THE
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN SIXTH CENTURY MS., THE UNEMENDED TEXT OF WHICH IS PUBLISHED HEREWITH, TOGETHER WITH THE TEXT IN ITS RESTORED AND CRITICALLY EMENDED
FORM
EDITED
WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND INDICES BY
R. H.
CHARLES,
M.A.
TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN, AND EXETER COLLEGE, OXFORD
LONDON ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK 1897
pfi
[All Rig/its Reserved}
TO
MY FATHER AND MOTHER
PREFACE
WKITTEN
in
Hebrew
shortly after the beginning of
the Christian era, this book was designed by its author to protest against the growing secularisation of the Pharisaic party through its fusion with political ideals
and popular Messianic
beliefs.
Its
author, a Pharisaic Quietist, sought herein to recall
party to the old paths, which they were fast forsaking, of simple unobtrusive obedience to the his
He
Law.
accordingly, the old ideals cherished and pursued by the Chasid and Early Pharisaic party, but which the Pharisaism of the first century B.C. had begun to
which
had
glorifies,
been
disown in favour of a more active role in the of the
nation.
which
his
He
foresaw, perhaps, the
doom
life
to
country was hurrying under such a shortsighted and unspiritual policy, and laboured with
But
all
his
power
all in vain.
Cassandra.
The
to stay its
He
downward
progress.
but played afresh the part of leavening of Pharisaism with
PREFACE
viii
earthly political ideals
movement thus
went on apace, and the
initiated culminated finally in the
destruction of Jerusalem by the
adds no
It
that
it
Lord,
little
Romans
was written during the early or
life
At
all
events,
vii.,
probably to the writers of 2 Peter
ii.
It
xxiv.
may
29 (Luke
xxi.
be well here
in
which
of
the Assumption. critical
our
of
His to
and most
10-11 and
25-26). indicate
to
this edition differs
and more
A.D.
was known
it
the writers of Jude 9, 16 and Acts
Matthew
70
with
contemporaneously
possibly
public ministry.
in
the interest of the book
to
the
features
from previous editions
These consist (1) in a fuller treatment of the Latin text, and
Greek and Semitic background which it pre supposes (2) in an exegesis of the text at once
of the
;
more comprehensive and I.
The Latin
critically edited
many.
Text.
detailed.
The Latin text has been
and emended four times
But three
of these
in
Ger
editions have failed to
recognise the Semitic background of the Latin text,
and have thus limited their horizon. that of
recognition of this fact,
The fourth
which has shown ample
Schmidt-Merx is
often
brilliant indeed,
but oftener arbitrary, alike in its emendations and With a view to carrying forward the restorations. criticism of the Latin text, the present editor has
tabulated the peculiar Latin forms
it
contains,
and
PREFACE compared them with
MS.
Latin
like
forms in the fifth-century
the Gospels,
of
ix
k,
and
appropriate references to lions ch gata and Schuchardt
The
s
idiosyncrasies of
carefully summarised,
s
also given
Itala
the
und Vul-
Vokalismus des Vulgar -Lateins. the text have likewise been
and
its
Greek exhibited on grounds
in
derivation from the respects new.
many
At
the next stage of the investigation I have been obliged to part company with all scholars but
advocacy of a Hebrew original. That the book was derived from a Semitic original, it is no longer possible to doubt. That the language Eosenthal in
in of it
my
question was Aramaic is, owing to the advocacy Schmidt-Merx, now generally accepted, but, as for I appears to me, on inadequate grounds ;
have shown, I believe, that it is possible to explain, from the standpoint of a Hebrew original, most of the crucial passages adduced by Schmidt-Merx in
favour
Aramaic, and
an
the remaining passages have no evidential value on the question at
of
I
issue.
whereas
have
many
shown
that
I
further,
of the passages
admit
hope,
that
of explanation
on either hypothesis, there are several which are explicable only on that of a Hebrew original. II.
tion
The has
Exegesis.
been
The work done
in this direc
Short
studies, very inadequate. from time to time, have appeared in indeed, and Germany England, but these have in every
PREFACE
x
instance confined themselves to one or more of the salient features
and main statements
of the book.
The occasional explanatory notes in the editions of Volkmar, Hilgenf eld, and Schmidt-Merx are, though often
same
most helpful and suggestive, open
the
to
This exegetic meagreness of past on the subject has made the task of scholarship more editor arduous than might have the present It has, however, been beneficial in been expected. criticism.
necessitating a first-hand study of all the questions
As
involved in the text.
a result of this study,
have been obliged to differ from all preceding scholars on the interpretation of several of the I
most important facts and chapters With what success I must leave
in
the
to
others
book. to
determine.
As
a help to the reader, I should add that the exegetical notes are placed under the English trans lation
and the
critical
practice, however,
is
under the Latin
text.
This
occasionally broken through.
Finally, I wish here to express my deep grati tude to Dr. Cheyne for his revision of my proofs of a Hebrew original, and for suggestions connected
therewith, and also to Dr. Sutherland Black for his revision of for
the entire
numerous 17
book in proof, as well as
corrections.
BRADMORE ROAD, OXFORD, April 1897.
CONTENTS PAGE
INTRODUCTION 1.
xiii-lxv
Short Account of the Book (pp. xiii-xiv). Other Books of Moses (pp. xiv-xvii).
2.
Editions of the Latin Text
3.
Ceriani, Hilgenfeld,
Volkmar, Schmidt and Merx, Fritzsche (pp. xviii4.
Critical
Inquiries
Hilgenfeld,
Haupt,
Rb nsch,
xxi).
Wieseler,
Carriere,
Rosenthal,
Colani,
Heidenheim, Haus-
Geiger,
Drummond,
Stahelin,
rath,
Ewald, Langen, Philippi,
Dillmann,
Reuss,
Deane,
Baldensperger,
Schiirer,
Thomson, De Faye, Briggs (pp. xxi-xxviii). 5. The Latin Version of the Assumption Its :
Palaeography and Syntax,
Linguistic Character
and
Critical
The
Latin
Greek (2)
:
Worth
a
Translation
from
the
Greek Words are transliterated
for (1)
Greek Idioms survive in the Latin
must
6.
xxviii-xxxvi).
(pp.
Version
;
(3)
;
we
at times translate, not the Latin Text, but
the Greek which
misrendered
by
it
presupposes, but which was
the
Latin
translator
(4)
;
through retranslation into Greek, the source of the incoherencies of the Text can, in some cases, be
discovered
;
Fragments of the
survive (pp. xxxvi-xxxviii).
7.
Greek
still
The Greek
from the Hebrew Original for Hebrew idiomatic Phrases survive in the Latin
a translation
:
;
Hebrew
syntactical
Idioms probably
(1)
(2)
survive
;
CONTENTS
xii
PAGE
we must
(3)
at times
Hebrew presupposed by
Text, but the
frequently
it
not the Latin
translate,
is
Hebrew that we
them
corruptions in the Text and remove
on
Paronomasias
appear
Hebrew
xxxviii-xlv).
Book
(pp.
it
(4)
;
only through retranslation into can understand the source of the
retranslation 8.
;
(5)
into
The present The
in reality a Testament of Moses.
original Assumption preserved only in a few Greek quotations (pp. xlv-1). 9. Dislocation of Chapters VII I. -IX. in the Latin Text from their original position after Chapter Y. (p. 10.
The Author
Essene, but a Pharisaic Quietist (pp. 11.
The Date
li).
not a Sadducee, Zealot, or
(pp. lv-lviii).
12.
li-liv).
Views of the
Author on Moses, Israel, the Messianic Kingdom, Good Works (pp. Iviii-lxi). 13. New Testament and later Writers acquainted with the Assumption (pp. Ixii-lxv).
THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
TRANSLATION AND EXE-
GETICAL NOTES
1-51
THE LATIN VERSION OF THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES CRITICALLY REVISED AND EMENDED, TOGETHER WITH THE UNEMENDED LATIN TEXT OF THE SIXTH CENTURY MS. IN THE MILAN LIBRARY .
THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES FEW GREEK FRAGMENTS APPENDIX ON
I.
8
.
.
.
SURVIVING ONLY IN A
.
103-110 .
.
.
.
.
INDEX I. PASSAGES FROM THE SCRIPTURES AND OTHER ANCIENT BOOKS DIEECTLY CONNECTED OR CLOSELY PARALLEL WITH THE TEXT INDEX
II.
53-101
NAMES AND SUBJECTS
Ill
113
114-117
INTRODUCTION
SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BOOK
1.
THE Assumption
Moses was, in all probability, a composite work, and consisted of two originally distinct books, of which the first was really the of
Moses, and the second the Assumption. The former was written in Hebrew, between 7 and
Testament
29
of
and possibly also the
A.D.,
version of
the entire work appeared
Of
A.D.
this
35;
St.
Jude
Baruch, Clement Greek writers. writers
are
9,
in the first
St.
16, 18
Matt. xxiv. 2 9 (?),
;
The fragments
in
and other the
fifth
Greek
below (pp. 107-109).
Greek version was translated into Latin not than the
Acts
the Apocalypse of
of Alexandria, Origen,
printed
Greek
a few phrases and sentences
century have been preserved in vii.
A
latter.
The later
That such a Latin version
century. ever existed was unknown to the modern world
till
nearly forty years ago, when a large fragment of it was discovered by Ceriani in a sixth-century MS. in the Ambrosian Library in Milan. xiii
INTRODUCTION
xiv
The book was written by a Pharisaic
Quietist,
and
forms a noble but ineffectual protest against the grow Its author was a ing Zelotic spirit of the party. learned Jew, well versed in the Scriptures, and inti mately acquainted with the history of his nation
He was full subsequent to the close of the canon. of patriotism; thus he looks for the return of the ten tribes, the establishment of the theocratic king
dom, the triumph final exaltation to
of
and
its
should see
its
Israel over its foes,
heaven, whence
it
enemies weltering in the fires of gehenna. But though a patriot, he is not a Zealot the duty of ;
the faithful
is
not to resort to arms, but simply to
keep the law and prepare, through repentance, the personal intervention of
2.
There literature
for
in their behalf.
OTHER BOOKS OF MOSES a
large
and
the
name
of
been
has
God
bearing
furnishes little or no
help
to
very Moses.
diverse
As
it
the explanation of
content myself here present with a simple enumeration of the various Apocry phal books of Moses that have appeared in Jewish, Christian, and Gnostic literature. the
I.
book,
In Jewish
Greek,
(c) in
I
shall
literature
(a)
In Hebrew,
Arabic, (d) in Slavonic.
(b)
in
INTRODUCTION (a)
xv
Midrash Tanchuma Debarim, translated into German by Wiinsche (1882). Petirath Moshe (n^D nTED), ed. by Gilb. Gaul-
myn
(Paris,
1629), with a Latin translation.
This translation was subsequently published in
1714 by
J.
A. Fabricius, and in
1840
by Gfrorer, Prophetac veteres pseudepigraphi,
Two
pp. 303, 304.
other recensions of this
Midrash have been published by Jellinek, Beth - ha - Midrash (1853), i. 115-129; (1877),
Some
71-78.
vi.
have not been able to
of these
On
see.
books I
these legends,
see also Beer, Leben Moses nacJi Auffassung
der jiidischen Sage (Leipzig,
1863); Bene-
Morte di Mosc (Pisa, 1879); Zunz, Gfottesdienstliche Vortrcige, p. 146.
detti, Vita
(b)
Philo
Vita Mosis,
s
Ant.
e
iv.
8. 4,
39
p.
;
and Josephus,
48.
Bi/3\osA6<ywvMva-Ti,Kwv
Mwvaecos.
This book
is distinguished from the Assumption in the Acts of the Nicene Council, II. 18, where,
after mentioning the latter, these proceed
Kal ev {3i{3\(p
auro?
Aoywv M.vcmKwv
Ma)fO"7J9
irpoetire Trepl
^ahofjiwvTos, OVTCOS TTpoeiTTe et?
Kal
avrov
6
060?
Kal SiaSo%ev(76t,
7r\TJpr]
avTos
OLKO^OfJirjO et,
7ov OIKOV TOV Seov Kal ra er}5. b
Mcovo-ecoS)
rov Aa(3l& KOI
crotyiav Kal Si/caiocrvvrjv
r
7Ti,o nJijLr)v
:
I
have
INTRODUCTION
i
classed this book
(c)
as a Jewish
work, but
the evidence tells neither way. Dr. Leitner has translated into In Arabic.
German pp.
(Deutsche Vierteljahrschrift (1871),
184-212) from of
Apocalypse
the Arabic, a Samaritan
Moses.
I
ful in the explanation of
(d) In
informed "
Mr.
as
Slavonic,
me,
The Exodus
it
use
IX. 1 of our book. has
Morfill
there of
have found
book
a
is
or
Moses,"
kindly entitled
more
fully,
Prophet Moses, and how he ruled among the Saracens, and how he resisted King Pharaoh and Balaam the
"
The
Life of the holy
Wizard, and how he brought the People out of Egypt," Tichonravov, Pamiatniki otrechennoi russJcoi literaturi,
i.
p.
233
sqq.
This writing has no connection (1863). with our Assumption. It is very rabbinic in
character,
features
in
and possesses
common
account of Moses.
with
many such Josephus
s
Mr. Morfill will shortly
publish the translation of this work. II.
In Christian
literature.
Apocalypsis Mosis, in Tischendorf
s "Apocalypses
"
apocryphae Monument.
(1866), V.
Sacr.,
Armenian version has
pp. i.
1-23;
pp.
also
Ceriani,
2124.
An
been published in
INTRODUCTION
xvii
the Uncanonical Books of the Old Testament,
by the Mechitarists at Venice, pp. 1-23 (see James s Apocrypha anecdota, ii. 158, 159,
whence
have derived
I
this last reference).
belongs to the Adamic literature (see Eonsch, Das Buch der JubiThis book
really
laen,
pp.
470-474
E.-K,
xii.
Dillmann,
;
Apocryphum Mosis ^AiTOKpv^ov
p.
Euthalius
to
According
monumcntorum
lectanea
561),
Herzogs
pp. 366, 367).
Photius
Mcovaecos).
(Zaccagni s Col veterum (1698),
(Amphil.
Syncellus (ed. Bonn, i. derived Gal. vi. 16, ovre
p.
St.
Paul
n
earnv
KTicris,
from
48),
TrepiTOfjuj
OVT
aKpo/Bvaria
a\\a
this
Apocryph.
There can be no
this
composition,
of
doubt
just the other way, Apocryph is a Christian
that the borrowing
and that
fcaivrj
and
183),
is
the
general
contents
of
which we have no knowledge. Story of Moses. This is found in Armenian (see
III.
James s Apocrypha
In Gnostic
anecdota,
ii.
p.
160).
literature.
See Epiphanius, Hcer. XXXIX. 5, where it is said that the Sethites used certain Books of
Moses
in addition to others
Abraham and
attributed to
other Old Testament worthies.
INTRODUCTION
xviii
EDITIONS OF THE LATIN TEXT
3.
Ceriani, fasc.
i.
Monumenta
(1861),
sacra
et
pp.
profana,
To
55-64.
this
vol.
i.
scholar
belongs the honour of discovering and identifying these fragments of the lost Assumption of Moses.
In
this
edition
himself with
with
of
the
text
Ceriani
This he did
reproducing the text.
such
contented
that
subsequent inquiries, accuracy conducted by Volkmar, relative to the reading of certain
lead
to
passages, failed
any material
to
improvement on Ceriani s printed Appendix C, Volkmar s edition). Hilgenfeld, receptum,
1st
(1876), pp.
owe the
Novum Testamentum ed.
(1866),
finest
canonem
93-115; 2nd
ed.
we
work that has been pro
textual
Much
duced on this book.
extra
(see
this great scholar
pp.
To
107-135.
edition
of
of it is
permanent and many of his emendations are accepted His contention, however, that the book as final. value,
was written
originally in Greek, has, of necessity,
limited the range of his vision, and barred the to further progress.
But
fault-finding
is
way
ungracious
where such high services have been rendered, and particularly in the case of one
who has not only
done the best work within his self-limited province, but has also been the first to do it. Ceriani, indeed,
was
the
first
to
publish
the
text,
but
INTRODUCTION
xix
Hilgenfeld the book, as he himself rightly claims non M. Cerianio codicis latini, :
"Antonio
libri
.
ipsius
.
.
primam editionem debemus
"
(Mess.
Jud., Proleg. p. Ixx, note).
In the Zeitschrift fur wissenschaftl. Thcol. (1868), pp.
273309,
356, and in his Messias Judaeorum
(1869), pp. 435-468, Hilgenfeld has retranslated the Latin into Greek, and on the whole with admirable
On many
success.
found occasion to
differ
reader will find a
number
passages
have
I
In the sequel the
with him. of these,
where the
critical
treatment of the text presupposes a Greek back
ground diverging from that supplied by Hilgenfeld. Volkmar, Mose Prophetic und HimmelfaJirt, eine Quellefiir das
herausgegeben
und
der
Neue Testament, zum erstenmale deutsch
im
tions to the
emendation
errors,
Apokrypha
(Leipzig,
1867).
made some undoubted contribu
to its interpretation.
many
uberliaupt
Christologie
This writer has
der
Zusammenhang
of the book,
But
his
and occasionally
work
is
by His
disfigured
and at times by gross ignorance.
well-known partiality
for a certain period of history
intervenes here also, and leads
him
to
wrest facts
into accordance with his preconceived theories.
Schmidt and Merx, Die Assumptio Mosis, mit Einleitung und erkliirenden Anmerkungen heraus "
"
gegeben
(Merx, Archiv fur
forschung des Alien Testaments,
ivissenscliaftliclie I. ii.
(1868), pp.
Er-
Ill-
INTRODUCTION
xx
In this learned study Schmidt-Merx have rightly shown that the original of our book must have been written not in Greek, but in Semitic 152).
according to their view, in Aramaic. They were the first to recognise a Semitic not, indeed, but they were the first to apply this original,
hypothesis
consistently
and continuously in the For some review
interpretation of the Latin text. of their
arguments in favour
against a
Hebrew
Aramaic
an
of
as
original, see p. xxxix.
Their emendations and restorations of the Latin are not unfrequently happy, but at times they are
wholly beside the mark and unreasonable. for instance, are
we
to explain
How,
the correction of
the Semitic idiom, facient facientes, into the un
faciem facientes, by editors who are That Hilgenfeld, advocating a Semitic original ? remove this and Fritzsche should Volkmar,
meaning
in
Hebraism
from
their texts by from their standpoint
intelligible
;
can
principle editors
?
Their
we
explain
treatment
the of
correction
but
action
the
text
is
on
what
of
these
in
other
must be con just arbitrary. passages ceded, however, that their work, though often un trustworthy, is always stimulating and suggestive. is
as
It
Fritzsche, Libri apocryphi Vet. Testamenti graece
(1871), pp. 700-730.
In this
very serviceable
edition, Fritzsche prints on one page the text as
INTRODUCTION
xxi
by Ceriani, and facing it, on the opposite page, an emended text with critical footnotes. This work is based mainly on the labours of Hilgenoriginally published
feld,
To
Volkmar, and Schmidt-Merx.
their con
tributions to the recovery of the text Fritzsche has
added some
own.
of his
than
It is a saner text
that of Schmidt-Merx, but not half so brilliant.
CRITICAL INQUIRIES
4.
Under the head on
the
of each of the
his
Assumption,
following writers
most characteristic con
tributions or views are briefly given.
Ewald, pp. des
Gfottinger gelehrte
110-118,1416-1429;
4-7, (1867), pp. Volkes
Israel,
vol.
vi.
Ewald regards our book original
Anzeigen (1862),
5161
as derived
(Hebrew or Aramaic).
It
(Eng.
vol.
i.
Gesch.
trans.).
from a Semitic
was written by Herod the
a Zealot a few years after the death of
Great, and subsequent to the rising of Judas the
Gaulonite.
The
Maccabean high
"
slaves, sons of
priests,
slaves,"
and chap. VII.
is
are the directed
against the Pharisees.
Langen, Das pp.
No.
102-111 3.
;
Judenthum in
Keusch
s
Paldstina (1866),
Theolog. Liter aturU. (1871),
Langen holds that the Assumption was
written in Palestine in Hebrew, and shortly after the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 A.D.
INTRODUCTION
xxii
Hilgenfeld, Zeitschr. f. ivissenscJi. Theol (1867), pp. 217-223; Messias Judaeorum (1869), Prolegom. Ixx.
name on in
The Assumption was written
pp. xviii-xix.
Greek by a Roman Jew
A.D.
Chap. VII.
princes. is
See also the books quoted under his
Ixxvi.
is
in the
West
The exegetical
4445
circa
to be interpreted of the
Herodian
work
side of Hilgenfeld s
weak compared with the textual. Haupt, Bemerkungen zu der editio princeps der "
Himmelfahrt des
Z.f.W.T. (1867),
Moses,"
These remarks consist
p.
few emendations
of a
448.
of the
Latin text.
Eonsch has made many contributions
Some
study of the Assumption.
of
to
the
these are of
great value, especially those which deal with the
Latin
Version
from
purely
Others, which are devoted text, are less
the
to the
side.
linguistic
emendation
of the
good, though occasionally his restora
tions are very felicitous.
These subjects are treated
of in the Z.f.W.T., vol. xi.
(1868), pp. 76-108,
(1871), pp. 89-92.
vol.
In
suggests certain corrections
xi.
pp.
xiv.
466-468, he to be made Greek. The
and changes
in
Hilgenfeld s retranslation into various names under which the Assumption has
appeared
are
discussed
(1869), pp. 213-228. Zeitschrift,
pp.
in
Z.f.W.T.,
vol.
xii.
In the 17th volume of the
542562,
he addresses himself to
the exegesis of this book, and then again returns
INTRODUCTION emendation
to the
xxiii
The exegesis could
of the text.
hardly be more unsatisfactory, and the impression left
by these, his
cannot be said to be
later
attempts at emendation, In six pages of better.
much
I emendations, only one or two appear probable. For the wellhere append a specimen of his work.
known
corrupt word putavimus in VII.
8,
Eonsch
proposes laetabimus or litabimus, or adjutabimus, or si lutabimus, or exaltabimus, but ultimately prefers Eonsch returned once again to this perpotabimus.
same Zeitschrift (1885), For further 102-104. references to this book, pp. see his Das Buck der Jubilaen, 273, 380, 480-482. Philippi, Das Buck Henoch (1868), pp. 166-191. subject in vol. xxviii. of the
This writer assigns the composition of this book to the second century of our era, and interprets chap. VII. of the Pharisees. "
Colani,
L Assomption
TUologie, vol. iv.
de
Moi se
(1868), pp. 65-94).
thinks that Schmidt-Merx have
made
"
(Revue de This scholar
it
impossible
doubt the Aramaic origin of the book. any With Volkmar, he regards chap. VIII. as historical longer to
and concerned with the tragic history of the Jews under Hadrian, and IX. as a veiled account of the
Jehuda ben Baba, who, after ordain seven of his ing disciples in a narrow gorge near This Usha, was put to death by the Eomans. action of Eabbi
rabbi
is
the Taxo in IX.
1.
Chap. VI. contains an
INTRODUCTION
xxiv
indictment of the Jewish Doctors of Jabneh and
Hence the book was written
Usha.
As
137138.
c.
for its silence regarding the destruction of
salem in 70
A.D.,
he thinks
Jeru
quite immaterial.
this
This book was the work not of an Essene, nor a Zealot, but
was the manifesto
of a writer
who
felt
that Israel could do alike without the temple or
national independence, since
it
could find
faction in those elements of the cult
independent of the temple.
its
its
satis
which were
This very clever, but
most inconclusive, treatise concludes with the words Toute difficult^, je crois se trouve levee
:
"
"
!
"
Carriere, Moise"
Note sur
(Revue de
le
Taxo de
1
Assumption de
Tktol. (1868), pp.
94-96).
See
my
Commentary, p. 35. Die jiingst aufgefundene Aufnahme Wieseler, Moses nach Ursprung und Inhalt untersucht "
"
(1868), pp. 622Wieseler thinks that our book was written
(Jahrbucher fur 648).
deutsclie Theologie
by a Zealot, in Hebrew (?), shortly after the war of His interpretation of chap. VII. will be
Varus.
found on
p.
24
in
my
notes,
and
of
Taxo on
p.
35.
Geiger, Judische Zeitschrift fur Wissenschaft und Leben, vol. vi. (1868), pp. 41-47. Geiger takes
chap.
VII. to be
a description of
the Sadducees,
adducing such phrases as regnabunt de his homines In pestilentiosi and tanquam principes erimus. docentes se esse justos (D pns) there
is
a play on
INTRODUCTION their
The words
name.
me
noli
xxv
empha
tangere
sise their priestly purity. "
Heidenheim, der Ascensio
und
Beitriige
Moysis" (
zum
bessern Verstandniss
Vierteljahrschrifl
englisch-theologische
Forschuny und
fur
deutsch-
Kritik, vol.
This is the most un (1871), pp. 63-102). trustworthy work it has been my duty to read in iv.
Occasionally a few
the literature of this book.
all
helpful references to Jewish literature are given.
Hausrath, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 2nd iv.
pp.
7680.
Hausrath
is
of
opinion
book was written at Borne in the reign in Aramaic.
of
ed.,
that the
Domitian
St&hQlm,Jakrbucherfur deutsche Theologie (1874), The book preaches not a Messiah pp. 216218.
kingdom, but an O.T. theophany. introduce the
Drummond,
We of "
order of things. The Jewish Messiah (1877), pp. 7
to
is
48 4.
have here a very clear and but too brief account
the Assumption.
as there
Hebrew the
Michael
new
or
is
no
Dr.
Drummond
thinks that,
reason for supposing a original, we may assume that
sufficient
Aramaean
book, notwithstanding
its
Hebraic colouring,
was composed in Greek." Then follows an able cussion on the date, which he holds to be about 6
dis A.D.
Beuss, Geschichte der h. Schriften des Alien Testa This writer does not ments (1890), pp. 738-740. commit himself to a definite date. He thinks that
INTRODUCTION
xxvi
words in VI.
the
children, periods,"
7,
"He
Herod)
will
beget succeeding him will rule for shorter do not necessarily determine the date. (i.e.
who
Philip and Aiitipater did,
it
is
true,
reign longer
Der Verfasser konnte auch an Archelaus und Agrippa denken die ja allein fur than their father.
"
einen Jerusalemer Interesse
hatten."
"
Dillmann,
art.
2nd
Real-Encyc.
ed., xii.
352, 353.
in
Herzog s Dillmann agrees
Pseudepigraphen,"
withEwald, Wieseler,andDrummond in assigning the composition of this book to the first decade after the death of Herod.
The writer was a Zealot and was
hostile to the Pharisees,
VII.
whom
he
assails in
The book was probably written
chap.
in Aramaic.
Bosenthal, Vier apocryphische Bilcher (1885), pp. This is a very interesting and fresh study 13-38. of our book.
The writer
ascribes
immediately succeeding the
fall of
it
to
the years
the temple.
The
author was a Zealot, and wrote in Hebrew and not
He
in Aramaic.
the removal
attempts to prove this thesis by from the
of obscurities or corruptions
text through retranslation into Hebrew.
In only one or two cases, however, is it possible to admit that he is successful. On his view of chapter VII.
,
see
my
notes, pp. 24, 25.
Schiirer,
A
History of the Jeivish People in the
Time of Christ (1886), II. iii. pp. 73-83 (Eng. trans.). have here an admirable account of this book.
We
INTRODUCTION Schiirer refers its composition after the death of Herod.
and the "
homines
Pharisees, to
to the
Its writer
pestilentiosi
whom
xxvii
every word
decade Zealot,
VII.
in is
first
was a
are
the
unmistakably ap
A very valuable bibliography is appended.
plicable."
Baldensperger, Das Selbsfbewusstsein Jesu (1888), This writer regards the Assumption pp. 25-31. as a Jewish manifesto, with
an apologetic, or rather
a
This aim
secret, polemical
aim.
is
to
glorify
Moses, the Law, and Judaism over against Christi The attributes ascribed to the Founder of anity. Christianity are here, in large measure, assigned to
He is the
Moses. (I.
"
mediator
14, 17), the high priest
"
between God and
who
man
intercedes daily on
bended knee (XL 11), the divine prophet and perfect teacher 2,
(XL
16).
The Law
is
to abide for ever (IV.
XII. 13), and Israel always to be pre-eminent The book was not written before 50 A.D.
(XII. 4).
Its author
was a
Quietist,
and chap. VII.
regarded as descriptive of the
Koman
to be
is
procurators.
95-130.
Deane, Pseudepigraplia (1891), pp. have here a very full and readable account
We
of our
book, which shows a large acquaintance with the literature of the subject.
a Zealot.
century.
Its author
he takes to be
was written very early in the first Chap. VII. is directed against the Herodian It
princes and the Pharisees.
Thomson, Books
ivhich
Influenced
Our Lord and
INTRODUCTION
xxviii
His Apostles (1891), pp. 14, 321-339, 440-450. We have here a scholarly treatment of the Assump tion.
date
Its
is
language as Aramaic. It is
strange.
of
is
the
and Publicans. Juives (1892), pp.
Dillmann, Schiirer,
to the date
were wholly confined
Taxo
to this world.
the righteous kernel of the nation. Briggs, The Messiah of the Apostles (1895), pp.
The Assumption
5-7, 18. against
Christianity.
much.
Its author
70
to
A.D.
Its
was a
Taxo and
antithesis to Jesus
The law
is
is
a secret
very Zealot, his
title
polemic
betrays
who wrote
seven
and His twelve
sons
as
prior
are
disciples,
in
and
them
in self-sacrifice.
of perpetual obligation.
Its fulfilment
are represented as excelling
is
VII.
and the interpretation of The author was a Zealot, whose hopes
chap. VII. for Israel
original
of
a description
De Faye, Les Apocalypses 6775. De Faye agrees with
is
its
His interpretation
regarded as
Pharisees, Sadducees,
and others as
and
fixed at 6 A.D.,
the preparation for the divine advent.
THE LATIN VERSION OF THE ASSUMPTION ITS LINGUISTIC CHARACTER AND CRITICAL WORTH
5.
The
:
solitary
MS.
of this version
was discovered
Ambrosian Library at Milan by Ceriani, and published by him in his Mon. sacr. et prof., I. i.
in the
INTRODUCTION 1861.
in
55-64,
MS.
is
a palimpsest of the
It consists of eight folios, written
sixth century.
on both
This
xxix
There are two columns on each
sides.
page, and from twelve to eighteen letters in each line. There is no division of words, and the punc
which but rarely occurs, is above the line, not on it. Occasionally whole verses are inde tuation,
The palimpsest came
cipherable.
Abbey of Bobbio, near Pavia. Some scholars have supposed
originally from
the
we have the
actual
work
that in this
of the original
MS.
translator
Latin Version, but I shall show presently that this is not so. It is, in fact, only a fragmentary
of the
copy of that version. but only a copy of
It is not the original version, it;
renderings
duplicate
for (a) our
and
text at
attempts
contains
a
better
which must primarily have been merely marginal glosses, but were afterwards introduced by translation,
a copyist into the text.
extends
The
clearest example of where the dittography 6, in the MS. Other ditto-
found in V.
this is to be
to
six
lines
found in VI.
graphies will be (&) Again, in
XL
2
we
find
3,
VIII.
5,
XL
an actual correction
the copyist. The text reads, et hortatus est but the context requires et hortatus est Monse,
Monses. to be
c,
Here,
and
so,
first of all,
the copyist took e in
finding cum Monses
emended Monses
13.
into Monse.
of
cum eum eum
to be impossible,
Eum
is
twice taken
INTRODUCTION
xxx
as
cum
(c)
Ab
MS.
the Bobbio
in
his, corrupt for abis
k,
in Mt.
(XL
ix.
1, xiii.
48,
must be due
9),
to
a Latin copyist, and not to the Latin translator.
The Latin belongs the will
fifth
in
style
and orthography
to
In order to make this clear
century.
show that nearly
all
its
I
chief characteristics
can be paralleled from the old fifth-century Bobbio MS. k edited in 1886 by Wordsworth, Sanday, and
White.
I
Sanday
MS.
s
have drawn
my
examples
This N.T.
Introduction, pp. xcix-clxvi.
I shall henceforth refer to
likewise used Schuchardt
s
k.
I
Der Vokalismus
des
simply as
gar -Lateins, and Konsch s Itala und which I refer the reader occasionally.
We heads
k from Dr.
of
now
shall (i.)
Vul
Vidgata, to
under two
treat of the Latin text
Its linguistic character,
have
(ii.)
Its critical
worth.
(i.)
Linguistic Character.
with under two divisions
and
(a) its
:
palaeography and
(b) its
syntax. Palaeography and Orthography.
orthography, (a)
This can best be dealt
consonantal changes
some are due
occurring
Of the vowel in
this
MS.,
to errors of sight, others to errors of
sound, while others represent the pronunciation of the time. ae
is
found
for a in profetiae,
ae for e in quaerella,
I.
10
;
I.
5
:
cf. k,
Mt.
xii. 31,
blasfemiae.
quisquae, VI. 1; inconpraehensibilis,
INTRODUCTION XL
16; praeces, XI. 17;
frequent occurrence in k
X. 6
(et),
Mt.
cf.
Mt.
cf. k,
:
XL
i
This
18.
is
of
10, saecuris
iii.
;
iii.
parata (parate).
3,
XL
12 erant, 14. in timebat, a for u in secabantur, VIII. 3. Conversely, a for
XL
faciae, :
praetiosus, etc.
xiii. 46,
a for e in ad
xxxi
;
u
for a in
k
:
cf.
Mt.
clabunt (dabant). cf. k, Mt. viii. 2, b for p in scribtura, I. 16 clibsis, III. 7 cf. lebrosus Schuchardt, Vokalismus des Vulgar xiii. 8,
:
;
;
c for e in
c for s in
Lateins, 2
125-126.
i.
XL celares, XL
cum,
cf.
:
c for t in turn, III. 11
:
ch for c in chedrio,
17.
for t in
ad
I.
cf. k,
cf.
(quot);
a in fecit (faciet), II. 4
e for
ae in
XL i.
ii.
f
38, acutu (a
xv.
163, cimul (simul).
21, devocasti (devotasti).
:
Mk.
cf. k,
4; Amorrei,
XL
12
Mt.
cf. k,
:
op. cit.
i.
ix. 1,
viii.
19,
quod
125, 126,
quideni (quidain).
4; herere, X. 9; que (quae), 16: cf. k, Mt. x. 9, es (aes); cf.
Schuchardt, op.
cit.
IX.
ix. 32,
XII.
3,
7: cf. k,
temebant,
Mt.
x.
22,
odebiles
See Schuchardt,
etc.
;
op. cit.
1 sgq.
XI.
e for o in celaris,
XII.
i.
226-235.
Mk.
e for u,
XL
III.
in contegerunt,
i
op. cit.
21, facte (factae), etc.:
xi.
(eum).
Mk.
k,
73.
i.
7; liena,
I.
cf.
xiii.
Schuchardt,
e for
e for
Mk.
;
scene,
:
For other instances of this usage see
Schuchardt, op. cit. X. 6 tali(dari),
(et),
cum
x. 10,
See Schuchardt,
susu).
d
Mk.
k,
for Solaris
4,
4, for Solaris
:
cf. k,
Mt.
vi. 28,
quemodo,
etc.
6, et (ut).
forph always in
XL
16); profetiae, I. 5 (III. 11, fynieis, I. 3 blasfemare, VIII. 5. So always in allolilorum, IV. 3 k, as Farisaei, blasfemare, etc. ;
;
tin ferrum
f for
(?),
II. 4.
ge for qui in ingenationibus, V. 3. i for e in transio, I. 15; dimittes (demittes), II. 2; liena, III. 4; ducit (-et), III. 3, and passim scalciati, XL 12 cf. k, Mt. vii. 23, recidite (recedite), etc. :
;
i
for
y
in allofilorum, IV. 3 op. cit.
m for o for
ii.
256
;
acrobistiam, VIII. 3
co in mortes (for coortes (?), i in forma, cf. k, X. 15 :
Mk. C
xiii. 13,
:
cf.
Schuchardt,
sqq.
hoc
i.e.
Mt.
(hie).
cohortes), VI. 8. xiii.
27,
zozania (zizania)
;
INTRODUCTION
xxxii
o for u in misereator, IV. 6
Schuchardt,
Mk.
cf. k,
:
149
ii.
viii. 38, filios (iilius), etc.
pa for au in palam (?), II. 4. b in regnarunt (?), VII. 3. The converse change of b into found in k, Mt. xii. 14, exiebunt (exierunt).
r for
XL
for ex in scalciati,
s
12
cf.
;
n in suscitabunt (corrupt t in abrumpens, II. 3
s for s for
cf.
Mk.
k,
r is
op. cit. 469.
Ronsch,
for concelabunt
:
;
sqq.
VII.
(?)),
4.
adstans (adstant),
ix. 1,
etc.
n
in tune, I. 15 cf. k, Mt. x. 11, digtus (dignus). t for s in eminent, IX. 2 cf. k Mt. ii. 4, scribit (-is), etc. t for
:
:
u
}
for e in transferunt, II. 4
coguntur, VII. 2 ; ut, VII. 7; cresXII. 10 cf. k, Mk. xii. 32, ut for
;
cunt, exegunt,
:
et, etc.
u
putavimus (potabimus), VII. 8
for o in
putes
(potes)
Ronsch,
op.
;
cit.
ix.
41,
p.
465
cf.
:
putaverit cf.
;
k,
Mk.
ix.
22,
See
(potaverit).
Schuchardt,
cit.
op.
ii.
91 sqq. v for b in intravit and oravit, IV. 1 acervus, VI. 5, X. 4 putav imus, VII. 8; suscitavit, VIII. 1 vindicavitur, IX. 7 (X. 2); conturvavitur, X. 5 altavit, X. 9 provata, ;
;
;
;
XII. 9
;
(-abit); xii. 42, z for di in
Zabulus, X.
change
XII. 13
exivit,
is
1
damnavit cf.
:
k,
Mt.
i.
21,
salvavit
(-abit), etc.
Mt.
k,
;
cf.
:
xiii.
Ziabolus.
39,
frequent in the Latin fathers
cf.
:
This
Ronsch,
op. cit. p. 457.
Other noteworthy points the prefixing of the aspirate haestis (estis), Mt.
462-463. cf.
note): op.
cit.
cf.
k
t
The insertion k
t
alii
Mt.
vi.
458-459. Mt. xv. 31
sion of one of
IV. 9
;
are
26
viii.
of
see
n
Eonsch,
in
Monses
in profetis, IV.
written
;
op.
k,
cit.
(III. 11,
see Eonsch,
in Istrahel, III. 8, X. 8
t
see Eonsch,
two doubled
usually
;
19, thensaurus
Of ;
orthography are heremo, III. 11: cf.
of
:
:
The omis
460.
letters in tribum, III. 6,
11: fili
cf. h,
and
where ali
;
filii
also
and
Mk.
INTRODUCTION see
50, fa turn (fatuum), etc.;
ix. cit.
patruum, IV.
Schuchardt,
The duplication
464-466.
ii.
xxxiii
8.
Another peculiarity
of style consists in the use of
irregular futures in bo, stabilibis, II. 2
VIII. 2
tremebit, X. 4
;
Cf.
etc.
Eonsch,
Syntax.
(&)
:
III.
14, it
ille.
= et
14,
Je,
Mt.
tradibit
;
ii.
(?),
6, prodibit,
291.
op. cit.
We
cf.
shall here notice
usages and constructions. for is or
op.
a vowel in
of
some peculiar
Iste
is
used frequently
Qui = et
ego, et
is,
or et
X.
Cf.
Mk.
ix.
2.
k
t
ii,
in
I.
6,
10, where
ille.
Dominari
used as a passive, II. 3 judicare governs a dative, VI. 2 so also miser eor, XL 10. But the greatest departures from classical usage is
;
;
are to be found in connection with the prepositions.
Thus cum takes the where, see
De
ace.,
X.
3.
For
this usage else
und Vulgata, 409410. I. 9, V. 1, where it is used
Eonsch, Itala
twice takes the
ace.,
of the agent, being here
perhaps a rendering of Bid
In XL 13 it takes the ace. also with the gen. where it has its ordinary meaning. For this usage In III. 10 elsewhere, see Eonsch, op. cit. p. 410. it
takes the dat. or ablat.
V. 4
with the ablat. where X. 5
(
= eW
with
it takes the ablative of instrument.
;
ablat.,
and with the VI.
5.
it
should be the
ace.
In VIII. 4
where it
it
In
dat.).
In ace.,
is
used
IX.
6,
should be the
takes the ablat. of the
INTRODUCTION
xxxiv
Secus occurs eight times as a preposition with the ace., I. 10, II. 2, 5, etc. Sine takes the
agent.
ace., I. cit.
op.
10. p.
For
this usage elsewhere, see
Kbnsch,
412.
As regards conjunctions, nam is always used in a non-natural meaning, i.e. as a rendering for Se
;
for the instances, see
same way, V.
Enim
xxxvii.
p.
is
used in
5.
Finally, the ablative of the gerund is used for the For present participle in I. 9, V. 5, XT. 17.
instances of this idiom, see Ronsch,
op. cit. pp.
432-
433.
But the above
list
is
peculiarities of the text.
isms and Hebraisms. reader should consult
(ii.)
Critical
For a discussion sec. 6
though Latin in diction,
of these the
sec. 7.
is
when we come
which we
sections, in
and
This Version
Worth.
