a milder tone: the new ambassadors were to tell the Doge that Fei h a d been jailed by the C o u n t "sine aliqua examinatione si erat de Bardis vel n o n . " W h e n the M a j o r Council decided to free Fei, it was stressed t h a t they acted " c u m reverentia Ducali, non credendo facere contra eius p r e c e p t a . " At that time Fei had only 115 "libras grossas," which were deposited with the Ragusan "massarii b l a d o r u m , " a n d no w h e a t or barley. T h e Count had confiscated that money a n d it was set free, together with Fei, by the M a j o r Council "semper credendo salvare D u c a l e m p r e c e p t u m et rationes." T h e two reasons for such action had been already explained to the Doge: " p r i m a q u i a pro Bardo cognitus non f u i t " a n d second " p r o p t e r securitate [«V!] et fidem que . . . dedimus cuilibet venienti R a g u s i u m c u m biado d u m civitas Ragusii erat in ultima necessitate b l a d e . " 4 3 T h e seriousness with which this whole situation was treated by the Ragusans is illustrated by the following events: the same day that the two ambassadors were elected to go to Venice, August 14, 1330, a n o t h e r embassy was elected to go and congratulate the Serbian K i n g " p r o triupfo [JM;!] et gloria q u a m ad presens . . . recepit per victoriam q u a m h a b u i t de d o m i n o I m p e r a t o r e Bulgarie." This was the famous battle of Velbuzd, in which the Serbian a r m y of K i n g Stevan Decanski crushed the Bulgarian a r m y of T s a r Michael Sisman. This victory changed the balance of power in the Balkans, a n d the Serbs were p r e d o m i n a n t in the area for the next four decades, especially during the rule of their greatest Tsar, Stevan D u s a n (1331-55). For the Ragusans, who h a d very strong economic links with Serbia a n d whose interests in Serbian mines were already very substantial, this victory called for an especially high-level congratulatory embassy, which might be able to assess the new situation a n d to take a d v a n t a g e of it t h r o u g h negotiations a n d other means. Nevertheless, the chancellor of the city was not sent to Serbia. Since it was obviously unusual for this key figure not to be included, the M a j o r Council felt it necessary to explain that he was being kept in Dubrovnik " u n t i l the r e t u r n of the ambassadors f r o m V e n i c e " — a n additional indication of the i m p o r t a n c e attributed to the conflict with the Doge. 4 4

43. Refy vol. I X , ff. 5 9 - 5 9 \ 44. I b i d . O n the b a t t l e of V e l b u z d a n d its i m p o r t a n c e see K . Jirecek, Istorija Srba (Belgrade: N a u c n a knjiga, 1952), I, 2 0 6 - 0 7 ; Historija naroda Jugoslavie

( Z a g r e b : Skolska knjiga, 1953), I , p . 380; G . Ostrogor-

sky, History of the Byzantine State ( O x f o r d : Blackwell, 1968), p. 5 0 5 ; W . T e m p e r l e y , History of Serbia (New Y o r k : H o w a r d Fertig, 1969), p p . 6 0 - 6 2 . V . Dedijer, I. Bozic, S. Òirkovic, M . Ekmeòic, History of Yugoslavia (New Y o r k : M c G r a w - H i l l , 1974), p. 85.

I 34 In early October 1330, letters arrived from the ambassadors in Venice. Their contents are unknown, but they must have been important, because once again "septem sapientes" were appointed to draft an answer and a few days later the ambassadors were authorized "ad obligandum comune et homines Ragusii et omnia eorum bona." 4 5 It is not stated that this authorization was directly connected with the case of Johannes Fei, and the accompanying detailed note has been lost. Still, in view of the fact that the ambassadors had been sent to Venice to plead the Ragusan case in the conflict over Fei and the Bardi property in Dubrovnik, and in view of their previous activities and the general tone of the authorization, it seems safe to assume that the ambassadors had not been able to convince the Doge and the Venetians to change their minds. T h e result probably was that Dubrovnik had to make the payments demanded by Venice. Since no further information on this case exists in the archival documents, such a conclusion seems even more justified. Besides, in other similar cases, before and after this one, the Venetian government usually had its way. 46 T h e existence of Bardi and Peruzzi activity in the small but important Serbian coastal city of Kotor, south from Dubrovnik, is recorded in local documents in 1331. T h e Florentine representative there, Gerius Soderini, received from the "communitas Catharensis" 2,500 Serbian "perperorum de cruce" on behalf of the Peruzzis and the Bardis. 47 In 1335 Soderini was again in Kotor, but this time was no longer mentioned as an agent of Florentine companies. 48 Although there is no direct indication that the operations of Soderini in Kotor were linked to those of the Florentine representatives in Dubrovnik, it is reasonable to assume that the Florentines in the two cities had close contacts. In view of the geographic setting, the importance of the two centers, and their very intense mutual relations, it is plausible to presume that the activities of the Florentine agents in Kotor were channeled through, or at least closely connected with, those of their counterparts in Dubrovnik. Meanwhile, the Florentine companies continued their work in Dubrovnik. T h e Acciaiuolis remained active through their southern Italian 45. Réf., vol. I X , ff. 68 v , 76 v . 46. For example, only two months later, in December 1330, the Ragusans complied with "precibus et rogaminibus" of the Doge that " d r a p p a r i a cuiuscumque conditionis laborata in civitate Florentie, comitatu et districtu, et similiter quelibet merçaria in civitate eidem [ ,

districtu etiam commitatu laborarata

[JIV]" should not be imported into Dubrovnik by anyone. Ref.y vol. X , f. 1. 47. A. Mayer, e d , Kotorski spomenici (Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1951), p. 259. For Geri di Stefano Soderini, see Sapori, "Storia interna della compagnia mercantile dei Peruzzi", Studi, I I , 669, 693. 48. Mayer, Kotorski spomenici, pp. 415, 4 3 7 - 3 8 .

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members and continued supplying wheat to Dubrovnik in the early 1330s.49 Duccius Puccii reappeared in Dubrovnik in mid-1333, engaging in wheat sales and sending company money to the Acciaiuoli representative in Venice. 50 A new company came upon the scene at this time—the Buonaccorsi. In M a y 1333, "Fortebraccius Charmontesis, actor et negotiorum gestor" for Nerius Balducii, the Buonaccorsi associate from Barletta, came to Dubrovnik and sold various quantities of southern Italian wheat to the government. 5 1 Chiarmontesi quickly established himself as a respected businessman in Dubrovnik 5 2 and continued to sell Buonaccorsi grains to the city in 1334. 53 At the same time, he acted on behalf of other merchants from Barletta. 54 Toward the end of 1334, Chiarmontesi, like agents of other companies, engaged in sending Buonaccorsi money—part of it originating with associates in southern Italy—through Dubrovnik to Venice. 55 H e continued these operations in 1335, ordinarily using Ragusan patricians as intermediaries. 56 Simultaneously, Chiarmontesi continued selling Buonaccorsi cereals from southern Italy 5 7 and engaged in business of his own. 58 He stayed on in Dubrovnik in 1336, but apparently switched his allegiance. H e joined with "Pone cancellarius Ragusii," and they became agents "Phylippi Rugerii, socii societatis Bardorum . . . Barulo

49. Div. canc, vol. X , f. 28. T h e r e were, however, conflicts. I n D e c e m b e r 1332, the R a g u s a n government asked the Acciaiuoli associates in Barletta to r e t u r n within one m o n t h " u n ç i a m u n a m de K a r l i n i s " that they h a d taken forcibly f r o m a R a g u s a n patrician when he visited Apulia as R a g u s a n "sindicus." Should the Acciaiuolis refuse to r e t u r n the money, the R a g u s a n government will reimburse its m a n , but then " h a b e t regressum super ipsos socios et societatem p r e d i c t a m . " 50. I b i d , f. 104 v . Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a , " p. 91, n. 108. In N o v e m b e r 1333, Duccius sent 505 ducats, the p r o p e r t y of the Acciaiuoli associates in Barletta to " J o h a n n e s P e t r i , " m e m b e r of the same c o m p a n y in Venice, t h r o u g h the good services of a R a g u s a n patrician. Div. canc, vol. X , f. 106. 51. Div. canc., vol. X , ff. 20, 28, 89, 105. O n the Chiarmontesi family see Martines, Social World, p. 222. 52. For C h i a r m o n t e s t as arbiter a m o n g Florentines in D u b r o v n i k , see Div. canc., vol. X , ff. 115, 115 v ; as a witness at the p a y m e n t of the R a g u s a n tribute to the Serbian K i n g in 1334: Div. canc., vol. X I I , f. 11 v ; Davidsohn, Storia di Firenze, I V / 2 , p. 776. For other cases, see Div. canc., vol. X , ff. 153, 207, 211 ; vol. X I I , f. 18. 53. Div. canc, vol. X , f. 204; vol. X I I , f. 3. Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a " , p. 92. 54. Div. canc., vol. X , f. 226 v . 55. I b i d , vol. X I I , f. 17 v . This shipment consisted of 176 ducats a n d was to be given in Venice to Nerius Balducii, w h o h a d obviously been transfered there f r o m southern Italy. 56. I b i d , ff. 51, 65, 69, 72, 82 v , 96, 118 v , 124, 138, 138 v . T h e total a m o u n t for 1335 was 306 R a g u s a n hyperpers, 10 " l i b r e d e n a r i o r u m v e n e t o r u m grossorum," a n d 2,010 V e n e t i a n ducats. O n e of these transfers was effected t h r o u g h Bencius del Buono. 57. I b i d , f. 82. Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a " , p. 91, n. 108. I n this activity Chiarmontesi was assisted by " P o n e cancellarius." 58. H e dealt in w h e a t a n d a r m s sales. Div. canc, vol. X I I , ff. 56, 57 v . Dinic-Kriezevic, " T r g o v i n a , " p. 118, n. 325.

36 commorantis et ipsius societatis," selling wheat from southern Italy to Dubrovnik. 5 9 The Bardis, incidentally, had another representative in the City in 1337, Gregorius Johannis de Florentia who was also involved in the wheat trade. 6 0 The last mention of the activity of the Peruzzis in Dubrovnik occurs in 1334. Their representative, Vicentius Fiorini de Florentia, sent at the time some company money "caporalibus societatis Peruççiorum comorantium Baruli" and sold Peruzzi wheat to Dubrovnik. 6 1 T h e Bardis reemerged for the last time in 1339-40 in a rather peculiar way: the distinguished Florentine merchant in Dubrovnik, Bencius del Buono who had previously had brief contacts with the Acciaiuolis and the Buonaccorsis, in 1339 and 1340 sent several couriers to Constantinople with letters for the Venetian Marino Michel and others " d e societate Bardorum de Florentia" in the Byzantine capital. 62 Although Bencius himself is not mentioned as a Bardi agent, it is clear that the Bardi company was happy to take advantage of his prestigious position in Dubrovnik in order to enhance its contacts with Constantinople, since Dubrovnik was already a well-established link in communications with the Levant. 6 3 Thus the agents of the Florentine companies ceased their activities in Dubrovnik by 1340, only a short time before the companies met their downfall. Several observations are called for in reviewing the work of the four Florentine companies in Dubrovnik. In the first place, it is clear that they did not all remain in the city for an identical length of time. T h e Bardis had the longest tenure, from 1318 to 1339-40. T h e Peruzzis are mentioned from 1318 to 1334; the Acciaiuolis, from 1318 to 1333. T h e Buonaccorsis were active in Dubrovnik only from 1333 to 1335. Over the years, the Peruzzis had the largest number of agents in Dubrovnik, nine altogether, but only five remained loyal exclusively to them, while the others shifted their allegiances to other companies. T h e Bardis had five representatives, four of whom also worked for other companies. T h e Acciaiuolis had four men, two of whom divided their loyalties, while the Buonaccorsis were represented by one man, who eventually switched 59. Div. canc., vol. X I I , f. 261 v . O n Phylippus Rogerii see Davidsohn, Forschungen, I I I , 174, 181. Saporì, Studi, I I , 738, lists h i m as a Bardi " f a t t o r e " in southern I t a l y in 1336. See also R e n o u a r d , " L e c o m p a g n i e , " p. 529. 60. Div. canc., vol. X I I , f. 2 6 0 \ 61. Ibid., vol. X , ff. 160, 194*. 62. Div. not., vol. V , ff. 58 v , 139 v ; vol. V I , ff. 91, 139 v , 189. 63. B. Krekic, " K u r i r s k i s a o b r a c a j D u b r o v n i k a sa C a r i g r a d o m i Solunom u p r v o j polovini X I V v e k a , " Zbornik radova VizantoloSkog instituta SANU 1 (1952), 113-20.

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to the Bardis. It seems that the longer an agent stayed in Dubrovnik, the greater the chances were that he would switch loyalties. Thus, for example, Duccius Puccii, a representative of the Bardis in 1323 and 1324, switched to the Acciaiuolis in 1330 and then joined the Peruzzis in the same year, only to reappear as an Acciaiuoli agent in 1333. Sharing of loyalties, however, was not always a matter of successive allegiances. In some cases a man worked for more than one company at the same time. Feus Leonis, for example, was the representative of the Bardis, Peruzzis, and Acciaiuolis in Dubrovnik in 1318, and Duccius Puccii in 1330 worked for both the Acciaiuolis and the Peruzzis. Almost all the representatives of Florentine companies in Dubrovnik were Florentines. There are only two minor exceptions: Bencius del Buono lived for a prolonged period in Dubrovnik, was prominent in local life, became a resident and then a citizen of Dubrovnik and, as we have seen, did some favors for the Acciaiuolis, Buonaccorsis, and Bardis. But he too was a Florentine by origin. 64 T h e other case is "Pone cancellarius Ragusii," who did minor work for the Acciaiuolis, Buonaccorsis, and Bardis. However, although he was not from Florence itself, he was from Pistoia, a neighboring city whose turbulent history was intimately linked with that of Florence. 65 As for the Ragusans with whom the Florentines principally dealt, governmental functionaries aside (e.g., the "massarii b l a d o r u m , " who were always patricians), it is clear that the preference went to local patricians. This is especially true in the case of the delicate operations of money transfers. O u t of twenty-nine such cases that I was able to establish, twenty-six were handled by Ragusan patricians, two by Bencius del Buono, and only one by a local merchant. It is interesting that, out of the twenty-nine cases, eleven involved two members of the Bodaça (Budacic) patrician family, one of w h o m — T h o d e r u s de Bodaça—was responsible for eight transfers of Bardi and Acciaiuoli money to Venice over a period of nine years. 66 All of this indicates that the Florentine companies relied mainly on their own men to control their affairs in an important commercial 64. Bencius del Buono, k n o w n also as Bencius del Buono Sacchetti, was the f a t h e r of t h e f a m o u s novelist F r a n c o Sacchetti, w h o p r o b a b l y was b o r n in D u b r o v n i k between 1330 a n d 1335. D a v i d s o h n , Storia di Firenze I V / 2 , 7 7 6 - 7 8 , a n d n . 3, has a n incomplete a n d partly erroneous discussion of Bencius's stay in D u b r o v n i k . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , neither E. Ligotti, Franco Sacchetti, uomo discolo e grosso (Florence: Sansoni, 1940) ; nor L. C a r e t t i , Saggio sul Sacchetti (Bari : L a t e r z a , 1951 ), has a n y t h i n g interesting to say on his origins. Most recently, I. Voje, " B e n d o del B u o n o , " Istorijski lasopis, 18 (1971), 1 8 9 - 9 9 , considers Bencius to b e Franco's father. 65. O n Pistoia see D a v i d s o h n , Storia di Firenze, vol. I l l , passim. D . H e r l i h y , Medieval and Renaissance Pistoia. The Social History of an Italian Town, 1200-1430

(New H a v e n , C o n n . : Yale University Press, 1967).

