THE BULLETIN OF
THE AUSTRALIAN CENTRE FOR EGYPTOLOGY
VOLUME 24 ▪ 2013
Editor
Dr Susanne Binder
Editorial Board
Professor Heike Behlmer, Göttingen Assoc. Professor Colin A. Hope Professor Naguib Kanawati Professor E. Christiana Köhler, Vienna Dr Ann McFarlane Assoc. Professor Boyo Ockinga Dr Yann Tristant
The articles in this journal are peer reviewed.
All rights reserved ISSN 1035-7254 ISBN 978-1-74138-408-6 Copyright 2013 The Australian Centre for Egyptology (A Division of the Macquarie University Ancient Cultures Research Centre) Macquarie University, Sydney NSW 2109, Australia Printed by Ligare Book Printers, 138 Bonds Road, Riverwood NSW 2210, Australia www.ligare.com.au
CONTENTS BACE 24 (2013) Editorial Foreword
5
Bon Appétit! Bread and Reed in the Funerary Repast Imagery of the Old and Middle Kingdom
Andrea Kahlbacher
Ptah-Sokar-Osiris Statuettes from the Mallawi Museum
Heba Mahran
21
Asiatics and Abydos: from the Twelfth Dynasty to the early Second Intermediate Period
Anna-Latifa Mourad
31
Egyptology and the Study of Art History
Maya Müller
59
Egypt in Late Antiquity: the evidence from Ammianus Marcellinus
Alanna Nobbs
81
Dictation revisited: The Admonitions of Ipuwer 9.14–10.2, 13.4 and 14.1–4
Marina Sokolova
89
The Egyptianisation of the Pan-Grave Culture: a new look at an old idea
Aaron de Souza
109
Alexandra Woods, Joyce Swinton
127
Chronological Considerations: fragments from the Tomb of Hetepet at Giza
3
7
ASIATICS AND ABYDOS: FROM THE TWELFTH DYNASTY TO THE EARLY SECOND INTERMEDIATE PERIOD* Anna-Latifa Mourad Macquarie University The enigmatic Fifteenth Dynasty has spurred much discussion on the role of foreigners during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. Manetho's account of the "invaders of obscure race"1 originally led historians to search for traces of north-eastern warriors violently succeeding the Egyptian regime. The discovery of growing Levantine communities at such sites as Tell el-Dab'a has directed scholars to propose that the Hyksos' takeover may not have been wholly violent, but that it was partly, perhaps completely, facilitated by the increasing social and political influences of the Levantine population on the Egyptian administration.2 A study on the rise of the Fifteenth Dynasty must entail an assessment of Levantines during the Middle Kingdom,3 an exercise well reflected by the available literature on this topic.4 Still, many researchers have concentrated on developments within a particular site or a specific category of evidence and, while contact with the Levantine culture was greater in the north, the majority of studies have paid little attention to the regions of Middle and Upper Egypt. In an attempt to provide a view from the south, the present article examines the evidence for Levantines in one of the most important cultic centres in Upper Egypt: the site of Abydos. Connected to Osiris, Abydos was a burial ground since the Pre-Dynastic period and continued to be so into the Middle Kingdom, when a planned settlement also developed.5 A place of pilgrimage for Egyptians, the journey to Abydos was a topic of several inscriptions and tomb scenes. Some officials of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period chose to be buried there while at least one pharaoh of the Twelfth Dynasty, Senwosret III, built his funerary complex at the site.6 Officials buried elsewhere additionally erected stelae, small chapels, statues and other cultic equipment in dedication to Osiris.7 The article explores 34 of these stelae and one shrine.8 The criteria for their selection include: a) Stelae assigned from the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty to at least the mid-Thirteenth Dynasty (early Second Intermediate Period).9 These are 31
BACE 24 (2013) presented below under (i) stelae assigned to particular kings' reigns; (ii) stelae dated on stylistic grounds to either the Twelfth or Thirteenth Dynasty; and (iii) stelae generally classified to the period spanning the Middle Kingdom to early Second Intermediate Period; b) Museum publications and excavation reports recording Abydos as the stelae's provenance. Unfortunately, early excavators did not take note of the immediate context of many stelae, restricting analysis on whether the named individuals were inhabitants at/near Abydos; c) The use of terms linked to north-easterners. The most common is aAm or aAm.t, designating individuals of non-Egyptian, Levantine descent.10 Such persons are not necessarily first-generation immigrants and neither are they all from a particular region within the Levant. The term is typically complemented by an individual's name and title. It is also attested as a personal name. Other designates include Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw, @r.yw-Sa and %t.(t)yw, which are not frequently found for foreigners within the borders of Egypt, unless the text is of bellicose nature. The stelae are translated first and organised according to criterion (a). This is followed by some reflections on the textual data, combined with a perusal of a few archaeological finds from Abydos. For bibliographic references and further comments regarding the stelae and depiction of Asiatic individuals, refer to Table 1. The transcriptions below either follow the figures or the texts as presented in Table 1. All transliterations and translations are by the author, and only feature extracts mentioning Asiatics or Egyptian-Levantine relations. Names of possible Semitic origin are left untranslated. The Stelae I. Stelae assigned to particular reigns Nine stelae have been dated to specific reigns: seven are of the Twelfth Dynasty and two are of the Thirteenth Dynasty. They span the period from Amenemhat I to Sebekhetep IV. [1] Louvre C1 (Amenemhat I, Year 24)11 (5)
(4) ...