This will be apparent
two
from exhausting the It is replete with Graec-
far
very to
literal.
the next
shall find that our text, is
occasionally Greek, and
This, of course, is due frequently Hebrew in idiom. to the almost servile faithfulness of the Greek,
no
less
than
the Latin, translation.
of
indeed, the translation
is
careless,
At
times,
very careless, but
We extremely trustworthy. shall now proceed to point out its defects under the following heads as a general rule
:
it is
INTRODUCTION Omissions.
(a)
omnem Naue
Similitudinem, in
homoioteleuton.
through X. 1
in
1
originated
,
15
the
in
;
may
:
II.
Greek, where
see IV. 6, note
rov
6
in the
I.
;
VII.
10, X. 10, 15,
XII.
9,
may
Hebrew copy used by Interpolations.
(&)
I.
after
before
may have may have
Suffixes are occasionally
be due to the Greek translation.
as those in
9,
Filius
but this omission
fallen out before Nav/j.
omitted
xxxv
These
7.
Others, such
be due to defects
the Greek translator.
35
seem
to
have been
originally marginal glosses from a Greek hand. We have a most interesting (c) Dittographies. case of this nature in V. 6, where six lines of the
MS.
are
repeated
The
twice.
slight
differences
existing between these duplicate renderings
make
we have here an
attempt, on the part of the Latin translator, to improve on his first But the scribe of our MS. incorporated rendering. it
clear that
Other dittographies occur in VI. and probably in VIII. 5. both.
(d)
Transpositions.
et testans in IV. 12, etc.,
the
phrase
cum
XI. 13,
In addition to transpositions
of such as ut et for et ut in
of
3,
I.
8,
and
we have
infantibus
testa tus et for
the transposition nostris
from the
A
very com In 5.
close of verse 5 to that of verse 4.
plicated case of transposition occurs in X. I.
of
there is a transposition of the verb to the end the clause such as we find not infrequently in
1
INTRODUCTION
xxxvi
k: cL Mt.
vii.
But the most
10, 14, xv. 23, etc.
remarkable transposition of all is the removal of chaps. VIII.-IX. from their right position after V. Similar transpositions are to
to their present place.
be met
with in the Etli.
occurrence.
Iviii.
These are
Corruptions.
(e)
Enoch
xciii.
very frequent
be dealt with
can
Many
Ixxxii., xci.
of
when we
understand the character of the language and the it. There are some cases of
confusions incidental to
But many
sheer blundering.
of the present corrup
tions of the text are not native to
either in
and
sec. 6
(/)
Greek Version or
in
it,
but originated See
the Hebrew.
sec. 7.
We
Carelessness.
have instances
of careless
renderings in III. 11, 13 (see crit. notes, in loc.). The translator at times also renders the thought
and not the word: where Jerusalem
is
cf.
colonia, III. 2, V. 6, VI. 9,
meant.
that the Latin (or Greek
This points to the fact ?)
translation
after the destruction of Jerusalem,
tion
by Hadrian
name
Aelia Capitolina.
G.
as
a
Eoman
and
was made its
restora
colony under the
THE LATIN VERSION A TRANSLATION FROM THE GREEK
Of the derivation
of
our Latin text from the Greek
there can be no question.
Thus (1) Greek words are
INTRODUCTION transliterated, as chedrio,
xxxvii
17, from tceSpda); clibsis,
I.
from 6\ltyis\ heremus, III. 11, from acrobistia, VIII. 3, from aKpo/Svarrla.
III. 7,
;
Greek forms and idioms survive in the Latin.
(2)
Thus
epfjfjLo?
scene,
= rfj
7
I.
crKrjvfj
;
and
in scenae,
I.
9
=
ev
and in IV. 2, plebem hanc esse tibi plebem hanc exceptam, the second hanc is the Greek article thus the text = TOZ; \aov TOVTOV elvai aoi TOV \abv
rfj o-Krjvfj
;
:
For instances
K\KTOV.
TOV
of this
Konsch, Itala u. Vulgata,ipp.
cf.
quia, V.
= OTL
3
captives, III. 13, e&)9
TOV
rjfjLcis
recitantis
usage elsewhere,
420-421.
Finally,
and in usque nos duci
;
we have an
imitation of the Greek,
al^fjiaXcoTicrOrivat,.
(3) Not infrequently we must translate, not the Latin text, lut the Greek which it presupposes, lut
which was misrendered ly the Latin nam must not be rendered by for
translator. "
"
Thus
in the following
passages [I. 3], II. 4, 5, VIII. 2, 4, X. 11, XL 8, XII. 11, 12, for in all these instances it is a render
In ing of Se and must be translated accordingly. like manner enim, V. 5 = Se. Again, in VII. 7, we must render ab oriente usque ad occidentem, not "
from east to
i.e.
rj\iov
a</>
Greek
XL
is
11,
west,"
but
"
from sunrise
amreXXoi To?
^XP
1
to
sunset,"
Svo/ievov.
The
Again, in must translate, not nee patiens ne unum
susceptible of either meaning.
we
quidem diem, but the Greek which ouSe Travel? ovBe/Jilav ^fiepav,
"
it
presupposes
:
not omitting a single
INTRODUCTION
xxxviii
For other instances, see
day."
XL
12, 18, XII.
(4) Through retranslation
of be
discovered.
for opicov
;
Thus finem in
and adcedenfc
= TrapafB^crovTcu
notes
on
"
will
Greek the source
into
incoherences of the text
the
critical
7.
in some
can,
7
II.
=
cases,
opov, corrupt
= TrpoajBijo-ovTai, corrupt for
transgress."
It is possible
that the Latin translator had TrapaptfcrovTai before
him, and followed a meaning of it inappropriate to the = a^O^aovrai, context. Again, in III. 4, ducent se corrupt for a^Oiaovrai] and in V.
6, in
campo
= eV
In these passages I See the have corrected the Latin text accordingly. dypw, corrupt for eV apyupw. critical notes, in
loc.
(5) Fragments of the Greek Version are
See the notes on
served.
p.
6
;
still
see also pp.
pre
107-
110.
7.
A TRANSLATION FROM A HEBREW
THE GREEK
ORIGINAL
The
derivation
original
was stoutly
others.
Volkmar But
56, 57). tained.
It is
grounds
it
(Mess.
our
of
is
text
a
Semitic
denied by Hilgenfeld and doubtful (Mose Prophetic, pp.
view can no longer be main surprising, indeed, on what slender this
has been advanced.
Jud., p.
from
Ixxiii)
urges
Thus Hilgenfeld
the absence
of
the
INTRODUCTION
xxxix
pronoun in the accusative after Deus creavit, in XII. 4 of the pronominal suffix after magistri In in V. 5, as reasons against a Semitic original. ;
my
Greek
and
sionally
on IV.
note
critical
Latin
omitted
I
6,
translators
the
in
suffix
shown Hebrew
have of
their
that
occa
translation.
For instances in the LXX. and Vulgate, see the note referred not
call
discovers,
to.
Hilgenfeld
other arguments do
s
The
consideration.
for
which make against a Semitic
own
are mainly the offspring of his
But although a Semitic conceded,
difficulties
it
is
still
an Aramaic or
original,
imagination. is
now
generally a matter of debate whether original
the balance of evidence preponderates of
he
Hebrew
of a
in
source.
favour
Schmidt-
Merx, Colani, Hausrath, and Carriere decide for the former, and Rosenthal for the latter. Ewald apparently (G-ottinger
pp.
gelelirtc
110118).
views
both
held
Anz.
at
1862,
,
different
times
4-7
1867,
pp.
;
Schiirer thinks a Semitic original
Of the above scholars, minor degree it is only Schinidt-Merx, and in a Eosenthal, that have seriously treated the subject. probable, but not certain.
In the Arcliiv
f. ivissenschaftl.
Erforschung des A.T.,
111-152, Schmidt-Merx show, in a variety passages, how readily the text admits of rebut this proof in itself translation into Aramaic I.
ii.
of
,
is
wholly
inadequate, for the
same passages can
INTRODUCTION
xl
just as easily be rendered into cases,
however,
they
whereas
that,
urge
In two the
the Latin text can be explained
of
idiosyncrasies
Hebrew.
on the hypothesis of an Aramaic original, no such explanation is possible on the hypothesis of a
Hebrew
The
original.
instance
first
is
be
to
found in
I. 10, where, according to these editors, the order of the Latin text can only be accounted
In by an Aramaic original. on that verse, I have shown that
for
interpret the text in two ways. of those, the present order of
my
critical
is
it
the
to
resort to the
other,
it
possible to
According to one the text can be
explained as derived from the Hebrew. according
note
not
is
But even,
necessary
to
Aramaic hypothesis for we cannot certainty from our text as to the ;
argue with order of the original source. This is clear from I. 14, where, the and Latin Versions Greek though are preserved and agree verbally, they do not agree as
to
Hence
order.
order
the
in
question
is
probably due to the carelessness of the translator. Moreover, other undoubted transpositions of the text do occur
(cf.
III. 4, 5,
X.
5, crit. notes).
That
the Latin translator did not observe the order of the Greek before him, in
the Codex
Bobbiensis,
The second instance that in III.
2.
we
see in k,
numerous instances
see
of alleged
pp.
xxxv xxxvi.
Aramaic order
is
Here Schmidt-Merx point out that
INTRODUCTION
xli
omnia in the phrase sancta vasa conformable to Aramaic, but not to Hebrew,
the position of
omnia
is
This
syntax.
justify the
quite true, but does not thereby
is
conclusion they seek to draw from
For even in
made
translations
directly
it.
from the
Hebrew, and not as in the case of our text, which is derived from the Hebrew through the Greek, this
same phenomenon recurs three times
LXX. 1.
14
of
Genesis,
Now
xiv.
if,
15, ;
in a careful translation
from the Hebrew,
directly
xxviii.
11,
See also Lev. xx. 23
(in several MSS.).
2 Chron. xxi. 18.
made
in
i.e.
in the
non-Hebrew
this
can appear three times in one book, it shows that no value is to be attached to its single
order
occurrence
version
a
in
that
is
not immediately
from the Hebrew, but only mediately, and that likewise
often
careless
therefore
must
be,
to
that
Our
boot.
is
verdict
Schmidt-Merx have fur
nished no adequate grounds for their thesis that the Assumption is derived from an Aramaic, and
not from a Hebrew original. It is now time to advance the grounds for a Hebrew original. These have gradually discovered themselves in the course
study
of
this
book.
successful in
my
must be
to
left
of
long and
a
Whether
contention than
I
shall
my
the reader to decide.
(Vier apocryphische
Bilclicr, pp.
careful
be more
predecessors
Rosenthal
34-38) has already
INTRODUCTION
xlii
me
preceded
are
restorations
his
of
adopted the bulk
of his
and
good,
sequel, with
the
in
One
in advocating this view.
suggestions I
two
or
have
been
due recognition, but cannot accept they ;
are frequently wild and quite beside the mark.
The grounds, then, for a Hebrew original are (1) Hebrew idiomatic phrases survive in the text. Thus
in
4
sanctitatis, II.
suae, III.
invocabat
quo
respectu
3
;
;
circumibo, II. 7
homo de proximo
testes, III. 1 2
tur ad veritatem, V. 2
and facient
de
;
;
18
I.
respiciet,
tribus
;
terrain patriae
;
suo
;
isto, III.
testans 1
3
.
.
.
dividen-
;
in sacerdotes vocabuntur
facientes, VI.
1
implebuntur manus, pure Hebraisms. The Hebrew equivalents will be found in the critical notes on the various X.
;
2, are
Now it is quite true that the majority could be paralleled by Aramaic expres but not all. Thus circumibo, II. 7 = I
passages. of these
"
sions,
will
protect,"
i.e.
miDS
(cf.
Deut. xxxii. 10), cannot
be explained from the Aramaic nor yet in sacer dotes vocabuntur, VI. 1 = D OPD l&np (cf. 1 ;
11
5>y
Chron.
xxiii.
14).
idioms probably survive, clause in VII. 9 and IX.
(2) Syntactical
circumstantial
VIII.
2,
et tradidit,
torquebit
there
(3)
In some
cases
.
4.
;
the
In
be an
may
instance of perfect with the strong vav VII. 2, 3, cogentur et regnarunt. .
e.g.
also in
.
we must
translate, not the
Latin
INTRODUCTION but
text,
successor "
minister,"
= ^&on
Hebrew
the
=
&6,
^dSo^o^ = in
I.
7
;
xliii
ly be
presupposed
must
mb>
and non coepit
must be rendered by
"
Thus,
it.
rendered
= ov/c ijpt-aro He was not
pleased."
it
(4) Frequently that
is
we can understand
the text,
retranslalion
through
only
source of corruptions in
the
and remove them.
IV.
Thus, in
devenient
9,
the
nationes
(MS. apud impossible tribum for in tribuum writes (MS. tempore natos) = Here the D onc? njn D*I:Q nv. genitive, cf. III. 5) text,
two
that
corruptions
destroy
the
context at once become apparent for ini%
and D^np
for
sense IIT
of
is
the
corrupt
Thus the text
onutr.
is
harmony not only with itself, but brought also with similar statements in Josephus, 4 Ezra, and Philo. This restoration would be impossible into
on the assumption of an Aramaic original. In V. 5, the equally impossible text, qui enim magistri sunt doctores ol
$e
Bi$a(TKa\oi,
= (with
eorum
ovres,
ol
Hilgenfeld)
/caBrjyrjral
avrwv
L^mm. Now the context of these words is against any mention of the rabbis or teachers here. DrTHVD
But we
see that the
Hebrew
does not necessarily the many." And
means
refer to them, but also
"
most appropriate sense. In the some are false in this preceding verse, priests verse, many are venal judges. Hence we see this
gives
a
"
"
;
"
"
INTRODUCTION
xliv
that
nmiD
here merely a marginal but mistaken gloss that was later incorporated in the text. In X. 4 (see crit. note, p. 86) we can restore to
sanity
X. 10
is
the
we have
text
retranslation.
In
a most interesting restoration.
In
through
the words said of Israel triumphant in heaven, inimicos
videbis
impossible Israel s
tuos
in
enemies can no
longer
final
judgment, be on the earth.
The context implies that they are in torment in the
we have an
terram,
After the
statement.
torment, and
in
of glorified Israel.
sight
Now
these two facts suggest at once Gehenna, and that
the original was
how
lost,
on
But the
^2.
Din
was some
and VQ was partly rendered partly trans and this in turn by in terram. ij is
literated eV 7$,
frequently so transliterated (see notes, pp. 43, 44). I shall only
adduce one more passage.
temperantius misericordiae ipsius mihi,
we have an
of the corruption
Thus the
= non
topi
.
comes
to light avve/Br)
.
In XII.
contegerunt
if
we
JJLOL
retranslate.
eXeo? avrov
Here we should read
^Nin.
7,
But the source
inadmissible text.
words = eTTieiK&s
TIIN
.
JD
before non, and with this simple change we get an He was pleased to call me unexceptionable text "
:
in His
See pp.
compassion."
This restoration also
is
98, 99 for details.
impossible on the Aramaic
hypothesis. (5)
A play upon words
discovers itself
on retransla-
INTRODUCTION tion into
Hebrew
in VII. 3,
where
xlv
is
it
said of the
Sadducees (n^pm), dicentes se esse justos, i.e. D This has already been pointed out by Geiger. recurs in VII. 6 (see
On
It
27).
p.
the above grounds, I hold, therefore, that
no longer possible
is
p nv.
of this book.
It
it
doubt the Semitic original reasonably also be concluded
to
may
from what precedes, that that original was in Hebrew and not in Aramaic.
How
the character of classical
far
preserved in the original
My
is
impossible to
say.
such
a
but the cogency of the restorations
is
retranslations
character,
it
Hebrew was
presuppose
generally
not bound up with such a presupposition.
8.
THE PRESENT BOOK IN REALITY A TESTAMENT THE ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION PRE SERVED ONLY IN A FEW QUOTATIONS.
OF MOSES.
In the a
of
lists of
Testament
apocryphal books we find mention
Moses
of
(AiaOrjicri
Mcovaeax;)
followed immediately by an Assumption of Moses (^
Avd\r)fyis
Books,"
and
In
Mwvo-ews). in
the
the
Synopsis of
"
List
l
of
Sixty Athanasius, the
1
This book is so named in the Ada, tiynodi Niceen, ii. 18, 20 ; the Stichometry of Nicephorus and the Synopsis of Athanasius as the Adsccnsio Mosis in Origen, cU Printip. iii. 2. 1; as the Assumptio Mosis in Didymns Alex, (sec p. 108 for quotation); as :
;
Secreta Moysi in Evodius (sec
p.
108).
INTRODUCTION
xlvi
number
two books
of stichoi in these
but this desideratum ascribed
to
is
which
Nicephorus,
1100 and 1400
respectively
not given,
is
supplied by the Stichometry to
assigns
stichoi.
nection an excellent suggestion has been Schiirer to the following effect
come down
writing that has a
Testament
already seen,
"
:
them
In this con
made by
Seeing that the
to us is in point of fact
Moses, though, as we have quoted in the Acts of the Council
(will) it is
of
under the title Ava\r)tyis Mcovaews, it may be assumed that both these designations were the
of Niceea
two separate divisions of one and the same work, the first of which has been preserved, whereas titles of
the quotations in the Fathers almost
belong to the second." My study of the Latin Version and the Greek fragments has led me to accept this all
The Testament and
suggestion in a modified form.
Assumption mentioned in the above lists are to be regarded not as two separate divisions of one and "
the same work
"
with Schiirer, but as two originally
independent works subsequently put together and edited in one.
Before
owing
we adduce
cannot be
many
identification of
Book
of
480, 481)
we must
first
the above
Jubilees is
the grounds for this theory-
scanty amount of
the
to
(Das
contrary
"
materials
these
show that Eonsch
Testament
Buck der
to existing
"
s
with the
Jubilaen,
evidence.
pp.
We
INTRODUCTION
xlvii
have seen above that in the Stichometry of Nice-
1100
phorus,
in the
same
Hence,
if
Now,
ment."
to
stichoi are ascribed to
Genesis.
list,
Eonsch
4300 s
"
this
Testa
are assigned
identification
is
Genesis should be nearly four times larger But since, as a matter than the Book of Jubilees. right,
of fact, it is
considerably smaller,
it
is
needless to
consider further this identification. of
Having disposed
this
objection,
we
return to our thesis that the present Latin
and
sion
the
Greek
in
fragments
the
now Ver
Fathers
belong respectively to two
originally independent which were works, subsequently edited together. This conclusion is probable from the following facts
:
The book quoted by St. Jude, by Clement of Alexandria, and later Greek writers, was wholly con (i.)
cerned with the Assumption of Moses and incidents This we take to have been the connected with it.
Assumption of Moses. The book preserved in the Latin Version
original (ii.)
reality a
"
Testament,"
Indeed,
Moses."
to this claim (a)-
it
and not an
appears
made on Moses s
According Testament "
death.
passing
"),
Thus
away
Moses was in
I.
Assumption
;
of
for
Version to die
with
my
(i.e.
the
an ordinary
15, Moses says:
to sleep
in
be quite opposed
behalf
Latin
the
to
to
is
"
"I
am
fathers even
INTRODUCTION
xlviii
In presence of all the people." III. 13 the tribes speak of Moses s death the
in
shall In X. 14 Moses again declares: In 12 X. go to sleep with my fathers." "I
this
was clearly the
my
death
original sense.
until His advent
assumption
there will be CCL.
We
times."
presently on the explanation
word (b)
A
From
"
shall touch
of the intruded
"
assumption."
of
description
the
conclusion
of
the
Testament appears to have been preserved in a Catena on the Pentateuch edited by Franc. Zephyrus, and quoted in Fabricius in his "
Est
Cod. Pseud. V. T.
quidem
in
ii.
t
pp. 121, 122.
Apocrypho
Mysticoque
codice legere, ubi de creatis rebus subtilius agitur,
nub em lucidam, quo tempore mor-
tuus est Moses, locum sepulchri complexam oculos circumstantium perstrinxisse
ita,
ut
nullus neque morientem legislatorem neque locum videre potuerit, ubi cadaver conder-
Here no Assumption seems to be implied, but only an extraordinary disap pearance of Moses s body, such as is etur."
recorded in
Deut.
had
been
writer
xxxiv.
acquainted
original Assumption, in of
Moses
s
5,
ascension to
If
this
with
the
6.
which the
details
heaven were
re-
INTRODUCTION
xlix
corded, he could not have written in these
vague terms. The Testament
"
and the
"
Moses this
"
Assumption of were subsequently edited in one book. Of From my editing we find a trace in X. 12:
(iii.)
"
"
death
assumption
the word
His advent/
until "
Here
etc.
can best be explained as an
"
assumption
insertion of the editor in order to adapt the text of
the Testament to the main subject of the second
work which he incorporates, (iv.)
In
the
thirteenth
i.e.
the Assumption.
section
of
Yassiliev
s
Anecdota Graeco-Byzantina, entitled Palaea historica, an O.T. history of events from Adam to Daniel, of
the portion which deals with the death
of
Moses, part seems to be ultimately derived from the Testament," and part from the Assumption
"
"
"
The following
properly so called.
258) would form a fitting [Uept Ma)vo"fjs
TO) opei.
Te\evrf)s
T?}?
^Irjo-ovv
Trpos real
lines (pp. "
KCLI
MwvaewsJ]
TOV
Navi
257
Testament
"
:
elirev
Ave\0(0/jLev
ave\0ovTQ)V avT&v elSev Mwvcrijs
J}? <f7ra77eA/a9
TOV
close to the
\aoi>,
tcai
/cal elirev
Trpos avrov.
avayyetXov a^TOt?
on
V Trjv
Kdr6\0e Mcovcrfjs
Kdl K.CLTr)\QeV I^CTOl)? TT^O? TOV \CLOV, 6
Be
MCOVO-TJS
ra
re\7j
TOV j3[ov
K7ijcraTO.
Here
Moses dismisses Joshua, and dies apparently an But according to the Assumption ordinary death. proper (see quotation from Clement Alex.
p.
107),
INTRODUCTION
1
and Caleb were present when the Moses took place. The words that
Joshua
both
of
assumption follow on the above in Vassiliev are based
mately on the Assumption proper, av Kara/3d(rr) rb a/cvvcofia Sajjiovrj X ft>5
avrov 6
\da) iva
Ta>
dp^io-Tpdrrjyo^
avrbv Kal
irpovrd^ei,
o-vv(TTel\at, KOI
7r6TlfJL7JO-eV
Kal o
= o-rcrfvco/jba)
avrov. Mi%ar)\ Se Seov rj\6ev \a/3eiv
avdla-raro avra)
CLVTOV elTTCOV
ETTlTlfJia (76
OVTft)? r)TTr)07J 6
Be
(
dyava/crrjo-as ovv o
KOI Sie/jbd^ovTO.
{3d\.
6eo7roir)0a)cri,v
ulti
teal eTreiparo
KVplOS,
dvTlK6lfj
cruvecrreiXev TO
dp^dyyeXos Mt^arj\
McovaTj OTTOV TTpoaerd^Orj Trapa Qeov rov
XpiaTov
rj/jicov.
This editing of the two books in one was probably done in the first century, as St. Jude (v.)
draws upon both in his Epistle (see p. Ixii). The statement of Josephus (Ant. iv. 8. 48) is interesting: vetyovs al<f)Vi8iov vjrep avrov o-rdvros, d^av "
Kara TWOS
Se avrov
Feypafa
(frdpayyos.
lepals /3ij3\o^ reOve&ra, Setcra?
eV
$1 V7rep/3o\rjv rrjs
firj
avTov aper?}? Trpo? TO Oelov avrbv dva%copr)crai, elTrelv." It holds fast to Deut. ToXfjirja-tocTiv
Trepl
xxxiv. 5, 6 and the account in the Testament, but
shows that the writer
made on Moses the
s
is
aware
of
the
new
claims
behalf in the Assumption.
account of the
Transfiguration
respect to popular belief in
Moses
s
Does
point in
Assumption
any ?
INTRODUCTION 9.
li
DISLOCATION OF CHAPTERS VIII.-IX. IN THE
LATIN TEXT FROM THEIR ORIGINAL POSITION AFTER CHAPTER V.
The interpretation
of
two chapters
these
will
remain an impossibility so long as scholars attempt I to deal with them in their present position.
have given, in the notes on pp. 28-30, the grounds which necessitate this new departure in the exegesis of the book.
THE AUTHOR A PHARISAIC QUIETIST
10.
There
some
determining the religious party in Judaism to which the author First of all, however, it is clear that he belonged. is
difficulty
was not a Sadducee
;
for (1)
the direct intervention of
and the establishment earth
(X.
3-8).
(2)
in
he looks forward to
God on
of a
He
behalf of Israel,
theocratic
dwells
on
kingdom on the future
blessedness of the righteous (X. 10, 11).
attacks
the
Sadducean party
in
(3)
the most
He
bitter
terms (VII.). Secondly.
He was
not a Zealot.
This view has
been advocated by Wieseler, Dillrnann, Schiirer, and others.
But
it
is
just as impossible as that
which
precedes; for (1) the writer s complete silence as to the Maccabean rising forms an emphatic censure
--
INTRODUCTION
lii
to arms.
of their appeal
more impressive
the
as
This
silence
writer
was
is
all
the
thoroughly Thus acquainted with the Maccabean movement. his text shows an intimate acquaintance with Books I.
and
facts
II. of
the Maccabees, or, at all events, with the
on which these are based
fail to
;
and the reader
will
appreciate the allusions and nuances of the
narrative unless he brings to
its
perusal an accurate
and detailed knowledge of Maccabean history. have here, in fact, to deal with the work, not
We of a
popular enthusiast, but of an accurate scholar. (2) he thus shows his whilst aversion to the aims And,
and method
the Maccabees,
of
he
a militant Judaism,
own
Thus
flesh.
of Israel,
bitter persecution
faithful unto
in other words, to
careful
will not
his hero (IX.)
arms on behalf most
He
admirations.
is
is
indicate his
to
trust in
not one
an arm
who
of
takes up
but one who, amid the
that ever befel Israel, was
death, and, lifting
no hand in
self-
See notes defence, committed his cause unto God. on pp. 3238. (3) The aim of such a description as appears in IX.
is
to indicate
the line of action
which the Pharisaic party should pursue, of non-resistance.
i.e.
one
The writer protests against the
growing corruption of the Pharisaic party by pol See notes on pp. 34, 35. itical aims and methods. is X. 3-10 (4) wholly against the idea of a Zealot author.
This passage, in
fact,
confirms
all
that has
INTRODUCTION been
The theocratic
above.
said
liii
Messianic
or
be introduced not by the militant acts kingdom of the saints, but through the direct intervention of to
is
God.
He was
Thirdly.
not an Essene, as Schmidt-Merx
have supposed. (1) The entire book is interpene See trated with national hopes and aspirations. The ideal of the Essene was indi especially X. 8. vidualistic
and
ethical,
greatest interest
Thus
temple.
and
1),
its
is
(VI.
9).
built
by God
dwelt upon
(2)
The
(II. 4), its
(II.
8,
frequent V.
9,
3,
4,
complete destruction by Nebuchad
nezzar (III. 2) and
an
national.
taken in all the fortunes of the
was
are
profanations
VI.
it
and not
its partial
destruction by Varus
Such an interest could not be natural in
who was excluded from
Essene,
(Joseph. Ant.
character of the sacrifices in the temple
Thus
recorded.
it
its
courts
(3) The pure or polluted
xviii. 1. 5).
is
carefully
said that they are (rightly)
is
offered during a long period of history (II. 6).
At
a later period they are said to be imperfect (IV. 8). It is observed in II. 8 that sacrifices were offered to idols,
and
in V.
they were polluted. sacrifices of
4
though offered to God, such a concern in the
that,
Now
the temple
is
likewise unnatural in an
Essene, who disapproved wholly of animal sacrifice wa KaraOvovres), and esteemed (Philo, ii. 457, ov their
sacrificial
meals
as
far
transcending
any
INTRODUCTION
liv
sacrifice
temple
worth (Ant.
to our author, the
According blessed
in
xviii.
(4)
5).
future abode of the
the heaven of the stars (X.
is
1.
9),
but the
Essene heaven was beyond the ocean (Bell. Jud. ii. 8. 11). Again, Gehenna is the place of punish
ment of
for Israel s national foes (X. 10).
We
know
no such conception among the Essenes. (5) The is ascribed to Moses as a
fact that pre-existence
14) implies a disbelief in the Essene doctrine of the pre-existence of all souls
special distinction (I.
(Bell Jud.
ii.
8. 11).
As we have now shown
that our author was
neither a Sadducee, a Zealot, nor an Essene, there
remains no further difficulty in determining the religious party to which he belonged. He was clearly This is shown by the facts which we have enumerated above in the refutation
a Pharisaic Quietist.
of the preceding views.
He was
a Pharisee of a
fast-disappearing type, recalling in all respects the
Chasid of the early Maccabean times, and uphold ing the old traditions of quietude and resignation.
While political
his
party was
fast committing itself to and movements, he raised his them from the evil ways on which
interests
voice to recall
they had entered, and besought them to return to the old paths, but his appeal was made in vain, and so the secularisation of the Pharisaic movement in
due course culminated in the
fall of
Jerusalem.
INTRODUCTION 11. It
is
Iv
THE DATE
impossible to deal seriously with the late
date assigned to this book by
137138
Volkmar and
Colani,
Their only ground for so doing is to be found in the historical character of chaps. A.D.
VIII. IX., which, they allege, is a veiled narrative of the persecution under Hadrian. The reader will ,
see that, like these writers, I too have accepted the historicity of these chapters,
and shown, by a minute
investigation of every phrase, that they recount, not
the calamities of the
Jews under Hadrian, but under
Antiochus Epiphanes. See notes on pp. 2838. If this has been proved satisfactorily, as I hold it
no longer possible to advocate a But even should the proof second-century date. to be,
then
it is
be deemed inadequate, insuperable difficulties still confront the upholders of such a view. For, from
appears that the book must have been written before 70 A.D. This we shall
internal evidence,
now proceed
it
to show.
The book was written before 70 temple
is
to
stand
till
the
A.D.
For (1) the
establishment of the
kingdom (I. 17). See note on p. 7. (2) The temple was still standing when the book was
theocratic
written.
This
is
tion that
if
had
it
to be inferred fallen,
have been passed over
from the considera
such an event could not
in silence.
It could not
have
INTRODUCTION
Ivi
been passed over for all the fortunes of the temple, even its temporary profanations by a faithless priest ;
See
hood, are carefully recorded. V. 3, 4, VI. 1, 9, VIII. 5. fall, it left
II. 4, 8, 9, III. 2,
When
the temple did
an ineffaceable mark on
all
subsequent Jewish literature, but particularly in that of the next sixty years cf. the later portions of the Apoc. Bar. and 4 Ezra. The views, therefore, of Volkmar, :
Keim, Hausrath, and Rosenthal, who date
Colani,
the composition of the Assumption after 70, are untenable.
other scholars are agreed as to its com position before 70 A.D., but differ with each other
Now,
all
as to the exact period to
between 4 ences of 2,
of
l
B.C. arid
70
which
should be assigned of
these differ
are due to the purely arbitrary restorations
the unintelligible fragments of numbers in VII.
and may therefore be at once discounted. So far we have determined only the latest limit composition,
70
i.e.
already dead (VI. past
(VL
9).
0),
There
A.D.
This
as to its earliest.
is
come"
3
is
B.C.
and the war
;
of
no for
difficulty
Herod
is
Varus already
After this war, the writer declares,
the times will be ended, and
lie
it
Many
A.D.
(VIII.
1).
between 3
B.C.
Thus the and 70
A.D.
"
the four hours will
limits of composition
But there are data
Thus Hilgenfeld assigns the book to the years 44-45 A.D. Schmidt-Merx to 54-64 Fritzsche to 50-60. 1
;
;
/-
INTRODUCTION
In VI. 7 the state
for a nearer determination. "
ment,
And
Ivii
he (Herod) will beget children, who,
succeeding him, will rule for shorter periods," was for Philip and Antipas true of Archelaus alone Hence the book their father. than reigned longer ;
must have been written before these princes had 1 reigned for thirty-four years, i.e. before 30 A.D. Thus the date and 30
more sons
closely.
should
father,
may
siderations
:
of
composition
But the
A.D.
limits
between 3
lies
may
be defined
B.C.
still
For the prediction, that Herod s rule for shorter periods than their
be reasonably explained from two con (a)
from the general expectation that
the sons of such a wicked king could not long pre serve their authority but still more (6) from the ;
actual deposition of Archelaus after a short reign of ten years 4 B.C. 6 A.D., an event which would
naturally be construed by our author in the light of a divine judgment, and suggest to him the pre
which appears in the text as to the impend and Antipas. Hence, however,
diction
ing fate of Philip
we may
may
it
interpret
be
fairly
the
"
four
concluded
hours that
"
in
part
VII. of
1
;
these
1
Ewald, Wicseler, Drummond, Dillmann, and Schiirer refer the composition of the book to the first decade after 4 B.C. This conclusion they arrive at by pressing the words "the times will in VII. 1. For the way in which Reuss, followed by Baldensperger and Rosenthal, seeks to evade the conclusions that naturally follow from VI. 7, see the note on that verse (p. 22).
be ended
"
INTRODUCTION
Iviii
have already elapsed when the author writes, and the
that
limit
earliest
of
7 A.D.
is
composition
Thus the book was composed between the years
7-30
A.D.
VIEWS OF THE AUTHOR ON MOSES, ISRAEL THE MESSIANIC KINGDOM, GOOD WORKS
12.
Moses was prepared, from
Moses.
before
mediator of
foundation of the world, to be the
God s covenant with His people During
(XL
his life
11, 17)
;
he was Israel
s
(I.
the
14, III.
intercessor with
for forty years he suffered
many
12).
God
things
hands in Egypt, the lied Sea, and the When about to die, he chose wilderness (III. 11).
at
their
Joshua in his stead (X. 15), apparently as the His death prophet promised in Deut. xviii. 15.
was an ordinary one (I. 15, III. 13, X. 12, 14); but no single place was worthy to mark the place of his burial, for his sepulchre was from the rising to
the
setting sun,
and from the south
confines of the north
yea
his sepulchre (XI.
But
to
the
to Israel
his relation
he was appointed by be their intercessor in the spiritual world
did not cease
God
8).
to
the entire world was
with death
;
(XII. 6). Israel.
Israel
is
God
s
own
people
world was created in their behalf
(I.
(I.
12)
:
12): the
and Moses
INTRODUCTION
lix
prepared, from before the foundation of the world,
covenant relation between God and
to establish the
His people
and Jerusalem prepared,
14),
(I.
in like
manner, to be the centre of the worship of Jehovah establishment of
the
till
the theocratic
kingdom
then shortly summarised (I. 17). from the time of the Exodus to the split between Israel s history
the two
kingdoms.
is
From
this
time
two
carefully distinguishes between the
the
(II. 4),
never lost sight of
attributed to the
time
the
and
"
holy yet the solidarity of the twelve tribes
"
is
tribes
The former constitute the two
ten.
tribes
the writer
;
for
Judah
s
sins of Israel (III.
captivity 5).
is
In due
two tribes return from their captivity,
but grieve over their imperfect sacrifices (IV. 8) imperfect, apparently, because the ten tribes are not with them, though they are increasing and multi But plying in the land of their captivity (IV. 9). the history of restored Judah becomes an evil one,
namely, owing to the Sadducean priesthood (V.), but a righteous kernel still survived who were faithful to the
law (IX.
4).
Then ensues the persecution
of
Antiochus (VIIL), and the withdrawal of the Chasid party from political alliances (IX.). The Maccabean king-priests
Herod
(VI.).
are
alluded
With
his
period.
and
their
death, and
successor
probably the
we arrive at the writer s we Herewith pass from the region of
deposition of Archelaus,
own
to,
INTRODUCTION
Ix
history to
The
that of prediction.
theocratic or
be ushered in by a day 1750 years after the death
Messianic kingdom will of
repentance
of
Moses,
observed,
(X. in
(I.
17).
between 75 and 107
i.e.
A.D. (?),
intervene on behalf of Israel,
will it
1
not
of
God
Israel,
be
Judah and Benjamin alone
of
Here, again, the solidarity of the nation,
8).
writer
the
s
mind, discovers
As they
itself.
suffered vicariously for each other s sins (III. 5), so likewise the promises tribes
be
collectively (III.
glorified
theocratic
together
were made
and
9),
(X.
they should
Thus
8).
when
kingdom was established the ten
were to be restored. national
to the twelve
this
During were to be
enemies
kingdom
all
the
tribes
Israel s
destroyed (X.
8).
be exalted to heaven (X. 9), whence they should see their enemies in Gehenna Finally, Israel
was
to
(X. 10).
The Messianic or
Theocratic
preceding paragraph 1
In the
Kingdom.
we have given the
various
This seems to be the period meant by the 250 times spoken of As \ve have no means of determining the
in X. 12 (see note).
length of the interval between the death of Moses and the Christian era, according to our author, we cannot determine the date of the expected advent of God, which was to take place 1750 years after If we may accept Josephus s chronology for this s death. period, then the date of the Divine Advent was to be in the year
Moses
75 or 88 or 107, according as we regard 1675 years (Ant. xx. 10. 2) having elapsed between Moses s death and the Christian era, or
as
1662 years (Ant. x. 9. 7 1643 years (Bell. Jud. vi. ;
xi. 1. 1 4. 8).
;
Bell.
(See
Jud.
Herzog
vi.
s
4.
R.E.
8
;
10. 1), or
xvii. p. 460.)
INTRODUCTION kingdom which are found
references to this
There
author.
"
expectation punish the
may of
:
The Eternal God alone
Gentiles the
to
a
Messiah, as
the
our
in
Indeed, in X.
"
due
be
no Messiah.
is
7,
seems to be really inimical to this
author
the
Ixi
(see
note,
fact
that
man
of
in
.
loc.).
the
war,
.
.
will
This
conception
was gaining
more and more acceptance amongst the Pharisees, and was thus of a nature to promote the grow Now, it is ing secularisation of Pharisaism. against the latter evil that the author
s
writing
is
directed.
On
Good Works.
works, our author tions, rather
s
the doctrine of merit, or good views are allied to O.T. concep
than to the rabbinic doctrine of
man s
righteousness, which bulks so largely in Jewish See my edition of literature from 50 A.D. onwards.
the Apocalypse of Baruch xiv. 7, xxi.
9, notes.
So far
from representing man s righteousness as involving an undoubted Pharisaic merit over against God, doctrine of the first century of our era, our author represents
even the greatest hero of Judaism as
declaring
but in
Not
any virtue or strength of mine, His compassion and long-suffering, was He "
:
pleased to
call
for
(XII.
me"
declares to Joshua
"
:
It is
7). Similarly Moses not on account of the
godliness of this people (Israel) that thou shalt root "
out the nations
(XII.
8).
INTRODUCTION
Ixii
NEW
13.
TESTAMENT AND LATER WRITERS
ACQUAINTED WITH THE ASSUMPTION
Jude unquestionably was acquainted both with the Testament of Moses and with the Assump St.
tion,
properly so-called, which together compose the
complete book.
Thus p.
Jude
St.
From
107.
we proceed evidence
is
to
latter
of
:
see
borrowing
deal with another, for which the St.
of several clauses
Jude 16
is
composed which agree verbally or in sub
very strong.
stance with V.
from the
9 is derived
this indubitable case
VII.
5,
7, 9
our Latin text
of
We
the original Testament of Moses.
shall here
give the Greek text of Jude, inserting after each clause
its
joyyvcrral, losi),
parallel
from
fjLefjL^rLfjLoipoi
Kara ras
avT&v XaXet
eorum
et
Ovrol
text.
elcn
Moys. VII. 7, quaeruavrwv Tropevo/mevoi Kal TO
(Ass.
liridvfJLta^
(TTOfjia
our
vTrepoy/ca (VII.
mentes immunda tractantes,
9,
et
et
os
manus eorum
loquetur ingentia), Oavud^ovres TrpoercoTra, ax^eXeta? Xdpiv (V. 5, mirantes personas locupletum et accipientes rnunera).
In
St.
Jude
the
18
(e^iralKrai) appear to be the
homines
(VII. 3) (see note, in
The
who
loc.).
are mentioned in St.
chap. VII. 3, 7 (impii).
"
mockers
pestilentiosi
"
ungodly
men
Jude 4 appear twice
Now,
"
"
in
lest the full force of
these parallels should escape us,
we should observe
INTRODUCTION
books are actually or
both
accounts in
the
that
Ixiii
The classes of evil-doers nominally prophetic. in the last dealt with are those who shall be "
according to Jude 18, and ended," in our text.
time,"
are
The writer both
or
of 2 Peter also appears to
Thus
our text.
are
Some
Assumption.
ev
TTJV
rjyovjjLevoi,
(Vulfj.,
rjSovrjv
;
avrwv
a/yaTrafc
affluentes, in conviviis
luxuriantes vobiscum), compare VII. discubitiones et luxuriam.
3 with VII.
latter-
rpvtyijv,
Moysi, VII. 5, omni hora diei with evrpvcfruvres ev rat?
ii.
original
compare Ass. amantes convivia
^epa
and
(Twevco^ovfjievot,
the
passages support the with 2 Peter ii. 13,
Thus
alternative.
on
dependent
equally
have used
are based on Jude 9,
10, 11
II.
the times
"when
8,
2 Peter
also
Compare
suis
Habebimus
6.
There are some remarkable parallels between St. The Stephen s speech in Acts vii. and our text.
most remarkable
many
things in Egypt, and in the
the wilderness for
verbally TroiricrcLs
during forty
the
most
repara KCU
EpvOpa
6a\dcro"y,
The
Kovra.