66. O n the Bodaça family see M a h n k e n , Dubrovalki patricijat, I , 140-44, esp. 143.

38 center such as Dubrovnik. At the same time, however, they did not systematically exclude local elements from their business dealings and were willing to entrust them even with some of the more sensitive operations. As mentioned earlier, the most important single trade activity of the Florentine companies in Dubrovnik was the sale of grains from southern Italy. According to my calculations, the four companies contracted to import into Dubrovnik close to 13,000 salmas of cereals between 1318 and 1336. Of this, wheat constituted more than 89 percent, and the remainder was barley. The most active were the Acciaiuolis, with more than 4,100 salmas, followed by the Bardis with almost 4,000 salmas, the Buonaccorsis with 2,500 salmas, and finally the Peruzzis with over 2,300 salmas. T h e single most active year as far as contracts for the sale of these grains are concerned was 1330, with a total of 3,550 salmas. There were several years when Florentine companies contracted to import 1,500 salmas (for example, in 1334 and 1336) or 1,000 salmas into Dubrovnik (for example, in 1323, 1333; in 1318 the contracts totaled 1,360 salmas). It should be pointed out, however, that these numbers reflect the contracts made with Florentine representatives in Dubrovnik by the Ragusan massarii bladorum, or contracts between the Ragusan "sindici" in southern Italy and members of various companies. They do not necessarily show the exact amount of cereals actually brought to Dubrovnik. There were instances when the quantities imported into the city fell short of quantities specified in the contracts and in such cases the Florentines were penalized. O n the other hand, there were instances when they brought into Dubrovnik larger amounts than the ones they contracted for, in which case the Ragusans usually accepted them and sometimes allowed them to be reexported. W h a t was the importance of the Florentine companies' imports of grains in the overall Ragusan provisioning in that essential foodstuff? W h a t was the Florentine share in the Ragusan imports of cereals ? T o find the answers, one should first determine the Ragusan need for grain and the size of Dubrovnik's imports in the first half of the fourteenth century. Dusanka Dinic-Knezevic, the only scholar who has studied.in detail the Ragusan grain trade, thinks that Dubrovnik's annual consumption of cereals at the time amounted to about 10,000 staria, that is, about 3,800 salmas. 67 She assumes that, out of this amount, 5,000 to 7,000 staria were imported through governmental intervention, the rest by private

67. M y calculation is based on n u m e r o u s d a t a from documents, giving a n average of 2.62 staria for one salma.

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enterprise. For the second half of the fourteenth century the same author sees a rise of grain consumption to over 20,000 staria (about 7,600 salmas) annually, and ascribes this increase to the growth in population. 6 8 DinicKnezevic cautiously remarks that "we cannot be sure the consumption was exactly of that size" and adds that her calculation is only "approximate." Indeed, it seems appropriate to revise upward her figures for the fourteenth century. Philippus de Diversis de Quartigianis, the headmaster of the Ragusan secondary school, in his description of Dubrovnik in 1439-40 stated, "there is such a multitude of consumers [in Dubrovnik] that the city and its district need 70,000 staria of grains and even more than that." 6 9 Even taking into account Dubrovnik's very fast growth at the time, it is hardly credible that the consumption—and, by implication, the population— rose three and a half times between the second half of the fourteenth and the first half of the fifteenth century. O n e must, therefore, assume that the consumption was higher than 20,000 staria annually in the second half of the fourteenth century. This inevitably leads one to reject as too low the 10,000 staria estimated by Dinic-Knezevic for the first half of that century. Indeed, it seems strange that there would be a doubling (or more) of consumption—and population—between the first and second half of the fourteenth century, especially in view of the fact that Dubrovnik had suffered severely from the Black Death of 1348-49. 7 0 Furthermore, a comparison between the quantities imported by the Florentine companies and Dinic-Knezevic's calculations will, in my opinion, strengthen the case for an upward revision. If the average annual consumption amounted to about 3,800 salmas, and the average government-regulated imports were between 1,900 and 2,670 salmas, then according to Dinic-Knezevic's estimates at least in one instance (1330) over 93 percent of the consumption needs of Dubrovnik were satisfied by the Florentine companies' imports—a very doubtful circumstance, to

68. Dinic-Knezevic, " T r g o v i n a , " p p . 128-29. T h e other work dealing, a m o n g o t h e r subjects, with R a g u s a n eating habits, J e r e m i c a n d T a d i c , Prilozi za istoriju, gives no information on quantities. 69. Philippus d e Diversis de Quartigianis, " O p i s polozaja, z g r a d a , d r z a v n o g u r e d j e n j a i pohvalnih obicaja slavnoga g r a d a D u b r o v n i k a , " translated from Latin into Serbo-Croatian by I. Bozic, Dubrovnik, vol. I l l , 1973, p. 42. 70. O n the Black D e a t h in general see Y. R e n o u a r d , " L ' é v é n e m e n t modial le plus i m p o r t a n t d u X I V e siècle, la Peste Noire de 1 3 4 8 - 1 3 5 0 " ; R e n o u a r d , "Conséquences et intérêt d é m o g r a p h i q u e s de la Peste Noire de 1348", b o t h in Etudes d'histoire médiévale, pp. 143-64. For D u b r o v n i k see J e r e m i c a n d T a d i c , Prilozi za istoriju, I, 6 6 - 6 8 . M . D. G r m e k , " Q u a r a n t i n e in D u b r o v n i k , " Ciba Symposium, voi. 7, pt. 1, (1959), p p . 3 0 - 3 1 . V . Bazala, Pregledpovijesti zdravstvene kulture Dubrovaike Republike ( Z a g r e b : D u b r o v a c k i horizonti, 1972), p p . 3 0 - 3 2 . Krekic, Dubrovnik, p p . 9 7 - 9 8 .

I 40

say the least. O n the other hand, the average amount of Florentine imports contracted for in the twelve years between 1318 and 1336 for which we have information is 1,080 salmas annually. This amount would cover about 28.5 percent of Dubrovnik's needs in those years. Considering the fact that the Ragusan government imported grain from other sources and areas and that there were considerable private imports, it seems rather unlikely that the city would depend to such a degree on one source of supply. It seems especially questionable that in a few particular years the Florentine companies could play such preponderant role in satisfying Ragusan needs in cereals. 71 For these reasons I believe that the overall consumption in Dubrovnik was higher than 10,000 or 20,000 staria a year in the fourteenth century. Consequently, the Florentine imports, while very important, were not as substantial as Dinic-Knezevic's calculations imply. T h e assumption of higher consumption leads naturally to the conclusion that there was a larger population in the city. Unfortunately, I am not in a position to offer any precise or even approximate estimate of the population at this time. Because I am unable to offer any revised estimate for cereals consumption in Dubrovnik in the fourteenth century, I do not feel it is possible to venture into population estimates until further study of that very important and complex problem is undertaken. 7 2 T h e role and importance of Dubrovnik in the overall activities of the Florentine commercial companies can only be tentatively approached. It is obvious from the number of their representatives, from the quantities of money, and, especially, from the amounts of grain involved that Dubrovnik was not a major operation for the Florentines. If one compares our numbers with some of those estimated for example, by Sapori, 73 it becomes evident that Dubrovnik represented a relatively minor investment of the companies' money and manpower. Nevertheless, the quality of some of the Florentine agents, the consistency and sensitivity of some of their operations indicate that Dubrovnik was not regarded lightly by the Florentines. Its main appeal for them certainly was as a link between their activities in southern Italy and their interests on the eastern shore of the Adriatic and in Venice. If one keeps in mind the great importance of Dubrovnik as an intermediary between the mineral-rich Balkans and 71. T h e F l o r e n t i n e c o m p a n i e s would have supplied D u b r o v n i k with 39 percent of its cereals in 1334 a n d 1336; with 35 p e r c e n t of t h e m in 1318; with 26 percent of them in 1323 a n d 1333, a n d so o n . 72. T h e r e is n o study of D u b r o v n i k ' s population a t this time. I t is generally assumed that the city h a d 5,000 to 6,000 i n h a b i t a n t s t o w a r d the e n d of the fifteenth century. See Krekic, Dubrovnik, p p . 33, 5 4 - 5 5 . 73. Sapori, Crisi, p p . 2 1 5 - 2 1 , 228, n. 2 ; Sapori, Studi, I I , 6 7 2 - 8 0 .

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Italy at this time, it is easier to understand the Florentines' interest. Further research, both in Dubrovnik and in Florence, might very well show that the companies, as well as individual Florentines, had considerable vested interests in that aspect of Dubrovnik's economy, but for the time being that must remain only a hypothesis.

II

TROIS FRAGMENTS CONCERNANT LES RELATIONS ENTRE DUBROVNIK (RAGUSE) E T L'ITALIE AU XIV e SIECLE

1. LES VERRIERS DE MURANO A DUBROVNIK ET EN SERBIE DANS LA PREMIERE MOITIE D U XlVe SIECLE.

Le métier du verre, «l'industrie la plus jolie" de Venise, est apparu dans cette ville au X l I I e siècle. Il est étroitement lié à l'élaboration des mosaïques, qui y existait auparavant. 1 Dès 1271 les „fiolari, fioleri", les verriers, eurent à Venise leur propre capitulaire 3 et en 1291 une loi f u t promulguée, décrétant la concentration des fours de verrerie sur l'ile de Murano, sur laquelle la fabrication du verre avait déjà atteint un dégré de développement considérable 3 . Bientôt commença l'émigration des verriers de Murano. Le gouvernement vénitien, conscient des dommages que ce phénomène pourrait entraîner, interdit en 1295 l'exportation de Venise, sans permis spécial, de tout matériel employé dans la fabrication du verre. En outre, il accrut les amendes auxquelles étaient condamnés les verriers qui rentraient à Venise après avoir séjourné dans un pays étranger. Mais à cette époque les fours pour la production du verre existaient déjà dans plusieures villes de l'Italie Septentrionale 4 . Le gouvernement vénitien comprit vite que ses mesures de represailles causaient plus de dommage que de profit. Les verriers émigrés ne rentraient plus à Venise pour éviter de payer l'amende accrue. C'est pourquoi en 1306 d'abord, puis de nouveau en 1315, le gouvernement invita les verriers émigrés à rentrer librement à Venise, à la seule condition qu'ils s'inscrivent dans F „Arte dei fiolai" 5 . Depuis ce temps on observe plus de liberté dans les mouvements des verriers de Murano dans les autres villes et aussi une association plus fré1 Monografia della vetraria veneziana e muranese (autori: B. Cecchetti, V. Zanetti, E. Sanfermo), Venezia, 1874, pp. 7, 260. H. Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venedigy t. II, Gotha, 1920, pp. 144—145, 285—286. Cependant, C. A. Levi, L'arte del vetro in Murano nel Rinascimento e i Berroviero, Venezia, 1895, pp. 8—9 pense— quoique il ne le dit pas explicitement — que les commencements de la fabrication du verre et Italie datent seulement du XlVe siècle, ce qui n'est pas exact. a Kretschmayr, o. c., p. 144. « Monografia, pp. 7, 9—10, 260, 261. Kretschmayr, o. c., pp. 145, 286. * Monografia, p. 10. 5 Id., p. 11.

II 20 quente des verriers avec les étrangers à Murano même. On trouve les verriers de Murano et leurs oeuvres dans différentes villes italiennes, surtout, bien sûr, à Venise, puis à Assisi, Florence, Padoue, Milan, etc 6 . Cependant, nous n'avons trouvé nulle part, dans les travaux concernant Murano, la mention de la présence des verriers de Murano et de leurs produits dans les pays slaves balcaniques. Le peu de travaux, d'autre part, dans lesquels on . trouve mentionné des verreries faites dans ces pays, contiennent des affirmations inexactes et incomplètes. Ainsi le grand historien K. Jirecek dit, dans un de ses livres, qu'en 1423 on trouve mentionné à Dubrovnik le verre ragusain, tandis que dans un autre livre il affirme que la première allusion au verre fabriqué à Dubrovnik est de 13877. Se basant sur les données de Jirecek, le Professeur Boèic, lui aussi, affirme que les verres „sont mentionnés à Dubrovnik au XIVe siècle (1387), mais la production du verre sur une échelle plus large est du XVe siècle quand, vers 1422 l'art du verre („vitrei ars") se développa dans les ateliers à Pile 8 " (faubourg de Dubrovnik). D. Roller, qui s'est occupé d'une façon très détaillée de la fabrication du verre à Dubrovnik, pense que cette activité existait en ville au XVe et XVIe siècles et „selon les données dont on dispose jusqu'à maintenant, la première fabrication du verre à Dubrovnik est signalée en février 1424", avec le maître Donato de Murano 9 . On trouvera des affirmations semblables, également, dans la plus récente publication yougoslave sur le verre 10 . Or, dans les Archives d'Etat de Dubrovnik on trouve des documents inédits et jusqu'à maintenant inconnus, qui permettent d'arriver à tirer des conclusions nouvelles au sujet des débuts de la verrerie dans les pays yougoslaves. Il s'agit, tout d'abord, de trois documents de 1312. Le 12 septembre de cette année „Mafeus fiolarius de Murano" nomma un „Petrus balesterius" son procureur à Dubrovnik, puis nomma le même Pierre procureur de „Lucas et Anssuinus de massaria fiolariorum de Murano", dont Mathieu, lui-même, était procureur. Le devoir principal de Pierre était de recouvrer les crédits que Mathieu, Lucas et Anssuinus avaient ouvert à certains Ragusains 11 . Le nouveau procureur se montra très actif et déjà dix jours plus tard le gouvernement ragusain, par une lettre, ordonna à „Milgosto filio Obrade" de venir personnellement ou bien d'envoyer un représentant pour rendre 6

Levi, o. c., pp. 9—11. Monografia, pp. 11, 262. Kretschmayr, o. c., p. 286. K. Jirecek, Istorija Srba, t. II, Beograd, 1952, p. 424. Le même, Vaznost Dubrovnika u trgovackoj povijesti srednjega vijeka, Dubrovnik, 1915, pp. 41, 87. 8 I. Bo2ic, Ekonomski i drustveni razvitak Dubrovnika u XIV i XV veku> Istor. glasnik, No 1, Beograd, 1949, p. 32. 9 D. Roller, Dubrovacki zanati u XV i XVI stoljecu, Zagreb, 1951, p. 137. Notons que l'acte, sur lequel Roller appuie cette affirmation est un contrat entre Donato de Murano et un Georges de Florence et l'on peut se demander est-ce que Donato resta à Dubrovnik et y exerça son métier, ou bien Georges alla-t-il à Florence avec Donato, puisqu'à Florence, comme Roller le dit lui-même, la fabrication du verre était déjà à un stade avancé dès le XlVe siècle. 10 R. Gajic-Lon£ar, Staklo — proizvodnja i umetnicka obrada kroz vekove, Beograd, 1964, p. 34, affirme que les premiers ateliers pour la fabrication du verre sur le territoire yougoslave furent organisés à Dubrovnik aux XVe et XVIe siècles et que la fabrication du verre à Dubrovnik était effectuée sous la direction des maîtres vénitiens. 11 Voir document n° 1 dans 1'Appendix. 7