(7)
(6)
(8)
(9)
32
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS ssH.n(=i) Iwn.tyw MnTw.tyw (5) @r.yw-Sa sxn.n(=i) xnr.wt xtA=i (6) mi wnS.wy m (7) aD pri.n(=i) hA.n(=i) xt (8) mr.wt=sn nn snw im (9) m wD.n MnTw nx.t m sxr n /// (4) ...
(4) … I destroyed the Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw and (5) @r.yw-Sa; I demolished the enclosures, I creeping up (6) like two jackals (?)12 at the (7) edge of the cultivation; I came and went through their (8) streets, there being no equal therein, (9) as Montu had commanded the victory by the plan of /// [2] Cairo CG 20539 (Senwosret I) ...
(10)
…
(11)
... DD(.w) Awr=f m #As.tyw sgrH(.w) n=f @r.yw-Sa sHtp(.w) iri.wt=sn …
(10)
(11) %t.(t)yw
Hr
(10) … the one who puts his oppression/terror upon the foreigners; the one who pacifies the @r.yw-Sa for him; the one who pacifies the (11) %t.(t)yw for their actions ... [3] Cairo CG 20296 (Senwosret III) (l.1)
(l.2)
(l.4) (l.1) afty aAm iri.n @tp.t sn=f %bk-nx.t sn=f im.y-rA Sna(.w) (l.2) %bk-nx.t (l.4) ir.y-a.t Imny iri n aAm ai
(l.1) The brewer aAm born to13 Hetepet; his brother Sebeknakht; his brother, overseer of a storehouse, (l.2) Sebeknakht; (l.4) the hall-keeper Imeny born to aAm ai14 [4] Rio de Janeiro 627 [2419; no. 1] (Senwosret III) (55-57 [XV])
(58 [II])
(55-57 [XV]) Gbgb
aAm iri n Imi (58 [II]) sA=f !rw-nfr aAm iri n mw.t=f 15
(55-57 [XV]) Gebgeb,
aAm born to Imi;16
to his mother
33
(58 [II])
his son Herunefer,17 aAm, born
BACE 24 (2013) [5] Manchester 3306 (Senwosret III) (c.1) (c.2) (c.3) (c.4) (c.5)
wDA Hm=f m xdi r sxr.t MnTw %t.t spr Hm=f r spA.t %kmm rn=s (c.2) rDi.t Hm=f tp-nfr m wDA r Xnw anx(.w) (w)DA(.w) s(nb.w) aHa.n %kmm xr=s Hna RTnw Xsi.t (c.3) iw=i Hr iri(.t) pH [mSa aH]a.n Abx.n anx.w n.w mSa r aHA Hna aAm.w aHa.n (c.4) sx.n=i aAm aHa.n rDi.n=i iTi.tw xa.w=f in anx 2 n(.y) mSa nn tS.t Hr aHA Hr=i Hsi(.w) n rDi=i sA=i n aAm anx n(=i) %n-wsr.t (c.5) Dd.n(=i) m mAa.t aHa.n Di.n=f n=i sTs18 m Dam r dr.t=i mtpn.t19 Hna bAgsw bAk(.w) m Dam Hna xfa[w]20 /// (c.1)
(c.1) His Majesty's proceeding in travelling northwards to overthrow the MnTw of %t.t; his Majesty's arrival at the district of %kmm,21 its name; (c.2) his Majesty's making a good start in proceeding to the Residence,22 may it live, be prosperous and healthy. Then %kmm fell with the miserable RTnw,23 (c.3) I acting as the army's rearguard. Then the soldiers of the army engaged to fight with the aAm.w. (c.4) Then I hit the aAm and I caused that his weapons be taken by two soldiers of the army, without desisting from fighting, my face was courageous24 and I did not turn my back on the aAm. As Senwosret lives (for me), (c.5) I have spoken in truth. Then he gave to me a staff of electrum for my hand, a sheath with a dagger worked with electrum and a handle ///.