We
that in III. 11,
is
ical
likeness
is
ev
ev
rfj
with rf)
e
text,
or
suffered
Sea,
and
in
which agrees Acts vii. 36,
Al yvirrw KCU
epijfjLqy
errj
ev
reacrapd-
too close to be accidental.
must either assume that Acts
from our
Eed
years,"
part
arjijiela
"Who
that III.
1 1 b
vii.
of
36
is
derived
our text
is
INTRODUCTION
Ixiv
The evidence
interpolated. is
Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv. 3
against the latter supposition
word "
of
"
suffered."
l
transgress (God s)
ments in the which he was a mediator
them
they did transgress
fact that
the words,
2, in
Again, in III.
we should not
that
likewise also the
:
is
command
to
implied, and
whom
the fact that Moses was the mediator through
are
facts
This
is
spake
to
"
distinctly given
he that was
.
.
Acts
in
living oracles to give unto us
be
prediction
obedient."
the
of
citation of the
38, 39
vii.
:
with the angel which
.
him on the Mount Sinai
would not
these two
Now,
expressly stated.
is
they came,
the
us,"
captivity
to
;
.
who
whom
received
our fathers the
Finally,
there
in
13, and the
III.
Amos
prophecy of
.
.
is
that effect in
to
VII. 43.
29
Again, Matt. xxiv.
Luke
xxi.
2526)
(cf.
Mark
xiii.
our text, or else both are derived from a This
source. O
is
clear
if
we compare Matt.
7J\IOS (TKOTl(T0r)0-eTaL Kdi
^7709
avrrjs,
KCLI
24-25;
either dependent on X.
is
T)
ol darepes
0-6\1]V7} .
.
0V
5
of
common xxiv. 2 9 &a)(Tl,
:
TO
rwv ovpavwv
.
G-a\ev9iicrovTai, with X. 5 1 This idea of Moses s suffering in connection with Israel is found in the Jalkut (translated by Heidenheim, Deutsche Vicrteljahr-
Herr der Welt, Moses sagte meine Mlihe und mein Leiden, das ich mit ihnen (den Israeliten) zu erleiden hatte, bis ich ihnen die Lehre eingepragt hatte." "
(1871),
schrift
otfenbar
.
p.
217).
und bekannt
.
.
1st dir
.
.
.
:
INTRODUCTION
Ixv
(Sol) in tenebras convertet se,
Et luna non dabit lumen.
.
.
.
Et orbis stellarum conturbabitur. noteworthy that in the parallel passage in Luke xxi. 25 there is a reference to the sea also, It is
as there is in X. 6 of our text.
For another close
parallel of our text, VIII.
1
with Matt. xxiv. 21, see notes on pp. 80, 81. On the above grounds we conclude that this book
was known
of
to
the writers of the Epistle of Jude
and most probably to the writers 2 Peter and Matt. xxiv. 29 (Mark xxii. 24-25
and
of
Acts
vii.,
;
Luke It
xxi.
25-26). was known
Ixxxiv.
25:
also
to
see notes in
the writer of Apoc. Bar. loc.
(pp.
12, 13).
the citations in Clement of Alexandria, Origen, see pp.
107-110.
For etc.,
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
TRANSLATED FllOM THE LATIN (And
I.
it
came
to pass in the
twentieth year of the 1.
1.
2.
See
crit.
life
note.
Two thousand
five
hun
dredth year. This date of Moses death is of great importance in Jewish chronology. If we com pare it with the various dates assigned to this event in the Massoretic text, the Samaritan, the Book of Jubilees, and Josephus,we shall find that no two of these authorities agree. Thus the death of Moses is variously dated according to
Anno Assumption of Moses
.
Book of Jubilees
.
Josephus, Ant. ,,
or
.
viii. 3. 1
viii. 3. 1
com
bined with xx. 10 Samaritan Pentateuch .
LXX From
Mundi. 2500 2450 2550 2530 3309 3859
these variations among authorities before and after the Christian era, it appears
of
one hundred and
Moses),
2.
That
is,
that the Massoretic chronology, which sets it down to 2706, either did not exist at the be ginning of the Christian era, or else was only one of the many
systems competing for popular I shall return to acceptance. this question in my Commentary on the Book of Jubilees, where the subject necessarily demands to be treated at some length. I shall, however, add here another fact which shows that the Mas
soretic chronology was wholly wanting in traditional authority as late as 50-100 A.D. a cir cumstance that is incompatible with its assumed ancient origin. Thus according to Exod. xii.
40 (Mass, text), Israel is said to 430 years in Egypt alone whereas, in the
have sojourned ;
Samaritan, this period embraces also the sojourn of the patri archs in Canaan before their
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES two thousand
the
hundredth year from the 6. That he called to him
five
creation of the world,
of Nun, a man approved of the That he might be the minister of the people the tabernacle of the testimony with all its
Joshua the son 7.
Lord,
and
of
Here the descent into Egypt. Samaritan is supported by the LXX., and substantially also by the Pharisaic Book of Jubilees. This reckoning, further, is fol lowed by
St. Paul, Gal.
and Joseplms, Ant. It reappears also at
in the
Targum
of
iii.
ii.
17,
15.
2.
a later date
Jonathan on
Some
Onom.
Sacr., ed. Lag., 88, 31 : quae nunc Filadelfia,
Amman
urbs Arabiae nobilis, in qua habitaverunt olim Rafaim, gens Anrmon antiqua ; and 92, 2 trans Jordanem in tribu Gad. Haec est Amman de qua supra :
diximus, Filadelafi, civitas tris Arabiae.
illus-
writers Exod. have cited as testimonies to the
The MS. inserts: the prophecy which was- made by
Massoretic reckoning Philo, Quis rcr. div. 54 (i. 511) Josephus, Ant. i. 10. 3 ; Bell. Jud. v. 9. 4; Acts vii. 6 but all these pas
Moses in the book Deuteronomy.
40.
xii.
;
:
sages are either directly drawn from or based upon Gen. xv. 13, where 400 years are spoken of, except that in Bell. Jud. v. 9. 4, where the context is indecisive either way. The MS. inserts here 3. "But according to the reckon ing of the East ... of the de parture of the Phoenix." This verse was interpolated by the Greek translator in the West. It may originally have been a :
Greek marginal
gloss.
See
crit.
note (p. 54).
The MS.
inserts here the people went forth after the exodus which was made by Moses to Amman across the See crit. note. The Jordan." Amman here mentioned ap pears, as Ronsch(^./. W. 7*. 1884, pp. 555, 556) points out, to be a town in the tribe of Gad. See 4.
"When
:
5.
See
"In
crit.
"
note.
6. Called to him Joshua the son of Nun. These words are drawn from Deut. xxxi. 7. For Approved of the Lord. phrase cf. Acts ii. 22; 2 Tim. ii.
15. 7.
Minister of the people. See note on this verse (p.
critical 56).
Tabernacle of the testimony. is the O-K-TJVT] TOV /j,ap-
This
rvpiov,
i.e.
nnyn
?nx,
as
would
appear from the words follow with all its holy things. ing These holy things were the ark and the tables of testimony. Only for the addition of this clause the Hebrew might have been ijno VnK="tent of meet "
"
:
where God spoke to Moses, Exod. xxxiii. 7-11, etc., and to Moses and Joshua in Deut. xxxi. 14-23. These two differing names of the tabernacle were derived from the two different purposes which it served. ing,"
CHAPTER holy things,
8.
And
I.
6-12
5
that he might bring the people
into the land given to their fathers,
That
9.
it
should be given to them according to the covenant and the oath, which he spake in the tabernacle to
by Joshua saying to Joshua these words 1 0. (Be strong) and of a good courage according to thy might so as to do what has been commanded
give
:
:
(it)
"
that thou mayst be blameless unto saith the 8.
And
Lord
that he
of
might bring
the people, etc. Deut. xxxi. 7 cf. also xxxi. 21. 9.
This
The covenant and
;
the oath.
a favourite expression of the writer, cf. III. 9, 17, XII. 13. We must restore it also in II. 7. See crit. note in loc. (pp. is
XL
62, 63).
Which He spake in
the taher-
nacle,i.e.inDc\it. xxxi. 14, 20, 23.
These Saying to Joshua. words are to be connected "He immediately with ver. 6 called to him Joshua :
.
saying to
Joshua."
The
.
.
inter
vening words are of the nature of a parenthesis. 10. (Be strong] and of a good See crit. note (pp. courage.
These words go back 56, 57). immediately to Deut. xxxi. 7, from which also part of ver. 6 is
derived.
Blameless unto God. See crit. note (pp. 57, 58). For the phrase cf.Deut. xviii. 13;2Sam.xxii. 24. 11. So saith the Lord. Moses here declares God to be the of the words Be speaker strong, etc. In Josh. i. 7 ; Deut. xxxi. are addressed 23, they directly
11. So
God."
12. For
the world.
He
hath
to Joshua by God, but in Deut. xxxi. 6, 7 it is Moses that first uses them. 12. Created the world on be
half of His people. This is the prevalent view of Judaism from the first century of the Christian era onwards. Cf. 4 Ezra vi. 55, 59, vii. 11, and my note on
Apoc. Bar. xiv.
A
18.
more limited view, i.e. that the world was created on still
behalf of the righteous in Israel, expressed in Apoc. Bar. xiv. This con 19, xv. 7, xxi. 24. ception reappears in the Shep herd of Hernias in a form adapted to its Christian en vironment. There it is the Christian Church to which the world owes its creation Vis. is
:
=
4. 1, 8ia TavTTjv ( TTJV e/c/cXT?Cf. criav) 6 /c6cr/xos KaTfjpTijdfj.
ii.
also
Vis.
i.
1.
6,
iv., v.
The
larger view that the world was created on account of mankind, is found in Apoc. Bar. xiv. 18 r
,
;
4
Ezra viii.
Mand.
xii.
44; Hermae Pastor, 4, tKriae rbv Koff^ov
1,
eveKa TOV avdpu-rrov, and is the prevalent one in post- apostolic writers. Cf. Justin Mart. Apol.
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES created the world on behalf of His people.
But
13.
He was
not pleased to manifest this purpose of creation from the foundation of the world, in order that the Gentiles might thereby be convicted, yea
own
humiliation might by (their) arguments 1 4. Accordingly He designed convict one another. to their
ii. Dial. c. Tryph. 4, 5 Irenaeus, v. 29. 1 TertulAdv. i. 13; Marc. lian, Origen, i.
10,
41
;
;
;
Contra
Cels. iv. 23.
Was
Alexandrian Judaism not as the prerogative of one or more favoured souls, but as the com
mon
characteristic of all souls.
pleased. (See crit. note, p. 58.) The sense of the verse appears to be God was unwilling to reveal the fact
See Slav. En. xxiii. 5. This was the prevailing doctrine of later Judaism.
that the world was created on behalf of Israel in order that the Gentiles might be put to a com
world.
in their reasonings on this subject. Whatman could not discover (Eccles. iii. 11, viii.
of
13.
not
:
mon shame
17),
God
revealed through Moses
(ver. 14). 14. This
verse is quoted by Gelasius of Cyzicum in his Com ment. Act. Syn. J\7 ic. ii. 18 (Fab ric. Cod. Pseud. V.T. i. 845;
Man si,
Concil.
ii.
e^ievai rov
Mwucrewr,
Trpocr/caAe-
OVI>
vibv
Trpbs
poededcraro
p. 844): /xeXXwv
Manxes
fj.e
Naw?
Kal 8ia-
Kal avrbv Qebs Trpb Karae<f>r)
6
v elval
From
foundation of the note on I. 14
the
See
crit.
(pp. 58, 59).
The word
Mediator.
which
is
translation,
is
(Polybius, Lucian, and once only in the LXX., Job ix. 33. This designation of Moses as a mediator does not occur in
Greek
the O.T. or in the Apocrypha, though his mediatorial functions appear clearly in Deut. v. 2, 5 ;
Exod. xx. 19. It was, however, a recognised title of his in the first century of the Christian era. This is clear (1) From the present work, I. 14, III. 12. (2) From the N.T. Gal. iii. 18, 19, where Moses is said to be the mediator through whom 5iacame the law 6 ^6/xos .
Prepared
me
before the founda
raycis
.
.
.
ev
tion of the world.
Again in Heb.
is
xii.
Pre-existence here ascribed to Moses, as it was also to the Son of Man in Eth. En. xliii. 2 (where see But about the beginning note). of tlie Christian era such preexistence came to be regarded in
yuecri TTjs,
clearly a found only in later
arbiter
24 there
is
%etpt viii.
.
.
fieffLrov.
6,
ix.
15,
an obvious allu
sion to this designation of Moses,
where
over
against the O.T.
legislator, Christ is described as a "Mediator of a new (or
better
)
covenant."
(3)
From
CHAPTER and devised me, and foundation
of
the
He
world,
I.
13-17
prepared that
mediator of His covenant.
me
before the
should be the
I
And now
15.
unto thee that the time of the years of fulfilled
and
I
am
passing
away
I declare
my
is
life
with
to sleep
my
even in the presence of all the people. 16. And receive thou this writing that thou mayst
fathers
know how
to
books which I shall
preserve the
deliver unto thee
17.
:
And
thou shalt set these in
them with
order and anoint
oil
and put the place which
of cedar
them away in earthen vessels in He made from the beginning of the Vit.
Philo,
Mays.
19
iii.
fiealr-qs /ecu 5iaXXd/cT7?s.
(4)
:
ola
From
the Talmud, where Moses is fre quently spoken of as a mediator, see Levy, Neuhebr. i.e. as und Chald. Lex. iii. 595, 590. See also Shem. rab. on Exod. iii. 13 Bam id. rab. xi. 3. See Schottgerj, llor. pp. 738, "iiono
;
;
Wetstein, N. T. ii. p. 224. 15. Sleep with myfathers. Cf. III. 13; X.12,14; Deut.xxxi.16. Moses makes no reference here
739
;
The words,
creation of the
Apoc. Bar. xliv. 2: "Behold I go unto my fathers according to the
XL
of all the earth." This writing. Cf. X. 11,
way
16. 1.
17.
cedar.
Anoint them with oil of The sacred heavenly
books shown to Enoch (Slav. En.
xxii.
"fragrant
12) are described
with
as
myrrh."
From the beginning of the See crit. creation of the world. note on I. 14 (p. 58, 59). In
in the presence of all the if they are the true people," text, refer clearly to his bodily decease. These words disagree both with the account in Deut. xxxiv. 5, 6, according to which no man witnessed his death, and with the Greek fragments of the
etc., i.e. Jeru In Jorna 54&, Sifre 76&, the world is said to have been created with Zion as a startingSee Weber, pp. 199, point. In Ezek. 63-65 (2nd ed.). xxxviii. 12, v. 5, Zion is said to cf. earth of the be the centre Jubi Eth. En. xxvi. 1, xc. 26
Assumption
lees viii.
to his "
Assumption.
Even
(see pp. 107-110), according to which Joshua and Caleb were witnesses, but none
other.
With
this verse
compare
the place,
salem.
:
;
here to
Is there
any reference
of
foundation,"
"stone
N ns? pN, mentioned in the Targ. Jon. on Exod. xxviii. 30 ?
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES 18. That His
world, until the
of
end
II.
them
visit
into the land which
He
day of repentance.
to stand till the establishment of the theocratic kingdom. As
Hilgenfeld remarks, no Jew could have so written after the de struction of the temple in 70 A.D. Still more impossible is the later date of Volkmar and
which assigns
book to a time when Jerusalem was rebuilt as a Roman colony with a heathen temple and sacrifices, and no Jew was permitted to approach i.
47
;
it.
Tert.
Cf.
this
Justin, Apol.
Adv.
Jud.
13
;
Div. I. vol. ii. 294, 306-308, 315 sqq. (Bug. trans.). The day of repentance. Taken in connection with the following words, this phrase refers to the great national repentance that was to precede the establish ment of the Messianic or, as here, the theocratic kingdom. This national repentance was a precondition of the coming of the kingdom. "If Israel prac tises repentance, it will be re deemed if not, it will not be redeemed, "Sanh. 976. This re pentance was called also the Schurer,
;
"Israel will great repentance. not fulfil the great repentance before Elijah comes," Pirke de R. Eliezer, xliii. According to
Mai.
iv.
6
consummation
and Luke
i.
by means of thee determined and promised
will go
The temple was thus expected
(Jolani,
in the
upon where
of the days.
(And now) they
18. Until the
called
repentance in the visitation
day with the Lord shall of the
name should be
16, 17,
was to So strongly were the Rabbins im pressed with the value of this this moral reformation
be
by
wrought
Elijah.
repentance, that in Pesikta 163& it is said If all Israel together repented for a single day, re demption through the Messiah would follow (see Weber, 333, "
:
"
334, 338, Isted.; 348, 353,
2nd
ed.).
The In the visitation, etc. visitation here spoken of is one of mercy in relation to Israel. The word
visit (eTrtcr/ceTrreo-^at
=
nps) has generally in the O.T., and always in the N.T., a good
sense. In the Apoc. Bar. and 4 Ezra it is almost always used in a bad sense of the penal
visitation of
God
(see
my
note
"The on Apoc. Bar. xx. 1). time of visitation (/catp6s iiria"
is the AVisd. iii. KOTTTJS, 7) establishment of the kingdom ;
cf.
Luke xix. 44. Them. Israel. In the consummation of the end
of days. Similarly in the Apoc. Bar. xxvii. 15, xxix. 8, the
Messianic time is denoted by the phrase "the consummation of the times." The same phrase is used also of the last judgment see Apoc. Bar. xxx. 3. II. Deut. xxxi. 7, 1. Cf. 21-23. ;
CHAPTERS give to their
to
shalt bless
firm unto for
to
4
In the which thou
2.
fathers,
and give
them
i8II.
I.
them individually and con
their inheritance in
them the kingdom, and thou
me and
shalt appoint
good Lord in judgment and righteousness.
come
the
in
to
them
pleasure of their
prefectures according to the
will
establish
sixth
3.
And
(it
year after
they pass) enter into the land, that thereafter they shall be ruled by chiefs and kings for eighteen years, and during nineteen years the ten tribes will be apostates.
And
4.
the twelve tribes will go
inheritance in me. a peculiar phrase, but Ronsch supports it by 2 Sam. xx. 1: "Neither have we in heritance in the son of Jesse" 2.
Tlieir
This
is
221); but his later suggestion on this pas sage is possibly better, in which he takes the Latin in me to be a corruption of "in earn." See crit. note on II. 2.
(Z.f.W.T. 1869,
p.
"
"
Appoint them prefectures. The text
is
obscure.
See crit. note render also
We might
(p. 60).
them
:
local
magis trates." These might be the anas? mentioned in Deut. xvi. 18 1 Chron. xxiii. xxvi. 4, "appoint
;
29. 3.
In
the
conquest
of
sixth
year.
The
Canaan
occupied five years. Of. Josh. xiv. 10 Ant. 1. 19 eras Sc v. Joseph. ;
:
Tre/JWTTOv
Xapaj
cutoi
/ecu
Trape\r]\udeL ovKeri ovdeis UTroXe -
7J07)
XetTTTO.
For eighteen years.
Each year The
signifies a reiini or ruler.
"chiefs
and
kings"
down
are
the
judges and the three kings, Saul, David, and Solomon. And during nineteen years the fifteen
ten tribes will be apostates. These are the nineteen kings of Israel from Jeroboam to Hoshea. In
these two statements the writer anticipates for the moment the In the next course of history. verse he turns back to record the removal of the ark by David to Jerusalem. 4. And the twelve tribes will 2 Sam. vi. 1, 2, go doitm, etc.
See
17.
crit.
note
(p. 61).
The God of heaven.
Cf. iv. 4,
This expression, which is found in Gen. xxiv. 7, was a favourite one amongst the postexilic Jews, Ezra v. 11, vi. 9, Dan. ii. 18, 10, vii. 12, 21, 23 x. 3.
;
etc.
The Cod of heaven will make, etc. The building of the temple under Solomon is here referred to. The court of His tabernacle. See
crit.
note
(p. 62).
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
io
and transfer the tabernacle the
God
of
l
of the testimony.
heaven will make the court
Then His
of
tabernacle and the tower of His sanctuary, and the
two holy
tribes will be (there) established
the ten
tribes will establish
selves according to their
own
them
for
kingdoms ordinances.
But
5.
:
6.
And
they will offer sacrifices throughout twenty years 7. And seven will entrench the walls, and I will :
protect nine, but (four) will transgress the covenant of the Lord,
and profane the oath which the Lord
made with them.
8.
And
they will sacrifice their
sons to strange gods, and they will set up idols in the sanctuary, to worship them.
house
of
the
Lord they
Tower of His sanctuary. crit.
note
And
See
the
Only two
two holy tribes
tribes,
will
etc.
remain
faithful to the temple so built. This calls for a reference to the action of the ten tribes, which is given in the text verse. 5. This statement relative to the ten tribes is really parenthetical. It was called out by
the prediction that (only) the two tribes would preserve their allegiance to the temple. 6. The writer, after the parenthetical reference to the ten tribes in ver. 5, returns here to the history of the two. Offer sacrifices throughout twenty years. The twenty years the designate twenty sovereigns of Judah from Kehoboam onwards, including Athaliah.
in
the
work impiety and
will
Seven
7.
will
entrench
Hie
seven
kings will advance the strength and proi.e.
walls,
(p. 62).
And
9.
of Judah-Eehoboam, Asa, Jehoshaphat, Jehoram, Ahaziah, Athaliah. I iirill protect nine, i.e. nine kings will enjoy the divine sperity Abijah,
Amaziah, Joash, protection Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, Hezekiah, Manasseh, Amoii, Josiah. (Four) will transgress, i.e. Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, Zedekiah. oath. Transgress note (pp. 62, 63). .
.
.
See
crit.
8.
Sacrificed their sons,
etc.
2 Kings xvi. 3 ; Ps. cvi. 37, 38 ; Ezek. xvi. 20, xx. 26 ; Hos. xi. 2.
Set
up
idols in
the,
sanctuary.
Cf. Ezek. viii. 8-16. 9.
This verse
is
clearly based
CHAPTERS
II.
III.
5
engrave every (form) of beast, (even)
ii
5
many abomina
tions.
III.
And
in those days a king
come against them and cover 2.
cavalry. fire
And
from the east will
their land with (his)
he will burn their colony with of the Lord, and
together with the holy temple
3. And he will carry away all the holy vessels. he will cast forth all the people, and he will take
them
he will take
to the land of his nativity, yea
the two tribes with him. will call
4.
Then the two
as a lioness on the dusty plains, being 5.
thirsty.
And
they will cry aloud
on Ezek. viii. 9, 10. Thus "in the house of the Lord they will work impiety," is derived from viii. 9, and the remaining words from viii. 10. See crit. note for the restoration of the text. III. 1. A king from the east. Nebuchadnezzar, 588-586 B.C. 2. Colony. This word is due either to the Greek or Latin
translator, and points to the fact that when the translation
was made Jerusalem had been rebuilt by Hadrian as a Roman colony under the name Aelia Capitolina. See also V. 6, VI. 9. The original may have used or "place" cf. IV. 7. "city" All tlic vessels. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 7. According to Dan. L 2, part of these had been carried away in the reign of ;
hol>/
Jehoiakim 20. first
cf. Jer. xxvii. 19, tradition current in the of our era recounts century
A
tribes
upon the ten tribes, and will be indignant
;
hungry and "
Eighteous
:
that on the destruction of Solo mon s temple the holy vessels were concealed by angels (Apoc. Bar. vi. ) or by Jeremiah (2 Mace, ii. 4-8) in order to preserve them for the future Messianic king dom. See also Bammidbar rab, 15. The writer of this book
was not apparently acquainted with this tradition. 3, 4. Will be indignant. crit.
note (pp. 64,
and
Cf.
thirsty. Ixxvii. 14.
65).
See
Hungry
Apoc.
Bar.
5. Righteous and holy is the Lord. Ps. cxlv. 17, 5iKai.osKvpi.os
Kal oaios, and Vulgate, et sauctus. Justus Dominus Dan. ix. 14. Pss. Sol. x. 6 .
.
.
;
Righteous
.
.
.
is
the Lord,
for inasmuch
Cf. Apoc. as, etc. Ixxvii. 3, 4. Both here and
Bar. in the Apoc. Bar. the calamities of Judah are said to be due to the In the wickedness of Israel.
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
12
and holy sinned,
the Lord,
is
we
inasmuch as ye have
for,
too, in like manner, have been carried
away with you, together with our children." 6. Then the ten tribes will mourn on hearing the reproaches of the two tribes, 7. And they will say What have we done unto you, brethren ? Surely this tribulation has not come on all the house of :
"
Israel
?"
And
8.
all
:
God
of
of Isaac
and God
"
9.
covenant which Thou didst the
mourn crying God of Abraham Jacob, remember Thy make with them, and
the tribes will
unto heaven and saying
oath which Thou didst swear unto
Thyself, that their seed should never
Thou hast given
land which
latter book, however, Ixxvii. 10, xi. 17, Dan. ix and 7,
Jer.
;
the Apocryphal Bar. ii. 26, these are attributed to the wickedness of both Israel and Judah. Together with our children. These words are found at the end of ver. 4 in the MS., but there they are impossible. See crit. 7.
note
(p. 65).
Baldensperger (Das Selbst-
bewusstsein Jcsu,
p.
30,
note)
thinks that if we could admit the date of the book to be after 70 A.D. the word "tribulation" here might hint also at a re cently experienced calamity. 8. Unto heaven. Heaven seems here to be used as equi valent to God. This usage ap It is pears first in Dan. iv. 23. Cf. Matt. v. 34. frequent later. 9.
The
oath
.
.
that
their
them by
fail
the
in
Then
10.
them."
seed should never fail in the land. Gen. xvii. 8 ; cf. for phraseology Pss. Sol. xvii. 5 airw irep rov avTOv els rbv aiCova rov /JLTJ :
Keireiv
.
.
.
(SaffiXeiav
avrov
;
also Test. XII. Patriar., Jud. 22. 10-13. These verses are either
the source of Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv. 2-5, or both passages are derived
from a common
The
original.
passage in Baruch is: 2. "Re member that formerly Moses as suredly called heaven and earth to
witness against you,
If ye transgress
the
and said
:
law,
ye shall be dispersed but if ye keep be 3. And shall it, ye kept. other things he used to say unto ;
you when
ye, the twelve were together inthc desert.
tribes, 4.
And
after his death ye cast them away from you on this account there :
CHAPTER
III.
6-14
13
they will remember me, saying, in that day, tribe 11. unto tribe and each man unto his neighbour :
"
which Moses did then declare
Is not this that
unto us in prophecies, who suffered many things in Egypt and in the Eed Sea and in the wilderness during
forty
years
heaven and earth
:
to
1 2.
And
assuredly
called
witness against us, that
we
should not transgress His commandments, in the 13. Behold which he was a mediator unto us? these
things
have
according to his
befallen
us
after
words and according
his
death
to his declara
he declared to us at that time, yea behold these have taken place even to our being carried
tion, as
away captive
into the country of the
came upon you what had been
And now
5.
predicted.
used
to tell
you,
and
Moses
you
before they befell they have befallen I have italicised the poryou." tions which are undoubtedly of close kin. Cf. Dan. ix. 11-13. !
In Egypt and in
11.
and
Sea
lo
years.
the
the
Red
wilderness forty
These words are found
exactly as they stand here, and likewise in reference to Moses in Stephen s speech in Acts vii. 36: ovros e^rjyayev avrovs,
Tepara /cat
/cat
eprjfj.(j)
trotr/cras
iv TTJ A-lytiirrty, /cat ev rrj 6a\d<T(rr),
a-rj/j.e ca
iv EpvdpS.
try TeaaapaKovra.
The
of their having a partial parallel in Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv. 3 (see above) seems to preclude the possibility of their being an interpolation here. fact
12.
Assuredly
called
heaven
east."
14.
and earth
to witness. See crit. note (pp. 66, 67). Dent. iv. 26, xxx. 19, xxxi. 28; Apoc. Bar.
xix. 1, Ixxxiv. 2.
Mediator.
See
I.
14, note,
That we should not transgress His commandments. Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv.
2.
And
behold these things. See crit. note (p. 67). his See crit. death. After note (p. 67). Yea behold, etc. See crit. note. Into the country of the cast. See crit. note. 14. Seventy and seven years. 13.
This refers back, no doubt, to Jeremiah s prophecy of seventy years captivity, Jer. xxv. 11, This prophecy 12, xxix. 10. is referred to in Dan. ix. 2, and interpreted in ix. 24 to mean How seventy weeks of years.
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
14
Who
will be also in
bondage for about seventy and
seven years. IV. Then there will enter one
and he his
who
will spread forth his hands,
and pray on
knees
their
is
over them,
and kneel upon
behalf
saying
:
2.
King on the lofty throne, who rulest the world, and didst will that this people should be Thine elect people, then (indeed) Thou didst will
"
Lord of
all,
that
Thou shouldst be
the
covenant which Thou didst make with their
fathers.
3.
And
another
into
children,
called their God, according to
yet they have gone in captivity land with their wives and their
and around the gates
and where there
is
will
He made
the limits of this period arc to be determined, it has hitherto been impossible to define. That the same impossibility attaches to the present time-determiiiation is therefore not strange. If seventy-seven years be taken
weeks of years (as in Daniel), This the total is 539 years. from when subtracted 588, Jerusalem was destroyed, gives as
49 B.C.
But this is not intelliMerx thinks there is a
play on seven in crit.
note.
Lord
of
heaven."
remember them on account
covenant which
gible.
Eegard and
4.
great vanity.
have compassion on them,
Then God
of strange peoples
the words seventythe Semitic. See
Can seventy and
seven signify here an indefinite number, as it actually does in
5.
of the
with their fathers, and the 0. and N.T. (cf. Gen. 24 Mt. xviii. 22). IV. 1. One, i.e. Daniel; Dan. ix. 4-19. 2. Rulest the world. See
iv.
;
cf.
xi.
17, note.
Thine
Cf. Isa. Ixv. 15, etc.
elect people.
xlii. 1, xliii. 20,
Observe the contrast 3. 2, existing between Israel s reasonable expectations and their actual lot God s chosen covenanted people the slave of an idolatrous human power, 3. crit. 4.
See Vanity, i.e. idolatry. note (pp. 68, 69). Cf. Dan. ix. 18, 19 Apoc.
Bar, xlviii. 18.
;
CHAPTER He
will manifest
IV. 1-8
15
His compassion in those times
And He
put it into the mind of a king to have compassion on them, and he will send
also.
6.
them
will
land and country.
off to their
their appointed place,
the
place renewing
continue
will
6.
A
i.
i.e.
king,
Chron.
xxxvi.
in
23
; ;
cf.
2
Ezra
1-4.
because they 8. Lamenting will not be able to offer sacrifices, etc. Worship in the second temple during the Persian period and later was discredited by several writers in different cen turies and no doubt on different
grounds.
Thus Malachi
(i.
7)
bread "ye upon Mine altar." Next, in the Eth. En. Ixxxix. 73 the sacrifices are declared to be unclean under "all the the symbolical words bread on it was polluted and not Our next reference to pure." the low estimation in which the worship of the second temple was held is found in the Apoc. "And at that Bar. Ixviii. 5, 6 time, after a little interval, Zion will again be builded, and its offerings will again be restored and the priests will return to their ministry, and again the writes
:
offer polluted
:
:
;
Gentiles will
come
and they
And
8.
to glorify
it.
Nevertheless, not as fully as in the beginning." The passages from Malachi and the Eth. En. seem to arraign only the imper fect character of the victims, and
will
will
the
their prescribed
Cyrus
22,
(it).
Then some
up and they
portions of the tribes will go to
7.
two
faith,
come
entrench tribes
sad and
the spirit of those that offer them. That in the Apoc. Bar. may not amount to anything more than a reflection on the lesser glory of the second temple as compared with that of the first, such as we find in Hag. 3
ii.
Who
"
:
is
left
among you
that saw this house in its former glory ? and how do ye see
it
iii.
12.
now
"
?
also
Cf.
Ezra
But the passage
in our text It implies an imperfection attaching to the validity of the entire temple
seems to go deeper.
There is, indeed, no objection to sacrifice as such in this book hence no Essenic tenet is to be sought for here. The writer s views may possibly service.
;
be explained on the ground that he regarded it as impossible for Israel to render perfect worship so long as they were subject to heathen powers. From these powers God alone could deliver them. They were not, as we gather from IX., to attempt this task themselves. God Himself would achieve it for them when
they duly repented, writer
is
I.
17.
The
a Pharisaic quietist.
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
i6
lamenting because they will not be able to sacrifices to the
Lord
of their fathers.
ten tribes will increase
9.
offer
And
the
and multiply among the
Gentiles during the time of their captivity. V. And when the times of chastisement draw
nigh and vengeance arises through the kings who share in their guilt and punish them, 2. They themselves also will be divided as to the truth. 3.
Wherefore
it
hath come
9. Multiply ammig the Gentiles during the time of their captivity.
See crit. note (pp. 70, 71) for the grounds for this emendation, for the passages from con temporary writers supporting the present statement. V. 1. Vengeance arises through
and
the kings
who share in
their guilt.
The writer shows that there was a special Nemesis in the instru ments of their chastisement for the very people, whose manners ;
and customs they were
so eager to adopt to the destruction of Hebrew religion and character, became in due course the actual
means through which a righteous
vengeance overtook them. We find the same thought expressed
in reference to the Hellenising priests of Jason s time in 2 Mace. iv. 16: By reason whereof sore "
calamity came upon them for they had them to be their enemies and avengers whose customs they followed so eagerly, :
and unto
whom
be like in
all
rets
ayuyas
they desired to
things"
/ecu
(&v ^rjXovv
Ka.Qa.irav ijdfXov
TOVTOVS
TroAe/a ous
"
to
pass
They
:
will
Here as in our text the writer regards the persecution under the Seleucidae, especially Antiochus, as a judgment on the Hellenising and apostasies of the leaders of the nation. 2. They will be divided as to the truth. The enormities of .
.
.
the Sadducean priesthood pro moted in the way of reaction a religious awakening among the scribes, and gave birth to what later known as the Pharisaic
was
The origin of this party symbolically described in the Eth. En. xc. 6, 7 as taking place
party. is
at this time.
(See
my
edition
Schmidt-Merx wrongly describe these two parties as the war party of the Maccabeans and the stricter Chasids. Hilin
loc.
)
genfeld strangely interprets these words as referring to the disper sion (diaairopd) under the Seleucids, and the preceding verse to the Persian kings. The two verses refer to the period of the Seleucid domination. There is no question of the Maccabees as yet. 3. It is impossible to trace this quotation, but portions of it
CHAPTERS
IV. 9
V. 4
turn aside from righteousness and approach iniquity, and they will defile with pollutions the house of their
worship,"
strange
and 4.
gods."
they will go a whoring after For they will not follow the "
their phraseologymay be found in the O.T. For turn aside from righteousness, cf. Ezek. iii. 20 for "they will defile the house of their at
least
;
.
.
.
worship," "Ye
...
cf.
have
Ezek.
brought
to be in
My
xliv.
7
:
aliens
in
sanctuary, to "
profane it, even My house "her Zeph. iii. 4 priests have profaned the sanctuary"; see also Pss. Sol. i. 9, where of the
;
:
Jewish
priesthood it is said i ra ayia Kvpiov ev and viii. 26 e^iavav /ecu ra i)yi.a0-/j.ei>a TOV Beou. The clause "will go a whoring after strange is found in Dent. xxxi. It!, gods" j, 4. All previous writers have, :
:
T<
I
believe, wrongly interpreted these verses. They have taken
them as referring to the early Maccabean high priests and their Sadducean supporters. But there are certain statements here which make such an inter pretation
words
"
i.
The
whoring
after
impossible.
will go a
strange gods" cannot possibly be applied to the Maccabean In ii. high priests, 160-103. no case could the latter be de scribed as those "who are no No such charge is priests."
brought against them in all Jewish literature, whereas they are everywhere acknowledged to be of true priestly descent see 1 Mace. ii. 1-5 Joseph. Ant. xii. 6. 1. They were ;
;
sprung from Joiarib or Jehoiarib who returned from the Captivity. 1 Chron. ix. 10 1 Mace. ii. 1 :
;
Neli.
xi.
10,
xii.
6,
19.
iii.
book the statement that the Maccabees should be succeeded by one who was "not of the race of the i.e. Herod, shows that priests," the writer regarded the Macca Finally, in vi. 2 of this
bees as being of priestly descent. But the very facts that make against the application of these verses to the Maccabees make it clear that they can only be rightly explained as descriptive of the high priests who held office previous to the Maccabees, together with their Sadducean i. There was every following, ground for charging the pagan ising high priests Jason and Menelaus with "going a whor
ing after strange gods." Thus, not to dwell upon the contri bution Jason sent to Tyre to be expended in a sacrifice to Hercules in that city, 2 Mace, iv. 19, 20, he set up a palaestra under the citadel, in which the young nobles of Jerusalem prac tised the Greek games, and even the priests, forsaking their ser vice at the altar to do so. This Jason also, called in 2 Mace. iv. 13 "that ungodly wretch, and
no high priest," encouraged Greek fashions and heathen "
manners,"
"put
down
the in
stitutions that were according to law, and brought up new
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES some
truth of God, but
will pollute the altar with
the very gifts which they offer to customs against the law," 2 Mace. iv. 11. Jason is finally declared in 2 Mace. v. 8 to be as a forsaker of the "hated laws, and being had in abom ination as an open enemy of his country and countrymen."
The
above facts will amply account for such words also as "
they will approach iniquity, and they will defile with pollu tions the house of their worship," in ver. 3, and lute the altar gifts
"some
with
which they
will pol the very
in ver.
otter,"
For similar charges against the priesthood, cf. the quota tions given on ver. 3. But the words conclusive ii. some for our interpretation are 4.
:
.
.
.
who
slaves,
have clause
not priests
are
sons
of
shown above "who
show that
that
but
We the
are not priests" case be referred to
cannot in any the Maccabees. to
slaves."
We it
have now
applies to the
Hellenising high priests under Antiochus Epiphanes. Amongst
we have undoubtedly in Menelaus a high priest who was these
not of priestly extraction at all, but was of the tribe of Ben In 2 Mace. iv. 23 he is jamin. called the brother of Simon. This Simon, a Benjamite, was a Hellenising governor of the temple, 2 Mace. iii. 4. Josephus represents Menelaus as a brother of Onias in., Ant. xii. 4. 10, 5.1; but wrongly, as is univers This illegiti ally admitted.
mate appointment was exactly in
keeping with the policy of
who
the Lord,
It was his aim, not only to outrage the Jewish Law, but to procure its entire aboli tion. Although this is the only authenticated instance of the high priesthood being held by one who was not of priestly Grimm and other descent,
Antiochus.
scholars are right in concluding that the occurrence of similar irregularities in appointments to the high priesthood is implied in 1 Mace. vii. 14. There the Asi-
daeans declare, on the appoint ment of Alkimus to the high that they could priesthood, suffer nothing at the hands of the
army which was marching
against them, because "one that is a priest of the seed of Aaron is come with the army." These Slaves, sons of slaves. words have been referred to the
Maccabean
high priests
;
and
the passage in Josephus, Ant. xiii. 10. 5, has been quoted in
support of this view, where, at a banquet given by Hyrcanus, a Pharisee named Eleazar requested Hyrcanus to lay dow n the high priesthood, on the ground that his mother had been a captive during the reign of Antiochus. T
This statement, which Josephus declares to be false, is repeated in the Talmud. But, (1) as we
have already seen in the preced ing notes, there can be no refer ence here to the Maccabean high priests ; and (2) the first reference to them is found in If v. 4 already referred to the Maccabean high priests, we should not find in vi. 1 the
vi. 1.
CHAPTER
V. 5-6
5. And are not priests but slaves, sons of slaves. many in those times will respect the persons of the
and receive
rich
and wrest judgment [on And on this account the
gifts, G.
receiving presents].
special record that the Maccabees
themselves high priests The phrase "slaves, of God. sons of slaves," then, is to be in terpreted, not of the Maccabees, but of their predecessors. In called
this regard it is full of signifi cance, and points to the condition of complete degradation in which the holders of this office stood tinder Antiochus ; for they were the nominees and absolute tools
of that despot, being made and unmade by him at pleasure. Thus Onias in. was deposed to
make room
for Jason,
and Jason
in turn to make room for Menelaus, 2 Mace. iv. 7-9, 23-29. o. And many in those times. The Latin text here is, qui eniin
doctores eorum In the crit. note (pp. 72,73)1 have shown that an incorrect is doctores eorum marginal gloss in the Hebrew MS. on the preceding words D mm, which are here wrongly rendered by qui enim magistri These "many" were the sunt.
magistri
illis
stint
temporibtis.
Sadducean party who supported the Hellenising high priests. Probably the reference may be more specific, and the "many may signify the large Hellenising Sadducean majority in the San hedrim in Jerusalem. The San hedrim was the chief court for the administration of civil and See p. 26. criminal justice. "
Respect rich.
See
the
persons note
crit.
of (p.
the 73).
Dettt. xvi. 19 is the source of and the two following this clauses "Thou shalt not wrest judgment thou shalt not re :
;
neither persons thou take a gift." spect
shalt
;
and wrest See preceding note ; note (p. 73).
Receive gifts
judgment. also crit.
.
.
.
I [On receiving present* ]. have bracketed this phrase as
a dittography.
See
crit.
note
(pp. 73, 74), where I have shown that, if it is genuine, as it may be, we should probably be right
in regarding accipientes munera in the preceding line as
greedy of gain (cf. Prov. xv. 27), and accordingly render the whole verse: "And many in will respect the of the rich, and be greedy of gain, and wrest judg ment on receiving presents." In this case 1 Sam. viii. 3 was clearly before the mind of the writer: "And his sons walked not in his ways, but turned aside after lucre, and took bribes,
those
times
persons
and perverted judgment. 5, 6. crit.