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compte d'une dette qu'il avait contracté en 1302 auprès de Lucas et Anssuinus à Venise12. Evidemment, ce premier groupe de documents n'est pas de nature à permettre d'ariiver à des conclusions sérieuses sur les débuts de la verrerie à Dubrovnik, puisque le verrier de Murano, protagoniste de ces actes, est justement sur le point de quitter Dubrovnik et nous n'avons ni preuves ni raisons suffisantes pour supposer que son séjour précédent dans la ville eut une importance quelconque pour le développement de la verrerie dans la cité ragusaine. Ainsi, donc, tout en disposant d'un témoignage qui prouve que dès 1312 un verrier de Murano était à Dubrovnik, nous ne pouvons pas en tirer des conclusions définitives. La situation est tout à fait différente avec le second groupe de documents qui englobe les années 1325—1327. Dans ce groupe, en première place chronologiquement, figure un acte de mars 1325, par lequel Milosav et Radusa Jubkovic du village de Topola, près de Dubrovnik, engagent leur fille Tolislava à servir, sa vie durant, „Matheo Piacinico verario de Veneciis" 13 Or, il n'y a pas de doute que ce „Matheus" est identique avec „Maffeus" Pilbanico de Morano, vetrer" qui, en août 1325, déclare avoir reçu „a Donato Pipono de Venetiis" 74 hyperpères de „grossi" vénitiens. Mathieu devait porter cet argent à Venise et l'y donner à ,,Çannino Pipono", frère de Donato, huit jours après l'arrivée à Venise du navire ragusain de Negoslav Pezanjic 14 . Un document de janvier 1326 est d'un intérêt tout particulier. Une controverse s'était manifestée „inter Palmam Passileri... et Matheum vetrarium de Murano" à propos d'une société qu'ils avaient constituée „pour une quantité du verre fabriqué qu'ils avaient emporté en Slavonie". Les deux arbitres, choisis par les partis en conflit, décidèrent que Palma devait payer à Mathieu 15 hyperpères et que tous les crédits de leur société „et tout leur travail en verre (laborerium vetri)" qu'ils avaient en Slavonie devaient, également, appartenir à Mathieu 15 . Les expréssions employées dans ce document: „societas vetri", l a borerium vetri" pourraient être interprétées comme signifiant que Mathieu et Palma avaient une société pour la production du verre en Serbie (Slavonie) même, société dans laquelle, évidemment, Mathieu jouait le rôle principal. Cependant, il nous semble qu'une interprétation de ce genre, sans autres appuis dans les sources, serait trop osée. Nous pensons qu'il s'agit ici d'une société pour le commerce en verre élaboré en Serbie et non pour sa produc12

Monumenta ragusina—Reformations, t. I, Zagreb, 1879, p. 46. Archives d'Etat de Dubrovnik (Drzavni arhiv u Dubrovniku — DAD), Diversa notariae V, 56. 14 V. doc. n° 2 dans 1'Appendix. Les membres de la famille Pezanjic fréquentaient souvent Venise avec leurs navires. Ainsi, par exemple, en novembre 1324 on envoie par le navire de Bogoje Pezanjic à Venise „viginti libras grossorum venetorum" qui devaient être payés „domino Johanni Buldu de Veneciis et Dato, socio de societate Bardorum de Florentia Veneciis commoranti". DAD, Diversa notariae IV, 62. — „Donatus Pipono", dont le nom est souvent noté dans les actes comme „Donatus Popono", ou „Pepono", était actif à Dubrovnik en 1326, aussi. DAD. Diversa cancellarne, V i l i , 88' 99', 129. Aptay, II, 13* 24, 96. 15 V. doc. n° 3 dans l'Appendix. 13

II 22 tion. Néanmoins, même cette interprétation plus modeste et plus réaliste, apporte un fait assez important et révélateur: en 1325 déjà (puisque le document est de janvier 1326) il y avait, en Serbie, du verre qui provenait ou bien directement de Murano, ou bien était fabriqué selon les modèles de Murano 16 . Vers la fin de janvier 1326 on trouve à Dubrovnik „Donatus Pyanigo de Murano" qui y prend un jeune homme qui lui servira pendant 12 ans et auquel il apprendra „artem suam" 17 . Enfin, en mars 1327, „Antonius fillius Dominici Fança" de Padoue s'engage à servir pendant un an et demi „Matheo Pyanigo de Murano de Veneciis". Il sera payé seulement pour les jours de travail et s'oblige à travailler partout où Mathieu lui ordonnera 18 . Quelles conclusions peut-on tirer de ce groupe des documents pour une meilleure connaissance de la verrerie de Dubrovnik? On notera tout de suite que dans quatre documents, qui s'étayent sur une période de deux ans exactement (mars 1325 — mars 1327) il est fait mention d'un verrier Mathieu. Bien sûr, il est appelé une fois (1325) „Maffeus Piacinico" et „Pilbanico", une autre fois (1326) tout simplement „Matheus", et une troisième fois (1327) „Mapheu.s Pyanigo", mais il nous semble hors de doute que „Maffeus Piacinico, Pilbanico" et „Mapheus Pyanigo" sont un même personnage et alors il est tout à fait naturel de supposer que „Matheus" mentionné chronologiquement entre les deux, soit identique avec Mathieu Pilbanico or Pyanigo. Le fait que ce verrier de Murano se trouvait à Dubrovnik pendant deux ans entiers fait naître la question: quelle était son activité dans la ville? Nous sommes d'avis qu'il faut voir dans Mathieu plus qu'un simple importateur des verres de Murano à Dubrovnik et, à travers Dubrovnik, en Serbie. Il nous semble possible d'avancer l'hypothèse que Mathieu fabriquait à Dubrovnik même le verre sur le modèle de Murano. Les documents offrent quelques points d'appui pour une telle hypothèse: tout d'abord le séjour si long de Mathieu à Dubrovnik; puis le fait qu'il engage à Dubrovnik un homme de Padoue en son service et que cet homme s'oblige à travailler n'importe où pour Mathieu. Ceci nous semble indiquer que Mathieu désirait avoir sur place, à Dubrovnik, des personnes qui travailleraient pour lui et qui, éventuellement, iraient travailler en d'autres lieux. Autrement, pourquoi aurait-il engagé un homme de Padoue à Dubrovnik? 19 Naturellement, si 16 A ce qu'on peut savoir, on a pensé généralement jusqu'à maintenant, qu'au XlVe siècle la vaisselle et les autres objets dans les intérieurs balcaniques étaient plutôt simples et que c'est seulement au XVe siècle qu'il y eut des objets luxueux. Cf. Jirecek, Istorija Srba, t. II, p. 235. D. Kovacevic, Trgovina u srednjovjekovnoj Bosni, Sarajevo, 1961, p. 184. S. Cirkovic, Istorija srednjevekovne bosanske drzave, Beograd, 1964, p. 237. 17 DAD, Diversa notariae V, 106'. Quelques jours auparavant, le 26 janvier 1326, „Çaninus, filius Jacobi Pasqualis de Veneciis de Morano" avait reçu „a Matheo Tragurino et Designa de Nicola Greco" 36 hyperpères avec certaines modalités et obligations. DAD, Diversa cancellariae, VIII, 42'. 18 V. doc. n° 4 dans PAppendix. 19 En outre, Mathieu avait engagé à Dubrovnik un servant à vie. Si, d'autre parti Donato Pyanigo est le frère de Mathieu — ce qu'on peut seulement supposer, — ceci auss, pourrait confirmer l'existence d'une activité plus importante et stable de Mathieu à Dûbrovnik.

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l'on pouvait supposer que cet homme possédait des connaissances concernant la fabrication du verre, notre hypothèse gagnerait beaucoup, mais nous ne pouvons pas avancer une telle supposition sur la base des documents dont nous disposons. Néanmoins, les données des documents que nous avons cité nous portent à formuler l'hypothèse — bien sûr avec beaucoup de reserve — que Mathieu avait organisé à Dubrovnik la production du verre, mais que cette production était de dimensions modestes et n'a pas duré longtemps. Enfin, on pourrait se demander est-ce que Mathieu, mentionné dans les documents de 1312, est identique à celui de 1325—1327. Si l'on pouvait prouver une telle identification, notre hypothèse se trouverait de beaucoup renforcée, puisque le séjour, ou du moins, les contacts de Mathieu avec Dubrovnik s'échelloneraient non plus sur deux ans, mais sur quinze ans. Il serait, en effet, séduisant d'accepter cette identification, mais, dans l'état actuel de nos sources, nous ne pouvons l'étayer sur aucune preuve et c'est pourquoi une telle combinaison ne peut pas être prise sérieusement en considération. Néanmoins, en dépi de toutes ces réserves, le fait nouveau et significatif reste: à Dubrovnik et en Serbie il y avait dans la première moitié du XlVe siècle (donc cent ans avant les dates proposées jusqu'à maintenant) des verreries et des verriers de Murano — ce qui est un phénomène important pour l'étude de la civilisation des pays balcaniques de l'époque 20 . 2. LE ROLE DE DUBROVNIK DANS LES OPERATIONS VENITIENNES CONTRE LES REBELLES DE CRETE EN 1363—1364.

L'insurrection contre Venise des pheudataires vénitiens et d'une partie des archontes grecs dans l'île de Crète en 1363 n'était pas le premier mouvement de cette espèce, mais il était, sans doute, le plus fort et le plus dangereux qui se soit manifesté sur l'ile. Par son intensité et son envergure, cette insurrection ébranla jusqu'au fond le pouvoir vénitien sur cette île de grande importance. Le gouvernement vénitien en Crète était, presque, inexistant. Mais les Vénitiens de la métropole, conscients du rôle-clé que la Crète jouait dans leur empire colonial et dans leur commerce levantin en général, prirent des mesures énergiques et déployèrent de grands efforts pour restaurer leur autorité sur la Crète. Et finalement ils y parvinrent, mais non sans peines considérables. Tous ces événements sont déjà connus et ont été étudiés dans l'historiographie 21 , surtout sur la base des matériaux abondants conservés aux Archives d'Etat de Venise*"2. Nous n'avons pas l'intention de revenir sur 20 Sur les verriers, surtout ceux de Murano, à Dubrovnik au XVe siècle v. Bozic, o. c., p. 32. Roller, o. c., pp. 137—138. 21 V. surtout: J. Jegerlehner, Der Aufstand der Kandiotischen Ritterschaft gegen das Mutterland Venedig 1363—65, Byzant. Zeitschrift, vol. XII, 1903, pp. 78—125. F. Thiriet, La Romanie vénitienne au moyen âge, Paris, 1959, pp. 173—174. 22 Déjà Jegerlehner, o. c., pp. 101—125, a utilisé et publié une partie des documents des „Quaterni bannorum" et des „Secreta Collegii" des Archives d'Etat de Venise. F. Thiriet, Régestes des délibérations du Sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie, vol. I, Paris — La Haye, 1957, a publié des actes des Misti concernant Crète à cette époque. Autres documents concernant Crète, mais seulement jusqu'à la fin de 1363 : F. Thiriet, Délibérations des assemblées vénitiennes concernant la Romanie, t. I, Paris—La Haye, 1966.

II 24 les choses déjà connues et élucidées, mais nous désirons nous arrêter sur un aspect particulier de la manière dont Venise essayait de résoudre le problème crétois, c'est à dire nous voulons parler du rôle de Dubrovnik dans ces événements. Dubrovnik avait cessé de reconnaître la suprématie vénitienne (qu'il reconnaissait depuis 1205) peu de temps avant la rebellion crétoise (en 1358). Ses relations avec Venise ne souffrirent pas beaucoup de cette rupture, mais elles n'étaient pas très cordiales, non plus 23 . Une des mesures que Venise avait entreprise pour mater l'insurrection crétoise était un appel, adressé à toute une série de puissances européennes, les priant de s'abstenir de tout contact avec les rebelles de Crète. De cette façon Venise comptait isoler et affaiblir les insurgés. A part les lettres envoyées à l'empereur byzantin, au pape, à Gênes, à la reine de Naples, au roi de Chypre, au grand-maître de Rhodes etc.21, le gouvernement vénitien adressa son appel aussi au roi de Hongrie, Louis le Grand qui était depuis 1358 le protecteur de Dubrovnik**Ces lettres ont été envoyées en octobre 1363 et sont déjà connues. Mais jusqu'à maintenant on pouvait seulement indirectement supposer qu'un appel semblable avait été adressé à Dubrovnik, également. En effet, il y a longtemps désormais, on a publié une lettre que le gouvernement ragusain avait envoyé à celui de Venise le 23 novembre 1363. Dans cette lettre les Ragusains accusent réception de la lettre vénitienne par laquelle Venise avait demandé „quod durante rebellione pheudatorum vestre insuie Cretensis contra statum vestrum ... omnibus subditis nostris (se. Ragusains) inponere deberemus efficaciter in mandatis u t . . . ab eundo, mietendo vel conversando cum ipsis abstineant". Le gouvernement de Dubrovnik se déclare prêt non seulement à satisfaire aux demandes vénitiennes, mais aussi „paratos nos offerimus... non solum in premissis set in singulis alis nobis possibilibus vobis quomodolibet placituris, reservato honore nostri domini, vestrum beneplacitum viriliter adimplere" 23. Or, nous avons maintenant la possibilité non seulement de constater avec une certitude absolue que l'appel vénitien fut adressé à Dubrovnik, aussi, le 11 octobre 1363, mais même de publier le texte intégral de cet appel. Le contenu de la lettre vénitienne envoyée à Dubrovnik était tout à fait identique au contenu des lettres adressées en même temps aux autres états européens. Après avoir expliqué que les pheudataires vénitiens s'étaient insurgés contre la métropole en dépit du fait que le gouvernement vénitien les traitait toujours comme des fils et des frères, les Vénitiens déclarent 23 Sur ces événements v. S. Ljubic, O odnosajih megju Dubrovcani i Mletcani za ugar.— hrv. vladanja u Dubrovniku, Rad JAZU, vol. XVII, Zagreb, 1871, pp. 1—69, quoique ce travail est largement dépassé. 24 Jegerlehner, o. c., pp. 87—88, 111. 25 Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASV), Secreta Collegii, voi. 1363—1366. S. Ljubic, Listine o odnosajih izmedu Juznoga Slavenstva i Mletacke Republike, voL IV, p. 58. La réponse du roi hongrois est du 6 novembre 1363. Ljubic, ibid. 26 DAD, Litterae Levantis, II, 52. Monumenta ragusina — Reformations, vol. III, p. 291, 296—297. T. Smiciklas, Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae3 Dalmatiae et Slavomae, vol, XIII, pp. 314—315. J. Tadié, Pisma i uputstva Dubrovacke Republike, Beograd, 1935, pp. 117—118. B. Krekic, Dubrovnik (Raguse) et le Levant au moyen âge, Paris-La Have, 1961, rég. n° 248.