[6] Cairo CG 20231 (Amenemhat III) (h)
wdp.w aAm #nti-wr
the butler, aAm Khentywer
[7] Fitzwilliam Museum E.207.1900 (Amenemhat III) aAm wdp.w Rn=f-snb
aAm, the butler Renefseneb
aAm Nb-swmn.w
aAm Nebsumenu
[8] Liverpool E.30 (Khendjer) afty aAm Ir[s?]i 34
the brewer, aAm Ir[s?]i
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS aAm Sebekiry
aAm %bk-iry
aAm.t %nb-imny-nb-itf aAm.t Senebimenynebitef aAm Sebekiry
aAm %bk-iry [9] Vienna ÄS 204 (Sebekhetep IV ?)25 sn=f aAm mAa-xrw
(11)
his brother aAm, justified
II. Stelae assigned to a particular dynasty Based on stylistic grounds, three stelae here have been allocated to the Twelfth Dynasty, two to the late Twelfth or early Thirteenth Dynasty, and four to the Thirteenth Dynasty. [10] Cairo CG 20125 (12th Dynasty) (h.1)
(h.2)
(h.1) imAx (h.1) the
%Htp-ib-Ra.w mAa-xrw (h.2) Hm.t=f aAm mAa(.t)-xrw revered Sehetepibra, justified; (h.2) his wife aAm,26 justified
[11] Cairo CG 20421 (12th Dynasty ?) (4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
(4) %nb.t(y)=fy msi n aAm.t %A-Mntw (5) msi n ///ti-n(.y)-[kA.w]=sn (6) aAm.t msi n @pyw anx.w (7) msi n aAm.t %nb-r-Aw msi n aAm.t (8) Iw-%nb msi n aAm.t anx(.w) D.t
27
(4) Senebtyfy born to aAm.t; Samontu (5) born to ///tiny[kau]sen; (6) aAm.t born to Hepyu; Ankhu (7) born to aAm.t; Senebraw born to (8) Iuseneb born to aAm.t; may he/they live eternally.
[12] Vienna ÄS 169 (12th Dynasty ?) (12) (13) (12) Hm.t=f %n.t-%bk iri.t (13) n aAm.t (12) his wife Senet-Sebek (13) born to
aAm.t 35
aAm.t;
BACE 24 (2013) [13] Vienna ÄS 99 (late 12th – 13th Dynasty) sA.t=s aAm.t +D.t
(12)
her daughter aAm.t Djedjet
[14] Vienna ÄS 186 (shrine) (late 12th – 13th Dynasty) (85a)
(85b)
(85a) aAm.t Wp-wA.wt-Htp mAa(.t)-xrw (85c) aAm.t [+fA]-snb, mAa.t-[xrw] (85a) (85c)
(85c)
nfw N(.y)
[email protected] (85b) aAm.t [^]Aa
aAm.t Wepwawethetep, justified; the sailor Ny-Heru; aAm.t [Djefa]seneb, justified
(85b)
aAm.t [Sh]aa;
[15] British Museum EA 428 (mid-13th Dynasty) ir.y-a.t n(.y) Kpny %bk-Hr-HAb
Hall-keeper of (goods from) Kpny28 Sebekherhab
[16] Vienna ÄS 143 (13th Dynasty) (27)
aAm.t Wr-nb
aAm.t Werneb
(28)
aAm.t %bk-nx.t
aAm.t Sebeknekhet
[17] Vienna ÄS 160 (13th Dynasty; Figure 1) (2a)
(1) (3a)
(1) Htp Di nsw.t Wsir nb +dw nTr aA nb AbDw niw.t Di=f pr.t-xrw t Hnq.t kA(.w) Apd(.w) Ss(.wt) mnx.wt (2a) xnty.w n kA n(.y) ir.y-a.t wdp.w Wr-mr.wt-r=f iri n (3a) Imnty-aAm.t iri n Ny-sw wHm(.w) anx mr n(.y) Inp.w (1) An offering which the king gives and Osiris, lord of Busiris, the great god, lord of the city Abydos: may he give an invocation offering of bread, beer, beef, fowl, (ointment) alabasters and clothes (2a) which are for the kA of the hall-keeper and butler Wermerutef born to (3a) Imnty-aAm.t and born to Nysu, may he live again, beloved of Anubis. (4)
(2b)
(3b)
36
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS
(4) Htp Di nsw.t Gb @py wAD.w imA.w (2b) xnty.w n kA n(.y) ir.y-a.t iri n (3b) Imnty-aAm.t wHm(.t) anx Htp Di nsw.t @py wAD.w imA.w
aH Im.y-rA-mSa
An offering which the king gives and Geb and Hapy, may he/she be prosperous and splendid; (2b) which are for the kA of the hall-keeper of the palace, Imyramesha29 born to (3b) Imnty-aAm.t, may she live again, and an offering which the king gives and Hapy, may he/she be prosperous and splendid.