See
Win
Will forsake the Lord. note be
(p. 74). to
ready
See
judge for
money,
etc.
(p. 75).
Cf. Isa. v. 23.
note
crit.
VIII. IX. The persecution of the the Jews under Antiochus breach between the Chasids and the early Maccabees, and the resumption by the former of ;
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
20
colony and the borders of their habitation will be filled with lawless deeds and iniquities they will :
forsake the Lord
they will be
they
:
ready
will be impious
to judge for
money
judges
as each
:
may
wish.
VI. Then
there
their quietistic attitude.
will These
chapters should be read immedi ately after V., where they be For the longed originally. grounds for this conclusion see notes in loc. VI. 1. Kings bearing rule, and they will call themselves See crit. note. high priests. Previous scholars have referred these words to Antigonus as sumption of the title of king in
104 B.C. It is true, no doubt, that Antigonus was the first to do so but, on the following grounds, it seems clear that the line of kings mentioned in the text begins, not with Antigonus, but with Jonathan or Judas. For (1) the name "king" is ;
it used loosely in this book does not necessarily mean any thing more than commander or prince. Thus the Roman general :
Varus king
"
title
who
is
in
called 8.
vi.
"a
powerful
Hence
this
could be used even of Judas, was the de facto ruler of the
and on still better grounds who was invested by Alexander Balas of Syria with princely rank through the symbols of the purple robe and diadem in 153 and on the most Jews
;
of Jonathan,
;
adequate grounds of Simon, who was the first independent Maccabean ruler of his nation. (2)
up unto them
be raised
Now, according
to the text, their
assumption of the high priest hood is regarded as subsequent to their assumption of the office of supreme military and civil rulers of the nation. Hence, as the office of high priest was usurped as early as 153 B.C. by Jonathan, and this usurpation made legiti
mate, and the office declared to be hereditary in the Maccabean line in 141 B.C. by a council of the nation (1 Mace. xiv. 41), 11
words "kings bearing rule must be referred to the Maccabean the
rulers previous,
at
all
events,
141 B.C. Hence this verse (vi. 1) embraces the entire Mac cabean dynasty from Judas, 165 to
B.C., to
Antigonus, 37
B.C.,
was succeeded by Herod. High priests of God. Latin, which is here
who The
sacer-
dotes summi Dei, "priests of the Most High God," I have, in my critical text, necessarily emended into summos sacerdotes Dei (see crit. note, p. for such a title 75) (1) would be unparalleled in con nection with the Maccabees. In 1 and 2 Mace., and in the An tiquities and Jewish Wars of ;
Josephus, they are simply de scribed in their sacred character as
"high
priests,"
priests of the
or
nation."
"high
(2)
The
CHAPTER Kings bearing high
and they
rule,
God
of
priests
VI. 1-3 will
call
themselves
will assuredly
they
:
21
iniquity in the holy of holies.
2.
And an
work
insolent
king will succeed them, who will not be of the race of the priests, a man bold and shameless, and
he will judge Jewish
high
them
as was
priesthood
never, so far as I can discover, called a priesthood of the Most
High God.
"
divine
Most
Again, if the were here the we should find, (3)
title High,"
according to universal Biblical usage, Dei stimmi or altissimi or excels! (cf. Gen. xiv. 18, 19, 20, 22; Ps.
Ivii. 2, Ixxviii.
iii.
v.
26,
Luke
viii.
18,
28
;
21
;
Heb.
56; Dan.
Mark
v.
7
;
and
vii. 1),
not summi Dei. (4) Summi sacerdotes is in many instances a Vulg. rendering of dpxiepets (cf.
Mark
61, 63, 66
xiv. ;
47,
Acts
53,
54,
xxiii. 4).
60, (5)
The phrase "the high priest of God is found in Acts xxiii. 4. The Maccabees had no wish "
to differentiate themselves
from
the high priests that preceded them. Their claim to this oiiice, so far as they had any, rested on their Aaronic descent.
Will assuredly work iniquity. this Hebraism see crit. note. 2. This verse refers to Herod the Great, who reigned from 37 He could not assume to 4 B.C. the high priest s office, as he was not even a full-born Jew, much
On
less
of priestly descent.
phus, Ant. xiv. 15.
2, calls
Jose-
him
Tjfj.uovda ios.
Not of the race of the priests. Herod was the son of Autipater
they shall
deserve.
3.
of Idumea, and not of Jewish descent, according to Joseph. Ant. xiv. 1. 3 Bell. i. 6. 2. Our text does not go so far. Its silence seems to concede the Jewish origin of Antipater, and thus to agree with the statement of Nicolas of Damascus to that ;
effect (Ant. xiv. 1. 3). See Sehurer, i. i. 314, 315, notes. Judge them as they deserve. The persons here declared to be deserving of punishment may be (a) the surviving members of the Maccabean family, all of whom were ultimately cut off by Herod (&) the Sadducean aristocracy forty-five of whom he had exe cuted on becoming king (Ant.xv. 1.2; Bell. i. 18. 4). To the Phari sees, on the other hand, Herod was on the whole favourable. Even when they refused to take the oath of allegiance, they were spared at the intercession of Pollio and Sameas. The Essenes were also excused, but not the rest of the people. See Ant. xv. 10. 4. (c) Or else the nation at ;
VI. 1. We should observe that VI. 4, 5 support the last interpretation. large, as in
3.
Out
off their chief
the Sadducean nobles.
ceding note. Destroy (them} in
Murders of
men,
i.e.
See pre
secret places. this secret sort are
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
22
And
he will cut
off
their
men
chief
with the
sword, and will destroy (them) in secret places, so that no one may know where their bodies are. 4.
He
and the young, and he
will slay the old 5.
spare.
them
in
Then the their
fear of
land.
6.
him
will not
will be bitter unto
And he
will
execute
judgments on them as the Egyptians executed upon them, during thirty and four years, and he will
And
he will beget children, succeeding him will rule for shorter periods. punish them.
in
reported 10. 4
\e\Tjd6Tws
Ant.
Joseph.
TroXXot re
:
7.
fts
TO
/ecu
xv.
(fiavep&s /ecu
(fipovpiov v, e/ce?
dvacue<-
OeipovTo.
Perhaps, as Hilgenfeld and suggest, we should omit the et before non and translate: "He will slay the old, and the young he will not 4.
Volkmar
spare."
Of. Jer.
Cf. for
5.
li.
3.
phraseology 2 Mace.
vi. 3.
and four years. 6. Thirty Herod reigned thirty-four years the death of Antigonus, and thirty-seven after he had been declared king by the Romans. Cf. Joseph. Ant. xvii. after
8.
1
;
Bell.
i.
8.
and Philip thirty-seven. From these facts we must con clude that, as Herod died 4 B.C., this book must have been written earlier, at all events, than 30 A.D. Reuss, on the other hand (Die Geschichte der h. Schriften A.T., 1890, pp. 738-740), does not agree that these words necessarily determine the date. Philip and Antipas did indeed
years,
reign longer than their father, but our author, he urges, was thinking only of Archelaus and die allein ftir einen Agrippa, Jerusalemer Interesse hatten." In this view Reuss is followed by Rosenthal and Baldensperger. 8.
See
33. 8.
who
Into their parts, cohorts, etc. crit. note.
who will 7. Children rule for shorter periods. See crit. note. Although there is some corruption in the text, there is no difficulty as to the
A powerful king. Varus, governor of Syria, who sup
sense. Herod s sons, it states, are to reign for shorter periods than their father. this was true of Archelaus alone ; for Antipas reigned forty-three
10.
.
.
.
Now
pressed a rebellion of the Jews against the Roman authority in 4 B.C. See Joseph. Ant. xvii. 9,
10,
11.
1
;
Bell.
ii.
5.
1-3.
Burn a part of their temple. The temple was set fire to, not by Varus, but by the soldiers
CHAPTERS Into their parts cohorts
who
the west will come,
VII. 3
VI. 4
and a powerful king conquer them
will
of 9.
:
And
he will take them captive, and burn a part of temple with fire, (and) will crucify some around their colony. their
VII. ended,
And when this is done the times in a moment the (second) course
(ended), the four hours will come.
be forced under his lieutenant Sabinus. See Joseph. Ant. xvii. 10. 2 Bell. ii. 3. 3. The injuries done to the temple on this occasion were not made good till as late as Xero s reign, though 18,000 men were employed in the re See Ant. xx. 9. 7. storation. Will crucify some, etc. 2000 were crucified by Yarns (Ant. ;
xvii. 10. 10).
VII.
1.
And,
3.
And when
this is
the times will be ended.
done
With
these words the actual history recounted by our author, as Ewald, Wieseler, Dillmann, and Schiirer have recognised, comes to a close. have arrived at the date at which he is writing.
We
Up
to this point his historical allusions have been easy to in series of predictions terpret. follow, couched by their author in enigmatical symbols to begin
A
with, and afterwards corrupted by translators or transcribers beyond the possibility of restora tion. 2. It is worse than idle to attempt to deal with this verse till we know something about its actual wording. On the for
2.
in
lorn attempts
will be
will be
They
will
the time of
made
to restore
it,
by Hilgenfeld, Yolkmar, Merx, Colani, and Wieseler, see crit. note (pp. 77, 78). 3-10. Who were the persons aimed at by the writer ? They are
evidently contemporaries. picture is drawn from life. And yet there is the greatest di versity of opinion among scholars as to the class designed by the writer. They have been taken to
The
(i.) The Her odian princes, by Hilgenfeld, Mess. Jud. 464, 465. But there are many objections
be
to this identification. (ii.)
The
Pharisees,
(a)
in
decade after Herod s death, by Ewald, History of v. Israel, 367, note 5 (Eng. Dillmann. tr.), Drummond, Schiirer, II. iii. 79, 80; (b) be tween 54-64 A.D., by SchmidtMerx (Merx, Archiv.f. Wissenschaftl. Erforschung des A.T., the
first
i. p. 121, 1868). Though cer tain traits in these verses seem to favour this view, the prevailing tone of the entire passage makes
vol.
impossible. The persons here arraigned are unblushing Epi cureans, gluttonous men and
it
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES and impious men
these, scornful winebibbers.
Now,
although
nearly every other vice has been 1 aid to the charge of the Pharisees, even their worst enemies have not accused them of open glut tony and drunkenness. Indeed, the Pharisees were decidedly ascetic in character, according to the testimony of Josephus ; he writes, "the Pharisees," make little of the pleasures "
and do not sur render themselves to the com of the forts (Ant. body" of the table,
xviii. rrfv
1.
3
diairav
o i re
:
yap
^aptcrcuoi
eevTe\iov(rLi>,
ovdej>
touch
will rule, saying
me,"
etc., in their relation
the people of the land. He points out, further, that the words dicentes se haec facere propter misericordiam are to be explained by a decree of the Sanhedrim in that period, which forbade a man to give more than ^th of his fortune to the poor. Colani s views are decidedly ingenious, and might win our assent if he could likewise con vince us of the late date he assigns to the book, i.e. after 136 A.D. But that a Jew, writ ing the history of his people in "
to
main outlines, should omit mention of the final and
TO fj,a\aKwrepov ev$LbvTe<s. In Matt, xxiii. 25, indeed, they are
its
accused of secret profligacy, "but within they are full from ex
completed destruction of Jeru salem under Titus, and pass on
els
tortion
and excess
"
(e
apirayTJs
/ecu cl/cpacrta?).
But this ascetic tone was not universally characteristic of the Hence Pharisees after 70 A.n. this objection will not tell against
the views of Philippi (Das Buch 176) and Colani p. (Revue dc Thcol. 1868, 2nd part, pp. 73-79), who interpret the passage as referring to the Pharisees in the earlier half of the second century. Colani, in particular, identifies the class assailed in the text with the Jewish doctors at Jabne and Usha. At the head of the Sanhedrim at these places was a ffenoch,
president ( = Nasi), who lived in princely luxury, and enjoyed immense authority over the Jews of the Dispersion. Such phrases,
he urges, as princes,"
"we
shall
"we
shall be as
have
feast-
and luxury," would apply him and his likewise not
ings to
;
"do
all
at a bound to the national troubles which were consum mated by the erection of Aelia Capitolina on the sacred site of
indeed simply im this date of Colani is dealt with elsewhere. (iii. ) The Pharisees and the Sadducees, (a] in 4 B.c.-6A.r>. This view was first advocated by Wieseler (Jahrb. f. deutsche Jerusalem, possible.
is
But
Thcol. 1868, pp. 642, 643), who referred vers. 3, 4 to the latter, arid 6-10 to the former, (b) Soon after the fall of Jerusalem, 70 A.D. is urged by Rosenthal (Vicr Apocryph. Biichcr, 1885, pp. 20, 21, 25-30), who follows Wieseler in attributing vers. 3, 4 to the Sadducees, and 6-10 to the Pharisees. But this two
This view
1
fold interpretation is just as un tenable as those that precede.
The attempt
to assign vers. 3, 4 and 6-10 to another, can only proceed from a superto one class,
CHAPTER for if ficial study of the passage the persons denounced in ver. 4 are charged with gluttony, this if in 3 is no less true in 8 ;
;
they are said to hold high office, if in 3 they do so also in 8 they proclaim their justice, in if 10 they assert their purity in 3 and 4 they are declared ;
;
to be
"deceitful,"
"treacherous,"
denounced "
pious,
"
as
"impious,"
in 6-10 they are
"deceitful,"
"im
filled with lawlessness.
"
We have therefore one and the same class of persons to deal with in the entire passage, and these are not Pharisees prior to to 70 A.D., as we have already seen under ii. (&). But, accord ing to Rosenthal, the classes 6-10 in are the vers. designed Pharisees, 70-90 A.D., i.e. R. Jochanan ben Sakkai and his companions and pupils, who for sook Jerusalem during the siege
and established themselves at Jabne. That a small body of learned men, whose main pur suit was the study and applica tion of the law, who alone in the time of universal prostra tion held on high the standard of national hope and faith, could be so described by any thoughtful and learned Jew of that period (a Zealot, as Rosenthal supposes), this is, I confess, simply in credible. Besides, there is not a shred of evidence to show that the rabbis of Jabne (70-90) could with the faintest approach to truth be described as gluttons,
drunkards, traitors, hypocrites, and murderers. Other argu ments, on the ground of chron ology, etc., might be advanced against the hypothesis of Rosenthai, but no more are needed.
VII.
(iv.) The Roman procurators, by Baldensperger (Das Scllst-
bewusstsein Jesu, 1888, p. 31). is a very attractive inter pretation, and several of the charges made in the text, such as those of gluttony, drunkenness, and murder, could be amply substantiated against the Roman On the other hand, governors. there are phrases that cannot
This
with any propriety be applied to them; i.e. "do not touch me, lest thou shouldst pollute me"
(ver. 10),
and
"concealing
themselves lest they should be recognised."
(v.)
The Sadducees.
(a) in
the
time of Nerva and Trajan, by Yolkmar (p. 105). This view may be at once dismissed. The Sadducees were nobodies at this (b) Between 15-70 A.I). period, It is This is my own view. likewise advocated by Lucius (Der Essc.nismus, 1881, pp. 116119)
and by Geiger
(Jiidlnche
1868, pp. 45, 46), though they assign no date to Zcitschrift,
The latter adduces such phrases as regnabunt de the book. his
homines
pestilentiosi,
and
In principes erimus. dicentes se esse justos, he points to the play on the words D pnx and D pns. These Sadduqim or Sadducees cover themselves with the mantle of priestly holiness. They emphasise their special
tanquam
priestly purity, and keep the In the people afar from them. notes that follow, this passage will be dealt with verse by verse, and the chief charges which it brings against the Sadducees justified by parallels from the
Psalms of Solomon. from Ryle and James
I s
quote
edition.
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
26
that they are just.
wrath
And
4.
these will conceal the
minds, being treacherous men,
of their
self-
It will be suficient to premise here that from tlio deposition of Archelaus in 6 till 70 A.D. the government of Judea lay practically in the hands of the
is
Sanhedrim, which was almost Josephus, wholly Sadducean. Ant. xx. 10, describes the form
It standpoint of a Pharisee. could not, however, be used of a
of government as aristocratic, as opposed to the monarchical rule of Herod and Archelaus (see
Schiirer,
words are
rr/v
La, oi
ii.
de
72). T-TJV
priests
jj.ev
Pss.
Pharisee.
Will
rule.
8:
Cf. ver.
"we
We
shall be as princes." have shown in the preceding column that the government of Judea was
an aristocracy from This aristocracy ruled through the Sanhedrim, which
practically
6-70
<ru
A. D.
And
in the time of these. here supposing that de his is a rendering of eVt rovrwv. It may, however, be a rendering of 6K rovrwv. have here an Scornful. instructive instance which illus trates the necessity of translat ing, not the Latin before us, but the Greek or Hebrew which
We
The Latin
is
=
homines
pestilentiosi a.v6pwiroi ? cox. This Hebrew \oLiJ.oL pis in is found Prov. xxix. phrase 8 Is. xxviii. 14 and the Greek in 1 Mace. x. 61. Xot^,6s is a
Cf. Pss. Sol.
iv.
1
:
ivarL
Kadrjirai, j3/3v)\e, ev avvedpia). Diccntes se essejustos. Geiger
has rightly recognised here a play on the words D pm, "Saddu cees,"
4.
presupposes.
cf.
natural descrip Impious. tion of the Sadducees from the
cees.
am
it
;
A
was mainly composed of Saddu
government. 3.
the scorn
to
1, 35, iv. 28.
ii.
eireiriffTevvro.
often the willing tools of the Roman governors. Every abuse in the government would natur ally be traced to those who were the actual though not nominal
I
Sol.
were but too
dp^tepas
The high
His
TOVTUV
^v 77 de irpoffracriav rov
dpiaroKpaTia
,
edvovs
I.
/zero,
:
nearly related
spoken of in the text
See
and
crp iK, "righteous." the wrath, etc.
Conceal crit.
"rouse
the
Text
note.
Treacherous,
i.e.
reads
etc.
wrath,"
56Xtot.
The
Sadducees are so described in Pss. Sol. iv. 27 diro dvdpuiruv :
8o\id}v /ecu d/mpraAcDj
.
So
the Latin should prob of the read ably "pleasers We See crit. note. mighty." should then have in some measure a parallel to the de Self-pleasers. sibi placentes.
We
Cf. frequent rendering of f7. i. 1 Prov. xix. 25, xxi. 24,
signation so frequently applied to the Sadducees in Pss. Sol. iv., of "Pleasers avOpwirapeffKOL. the mighty" would best be applied to the Sadducees owing to their subservient attitude to
xxii. 10, xxiv. 9.
Rome and her Roman
;
;
Ps.
The
;
ascribed to the Sadducees in the Pss. Sol. virepr/fiavla
Dissemblers. ficti,
The
which may be
governors. text gives v
CHAPTER dissemblers in
pleasers,
VII. 4-7
their
all
27
own
affairs
and
lovers of banquets at every hour of the day, gluttons,
gourmands goods *
ground
....
5.
...
Devourers of the
6.
the poor saying that they do so on the
of
of their justice, but (in reality) to destroy
them, complainers, deceitful, concealing themselves they should be recognised, impious, filled with
lest
lawlessness and iniquity from cf. 2 Mace. v. 25, vi. 21, ir\aaroL In Pss. 24, or else Sol. iv. 7 the Sadducees are
res
;
=
spoken of as living Lovers
hour of
ev vTTOKpicrei..
banquets at every
of
Cf. ver. 8.
the day.
The Gluttons, gourmands. text is devoratores, gulae. Pre vious editors take gulae as a genitive or dative in connection with devoratores. Devourers of the goods of A similar charge is brought against the Sadducees in Pss. Sol. iv. 23 T}p7]^u<rav 0.
the poor.
:
7TO\Xoi)j
Oi /COUS
/ecu
dri/jiiq.
dvfjila
;
cf.
dvdpdoTTWV eaKOpirLcrav ev also iv. 11, 13,
15,
though profligates in secret, were stern administrators of justice
text
5i
by
justice. Propter eXe-q^oavv^v.
=
<5t
however, taken is hardly in Hut the difficulty
eXerjfj.oavv riv,
in its usual sense telligible.
disappears when we call to mind that this word is a not infre quent rendering in the LXX. of np-is. Thus we are here to translate. not misericordiam,
the
see Pss.
Hebrew word
it
but
presupposes.
Sol.
iv.
2, 3.
severe, as the
Joseph. Ant. xx. 9. 1, Pharisees were proverbially merciful in judgment, Ant. xiii. 10. 6. 7.
Cf.
Deceitful.
like state
ments regarding the Sadducees in
Ps.
Maying that they do so on ground of their justice. I have rendered misericordiam in the
;
They were proverbially
Sol.
iv.
12.
:
4
:
ot
TJ
y\Coacra.
\6yoi avrou
7rL0virpa ^iv 14. TrapeXoyia-aro ev ei s
the
misericordiam
:
:
avrou ^evdrjs
xii. 2, 4.
sunset
to
The text thus recovered agrees well with the statement in ver. 3 "saying that they are just," and this second reference to the professed justice of the Sadducee repeats the play upon the name. The Sadducees,
ev eirt.-
sunrise
aSiKov
:
Concealing themselves lest they should be recognised. For this also we iirid an excellent parallel in a similar accusation of the Sadducees in Pss. Sol. iv. 5 :
ev VVKTL Kal
ravei
<i>s
oi>x
diroKpixpoLS dfj.apat I. 7. bpu/j.evos
ei>
:
Impious, filled with lawless
and iniquity. irapdvo/Aoi and d/xaprwXot are standing epithets
ness
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
28
We
"
8.
Saying
:
have feastings and luxury,
shall
eating and drinking, yea we
be as
shall
9.
princes."
shall drink our
And though
we
fill,
hands
their
and their minds touch unclean things, yet their mouth will speak great things, and they will say furthermore:
10.
shouldst pollute
And
VIII.
(See Ryle and James s ed. Introd. xlv-xlviii.) In iv. 3, moreover, of that book there is a like accusation against the Sadducees to that in our text aVTOS ?1>OXOS V TTOi/CiX/Ct a/JLapTLUV :
ev
and
25
d/cpacricu?. :
"filled
Matt.
Cf.
From
The
to sunset.
ab oriente usque ad occidentem, which dfi i)\LovdvaTe\is
dvofifvov.
The
Greek can mean either
"from
^XP
XOJ TOS
1-
to west" (cf. xi. 8), or sunrise to sunset." The context requires the latter mean Thus "from sunrise to ing. sunset is the equivalent of at every hour of the day," in ver. east
"from
"
"
4.
Cf. ver. 4.
8.
Yea we See
shall drink our note. Though their hands
their
minds
ye.
For the Hebraism see
touch, etc.
.
.
.
.
in
(TTO.TOVV
Pss.
rb
is
Sol.
also
dwelt 13
viii.
dvaiacrrripiov
:
Kvpiov
dwo d0e5py
iv aKadapffias /ecu a 1/j.aros rds efj.io.Lvov Bvaias ws /cpea (3t(3ri\a. See also 7rd0"r)S
Pss.
i.
10.
8, ii.
14,15, xvii. 17.
Do not touch me =
probably derived from Come not near to am holier than thou," me, and the jnrrW here may be a corruption of the K jrrW in Isa. VIII.-IX. We have now come to one of the most difficult questions in this difficult book. How are we to regard VIII.-IX. ? Two interpretations have been Is.
is
Ixv. 5
"
:
for I
offered. Volkmar, Philippi, and Colani contend that they are a record of what is already past, and constitute in fact a
and
bellion of
yet crit.
Their mouth will speak great
Dan.
.
short history of the persecution under Hadrian after the re
note. things. 9, 10.
.
fill.
crit.
9.
cean priesthood
upon
This
sunrise
.
sacerdotal holiness in the Saddu-
from extortion
excess."
text
thou
"
come upon them a second
there will
Sol.
/ecu
lest
the place where I stand
of the Sadducees in the Pss. of
xxiii.
me
touch
not
"Do
me in
vii. 8, 20.
This combination of inward uncleannessand outward
Bar Cochba, 136
A.I).
All other scholars agree in re garding them as a forecast of what is yet to be the final woes that are immediately to precede the advent of the theo cratic
kingdom. Both views are untenable on
CHAPTERS visitation
VII. 8
VIII.
and wrath, such as has not befallen them
from the beginning until that time, in which The following grounds. former, which regards VIII. -IX. as a record of the persecution of 136-138, is impossible for the Look was written in the first the
;
century (see p. xiii. ). The second view is equally impossible for VIII. -IX. are not a prophecy of ;
the final woes.
They
are clearly
designated as "the second visi tation that is to befall Israel The first (see VIII. 1, note). visitation was the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. The last woes could not be de scribed as "the second visita tion." Other facts that support this conclusion will be dealt with in the sequel. If, then, "the second visita tion is not to be explained as the last woes, how are we to in terpret it ? Clearly as that which actually befell the Jews "
"
under
The
Antiochus
Epiphanes.
was that in which Jerusalem was destroyed under Nebuchadnezzar. That VIII.-IX. are to be re garded as an account of the per secution under Antiochus is to be inferred from the fact that they furnish an accurate descrip first visitation
of that
tion
accuracy
We
29
Its persecution. be gainsaid.
cannot
shall prove it presently be possibility of refuta
yond the tion.
But the question now natur ally arises, How comes it that we an accurate description of the Antiochian persecution at a period in our book where it is find
chronologically impossible
?
Has
He
our author not already taken account of it in its proper chronological sequence ? These questions lead to the final solu tion of the problem. For on re viewing the past chapters we are unable to discover a single reference to the persecution by Antiochus and the desecration of the temple, and as we study the context we further discover that such an omission is im For as we proceed we possible. find on investigation the facts to be as follows. A gap in the history exists between V. and VI.; ori ginally there was no such gap : its place was filled by VIIL-IX. For () in V. the history is bro light dowr n to the Hellenis-
ing high priests under Antiochus, and VI. opens with a clear refer ence to the Maccabean princes, beginning with Jonathan. Thus there is not even an allusion to the severities of the Antiochian persecution and the horrors that accompanied it, or to the dese cration of the temple ("the abomination that maketh deso late and its subsequent reconan event that was secration, kept green in the national re membrance by the yearly "Fes tival of the Dedication." That one of the most tragic and ")
never-to-be-forgotten periods in Jewish history should be wholly unrecorded is therefore highly is more (b) But improbable. than improbable. It becomes a matter of moral certainty when we further observe that not only the main fortunes of the temple
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES will stir
up
against
them the King
of
the kings of
who who confess to their circumcision: who conceal (it) he will torture and
the earth and one that ruleth with great power, will crucify those
And
2.
those
are closely followed throughout this book, but even the minor injuries inflicted on it are re
corded cf. II. IV. 7, 8 V. ;
;
4,
8,
3,
4
9; III. VI.
;
Its greatest desecration, fore,
1,
2; 9.
there
could not have been passed
over in silence. (c) But the moral certainty that there was no such gap originally, is resolved into scien tific conviction when, in addi tion to the former facts, we ob serve, that in VIII.-IX. we have not only an accurate account of the Antiochian horrors, but also the very fragment that is needed to fill up the gap between V. and VI., and one that harmon ises perfectly with that context. This transposition of the text For is due to the final editor. other transpositions the reader can consult the Introduction (p.
xxx v).
VIII. 1. A second visitation. It will be seen through reference to the critical notes that the
word for "second" is partially restored. That this restoration of Schmidt- Merx is right is clear from IX. 2, where it is referred to again as
We
"a
second.
.
.
visitation."
already remarked (p. 29) that the final woes prelud ing the theocratic kingdom could never have been so described. This "second visitation" is the
have
Antiochian persecution, of which we have a faithful description in the subsequent verses.
Such as
lias not befallen, etc.
From Dan.
xii. 1 cf. Jer. xxx. Mace. ix. 27 Matt. xxiv. 21 Rev. xvi. 18. On the re semblance between Matt. xxiv.
7
;
1
;
;
;
21 and our text, see crit. note. The phrase was clearly a current one.
of the Icings of the earth. used of Nebuchad nezzar in Ezek. xxvi. 7 Dan. ii. 37 and of Artaxerxes in Ezra vii. 12. It is a title peculiar to Oriental despots. Hence it is aptly used here of Antiochus iv.
Kiny
This
title is
;
;
u ho
Crucify those
confess to
Antiochus forbade circumcision, 1 Mace. i. 48 Joseph. Ant. xii. o. 4 their
circumcision.
:
;
e/orAeucre
5e
/ecu
avrovs ra reKva
who
/ZTJ :
TrepLTe/jt.ve<.v
certain women this edict were
disobeyed hurled headlong from the city 1 Mace. i. 60, 61 2 Mace. wall, From 1 Mace. vi. 10, viii. 4. ii. 46, and Joseph. Ant. xii. 5. 4, ;
is clear that this edict was to a large extent obeyed till the Maccabean rising. But Josephus, Ant. xii. 5. 4, writes that the best and noblest amongst the Jews refused to obey this and similar commands of the king, and were accordingly tortured it
and
crucified alive iJ.a<?TiyovKai ret TL Kal ffiTTveovTes avefutvTes CTTCLVpOVVTO. 2. I
Those who conceal
emend, but the text
ful.
See
crit. note.
So doubt
(it}.
is
CHAPTER deliver
And
3.
among
them up
to be
bound and led into
wives will
their
VIII. 2-4
be
given
the Gentiles, and their
prison.
the
to
gods
will be
young sons
operated on by the physicians in order to bring 4. And others amongst forward their foreskin. 3.
given
Ami
wives
will
be
to the gods, etc., i.e. for
the
their
of Venus, as Colani has observed. According to 2 Mace;. vi. 4, the abominations peculiar to this goddess were carried on even in the temple and its courts. Antioch was a centre of this worship especially its notorious suburb Daphne. Many women were, no doubt, as stated in the text, transported to An tioch and elsewhere to serve these purposes. Josephus, Ant. xii. 5. 4, says that upwards of
removed by an opera To bring forward fheirfore-
cision were tion.
cult
10,OOU men, women, and chil dren were carried away captive
by the king. Their young
sons will lie operated on by the physicians, etc. Some years before Antiochus adopted ultimate measures in dealing with the Jews, many of the latter of noble birth volun tarily underwent this operation in order to appear like Greeks
when they undressed and took part in the Hellenic games es tablished in Jerusalem 1 Mace. i. 15 Joseph. Ant. xii. 5. 1 T l-jv rdov aidoiwv irepLTO/mTj \v ^a.v, u}s &v elev /ecu ra
:
;
"YA\r]ves.
when final mea
But,
the king resorted to sures. not only was circumcision forbidden, as we bave seen above, but in the case of young chil
dren who were already circum cised, the traces of the circum
See Levy
s
Neu-
hebrdisches Lex. iii. 275, 276. Cf. 1 Cor. vii. 18, where this Wetoperation is referred to stein and Lightfoot on 1 Cor. :
vii.
and
18,
Hor.
Sclioettgen,
Heir. i. 1157, 1177; Celsus, De Medic, vii. 18 Winer, Rcalworterbuch licalHerzog, Schenkel, Bib. Lex. Encycl. ;
;
;
under article Beschneidung." 4. Will be%>unished by tortures. "
Josephus, Ant. xii. 5. 4, says of those who refused to obey the commands of Antiochus, that Kara ira.a a.v rj/mcpav at Kal TriKpas fiacrdvovs vircKpt also 2 Mace. u.Tre6vriffKQv ;
vi.
28, viii.
And
fire.
Mace.
2
Cf.
vi.
11.
Forced to bear in public their In Amos v. 26, Isa.
idols.
reference is made to xlvi. 7, Israel having voluntarily carried idols in the wilderness, and later. Cf. also Epist. Jcr. 4 Secede iv evr &JLLOLS KafiuXuvi. deous :
.
aipo/~Levovs
;
and
.
.
ver. 26.
In the
passages we have parallels in expression, but in 2 Mace. vi. 7 we have a parallel in fact yevo/j-tv-r/s 51 kLovvcriuv
preceding
:
eoprfjs
ZXOVTCS
rjvayKai. ovTO TTOfj^reveiv
TU
KICTCTOVS
Acovvcrw.
Antiochus compelled the Jews
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES them
be punished by tortures and fire and to bear in public are idols, (which as) polluted as are the
will
sword, and they will be forced their
(shrines) that
contain them.
likewise be forced
enter
by those
they will
torture
and
inmost sanctuary,
their
And
5.
who
them
they will
to
be
forced by goads to blaspheme with insolence the
name, finally after these things the laws and what they had above their altar. IX. Then in that day there will be a to observe his birthday by join ing in the Dionysiac festival. Polluted as arc, etc. This is the best I can make of this obscure clause. 5. Enter their inmost sanctuary, i.e. the ddvTov of the heathen
temples. According to Josephus, Ant. xv. 5, 4, the Jews were compelled to "build temples
and
raise
idol
in every
altars
and village, and offer swine Cf. npon them every day." city 1
Mace.
i.
47.
Blaspheme
.
.
.
the
name,
i.e.
Lev.
xxiv. 11. fear Israel was commanded to the name," and one of "the seven precepts of the children of Noah enjoined Israel to "sanc tify the name," ci?n ro-a (Sanh. 566). 2 Mace. viii. 4 speaks of the Diy.TnN
npj,
"
"
blasphemies committed against God s name during the Antiochian persecution yevo^vuv :
eis
TO
6vofj.a
The
avrov
laics, etc.
What
they
their altar.
and
/3\a(T0?7 iucDi>. See crit. note.
had above
J
(or
upon)
to
mean
This clause = ityjrnN appears
the
sacrifice.
man
Cf.
of the
Matt,
xxiii.
18.
Interpretation and his source of this chapter. This chapter belongs closely to the preceding one. It is at once historical and parenetic. It is historical, (a) Its historical root is to be found in 1 Mace. ii. 2938, where we are told of a large body of men who, with their wives and children, forsook all
IX.
torical
that they had and took refuge in the caves in the wilderness in order to worship there. When
Antioclms
officers
were informed
movement they went in pursuit, and, coming up to the of this
caves where the Jews had taken demanded that they should submit to the king s com mands. When the refugees re fused they wr ere put to the sword, offering no resistance because it was the Sabbath. Their words : Let us all die in our innocency
refuge, they
37), correspond perfectly in sense with the words in our text, ver. 6 Let us die rather than (ii.
"
:
transgress."
Those that were
CHAPTER slain were, accord ing to Josephus, xii. 6. 2, in number about
Ant.
Let 1000, but many escaped. us next try and determine the religious affinities of this body of zealous adherents of the law in the wilderness. In the first place,
lowers
were
they
not
of Mattathias
fol
and
his
party ; for it was not till after the massacre that its survivors became adherents of Mattathias, Ant. xii. 6, 2. In the next, it is most probable that they belonged to the Chasid party. For the survivors of this church in the wilderness, Ant. xii. 6. 2, as well as the Chasid party, 1 Mace,
many
42, gave in their adhesion to Mattathias after, and, without doubt, owing to the massacre In 1 Mace. ii. just mentioned. 42 the Chasids join Mattathias ii.
just after the latter had resolved henceforth to fight in self-de fence on the Sabbath a new line of action adopted in conse quence of the murder of their
In brethren, 1 Mace. ii. 41. Josephus, Ant. xii. 6. 2, the only fresh adherents gained by Mattathias at this period are the survivors above mentioned. "These,"
he says,
"appointed
Mattathias to be their ruler, and he taught them to tight on the
Sabbath
Thus
day."
this
mas
sacre, which is the historical fact at the root of our text, con tributed to two results. (1) It
was the direct cause of a new line of action as to the legitimacy of defensive warfare on the Sab bath (1 Mace. ii. 40, 41 Ant. xii. 6. 2). (2) It secured for Mattathias and his party the temporary support of the Chasids ;
(1
Mace.
ii.
42
;
Ant.
xii. 6. 2).
IX.
33
i
In addition to 1 Mace. ii. 29which w e have dealt with above, our author has drawn upon other materials such as we find in 2 Mace. vi. 18-vii., where we have an account of the mar tyrdom of Eleazar and of the mother and her seven sons under Autiochus. Thus ver. 6: "Let us die rather than transgress the commands of ... the God of our fathers," is obviously the same as 2 Mace. vii. 2 erot^uoi r
38,
:
yap
a.irodvf]a Kciv
ecr/nev
fiaivetv roi)s Trarpiovs
latter statement
?)
Trapa-
i>6fj.ovs.
This
is
reproduced For a similar in 4 Mace. ix. 1 expression of Eleazar s feeling, see 2 Mace. vi. 19. Again, in ver. 7 the strong assurance that God will avenge the blood of His servants is likewise found in 2 Mace. vii. 14, 17, 19, 34-36. Finally, the visitation is called an "unclean" one, ver. 2. This epithet better than any other would describe the Antiochian persecution from a Jewish stand .
pointtheir holy
altar polluted
unclean ani mals, the temple and its courts profaned by the indecencies of the Venus cult, and the faithful adherents of the law forced to eat swine s llesh and to join in the Dionysiac revels. This martyrdom of the mother and her seven sons was a very favourite subject both with Je\v and Christian. It forms the theme of 4 Mace, It is alluded
with the
in
to
sacrifice of
Heb.
xi.
35,
and Origen
(Exhortatio ad Martyrium, 2227 Comment, in Epist. ad Rom. :
;
iv.
10)
atum,
and Cyprian (ad Fortunand Testim. iii. 17)
xi.,
recount retold
it
at length.
It
by Prudentius,
has been irepi
are-
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
34
x., and Maiius Victorinus. Augustine was so fascinated with it that lie thought (de Civ. Dei, xviii. 36) that the books of the Maccabees should on account of these chapters be regarded as
canonical. (6) But the character of this chapter appears to be not only historical, but also parenetic. Its
purpose is to indicate tne line of action which the Chasids or Pharisaic party of his own time should ?mrsue. Thus he ignores the temporary coalition of the Chasids with Mattathias and Judas Maccabteus. This coali tion lasted, as wo know, but a few years. Very early the aims of the Maccabean party began to change with their successes
and their strife, at first nothing more than a life and
in arms,
death struggle to maintain the faith of their fathers, soon re solved itself into a war for the independence of the nation. When this phase of the conflict appeared, the Chasids withdrew from all further share in it. Their attitude was quietistic. Their sole duty was to obey the law, and leave the rest to God. It is this conception of duty
that
is
depicted in historical But the actual in our author s hands
actuality. cident in is
more than an
historical event.
precedent and It pre scribes the duty our author would enforce on the Pharisaism of his own time. Just as his complete silence as to the Maccabean up It is likewise a
example
for after ages.
rising forms an emphatic censure of its aims, so his vigorous state ment of the opposed and Chasid line cf action is designed as a
commendation of its character. Thus while some of the Phari saic party of his own time were seeking to give a political char acter to religion, and so to follow Maccabean precedents, others, as our author, were as vigorous ly upholding the old traditions of quietude and resignation, and while the former urged, "Let us war," the latter, with equal de
termination, rejoined: "Nay rather, let us die." But let us return for a mo ment to the history of the
Chasids after 164 B.C. their coalition with Judas,
When
which we have already mentioned, came to an end, they forsook so completely the field of pol itical
and public
life,
that they
are practically unknown to his tory till the reign of J. Hyrwhen they reappear canus, under their new name of Phari sees. This characteristic aver sion of the Pharisees to patriotic aspirations began to disappear towards the close of the next century a change that is in part attested by the Psalms of Solomon. About this time a fusion took place between their traditional doctrine of Law and
popular Messianic beliefs, and thus the bulk of the Pharisaic party
became
political
ments
committed to and move the bulk, but not all interests
;
for some, like our author, clung to the old attitude of non-resist
ance.
But he protested in
The leavening with
patriotism
of
vain.
Pharisaism
and
earthly
political ideas, and its corruption through success, went on apace, and became the fruitful mother
of
national
disasters.
These
CHAPTER culminated in the
fall
In that day
1.
there icill be.
crit. note.
A man
of the tribe of Levi.
Chasid movement thus sprang from or was associated with the priestly tribe, according to our author. He was probably thinking of Eleazar, who, in 2 Mace. vi. 18, is called one of the principal scribes, and in 4 v. 3 a priest.
Whose name
will be
Taxo.
We
have here the crux of the Scholars have to no pur book. pose wasted their ingenuity
upon
it.
The various
inter i. Hil-
"
Nm
who, before he was slain in 137 A.D., ordained the seven last disciples of Aqiba as rabbis. At the close of this explanation Colani adds: ordainer,"
Tout
bien entendu, est qu un jeu and we agree with him but his pleasantry is finer than the seriousness of his two prede
nil
cela,
jeu,
rien
"-
;
pretations are as follows Next, genfeld takes it rd^w. he suppresses the second letter, and supposes the last to be cor = rupt, and thus arrives at r^y 363. But rrsron ( - the Messiah) 363. Hence Taxo is the Messiah. It is needless to criticise this further than to add, that if it is allowable to change without some external documentary evi dence two letters out of four, :
hypothesis of a Semitic original. iii. Colani (Revue de Theologie, 1868, pp. 90-9-1) takes Taxo to be a corruption of rd^wv, This last = ordaining = ny. 340. So also does p ,m,T Hence R. Jelmda ben N3X Baba is the great Taxo, "the iv.
The
Mace.
35
i
Later scholars sense be right. have essayed the problem on the
of Jeru
salem.