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qu'ils espéraient que les rebelles reconnaîtraient leur faute et rentreraient dans la grâce de Venise. Mais, si celà ne se fait pas, le gouvernement vénitien sera obligé de bloquer les insurgés par une flotte. C'est pourquoi les Vénitiens demandent aux Ragusains de s'abstenir de tout contact avec la Crète 27 . Il est intéressant de constater que des lettres semblables ont été adressées aussi „regiminibus et comuni Chatari" et aux gouvernants de Chio et de Mytilène^ 3 . Nous venons de voir que les Ragusains ont répondu à cet appel vénitien de la façon la plus favorable. Les Vénitiens, cependant, prirent les déclarations ragusaines non comme une vaine phrase de courtoisie, mais comme une offre réelle qu'ils entendaient exploiter bientôt. Etant donné que les insurgés crétois n'avaient aucunement l'intention de capituler, le gouvernement vénitien décida d'intervenir d'une manière énergique. Il commença à rassembler des soldats de toutes parts et à organiser une flotte pour combattre les rebelles. Les soldats provenaient en partie des pays slaves29 et il y avait aussi des Slaves à Venise même qui s'engageaient dans l'armada vénitienne 30 . Cette armée et cette flotte, pour aller de Venise en Crète, devaient longer la côte dalmate et, étant donné le nombre considérable des chevaliers dans l'armée, le long voyage jusqu'à la Crète posait un problème très difficile de ravitaillement aux autorités vénitiennes. Et c'est justement à propos de ce problème que le rôle spécial de Dubrovnik et son importance dans cette grande opération vénitienne se manifesta. Une fois encore, comme aux temps d'avant 1358, Dubrovnik devenait un important point d'appui pour la réalisation des plans politico-militaires se Venise. En janvier 1364, tandis que les préparatifs pour l'envoi de la flotte et de l'armée étaient en cours à Venise 31 , le gouvernement vénitien fit con27

V. doc. n° 5 dans 1'Appendix. ASV, Secreta Collegii, vol. 1363—1366, f. 33. 29 En novembre 1363 les Vénitiens envoyèrent leur notaire Bartolomeo Ursi chez le roi hongrois pour demander 200 archers et en décembre de la même année ils acceptèrent l'offre des fils „condam comitis Partholi de Segnia" de s'engager au service des Vénitiens avec cent chevaliers pour combattre les rebelles crétois. Le notaire vénitien Zanbernardo, qui se rendit à Senj pour conclure le contrat, était autorisé à chercher les fils de Bartholus jusqu'à Zagreb. En janvier de 1364 les Vénitiens reçurent en leur service à Senj un „Gothomcher" avec 50 «barbuti". Il y avait d'autres cas pareils, aussi. V. Ljubic, Listine., vol. IV, pp. 58—64. Sur le rassemblement des soldats en d'autres pays v. Jegerlehner, o. c., p. 115. 30 Le 20 octobre 1363 à Venise „Marinçius de Pago Sclauus" fut accusé „eo quod dum ipse et quatuor alii sui socii Sclaui consueti forent ducere ad domum suam aliquas meretrices ad dormiendum cum eis, tandem dum ipse Marinçius et alii sui socii essent ituri ad galeas Culphi, ipsi inter se appensate ordinaverunt. . . ducere quadam nocte, ante quam recederent, quatuor meretrices et expoliare eas et omnes suos pannos et res vendere". Le plan était que les quatre amis de Marinçius seront dans sa maison „cum ipsis peccatricibus et quod ipse Marinçius dormiret extra domum et circa mediam noctem rediret domum cum una maçia in manibus faciendo clamorem et hoc modo expoliarent illas et expellerent eas de domo". Le plan fut mis à l'exécution, mais les femmes portèrent plainte et Marinçius et ses amis, «Johannes de Modrusia, Sclauus, . . . Georgius de Ysagabria, Sclauus, . . . Paulus de Segna, Sclauus, . . . et Lucas de Tragurio" furent condamnés à un an „in uno carcere inferiori". Cependant, ils furent tous relâchés le 8 juin 1364. ASV, Avogaria di Comun, Raspe, vol. 3, ff. 52'—53. 31 Sur ces préparatifs v. Jegerlehner, o. c.,_pp. 116—125. 28

II 26 naître à celui de Dubrovnik son intention d'envoyer à Dubrovnik les provisions et l'équippement nécessaires aux chevalliers allant en Crète, pour leur permettre de se ravitailler à Dubrovnik, durant leur route vers l'île grecque. Les provisions et l'équippement devaient être envoyés à Dubrovnik auprès du gentilhomme et marchand Marco Guoro, citoyen vénitien séjournant à Dubrovnik. Les Vénitiens prièrent, par une lettre, le gouvernement ragù sain d'aider Guoro dans l'accomplissement de sa tâche 32 et en même temps informaient Guoro lui-même, par une autre lettre, de la tâche qui lui était confiée. Dans cette lettre à Guoro, le gouvernement vénitien mentionne, aussi, l'envoi d'autres provisions et d'équippements à Kotor. Les provisions destinées à Dubrovnik devaient être apportées de Venise sur un navire ragusain et le gouvernement vénitien se déclarait prêt à rembourser Guoro de tous les frais encourus dans l'accomplissement de son devoir 33 . Marco Guoro est un personnage bien connu. Il était un des marchands vénitiens les plus en vue à Dubrovnik à l'époque. Son nom est mentionné dans les documents des Archives d'Etat de Dubrovnik depuis 1355 jusqu'en 1372. Il avait un frère, Georges, qui séjourna à Dubrovnik de 1350 à 1371 ou 1372, quand il mourut 34 . Mais, tandis qu'il n'y a pas de doute que Georges Guoro vivait et travaillait à Dubrovnik dès 135035, la situation de Marco paraît plus ambigue. Le seul document de l'époque antérieure à 1363, celui de 1355, le mentionne, en effet, comme étant à Venise et c'est seulement à partir de 1366 qu'on trouve des données sûres qui le montrent vivant à Dubrovnik 36 . Ainsi, les lettres vénitiennes de janvier 1364 sont la première confirmation indiscutable que Marco Guoro séjournait à Dubrovnik au moins pendant un certain temps avant 1364, puisqu'il est évident que le gouvernement vénitien n'aurait jamais confié une tâche aussi délicate à un homme qui n'aurait pas joui non seulement de sa propre confiance, mais aussi de l'expérience et du prestige auprès des autorités ragusaines. D'ailleurs, les documents concernant Marco Guoro de 1366 à 1372 le montrent comme un marchand actif et respecté, dont la renommée à Dubrovnik était élevée37. Nous ne savons pas si, et dans quelle mesure, les Vénitiens ont profité réellement de Marco Guoro et de Dubrovnik comme base de ravitaillement pour leur „armada". Nous savons, cependant, que la flotte vénitienne, por32

V. doc. n° 6 dans 1'Appendix. V. doc. n° 7 dans l'Appendix. 34 En novembre 1371 encore Georges Guoro figure comme témoin dans un acte concernant certaines affaires entre Dubrovnik et Gênes, tandis qu'en mai 1372 on mentionne „ser Marcus Guoro et quondam ser Georgius, eius frater". DAD, Diversa notariae, IX, 22—23, 49. 35 DAD, Distributiones testamentorum I, 58. Diversa cancellariae XVIII. 28, 29', 102. 36 DAD, Sententiae cancellariae, I, 112. Diversa cancellariae XX, 115. 37 DAD, Diversa cancellariae XX, 115; XXI, 3, 134', 138', 167'; XXII, 15, 15', 34', 74, 74', 76', 88', 98. I. Mitic, Predstavnici stranili drzava u DubrQvniku za vrijeme Republike, Pomorski zbomik, t. IV, Zadar, 1966, p. 381, affirme que Marco Guoro était consul vénitien à Dubrovnik en 1368, mais sans citer les sources de cette information. 33

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tant les soldats, était partie en avril 1364 de Venise vers la Crète 38 . Les navires vénitiens firent le voyage le long de la côte orientale de l'Adriatique et causèrent beaucoup de dégâts aux personnes et aux biens. Ceci provoqua des protestations très vives de la part des villes dalmates et des autorités hongroises auprès du gouvernement vénitien, et les Vénitiens furent obligés de leur présenter des excuses39. On peut supposer, donc, que très probablement les Vénitiens se sont servis de Dubrovnik comme base de ravitaillement dans leur grande opération militaire contre la Crète, opération qui, finalement, força l'île rebelle à se soumettre à l'autorité de la Serenissime dès mai 136440. 3. L'EXIL ET LA MORT DU POLITICIEN FLORENTIN PHILIPPE BASTAR] ET L'ACTIVITE DE SON FILS GIOVENCO A DUBROVNIK VERS LA FIN DU XIV e SIECLE.41

Il n'est pas exagéré de dire que presque toute l'histoire médiévale de Florence fut tissée de conflits intérieurs et de changements, plus ou moins violents, au sommet de l'état florentin. Ces changements étaient régulièrement accompagnés de persécutions du parti vaincu par le parti victorieux et de l'exil d'un grand nombre de politiciens et d'autres personnes ayant appartenu au parti perdant. La victime la plus illustre, l'émigrant le plus connu fut, sans doute, le grand poëte Dante Allighieri, au commencement du XIVe siècle. Mais la situation n'était guère changée dans la seconde moitié du siècle. Florence, à cette époque, restait toujours le champ de batailles des factions politiques et des grupes familiaux, accompagnées de contrastes sociaux aigus, qui atteignent leur point culminant dans la fameuse insurrection des «Ciompi" en 13784: XV 189,190 Achaea: I I I 66 Adrianople,Peace o f : XVII 9 , 1 4 A d r i a t i c Sea (Culphus,Golfo): I 2 5 , 4 0 ; I I 25,27; I I I 63,67; IV 3 8 9 , 3 9 1 , 3 9 2 , 3 9 6 , 3 9 8 , 4 0 0 ; V 71-73,76-78,80,85,86,92,96, 101;V 1 - 3 , 5 - 7 , 9 - 1 2 , 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 1 , 25;VIII 241;IX 708,709;X 205, 211,214,219;XII 64;XIII 125; XIV 413;XIX 3 7 5 , 3 7 8 , 3 8 6 , 3 9 2 ; XX 311,312;XXI 2 5 7 , 2 6 2 , 2 6 7 , 268 Agostino di Biagio,from Prato: IX 709 Albania,Albanian: V 94;VII 382, 390;VIII 243;XIV 421;XVII 7,10; XIX 379,381,384,387-89;XXI 259, 260-63,269 A l b e r t i , F l o r e n t i n e f a m i l y : II 27, 28 A l b i z z i , F l o r e n t i n e family: II 27, 28 -Maso d e g l i : II 27,28 A l d i g h e r i , A l d i g h e r o : XIX 379 - F e l e : XIX 378 Alexandria: I I I 65,68;X 206 A l e x a n d r i n u s , S t a s i u s , f r o m Messina: X 210 Alfonso V,king of Aragon (1416-58) and Naples ( 1 4 4 2 - 5 8 ) : X 212-18; XVII 5;XX 312 A l i g h i e r i , D a n t e : I I 27 Altomanovié,Nikola,Serbian nobleman: V 86;XII 65 Amatus Lusitanus: s e e Rodriguez, Joao American Continent: XXI 259 A n a c t a r o p o l i s : XVI 353 Ancona,Anconitan: I 3 2 ; I I I 66; VI 18,24;IX 708;XV 190;XIX 383; XXI 262 Angelo,from Cotrone: I I I 69 Angora: XIV 420 Anna,from Constantinople: XIII 126 Ansalone,Nicholaus,physician

from Catania: X 211 Anssuinus,from Murano: I I 20,21 Antibaro: s e e Bar Anzio: VI 6 , 9 Apennine Peninsula: VIII 241 Apulia ( P u g l i a ) : I 2 9 , 3 5 ; I I I 6369;V 84;VI 5 , 6 , 1 8 - 2 0 , 3 2 , 3 3 ; VIII 249;IX 708;X 206,209-211, 213,216,217;XVIII 5;XIX 377; XXI 261 Aquila: IX 710 A q u i l e i a , P a t r i a r c h o f : VI 11 Aragon,Aragonese: VI 31;X 205-15, 217-219;XVII 5;XX 311;XXI 258, 270 d'Aragon,don Louis: XV 190 Argenteriys,Adam de,notary in Lecce: IX 712 Argos: XV 189 Aron,Rabbi,Jew from Lecce: XXI 261 Arta: I I I 66,67 Asan (Asanes),Byzantine family: XVI 347,349,353 -Alexander: XV 188;XVI 350-54 - A l e x i o s : XVI 354 -Anna Asanina Kontostefanina: XVI 354 -Anna Asanina P a l a i o l o g i n a : XVI 354 -Constantine: XVI 347,349 - I s a a c : XVI 349 -John (Jean) I I I : XVI 347 - I r e n e , h i s w i f e : XVI 347 -Marcus de Bernardo: XV 188; XVI 349-54 - I r e n e (Herina d i c t a Axania), h i s mother: XV 188;XVI 350-55 -Simonis P a l a i o l o g i n a Asanina: XVI 349 Asen I , B u l g a r i a n t s a r ( 1 1 8 6 - 9 6 ) : XVI 353 -Alexander.,his son: XVI 353 A s i a , A s i a n , A s i a t i c : VIII 245; XIV 422 -Minor: XI 1;XII 63;XVII 10 A s s i s i : I I 20 Astrucho quondam Jacobi d i c t u s Bonaventura,Jew from C a t a l o n i a : XXI 260 Athens: I I I 68,69;XV 191 Athos: see Mount Athos

Augusta: X 216 A u s t r i a î XVII 2 Badoer,Venetian family: XIX 379 Bagnesis,Philippus,Peruzzi a s s o c i a t e : I 26,30 Baldella,Venetian family: XIX 379 -Francesco: XIX 380 Balkans: I 2 5 , 2 6 , 3 3 , 4 0 ; I I 20; IV 3 8 9 , 3 9 0 , 3 9 2 , 3 9 3 , 3 9 6 - 4 0 1 ; V 71,83;VI 2;VII 379,394; VIII 2 4 1 - 4 4 , 2 4 6 , 2 4 8 , 2 4 9 , 2 5 1 , 253,254;IX 707-11,713,714; X 206,212,214;XI 1 , 2 , 5 - 8 ; XIV 4 1 3 - 2 0 , 4 2 2 , 4 2 3 , 4 2 5 , 4 2 7 ; XVII 1 , 2 , 1 0 , 1 3 ; X V I I I 6;XIX 375-77,380,381,386,388,39294;XX 311,312,314,315;XXI 257-59,261-64,266-68,270 B a l S i é , S e r b i a n noble f a m i l y : XII 65;XIX 388 -BalSa: V 94;VI 19,21;XVI 354 Bar (Antibaro): VI 16;IX 712; XIX 391 Barcelona: X 206,207,210 B a r d i , F l o r e n t i n e f a m i l y : I 25-38; I I 21;IV 391;VIII 246;IX 708; XI 4;XIX 379 Bari: I I 2 9 ; I I I 64-66;X 215,217; XII 64 B a r i g i a n o , N i c o l a , V e n e t i a n in Thessalonika: XI 7 B a r l e t t a : I 2 8 - 3 0 , 3 5 , 3 6 ; I I I 65; X 209,210;XXI 263 barley: I 26,28,29,30,32,33,38; XVII 9 Barozzo,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 B a r t h o l a m e u s , f r a , v i c a r i u s Bossine: V 100 Bartholameus,from Sorento: X 217 Bartholomeus de Antonio, Venetian: XVI 352 Bartholus,Count of Senj: I I 25 Bastari,Florentine family, -Giovenco: I I 27-31 - P h i l i p p o c i u s : I I 29-31 - P h i l i p p u s : I I 27-29,31 Bayonne: I I I 67 B e l f r e d e l l i , F l o r e n t ine f a m i l y , -Angelus: IX 712 -Antonius: IX 712 -Bernardus: IX 712 Belgrade: IX 707;X 205;XXI 265, 266,271 Bellomo,Antonius,from Syracuse: X 210

Bencius J o h a n n i s , A c c i a i u o l i a s s o c i a t e : I 28 Bencivenni,But inus,Bardi a s s o c i a t e : I 26 Benedictus,former Jew, p h y s i c i a n : XXI 260 Bernardo,Venetian f a m i l y , -Andrea: XVI 354 -Francesco: XVI 3 4 9 , 3 5 0 , 3 5 3 , 354 - I r e n e : s e e Asan,Irene (Herina) -Marcus: s e e Asan,Marcus - N i c o l a s : XVI 349,350 -Paulus: XVI 349-54 -Paulus Johannis,Venetian notary: XVI 35 4 - P e t r u s : XVI 354 Bernardo,family from Prato, -Bernardus N i c o l e : IX 712 -Gabriel N i c o l e : IX 712,713 - N i c o l a : IX 712 Bernardus Catelanus: IX 712 Bertinus A n d r e e , A c c i a i u o l i a s s o c i a t e : I 26,28 Biegman,N.: XXI 258 Blachernae church: XVI 355 Black Sea: VI 1,2;XIV 416 Blagajski,Grgur,Croatian nobleman: XIX 388 B l a s i u s , g o l d s m i t h from Venice: XIV 415,417,425 Bobaljevié (Babalio),Michael, p a t r i c i a n from Dubrovnik: V 87 Bogdassa: XXI 260 Bogomil h e r e s y : XIV 413 Bohemia: VIII 251 Boksic,Djore,Zore,Bosnian nobleman: I I 29,30 Bollani,Venetian family: XIX 379 Bonciani,Gasparus,from Florence IX 711 Boncii,Franciscus,Bardi a s s o c i a t e : I I 28 Bono,Venetian family: XIX 379 Bonsignore P h y l i p p i , B a r d i a s s o c i a t e : I I 29 Bonvisino,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 Borac: XVIII 9 Bosnia,Bosnian: I 2 6 ; I I 29,30; IV 398,399;V 93,99,100;VI 4,5 7 , 1 4 - 1 7 , 2 5 , 2 7 - 2 9 , 3 1 ; V I I 379, 383-93;VIII 2 4 1 , 2 4 3 , 2 4 7 , 2 4 9 51;IX 708;X 206,212-14;XI 1; XIV 4 1 3 , 4 1 4 , 4 1 7 - 1 9 , 4 2 1 - 2 6 ;

INDEX XVI 349;XVII 12,15;XVIII 1 , 2 , 9 ; XIX 3 7 5 , 3 7 7 , 3 7 9 , 3 8 3 , 3 8 7 , 3 8 8 , 393;XX 311;XXI 257,264,266 Bosphorus: VI 1;XII 63 B o z i c , I . ! I I 20;IX 707;XVII 16 Brabant: IX 713 B r a n i v o j e v i e , S e r b i a n noble f a m i l y : XIV 415 Brankovie,Serbian noble family - D j u r a d i j (George),Serbian despot ( 1 4 2 7 - 5 6 ) : XVII 1 , 3 , 6 , 9 ; XVIII 1,4;XIX 388 -Vuk: XIV 420 Brienne,Walter VI: I I I 68,69 B r i n d i s i : I I I 64,65,67;V 93 B r i t t a n y : IX 713 Brskovo: XIV 414,415 B r s t a n i k : I I 29 Brunorus domini B e n e i n s i g n i e (Boninsegna) from Florence: IX 710,712 Buca ( B u c h i a ) , p a t r i c i a n family from Kotor and Dubrovnik -Michael: XIV 418 -P et. ar : XIV 416 - T r i p e : XIV 417 Buda: VI 29;XVII 10,17 Budacic ( B o d a z a ) , p a t r i c i a n family from Dubrovnik -Michael: V 84 -Thoderus: I 37 Budva: V 76;VI 7 , 1 6 Buldu,Johannes,Bardi a s s o c i a t e : I 2 9 ; I I 21 B u l g a r i a , B u l g a r i a n : I 33;VII 381, 383,386,388-93;XIV 416,420,428; XVI 347;XIX 383;XXI 266,267 Bunic ( B o n a ) , p a t r i c i a n family from Dubrovnik: V 99,100 - B e n e d i c t u s : I I I 68 -Luca: V 8 1 , 8 4 , 9 7 , 9 8 -Marinus: V 75,88 -Marinus Thome: X 218 -Matheus: I I I 68 -Zupanus: X 210 Buonaccorsi,Bonacorso,Florent ine f a m i l y : I 2 5 , 3 5 - 3 8 ; V I I I 246; IX 708;XIX 379 - G i a n i : I 30 Buono ( s e e S a c c h e t t i ) , B e n c i u s d e l : I 2 9 , 3 0 , 3 5 - 3 7 ; V I I I 247;XI 3 , 4 ; XIX 380 Burgundy: XVII 5 , 8 Byzantium,Byzantine ( s e e a l s o Romania): I 3 6 ; I I 24;IV 390, 391;V 85;VI 1 , 6 , 8 , 1 3 , 2 3 , 2 6 ; X 212;XI 1 - 3 , 5 , 6 ; X I I 62-65; XIII 124,129;XIV 420,426;XV 187,

188,191;XVI 347,349,354;XVII 2,6;XVIII 1,2,6-8;XIX 375;XXI 257,265 Galbus,Jacobus,Venetian i n the Balkans: XIV 414 Calecas,Manuel: XVI 347 Çanchanus,Jacomellus,from Venice: V 84 Gandia: I I I 66;V 85,96;VI 28; XIII 125;XV 187;XXI 260 Çanebon,from Venice: V 84 Çaninus Jacobi P a s q u a l i s , f r o m Venice: I I 22 Gantacuzenus,Byzantine noble f a m i l y : XVI 349 -Helen,widow of Louis of Aragon: XV 190 - H e l e n , w i f e of the Emperor John V: XVI 35 4 -John VI,Byzantine emperor ( 1 3 4 7 - 5 4 ) : XII 63 -Matthew,his son: XVI 355 Capistrano,John: XXI 266 Garamania: XVII 10 Carrara,Francesco,lord of Padua: VI 10,11 Carrère,C.: IX 711 Carter,F.W.: XXI 258 Catalans,Catalonia,Catalan: I I I 67,68;VI 32;IX 711-13; X 205-207,210,211,215-18; XIX 380,381,387 ,394;XX 315; XXI 260,261,270 Catania: X 211 Cauce,Venetian in the Balkans: XIV 414 Cavtat: VI 7 , 1 4 Cecapesse,Aniel (Amel).from Naples: IX 711;X 208,210 Cephisus: I I I 68 Cer,mountain in Serbia: XVIII 4,5 cereals ( s e e also grains,wheat, barley): I 26,28,32,35,38,40; I I I 6 4 - 6 7 , 6 9 ; V I I I 246 Cesarini,Cardinal Giuliano: XVII 2,10 C e s s i , R . : V 79 Charles I I , k i n g of Naples ( 1 2 8 5 - 1 3 0 9 ) : I I I 65,67 Charles I I I , k i n g of Naples ( 1 3 8 1 - 8 5 ) : V 95 Charles of Calabria: IV 391 C h e r p a , N i c o l a , p a t r i c i a n from Dubrovnik: V 80 Chiarmontesi (Charmontesis), Fortebraccius,Buonaccorsi

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a s s o c i a t e : I 35 Chierini,Martinus,from Florence: VIII 249 Chioggia: IV 396,401;V 78;VI 1, 7,10,12,17-20,25,30,32;XIX 380,383,386,388 Chios: I I 2 5 ; I I I 65,66 Chrysopolis: XVI 353 Çilippa,Çelipa,Zilippa, p a t r i c i a n family from Dubrovnik, -Marinus: V 92 -Rade: 92,100 Ciompi: I I 27 C i r c a s s i a n s : VII 3 8 1 , 3 8 2 , 3 8 5 88,390-93 Ó i r k o v i c , S . : V i l i 250;XIX 389; XXI 266 Çiurano,Stephanus,from Venice: VIII 244 C i v i t a v e c c h i a : I I 30 C l a r e n t i a : I 30,31 Cohen,Dr.Isaiah: s e e Pyrrhus, Didacus Comnenus,Joanes,despot of VaIona: XIV 427 Condo lmer ,Condo l i n i e r i , Venetian f a m i l y : IX 378 -Cardinal: XVII 12 Constantinople ( s e e a l s o I s t a n b u l ) : I 3 6 ; I I 2 9 ; I I I 65, 66;IV 389,392;VI 1 , 6 , 8 ; V I I I 247;X 206;XI 1-8;XII 63,64; XIII 124,126,127;XIV 416,420; XVI 347,350-54;XVII 3 , 5 , 1 2 , 1 4 ; XX 311 Constantio,from Coron: XVI 350,352 Contarini,Contareno,Venet ian f a m i l y : XIX 378 -Benedetto: XIV 416,417 -Çaninus quondam ser Dardi: V 75 - F i l i p p o : XIII 125 - S t e f a n o : XIV 416,417 copper: I 26;IV 393;V 71;VIII 241; IX 708;XII 64;XIV 413; XIX 376;XXI 257 Corfu: I I 3 0 , 3 1 ; I I I 66,67;V 86; X 207;XIII 128;XVII 8 , 9 ; XIX 383 Corinth: XV 189,190 Cornaro,Corner,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 - A l o i s i u s : V 84 -Lodovico: V 79 - P i e t r o : VI 21 Coron: I I 30;XIII 126,127;XV 188,

189;XVI 350,352 Cotrone: I I I 67,69;X 216 Cremona: XIX 390 Crete,Cretan: I I 2 3 - 2 7 ; I I I 65; V 79,80,85;VI 12,24;XIIÏ 124, 125,127;XV 188 Crijevic (Zrieva),patrician family from Dubrovnik -Jacobus Martoli (Jakov): XVIII 2 , 4 - 7 -Martolus: XVIII 2 , 9 - N i c o l i n u s Martoli ( N i k o l i n ) : XVIII 2 , 4 - 7 - P e t r u s : V 85 -Stephanus ( S t i j e p o ) : XVIII 5 , 6 -Jacobus ( J a k o v ) , h i s son: XVIII 6 C r i m o l i s s i , J o h a n n e s , f r o m Coron: XV 189,190 Crna Gora: s e e Montenegro Croatia,Croatian: II 27;IV 400; V 72;VI 3 , 5 , 6 , 8 , 1 4 - 1 6 , 1 8 , 1 9 , 28,31;XIV 413;XIX 377,388,390; XXI 257,264,265 Crossi,Croce: s e e Krusic Culphus,Golfo: s e e A d r i a t i c Sea Cunçapere,Jacobellus,from Venice: XIII 127 Cyprus: I I 24;XIII 124,126,127 Cydones,Demetrius: XVI 347 Dalmatia,DaImatian: I 2 6 ; I I 25, 27;IV 392;V 7 1 , 7 2 , 7 7 , 7 8 , 1 0 1 ; VI 2 , 3 , 5 , 6 , 9 - 1 1 , 1 3 , 1 7 , 2 0 , 2 3 , 2 6 , 3 2 , 3 3 ; V I I 379;VIII 241-43, 247,249;IX 708;XIII 125,127; XIV 414,421;XV 190;XIX 375, 377,378,380,383,384,386,387, 389,391,392;XX 312;XXI 257, 261,264-66 Dandolo,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 -Marco: XIV 421,424 Danube: XVII 4 Dardanelles: VI 15XVII 1 , 8 Darius,from Manfredonia: X 217 D a t i n i , F . M . , f r o m Prato: IX 709 Datus,Bardi a s s o c i a t e : I 29; I I 21 David,Jew from Durazzo: XXI 260 Davidsohn,R.: I 2 8 , 3 2 , 3 7 Delfino,Venetian family: XIX 379 De Roover,Fiorenee Edler: I I 27

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Designa N i c o l e Greci: I I 22 D i n i c , M . : XVIII 6 Dinic-Knezevic,D.: I 32,38-40 Dionisius,Hungarian nobleman: XIX 390 Diversis,Philippus de,de Q u a r t i g i a n i s , f r o m Lucca: I 39 Djurdjevic (Georgio), p a t r i c i a n family from Dubrovnik, -Damianus (Damjan): XVIII 4 -Marcus: V 82 doctors: see physicians Doge of Venice: IV 391,395; V 7 2 , 7 9 , 8 1 , 9 5 , 9 6 ; V I 10,21; X 212,213;XI 4 , 5 ; X I I I 127,128; XIV 4 1 5 , 4 1 6 , 4 1 8 - 2 0 , 4 2 8 ; XIX 389,390 D o n a t e l l o , f r o m Venice: XIII 128 Donato,glassmaker from Murano: I I 20 Donatus A l e g r e t i , f r o m Otranto: IX 712 Donna,Bartholomeus de l a , goldsmith and Venetian consul in Dubrovnik: XIX 386 Doria (De Aurea),Genoese family -Luciano: VI 7 , 9 -Simon: V 88-91 Drina: XVIII 9 Drzic ( D e r s a ) , p a t r i c i a n family from Dubrovnik -Jacobus: V 88 -Michael: V 80,88 -Nichsa: V 80 Durazzo (Dyrrachium): I I I 67; V 75;VI 31,33;VII 389;XII 64; XXI 260 Dusan: s e e S t e f a n Dusan Egypt: I I I 68;VI 2;XVII 1; XXI 264 Emerich,Prince of Imotski: VI 28 England,Englishman: I 29;VI 32; XV 191;XVII 5;XXI 259 Epirus: VI 19 Eugenius IV,pope ( 1 4 3 1 - 4 7 ) : XVII 2 , 3 , 5 Eugubio,Franciscus de G a b r i e l i b u s , f r o m Florence: I I 28 F a c i u s , f r o m Venice: V 87 Falier,Venetian family: XIX 379 -Marino: XIV 428