See
IX.
possible to make what we please out of anything. Volkmar takes it = rd^w, ii.
it is
which, he assumes, was corrupted from Taio-431. But xnpy pm
cessors.
Carriere (Revue de TheoL pp. 94-96), like his predecessor, believes in an Ara iv.
iv.
1868,
The words cujus original. nomen eritTaxo retranslated into
maic
Aramaic = NODS noisy n, which is "who corrupt, for NDDB D ^H will promulgate a decree," i.e. trace a line of conduct. NODE,
which = ordinance, etc. was wrongly taken to be a proper name by the Greek translator. v. Hausrath (Neutestamentl. "
,
which we
iv. p. 77, note) thinks that here by the method Ath Bash r\h*v was transposed into can. The Greek translator took ni v here is for the the D as D. Messiah. We might say here with Colani in reference to Hil-
need not enter. These last two attempts at solution proceeded on the hy
genfeld s interpretation: "This passage has as much to do with the Messiah as with the
pothesis of a Greek original but if the original was Semitic, no interpretation arrived at on that hypothesis could in any
peror
(Rabbi Aqiba) = 431. Hence Taxo is Rabbi Aqiba. But. unhappily for Volkmar, }m is an impossible form, and Aqiba was never writ ten without the yod. There are further objections into
;
Zeit<je*ch.
Em
Barbarossa."
Other
have
been
made on the hypothesis Hebrew original.
of u
attempts
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES Wieseler (Jahr. f.
vi.
1868, p. 629 ; p. 193) thinks goes back to This like one. to be explained dwell to having the earth cf. 2
ZDMG,
Th.
d.
1882,
that that Taxo the badger-
e>nn,
;
tv
rols
designation
from the pious
history.
in the caves of Mace. x. 6 Kal
Mann Name
:
cnn]\aloiS Orjpiuv
ve[j.6/j,voi.
^CTOLV
marks on
is
rpljirov
Hilgenfeld re
this
interpretation melis Wieseleriana e sua iiunquam prorepspelunca :
U tin am
sisset. vii.
(Tier
gested, corresponds to n^w, we have a mystical reference to a second Moses who was to rise He appeals to Detit. again. xviii. 18 in support of his con tention. None of these solutions is The person re satisfactory. ferred to is, as we have seen, not one living in the future, but one who was a contemporary of
Judas the Maccabee.
From
the
standpoint of this interpretation I offer the following suggestion. In the Samaritan Legends of from the translated Moses," Arabic into German by Dr. Leitner (Viertcljahrschrift f. TJieol. dcutsch - und cnglisch Forschung, iv. 1871, p. 210), the following passage occurs, which seems to be to some degree de pendent on our text: "AngeMann zeigt wurde dass ein auferstehen wurde Levi und
Name
sollte
sein
Eiferer
der Gemeinde/ und er die Ebraer und das Hans des "VVeines heil-
The
phrases Levi and
"ein
"
.
.
.
sein Eiferer der
sollte sein
Gemeinde
seem to be drawn from our text. Hence we con "
jecture that in cujus
nomen
erit
Taxo, which = Kopn 101? -IS^N, the last word is corrupt for Njpn = "the
Rosenthal
Apoc. Biic/icr, 31, 32) pp. adopts llausrath s idea. He points out that nyp is numerically equal to ne-D, and thinks that in isan, which, as Hausrath has sug
sein
Er wiirde in drei Tagen auferstehen ohne Recht." This passage appears to be very cor rupt, and to be derived partly from our text, partly from N.T. igen.
Hence the text
zealous."
will be,
man
of the tribe of Levi whose name will be the zealous one." This person will be zealous for the law only, and
show death
"A
his zeal
by submitting than
rather
to
transgress
the commandments. Cf. vers. 4, The writer regards the 6, 7. person here described as repre senting those who were truly xealous for the law, over against the Maccabean party who claimed to be so. Zeal for the law Avas the most conspicuous as well as the most essential charac teristic of the religious move ment which opposed Antioehus. Cf. the words of Mattathias, 1
Mace.
ii.
27, ?ras 6
tfXuv r$
This comes out still /JLOV. more clearly in the words attri buted to Mattathias in Joseph. Ant. xii. 6. 2, ei TIS ^XWTT/S ian TUV TTOLTpiuV 60UV Kal T7/S TOU Qeov prjff Keias (f)7]fflv, oTriffu
,
efJLoi
;
sons,
reKva, ^Xwcrare
rds
e7recr#ct>,
also in his address to his 1 Mace. ii. 50, Kal vvv, r<^
^VXCLS V/ULUV Trartpuv VJJLWV.
v6fji.it}
virtp
Kal Sore Siatf^KT/s
Seven sons. The reference here can only be to the seven sons of the widow in 2 Mace.
CHAPTER tribe of Levi,
whose name
IX. 2-6
37
who having
will be Taxo,
2. seven sons will speak to them exhorting (them) ruthless second a (and) Observe, my sons, behold :
"
unclean visitation has come upon the people, and a punishment merciless and far exceeding the first. 3. For what nation or what region or what people are impious towards the Lord, who many abominations, have suffered as
who
of those
have done
calamities as have befallen
great
therefore,
my
sons, hear
me
us
Now
4.
?
and know
for observe
:
that neither did (our) fathers nor their forefathers
tempt God, so as
And we vii.
ye
will
and
know do.
4 Mace.
to transgress
that this 6.
Let us
See notes on
p. 33. 2.
The III.,
Second unclean visitation, has been described in which they endured at the
first
hands of Nebuchadnezzar the second is that which they suffer under Antiochus. This latter ;
far exceeds the first," writer proceeds to say.
the
Why
was called unclean we have shown above in the notes on p. 33. this
3.
visitation
What
nation,
etc.
"VVe
might compare Josephus words in reference to the sufferings of the Jews during the wars between Ptolemy Philopator and Autioelms Epiphanes, Ant. xii. 3. 3. 4. Neither did (our} parents nor their forefathers tempt God. This absence of See crit. note. the sense of demerit appears
His commands.
5.
our strength, and thus
is
fast for the space of three
many of the Psalms. Our author must have supposed that in
a faithful remnant at all times.
had existed
To transgress His commands. Cf. ver. 6. 5.
And
this
we will
i.e.
do,
as our fathers. Cf. Dan. vi. IS, ix. 6. Fast. 3 Apoc. Bar. v. 7, ix. 2, xii. 5, 4 Ezra v. 20, xxi. 1, xlvii. 2 ;
;
vi. 35, ix. 26, 27, xii. 51.
Let us go into a cave in the When the persecution field. became severe in B.C. 168, 167, those who still clung to the law took refuge in caves, 1 Mace. i.
53, ev Kpvcfiiois.
These hiding-
places are described in 1 Mace. 31 as "secret places in the ii.
wilderness
"
(
/care/3 -rjaav
.
.
.
ei s
a very TOVS Kpvfovs v rrj ep^y) close parallel to the phrase in
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES days and on the fourth is
and
in the field,
commands
gress the
God die,
us die rather than trans
For
7.
of
the
lords,
we do
if
this
and
our blood will be avenged before the Lord. X. And then His kingdom will appear through out
our text.
His creation,
all
Mace.
also 1
Cf.
ii.
Those who were zealous law fled with their wives and children, and finding conceal 36, 41. for the
ment in these caves lived there, Joseph. Ant. xii. 6. 2 ^erd rCjv T^KVWV /cat yvvaLK&v etyvyov as :
Kai ev rols a7rr]\aiois Heb. xi. 38 points to
TT]V epri^ov
8i7jyov.
this period. In these also they observed the religious festivals, 2
Lord
the
of
our fathers.
of
go into a cave which
let us
let
Mace.
:
6
x.
fj.er
:
.
.
crTT^Xatots
.
.
.
r)<ra.v
endured death passively as of those who rushed to arms in defence of their religion. These words are almost exactly those that were used by one of the seven martyrs in 2 Mace. vii. 2 yap airo6vqffKei.v ecr^v 7} :
T/^epas 6/crw vevovres wy irpb /xi/cpou -^povov TT,V T&V GKf]vQ)V OpTl]V if TOiS
ijyov
originated with the persecution It gives a char acteristic and true note of the temper of the persecuted. It stereotypes the attitude of the faithful, as well of those who of Antiochus.
.
.
ve^b^voL.
But these hiding - places were betrayed to the Syro- Macedonian governor, and many Jews slain or burnt, 2 Mace. vi. 11 ere/sot :
Cf.
Mace.
4
d r]a
ai>,
(Ha TO ev
eauro?s Kar T-^S (Te/jLvoTaTrjs rj/j,epas.
Lei us die rather than trans gress,
etc.
had been Taxo and
As their fathers faithful to the law, his seven sons are
resolved to be so likewise, lest they transgress the commands of their fathers God. The ex pression, "let us die rather than transgress," etc.,
appears to have
They
1.
are
:
Their echoed in Mattathias address to his children, Ant. Travres eV
thought
cruve(f>\oyia
ix.
the same as those uttered by the 1000 that were martyred in the wilderness, 1 Mace. ii. 37 a.Troddvw^ev oi essentially
TTJ
d7r\6T7?Tt
7]/u.u>i>.
is
Kpelrrov avrdis elvai Q.TT od O.V LV OVTWS d56ws ; and the re 1
xii.
6.
VTTfp
T&V iraTpLWV VOpiWV
r)
^r/v
:
solve they express is ascribed also to the martyred Eleazar, 2
Mace. 7.
vi. 19.
Our
blood will be avenged,
This assurance that God will avenge is frequently found in the history of the seven mar tyred brethren, 2 Mace. vi. 14, etc.
17, 19, 31, 35-37.
X. 1-10. These
verses
form
CHAPTERS And And
39
then Satan will be no more,
sorrow will depart with him.
Then the hands
2.
X. 2
IX. 7
And And
of the angel will be filled
he will be appointed chief, he will forthwith avenge them of their
enemies. a
of ten stanzas of three It falls into three sections. The first constitutes the introduction, and consists of
hymn
tiating
1, 2 and 3-10 other than mentioned by Schmidt-
lines each.
those
two stanzas.
Merx, as will appear below. 1. His kingdom will appear, etc. This seems to promise a
The second and
third consist of four stanzas each. The two last sections open with words almost identical. It will be observed that every stanza has a triple movement or paral lelism at all events, the greater number. This i act makes it
highly probable that where this triple parallelism is not observed the error is due to corruption of the text. The error may be of the nature either of defect or
redundancy.
Tims
vers. 3
and
new heaven and a new
earth,
but this is not the case if ver. 10a is right. Satan will be no more. Does Satan mean here the head of the kingdom of evil or the adversary of Israel ? The follow ing line makes for the former view.
10
Cf. Sorrow, etc. Rev. xxi. 4. 2.
le
xxxv.
Isa.
;
The hands of the angel will
filled,
the
i.e.
angel
will
verses, they may be due to dup licate renderings or incorporated
be delegated, appointed. The phrase T N^D = to fill one s hand means, to deliver the priest hood to him. Cf. Exod. xxviii. Lev. xxi. 10 Test. 41, xxix. 9
marginal glosses.
Lev.
9 are defective in this respect,
and
4, 5,
10
may
be redundant.
If there are redundancies in these
Schmidt-Merx are of opinion that the 3,
and
is
begins with ver. therefore only of eight They regard the enim
hymn
stanzas. in ver. 3
as =
3
introductory. They point out that the subject of ver. 3 is "God," but that is the subject in ver. 2. angel" Hence they suppose that the "
hymn
is
of earlier
authorship than book.
and
different the rest of the
There are grounds
"
;
;
Tr\ripw<rav
^f/x/a/aaros
axrre
Job xxx ii. 3. The angel,
ras xetpas p-ov iepareveiv
i.e.
patron saint of
yu,e;
Michael the
Israel.
Cf.
Dan.
xii. 1.
And
he will be appointed chief.
Michael will lead text, qui est in
tutus =
Israel.
The
sunmio consti"
"who
is
placed supreme, appointed chief," cannot be This clause, as it stands, right. or is
for differen
8,
"
a mere epithet of
"angel"
(nuntii) in the preceding
line,
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES 3.
For the Heavenly One will arise from His royal throne,
And He will go forth from His holy habitation And His wrath will burn on account of His 4.
And
sons.
the earth will tremble
will it be
And And
shaken
:
the hills will be shaken and designation author. Of.
Hence appears in the first line. for est I have read erit and taken as in 6. I. In sumnio qui Kim,
miDta
tfN 1
1
?
or
or
i?K-a,
equivalent. And he will
.
.
something avenge, etc.
that destroys the Gentiles and avenges Israel (vers. 7, 8), it is probable that 1, 2, and 3-10 are not from the same author. This conclusion gains confirma tion if we compare the picture of perfect goodness and perfect
happiness throughout all crea tion depicted in ver. 1, and compare it with vers. 4-6, and particularly with ver. 10, if the text is there right. Vers. 3-10 are, I believe, native to the text, but not 1, 2. 3-6. Second section. which will accompany
Signs
God
s
coming.
The Heavenly One.
This
fall.
our
to belongs IV. 4.
II. 4,
From His royal throne. The Latin a sede regni sui = NDa JD
He 3
Of. Dan. v. 20. will go forth, etc.
Mic. i. Eth. En. i. 3. holy habitation.
Isa. xxvi. 21
;
From
7/is
Deut. xxvi. 15 .
Michael will avenge Israel. But since Michael is not so much as once referred to again in this hymn, and as it is God Himself
3.
made low
the high mountains will be
whereas the parallelism requires, in the second line, the statement of a fresh fact which will modify or develop the statement which
=
to its confines
:
And His The
text
tionem
;
Isa. Ixiii. 15.
;
wrath will burn.
cum
here
is
indigna-
But the
et iram.
paral lelism requires a finite sentence,
and not an adverbial phrase depending on "will go forth." The corruption seems to have
Cum
arisen in the Greek.
which
Kal opyrj,
corruption of
= isx
mm,
/ecu
fli
pirn,
^uxrercu
6/3777
and His wrath
The text
burn."
f]Ni
"
"with
in-
= eV
dv/mf re I take to be a
dignatione et ira
will
as it stands
=
indignation and
wrath."
4.
And
will be
Eth. En.
And and
the
made i.
high mountains low.
Isa.
xl.
4
;
6.
the hills will be
shaken
The text, which was fall. corrupt, I have emended by means of Eth. En. i. 6 (Greek See crit. note. Version).
CHAPTER 5.
And
X. 3-7
the horns of the sun will be broken
and he
And
moon
the
turned into darkness
will be
;
will not give her light,
and
be turned wholly into blood.
And
the
circle
of
the
stars
will
be
dis
turbed. 6.
7.
And And And
the sea will retire into the abyss,
the fountains of
For the Most High will
And
5.
will
the horns of the sun On this restor
where the parallel passages from the O.T. and the
(pp. 86, 87),
cited.
Circle of the stars will be dis turbed. Of. Mark xiii. 25.
Fountains
Cf. fail. Pss. Sol. xvii. 21, Tnrjyal avveffxfdfjo o-v aluvtoi Test. Levi 4 Ezra 4, \>5a.rwv ^pa.ivofj.evwi vi. 24, et venae fontium stabunt. .
.
.
;
;
Fountains and rivers. For this collocation, cf. Rev. .
.
.
10, xvi. 4.
viii.
7-10.
Third
God
punishes the Gentiles, destroys
makes Israel to idols, triumph over Rome, and exalts r finally to heaA en.
The Most High will arise. ver. 3, "The Heavenly One
7.
Cf.
will
editors have wrongly connected Summus and Deus. Yer. 3 shows that Summus here, as Coelestis there, are to be taken
by themselves.
Dip
"nStf,
as
Sa certainly
is
from
the same chapter, and Sb probably from the same
29 of
ver.
verse.
Alone. The text solus = vn^. The meaning seems to be God alone will come to punish the Gentiles and exalt Israel, and :
a Messiah.
This is said clearly in 4 Ezra, where, to the question in v. 56, Dernonstra servo tuo per quern visitas creaturam tuam ? God answers in vi. 6, Finis per me et non per alium. Thus this forms another argu ment against 1, 2 and 3-10
more
being from one and the same
arise."
The Eternal God.
Deus aeternus,
moreover, is in all probability derived from Deut. xxxiii. 27,
not
section.
their
them
the Eternal
appear to punish the Gentiles,
ation of the text see crit. notes
X.T. are
arise,
will destroy all their idols.
into blood.
.
will fail,
alone,
And He And He .
r
the rivers will dry up.
God
.
w aters
Previous
author.
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES Then
8.
And
thou, Israel, wilt be happy, thou wilt mount upon the neck[s and
wings] of the eagle,
And (the days of thy mourning) will be And God will exalt thee,
9.
Israel s
8.
triumph over
its
enemies in this world.
Then
Israel, wilt le
thou,
This is taken directly happyfrom Dent, xxxiii. 29.
Thou
iv iU
and.
mount upon
the
the text is right, it recalls Dent, xxxiii. 29, -pin iO jii!23-Sj,, and gives the interpretation of that verse that was current for some time before and long after the Christian era. necks
It
Thus, whereas modern scholars render "Thou shalt tread upon their high places," the LXX., Syr., Vulg., Targ.-Onk., Targ.Jon., Jarchi translated "Thou shalt tread upon their necks," or
This rendering was probably due to Joshua x. 2-J, Put your feet upon the necks "neck."
"
of these
kings."
Our text
re
Dent, xxxiii. 29, but does not agree exactly with it or any of the Versions. In Bar. iv. 20, eVi Tpaxtf\ovs avr&v eVt/S^crrj is derived directly from it. If our text is trustworthy, the refer ence is clearly to Israel s triumph over Rome. The plural "necks ought in that case to be written
calls
"
mount on the Mings
ended.
of eagles,
and was derived from Isa. xl. 31. So the Targ.-Jon. interprets Isa. xl. 31. cervices et
Si: hy p^o. Thus a later inter This figure of Israel
pa>j
would be
polation.
wings" "mounting on eagles would harmonise well with the
If exalted tone of the passage. this be so, there is, of course, no reference to Rome in the text.
The days of thy mourning. So the lacuna is supplied by See crit. note. Dr. Cheyne.
On
the vision of the three-
headed eagle with see 4 Ezra xi.-xii.
many
wings,
9. Israel s exaltation to eternal blessedness in heaven.
Cause thee heaven of the
approach the This lan
to
stars.
guage might be metaphorical. For other examples, cf. Pss. Sol. i. 5, v^uOtjcrav e ws r&v ttarpuv Jer. li. (LXX., xxviii.) 9, #%>ev ;
cos
TtDi>
"the
have
(SiffTpwv.
heaven of the "the
stars of
Instead
of
stars"
we
heaven"
in
13 (LXX.), eiravw TUV affTepwv TOV ovpavov (^N 3313) rbv dpbvov /J.QV. These Isa. xiv.
Qri<r<j)
"
"neck
it
is
for ontox, from which derived, can, according ;
Hebrew
usage, be rendered singular or plural as the context But it is not at all requires. impossible that the text is cor rupt, and that it ran originally, to
ja-^y
n^?n,
"thou
wilt
"stars
of
God"
("of
heaven,"
LXX. ) are rendered by the Targ.
-
in this passage by "the people of God," and thus re garded as a metaphor. But the language seems not to
Jon.
be metaphorical, but to relate to Israel transfigured
and
glorified
CHAPTER And He
X. 8-10
43
will cause thee to
approach to the
heaven
And He
of the stars,
will establish
thy habitation among
them. 10.
And
thou wilt look from on high and wilt see thy enemies in Ge(henna),
And And
thou wilt recognise them and rejoice, thou wilt give thanks and confess thy
Creator. after the Israel not
final judgment to in the body, but in In this case we should
the spirit.
compare Eth. En.
civ.
2,
"Ye
will shine as the stars of heaven, . and the portals of heaven will be opened to you civ. 6, ; "Ye will become companions of the hosts of heaven." The words, "Thou wilt see thy enemies in Ge(henna)," in the .
.
"
next
verse
favour
this
inter
pretation.
And He will establish tJi ij habitation among them. The text is here, loco habitations eorum=:C3E iD Dip.tn, and is be yond question corrupt
;
for (1)
the parallelism is wanting, and (2) we expect here a statement as to the place of Israel s habi tation and not that of the stars.
= "their Hence we regard habitation as defective for en -pens = thy habitation among them," the ~3 being omitted owing to the copyist s eye passing from the first 3 to the second. In the next place, cips3 = loco, is, as the structure of the rest of the stanza shows, a corruption of some transitive ciw\z>
"
"
verb preceded by vav, it to
establish."
text.
10.
Cf.
Eth. En.
See
I
take
pm "and He will Hence the above
be of D
thy
civ. 2, 4, 6.
enemies
in
Ge(henna] videbisinimicostuos in Ge(henna). So I emend and restore the corrupt text vides inimicos tuosin terram. Previous editors have merely changed this text into videbis inimicos tuos in terra. But the sense thus If arrived at is impossible. the words in terram are not corrupt, it is difficult to take
them otherwise than literally but if we do so, how are we to Israel s them ? If explain enemies are on the earth, and Israel beholds them from on must be Israel high, then But that already in heaven. ;
could only be alter
the final
judgment, and after that event the enemies of Israel could no
Hence longer be upon earth. we must take the phrase "on the
"
earth metaphorically, or But to regard it as corrupt. take it metaphorically as="in the depths is not possible. "
Hence
it is
corrupt, or rather,
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
44
And
11.
do thou, Joshua (the son
words
these
and
this
death
(my) assumption
will be
CCL
times.
13.
The context points
defective. to Israel
enemies
s
being
in
torments for Israel rejoices over the plight of the latter. They are, moreover, in sight of Israel. These two facts at once suggest the thought of Gehenna here, and that the original was ;
DJH
:3.
But
njn
was
lost
and
rendered ev 777, and this in cjma un is turn by in terrain, twice rendered tv yfj Beevvd/ut, in 2 Chron. xxviii. 3 and in xxxiii. J3
yaL is likewise merely N J transliterated in Josh, xviii.
777 or
6.
or
:
16 1 Sam. xiii. 18 1 Chron. iv. 14 2 Chron. xxxiii. 6 Ezek. xxxix. 11,15; Eth. En. xxvii. 2. Hence I take the true text to be, "Thou wilt see thy enemies ;
;
;
in
;
and
Gehenna,
thou
wilt
recognise them and rejoice." portrays faithfully the expectations of the Jews as to the future life. In early times
This
(Isa. Ixvi. 2,
liv.
3,
until
And
24 1,
;
Eth. En. xxvii. 2,
xc.
27)
Jews, who should there suffer in the presence of the righteous but in N.T. times it had be come the future abode of the
;
wicked generally, who were to be tormented within view of the blessed. Cf. 4 Ezra vii. 36,
Et apparebit locus tormenti, et contra ilium erit locus requietionis clibanus gehennae ostendetur, et contra eum jucunditatis paradisus.
Nun, keep from my
His advent there
this is their course If
Recognise them, etc.
both
and their enemies were on and Israel had just earth, triumphed over the latter, this statement would be absurd. But if they are respectively in heaven and gehenna, the recogni tion is full of point, and just Israel
cause for rejoicing. 11. This book. Cf. 12. My death
I.
16,
XL
1.
as
(my]
The word "assump was not in the original here, which told only of Moses death. Cf. ver. 14 and I. 15. It was introduced by the final one editor, who combined in work the two distinct books, The Testament of Moses and "The Assumption of Moses." Our present book is what sur of vives "The Testament of Moses," which knew nothing of Moses "Assumption." His Advent, i.e. God s advent for judgment. COL times. Each time = sumption. tion"
"
"
"
26,
Gehenna was regarded as the place of punishment for faithless
;
of)
12. For
book;
7 years, or a year-week.
"
Thus Hence
250 times = 1750 years. from the creation (see I. 2) to the final judgment was to be a period of 4250 years, or 85 This estimate is found jubilees. elsewhere, I think, only in Sanhedrin 97b but there the goal is the coming of the Messiah. ;
14.
/
shall go
to
sleep, etc.
Moses here looks forward to an ordinary death, and to joining his fathers in Sheol, as also in I. 15 (see note) and X. 12 (note).
CHAPTERS which they
And
14.
will
till
pursue
I shall
X.
to sleep
(thee) to be
XI.
of)
Nun, (be strong
(for)
God hath chosen
And when Joshua had
Moses that were written all
;
same covenant.
successor in the
my
45
they are consummated. with my fathers. 15.
go Wherefore, Joshua thou (son and) be of a good courage
XI. 7
ii.
heard the words of
in his writing as well as
that he had before said, he rent his clothes and
Moses
cast himself at
feet.
And Moses com 3. And Joshua
2.
forted him and wept with him. answered him and said 4. AVhy dost thou com "
:
And how shall I be me, (my) lord Moses ? comforted in regard to that which thou hast spoken
fort
word which has gone forth from thy mouth, which is full of tears and lamentation, in that thou departest from this people ? 5. And the
bitter
now what
place will receive thee
?
6.
Or what
be the sign that marks (thy) sepulchre In XL 4, 9 also, an ordinary death seems to be implied.
tions
(Be strong and) be of a See crit. note. good courage. Successor. See I. 7, note. Joshua is the prophet promised in Dent, xviii. 15, according to our author. Thus no Messianic interpretation is here given to this passage by the Jews.
word
15.
XL
1.
His
Of.
writing.
I.
16,
X. 11. 4.
Comfort me
forted ? See Departest
.
.
.
be
com-
crit. note.
from
this
people, Bar. xxxiii. Apoc. 3, Ixxvii. 12, for similar lamentaCf.
on
Baruch
See also 4 Ezra Bar. etc.
,
"depart"
is
?
s
xii.
will
Or
7.
departure, 44.
The
used in Apoc.
xiv. 19, xv. 1, xliii. in the sense of dying
2,
an
That seems to ordinary death. be implied here, and in ver. 9 also.
5-8.
No
single
locality
is
worthy enough to become the burial. The place of Moses whole earth is his sepulchre. 7.
Baldensperger thinks that
is directed polemically against the Christians, since the of Christ was moved from body the cross to the sepulchre.
this verse
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
46
who
will dare
man from
a
move thy body from thence as ? 8. For all men when
to
place to place
they die have according to their age their sepulchres but thy sepulchre is from the rising to
on earth
;
the setting sun, and from the south to the confines all the world is thy sepulchre. 9. thou art departing, and who will feed this 10. Or who is there that will have com
the north
of
My
lord, ?
people
:
them and who will be their guide by the 11. Or who will pray for them, not omitting
passion on
way
?
a single day, in order that I
the land of (their) forefathers
am
12.
them
How
into
therefore
people as a father (his) only a mistress (her) virgin daughter, who
I to control this
son, or is
lead
may ?
as
being
prepared
husband she
will
to
handed
be
revere,
while
over
she
the
to
her
guards person from the sun and (takes care) that her feet are not unshod for running upon the ground. 8.
All the world
chra.
The
dvdpuiv
yap
is
thy scpul-
original of these words is, as Ronsch recognised, to be found in Thuc. ii. 43, eiri.(t>a.v&v
Tracra
777
As with a very slight change these words become Greek iambics, it is possible that they were popular expressions, rd0oy.
and thus reached Palestine as did those of Aratus, Menander, and Epimenides. Cf. Acts xvii. 1 Cor. xv. 33 28 Tit. i. 12. 11. Who will pray for him. See XII. 6. Not omitting. The text is nee patiens ; but here, as frequently ;
;
elsewhere,
we
must
translate
not the text but the Hebrew, or, as it is here, the Greek presupposed by the text, See crit. note. Trapieis. ou<5e
12.
See
Am I to control this people.
note. mistress her virgin See crit. note, daughter. To be, given to the husband. crit.
Or as a
See
note, where also parfrom Ecclus. will be found.
crit.
allels
She will revere. See crit. note and from Ecclus. parallels Guarding her person. (p. 93). Cf. Ecclus. vii. 24, dvyartpes etVt
;
Trpocrexe
r<f
crol
06part avruv.
CHAPTER 1 3.
And how
XI. 8-17.
shall I supply
47
them with food and drink
1 4-. For according to the pleasure of their will ? of them there will be 600,000 men, for these have
multiplied to this degree through thy prayers, (my) 15. And what wisdom or understand lord Moses. ing have I that I should judge or answer by word 16. And the kings of in the house of the Lord?
Amorites also will
the
attack us
then
be
emboldened
(and) believing that there
;
amongst them the sacred
is
who was worthy
spirit
to
no longer of
the Lord, manifold and incomprehensible, the lord
the word,
of
who was
faithful in all things,
God s
most perfect the world, (yea) that he is no longer
chief prophet throughout the earth, the
teacher in
will
among them, they them. 18.
17.
See
note.
crit.
See 600,000 men. Cf. Exod. xii. 37. note.
crit.
14.
111
is,
= 6^
in tuis oratiouibus. 3.
That there is no longer amongst them. See crit. note. Sacred spirit manifold. vii. Wisd. Cf. Trvev/ma 22, 16.
.
.
.
.
ayiov
.
.
.
.
.
7roXi;/x.epes.
Worthy of the Lord.
Cf.
Wisd.
5, 6 6eos eTreipaffev avrovs /ecu ous eavrov. eupei/ O.VTOVS Lord of the word. I cannot
iii.
dt
suggest the origin of this phrase, Cf. Faithful in all things.
Num.
xii.
7,
faith ful in all iii.
2.
"Moses
.
Let us go against
:
.
Thy house"
God s chief prophet throughout the earth. The text is divinum per orbem
The The
Through thy prayers. text
say
enemy have but once wrought
If the
.
;
was Heb.
ten-arum prof et em. superlative underlies this phrase. It = TOV Oelov dia rov KOfffjiov irpo^r-qv = N 33 pxn DTiSxri = "the prophet of
A Hebrew
etc.
God,"
The most perfect teacher in world.
The text
matum
in
saeculo
the
consuniiloctorem
is
:
another Hebrew superlative = 3 D Dnn mien. C^i>
17.
No advocate to offer prayers,
Cf. ver. 14. This office of praying on behalf of Israel is frequently ascribed to Jeremiah. Cf. 2 Mace. xv. 14, where Jeremiah with appeared along Onias in a vision to Judas
etc.
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
48
impiously against their Lord, they have no advocate to offer prayers on their behalf to the Lord, as did
Moses the great messenger, who every hour day and night had his knees fixed to the earth, praying and looking for help to
Him
that ruleth all the world
with compassion and righteousness, calling to mind the covenant of the fathers and propitiating the
is
not with them
He
18. For they will say:
Lord with the oath.
us go therefore and destroy from off the face of the earth. 19. What
them
become
will then
let
:
of this people,
my
And when Joshua had
XII.
lord
Moses
finished
"
?
(these)
words, he cast himself again at the feet of Moses. 2. And Moses took his hand and raised him into the seat before him, and answered and said unto
him
"
3.
:
thy mind
Joshua do not despise and hearken to
thyself, but
Maccabaeus, and
words.
my
at ease,
described by 6 TroXXd irpoa-evxbfJievos wepi rov Xaou /ecu T?)s dyias TroXews Iepe/j,[as 6 rov 6eov 7rpo0?7T7;s. Rest of words of
installation of Joshua in
Baruch
judgment,
the latter as
ii.
:
3,
is
ovros
e<m
8rai>
-rmdpravev 6
Xads ... 6 lepe/ads rjvx TO virep rov Xaou, e ws See also Apoc. Bar. d/mapria. ii. 2, and the Talmudic passages cited in the notes. .
.
.
&i>
d(f>e6fj
avru>
rj^
Looking for help to ruleth all the earth. note
on this
Him
that
See
crit.
difficult passage,
where
also parallels are given. XII. 2. Took his hand and raised into the seat before
him.
Cf.
place.
Sifri
Num.
xxvii. 28: a teacher that in
may
question,
set 4.
Moses
Piska 140 on Give Joshua thy lifetime he "
expound, give thy death
lest after
the Israelites may say During the lifetime of his teacher he did not give judgment, but now he does. Thereupon (Moses) raised him (Joshua) from the ground and placed him beside himself on the chair." Quoted by Heidenheim, Deutsche Vier:
tcljahrschrift, 1871, p. 102. 4.
Both the Gentile and the work of God s
Mm
Israelite are the
This verse refers to the
hands.
The
destinies
likewise
CHAPTERS
XI.
1
XII.
8
49
God hath
All the nations which are in the earth
He
created as
hath
us,
He
hath foreseen them and
us from the beginning of the creation of the earth unto the end of the age, and nothing has been
things
He
forth.
5.
earth
the
Him
even to the least thing, but all hath foreseen and caused all to come
neglected by
(Yea)
all
things which are to be in this
Lord hath foreseen and
lo
are
they
!
brought forward (into the light of both
are
^Vhateve^
of
befalls
His making. whether of
disaster to Israel or exaltation to the Gentile has been fore seen even to the smallest detail, and nothing can set at nought or hinder God s original purpose in creation for the world was created on Israel s behalf, I. 12. However glorious the fortunes of the Gentile and depressed those of the Jew, there is no reason for downheartedness or ;
God s pur despair (see ver. 3), pose standeth sure, and will ultimately assert itself. Foreseen and caused to come, forth.
See
crit.
note.
Appointed me
p a ll for their sins. This was a genuinely Jewish conception, and not bor rowed from Christianity. Thus, as we have already seen in the note on XL 17, Jeremiah was held to discharge this office in the spiritual world, 2 Mace. xv. 14. Enoch also (Slav. En. (MSS. AB) Ixiv. 5) was conceived of as "one removes the sins of men." Philo speaks of the 6.
intercessions
to
and prayers
offered
6.
on behalf of
Israel by the right eous forefathers of the nation these intercessions of the de parted saints of Israel were to be the second of the three chief means for the restoration of their descendants, De Extcrat. ix. :
430) rpicri xprjcrofj.evoi TrapaK\ f]Tois T&V Trpbs TOV Trartpa :
(ii.
.
.
.
devrepaide
TOV edvovs
rrj
rdoi>
oaihTfjTi., 6 rt
TCUS d0ei/xcfrats (rw/idrwj i^i^cus &ir\a(TTOv /cat ^TriSeiKyvfj.vr)v vv/j,tvais
Trpos
TOV
rds
inrp
deparrelav
t/ceret aj
dpxpvra, viu>i>
ou/c
/cat
a.Te\eis
ytpas aurots TOV ?rarp6s rb eirrjKooy Ill Joseph. Ant. i. 13. 3, Abraham is described as to Isaac, when on saying the point of sacrificing him LfLffdcLL,
:
eu^ojf t KeivOV TT]V
yuer
ov
5e
/cat
~(pv-)(T]V
/cat fj.ol
iepovpylas TTfV
ffrjl
Trap airry Kadeets
K~r)5e[j,6va,
In the Slav. En. doctrine is denied. See my note in loc., where a his tory of this doctrine is sketched
liii.
1
briefly.
this
ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
5o
The Lord) hath on their behalf appointed me to pray for their sins and make intercession for them. For not for any virtue or strength of mine, but His compassion and longsuffering was He pleased it is 8. Fur I say unto you, Joshua call me.
7.
in to
:
not on account of the godliness of this people that 9. The lights of thou shalt root out the nations. the heaven, the foundations of the earth have been
made and approved by God and signet ring of His right hand.
under the
are
10. Those, there
commandments of God fore, 11. But those will increase and be prospered: who sin and set at nought the commandments will
who do and
without
be
the
fulfil
the
before
blessings
they will be punished with 12.
nations.
7.
But wholly
For not for any
virtue, vie.
He
pleased to call me, See crit. notes. Just as in Rom. ix. 11, 12, the selection of Jacob rather than Esau is declared to be due not to works, Imt to the divine purpose, so also here, .
.
.
icas
This election privilege
is
and not
an election to to eternal
life,
As regards the latter, it is written in the Tanchuma Pikkude 3, God does not determine beforehand whether a man shall be righteous or wicked, but puts this in the hands of the man See Slav. En. xxx. 15, only. note. 8.
Not
on
account
of
the.
and
mentioned,
many torments by
to root out
the
and destroy
godliness of the people, etc.
Ezek.
xxxvi.
22,
32.
By
Cf.
a
writer who so frankly recognises the wickedness of his nation and its need of frequent chastiseraent, its selection as the people of God could not well be ascribed to its merits, but must be traced back to the divine And yet he holds purpose. that the world was created on behalf of Israel, i. 12 and in ;
xii.
4,
5,
13,
it
is
God
s fore-
knowledge, and not His predetermining purpose, that is dwelt upon. 9. See crit. notes. 12. Destroy. See crit. note.
CHAPTER them
not permitted. forth who has foreseen is
XII. 7-13
13. For all
things
51
God for
will
ever,
go
and
His covenant has been established and the oath
which
.
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA THE LATIN VERSION OF THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES CRITICALLY REVISED AND EMENDED TOGETHER WITH
THE UNEMENDED LATIN TEXT OF THE SIXTH
CENTURY
MS. IN
THE MILAN LIBRARY
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
THE LATIN VERSION OF THE ASSUMPTION OF MOSES CRITICALLY REVISED AND EMENDED Words included within round Editor
;
brackets
words within square brackets
[ ]
(
are supplied by the regarded as in-
)
are
to be
When the text is corrupt, but the corruption is not tcrpolations. native to the Latin but to the Greek or the Hebrew, then the text is corrected accordingly, and attention is drawn to the correction *
by an asterisk
I.
placed in the margin.
(Et factum est anno aetatis Moysi centesimo
2. Qui est bis millesimals annus a creatura orbis terrae, gentesimus
et
vigesimo),
secus qui in oriente sunt
mus
et
exivit
.
.
.
plebs
.
post
numerus
profectionis
1.
Tliis
verso,
wanting in the MS.,
which is
vicesimo
is
nam
miis* et 4.
fiebat
.
.
Cum per
cf.
et
est
;
by Ronsch
:
Liber
anno
3. With Volkmar and SchmidtMerx I have omitted nam secus .... mus as a marginal gloss,
Such a remark is impossible in a book of Hebrew or Aramaic
;
quae facta
5.
receptionis Moysi factae vitae ejus Cmo et XXmo.
supplied
byHilgenfeld: AssumptioMoysis
Liber
.
quae
trans
Deut. xxxi. 2, by Schmidt-Merx, save that I have written Moysi instead of Mosis, as this is the form of the genitive used by the Latin translator as above,
Cmo
.
fynicis.
profectionem
Amman
.
[3.
Jordanem, proquae facta est a moysen in libro deutero-
Moysen usque fetiae I.
inns
et quin-
anno vitae ejus
Profectionis fynicis are also to be omitted with Volkmar, though Schmidt Merx retain them, inserting before them the origin.
XXmo; by Volkmar:
profetiae Moysis, quern aiio aetatis centesimo
scripsit
54
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
TEXT OF THE SIXTH CENTURY LATIN IN THE MILAN LIBRARY
MS.
The figures in clarendon in the margin denote the folio in MS., and the letters a and b in the margin denote respectively beginning of the first and second columns in a folio.
.
.
et
4 2
3
mus
.
.
.
.
.
et
.
the
mus
.
mus
tionis fynicis
the
profec
cum
qui est bis millesi
exivit plebs post
rnus et quingente
profectionem quae
simus annus a crea
fiebat per
tura orbis terrae
usque aminan trans
nam
5
secus qui in ori
ente sunt numerus
follows
sunt
:
nam
secus qui in oriente
numeros [MM]
[CC] mus
et
mus
[XXXXX] mus
et
pro-
Ronsch phoenicis. 1874, p. 556, regards cum exivit qui est bis plebs as a parenthesis and thus restores vcr. 3 nam secus qui in oriente sunt numeros mus et fectionis
Z.f.
jordanem profetiae quae facta
word quadragesimo. Hilgenfeld, wlio holds the book to ho of Greek origin, regards the entire verse as genuine and restores as
W.T.
:
MM
mosysen
est a
CCLV mus
DCCL
rnus, et fectionis Pha-nices. 4.
as
I
an
moy pro-
have bracketed this verse Moses interpretation.
could not have spoken of Amman as across the Jordan only a dweller in Jerusalem could have so described it. :
5. Schmidt-Merx rightly re In a ject this verse as a gloss. book of Hebrew origin the phrase libro Deuteronomio could not
have been
original.
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
56
(Emended and Revised Text) 6.
nomio],
Qui vocavit ad se lesum
hominem probatum Domino, 7. Ut plebi et scene testimonii cum omnibus Et ut inducat plebem
8.
Ut
9.
eorum,
detur
filiuin
Nave,
successor
sit
sanctis illius,
in terram datani patribus
per testamentum et per jus-
illis
jurandum, quod locutus est in scenae dare de lesum dicendo ad lesum verbum hoc: 10. firma te secus industriam
Qui-
6.
X. 2
Kim.
see
;
III.
Of.
Introd.,
lesum
p.
14
;
xxxiii.
l-rjvovv filiuin Nave, This shows that the Nau??. i.e.
mbv Latin was derived directly from the Greek. If it had been directly from the Hebrew, these words would have been Josue filium 7.
Nun.
Ut
iva
plebi
Aaa;. What is cudoo%os It the meaning of diddoxos 1 r<2
cannot mean as
"a
successor"
here,
Schmidt-Merx recognise when
they propose successor antecessor). of such a
(sibi
et
But there is no need
violent remedy. 8id5oxos means also (1) a court official of the second rank in the
Egyptian
papyri (see Steph. Thesaurus); (2) the chief minister of the king LXX. 1 Chron. xviii. 17 2 Chron. xxvi. 11, xxviii. 7; Ecclus. xlvi. 1. This 7iieaning is found in Joseph. Ant. xv. 10, and is frequent in :
;
;
And
exactly what the context requires "that he be the of the minister might Philo.
this
is
:
have now to dis people." cover the Hebrew behind didThis we learn from ooxos. Ecclus. xlvi. 1, where it is a rendering of rny;?. This word "We
(Confortare) et
oinnia quae
mandata
often means the chief minister or servant thus in Exod. xxiv. 13 ; xxxiii. 11 ; Num. xi. 28 Josh. i. 1, Joshua is described par excellence as Moses servant, ntyD me D. It is also used of service in the tabernacle ; cf. :
;
Num.
viii.