Famagusta: I I I 65;VI 28 Fança,Antonius Dominici,from Padua: I I 22 Farer,Josephus,Catalan Jew: XXI 261 Farone,Antonius,from Gaeta: IX 712 Fei,Johannes,Bardi a s s o c i a t e : I 31-34 Ferdinand I (Don F e r r a n t e ) , king of Naples ( 1 4 5 8 - 9 4 ) : XIX 381 Ferrara,Marquis o f : XIV 418 Feus Leonis,Bardi a s s o c i a t e : I 26,27,37 Filingerius,Johannes,from Syracuse: X 206,207 Fiorini,Vicentius,Peruzzi a s s o c i a t e : I 36 Firmo: VI 27 F i s k o v i c , C . : XIV 426 Flanders: I I 28;IX 708,710; XV 191 Florence,Florentine: I 25,26, 28-31,34-41;II 20,21,27-31; I I I 65;IV 391;V 79;VI 33; VII 383,389;VIII 245-47, 249,254;IX 707-12;XI 2-4; XIII 125;XVIII 1,17;XIX 37880,385 F l o r i o , f a m i l y from Manfredonia, -Darius: X 217 -Johannes: X 210,217 Fonta,Çaninus d e l à , V e n e t i a n in Constantinople: XI 7 Fortore: I I I 66 France,French: IX 708,712; XXI 269 F r a n c i s c u s , c o u n t i n Manfredonia: X 210 Franciscus,speciarius,pharmacist i n Dubrovnik: VIII 245;XI 4; XIX 378 F r a t e r n i t i e s in Dubrovnik: XIX 389 -St.Anthony 1 s ( A n t u n i n i ) : XIX 389 F r i u l i : VI 10,11 Gaeta: I I 3 0 ; I I I 68;IX 712; X 216 Gaj i c - L o n c a r , R . : I I 20 G a l l i p o l i : XVII 5 , 8 , 1 0 Garçonibus,Franciscus de,from Venice: XVI 252 Geçço,Marco,Venetian in Constantinople: XI 7

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Genoa,Genoese (Januenses): I I 2 4 , 2 6 ; I I I 65;IV 391;V 72, 92,94,96;VI 1-3,5-14,16-25, 28-33;X 211;XIII 125;XVII 5; XIX 378,386,387,389-91;XXI 266 George,Georgius: VIII 249 George,from Florence! I I 20 George,from Milan: IX 712 George,from Zagreb: I I 25 Georgio: s e e Djurdjevic Germans: VIII 25;IX 708;XIX 379 G h e r r i , f a m i l y from Prato, - S t e f a n u s : IX 712 -Gherius S t e f a n i : IX 712 - N i c o l a u s S t e f a n i : IX 712 -Petrus S t e f a n i : IX 712 Giorgio,Venetian family: XIX 379 -Çaninus: VIII 243;XIV 417, 418,427 -Franceschino: XIV 427 Giudecca,in Dubrovnik: XXI 261 G i u d i o v i c h , f a m i l y from Dubrovnik: XXI 262 Giuliano d i Giacomo,from Florence: IX 710 Giuliano di Marco,from Prato: IX 712 Giustinian,Venetian family: XIX 379 -Pancrazio: XIII 126 g l a s s , g l a s s w o r k : I 2 9 ; I I 19-23; IV 393;XIV 417;XIX 379 g o l d : I I I 64;V 7 6 , 8 3 , 8 6 , 9 9 ; VI 31;VIII 244;XIX 376 Golden Horn: XVI 355 g o l d s m i t h s : IV 3 9 l ; X I I I 127; XIV 415,417,425,426;XIX 379, 386 G o l f o : s e e A d r i a t i c Sea Gradenigo,Gradonico,Venet ian f a m i l y : XIX 379 -Toma: XIII 125 Gradic ( G r a d i ) , M a r t i n , p a t r i c i a n from Dubrovnik: XIV 416,426 grains (see also cereals,wheat): I 2 6 , 2 9 , 3 2 , 3 8 - 4 0 ; V 75,100; VI 6 , 2 8 , 3 1 ; X 2 0 6 , 2 0 9 , 2 1 0 , 2 1 5 , 217;XIII 124;XIX 393 GrassijBartholameus,from Venice: I I 30 Greece,Greek: I I 2 3 , 2 7 , 3 0 ; I I I 66-68;VI 385,390;X 206,212; XII 625X111 127,128;XV 187, 189-91;XVI 354;XVII 7 , 1 1 ; XVIII 5;XIX 379;XXI 259,270

Gregorius Johannis,Peruzzi a s s o c i a t e : I 28,36 Grimani,Giacomo,Jacobus, Venetian p a t r i c i a n : XIV 418,4l9;XV 189,190 Gucetic ( G o z z e ) , D j i v o , p a t r i c i a n from Dubrovnik: XVIII 5 Guidoto,from Padua: XIII 127 Gundulic ( G o n d o l a ) , p a t r i c i a n family from Dubrovnik - N i c o l a u s : V 90 -Paulus: I I 29,30 Guoro,Venetian family -Georgius: I I 26 -Marcus,Marco : I I 26;XIX 386 G u z z i , f a m i l y from Florence -Antonio di Giorgio: IX 712 - G i o r g i o : IX 710-12 -Giorgio di Giorgio: VIII 249;IX 710-12 -Matteo di Giorgio: IX 712 H a l e c k i , 0 . : XVII 9 , 1 0 , 1 4 - 1 6 Hapsburgs: XXI 265 Heliseus Johannis,Acciaiuoli a s s o c i a t e : I 28 Helen,Hungarian Queen: XVII 2 H e l e n , w i f e of S t e f a n Dusan: XVI 354 H e l l e s p o n t : XVII 11 Henry VI,king of England ( 1 4 2 2 - 6 1 , 1 4 7 0 - 7 1 ) : XVII 5 H e r l i h y , D . : XIX 378 Herzegovina: XIX 388; XXI 264,269 Hieronymus,Johannis,from Florence: IX 711 Hieronymus,from Prato: IX 710 H o s p i t a l l e r s of Rhodes: V 76 Hranic,Sandalj,Bosnian nobleman: XIX 387 Hrebeljanovic,Lazar,Serbian p r i n c e ( 1 3 7 1 - 8 9 ) : XIX 388 Hum ( s e e a l s o Zahumlje): VI 5 , 6 , 2 7 , 2 9 Hungary,Hungarian: I I 24,27; I I I 67; IV 395,396,400;V 71, 72,87-93,96,101;VI 1-16,18, 19,21,23,25-27,29,30,33; VIII 251;IX 708;X 205,207, 209,212,213;XIV 413;XVI 354;XVII 1 - 7 , 9 , 1 0 , 1 3 ; XIX 383,386,390;XXI 257, 258,266 Hunyadi,Janos,Hungarian general

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and s t a t e s m a n ( c . 1 3 8 7 - 1 4 5 6 ) : X 218;XVII 2 , 4 , 9 H u s s i t e wars: VIII 251 I m o t s k i : VI 28 Impastor,Petrus,from Valencia: X 206 i r o n : I 26;V 7 1 ; V I I I 241;IX 708, 711;XII 64;XIV 413;XIX 376; XXI 257 I s a c , J e w i s h p h y s i c i a n : XXI 263 Istanbul ( s e e also Constantinople): XXI 2 6 6 , 2 6 8 I s t r i a : VI 10 Italy,Italian:!25,26,28-30,34-36, 3 8 , 4 0 , 4 1 ; I I 19;IV 3 9 1 - 9 3 , 3 9 6 ; V 73;VI 2 , 1 7 , 2 1 ; V I I 3 8 0 , 3 9 4 ; VIII 241-43,246,247,249,251, 253,254;IX 707,708,711,712; X 205-208,212,218;XI 4,5;XII 64,65;XIV 4 1 3 , 4 1 8 , 4 2 6 , 4 2 7 ; XV 190;XVII 2 , 5 ; X V I I I 6;XIX 375-81,387,392-94;XX 311,312, 315;XXI 2 5 7 - 5 9 , 2 6 1 - 6 4 , 2 6 7 , 269,270 Jacobus,physician from Trogir: V 95 Jacobus,Jew from Catalonia: XXI 260 J a c o p i n o , f r o m F l o r e n c e : XIII 125 J e r e m i c , R . : I 39 Jeronimus: s e e Hieronymus J e w s , J e w i s h : VI 19;XIV 429; XIX 379;XXI 259-71 J i r e c e k , K . : I I 20;XIV 426,427; XVI 353 Joan (Giovanna) II,Queen of Naples ( 1 4 1 4 - 3 5 ) : IX 711 J o h a n n e s , f r o m Modrusa: I I 25 J o h a n n e s , G r e e k , f r o m Taranto: I I I 66 Johannes N i c o l a i , G r e e k from Candia: XV 191 Johannes P e t r i : I 3 0 , 3 5 Johannes de S . S o f i a : V 83 Johannes l a n i f i c u s , f r o m P r a t o : IX 712 -Michael J o h a n n i s : IX 712 -Johannes J o h a n n i s : IX 712 - F r a n c i s c u s J o h a n n i s : IX 712 John ( I v a n ) A l e x a n d e r , B u l g a r i a n Tsar ( 1 3 3 1 - 7 1 ) : XIV 420; XVI 353;XXI 266 Jovan U g l j e s a , S e r b i a n nobleman: XII 62 Jubkovic,Milosav: I I 21 -Radula: I I 21

-Tolislava:

II

21

Kanina: XVII 7 K i s i l i c i c , s h i p o w n e r s from Dubrovnik: X 206 -Simko: XVII 7 , 8 , 1 1 Kolocep: V 99;XIII 126; XVIII 6 Konavle: XVIII 4 Kontostefanos,Anna Asanina: XVI 354 - A l e x i o s : XVI 353 -John ( J e a n ) : XVI 353 K o r c u l a : V 95 Kosovo: XIV 420;XIX 388 Kotor ( C a t t a r o ) : I 34; I I 2 5 , 26;IV 393;V 7 9 , 8 4 , 9 9 ; V I 4 , 7,8,10,13-17,25,28-31;VIII 2 4 4 , 2 4 6 ; I X 710;XII 6 4 , 6 5 ; XIV 418,426;XV 189;XIX 3 8 4 , 387-89,391 K o t r o m a n i c , S t j e p a n I , b a n of Bosnia ( 1 2 8 7 / 9 0 - 1 3 1 4 ) : XIV 419 K o v a c e v i c - K o j i c , D . : XIV 425 Krakow: XVII 17 Krusic ( C r o s s i , C r o s i o , C r o c e ) , p a t r i c i a n f a m i l y from Dubrovnik - J a c h e : V I I I 244 - M a r g a r i t u s : XIX 391 Kupari: XVIII 4 Kynegos ( C h y n i g o ) : XV 188; XVI 3 5 0 , 3 5 2 , 3 5 5 Laçarus,Jew from Durazzo: XXI 260 LacUjSansonus d e , f r o m O t r a n t o : IX 712 L a d i s l a s , k i n g of Naples ( 1 3 8 6 - 1 4 1 4 ) : V 101 Lamara,Bernabò de: X 215 L a n e , F . C . : XIX 378 Lanfranchi,Lanfranchini,de Vinacesis,from Prato, -Bartolomeus R i d o l f i ( R o d u l f i ) : IX 712 - C i o n e : I 28 - F r a n c i s c u s R i d o l f i : IX 711,712 -Johannes R i d o l f i : IX 712 - R i d o l f u s ( R o d u l f u s ) : IX 711, 712 Lastovo ( L a g o s t a ) : I 29 L a t i n Empire: IV 389 L a t i n a j N i c o l a u s d e , f r o m Messina: X 208 Lazarevic,Stefan,Serbian prince and despot ( 1 3 9 2 - 1 4 2 7 ) :

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XIV 416,417,421;XIX 388 lead: I 2 6 ; I I 29,30;V 7 1 , 9 1 ; V I I I 241; IX 708;X 216;XII 64;XIV 413,418,419;XIX 376,386;XXI 257 Lecce: I I I 65,69;IX 712;XXI 261 Lechacorno,Gasparus de: IX 711 Lemerle,P.: XVI 353,354;XVIII 8 Leo,Jew from Durazzo: XXI 260 Leon,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 Leonardo,Marco,Venetian consul in Varna: XIV 428 Levant,Levantine: I 2 6 , 3 0 , 3 6 ; I I 2 3 ; I I I 63-69;IV 392,393; V 76,78,92;VI 1 , 6 , 9 , 1 2 , 1 7 , 1 9 , 2 2 , 2 4 , 2 5 , 3 1 ; V I I 379,394;VIII 241,242,251;X 208,212;XI 1 , 2 ; XII 123-29;XIV 4 1 3 , 4 1 8 , 4 2 2 , 429;XV 187-89,191;XVII 8 , 1 2 , 16;XIX 375,379,381,387;XXI 257,259,261,263,270 L e v i , C . A . : I I 19 Lido ( V e n i c e ) : VI 10 L j u b i c , S . : IV 399;V 7 7 , 7 9 , 8 9 , 9 0 ; VI 32 L o e n e r t z , R « - J . : XVI 347,349 Lokrum: VI 18,27 Lombardo,Lucas,Venetian notary: XVI 351,353 London: XV 191 L o p e z , R . S . : XIX 376,378 Loredan,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 - B e r t u c c i o : VI 28 Louis (Lajos) I the Great,king of Hungary ( 1 3 4 2 - 8 2 ) : I I 24,27; V 71,72,90,96;XXI 257 Lucas,from Murano: I I 20,21 Lucas,from Trogir: I I 25 Lucca: IX 710,712;XIX 378 Lukarevic ( L u c c a r i ) , p a t r i c i a n family from Dubrovnik - N i c o l a : V 88 -Stephanus: V 98 Maffei,Giovanni,Bardi a s s o c i a t e : I 28 Maffeus,from Murano: I I 20,23 Maglier,Symon,Jew from Provence: XXI 260 Mahnken,I.: V 82,99;XIX 391 M a l i p i e r o , N i c o l o , V e n e t i a n in Constantinople: XIII 127 Malta: VI 19;XXI 260 Manfredonia: I I I 64,65;VI 20; X 210-12 Mantua (Mantova): V 80;IX 708 Maramaldus,de Maramaldis, Landulfus,from Naples: X 209,

213

Maramoldo,Antonio,from Trani: X 215 Marano: VI 10,13,30 Marche: I I I 66;VIII 249 Marcus p i l i ç a r i u s : XIV 414 Mariano,Marinus de,from Venice: V 79 Marinçius,de Pago: II 25 Marinus,from Venice: XIV 414 Maritsa: VI 2 M a r i t z a , s l a v e from Russia: IX 712 Marra,Jacobus de,from Bari ( ? ) : X 217 Marranos: XXI 2 6 2 - 6 4 , 2 6 6 , 2 6 7 , 270 M a r s e i l l e s : X 206;XXI 261 M a r s i l i u s , J e w from B a r l e t t a : XXI 263 Matheus,from Trogir: I I 22 Matheus,notary,Jew from Durazzo: XXI 260 Matkovic,P.: VI 30 M e d i c i , F l o r e n t i n e family: I I 28 -Cosimo: XVII 12 Mediterranean: IV 3 8 9 , 3 9 1 , 3 9 2 , 396;V 73;VI 26;VII 379,394; VIII 242;X 206,207;XI 2; XII 64;XIII 128;XIV 423;XV 187, 191;XX 311,312;XXI 259,267,270 M e l i s , F e d e r i g o : IX 709 Memmo,Venetian family: XIX 379 Mencetic ( M e n z e ) , p a t r i c i a n family from Dubrovnik -Demetrius: V 80 - F i l i p p a : V 79 -Margherita: V 79 -Marinus: V 93 -Martinussius: V 79 Messina: X 207 Metochites,Theodore: XII 64 Michel,Marino,Venetian: I 36 Michel,surgeon,from Mantua: V 80 Michele di Giovannino,from Prato: IX 712 Michiel,Bertuccio,Venetian "bailo" in Constantinople: XIII 124 Milan: I I 20;VI 21;IX 712;XVII 5, 14;XIX 390 M i l g o s t , s o n of Obrad: I I 20 Milt i n , c o u r i e r : XI 5 M i l u t i n , k i n g of Serbia: s e e Stefan mines,mining,minerals : I 2 6 , 3 3 , 40;IV 393,399;V 71;VIII 241,242, 248,250,251,254;IX 708,714;X 206;XI 1;XII 64;XIV 413,414,

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416,420,422,427;XVIII 4 , 5 ; XIX 375,377,388,393;XX 311; XXI 257,258 Miorato,Milloratus,Nicoletto, Venetian consul i n Dubrovnik: XIX 386 M i t i c , ! . : I I 26;XIX 386 Modon: I I I 66;XIII 126,127;XV 188;XVII 8,15 Modrusa (Modrusia): II 25 M o l f e t t a : I I I 64,67 Molino,Lunardo de,from Venice: I 28 Monasteries : -San Andrea,Dubrovnik: V 83, 92,97 -Franciscans,Dubrovnik: V 92, 97,100 - F r a n c i s c a n s , S t o n : V 95,100 - P a k l i n a , S i p a n : V 100 -Santa Clara,Dubrovnik: V 95 Monopoli: I I I 65;XIII 128 Montello,Antonius de,from Candia: V 85 Montenegro (Crna Gora): VIII 243,247; IX 708 Morea: XVII 3,6,10;XX 311 Moro s i n i , V e n e t i a n f a m i l y : XIX 379 Mostate,Jacobus,from Gaeta: X 216,217 Mount Athos: XII 62 M o i s e s , s o n of M a r s i l i u s from B a r i e t t a , J e w , p h y s i c i a n in Dubrovnik: XXI 263 Moyses,son of notary Matheus, Jew from Durazzo: XXI 260 Moyses,son of Salomon,Jew from Durazzo: XXI 260 Mrnjavcevic,Uglj e s a , S e r b i a n nobleman: XII 92 Mudazzo,Venetian commander in Tenedos: VI 24,25 Muhammad the Conqueror, Ottoman s u l t a n ( 1 4 5 1 - 8 1 ) : XXI 262 Murad II,Ottoman s u l t a n ( 1 4 2 1 - 5 1 ) : XVII 9 Murano: I I 19-23;XIV 417; XIX 379 M u s a l i , f a m i l y from Constantinople, - S i n a d i n : XVI 350,352 -Michael: XVI 350,352 Mytilene (Lesbos): II 25 N a p l e s , N e a p o l i t a n : II 2 4 ; I I I 65, 68,69;V 72;IX 707,711;X 205, 208,209,211;XX 311,312

Narbonne: IX 712 Naupliâ,Neapoli de Romania: XV 189 N e f , J . U . : VIII 251 Negroponte,Nigroponte (Euboea): I I 27;XIII 126,127;XV 188-90 Nemanjic,Serbian dynasty ( s e e a l s o S t e f a n ) : XXI 265 Neretva: I I 29,30;V 91;VI 28 Nerius Balduccii,Buonaccorsi a s s o c i a t e : I 35 Nicaea: XII 63 N i c e : XVII 8 N i c o l , D . : XVI 349 N i c o l e t u s , f r o m Negroponte: XIII 126 Nicoletus,woodcarver from Venice XIV 417 N i c o l o di Matteo,from Prato: IX 709 Nigro,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 378 N i k o l a e v , V . : XVI 349 N i s : XVII 4 , 1 4 Normans: IV 390 n o t a r i e s : IV 391;V 73;IX 710,712 XV 188;XVI 349-54;XXI 260 Novak,G.: IX 707 Novo Brdo: VIII 244,249-51;X 206 XI 6;XIV 416,426;XVIII 6;XXI 257 Nymphaeum: V 78 Ognjanovic,Petar,painter in Dubrovnik: X 217 Olesnica,Johannes de: XVII 17 Ombla: XVIII 2 Omis: I I 29;XIV 421 Onofrio di Giordano,from Cava: X 208,210 O s t o j a , k i n g of Bosnia (1398-1404 1 4 0 9 - 1 8 ) : XIV 421,422;XIX 387, 391 Ostrogorsky,G.: XII 62-65;XVI 354;XVIII 1 , 2 , 6 - 8 Otranto: I I I 67,68;IX 712;X 210 Ottomans,0ttoman,Turks,Turkish: IV 396;V 71,72;VI 1 , 2 , 2 3 , 2 4 ; VII 3 8 2 , 3 8 4 , 3 8 9 , 3 9 0 , 3 9 2 , 3 9 3 ; VIII 253;X 206,209,212-18;XI 2 6;XII 63;XIV 420,423;XVII 1-13 XVIII 5;XIX 388,392;XX 311,312 314,315.;XXI 2 5 7 - 5 9 , 2 6 1 - 6 4 , 2 6 7 , 268 P a b o r a , P e t r u s , p a t r i c i a n from Dubrovnik: I 26 Padua,Padova: I I 20,22;VI 3 , 1 0 , 11,30;VII 383;XIII 127;XXI 261

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Pag: I I 25;V 83;VI 3 , 1 0 , 2 9 p a i n t e r s i n Dubrovnik: X 217, 218;XIX 379 P a l a e o l o g u s , B y z a n t i n e dynasty, -Andronicus I I , B y z a n t i n e emperor ( 1 2 8 2 - 1 3 2 8 ) : XI 2; XVI 355 -Andronicus IV,Byzantine emperor ( 1 3 7 6 - 7 9 ) : VI 1 , 8 , 2 1 -Anna Asanina P a l a i o l o g i n a : XVI 354 -Constantine IX ( D r a g a s e s ) , despot of Morea,Byzantine emperor ( 1 4 4 8 - 5 3 ) : XVII 6,10 -Demetrius,despot : XV 188; XVI 350,352,355 - I r e n e , d a u g h t e r of Michael V I I I , w i f e of John Asan I l l s XVI 347 -John V,Byzantine emperor ( 1 3 4 1 - 9 1 ) : VI 1,21;XII 63; XVI 354 -John VIII,Byzantine emperor ( 1 4 2 5 - 4 8 ) : XVII 2 , 6 -John,Great P r i m i k e r i o s : XVI 354 -Manuel I I , B y z a n t i n e emperor ( 1 3 9 1 - 1 4 2 5 ) : XVI 349,354 -Michael V I I I , B y z a n t i n e emperor ( 1 2 5 9 - 8 2 ) : XI 2 -Simonis P a l a i o l o g i n a Asanina: XVI 3 4 9 ; s e e a l s o Asan -Thomas,despot of Morea: XVII 10 P a l e s t i n e : V 100;XXI 264 P a l l , F . : XVII 6 , 1 0 , 1 4 - 1 6 P a n t e l l a , P i e t r o , f r o m Piacenza: IX 708,712;X 206,209;XIX 380, 381,392 Panza,Bernardus,Venetian notary: XVI 352 Papadopulos,A.Th.: XVI 349,354 P a s s i l e r i , P a l m a : I I 21 P a t r a s : XVII 16 Paulus,from Senj: II 25 Paulus Thomaxiijfrom Camerino: IX 710 Pavlovic,Radosav,Bosnian nobleman: XIX 387,388,391 Pedoro,Leonardo,from Venice: XIII 126 P e l a c h a n , P i c i o : X 209 P e l j esac ( S a b b i o n c e l l o ) : V 85, 93,99 Pellianicus,Maffeus,glassmaker from Murano: I 29 Peloponnesus: XVII 6 Pera: I I 2 9 ; I I I 65,66;VI 2 0 , 2 4 P e r u z z i , F l o r e n t ine family: I 253 1 , 3 4 , 3 6 - 3 8 ; I V 391;VIII 246;

IX 708;XIX 379 -Donatus G i o c t i : I 27 -Thomasus: I 27 Pesaro: IX 708 P e t r u s , b a l e s t e r i u s : I I 20 P e t r u s , g o l d s m i t h from Venice: XIV 417 P i e t r o , f r o m Monopoli: XIII 128 Pezanjic -Negoslav: I I 21 -Bogoje: I I 21 p h a r m a c i s t s , s p e c i a r i i : IX 710; XIV 417;XIX 378,379 -Franciscus s p e c i a r i u s : s e e Franciscus Phocaea: I I I 65;VI 24 Phylippus Rugerii,Bardi a s s o c i a t e : I 35,36 p h y s i c i a n s , d o c t o r s : IV 391; V 73,95;X 208,211;XIV 417; XIX 379,380;XXI 2 6 0 , 2 6 1 , 2 6 3 , 269,270 Piacenza: IX 708;XIX 381 Piacinico,Pilbanico,Pyanigo, -Donatus: II 22 -Matheus,glassmaker from Murano: II 21-23;XIV 417 Piponus,Pepono,Popono,Çaninus, from Venice: I I 21 -Donatus,his brother: I I 21 p i r a c y , p i r a t e s : I I 2 9 ; I I I 67-69; IV 391;VI 24;X 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 , 2 1 1 - 1 3 , 215-18;XIV 421;XX 312 P i s a : I 3 0 ; I I 28;IX 708;XIX 378 Pisani,Venetian family, -Marco: XIII 127 - P i e t r o : XIII 128 - V e t t o r : VI 6 , 9 , 1 7 , 2 0 , 3 2 P i s t o i a : I 37 P i z z i c o l l i , C i r i a c o , f r o m Ancona: XVII 16 plagues: I 39;V 81;VII 253 P l a n e s , J o h a n n e s , a l i a s Beltrame, from Narbonne: IX 712 Plovdiv: XVII 14 Polignano: X 209 P o l l a n i , V e n e t i a n family: XIX 379 Pone,chancellor in Dubrovnik: I 31,35,37 Pope,papacy,papal : I I 2 4 ; I I I 65, 68,69;X 212,215,218;XVII 1 - 4 , 6-8,12,13;XX 311;XXI 258,268 Popovic-Radenkovic,M.: I I I 63; IX 707-709,712,713 P o r c e l l o , f a m i l y from Trani, -Antonius: X 212 -Cola: X 212 Portinari,Portunari,Andrea,

-liBardi a s s o c i a t e : I 28 P o r t u g a l : XXI 262,269 P r a t o , P r a t e s e : V i l i 247;IX 707-13; XIX 3 7 9 , 3 9 4 Primoevic,Jaksa: XVII 11 P r i s t i n a : XIV 426. P r i z r e n : XI 6 P r o n o i a , p r o n o i a r i u s : XVIII 1 , 2 , 4-8 Prothonotariis,magister,Jacobus d e , p h y s i c i a n from Messina: X 208 Provence: XXI 260,261 Pucci,Duccius,Bardi associate: I 28-30,35,37 P u g l i a : s e e Apulia Pula ( P o l a ) : VI 9 , 1 0 , 1 3 - 1 5 , 1 7 , 18,21,29,30 Punta: s e e P e l j e s a c Pyrrhus,Didacus (Jacobus F l a v i u s , D r . I s a i a h Cohen),poet: XXI 269,270 Quintava11 e,Venetian family: XIX 379 Quirino,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 378 -Çanino: V i l i 243 - N i c o l e t t o : V i l i 243 - P o l o : XIV 416 Rab: VI 20 Rabata,Stoldus Ghori ser Michaelis,pharmacist from F l o r e n c e : IX 710 Radenovic,Pavle,Bosnian nobleman: XIX 387 Radicevic,Paskoje,painter in Dubrovnik: X 218 R a d o n i c , J . : XVII 6 , 1 0 , 1 5 , 1 6 RadovanoviCjVlaho: V 87 R a f f a n e l l i , M a r c o , n o t a r y in Venice: VII 380,389;XV 188-191; XVI 349 R a s s i a , R a s c i a : s e e Serbia Raugonibus,Victor de,from Manfredonia: X 210 Restie (Resti),Junius,patrician from Dubrovnik,historian: XIV 415 Rhodés: I I 2 4 , 2 8 ; I I I 65,66;V 76; XVII 1 R i a l t o : V 7 7 , 8 2 , 8 7 ; X I I I 126; XVI 351,352 Ricci,Tadeus,Acciaiuoli a s s o c i a t e : I 28 Rico,Johannes Antonius, pharmacist from Florence:

IX 710 Ridolfi,Phylippus,Acciaiuoli a s s o c i a t e : I 28 Rimini: VI 27 Rinbaldo,Johannes Bono,from Venice: V 84 R i n g h i a d o r i b u s , d e , f a m i l y from Prato, -Bartholomeus J a c o b i : IX 712 - B o s i u s Bartholomei: IX 712 - F r a n c i s c u s Bartholomei: IX 712 -Jacobus (Giacomo) Bartholomei: IX 712 - N i c o l a u s Bartholomei: IX 712 -Thoma Bartholomei,chancellor in Dubrovnik: IX 712 R i s t o r o de Zanobi,from Florence: IX 711 R i z i , s e r B a p t i s t a quondam C i z i , from Gaeta: IX 712 Robert,king of Naples ( 1 3 0 9 - 4 3 ) : I I I 69 Rodriguez (Rodriga),Daniel : XIV 429;XXI 266,270 Rodriguez,Joao (Amatus L u s i t a n u s ) , p h y s i c i a n : XXI 269 R o l l e r , D . : I I 20;IX 707 Romania ( s e e a l s o Byzantium): I I I 66,67;VI 6 , 2 1 , 3 0 ; X 206; XIII 126;XIV 420;XV 189,191; XVII 5 , 1 1 -Bassa: V 86 Rome: X 218;XI 63 Ronçan,Marco,from Venice: V 99,100 Rubeo,Micaletto,from Venice: XIII 128 Russia,Russian: VII 3 8 1 - 8 3 , 3 8 5 , 387,390-93;IX 712 Sabati,Elia,Jewish physician: XXI 261 S a c c h e t t i , F r a n c o ( s e e Buono): I 37;VIII 247; XI 4;XIX 380 Saint Archangel,Trepëa: XIV 418 Saint Mary,church i n Constantinople: XIII 124 Salimbene,Johanninus,Zaninus, pharmacist in Dubrovnik: I I 31;V 100;IX 378 Salomon,Jew from Durazzo: XXI 260 Salona (Greece): XV 190 s a l t : I I 30,31;V 82;VI 3 , 1 0 , 1 4 - 1 7 , 2 8 , 2 9 , 3 3 ; I X 714;X 215; XXI 260