1
same
the
Hence the
26, etc.
cyn nna-D nvn ?.
text
sit successor
er/7
tuam
"
meaning
In is
x.
to
15 be
is, of course, pos Siddoxos here may represent ~\y, as in 2 Chron. xxvi. 11. But this would not differ materially from the sense we have reached above. 8. I read et ut instead of ut ct, and patribus instead of ex
followed. sible
It
that
tribus,
with Schmidt-Merx.
After illis Schmidt-Merx adds ut dens illis, and for quod tv read quondam. In scenae rr) just as scene in I. 7 Dare de lesum rrj 0-K-rjvrj. seems interpolated. De is used in the sense of by means also in V. 1, de reges, "by means of the kings." 9.
-
<rKf)vy,
"
of,"
Verbum hoc, (confortare) The text here is te. verbum hoc, ct promitte. Now 10.
ct
firma
Moses address to Joshua cannot Some verb has begin with et. fallen out between hoc and et.
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTER
sen in libro deute 6
9
ronomio qui voca vit ad se jesum filium
turn
mitte secus indus
sanctis illius
triam tuain omnia
ut et inducat plebem
quae mandata sunt
datam ex
Thus there was probably here the oft-repeated phrase addressed to Joshua in Deut. xxxi. 6, 7, 23 Josh. i. 6, 7, 9, 18, pm Now if we retranslate the DKi. ;
j
present text into Hebrew we shall discover the source of the corruptions and at the same The time the original text.
words verbum hoc
=
nDNi
missing
nm
et promitte
Now
n:nn.
verb
before
the
the
i
is
clearly pm, as suggested above for this could readily fall out after nm, and IDN is an easy cor ruption of fCN as Rosenthal has Hence the text already seen. ran This pDNi pm nm 131 n ;
:
confirmed by X. 15. See note in loc. Hilgenfeld emended the above words into verbum hoc ait pro mitte. Volkmar took vTrotrxov promitte to be a corruption
restoration
is
:
of vwocrx^
"undertake."
Omnia quae mandata facias.
In
my
xvnt translation
ut,
I
have supposed ut facias to be wrongly transposed to their present position.
locutus
de jesum dicendo ad jesum 10 verbum hoc et pro
successor plebi et
in terram
per testamen
et per jusjuran
est in scenae dare
b scene testimonii
cum omnibus
57
eorum ut de
illis
dum quod
naue hominem pro domino ut sit batum 7
8
tribus
tur
6-10
I.
The Hebrew
order requires us to place them But since such before omnia. faulty transpositions of the Latin text are frequent we cannot
argue on this ground against the Hebrew original in favour The Aramaic of an Aramaic.
would admit of this order, and Dr. Neubauer assures me the But it is later Hebrew also. possible to regard the text in present order as derived from
its
the Hebrew. Thus "be strong, and hold fast according to thy might to all that is commanded to be done" would represent niB yS
D Tipan
"?:n
This construction 2 Chron. xxxi.
-rim pDKi pin. is
4,
found in ipm jycS
"mina.
Quemadmodiimsincquaercllam den. I have here emended
sin
est ideo into sis deo.
The
ideo
cannot stand here, as ver. 11 refers to ver. 10. In Luke xxi. 14 of the Vulgate, praemeditari respondeatis re presents /u.?7 TrpOyU.eAeraj aTroXoThe text = D on invnS yri6ijvat. Sine has often the
quemadmodum
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
58
(Emended and Revised Text)
sunt ut facias
sine quaerellam sis Dorninus orbis ten-arum. 12.
quemadmodum
Haec
11.
Deo."
dicit
Creavit enim orbem terrarum propter plebem suam.
Et non coepit earn inceptionem creaturae ab
13.
terrarum palam facere, ut in ea gentes
initio orbis
et humiliter inter se disputationibus
arguantur
guant qui ab
14. Itaque excogitavit et
se.
initio
orbis terrarum praeparatus sum, ut
sim arbiter testament! facio
meae
meorum
et
transio
nunc palam tempus annorum
15. Et
illius.
quia consummation est
tibi
vitae
ar-
invenit me,
dormitionem
in
patrum
palam omnem
16. (Tu) autem plebem. ad hanc scribturam percipe recognoscendam tutationem librorum quos tibi tradam 17. Quos et
:
accusative in the Itala. SchmidtMerx emend est ideo into est deo. 13.
Non coepit. The text here,
tb non coepit =OVK -fjp^aro Win. But the Greek translator
has here followed the inappro-
He meaning of *?K\ should have rendered OVK epovXero. Hence render "He was Merx was the not pleased." tirst to discover the real meanpriate
ing here.
He
retranslation N ?.
did so through into Aramaic,
Inceptionem = "design." So Schmidt-Merx. Hilgenfeld has missed the sense of the passalso
of reproduction OVK ijp&To the Greek shows as
his
:
TO.VTTJV rrfv a-rrapx^v T??S Acrttrews:
likewise coepit
to
taking non be a corruption of
Ronsch
air^p^aro KTicews.
W. T.
OLVTOV
1874, p. 557 a.irapx nv
Volkmar
is
:
TTJS
wholly at
sea.
Ab
The MS.
initio.
et before these words. Humiliter inter se.
inserts
Humiliter
be corrupt for humilitate. In my translation I have sought to only to give the sense:
may
their
own"
(or
miliation."
"common") "hu-
Hilgenfeld emends
humiliter into similiter.
This verse is found in the See exeg. note, p. 6. Ab initio orbis terrarum. This phrase has already occurred 14.
Greek.
1
ns>
age,
incepit, Z.f.
in
I.
XII.
13. 4,
It recurs twice, I. 17, ab initio crea-
in the form
Of this turae orbis terrarum. verse the Greek (see I. 14, exeg. note) is happily preserved irpb = nnoiD J3 ? /caraj3oX^s Kb<r^ov :
1
TEXT OF ut facias
modum 11 rellam dicit
12
CHAPTER
MS.
59
praeparatus sum ut sim arbiter testa
rum
sine
quae ideo baec
dominus orbis
15 menti
ter
illius et
tune
rarum
palam
Creavit enim orbem
consummatum est tempus annorum
terrarum propter
13 plebem suam
et
vitae
non
facio tibi quia
meae
et tran
dormitionem
coepit earn inceptio
sio in
nem
patrum meorunr et palam oninem
creaturae
lllaet ab
initio orbis ter
rarum palam
16
face
bem
pie
autem
re ut in earn gentes
percipe scribturam
argnantur et humi
bane ad recognos
liter inter se
cendam tutationem
dispu
librorum quos tibi &17tradam quos ordina
tationibus arguant
14
11-17
initio orbis terra
quemad
est
I.
se itaque excogitavit et invenit
me
bis et chedriabis et
qui ab
It is to be observed that the Vulgate renders Heb. ix. 26 Rev. xiii. 8, a-rro K ara/3oA?)s Koff/j-ov by ab origine mundi, similarly as in our text, but elsewhere in the N.T. Matt. xiii. 35, xxv. 34 Luke xi. 50 Heb. iv. 3 Rev. xvii. 8
cSiyn or o nyn ipirnp.
;
;
;
;
by a constitutione mundi.
The.
phrase in I. 17, XII. 4, ab initio creaturae orbis terrarum = dir TOV
apX^s Kriaeus
Mark Snnn
x.
6,
rus nn.
xiii.
On
Kocr/mov
(cf.
= rrc x-iD ;
19)
the other hand,
possible that the latter form of the phrase goes it
is
quite
back to the same Greek as the former, for our Latin translator is far from being consistent or accurate.
Nunc. MS. tune. Palam. Hilgenfeld emends 15.
=
into I d,7raAXdw. pellam follow Rb nsch in taking it as a proposition, but the text is doubtful. 16. recognoscendam tuta
Ad
The obscurity
tionem librorum.
of this phrase disappears when re translated into Hebrew, jnn jyoS nnsD.TnN met? mayst know "
how
to
preserve."
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
60
(Emended and Revised Text)
ordinabis libus in
et chedriabis
et
loco quern fecit
ab
repones in vasis fictiinitio creaturae orbis
18. Ut invocetur nomen illius usque in diem paenitentiae in respectu quo respiciet illos Dominus in consummatione exitus dierum.
terrarum,
II.
intrabunt
per te in terram, dare patribus eorum:
decrevit et promisit
quam In
2.
nunc)
(Et
qua
stabilibis
regnum,
tu
eis
et
benedices sort em
in
et
me
dabis et
unicuique, et
constabilibis
magisteria locorum dimittes
Domino eorum
eis
secus
illis
in judicio et justitia.
quod placebit 3. (Fiet) autem postquam intrabunt in terram suam anno s(exto), et postea dominabuntur a principibus et
tyrannis per
abrumpent
annos XVIII, et XVIIII annos
tribus X.
4.
18. Diem poenitentiae. Rosenthai supposes an error on the part of the Greek translator, i.e. that lie took rnie nn cv to mean the day of repentance, whereas it incant "the day of the return," or of the coining again," and refers to the return of the people to Palestine. "
In respectu quo
respiciet
=
ev
a eTriaKoirrj y e7ri(T/cei//ercu familiar Hebraism, ic x mpsn nn ~\ps\ Cf. Test. Lev. iii., iv. ; Pss. Sol. xi. 2. In consummatione exitus di-
T7)
erum II.
=
Q 1.
genfeld. 2.
DM
fp m^33. So Hil(Et nunc). Volkmar, ecce nunc.
Schmidt-Merx bracket
stabilibis eis as spurious. In me. Hilgenfeld, in
et
Nam Ronsch
(Z.f.
in earn
W. T.
1874, p. 558),
where the in earn goes
back to in qua,
iv y
.
.
.
ev cu rjy.
=
Magisteria locorum roirap1 *Probably roTrapxtas is corrupt for Toirapxas. Dimities. This is corrupt, X"
Schmidt- Merx emend it into dimetieris, but their reference to Pss. Sol. xvii. 30 gives no support to their suggestion,
be for demittes = may be a corruption of Kadicreis or /faratrr^creis "thou wilt In any appoint." case the sense required is clear.
Dimittes
may
Kadrjaeis.
This
=
The
original may have been Tp?fi D 1p9, "thou wilt appoint local Cf. Gen. xli. 34. magistrates." 3.
qua.
descendent tribus
Fiet.
So Schmidt-Merx
Volkmar, dat
;
Hilgenfeld,
illi.
;
TEXT OF reponis in vasis
MS.
CHAPTERS
ab
rum
11
18 rum ut invocetur
in
illius
respicit illos
in
usque
et postea
xviir et xviiii* annos
promisit dare pa
qua tu benedicis et da
nam
runt scenae
tri
testi
moniunr tune deus
bilibis eis sorteni
From
and Joseph. Ant.
v.
Tribus.
Josh.
4.
i.
19, Israelites
appears that the spent five years in the conquest of Canaan. Hence the above emendation. Hilgenfeld, annos (quinine); Merx, annos(eptiino).
it
x
descendent
bus duae et transfe
unicuique et sta
s(exto}.
tib
abrumpens 4
tribus eorunr in
Anno
dominabi
tyrannis per annos
decrevit et
xiv. 10
in ju
tur a principibus et
intrabunt
bis
domino eorum
suain annos
per te in terrain
2
illis
autem postquarn intrabunt in terrain
3
quo dominus
consummatio
quam
dimittes
dicio et justitia
ne exitus clierum II.
regnum
secus quod place bit
diem paenitentiae
in respectu
61
4
et magisteria loco
initio crea
turae orbis terra
nomen
II.
et constabi
libis eis
tilibus in loco quern fecit
me
in
fie
18
I.
MS.
Nam.
tib.
Nam
and enim are
frequently used in this version to render Se. Dependent. Schmidt-Merx, discedent.
So Schmidt-Merx
Duodecim.
emend from
In
So Hilgen Dominabuntur. feld and Schmidt-Merx. MS.
rightly
dominabitur.
of Israel and
So Hilgenfeld, Abrumpent. Volkmar, and Fritzsche. Abrumpentes, Schmidt-Merx MS. abrumpens.
David. The corruption arose in the Greek ai ifi (pvXai by the L falling out, or else in the Hebrew.
;
2
Sam.
vi. 1, 2,
duae. the chosen
men
Judah accompanied
TranferenL
MS. transform! t.
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
62
(Emended and Revised Text)
duodecim
Deus
transferent scenam testimonii.
et
caelestis faciet
aulam scenae suae
et
Tune turrem
sanctuarii sui, et ponentur duae tribus sanctitatis. 5.
Nam X
suas regna 7.
tribus stabilient sibi secus ordinationes 6.
:
Et VII
VIIII
Et adferent victimas per annos XX:
circumvallabunt muros,
et
circumibo
(IV) transgredientur testamentum Domimi,
et
jusjurandum polluent quern fecit Dominus cum eis. 8. Et immolabunt natos suos diis alienis, et et
ponent
idola
scenae,
domo Domini
servientes
illis
:
9.
Et
in
omnem
facient sceleste, et sculpent
(similituclinem) animalium idola multa. III.
illis
(Et)
veniet
temporibus
Scenam testimonii. MS. scenae testimonmm. So I emend Faciet aulam. from fecit palam with HilgenChron. feld, who compares 2 The phrase aulam scenae xx. 5. is found in Exod. xxvii. 9. For
Tribus
= irnpn 7. i.e.
illis
ab
Hebraism
sanctitatis.
auty.
Circumibo = I will protect, Cf. Deut. xxxii. 10 1
miDiS
.
;
Jer. xxxi. 22.
Et(IV). I have added the (IV). Transgredientur testamentum
the various uses of -ran see the new Hebrew Lexicon in loc.
Domini et jusjurandum poll uent. So I emend the corrupt text
Rb nsch,
adcedent ad testamentum Do mini et iinem polluent. First of all, iinem = opov, which, as we see from the context, is corrupt for opKov. Hence for finem we should read jusjurandum. This combination of testamentum
Merx,
figet fecit
palum palam
;
Schmidt(zelum)
;
Fritzsche, faciet palum.
Turrem.
So
I
emend from
ferrum. In a similar description of the future in Eth. En. Ixxxix. 50, 67, 73, the temple is spoken of as a tower. Hilgenfeld,
forum, comparing 2 Mace. x. 2 Schmidt-Merx, fervorem. Volkmar gives the whole passage thus fecit palam (locum) scenae suae et terram sanctuarii sui ; ;
:
Haupt,
W.T.
1867, p. 448, faciet palam (portam) scenae suae et forem sanctuarii sui. Z.f.
:
jusjurandum occurs four other times in this book I. 9, III. 9, XL 17, XII. 13, and thus confirms our emendation. arid
The same combination
is familiar in the O.T. Cf. C4en. xxvi. 28 Deut. xxix. 12, 14 Ezek. xvi. ;
;
59, xvii. 16, 18, 19.
place,
adcedent
In the next testamentum
TEXT OF caelestis fecit
MS.
CHAPTERS
tis*
nam
dominus cum
cit
eis et
molabunt natos suos diis alienis* et
*x tribus sta
ponent idola scenae
bilient sibi secus
servientes
ordinationes suas 9
bQ regna et adferent
7
et finem
polluent quern fe 8
sur et ponentur
duae tribus sanctita 5
i
men turn dominr
ferrum sanctua
rii
III.
5
adcedent ad testa
pa
lam scenae suae et
II.
illis*
domo domini
et in
faci
victimas per annos
ent sceleste et
xx
culpent omnern ani malium idola multa
et *vir
circumval
labunt muros et circumibo
III.
viiir et
and jusjurandum polluent arc clearly parallel expressions, and as the latter according to
is
obviously right the context, the The former must be wrong.
lies in therefore corruption adcedent, and is easy to discover. Adcedent = 7rpo<r/3?7cro; Tcu, corrupt for irapa-^rjaovTai.. rty 5i.a9 qK7]v Trapaftrjvai. is the actual phrase in Ezek. xvi. 59, xvii. Iti, 18, 19. Hence for adcedent read
illis
s
temporibus
xxxii. (xxxix.) 34, Kal edrjuav /AtdcTjUaTCt
auTWf
TTK\r]drj TO
iv
TOJ
ftvofjui JJ.QV iir
TO.
oi /cy
ou
aimo
iv
aKadapaLaiS avr&v. 9. Omnem (similitudinem}
animalium. Similitudinem fell out after omnern through homoioteleuton. Hilgenfeld and Yolkmar changed omnem into om nium, but the text thus arrived at
is
intolerable.
They
failed to
recognise that this verse
is
based
on Ezek. viii. 10, Every form of ... abominable beasts and all the idols graven upon the "
transgredieutur. On this passage previous editors are wholly at sea. They
accept adeedent jusjurandum. For et finem, Volkmar reads sed in fine finem ; SchmidtMerx, et (iv) fidcm. Hilgenfeld accepts the words as they stand. 8. Scenae I take as a dative, "in the Sanctuary." Rb nscli (Z.f.W.T. 1874, p. 558) in to read idola geniously proposes
all
obscena, comparing
LXX.,
Jer.
.
.
.
Thus omnem similitud inem animalium ncm man- ?:!. wall."
1
Idola mitlta,
The word
j
piy
c
i.e.
m
c
sipty.
used immedi
is
ately after ncnn in Ezek. viii. The whole verse = 10, as here.
ipm nnjnn ivy m,T III.
1.
Veniet
MS. veuient
.
.
.
.
equitatu. equitatus. .
.
im
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
64
(Emended and Revised Text)
eorum 2. Et eorum igne cum aede sancta sancta vasa omnia toilet 3. Et omnem
oriente rex, et teget equitatu terrain
incendet
:
coloniam
Domini, et
:
plebem eiciet, et ducet illos in terrain patriae suae, duas tribus ducet secum. 4. Tune invocabunt
et
X
duae tribus
tribus, et
indignabunt, ut liena in
et sitientes. 5. Et campis pulveratis, clamabunt Justus et sanctus Dominus, quia enim
esurientes
"
:
vos
nos
et
peccastis,
vobiscum cum infantibus
X
abunt
tribus
audientes
tribuum duarum, vobis fratres
Nonne
?
advenit clibsis haec
in
8.
MS. colonia. Coloniam. 2. Sancta vasa omnia. SchmidtMerx point out that onmia after sancta vasa is not Hebraic but Aramaic order, prta N JKD *rt?np. This is quite true, but it is impossible, on this ground only, to argue back to an Aramaic; for the Greek and original ;
Latin
translators frequently to observe the Hebrew order when it was possible to do so. Thus, though ^o in Hebrew failed
always precedes its noun, it is placed after it, as here, in the
LXX. Gen.
in the following passages xiv. 11, DID BOT^DTIN
LXX. Zod6fj-wi 01
rriv .
1.
LTTTTOV
troLffav
14, D Vvn-^3
:
TTJV
LXX.
Lev. xx. ravra irdvra.
ffwafiavTes TraWey.
23, N^N
*?a
LXX.
2 Chrou. xxi. 18, HNI-^D nnt Hence /u-era ravTa Travra.
LXX.
"
:
plor-
verborum
Quid fecimus
omnem domum
"
?
Tune
6.
inproperia
Et dicent
7.
sumus
abducti
pariter nostris."
Istrahel
Et omnes tribus
plor-
we can attach but little value to this argument in itself, and when we consider that our Latin Version is but a careless rendering of the original, it ceases to
have any weight at
all.
Terrain patriae suae els ri]v yrjv TTJS yevtatus avrov = imSio px. 3.
Indigndbuntur. The MS. se. These words cannot be right. Observe et ducent Tune invocabunt se et clamabunt. The ten tribes cannot address the two, then march or be marched about, and then proceed with 4.
gives ducent
.
.
.
.
.
.
words of rebuke. Hence, instead of ducent se, we expect a verb expressive of anger, and this all the more because of the words immediately subsequent ut
liena
in
campis.
Now
TEXT OF venient
ab
illis
MS.
CHAPTER entes
ori
ente rex et teget
2
5
cum
nostris et
infantibus
clamabunt
equitatus terram
Justus et sanctus
eorum
quia enim vos peccas tis et nos pariter ad
colonia
et incendet
eorum
ig
ne cum aede sancta
109&domini 3
2-8
III.
et sancta vasa
om
6
omnem
nia toilet et
plebem
ducti
eiciet et
bunt
du
tes
patriae suae et duas
7
secum
4 Tune invocabunt duae tribus x tribus
b
se,
if
retranslated into
probably stood originally in the
Greek Version. Hence my cor rection of ducent se into indigCould ducent
audien
improperia ver et dicent
tres*
nonne in
quid faciemus vobis fra
domum
omnem
istrahel
ad
omnes
tribus plora
bunt clamautes in
siti
Greek =dx(?Tj(r0vTatj and as this word is confounded in MSS. with axOfoovrai, the latter most
nabuntur.
x* tribus
rum
8 et
in campis pulverati
ducent
tune plora
venit clibsis haec
et ducent se ut liena
esurientes et
sumus vobis
borum tribum dua
cet illos in terram
tribus ducit
cum
dominus
se be
a corruption of succensebunt ? MS. pulverati. Pulrfiratis. Schmidt-Merx omit. Here the MS. adds SUientes. This cum infantibus nostris.
phrase I have, with SchmidtMerx, transposed after vobiscum in ver. 4. If retained here, nostris must lie changed into suis ; for
the children of the two tribes cannot be called children of Moses and Joshua. 5. Alducti. So Fritzsche MS. Schmidt-Merx, deducti. ;
adducti.
Cum infantibus nostris. See note on ver. 4. 6. vcrboru/n = Inproperia, mmin. 7. Fecimus. So I emend with Hilgenfeld from faciemus.
Clibsis, i.e. 0\fyts.
There arc
several other Greek words
bystia (VIII. 2), (I.
eremus
3),
acro-
cathedra (XII.
(III. 11), chedriabis 17), allofyli (IV. 3).
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
66
(Emended and Revised Text)
abunt clamantes in caelurn et dicentes
Abraham
Deus Isaac
et
testamentum tuum quod
andum quod
terra
cum
factasti
reminiscentur me, die
dedisti
quam :
eis, et
unquam
jusjurdeficiat
10.
illis."
Tune
dicentes tribus ad tribum
illo
homo de proximo suo
Deus
lacob, reminiscere
jurasti eis per Te, ne
semen eorum a et
Deus
et
"
9.
:
"
11.
Nonne hoc
est
quod
testabatur nobis turn Moyses in profetiis, qui multa
passus est in Aegypto et in mail rubro et in heremo 1 2. Et testans invocabat nobis testes annis XL :
caelum in
et terram,
ne praeteriremus mandata Illius, 13. Ecce ea advenerunt
quibus arbiter fuit nobis
:
nobis de isto secus verba ipsius et secus adfirma-
tionem illis,
9.
ipsius,
quomodo
Reminiscere
10.
Homo os CTTL
X
11.
testatus est nobis temporibus
ecce ea convenerunt usque nos duci captivos in avap-LiJivriffKov,
de proximo sno TW TT^vLov avTov=
quomodo
.
Turn.
So Schmidt-Merx.
MS. cum. This name is written Moyses. thus in XL 1, and the interpolated passage I. 5. In I. 4
Elsewhere, in XL 2, 4, 14, 17, 19, XII. 1, 2, it is written as if from a .Nom. Monses. For a similar insertion
Mosyses.
Bobbio MS.,
Mt. vi. Moyses is the Coptic form of this name. The Hebrew form Moses = Mwo-?5s = nu D, which Schmidt-Merx give of n,
cf.
19, thensaurus,
in
q.
etc.
not found in this MS. Testabatur. This word means I. 1, is
here "he
5te/3e/3atoCTo,
declared."
It represents
and
this in turn,
TJH or jnin. The same diction behind adfirmationem ipsius
lies
<5ta/3e/3cu
testatus est (III. 13)
w0-ti
Ka#cl>s
=
diej3ej3aLovro.
It is due to the carelessness of the Latin translator that he used tester as a rendering of
two distinct Greek verbs.
MS. profetis. Profetiis. 12. Et testans invocabat nobis caelum. et terram,. For et testans the MS. reads, testatus but wrongly; for clearly et, testans invocabat testes tester
.
.
.
=5iaima.pTvp6/j.evos die/j.apTvpeTo
vyn
lyrr,
=
and the whole phrase =
nym. pK.vnNi DWn-nN 133 This statement is found, letter for letter, in the Apocalypse "pyn
of Baruch Ixxxiv.
2,
"Moses
TEXT OF caelum 9
MS.
CHAPTER
67
9-13
quod testabatur no
et dicentes
cum moyses
in
deus abraham* et deus isa
bis
ac et deus Jacob remi
profetis qui multa
-
85a passus
niscere testamen
tuum quod tasti cum eis et
turn
fac
et in
jus
in
quam
deficiat
eorum a dedisti
invoca
et
et terrain
quam
ne prae
manda
teriremus
ta illius in quibus arbi
illis
10 Tune reminiscentur
me
him
semen
terra
heremo annis xl
bat nobis testes cae
ne urn
rasti eis per te
est in aegypto mari rubro* et
12 testatus
jurandum quod ju
13
tor fuit nobis
die illo dicentes
quae advenerunt nobis
ad tribunr et
de isto secus verba
tribus
1 1
III.
homo de proximo
ipsius
suo nonne hoc est
mationem
assuredly called heaven and earth to witness against you." Of. Deut. iv. 26, xxx. 19,
DC
mandata praeteriremus Illius. These words, also in a slightly different form, follow immediately on those just quoted from Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv. 2, i.e. if ye transgress the law." 13. Ecce ca advenerunt nobis. So I have emended from quae "
advenerunt nobis. That this is right is clear from the exactly
e
befell
you, and
befallen
you."
is
taken to
A
=
compari
them away from you (see XIX. 3), on this account they came upon you," appears to show that de isto = ririK = "after
him,"
death."
Cf.
Ecce ca. ct
quae.
Schmidt- Merx,
Cf.
"after
his
See above.
d.i>aro\r)S
Exod.
i.e.
Job xxi. 21. So I have emended
In partem TTJS
!
This
cast also
they have
lo
isto.
titelvov (xpbvov).
son of the parallel passage in Apoc. Bar. Ixxxiv. 4, "And after his (i.e. Moses ) death ye
parallel passage in Apoc.
Bar. Ixxxiv. 5, "And now Moses used to tell you before they
ipsius
followed by Hilgenfeld, emend quae into vae ; Volkmar resolves it into et ea.
etc.
Ne
et secus adfir
= et s fj.pos pN n^p 7K
oricntis
Dip
xvi. 35.
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
68
(Emended and Revised Text) "
orientis
partem
14. Qui et servient circa annos
?
LXXYII. IV. Tune intrabit
unus qui supra eos
est,
et
expandet manus et ponet genua sua,
et orabit pro
Domine omnis, rex
in alta sede,
dicens
eis
2.
:
"
qui dominaris saeculo, qui voluisti plebem hanc esse tibi plebem hanc exceptam, tune voluisti invocari
eorum deus secus testamentum. quod fecisti cum 3. Et ierunt captivi in terrain patribus eorum. alienam
cum
uxoribus et natis suis et circa ostium
allofylorum et ubi est vanitas magna.
eorum, Domine
reminiscetur
cum
fecit
reproduces
Aramaic TH, and
this
jnay n pjx
:
thinks that a play on the words = = idolatry), = ( 77)also .TTjrn!3y. ( as this latter phrase was often simply denoted by the initial pa>
"ly
there
is
"ly
i
"
letters.
Thus,
they shall also
idolatry through the If this play was inyears." tended by the author, it proves practise
an Aramaic original against a Hebrew, as mi mny is good Hebrew also. IV. 1. For intrabit, expannothing
for
ponet, MS. reads intravit, expandit, ponit.
(let,
2.
Domine omnis
vrds NHD.
illis
:
6.
Et mittet
in
regis ut misereatur eorum, et dimittet illos
Merx
14.
verse in
Respice 5.
caelestis."
patribus illorum, et palam faciet miseri-
cordiam suam et temporibus
animam
4.
Tune Deus eorum propter testamentum quod
miserere
et
Heb.
*?3
Ktipie
jriN
;
TOU
Aram,
Jianc exceptam. Hanc the Greek represents rbv \abv rbv K\eKr6v
Plebem here article
vmn
=
:
Cf. Isa. xliii. 20.
oyn.
ceptam
is
here
We
rendering. electam. 3. Vanitas.
an
Ex-
unhappy
should
have
The MS. reads majestas. This is corrupt. Hilgenfeld and Merx emend it into maestitia Fritzsche into moles;
Volkmar supports the text, but without success. The cortia.
ruption Latin.
is
not native to the
Majestas
=
/u.eya\(i6Tr)s,
corrupt for /iarcuoY^s, i.e.
"idolatry."
"
vanity,"
Nothing im-
pressed the Jews so much in their captivity among the Gentiles as the idolatry of the latter.
TEXT OF testatus
quomodo est nobis
bus
14
illis
CHAPTERS
MS.
III.
cum
cisti
eorum
3
tempori et quae conve
14
IV. 6
69
patribus
et ierunt
captivi in terram
cum
uxori
nerunt usque nos
alienam
duel captives in par
bus et natis suis et
tern orientis qui
circa ostium allofi
et servient circa
lorum
annos Ixxvir
majestas inagna
IV. Tune intravit unus
4 respice et misere re eorum domine cao
qui supra eos est et expandit et ponit
et ubi est
manus
5
b
et oravit pro eis di
2
cens
Tune remi
lestis
eorum
niscitur deus
genua sua
propter testamen
Domine omnis
turn quod fecit
SQa patribus
rex in alta sede qui
cum
illorum et
mise
dominaris saeculo
palam
qui voluisti
ricordiam suanr et
hanc esse
plebem 6
tibi
plebem hanc exceptam tune
temporibus illis et mittit in animani re gis ut misereator
voluisti invocari
eorum deus secus
tamentum quod
tes
fe
For this use of /xarcuoV^s
for
an
etc ra judrcuct, is frequent in this sense. Cf. 2 Kings xvii. 15 Jer. ii. 5, idol,
cf.
Ps.
xxxi.
6,
:
;
x. 3. 5.
*?3n is the Hebrew. Reminiscetur. MS. remin-
iscitur.
Suam
et.
faciet
Hilgenfeld
Schmidt-Merx delete
et.
and
eorum
et dimittit
illos in
terram eorum
MS. misere MS. dimittit. eorum et region-
Miscratur.
6.
ator.
Dimittet.
Terrain em, Semitic
syntax
requires
eorum after the regionBut the Greek and Latin translators of Hebrew omitted
an
em.
the suffix Cf.
LXX.
in 1
their
rendering.
Chron. xxviii. 11
;
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
70
(Emended and Revised Text)
eorum
in terrain
et regionem.
stitutum
suum
et circumvallabunt
Duae autem
fide
sua,
locum con-
tribus et
tristes
locum renovantes.
permanebunt
in
praeposita
gementes, quia non poterint
immolationes Domino patrum suorum.
referre
9.
X tribus crescent et multiplicantur apud nationes
Et in
Tune ascendent
partes tiibuum et venient in
aliquae
8.
7.
tempore captivitatis suae.
cum adpropiabunt tempora
V. Et vindicta
punientes eos,
18
8.
2.
Et
ipsi dividentur ad veritatem.
;
;
Merx emend
arguendi, et
participes scelerum et
reges
xli. 8 Exod. xii. 9, Neh. iii. 3, 6, 13, 14, 15. Sua. VolkmarandSchmidt-
Vulg. Gen. xl.
de
surge t
into sed.
Poterint. Sehmidt-Merx emend into poterunt. 9 Multiplicantur apud nation es in tempore captivitatis suae. So .
have emended the very corrupt devenient apud iiato.s in tempore tribum. Hilgenfeld accepts tlie text, but changes tribum into tribulationis, and takes these words as prophecy of I
text
The right word in such a case would be ascendent (see ver. Volkmar emends deveni 7). ent apud natos in tempore tribuum. But there is no meaning in the expression in tempore tribuum. Further, it is an un paralleled phrase. Schmidt-Merx emend devertent apud nationes But the in tempore turbarum. :
:
sense
is
poor,
amongst the
"they
will stay iu the
Gentiles
the return of the tribes to their descendants in Jerusalem. But
time of troubles," and Fritzsche and Eosenthal rightly reject it. Rosenthal emends devenient apud natos in tempore judici-
this
iorum.
is
absolutely impossible.
Not
to speak of the incredible change of tribulationis into tri bum, there are other insuperable difficulties. If apud natos could stand here at all, we should re And quire suos to be added.
devenient could not be used of going up to Jerusalem. great Songs of the As cents" would, in that case, be called "Songs of the Descents." finally,
The
"
:
In the criticism of Hil
genfeld s emendation we have already shown devenient apud natos in the sense of a return to Palestine to be impossible. Some interest, however, attaches to his restoration in tempore judici-
In tempore tribuum is, shows = D antsri njn, where
oruin.
he D
corrupt for D of the judgments is that of the final judgment of God. B32>n
is
The time
BSB>n.
TEXT OF 7
MS.
CHAPTERS
71
molationes domino
regionenr tune ascendent aliquae et
patruum suorum
partes tribuum et
9
et *x
venient in locum
1}
cent et devenient
suum
cons tit utum
tribus cres
apud natos
in tern
V. pore tribum et
et circumvallabiuit
8
V. 2
IV. 7
locum renovantes
cum adpropiabunt
duae autem tribus
temper a arguendi
permanebunt
et vindicta surgit
in
de reges participes scelerum et puni
praeposita fide sua tristes et
geinen
non pote referre im
2
tes quia
rint
dividentur ad ve
We
have now discussed all emendations of this text, and been obliged to reject them. My own restoration is
previous
First of all, I accept the emendation apud natos into
as follows.
nationes. Next, we see that something is wrong with devenient. It is coupled with crescent, and not improbably has a kindred meaning. Now devenient = /careXei;(j-oz rcu = nv, which is clearly a corruption
apud
of
UT=: multiplicantur.
the
text
runs,
We
have
now
in
tempore tribum is a
Thus
et crescent nationes. to deal with
apud
multiplicantur
tribum.
This
frequent fifthcentury equivalent of tribuum. The phrase, then, in tempore
tribuum D onty
=
nyn
D
B3B>
is
suae.
nyn.
corrupt for
crrnB^in tempore
entes eos et ipsi
Here njn
ca})tivitatis
Thus our emended
text
=
crescent
et
multiplicantur
apud nationes in tempore cap-
Now this agrees exactly with the statement of Joseph. Ant. xi. 5. 2, At de dtxa 0uXcu -rrepav tlaiv e ws Seupo, /u;ptd5cs atrapoi, Kal tivitatis suae.
Eu</>pdroi
dpidfjiw yvwffdrjvai.
p,r)
ovvd/J.evai,
and with the view expressed in 4 Ezra
xiii.
36-48
ad Caium, 31 (p6(3ovv
(ii.
de O.VTOV
Philo, Leg. 578, Mangey), Kal ai irepa.v ;
\(ova Kal TroXXds dXXas rGiv crarpajrei&v VTTO
V.
1.
louSatwv Karexo/J.evas.
MS.
Surget.
De regcs = did
rC>v
here = per, as in
surgit.
jSacriXew*
I. 9,
.
De
de lesum.
So Rbnsch and Hilgcnfeld. Schmidt-Merx, not observing the above sense of tie, propose to emend de reges participes into ad participes regis, and punientes into puriientis. 2.
Dividentur ad veritatem =
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
72
(Emended and Revised Text) 3.
et
Propter quod factum f uit "Devitabunt justitiam accedent ad iniquitatem, et contaminabunt in:
domum
quinationibus "
fornicabunt post
deos
veritatem
sequentur
servitutis
quia
Non enim
4.
quidam altarium
sed
Dei,
et
suae,"
alirnos."
de ipsis muneribus quae imponent Domino, qui non sunt sacerdotes, sed servi de servis 5. Qui enim magistri sunt [doctores nati. eorum]
inquinabunt
6eiav
= r\EKi
xvi. 21,
irpbs
?p0
In
O\T\-
rr\v
1
Kings pSn is used in the Niphal .
of the division of the people into two factions as here. In the Talmud it is frequently used in reference to difference of opinion. Cf.
Chag.
nnn=
xvi.fr,
"the
^ru
m
ipSn:
greatest Rabbis were
divided on this point," quoted in Levy s Lex. ii. 65. Propter quod
=
dionep.
J^arfwm.Volkmar emends into
naturally to be regarded as forming the class of teachers, their functions in the text are of quite a different nat ure. They are judges, and their justice is venal. Now if we retranslate into Greek and thence into Hebrew we shall be put in the way of discovering
not merely the original text, but also a most interesting case in Avhich what was at first an incorrect
was
Hebrew marginal
gloss
dictum, and Schmidt-Merx into fatum. So Volk3. Inquinationibus.
incorporated in the text. To proceed qui enim magistri sunt doctores eorum =
mar and Hilgenfeld, from inSchmidt - Merx genationibus. (and later Hilgenfeld also), in nationibus.
KCL\oi ovTeSj oi Kad ijyrjTal OLVT(JOV err-no D mni (cf. John i. 39). Now, first of all, we
4.
De
ipsis
muneribus.
I
have here followed Rb nsch, in supplying the lacuna of six letters with ipsis. Hilgenfeld Volkmar, omnibus ; gives iis Schmidt-Merx, donis et. 5. Qui enim magistri sunt If we study [doctores eorum]. this clause in connexion with the rest of this verse and that which follows, it will become obvious that there is some cor For whereas ruption here. doctores eorum are masristri ;
later
:
(with
Hilgenfeld)
diSda-
de
oi
=
that
D
either
mn, "the
many,"
which
can
know mean
or
Rabbis"
"the
cannot have the former
meaning in this context, as we have seen above and in we see that the next, ;
the
latter
meaning,
"the
many,"
harmonises perfectly with the For where rest of the context. as in ver. 46 it is said that some who are not true priests will defile the altar of God, it is here said that many w ill ad r
minister justice corruptly,
the
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTER
inquinabunt de
fuit
78$
devitabunt justi tiam et accedent
muneribus quae inponent domino qui
non sunt sacerdo
ad iniquitatem et contaminabunt in genationibus
73
sed quidam altarium
3 ritatenv propter
quod factum
V. 3-5
tes sed servi de ser
domum
5
vis nati* qui
ma
enim
servitutis suae
gistri sunt docto
et quia fornicabunt
res
post deos alienos
poribus erunt miran
4 non enim sequen
"some "and the "many" be longing alike to the Sadducean party, to the Sanhedrin, the chief council of the nation. The Sanhedrin possessed civil and criminal jurisdiction (Schiiii.
vol.
i.
187),
and was
at this period a body representa tive of the nobility, and not an association of learned men ( cit. p. 174), as the Rabbins and the glosser on our text conceived it later. Having now deter mined the meaning of Q mn to </>.
be not many,"
"
the
or
that DITTID
Rabbis,"
"
many,"
(i.e.
but
"
we now
s
suggestion of locuple-
in his
own
text.
Schmidt-Merx
propose (cupidi) cupiditatum. muncra = 8wpoAccipicntes \Tf]irTovvTe<s
or SwpoX^Trrets.
So
emend acceptiones munerum. The corruption may have arisen in the Greek by cJwpoATjTrrets be I
coming
i
dwpo\T)\f/La s.
So
Pervertent.
Wieseler
The
emends from pervendent.
three chief statements in this verse, that men will be mirantes
and acceptorcs
mun
personas,
erum, and pervertent justitias are drawn from Deut. xvi. 19. Pervertent justitias is based on t2-:ra nan N^, thou shalt not wrest judgment." Erunt miran tes ITT3D vrr justitias
the glosser misapprehended the sense of the word is now obvious. Hence we should translate, "and many in those times will respect the persons of the rich," etc.
The MS.
Fritzsche
tum, though he edits nobilitatum
see
doctores eorurn)
I
tern
the
must originally have been a Hebrew gloss inserted in the margin to explain D mn. That
Locupletum. cupiditatum.
illis
tes personas cupi ditatunr et accep
tur veritatem dei
rer, cliv.
eorum
gives
have adopted
"
.
Bsa io
.
.
lorn ins?
Q npi
1
?!
Accipiendo poewis
D
Tfyn
MS.
accipienuse, of the
tes poenas. Tliis ablative of the gerund for the present participle is characteristicof this Latin version. Cf. XL
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
74
(Emended and Revised Text) illis
temporibus, erunt mirantes personas locupletum
et accipientes
munera,
piendo poenas].
A
6.
Domino
Et ideo implebitur colonia
eorum
habitationis
fines
et pervertent justitias [acci-
et
sceleribus et iniquitatibus.
deficient, erunt impii judices, et erunt in
argento judicare quomodo quisque volet. VI. Tune exurgent illis reges imperantes, et in sacerdotes summi Dei vocabuntur facient :
facientes impietatem ab sancto sanctitatis.
succedet
illis
sacerdotum,
temeraiius et improbus,et judicabit
This usage is frequently found the oldest biblical transla tions. See Ronsch, Z.f. W. T. 1868, pp. 96, 97. As these words are simply a repetition of the
finis
1 7.
phrase accipientes munera, I have bracketed them as a clittogrMphy. The only other alter native is to regard accipientes
munera
as
representing j/
2:i
Q i?ii3
owpo-
= greedy
after gain (Prov. xv. 27). There will then be no tautology in the
will respect the persons of the rich and be greedy of gain, and will wrest judgment
verse:
Et
rex petulans, qui non erit de genere
homo
in
\riTTTovi>Tes
2.