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Samuel,Jewish eye surgeon in Dubrovnik: XXI 261 San Biagio ( S v e t i Vlaho), church in Dubrovnik: V 93 San Cataldo : I I I 65,66 San Marco,in Corfu: XIII 128 - i n Venice: XIII 126 San Severino: I I I 64,66 Sankovic,Radie,Bosnian nobleman: XIX 387 Santa Chaterina,Gabriel de, from Otranto: X 210 Santa Croce,church in Venice: XIII 126 Santa Maria de T r i n i t a d e : I I I 66 S a p o r i , A . : I 40 Saracens: VII 3 8 3 , 3 8 7 , 3 9 0 , 3 9 2 , 393 Saragossa,Zaragoza: X 210; XIX 381 Sarajevo: XXI 266 Savona: IV 391 Savoy: IX 713 -Amadeus,Count o f : VI 2 3 , 2 4 Saxony,Saxons: VIII 251;XIX 375,379 S c a l i g e r s , o f Verona: XIX 385 Scanderbegh (George K a s t r i o t a ) , Albanian l e a d e r : XIX 388 Scarpacco,Scarpaçius, F r a n c i s c u s : VIII 244;XI 3 , 7 ; XIX 378 S c h i e r i s , B e n e d i c t u s quondam Mathei,from P r a t o , c h a n c e l l o r i n Dubrovnik: IX 710 S c l a v o n i a : s e e Serbia - f o r Dalmatia: VI 2 0 , 2 1 , 2 7 , 29,33 Scutari (Skadar): XIV 416 Senj (Segna): II 25;VI 33 Seno,Andreas d e l , P e r u z z i a s s o c i a t e : I 27,28 Serbia ( S c l a v o n i a ) , S e r b i a n , Serbs: I 2 6 , 3 3 - 3 5 ; I I 19,21-23; IV 393,395,398-400;V 77,93; VI 2;VIII 2 4 1 , 2 4 3 , 2 4 7 , 2 4 9 - 5 1 ; IX 708,711;X 208,212;XI 1,2; XII 62-65;XIII 128;XIV 413-22, 424-26,428;XVI 347,354;XVII 1, 2 , 6 , 9 , 1 3 ; X V I I I 1,2,4-9;XIX 375,377,379,380,382,385,388, 391-93;XX 311;XXI 257,264-66 S e r r e s : XII 62,63,65;XVI 354 s e r v a n t s : I 2 9 ; I I 22;XIII 125, 127; XIX 377 à e v e e n k o , ! • : XII 62

S f o r z a , F r a n c i s c u s : XIX 390 Sibenik ( S e b e n i c o ) : VI 10,29; XXI 265 S i c i l y , S i c i l i a n : I I I 67;VI 1 9 , 2 1 , 28;X 206,207- T 210,216;XIX 381; XXI 259,261 Sigismund of Luxembourg,king of Hungary (1387-1437): V 101 Signolo,Venetian family: XIX 379 s i l k : I I I 67;XV 190 s i l v e r : I 26;IV 393;V 7 1 , 7 6 , 8 3 , 84,86,100;VI 31;VIII 2 4 1 , 2 4 3 , 244,250-52,254;IX 708,709, 714;X 206;XII 64;XIV 413,416, 417,420;XVIII 5,6;XIX 376;XXI 257,258 Simon,physician from Naples: X 211 Sipan (Giuppana): V 75,99,100 S i r a n o , f a m i l y from Venice: XIX 379 Sisman,Michael,Tsar of Bulgaria ( 1 3 2 3 - 3 0 ) : I 33 Skadar: s e e Scutari Skoplje: XI 6;XIV 415;XXI 263 s l a v e s : I 2 8 ; I I I 66;VII 379-94; IX 712;XIV 414,424;XIX 384 S l a v s , S l a v i c : I 2 6 ; I I 25;Vi 27; VIII 25;IX 711,712;XI 5;XVII 12;XIX 3 7 6 - 7 9 , 3 8 2 - 8 4 , 3 8 7 , 3 9 2 ; XXI 259 S l o v e n i a : XXI 265 Smederevo: XVII I5XVIII 4 Soderini,Gerius,Geri di Stefano, Bardi and Peruzzi a s s o c i a t e : I 34 S o e t b e e r , A . : VIII 250 S o f i a : XVII 5,14;XXI 267 Soranzo,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 -Toma,Venetian "bailo" in Armenia and Constantinople: XIII 124 SorkOcevic ( S o r g o ) , p a t r i c i a n family from Dubrovnik, - B i a s i u s : V 98 -Franusa: V 81 -Junius: V 85 -Pasko: XVII 9,10 - S t e f a n u s : V 82 - V i t o : V 81 Sorrento: X 217 S o u l i s , G . : XII 62 Spain,Spanish: VIII 247;X 205; XII 65;XIX 381;XXI 258,262, 264,266,267,269 Spartier,Spartieri,Sparterius,

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Expartieri,Exparter, J o h a n n e s , C a t a l a n merchant i n Dubrovnik: X 210;XIX 381 S p l i t ( S p a l a t o ) : XIV 423; XVII 6,10;XIX 390,391;XXI 262-66 Sprernie,M,: X 205 Srebrenica: VIII 250,251; X 206;XI 6;XVIII 4-6;XXI 257 Sremska M i t r o v i c a (Sirmium): XI 6 S t e f a n Uros I , S e r b i a n king ( 1 2 4 2 - 7 6 ) : XIV 414 S t e f a n Uros I I M i l u t i n , S e r b i a n k i n g ( 1 2 8 2 - 1 3 2 1 ) : XII 64; XIV 4 1 5 , 4 1 9 , 4 2 7 S t e f a n Uros I I I D e c a n s k i , S e r b i a n k i n g ( 1 3 2 1 - 3 1 ) : I 33; XIV 420 S t e f a n Dusan,Serbian k i n g and Tsar ( 1 3 3 1 - 5 5 ) : I 3 3 , 3 5 ; V 71; VI 2 ; V I I I 244;XII 62-65;XIV 4 1 3 , 4 1 5 , 4 1 5 , 4 1 8 , 4 2 0 ; X V I 354; XIX 388,393;XXI 2 5 7 , 2 6 5 S t e f a n Uros V , S e r b i a n t s a r ( 1 3 5 5 - 7 1 ) : XXI 265 Stefanus,comes: see Lazarevic, Stefan S t e f a n u s , f r o m P r a t o : IX 712 -Bernardus S t e f a n i : IX 712 - G i u l i a n u s S t e f a n i : IX 712 S t i e p a n o v i c h , M a t c h u s : V I I I 249 S t i l l o , M a r i n u s N i c o l e : V I I I 243 Stjepan Ostoja: s e e Ostoja Ston ( S t a g n o ) : V 9 3 , 9 5 , 9 9 ; V I 3,27,28 StrasoldOjBartholomeus d e , Venetian notary in C o n s t a n t i n o p l e : XVI 3 5 0 , 351,353 Strozzi f i o r e n t i n e family: I I 28 - P a l a de: IX 711 surgeons: see physicians S o r i a n o , Z a n i n o : X I I I 125 Suriano,Francesco,Venetian consul in Thessalonika: XI 7 Symeon I s a a c h , J e w from M a r s e i l l e s : XXI 261 Syracuse: X 206-208,210,216 S y r i a : I I I 6 5 , 6 6 ; V I 6 ; V I I I 251 S z e g e d : XVII 9 , 1 0 T a d i c , J . : I 39;IV 3 9 8 ; V I I I 250; IX 709;X 205,210;XX 316; XXI 2 5 8 , 2 6 3 , 2 7 1 T a g l u z z i , T a l i z z i , B l a s i u s Thome,

from Lucca: IX 7 1 0 , 7 1 2 Talovac,Matko: XVII 1 , 1 3 T a l o v a c , P j e r k o : XVII 2 Taranto: I I I 6 4 , 6 6 ; I X 711; X 209,216,218 Tarole,Antonius,from Otranto: I I I 68 T a r t a r s : VII 3 8 0 - 9 4 T a r v i s i o : XXI 260 Tenedos: V 92;VI 1 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 2 3 - 2 5 t e x t i l e s : I I I 66;IV 3 9 3 ; V I I I 2 4 7 , 2 4 9 , 2 5 3 , 2 5 4 ; I X 707-14; X 206;XIV 419;XIX 3 7 9 - 8 2 , 384,386,394;XX 315 Thadeus P e t r i , f r o m F l o r e n c e : VII 389 T h a s o s : XVI 353 T h e s s a l o n i k a : V 8 5 ; V I I I 247; XI 1 - 8 ; X I I 63,64;XXI 2 6 3 , 266-68 T h i r i e t , F . : X I I I 124,126;XV 187, 188 Thomasius T a d e i , f r o m B a r l e t t a : X 210 T i v o l i : X 218 T o b b i a , C a r o l o : V 94;VI 31 Topola: I l 21 T r a n i : I I I 64-67;VI 1 8 , 1 9 ; X 209,212;XXI 261 T r e b i n j e : I 29 Trebizond: XIII 125,126 Trepca: XIV 418 Trevisano,Trivisan,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 -Marino,Venetian v i c e - b a i l o i n C o n s t a n t i n o p l e : XI 7 Tripchus Andree,from Kotor: IX 710 Trogir,Tragurium ( T r a u ) : I I 25; V 9 5 ; X I I I 125 T r o i a : X 217 Tudizic (Tudisio),patrician f a m i l y from Dubrovnik, -Martolus: V 74,97 -Martolus P e t r i : V 7 4 - 7 8 , 80-85,87-101 -Martolus Z i v e : V 82 -Petrus: V 74,75 -Thadey: V 80 - V i t o : V 74 - Z i v e : V 81 -Zive: V 74,75,83 T u n i s : I 30 T u r i n , P e a c e o f : V 9 2 , 1 0 1 ; V I 18, 23,24,26 Turks: s e e Ottomans Tuscany,Tuscans: I 2 8 ; V I I I 2474 9 , 2 5 4 ; I X 707-13;XIX 379;

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XX 315;XXI 262 Tvrtko I , b a n and king of Bosnia ( 1 3 5 3 - 9 1 ) : VI 1 4 - 1 7 , 2 5 ; XIV 418,419;XXI 257 Tvrtko I I , k i n g of Bosnia ( 1 4 0 4 - 0 9 , 1 4 2 0 - 4 3 ) : XIX 387 Tyrrhenian s e a : VI 1,6 U g r i n i c . B u d i s l a v : XIII 127 U g u t i o , a r c h b i s h o p : V 88 U l c i n j : VI 7 , 1 3 , 2 0 , 2 1 , 2 8 ; VIII 244;XIX 391 Ursi,Bartolomeo,Venetian notary: I I 25 Uspenskij , F . I . : XVI 347 , 3 49 U t o l c i c . T r i p c e : V 80 Valaresso,Venetian family: XIX 379 -Marco: XIII 127 V a l e n c i a : X 210 Valona: I I I 67;XIV 427;XVII 7; XXI 269 Vardar: XII 65 Vargas,Alfonsus de,from Manfredonia: X 217 Varna: XIV 428;XVII 10,11; XX 311 V a t i : XIII 125 Velbuzd: I 33 V e l l u t i , D o n a t o : I I 28 Venice,Venetian: I 2 5 - 3 6 , 4 0 ; I I 1 9 - 3 1 ; I I I 65-69;IV 389-401; V 71-93,95,96,99;VI 1-7,9-33; VII 3 7 9 , 3 8 0 , 3 8 3 , 3 8 9 , 3 9 1 , 3 9 4 ; VIII 2 4 1 - 4 7 , 2 4 9 , 2 5 1 - 5 3 ; I X 708, 711,712;X 2 0 5 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 4 ; XI 1 - 5 , 7 ; X I I 64;XIII 123-29; XIV 413-28;XV 187-91;XVI 347, 349-54;XVII 3 , 5 - 8 , 1 0 - 1 3 ; X V I I I 6;XIX 375-86,388-91,393;XX 311, 312;XXI 2 5 7 , 2 5 9 , 2 6 0 , 2 6 2 , 2 6 4 , 268,269 Venier,Vener,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 -Antonio,doge of Venice: V 96 V e r l i n d e n , C h . : VII 391 Verona: IX 708;XIX 385 Viadro,Toma: XIII 125 V i e s t e : X 211,213 V i l l a r i , L . : XXI 258 Vitanjic (Vitagna),patrician family from Dubrovnik -Luksa: V 82 - P a l e : V 82 Vlachusa B l a s i i : VIII 249 V l a d i s l a v , k i n g of Hungary and Poland ( 1 4 4 0 - 4 4 ) : XVII 2 , 3 , 6 , 7 ,

9-11 V l a t k o v i c , B o z i d a r , p a i n t e r in Dubrovnik: X 217 V o j e , I . : I 37 Vojinovic,Vojis lav,Serbian nobleman: V 79;XII 65;XIX 392 Vojnovic,K.: IX 707 Vukcic.Hrvoje,Bosnian nobleman: XIX 387 Vukcic-Kosaca,Stefan,Bosnian nobleman: X 214,215;XIX 388, 389,391 wax: IV 393;V 76,84;X 218 wheat ( s e e c e r e a l s , g r a i n ) : I 28,30,32,33,35,36,38;VI 6, 8,10,15,19-21;XVII 7 , 9 wine: I I I 64-66;V 87,100;VI 9 , 20;XVII 8 wool: VIII 244,247;IX 707-14; X 211;XIX 380,381;XX 315 Yeshurun,Isaak, Jewish merchant in Dubrovnik: XXI 271 Ypres: IX 708 Yugoslavia,Yugoslav: I I 20; IV 390;XVIII 1 Zadar (Zara): I 3 0 ; I I 27,29; IV 395;V 7 2 , 7 8 , 8 9 , 9 0 , 9 3 ; VI 6 , 9 , 1 0 , 1 6 - 2 1 , 2 9 , 3 1 , 3 3 ; XXI 265 Zagreb: I I 25;XXI 265 Zahumlje ( s e e a l s o Hum): V 79 Zajaca: XVIII 5 Zakrzow,Nicolaus de: XVII 17 Zakythinos,D.A.: XVI 349 Zamanjic (Zamagno),Martolus, p a t r i c i a n from Dubrovnik: I I 30 Zanbernardc.Venetian notary: I I 25 Z e c c h i , f a m i l y from Prato -Johannes: IX 712 -Franciscus Johannis: IX 712 -Johannes Johannis: IX 712 -Luca Johannis: IX 712 Zeno,Venetian f a m i l y : XIX 379 -Marco: XIII 127 Zeta: XII 65;XVIII 6;XIX 383 Zupa Dubrovacka: V 95,99;VI 17 Zuzollo.Johannes,from Bari: X 217