"They
tiories
fines habita
habita
eorum
tionis
leribus
sceler
ibus
see et
ini-
quita tibus a deo ut
qui fa erunt impii ju dices erunt in
cit
earn post
et
iniquitat
ibus a
domino qui faciunt
erunt
impii judices
inerunt
in
campo
If we compare the concluding words of each column, it is clear
that erunt in earn post in the is first corrupt for erunt in
on receiving presents." This form of the text would imply a of 1 Sam. viii. 3. knowledge r 6. A\ e have here a remarkable in which six lines of dittography, the MS. are repeated twice with
campo
some
Hilgenfeld reads qui faciunt. Volkmar adeo jus qui faciunt. and Schmidt-Merx connect a domino and a deo respectively
variations. The slightly more correct. Th" scribe no doubt intended to delete the former, but forgot.
second
I
slight is
here append the repeated por
tions side
by
side.
I have given above et. the text presupposed by the twofold text.
A Domino deficient. So I emend from the corrupt twofold text a deo ut qui facit and a dno :
with what precedes, and proceed: Volkmar, (quae) qui faciunt
TEXT OF tiones et
G
MS.
CHAPTERS
munerum
V. 6
VI. 2
75
et iniquitatibus
pervendent
1}
domino qui faciunt
a
justitias accipien
erunt impii judices
do poenas* et ideo
in erunt in
implebitur colo nia et finis habita
judicare
tiones
eorum
campo
quomodo
VI. quisquae volet tune
see
exurgent
re
illis
leribus et iniquita
ges imperantes et
tibus a deo ut qui fa
in sacerdotes
mi
erunt impii ju
cit
sum
dei vocabuntur
dices erunt in earn
facient facientes
post fines habita
impietatem ab sancto 2
tionis sceleribus erunt impii judices SchmidtMerx, ut qui factarunt impie, ;
= in
judices erunt in ea iripost ( posterum), etc. Erunt in argenfo judicare. So I emend erunt in campo judi care. In campo = v aypw, cor
Erunt
for ev apyup(})=t}33i.
rupt
jndicare is either corrupt for erunt judicantes or else it is to 1)0 referred back to the Hebrew. ess? ? r,T= "they will be intent 1
For this 2 Chron. xxvi. Hilgenfeld takes in campo
or ready
to
construction f>.
judge."
cf.
iVn
sanctitatis* et succedit illis tine-
numbered
"were
the tribe of Levi." But the Niphal xnp has here a middle
among
sense, as in Isa. xlviii. 2 : will number themselves
the priests," i.e. themselves priests."
"they
among
"will
call
Thus the
non-Greek expression
els
iepels
is to be explained a Hebrew background. Instead of summos sacerdotes in the clause in summos sacerdotes Dei vocabuntur, the text reads For the sacerdotes summi.
K\T]dr)vait.
from
emendation
for this see exegetical note,
grounds
corrupt for fy-rredoi, but the resulting sense is bad. VI. 1. In summos sacerdotes Dei vocabuntur. This emended text (see below) eis dpxtepe?s TOV
pp. 20, 21. Fritzsche unjustifiably changes in into qui. Facient facientes the well-
Ocov K\rj6 f](rovTai- C 3nDrr hy isopn c n -x ? o^n^n. With this con struction cf. LXX., 1 Chron.
yet Schmidt-Merx emend it into in faciem facientes Volkmar
iv
TredLif),
1
xxiii.
TOU
H,
Aei t
(KXrjdrjcrav
Massoretic,
eis
Sy
(f>v\rii>
ijop
:
known Hebraism
=
ibjr
mby
;
!
and
Hilgenfeld omit facient, while Fitxsche omits facientes !
2.
Succcdet.
MS.
succedit.
ASSUMPTIONIS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
76
(Emended and Revised Text)
quomodo digni erunt eorum gladio, et locis
illis
nemo
illorum, ut
Qui
3.
:
elidet principales
corpora
stinguet
ignotis
ubi sint [corpora illorum]
sciat
:
4.
Occidet majores natu et juvenes, et non parcet.
5.
Tune timor
eorum
erit illius
Et
6.
:
fecerunt in
illis
et
eos.
punibit
acerbus [in in
faciet
eis
7.
Et
terram
quomodo
judicia,
XXX
Aegyptii, per
eis] in
et IIII annos,
(p)roducet
natos
(qui
8. su)ccedentes sibi breviora tempora dominarent. In partes eorum cohortes venient et occidentis rex
potens, qui expugnabit eos et
Et ducet captivos
9.
:
partem aedis ipsorum igni incendet, (et) aliquos
crucifiget circa coloniam eorum.
Ex quo
VII.
facto finientur
tempora,
momento
(fini)etur cursus a(lter) horae IIII venient. Judicabit
Is this to
illis.
be
explained by am pi (cf. Ps. ex. 6), or should we correct illis into illos 3.
?
MS.
Elidet.
Stinguet.
elidit.
So Ronsch,
MS.
denies
sibi
tempora So Hilgenfeld and Fritzsche, emending donarentof MS. into dominarent. Volkmar,
tempora donarent Schmidt-Merx, (p)roducet natos sibi duriora
breviora
have, with Schmidt-Merx, bracketed as an
pente. 8. Partes.
intrusion,
hortcs.
;
4.
Occidet.
genfeld and et
before
not spare the
I
MS. occidit. HilVolkmar omit the
non:
"and
he will
young."
Acerbus. MS.acervus. With Schmidt-Merx I bracket in eis. 6. Punibit. Hilgenfeld and 5.
Volkmar, from puniunt. 7.
Ireviora
(p)roducet natos, (qi d)ecedentes
from
et.
illorum]
Co-
dominarent.
singuli Hilgenfeld, Schmidt-Merx, jugulsepeliet abit. Stinguet = extinguet. [Cor-
pora
2.
(P)roducet natos (qui sn}cce-
;
succedeiites sibi et punientes eos
tempora
MS.
donee pares.
re-
Co-
So Volkmar, from MS. hostes mortes. Gutschmidt, Ronsch, martiales.
;
Occidentis.
Qui.
MS.
occidentes.
So Schmidt-Merx, from
quia. 9.
Ducet.
MS.
MS. ducent.
In-
Et I have added with Schmidt-Merx. cendet.
Crucifiget.
incendit.
MS.
crucifigit.
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTERS
rex petulans qui
non
et iiir
homo
annos
et
7 niunt eos et
.
.
pu rodw
cit
probus et judicabit
tes sibi breviora tern
quomodo
eorum
tis
ra illorum ut ne
9
sciat ubi sint
4 occidit majores natu et juvenes et
non
cervus in
modo
partem aedis ipso
to
1.
Facto.
quo
Merx and
Schmidt-Merx
So Hilgenfeld, Wieseler. SchmidtColani read (sequ)etur.
So Sclimidt-Merx, Volkmar, quando Hil
A(lter).
Colani.
genfeld, a(evi). Vcnient. So Hilgenfeld,
:
meant coguntur secim .
.
.
.
pos
2. Though it is quite im possible to restore this verse, many scholars have made the
We cannot discover attempt. the actual words of the writer even if we knew them, their in terpretation would be difficult, as :
they are enigmatical
Volk
Schmidt-Merx, from MS.
veniant.
nomen
.... etur cursus
ac
(Fini)etur.
Volkmar,
eorum
a .... horae iiir ve 2
fecerunt in
VII.
igni incendit
tur tempora
a
omit.
mar,
et
VII. ex quo facto finien
et faci
et in eis judicia
ducent captives
circa coloniam I
eis in ter
ram eorum
et
aliquos crucifigit
parcet* tune erit illius
mor
venient et occi
rum
77 corpora illorum
timor
ec^den
.
quia expugnabit eos
singuli et corpo
mo
.
dentes rex potens
gladkr et locis igno tis
.
pares eorum
3 ni erunt qui elidit principales
natos
8 pora donarent in
dig
1
6
77
temerarius et im
illis
5
VII. 2
aegypti per *xxx
illis
de genere
erit
sacerdotunr
VI. 3
bolical.
Yet certain
or sym scholars
presume they know the hidden meaning of the writer, and re-
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
78
(Emended and Revised Text)
gentur secun his
homines
justos.
4.
erunt
qui
omnibus
3.
Et hi concelabunt iram animorum suorum, homines dolosi, sibi placentes, ficti in
omni hora
et
suis
amantes convivia,
diei
5
devoratores, gulae.
bonorum
Et regnabunt de
pestilentiosi et impii, dicentes se esse
6.
(Paupe)rum
comestores, dicentes se haec facere propter
misericordiam suam
sed ut exterminarent eos,
7.
ne possent cognosci, impii, in scelere pleni et iniquitate ab (sole)
quaeru(losi),
fallaces, celantes
store thc text accordingly. such a defective text to
With
tres
se
septim(an)ae secunda, tria
tertia,
the text attest the period they have settled beforehand. Hilgen-
guntur
feld restores as follows
facto fmientur tempora
.-
:
Ex quo
momento
(fini)eturcursusa(evi). horae IIII
Coguntur secus (sepVII pos(tumas) initiis VIIII propter tribus ad exitus. venient.
quo
Colani, Ex finientur tempora
duae eractae.
start from, they can easily read their own ideas into it, and they so man age their restorations as to make
facto
momento a(lter)
.
(sequ)etur cursus horae IIII venient co.
.
secu(li
tempor)a e(jus)
ab
pos(trema)
tribu-
initiis
(lationi)s ad exitus VIIII ter initium tres septimae .
cunda
prop .
se
duae (p)eractae. Wieseler, Horae IIII ven tria
.
in tertia
thn)as
ient: cogentur secul(i septim)ae (dirae?) pos(tumae in) initiis
initium, tres septimae secunda, in tertia, duae quartae.
tribus ad exitus VIIII
tria
Volkmar,
Ex quo
tur tempora
.
facto finien-
momento
(fini)etur
propter initium tres septimae, secunda
tria(s), in tertia duae
;
h(o)ra(e p)er-
actae.
cursus, q(ando) horae IIII veniant. Coguntur secun(da, medi)a, e(t sic) pos(tuma in) initiis tribus ad exitus. VIII propter initium
3. Regndbunt. Hilgenfeld and Schmidt-Merx, from MS. regnarunt. Is et regnarunt a Heb
Secunda
Hilgenfeld, from docentes. 4. Concelabunt. The MS. reads suscitabunt. But the following word dolosi and ficti seem to show that not the rous ing of their anger, but its sup pression or concealment, is the thought here required.
.
tres
(e ws)
tria.
in tertia
septimae.
duae (p)eractae.
Schmidt-Merx, Ex quo finientur (sequ)etur tempora momento .
cursus alter horae IIII venient. ;
Cogentur secun(do septiman)ae VIIII, pos(tumae ab) initiis tribulationis ad exitus VIIII pro .
pter
(fort,
tempora)
iuitium,
raism
?
i.e. iScbi.
Dicentes.
MS.
TEXT OF ....
MS.
CHAPTER
ad
initiis tribus
vim propter
exitus
timae secunda in tertia duae
nus
.
.
ra
.
6
mi
facere propter
sericordiam qu
extermina
tores
quaeru
.
.
.
se et
7
.
.
.
fallaces celantes se
placentes
omni hora
bo
res dicentes se haec
qui erunt homines do
omnibus
rum
tes
tabunt iram animo
et
ne possent cognos
suis
diei
impii in scelere
ci
amantes convivia
pleni et iniquitate
devoratores gulae
ab orient e usque ad
This does not Sibi placentes. appear to give the right sense, coming as it does between dolosi
and be
ficti.
The corruption may
traceable
Sibi placentes
= CD:y
riNjn
.
noruin comesto
et hi susci
in
.
den
rae
rum suorum
ficti
.
.... u .... o ....
.
tilentiosi et impii docentes se esse
losi sibi
.
tria
li
ae et regnarunt
justos"
diis
.... omnis ....
de his homines pes
4
79
... n ... ca ....
s
initium tres sep
3
VII. 3-7
to the Hebrew. eavrols apeaK OPTCS
=
Here Dosy
"ppuD.
be corrupt for D Disy, i.e. the mighty." Hence we should render pleasers of the mighty." 5. This verse, consisting of seven lines, is undecipherable.
may
mar, emends into eorum; Hilgenfeld, quare. 7. tied ut.
mar,
et
si
;
MS.
se et.
yolk-
Hilgenfeld, sicut
;
Fritzsche, sed et. Quacru(losi). MS. quaeru VolkHilgenfeld, quaeru(nt) mar, quaeru(nt qui); Fritzsche, .
.
.
;
"
quem(li
6.
(Paupe)rum.
So
Volk-
.
Volk-
Suam.
Of.
XL
d0
rj\iov
[Aevov.
mean
mar.
MS. qu
.
.
et).
Ab oriente usque ad occidentem.
"
"
=
Observe that this dvareXXovTos yw-^xpt SvoThus it can equally well 8.
"from
east to
from sunrise to
west"
sunset."
or
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
So
(Emended and Revised Text)
oriente usque ad occidentem,
bimus discubitiones et
8.
Dicentes
Habe-
"
:
et luxuriam, edentes et bibentes,
9. potabimus nos, tanquam principes erimus." et mentes immunda tractantes, et
Et manus eorum
eorum loquetur ingentia, et superdicent 10. Noli (tu me) tangere, ne inquines me loco in quo
os "
:
(ego) s(to)
VIII. Et (al)te(ra) veniet in eos
quae
non
talis
fuit
illud tempus, in
in
illis
quo suscitabit
terrae et potentatem a tit en tes
torquebit
mutavimus
et
tradidit
If
;
Ron sell,
perpot-
with Fritzsche we
emend putavimus into putabimus, we should expunge erimus and render we shall esteem our selves as princes." 9. Mentes. Hilgenfeld emends The sentence et into dentes.
mentes im munda tractantes et os eorum loquetur ingentia is thoroughly Hebraistic, beginning with a circumstantial clause. Cf. 1 Sam.
manus eorum
ix.
11. (See niNOtsa
239.)
et
Driver, pp. 238, DnnSi cirri
c jna
mSia nar n.rsi. * 10. Noli (tu me) tangere. So Volkmar. VIII. 1. Et (al)te(ra) veniet. So Schmidt-Merx restore. Cf. IX. 2. Hilgenfeld and Volk
mar
;
illis
et cito adveniet
ec(ce) ta(nta) veniet.
;
Fritzsche,
ira,
regem regum
potentia magna,
8. Et potabimus. SoHilgenfeld, from et putavimus. Yolkmar, si
et
qui con-
circumcisionem in cruce suspendet, 2.
celantes
abimus.
ultio
saeculo usque ad
a
duci
Nam
vinctos
in
Quae talis non fuit in illis a saeculo usque ad illud tempus oia OVK eyfrero Iv avrols euro rod ai&vos ews faelvov rov Kaipov. This clause is based on Dan. xii. 1. Cf. Jer. xxx. 7. It will be observed that a saeculo usque ad illud tempus does not agree with
=
the TTJS
LXX.
ov gyevrjOrjaav e ws
a(f>
i]/j.epas
Theodotion,
^KeLvrjs,
nor
with
yeyevrjrai eOvos ev rfi yrj e ws rov Kaipov is nearer tKeivov. to the It a diebus saecuSyriac, which lorum, which is defective here. Instead of the Massoretic nvno d,0
-^s
nn nyn iy u, our text and the Syriac imply N nn nyn iy -\y nio-D.
Now it is remarkable that, in Mt. xxiv. 21, where this verse from Daniel recurs, w e have r
same text as that presupposed by the Syriac of Daniel and by our text. Mt. practically the
xxiv. 21 runs,
d\1\j/is /u.eyd\ij, o ia,
TEXT OF
CHAPTERS
MS.
8 occidentem dicen
habebimus
tes
1}
9
81
in re
dis
.
.
.
ram ....
.
VIII. in plebem quae ta ve illis et
cubitiones et luxu
riam edentes
VIII. 2
VII. 8
et
.
.
.
s
.
.
bibentes
niet in eos ultio
Et ^mtavimus nos
ira
tanquam
fuit in illis a saeculo
piincipes
erimus* et
eorum
et
maims
vit
su
67 a circumcisionem in cruce suspendit
s ...
2 .
us
In Isa. xliii. 12, d?r dpx^s is the LXX. rendering of era. CUWPOS would have been a better rendering of the Semitic original of Mt. than KOCT/UOU. Thus there seems some connec tion between our text and Mt. xxiv. 21. On the other hand, we have in Rev. xvi. 18 an in dependent rendering of the D.
Hebrew
of
similar xxx. 7
phraseology, Dan. ix. 12
ix. 27.
;
Dan.
Nam
necantes tor
quebit et tradidit
.
ov ytyovev d?r apxys KOCT/JLOV e ws rov vvv. Here air dpx?}s /cocr/zou is probably a free rendering of
ny niD
mag
na qui confitentes
d
.
regem regum
tern a potentia
10 per dicent noli .... fcmge ne inquiries is
illis
terrae et potesta
tur ingentia et su
...
non
pus in quo suscita
eorum loque
me IOGO in quo ...
talis
usque ad ilium tern
mentes
inmunda, tractantes et os
quae
et
xii.
;
1.
For
cf.
Jer.
1
Mace.
So Ro nsch, from Potentatem. Yet potestatcm. potestatem = may rbv ^ovffid^ovra = ^ y\iyn. Potestatem a potentia niagna {
may
rbv
^ov<yi.a^ovTa
e^ovcriq.
MS.
8us2)cndct. suspendit. Illud. MS. ilium. Huscitabit. suscitavit. 2. Gelantes. So I emend necantes of MS. Hilgenfeld,
MS.
negantes
;
Schmidt-Merx,
non
Those who conceal negantes. their circumcision are set over against those who openly confess it. Or should we read (circum)secantes, or possibly secantes
.
a.
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
82
(Emended and Revised Text)
custodiam.
et
gentibus,
(in)
Et uxores eorum
3.
filii
eorum
medicis inducere acrobistiam eis
cogentur
locum
pariter
secabuntur a
pueri
4.
illis.
et
igne
Nam et
et
cogentur intrare in abditum cogentur stirnulis blasfemare
illos pariter
eorum,
et
quod haberent supra altarium suum. IX. Tune illo die erit homo de
nomen
erit
ad eos rogans in
in
idola
verbum contumeliose, novissime post haec
cujus
illi
ferro,
eorum inquinata, continentibus ea. 5. Et a
baiulare
palam
quomodo sunt torquentibus
tormentis
in
punientur
donabuntur
dels
:
2.
tribu
Taxo, qui habens VII "
Videte,
plebe altera crudelis
filii,
leges et
Levi,
filios
dicet
ecce ultio facta est
inmunda
et traductio
misericordia et eminens principatum.
3.
Quae
sine
eniin
gens, aut quae regio, aut quis populus impiorum
Dominum, qui multa
in
only,
=
Of.
1
it
is
*
those
Mace.
who circumcise." i.
61,
where
recorded that those
who
scelesta
reads dominis instead of dels.
Haupt, disdonabuntur
Et
Medicis.
which tradidit.
If the text is
we have here an instance of strong vav with the Nam celantes torqueperfect. bit et tradidit ruy D Tnoon-nw Previous editors emend fnri. tradidit into tradet. If we ably read tradibit(?). 3. Deis donabuntur (in) gentibus. MS. diisdonabuntur genSo Merx, but that lie tibus.
= 5ia8o-
MS.
adds
pueri,
omit, with SchmidtFritzsche. Secabuntur. Schmidt - Merx I
Merx and
correct,
must change, we should prob-
(
d^a-ovTai) gentibus.
did this operation were put to death.
tanta
fecerunt,
add
et venabuntur. Inducere acrobistiam. MS. inducere acrosisam. 5. Novissime post haec. These
two expressions may have arisen from two alternative renderings of the same Hebrew word or phrase. is
Leges et. MS. et leges. This the simplest and, so far as I
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTERS
duel vinctos in cus 3
IX. 3
b stimulis
blasfema
verbum contu
todiam et uxores
re
eorum
meliose novissime
1
donabun
diis
tur gentibus*
post haec et leges
Et
quod haberent su
eorum pueri
filii
pra altarium suum IX. tune illo dicente ho
secabantur a medicis pueri inducere ac 4 rosisam illis nam
mo
illi
de tribu leuui
nomen
in eis punientur in
cujus
tormentis et igne et fernr et cogen
taxo qui habens vir filios
2
tur palam bajulare idola
5
VIII. 3
eorum
erit
dicens ad eos
rogans videte
filii
ecce ultio facta est
iniqui
nata quomodo sunt pariter continen
in plebe altera cru
tibus ea et a torquen
traductio sine
delis
immunda
et
mi
emi
tibus illos pariter co
sericordia et
gentur intrare in
nent principatum
abditum locum eo
3 quae enim gens aut
rum
et
quae regio aut quis
cogentur
the most satisfactory emen dation of the text. Hilgenfeld
see,
emends
leges into legis, and takes it as genitive dependent
on qnod. Volkmar changes quod into quas.
Schmidt-Merx would
omit et leges or read (latorem
et).
et legis
Fritzsche reads et
Dicet.
dom
ii.
2.
tuum.
;
Hilgenfeld, ducente.
8,
Wis
xviii.
5
vire-
So Ronscll and Hilgenfeld, from eminent prin Schmidt-Merx and cipatum. Fritzsche,
edicenti
xi.
Emincns principatum
pe^wz/ TT]v
Die erit. So SchmidtMerx, from dicente. Volkmar, 1.
14,
dicens. eXeyxos. Cf.
(Rcrnsch).
leges et.
IX.
MS.
Traductio
ap-)(j}v.
dementia
principa-
3. Dominum. So Hilgenfeld. MS. domum.
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
84
(Emended and Revised Text)
mala passi sunt, quanta nobis contegerunt ? Nunc ergo, filii, audite me videte enim et ;
4.
scite,
temptan(te)s Deum, nee parentes (nostri), nee proavi eoruni, ut praetereant mandata Illius. 5. Scitis enim quia haec sunt vires nobis.
nunquam
quia
Et hoc faciemus. die intremus in
6.
Jejunemus
speluncam quae
triduo. et quarto est in agro est, et
quam praetereamus mandata Do 7. mini Domimorum, Dei parentum nostrorum. Hoc enim si faciemus et moriemur, sanguis noster moriamur
potius,
vindicabitur cor am Domino.
X. Et tune parebit regnum
illius in
omni creatura
Illius
Et tune Zabulus finem
Et 2.
tristitia
erit in
summo
nuntii,
constitutus,
Qui protinus vindicabit illos ab inimicis eoruin. (Exur)get enim Caelestis a sede regni sui,
Et 4.
Labi.- bit,
eo abducetur.
Tune implebuntur manus Qui
3.
cum
exiet de habitatione sancta sua
NunquamtemptantesDeum,
tavimus
is a strong measure, likewise against the
nee parentes (nostri}, nee proavi eorum. I have here added iiostri
and
with Schmidt-Merx, and emended temptans of the MS. into temptantes, as Volkmar. The
his sons to do as their fathers before them, who never tempted God nor transgressed His cornmandments. And so, in ver. 7, he urges them to die rather
construction
is
purely Semitic.
The clause = the Hebrew crx CHUN DJ irnnx D3 D nVx nx n oao. The Aramaic is similar, pan ? 1
u
emendation of temptans into temptrn
PDJD.
Hilgenfeld
s
is
context.
The speaker
than transgress. 5. Faciemus.
is
urging
Hilgenfeld
emends into faciamus. 6. Speluncam. MS. spelunca.
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTERS
domum
qui mul
7
ta scelesta fecerunt
ciemus et morie
tanta mala passi sunt
mur
9la quanta nobis contegerunt 4 Nunc ergo filii audite
me
videte enim et
scite quia
nunquam deum nee pa temptans
sanguis nos ter vindicavitur
b
coram domino
X. Et tune parebit reg num. illius in omni creatura illius
Et tune zabulus finem
eorurn ut praetere
habebit et tristitiam
scitis
cum
illius
enim quia haec
et
hoc faciemus jeju
nemus
est in
1
triduo et
nus vindicavit
potius
a sede regni sui et exiet de habita
quam
Vindicabitur.
illos
get enim caeles
3 tis
praetereamus man data domini dominorum dei 7.
cons
ab inimicis eorum
quae in
agro est et moria
mur
summo
titutus qui proti
quarto die intremus in spelunca
eo adducetur
Tune implebuntur manus nuntii qui
2
sunt vires nobis 6
fa
rentes nee proavi
ant mandata 5
X. 3
parentum nostro rum hoc enim si
populus impiorum in
IX. 4
MS.
vindi-
cavitur.
X. 1. Zabulus, i.e. diabulus. This form is frequent in the Latin lathers. Of. Lactant. De mort. pers. XVI., a te Zabulus victus est. Tristitia. MS. tristitiam. Abducdur. So Hilgenfeld and
tione sancta sua
cum
from adducetur. Volkmar, Schmidt-Merx, deducetur. The 2. Implebuntur manus. phrase T K^D means, to give full powers to. Erit. MS. est. Vindicabit. MS. vindicavit. 3.
iram.
Cum
et indignationem For the emendation of
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
86
(Emended and Revised Text) t
Cum
indignation em et irarn t propter
suos 4.
filios
:
Et tremebit
terra,
usque ad
fines
suas con-
cutietur,
5.
montes humiliabuntur
Et
alti
Et
colles concutientur et cadent.
(Et) cornua solis eonfringentur et in tenebras
convertet
se,
Et luna non dabit lumen
et tota convertet se
in sanguiuem,
Et 6.
orbis stellarum conturbabitur.
Et mare usque ad abyssum decedet, Et fontes aquarum deficient,
Et flumina exarescent this corrupt text, see exegetical note on X. 3. 4. Schmidt-Merx bracket con-
cutietur
Et
et.
alti
;
8pi)
= Kal ra v\f/-r)\a Ta-n-eivudrjafTai. This phrase is ultimately derived fromlsa. xl. 4, probably through Eth. En. i. 5. Et colles concutientur et cadent. The MS.
is here impossible et concutientur et convalles cadent. In the first place, it would be absurd to speak of the moun:
tains being shaken after they
had
already been brought low and in the next, the valleys cannot be described as falling. Con;
v-^rjKoi
(Greek Version),
on which the present passage based,
montes humilicibuntur
Kal
v\[/f]\a
fSovvol
we
is
shall see that convalles
should be
colles,
and that con-
cutientur should be connected with cadent. So Eth. En. i. 6, aei<r0rio-ovTai
This
Kal ireaovvrai.
corruption might possibly have arisen in the Latin. It is easy to explain it as a confusion of rnypn with mjn;i. 5.
(Et) cornua solis
.
.
.
in
san-guinem. The MS. reads, sol non dabit lumen et in tenebris convertent se cornua lunae et eonfringentur et tota convertit se in sanguine,
which Hilgenfeld
valles is clearly wrong, and if we turn to Isa. xl. 4, irav opos Kal fiowbs Ta.irfi.vudr)ffTa.L, and
follows, merely changing convertit in to convertet. This verse
Eth. En.
Tai
emended tenebris convertent into
diaXvOtfcroi Tai
tenebras convertet, convertit in-
i.
6,
/ecu
Kal TrevovvTou. Kal
<rei<r0ri<roi
is
clearly
corrupt.
Fritzsche
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTER 5
indignationem et iram propter filios
4 suos
sol
lunae et confringen tur et tota conver
montes
tit se
to convertet,
cadent
and omits
et before
in sanguine as marginal glosses 20. But they ii. remark that Joel ii. 31 is the source of these phrases, and
from Acts failed to
ii.
20.
They
further
object (and I believe rightly) to the expression cornua lunae,
and think that cornua belongs Hence they read et to sol. :
cornua solis confringentur et It is luna non dabit lumen. not necessary, however, to de lete the above phrases. They are well-known O.T. expres sions.
This, indeed, might favour the idea of their being glosses, but the fact that their removal would destroy the vigour of the text makes for their re tention. Hence the text requires to be dealt with differently. First of all, in tenebras convertet se is a phrase nearly alw ays used of the sun. Cf. Eccles. xii. 2 Joel ii. 31, iii. Isa. xiii. 10 15 Mt. xxiv. 29 ; Mk. xiii. 24 ; Lk. xxiii. 45 Acts ii. 20 Rev. r
;
;
;
;
;
ma
ad abyssum
re usque
Schmidt-Merx confringentur. deal drastically with the text. They omit et in tenebris convertent se and et tota convertit se
not Acts
turvavitur et
6
et concutientur et convalles
in sanguine et
orbis stellarum con
humiliabuntur
2a
con
vertent se cornua
fi
nes suas concutie tur* et alti
non dabit lumen
et in tenebris
et tremebit
terra usque ad
X. 4-6
Hence we have vi. 12, ix. 2. good grounds for connecting it with the sun in this passage, against the MS., which relates it to the moon. Secondly, the phrase non dabit lumen is not used of the sun, but of the moon Mt. only. Cf. Ezek. xxxii. 7 xxiv. 29 Mk. xiii. 24. This may be due to the paranomasia nv in the phrase in Hebrew ;
;
:
1WNV.
ITIN
Thirdly, tota con
vertet se in sanguinem is only used of the moon Joel ii. 31 Acts ii. 20 Rev. vi. 12. Finally, I accept Merx s view that cornua confringentur must be connected with sol. Hence the passage should read (Et) cornua solis confringentur :
;
;
et
tenebras
in
convertet
se
Et
luna
non dabit lumen
et tota convertet se in san
guinem. Conturbabitur, vavitur. 6.
Dccedet.
Etjontcs. Exarcscent.
MS. decedit. MS. ad fontes. So Haupt, from Cf. Test. Levi
MS. expavescent. iv.
vddruv
i;
MS. contur-
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
88
(Emended and Revised Text) 7.
Quia exurget Summus, Deus aeternus
solus,
Et palam veniet ut vindicet gentea, Et perdet omnia idola eorum. 8.
Tune
felix eris tu Istrahel,
Et ascendes supra cervices [et alas] Et implebuntur (dies luctus tui). 9.
Et
altabit te Deua,
Et
faciet te herere caelo stellarum,
f
10.
Loco habitations eorum
Et
conspicies a
surnmo
t
aquilae,
:
et
videbis inimicos
tuos in Ge(henna),
Et cognosces illos Et ages gratias et 11.
Nam
tu,
hunc librum.
et gaudebis,
confiteberis creatori tuo.
Jesu Nave, custodi verba haec et 12. Erunt enim a morte receptione
m(ea) usque ad adventum
illius
tempora
CCL quae
(erit) horum quern con 14. Ego autem ad venient donee consummentur. 15. Itaque tu, dormitionem patrum meorum earn.
fient.
13.
Et hie cursus
Jesu Nave, (confortare, et) firma te (nam te) elegit Deus esse mihi successorern ejusdem testamenti. 7. Exurget. Aeternus solus.
MS.
exurgit.
Sclimidt-Merx transpose after deus in ver. 9. 8. Implebuntur. In the lacuna already recognised by Merx
and Fritzsche, following Dr. Cheyne s apt suggestion, I have supplied dies luctus tui from Lsa. Ix. 20, where the context, as he points out, deals with Israel s glorious future on earth,
Altabit. MS. altavit. te hcrerc. Herere,
9.
Faciet
i.e.
haerere^KoXXScr^cu, which may be a rendering of yjJ or tyjj (Job xli.
16).
9-10. Loco habitationis eorum.
For
my
emendation of this
cor-
rapt text, see exegetical note on X. 9. Schmidt-Merx think the words are transposed, and write
them
as
follows
:
et
videbis
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTER
decedit ad fontes
et flumina
7
in terrain et cognos ces illos et gaudebis
expaves
cent* quia exurgit
et agis gratias et
summus deus
fiteberis creator!
solus et
aeternus
palam ve
tuo
1 1
tes et perdet
nia idola
Time
om
eorum
12 erunt enim a morte
felix eris tu is
trahel et ascendes
receptionem usque ad adventum illius
supra cervices et
tempora
13
fiunt
rum nis
.
quae
.
.
consummentur tionem patrum me 15 orum eram itaque
et cons
pi#es a surnmo et vi
inimicos tuos in terra et conspicies a summo locos haluta-
Merx,
tionis eoruni.
rrjs
10. Conspicies. MS. conspiges. Videbis. MS. vides. Ge(henna). So I emend and restore the cor
MS.
rupt text terrain. See exegetical note on X. 10 for the grounds for
MS. agis. Ages. Hilgenfeld. jam. 12. morte receptions m(ea). Volkmar and Fritzsohe,a rnorte et receptione mea Hilgen so doing. 11.
ccl
hie cursus
14 Ego autem ad dormi
loco habitatio
eorum
et
horum quern conveniunt donee
plebuntur et alta vit te deus et faciet te lierere caelo stella
10
tu jesu na
haec et hunc librum
alas aquilae et in I 9
nam
con
ue custodi verba
niet ut vindicet gen
8
89
des inimicos tuos
deficient
aquarum
X. 7-15
Nam.
A
;
feld,
a morte mea ; Schmidta receptione mea^dTro
6fJ.7)S
avaXriyews.
Fient.
So Hilgenfeld, from
fiunt.
13. Convenient. MS. con This is a peculiar use veniunt. of this word. Ronsch thinks that it represents Fritzsche emends into conticient. 14. Earn. So all editors, from eram. [J,e0ode6ov<ri.i>.
15.
(Confortare
et}
Jlnna
U
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
90
(Emended and Revised Text)
cum
XI. Et
Jesus verba Moysi tarn
audisset
(quam) omnia quae praevestimenta et procidit ad pedes
scripta in sua scriptura dixerat, scidit sibi
Monse.
cum "
2.
eo.
Quid
Et hortatus
eum Monses
et ploravit
Et respondit illi et dixit Jesus 4. domine Monse ? et quo genere
3.
me
est
:
Solaris,
solabor de qua locutus es voce acerba quae exivit
de ore tuo, quae est plena lacrimis et gemitibus, 5. (Sed ec)quis quia tu discedis de plebe ist(a) ? locus recipiet (jam) te
mentum sepulturae ? tuum transferre inde 8.
6. Aut quod erit monuAut quis audebit corpus homo de loco in locum ?
?
7.
ut
Omnibus enim morientibus secus aetatem sepul
sole usque ad ad fines aquilonis usque
oriente
So I have restored te}. with Schmidt-Merx. For firma the MS. reads forma. The text here unquestionably goes back
(nam
addressed Joshua in Dent. xxxi. See Josh. i. 6, 7. 6, 7, 23 This critical note on I. 10. phrase is of frequent occurrence later, 1 Chron. xix. 13. xxii. 13, 2 Chron. xxxii. 7 ; xxviii. 20 Dan. x. 19, xi. 1 1 Mace. ii. 64 ; ;
;
;
1
Cor. xvi. 13.
For forma Hilgenfeld reads presumably meaning firmare Volkmar, firma te. XI. 1. Moysi = Volkmar adds dicta Tarn. firma,
;
M.<avffij.
quam.
nam
tua sepultura ab occidentem et ab austro
turae suae sunt in terris
;
:
omnis
terrarum
orbis
have added quam Schmidt-Merx and Fritzsche add it after omnia. Hilgenfeld makes no addition, (Quam}.
I
after scriptura
;
MS.
Praedixerat.
praedix-
erant.
Monse.
MS.
gives
meos.
but see Schmidt-Merx, Mose crit. note on III. 11. Volkmar, Moysis Hilgenfeld, Mosis. 2. Hortatus est = Trape/cdAecre. Eum. So Ronsch, Hilgenfeld and Schmidt-Merx, from cum. Monses. MS. Monse. Fritzsche Moyses. So solabor. 4. Solaris Schmidt-Merx and Hilgenfeld, celabor. from MS. celares ;
;
;
.
.
.
.
.
.
TEXT OF lOO&tu
MS.
CHAPTER
jesu naue forma te
crimis et gemitibus quia tu discedis de
elegit deus esse mini
successor em ejusdem
XL testamenti
1
et
cum
audisset jesus verba
I
plebe
5
quis locus recipit ....
6
te aut
nia
om
7
2
8
cum monse ploravit cum eo illi
4 dixit iesus quid lares et
Omnibus enim mori entibus secus aeta tern sepulturae su
ae sunt in terris
et
me
tuum traws homo
de loco in locum
ad pe
tus est et
sepul
turae aut quis aude
ferre in eut
des meos et horta
3 Et respondit
mo
erit
quod
vit corpus
quae praedixerant vestimen
scidit sibi
ta et procidit
ist
numentum
moysi tarn scripta in sua scriptura
XI. i-S
nam
ce
domine monse
tua sepultura
ab oriente sole usque ad occidentenr et
quo //enere cela
bor de qua locutus est voce acerva que
ab austro usque ad fi nes aquilonis omnis
exivit de ore tuo
orbis terrarum se
quae
est plena la
Volkmar, zelaris Quid me Solaris
.
TL
/u.e
pulcrum
.
.
.
.
.
zelabor.
solabor =
TrapeKaXfls Kal TIVL rpbirtg
ND ?
restore.
Hilgenfeld ist(a modo) Volkmar, ist(a multa) SchmidtMerx, ist(a et jam) Fritzsche,
;
;
;
1
ist(a
verum).
llecipiet (jam}.
De quo.
Volkmar, Schmidt-
Merx, and Fritzsche emend into de qua. Es.
MS.
est.
Acerba quae. MS. acerva que. 5. Ist(a. Sed ec)quis. So I
tuum
est
So
I
restore
with Fritzsche. Hilgenfeld, Schmidt-Merx, cipiendi ;
re-
re-
cipiet (mine). 7.
Inde
Audebit. ut.
in eut.
MS.
audevit.
So Gutschmidt, from
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
92
(Emended and Revised Text)
nutriet
10.
?
et quis eis
illis,
orabit
quis
Domine,
9.
istam
plebem
miserebitur
Aut
tuum.
est
sepulcrum
pro
?
12.
Quomodo
tanquam pater unicum filiarn
dux
nee
eis,
quidem diem, ut inducam
vorum
Aut
abis, et
quis
erit in via
in
ergo potero
qui 11.
?
unum
ne
patiens
illos
quis
est
terrain
ata-
plebem hanc
filium, aut tanquam domina
virginem, quae paratur dari viro,
quem
timebit,
corpus custodiens ejus a sole et ne (sint) scalciati 13. (Et pedes ejus ad currendum supra terram. qui) [de voluntate eorurn] praestabo illis ciborum
potui secus voluptatem voluntatis
et
9. Abis. So Schmidt-Mere and Hilgenfeld, from ab his.
Nutriet. 11
.
MS.
nutrit.
unum diem
Nee patiens ne
= ovde Now
Trapieis 7rapie/s
ovdefj-iav
=
rj/J-epav.
"permitting"
The Latin or omitting. translator wrongly followed the "
"
former
Hence
meaning.
for
read praetermittens. patiens Hence there is no need to sup pose a confusion of TCO.G-XWV and irap7]ffwv
with
Fritzsche,
or
regard patieus as a corruption of fatiscens with
Schmidt-Merx.
For unum, MS. reads uno. and Diem. Hilgenfeld into Schmidt-Merx change die.
Atavorum. So Ronsch, from araborum. Cf. I. 8. Schmidtabavorum Merx, Ewald, ;
Amorreorum. 12. Potero plebem hanc.
This take to be = dwaarevcrb) rbv nin \abv TOVTOV cya WDK. I
is
a
rendering
of
eorum
14.
?
hvo in the LXX., and in 1 Chron. xvi. 21 and Dan. xi. 4 governs an accusative. Here, as in ver. 11, we have to render not the Latin word before us, but the Greek, which it presupposes. In ver. 17 we have to resolve the difficulty similarly.
For
ergo potero, Hilgeufeld suggested regere potero, then He also suggests ego potero. that potero may be corrupt for Volkmar thinks that procure.
first
potero rupt for
dwijaofj-ai, Tjyrjcro{ji,ai
which
or
According to Ronsch
is
cor
65~r]yr)(rofjLai.
(Z.f.
W. T.
1868, p. 105), potero = 5 vvarrio-u or dwaarevcrw, (Z.f. W.T. 1869, or 5w?7cro/zcu 226-228), pp.
Domina filiam virginem. So emend filiam dominam virgi nem. Volkmar took Kvplav = begotten of his own body, Merx but this is impossible. reads filia dominam virginem. Fritzsche, tiliam domina virgiI
TEXT OF 9
domine ab
MS.
CHAPTER
lis
et
ro quae timebat cor
pus custodiet ejus a sole et ne scalcia
il
dux
eis
quis
erit
in via aut quis ora bit pro eis
1
pedes ejus ad cur
ti
13 rendtim supra
nee pati
ens ne uno quidem diem ut inducam il
ram
los in terrain ara
praestabo
voluntatis
tanquam pa unicum filium
b erant
If we could reject the second tanquam, we might then take dominam to be a rendering of Kvpiav, and this in turn to be a
Xrjfj.wv Kal
The sense corruption of upaiav. then would be admirable, as a father (his) only son or his
drjvat,
nem.
"
comely virgin-daughter. Darl viro. So I emend .
/cat
avopl avver(2
These words dupr/aac avrrjv. were most probably before the writer, as he has clearly drawn
upon
24, Trpocrex
T V o w^uari
Volkmar reads
(nup)t(i)-
vii.
O.VTUV.
Schmidt-Merx, thalamo viri Rbnsch, tradi viro. Quern timebat. So Rbnsch, from quae timebat, comparing Ecclus. xxvi. 28 (MSS. H., 248 ali viro
;
;
;
Vers.
C
milia*
nam
and Arab.), which
seems to have been in the mind of the writer:
dvydrtjp de
eva-
rbvavopa efTpatrrjO eTai. Ronsch thus restores the Greek jrapdevov TrapaaKeva^o^vrjv e/cooavopl ov evrpairrjcrfTai. 13.
tali
Cf. Ecclus. vii. 25, eicdov .
Syr.
eorum
enim illorum
14
aut tanquam filiam
.
illis ci
cus voluntatem
haiic
Ovyartpa
de vo
borurn et potui se
ergo potero plebem
viro.
ter
luntatem eorum
12 borunr quomodo
ter
tali vi
quae paratur
est
qui miserebitur
99
93
dominam virginem
his
Et quis nutrit plebem 10 istam aut quis
XI. 9-14
(Etqui).
Schmidt
Merx
So Volkmar and
the supply lacuna Hilgenfeld, quid. I have [De voluntate eorum]. bracketed this phrase as a dittograph y. vul untatis tfcctis I olupiatem co? w?;z- = cjiin Cf. Ephes. snD. i. 5. MS. secus voluntatem voluntatis eorum. Other editors read secus voluntatem voluptatis eorum. So Hilgenfeld 14. \Viri\ supplies the lacuna, comparing -
;
f
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
94
(Emended and Revised Text)
enim illorum
(Viri)
erunt (D)C
tantum increverunt in
in
Mouse.
aut
Et quae
15.
intellectus in
mihi
est
domo (Domini)
respondere
?
milia,
nam
aut
sapientia
verbis
aut judicare
16. Sed et reges
Amorreorum
turn audebunt expugnare nos, (et) credentes
non
esse t
non
consummatum in
esse
inimici
Si
17.
dicent
eis,
impie
;
;
erant.
have supplied
I
(D)
from
xii. 37.
So Hilgenfeld, orevenmt. Ronsch
qui
emends qui into quidein. Hence in tantum quidem = eis roaovrov Tl.
15. (Domini). So, rightly, former editors supply the lacuna in the MS. 16. Turn audebunt expugnare nos. So I emend cum audierint
expugnare nos. This, I think, gives the right sense to expug nare nos, making nos the object of expugnare. This thought is put into the mouths of the Amorites at the close of the verse
Merx
:
eamus ad eos. Schmidtadd audebunt after
audierint
:
cum
audierint aude
bunt expugnare nos.
verbi,
doctorem jam ad eos.
Eamus
:
semel
adhuc
in
Non esse semet. Hilgenfeld takes semet = cavrov, corrupt for Hence non esse semet eavruv. derived from oike n dvai is eavruiv
= was no longer amongst
them."
Increverunt.
from
saeculo
fecerunt
Exod. xii. 37 Volkmar, copia Schmidt-Merx, numerus. So Fritzsche, from Erunt.
Exod.
in
dominum
per orbem terrarum
omnia, divinum
in
profetem,
jam
semet t sacrum spiritum dignum Domino,
multiplicem et incompraehensibilem, fidelem
isti
orationibus, domine
tiiis
= avT6v,
Volkmar regards semet corrupt for avrbv, i.e.
emends it Schmidt-Merx into semen, and Ronsch into senem. Schmidt - Merx supply in eis before semen. Semet is corrupt, I think, for secum = avrols,
Moses.
"Wieseler
into semel,
<rvv
a
miswriting
of
avv
O.VTOIS.
Thus non esse cum eis is the same practically as the phrase at the close of the verse, non esse in eis.
Jam non esse in eis. Merx
brackets.
Schmidt-
Dicent.
MS.
dicens. 17. Inimici. Schmidt-Merx, enim ei. Mouses Quomodo ferebat magnus nuntius. So I emend quomodo Monse erat magnus
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTER
multiplicem et in
mon
orationibus domine se
-
et
quae
conpraehensibilem
dominum
mihi
est
sapientia aut intelle lectus in
in
domo ....
omnia divinum
per orbem terra
aut respondere
amor
et reges
reorum cum audie
non
expugnare nos credentes jam non
cens
rint
17
sacrum
esse semet ;
Moses
quomodo
must be connected non est defensor :
erat
either with "they
no advocate like unto
have
Moses";
or with qui ferat pro eis praeces "to olfer prayers for them as :
Moses
If
offered."
we pursue
must course, we emend erat into ferebat. Then quomodo Mouses ferebat praeces it^n. This will ?sn NBO the
latter
=m
I
l
nts>D
But the
have done above.
latter able.
course "No
may
be
advocate like
prefer Moses"
more suitable to the context. Hence the error originated with the Greek translator, who
is
misrendered unto "like
have
failed to
culty.
IN^EH n&3 = Moses the great Previous editors
Vmn
messenger."
remark
esse in eis di
Eamus ad
e
os si inimici impie
fecerunt semel ad
nuntius for the reading of the MS. does not give the sense re The quired by the context.
words
verbi fidelem
rum profetam con summatum in sae culo doc tor em jam
verbis aut judicare
16 sed
95
spiritum dignum domino
in tan turn qui creverunt in tuis
isti
15
XI. 15-17
this
diffi
Intuens potentem omnis orb is terrarum cum misericordia. The
MS. gives the corrupt text, intuens homini potentem orbem terrarum cum misericordia. First of all, cum misericordia is an adverbial phrase clearly Hence potentem. to be regarded as a participle governing orbem and
qualifying
potentem
is
qualified by cum misericordia. It is thus obvious that homini
cannot be compounded with it. It can only then belong to orbem terrarum.
Hence we must read
either oninem orbem terrarum or omnis orbis terrarum. The text thus runs intuens poten tem omnis orbis terrarum cum misericordia ^/tj8X^7rwi els rbv dwaarevovTa wavrbs TOV /c6cr/xou :
=
ev
e\v)[j,oavi>r}
= Whon
D Drra aViyn SDTIN.
Vy
nyw
See note on
For Greek potero in XL 12. expressions justifying the above.
ASSUMPTIONIS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
96
(Emended and Revised Text)
Dominum suum, non eis
pro
est defensor
qui ferat
illis
praeces Domino, quomodo Monses ferebat
magnus nuntius, qui
diebus
horis,
singulis
et
noctibus, habebat genua sua infixa in terra, orans
potentem omnis
intuens
et
misericordia
et
Non
:
placando Dominum.
net plebi
cum
est
confundamus eos a
facie
eis
cum
5
18.
eamus itaque
:
19.
terrae.
domine Monse
isti,
terrarum
reminiscens testamentum
justitia,
et jurejurando
parentum Dicent enim
orbis
et
Quod ergo
"
?
XII. Et postquam finivit verba Jesus, iterum 2. Et Monses prendit procidit ad pedes Monsi.
manum
ipsius et erexit ilium in cathedra ante se, et
respondit et dixit
Omnes
ii.
7,
rbv
arisen from the corruption of hy into *?D.
.
7rdo"r]S
Ezra
5vvd/j.eii)s
viii.
13,
SwaareiW
(9eos.
6
dwaaTevovra; ra iravra
Reminiscens = o.vo.^i^vi](rK.(jiv. So Rb nsch points out (Z.f. IV. T.
aTrdfftjs
TTJS
rQ>
KTto-ews dwacrrevovTi ..
;
v.
7,
1874, p. 562).
Previous editors tried
ways
et
gentes quae sunt in orbe terrarum Deus
3 Mace.
cf.
3.
:
securum
sed praebe te
many
of emendation, of which are best Hilgenfeld,
the intuens
Jesu, te ne contemnas, adtende verbis meis. 4. "
illi
:
omnipotentem
orbem
terrarum, which, he thinks, implies eiaopCov TOV iravra KparIs this conovvra TOV Koff^ov. ceivable ? Schmidt-Merx, intuens omni potent(ia tenent)em
orbem terrarum
arevio-as TTO.VTL
KDn KT\ Aramaic, ^n It is possible KD^V nnx m ?. that omnem does not belong to It may have the text at all.
ffdevei
"733
1
Placando
=
placans.
note on poenas in V. 5.
critical
18.
Confundamus.
See
accipiendo
We
must
here translate, not the Latin word, but the Greek (rvyxeufAev,
which
it
implies.
Facie.
MS.
faciae.
XII. 2. Monses. MS. Monse. 3. lesu te ne. So Hilgenfeld,
from lesus et Merx, lesu, set 4.
Ut
ne. ne.
Orbe.
MS.
nos.
So
Schmidt-
ore.
Rb nsch, from
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTERS
dominum suum
hue
in
non
est defensor
illis
qui ferat pro
eamus itaque fundamus
b
ergo
magnus nunti
bebat genua sua in
manum dra ante
Et
res
pondit et dixit
illi
nas sed praebe te securum et adten
reminiscens
testamentum pa
4 de verbis meis
rentunr et jure 8
se*
3 iesus et ne contem
sericordia et jus
1
ipsius et e
rexit ilium in cathe
potentem orbem terrarum cum mi
titia
plebi isti
Et monse prendit
2
orans
homini
et intuens
fiet
ba iesus iterum pro cidit ad pedes monsi
qui singulis horis diebus et noctibus ha us*
fixa in terra
con
et
eos a fa
XII. domine monse et post quam finivit ver
quomodo monse erat
97
19 ciae terrae quod
praeces domino
eis
XII. 4
XI. 18
om
jurando placando
nes gentes quae sunt
domiiium dicent enim
in ore terrarum
non et et
est ille
nos. nos.
cum
deus creavit et nos
eis
Schmidt-Merx, Hilgenfeld
(illos)
connects
nos with praevidit. SchmidtMerx omit the following illos et nos.
Usque ad. from ut ad. Fracxidit
et
So
Gutschmidt,
promovit ciwictct. So I emend praevidit et provovit cum eis for in connection with praevidit we require another verb expressive of action, as ;
7
in the preceding words, creavit praevidit, and in the clause immediately subsequent, providit et ecce aufertur (i.e. atfertur). Foreknowledge and action, or thought and actuality, are one in the divine mind. Volkmar reads praevidit et .
.
.
Schmidtpronovit cum eis Merx, praenovit et providit cunctis Hilgenfeld, praevidit et pronovit cunctis, ;
;
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA
98
(Emended and Revised Text)
ut
creavit
illos
nos, praevidit
ab
nos
et
initio
creaturae orbis terrarum usque ad exitum saeculi, et nihil est
ab eo neglectum usque ad pusillum, sed
omnia praevidit et promovit cuncta. omnia quae futura essent
5.
minus
Do-
(Et)
hoc
in
orbe
terrarum providit et ecce affertur (in lucem.
Dominu)s me eorum (orarem)
constituit et
eis
ut
pro eis.
in(plorare(m) pro
meam
enim propter
pro
virtutem
aut
6.
peccatis
Non
7.
[injfirimtatem,
sed temperantius misericordiae ipsius et patientia
contegerunt mihi.
8.
Dico enim
Jesu
tibi,
Non
:
propter pietatem plebis hujus exterminabis gentes. 9.
a
Lumina caeli fundamenta orbis facta et probata Deo et sub annulo dexterae Illius sunk 10.
Volkmar and Hil5. (Et). genfeld supply the lacuna with deus Fritzsche, with ut. So Volkmar, from Affertur. ;
aufertur. 5-6. (In lucem i.e. in lucem dns.
Dominu)s, So I supply the lacuna, but there seems to be a large gap here in the work, .
.
.
though the MS. gives no hint of it.
Hilgenfeld (itaque
Volkmar
(sic (is
Dmn)s
;
dmfi)s.
Volkmar, from et. So supplied by (Orarem). Volkmar. So Ronsch. Jm(pl)orare(m). 6.
Ut.
Volkmar 7.
in(pr)ecare(r).
[Iii] firmitatem.
I
have
bracketed the in as an intrusion: the context this. requires
Schmidt mea.
-
Merx,
in
meam
virtutem aut
firmitatem we expect an expression of God s will or purpose not my worth, but God s purNow, if we repose or call. :
translate ur text into Hebrew, shall find that the Hebrew thus arrived at furnishes the meaning we are in search of. First of all, temperantius =
we
^Trteu ws. Now, in the only two passages in the canonical books of the LXX. where ^TneiKwj occurs, it is a translation of W\
Sam.
1
xii.
^Trtei/cws
22,
Kijpiot
TrpocreAd/Sero v/j.as eavrt^ els =&jh i? nnriN mbyS M ^ Kin ;
\a6i>
and
2 Kings vi. 3, /cal elirev 6 efy ^TneiKws 5eOpo = NJ Win nnwn nDK i 1
firmitate
Over against
Temperantius.
non propter
I
?!.
Thus temperantius
cordiae ipsius
,
.
,
niiseri-
contigerunt
TEXT OF
MS.
CHAPTER
propter
tutem aut infirmi
turae orbis terra
tatenr sed tempe
rum
rantius misericor
1
ut ad exitum
eo neglectum us
entia contegerunt
mihr
8
sed omnia praevidit
gentes omnia caeli
I 9
firmamenta
orbe terrarum pro vidit et cccc aufcr
.
.
tuit
.
.
pro
eorum
et in eis*
.
.
.
et sub nullo dexte
10 Facientes itaque
pro pec .
ccare
.
ta ei crescunt et bo
.
nam viam
non enim
"\~iDn
YIIN Nipi
*?
from omnia.
Here
Nin.
we must
either change mpi into Nnpn, and translate "He was pleased to make his compassion light upon me," or else insert 3 or D before non, and then we have, "He was pleased to call me in His compassion dignatus est vocare me in misericordia ipsius. "
PaUenlia.
We
=
should
Lumina.
Hilgenfeld,
Fundamenta. So from firmanenta.
fr<jm
nullo.
Jer.
xxii.
Ronf- ch 24,
Hilgenfeld,
compares
&irocr^>pdyi<rfj.a
T^J X P (Dmn) pov, Ecclus. xlix. 11. eiri
S
L
T7? s
Se^ids
Schmidt-
Merx propose umbra. 10.
Crescent
.
Schmidt -Merx, So
exigunt
Schmidt- Merx read, omnia enim fundamenta orbis. Et probuta. MS. ut provata. So Gutschmidt, Annulo.
add
ipsius. 9.
et con
summantes manda
.
JJ.OL
avrov
fac deo
rae illius sunt
consti
eis et
pro
catis .
me
s
.
orbis
ta ut provata a
......
tur
non propter
jus exterminabis
.
.
ti
pie tatem plebis hu
dns omnia quae futura essent in hoc
eis
enim
dico
bi iesu*
cum
et provovit
vir
diae ipsius et pati
que ad pus ilium
7
meam
praevidit illos et
97 a ab
6
99
nos ab initio crea
saeculi et nihil est
5
XII. 5-10
.
,
.
exigunt,
.
.
So exigent. crescunlf
from
ioo
ASSUMPTIONS MOYSI FRAGMENTA (Emended and Revised Text)
Facientes itaque crescent
consummantes mandata
et
bonam
et
vitam
peccantibus et neglegentibus
quae praedicta sunt, tormentis
:
12.
extinguat eos
Nam
mandata carebunt bona
punientur a gentibus multis (ut) in totum exterminet et
et
Nam
fieri
11.
exigent:
Dei
non
potest.
13. Exibit
enim
Deus qui praevidit omnia in saecula, et stabilitum testamentum Illius et jusjurandum quod
est
11.
So Carebunt bona. from carere bonam.
Fritzsche,
Yolkmar, carent bona
ea.
12.
(Ut).
Added by Volkmar
and Schmidt-Merx. Extinguat.
So
I
emend
relin-
TEXT OF 11
nam
MS.
CHAPTER
peccantibus et
tibus multis
2
tis
fieri
non
man
13 potest exivit enim deus qui praevidit
quae praedicta sunt Et puniei^r a //en 1
quat eos
101
bonam
neglegentibus
data carere
XII. 11-13
tormen
*nam in toturn ex
om
nia in saecula et sta
bilitum est testa
mentum
illius
et
jurejurando quod
terminet et relin quat, which has after exterminet. 13. Exibit. So
no meaning
Jusjurandum jurando.
Volkmar and
Schmidt-Merx, from
exivit.
.
MS.
jure-
ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
WE
have already seen in the Introduction (pp. xlv-1) good grounds for regarding the Latin Fragment, i.e. the so-called Assumption of Moses, as constituting originally not "The Assumption," but "The Testament of Moses." We further learnt that this Fragment shows traces of
by means of which this Testament was adapted and combined with another document. For the leading characteristic of this latter document we are already prepared through the insertion in X. 12, which shows that it was the editor s intention to add to the "Testa ment" thus edited The Assumption of Moses." Of this editing,
to
"
original Assumption of Moses, thus foreshadowed in X. 1 2, not a single line has survived in the Latin Fragment ; but it is not entirely lost to us, for some of its most remark
able passages have been preserved in Greek in St. Jude and several of the patristic writers. From these scattered quotations and references we are able in some degree to restore the order of its thought, and in part its actual phraseology in one or more of its most important sections.
the surviving Greek fragments, give in extenso presently, the order of
Now, judging from which we
shall
105
ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
106
the action in the original Assumption was probably as follows
:
is commissioned to bury Moses Satan opposes his burial, and that on two grounds (a) First, he claims to be the lord of matter (hence the body rightfully should be handed over to him).
Michael
i.
:
ii.
To for
Michael rejoins
this claim
it
was God
mankind."
of matter.)
"
:
The Lord rebuke
thee,
Spirit that created the world and all (Hence not Satan, but God was the Lord s
(b)
Secondly, Satan
murder against Moses.
the charge of
brings
(The answer to this charge
is
wanting.) iii.
Having rebutted Satan
proceeds to charge to
Adam and
tempt
s
accusations, Michael then
Satan with having inspired the serpent Eve.
Finally, all opposition having been overcome, the Assumption takes place in the presence of Joshua and iv.
A
twofold presenta Caleb, and in a very peculiar way. tion of Moses appears one is Moses living in the which is carried to heaven the other is the ; spirit," up "
:
dead body of Moses, which the mountains. This sketch tions
is
founded, as
is
we have
and references occurring
quent writers.
We
shall
buried in the recesses of
now
in
observed, on quota Jude and subse
St.
reproduce
it
in the actual
phraseology of these writers. i.
TcXeurr/o-ai/Tos
Mt^a^X ii. "
(a)
TOO
opa
Mwvo-ews
6
d/o^ayyeAos
O ovv Sia/3oAo5 avT^i^f. ^eXoov aTrar^crat, Xeyan> art* 6 Se EjuoV eori TO o-oj/xa, obs TT)S v\r)$ <5eo-7rooi/Ti."
ap^ayyeXo? o~ot
iv
dTroo-TeXXeTeu /xera^rycrwv TO o-w/xa.
T<3
Kvptos* aTTO
Sia/3oXa>
yap
Tn/ev/xaTos dytov avrov
fj.V KO.I OLTTO 7rpoo-(07rov
6 Kooyxos
eyei/eTO."
SiaKpivoyueyos tiire
Tov
eov tf)\0e TO
(6) (ToTe) 6 Sia/3oXos
TTi/cv/xa
avrov,
ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES TOV
Oia
Marucrr/s*
TOV
ecrriv 6 AtyuTiTtov <ovov, (Aeycov) Sta TOVTO ov o-vyxcopeirai avrw Tir^etv r^s evvo/xov <ovei>s
Tore o dp^ayyeAos Mi^ar/A Sta/3oAa) StaAeyo/xevos wore amov yevecr$ai r^s eveTTvevo-as TOV
iii.
TO>
etTrev
o<tv
"]$-u
vrapayScxcrecos
rov ASa^u, Kat
TT^S
Eva?.
Kat rov Moovo-ea dvaXa/x^avo/xevov SITTOV
IV.
6 TOV Nav?;, Kat TOV /xev /XCT dyyeAcov, TOV 8e
Tas
107
eTSev 6
K^Setas d^tovyctevov.
<apayyas
cTSev
e^rt TO, op>;
I^o-ovs T^/V
KaTW Trvev/xaTi evrap^ei? o~vv /cat TW XaAe/3. The passages from which we have constructed this sketch
TavT-rjv
After each passage I enclose in brackets to what part of the above recon
are as follows.
numbers which show
struction the passage in question belongs.
Jude
St.
Be
6
9.
SiaK/nvojuevos
/3oAa>
6 d/^ayyeAos,
Mt^a^X
TOV
SieAeyeTO Trepl
/
OVK
erdA^cre
/?Aacr077/xt a5,
CTreveyKetv
/cptcrtv
Kvptos (ii.(a)). Clement of Alexandria (Flor. EtKOTCos apa Kat TOV
15.
I^crovs 6 TOV
SITTOV etSev
TOV Se
e?rt
eTSev 8e
o~w^taTos,
dAA
et-Trev,
o-ot
E7rtTi/xr;o-at
vi.
6Ve TO) Sia-
Mwo"ews
TO.
optfj
"I^erovs
Nav^, Kat TOV
Trepl TO,?
TT)V
190-203
Mwvaea
</>dpayyas
$eav ravr-^v
Strom.
A.D.),
dvaAa/x^8avo/>tevov fj.lv
fj.fr
dyyeAcov,
K^Seta? atotyx,evov.
KCLTCO, vrvev/xaTt
eTrapOels
XaAe/3 dAA ov^ o/xot oos a/x^xo ^eoovTat. dAA 6 Kat Oarrov KarrjXOev, TroAu TO /3pWov eTrayo/xevos 6 Sc
cruv /cat TOJ /xev
vcTTepov TT/V oo^av Si^yerro, ^v
[email protected] 8ta^p^o~at
aTe Kat Ka^apwT^pos yevo/xevo?
/xaAAov Oarepov, .
.
.
8^Aoi;o-r/5,
OLfJLOil,
TT}?
i(TTOptas,
/xr;
TrdvTtov
etvat
T-^V
yvtocrtv (iv.).
Adumbrat. Clementinum,
cum
in
Ep.
p.
84).
Judae "
(Zahn s Supplementum Quando Michael archangelus
diabolo disputans altercabatur de corpore
Hie contirmat Assumptionem Moysi (ii.). Origen (185-254 A.D.). Prindp. iii. >e
2.
Moysi."
1
(Lorn-
ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION
loS
OF"
MOSES
Et primo quidem in Genesi matzsch, xxi. 303, 304). Evam seduxisse describitur, de quo in Adscensione serpens Mosis, cujus libel li meminit
in
epistola
sua apostolus
Michael archangelus cum diabolo disputans de corpore Mosis ait, a diabolo inspiratnm serpentem causam Judas,
exstitisse praevaricationis
In Josuam
horn.
Adae
et
Evae
(iii.).
1
(Lommatzsch, xi. 22). Denique et in libello quodain, licet in canone non habeatur, Kefertur enim mysterii tamen hujus figura describitur. quia duo Moses videbantur, unus vivus in spiritu, alius mortuus in corpore. In quo hoc est nhnirum quod adumii.
si intuearis literam legis inanem et vacuam omnibus quae superius memoravimus, ipse est Moses mortuus in corpore. Si vero potes removere legis vela-
bratur, quia
ab
iis
men, et intelligere, quia lex spiritualis est, iste est Moses, qui vivit in spiritu (iv.). Didymus Alex. (309-394). In Epist. Judae Enarratio BiUiotheca Patrum,
(Gallandi, to
Jude
9,
plationis
writes
Didymus
praescribunt
Assumptioni propter Archangeli de
:
vi.
praesenti
eum locum
corpore
307).
In reference
Adversarii hujus contemepistolae
et
Moyseos
ubi significatur verbum
Moyseos ad diabolum
factuni
(ii.(a)).
A
Evodius, contemporary of Augustine. Epist. ad ugustin. 258, vol. ii. p. 839, Ben. ed. 1836. Quanquam et in
apocryphis et in secretis ipsius Moysi, quae scriptura caret auctoritate, tune cum ascenderet in montem ut moreretur, vi corporis efficitur, ut aliud esset quod terrae Sed mandaretur, aliud quod angelo comitanti sociaretur.
non
satis
urget
me apocryphorum
praeferre sententiam
superioribus rebus definitis (iv.). Severus, Patriarch of Antioch (512-519).
illis
Cat. in Epist. CathoL, p. 160). viol s lorparj\ KOL TOVTO vTroocl^ai
BovAo/xevos 6 <ka
(Cramer, eos rots
trw/xariKov TVTTOV TWOS,
ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES ev rrj
7rap(TKvaa-V fjiovs
M
rov
avroTs 7rpo9 rrjv
cover
eo>9
ra(j)fj
rov
7reptcrToXr)T>
<fravr)vat
ovra
dXXa TW Kvptw
evrtTt/x^o-at,
Kvpto?
(i.
and
tKetvov
20 (Fabricius,
II.
rw Sia^SoXw Xeyet
a^rou Travre? eKrur^/xev
OTTOTJ
aTTOKpvcfiOL,
009
yap
i.
col.
TTtpt
j3L/3X.oi,
at
Iov8a tTrtcrroX^ rov Mwucrea)? o"ojp,aros Kat ev^a
a)9
8rj\0i
CK 7raXata9
Kat
ry
TOI;
iSou K^pto9
rpa^9,
C^af/ioZ.,
r^X 6
Trycv/zaros
1313).
e^9 (i.-iv.). The following anonymous writings
ycro
Ev
844). d
Mwvcrew? ^trav Kat dXXat
Kat Trept
StSacrKet
fjLfj.vrjraL
d?ro
i.
6
(ii.(a)).
Apollinarius (Catena Niceph. ort Kat ev rot? ^pdvots et(Tti/
crot
ii.).
AvaAi^eoos Mwvcrecos Mt^ar)\
8e
8taA.eyop,evo<?
vw
roiv oXcav Trapa-
Kat ctTrev eTrtri/x^crat
KptVeo>9,
Acta Synodi Nicaen. /5t^3Xto)
tv rrj
rov Trovrjpbv
7rpoo"V7ravT^crat
Kar ?
6<f>6aX-
Kai TOVTW rov Mt^aiyX ayaOov Kat ytxry Kat d7rocro/3f)O a.i
Kat avrLirpdrrovra
ayyeXov
VTT
crc6//,aTO9 /cat rrjv
yrj ve/jLO[jLLo~iJivr]V Kar6.6f.o~iv, avOLO~rdfJivov oocrTrep oatfj.ova
109
are
160-163.
pp.
^et
Kat TO
from Cramer P. 160.
6
s
Se
dp^dyyeXo9, ort rw Sta^oXw StaKpu/o/xevo9 SieXerov Ma)vcrea)9 o-w/xaro9 Kat ra e^9. AetKv^o-t
Kat TT)V TraXataj/ a-v/JL^wvovcrav rrj KainrJ, Kat eov evo9 6 $eX<ov 8eSo/>uva9 aTrar^crat, ort yap 8td/3oXo9 dvret^e t<^
e/xov
TO
0)9
o-aijaa
TOV dyyeXov TO
TOJV 7rvev//aTO)V Kat
P.
161.
T^9
t
X )79
cTrtTt/xr^crat 7racr>79
AeyeTat 6
Kvpto9
Trept
TOI)
TT;V
TOV
8ta/?oXou
Ta</>r;v
Mwvo-a)9
7rpo9
w,era^7o"oov
ej/
TO
TO>
opa
a"o).a
Ma)vo-ea)9,
6 Mt^ar/X
*Ta TOV StaSoXov
rov TO
TraTtt^at
TOV
TOVTO
ii.).
P. 163. TXeuTTyo-avT09 a7roo~TeXXerai
TOVTCO-TI 6 Kvpto9
o-apKO9 (ii.(a)).
Mt^a^X
vat (i.
Kat rjKOvo-e Trapa
SCO-TTO^OVTI
o-ot
AtyvTTTiOK,
OUK
evyKa>v
Tryv
KaT*
KO.TO.
i
ORIGINAL ASSUMPTION OF MOSES
io
6 ayyeAos,
(3\ao-(f>r)fjLiav
"
and ii. (i. The next two scholia on Jude 9 were
Sia/SoAov
e<>7
"
eVmjU/tyo-at CTOL 6
eos
Trpos TOV
(?>)).
first
printed by
C. F. Matthaei (Sept. Epp. CathoL, Riga 1782, pp. 238,
239), the Aerat
from D, an llth century MS. TeAomjopa Majvcrew? 6 ap^ayyeXos Mt^ar^X avroo TeA-
first
cravTos ev TCO
yaera^7yo"Ci)v
TO
6 ovV StdjSoX
o"w/xa.
ort e/xov TO
Aeywv
aTrar^crai,
o-co/x,a
wg
TT}?
oia TO TraTa^at TOV AtyuTTTtov /?Aao~<j6 )y/xoi)vTos KaTa TOV ou Kat cxyi dvayopevo-avTOS, /AT) vey/cwv TT/J/ KaT* awoi)
T/TOI
<^>ovea
o ayyeAo?
j3\.acr(^r]/jLLav
SiafioXov
^77
(i.
and
ii.
"
ETTiTi/x^crat o~ot o
(a) + (&)).
It
eos,"
Trpos rov
was Ronsch that
drew attention to this and the next scholion. The second scholion is from (Ecumenius (in. Epist. Jud., circ. 990), which Matthaei (I.e.) edited from a 12th or 13th century MS. H. AeyeTcu 6 Mt^a^A rrj TOV first
evai Ta<f>fj,
TOV 8ta^8oAov Trpos
TOIJTO
a
and ii.). (i. Finally, (Ecumenius (Comm. in Ep. Jud., p. 340, cited by Volkmar). 17 8e Trepc TOV Mwuo-eoj? crw/xaTos KptVt? avrrj
AeycTai TOV
Ta<f>fj
,
Tiov <f>6vov,
to?
Mt^a^A rov dp^ayyeAov
TT;
TOV
TOV yap 8ta/?oAov TOVTO /x,^ 8ta TOJ/ TOV Aiyvvre7rt<^>epovTos ey/cA^/xa
o$ir)Kovr)Kvai.
aAA
amov
(so Hilgenfeld,
at Sta TOVTO (i.
and
p,7^
from MS. avrov) WTOS
o~vy^wpLO~Oai
avTo>
TV^CIV T^S
ii.()).
It will be observed that in all these passages there is not a single important statement which has not been incorporated in our sketch on p. 106.
APPENDIX ON
I
HAVE
plehem
I.
just discovered that the text in
8
I.
Syriac and Vulgate Versions of Deut. xxxi.
pNrrta Tiirgum enter,"
ut inducat
8,
in terrain, agrees with the Samaritan text, the
run DJjrrntf, against the Massoretic, of
and
Onkelos, its
cause to enter
which
or
"
thou shalt bring
in
fcOSn HPIS
LXX., and
have N13n = "thou shalt
equivalents, instead of iOnn,
"
7,
in."
"
thou shalt
INDEX
I
PASSAGES FROM THE SCRIPTURES AND OTHER ANCIENT BOOKS DIRECTLY CONNECTED OR CLOSELY PARALLEL WITH THE TEXT
*
See Pyalnib of Solomon (Rylo and James
8
113
s ed.), p. Ixx.
INDEX
II
NAMES AND SUBJECTS. ADVENT
of God, X. 12.
Amorites,
XL
DANIEL, IV.
11, 16.
Antioclms Epiphanes, VIII. 1. Antiochian persecution, VIII. 1-5. Apollinarius, quotation from the
of, IV. 2-4. Deane, p. xxvii. De Faye, p. xxviii. Didymus, quotation from
in, p. 109.
Assumption
1.
prayer
,,
Assumption
Aramaic, alleged, original of the Assumption, pp. xxxix-xli.
Dillmann, pp. xxvi,
BALDENSPERGER,
EGYPT, III. 11. Emendations or
pp. xxvii,
Ivii,
12, 25.
Ivii,
23.
pp. xxv, Ivii, 23.
Drummond,
restorations
;
J. S., p. x.
XL 7 XII. 9. VI. 6, 7 Hilgenfeld, II. 4 VII. 1, 3, 8 ; X. 1 ;
p. xxviii.
Gutschmidt,
;
;
CALAMITIES
of
Judah ascribed
14; XII. 9. Ronsch, VI. 3
Caleb, pp. 106, 107. of, II. 2.
2;
Carriere, pp. xxiv, 35. Ceriaui, pp. xiii, xviii. Chasids, rise of the, V. 2, note. Cheyne, pp. x, 42, 88. Chronology of Book, p. Ix ; I. 2,
XL
III. 4;
12, 15;
Clement of Alexandria, quotations from the Assumption in, p. 107. xxiii-xxiv,
Iv,
24,
28, 35.
Colony, i.e. Jerusalem, III. 2, note V. 6 VI. 9. Covenant of the Lord, I. 9, note, 14; II. 7; III. 9; IV. 5; XL XII. 13. 17 Cyrus, IV. 6. ;
VII.
;
11,
1
;
12;
IX. XII.
I. 8; II. VIII. 1; IX. 1
XL
Volkmar, V. 3 XII.
pp.
2,
Schmidt-Merx,
note.
Colani,
;
XL
to
Israel, III. 5.
Canaan, conquest
of
the Latin Version by Cheyne, X. 8. Fritzsche, V. 5.
Baruch, Apocalypse of, quoted on, III. 10-13 IV. 8. Black,
the
in, p. 108.
;
,
4, 9, 17. ;
VII.
6,
10;
6.
Wieseler, V. 5. the Editor, I. 10; II. 3 9; HI. 12, 13; V. 6; VI. 1; VII. 4, 7; VIII. 2; X. 5; XL 12, 16, 17; XII. 4. of the Latin through re-
translation into Greek, II. 7; III. 4; IV. 3; VII. 7;
XL
;
11. 114
INDEX
I.
10 [18
(?)
Hausrath, pp. xxv, 35. Hebrew original of the Assump tion, pp. xxxviii-xlv. 48.
IV.
;
Heidenheim, pp. xxv,
9(?)].
the Editor, 9
V.
;
I.
5
Hernias quoted, p. 5. Herod the Great, VI. 2-7.
7, 10, 13; IV. VII. 4 (?) X. ;
;
High
3, 4, 9, 10.
Enoch, Ethiopic, quoted on, X.
from
quotation
Assumption
the
under
notes.
in, p. 108.
Ewald, pp. xxi, Ivii. Ezra, 4, quoted on, X.
priests, Hellenising,
AntiochusEpiph., V. 3-4, notes. High priests, Maccabean, VI. 1,
4, 9.
Evodius,
p. xxii.
HAUPT,
Emendations or restorations of the Latin through retranslation into Hebrew by Rosenthal,
II
Hilgenfekl,
xx,
xviii-xix,
pp.
xxii, xxxviii, Ivi, 23, 35, etc. 5, 7, 10.
,,
God s elect people, pp. Iviii-lx ; IV. 2. solidarity of, pp. Iviii-lx.
,,
world created on
ISRAEL,
FABRICIUS, p. xlviii. Fast of three days, IX.
6.
Fritzsche, pp. xx-xxi, Ivi, 73.
behalf
of, I. 12.
GEHENNA, X.
10.
,,
Geiger, pp. xxiv-xxv. Gelasius of Cyzicum quoted, 14, note. Gentiles,
X. God,
I.
13
IV. 9
;
;
Israel s
VIII. 3
;
passim. quoted, p. 1; II. 3; VI. 3 VII. 3-10; VIII. 1, 3, 4, 5 IX. 6 ; XII. 6 ; p.
,,
Creator, X. 10. Eternal God, X. 7. God, I. 10 IV. 2, 5 V. 4 X. 9 XL 16 IX. 4 XII. 4, 9, 10, 13.
God
of
;
;
Abraham,
Isaac,
Jacob, III. 9. of our fathers, IX. of heaven, II. 4.
God God
IV.
2. I.
6,
III. 2, 5;
XL Lord Lord Lord Lord Lord Most
18 II. 2, V. 6; IX. ;
;
;
71.
;
Joshua,
;
9 X. 11, 15 XI 3 XII. 1, 3, 8. carried into captivity, III. 1-3. I.
6,
1,
and 6.
Judah
7,
9
3,
7;
;
;
persecuted by Antiochus Epiph., VIII. 1. Judgment, final, X. 3-8. ,,
KEIM,
p. Ivi.
the keeping of the, the end IX. 6.
15, 16, 17. of all, IV. 2. of their fathers, IV. 8. of heaven, IV. 4. of the world, I. 11. of lords, IX. 6.
LAW,
High, X.
MACCABEAN high
7.
;
;
persecuted by the Seleucidffi, V. 1.
,,
Heaven, III. 8. Heavenly One, X. 3. King on the lofty throne, Lord,
8.
JAMES, pp. xvii, 25. Josephus, referred to,
titles of
;
9.
I.
7.
;
exalted into heaven, X. triumph over Rome, X.
of
life,
Langen, pp. xxi. Latin Version of the Assumption, pp. xxviii-xxxvi. priests,
VI.
1.
INDEX Maccabees,
3-4 ,,
referred
First,
passim
IX.
;
to,
quoted on V.
;
1, 6.
referred
Second, ;
6 XI. 17. Mediator, doctrine of a, I. 14, note. even to Merit, no, belonging Moses, XII. 7. ;
liii,
xlv. ,,
,,
,,
,,
,
,,
p.
Iviii
XL
;
I.
1
,,
"Testament,"
III.
I.
;
11 19
X.
XL
13;
17
;
note
;
12,
;
,,
xlv,
the Original Assumption otherwise called of, Secreta Moysi, p. xlv, other
books
Jewish
of
and Samaritan pp. xv-
14,
xvi.
or advo
,
hereafter, XII. 6, note. I.
p.
note. ,,
,
and
the mediator,
the Original Assumption of, preserved only in Greek quotations, pp. 1, 105-110. the Original Assumption, of, otherwise called Adscensio Mosis, note.
;
pp. xlvii-
15,
notes. the intercessor cate, here
,,
17,
XII. the death of, an ordinary one in the Latin, i.e. the xlviii
,,
III
;
2, 4, 14, 1, 2.
1,
New
,
Ixv. ,,
Morfill, p. xvi.
Moses,
author, pp. li-liv.
its date, pp. Iv-lviii. its relations to the
Testament, pp. Ixii-
Ivi, 23, etc.
Messianic kingdom, pp. Ix-lxi. Michael, X. 2.
its
.
,
xxxix-xli,
xix-xx,
pp.
Moses, the Assumption of, the Greek, a translation from the Hebrew, pp. xxxviii-
to,
passim quoted on, V. 1,3-4; VIII. 4, 5; IX.
Merx,
II
14,
note
other books of
Christian,
pp. xvi-xvii. ,,
other books of
Gnostic,
pp. xvii-xviii.
;
III. 12. ,,
the
XL ,,
the
great
messenger,
17.
chief
prophet,
XL
16.
the most perfect teacher,
,,
the pre-existence
16. of, I. 14,
note. ,,
,,
III. 1.
p. 57.
New Testament
use
of the
As
(EcuMENius, quotation from the Assumption in, p. 110. Origen,
the Assumption of Moses in Latin, preserved Testa originally the
ment ,,
Neubauer,
sumption, pp. Ixii-lxv.
,,
XL
NEBUCHADNEZZAR,
of,
pp. xlv-1.
the the Assumption of, Latin Version, pp. xxviiixxxvi. the the Assumption of, Latin Version, a transla tion from the Greek, pp. xxxvi-xxxviii.
quotations
Assumption
in,
PHILIPPI, p. xxiii. Philo, quoted on, p. XII. 6. Predestination,
RED
I.
from
the
pp. 107-108.
liii
13, 14
;
;
IV. 9
XII.
;
7,
SEA, the, III. 11. Repentance to preach the Mes sianic kingdom, I. 18, note.
INDEX Resurrection of the spirit only, X. 9, note. 22. Renss, pp. xxv-xxvi, Riinsch, xxii-xxiii, xxx, pp. Ivii.
xxxii, xlvi-xlvii, 9, etc.
Rosenthal, pp. xxvi, xxxix,
Ivi,
24, 25, 36, 57.
SADDUCEES, Sanday,
Satan, X.
the, VII. 3-10, notea.
xxx.
p.
II
117
Testaments XII. quoted on, X. 2, 5.
Patriarchs
Thomson, pp. xxvii-xxviii. Thucydidcs, quoted on, XI. 8. Times, the CCL., X. 12. of the text, Transpositions pp. xxxv-xxxvi. Tribe of Lcvi, IX. 1. III. 6, Tribes, the ten, II. 3, 5 IV. 9. 7 the twelve, If. 4. ,, the two, IT. 4 III. 3. 4, ,, IV. 7, 8. 5, 6 ;
;
1.
Schmidt-Merx.
See Merx. Schuchardt, pp. xxx sq. Schurer, pp. xxvi-xxvii,
;
;
xxxix,
xlvi, li, Ivii, 23, etc. Seleucidre, persecution under the, V. 1-2, notes.
Severus of Aiitioch, quotation from the Assumption in, p. 108.
VARTJS, VI.
8, note. Vassiliev s Anec. Greece- Byzant.
pp. xlix-1. Visitation of Israel, Volkmar, pp. xix
I.
,
18, note.
sq., Iv, 8, 25, 28, 35, etc.
xxxviii,
Solidarity of Israel, pp. Iviii-lx.
Solomon, Psalms of (Ryle and James, ed.), quoted on, III. 9 VII. 3, 4, 6, 7, 9 X. 5, 9.
WIESELER, pp. xxiv, li, 23 sq., 36. Wisdom, Book of, quoted on,
Stahelin, p. xxv.
Works, good,
;
;
XL
16. p. Ixi.
World the, I. 7, 9 ; II. 4. Taxo, IX. 1, notes. Temple, the, II. 4, 8, 9 III. 2
TABERNACLE,
;
V.
3,
4; VI.
1,
9; VIII.
;
5.
created on Israel, I. 12, note.
YEAR
symbol
for
ruler, II. 3, note.
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