(4)
(5)
Htp Di nsw.t @py wAD.w imA.w
An offering which the king gives and Hapy, may he/she be prosperous and splendid. (6)
Htp Di nsw.t Wsir n kA n(.y) aAm.t iri.t n I-it Di=ssic pr.t-xrw t Hnq.t kA(.w) Apd(.w) An offering which the king gives and Osiris, for the kA of aAm.t born to I-it: may she give/be given an invocation offering of bread, beer, beef and fowl. (7)
Htp Di nsw.t Wsir n kA n(.y) Ny-sw iri n Kki pr.t-xrw t Hnq.t kA(.w) Apd(.w) An offering which the king gives and Osiris, for the kA of Nysu born to Keki: may he give/be given an invocation offering of bread, beer, beef and fowl. (8)
%A-@pi iri n Rn-%(n)b Sahepi born to Rense(ne)b Nn-Di-rx.tw=f iri n aAm.t Nendjirekhtuef born to aAm.t
(9)
N.t-HD.t iri.t n aAm.t
Nethedjet born to aAm.t
(10)
Imn-m-HA.t iri n N.t-HD.t
Amenemhat born to Nethedjet
(11)
Bnr.t iri.t (n) N.t-HD.t Beneret born to Nethedjet
(12)
Im.y-rA-mSa iri n N.t-HD.t
Imyramesha born to Nethedjet
(13)
aAm.t iri.t n N.t-HD.t
aAm.t born to Nethedjet
(14)
Wr-mr.wt=f iri n N.t-HD.t
Wermerutef born to Nethedjet
37
BACE 24 (2013) (15) (16)
Im.y-rA-mSa iri n N.t-HD.t
Imyramesha born to Nethedjet
Im.y-rA-mSa iri n aAm.t Imyramesha born to aAm.t
[18] Cairo CG 20281 (13th Dynasty) (g)
sn.t=f aAm.t MAa.t
His sister aAm.t Maat
[19] Marseille 227 (13th Dynasty ?) ... ... aAm %-nfrw aAm.t [%nb]-rH.w aAm NTr-m-mr aAm Rn-[snb] aAm.t Wr-n-PtH aAm.t %A.t-$nmw /// ...aAm Seneferu; aAm.t [Seneb]rehu; aAm Neteremer; aAm Ren[seneb]; aAm.t Werenptah; aAm.t Sat-Khenemu /// III. Stelae broadly assigned between the Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties Seventeen stelae are placed in this category. Despite their uncertain date, the texts supply significant evidence on the names and/or activities of individuals of Levantine descent. [20] Cairo CG 20028 (f)
aAm.t iri.t n @nw.t
aAm.t born to Henut
(h)
his daughter aAm.t born to Mereret
sA.t=f aAm.t iri.t n Mrr.t
[21] Cairo CG 20062 (c)
aAm iri n MAa.t mAa-xrw aAm born to Maat, justified
[22] Cairo CG 20103 (d)
aAm=f PtH-wn=f (?)
38
his aAm Ptahwenef (?)30
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS [23] Cairo CG 20114 (3) (4) (3)
sA=s Gbw Hm.t=f %s.t-iyi(.t)-Hb iri n Pr.ty-(4) ityti sA %nHy iri n aAm.t QA-sn.w
Her son, Gebu; his wife, Sesetiyitheb born to Perty-(4)ityti;31 son of Senehy32 born to aAm.t Qasenu
(3)
[24] Cairo CG 20119 (n)
[aAm].t Nfr-iw
[aAm].t Neferiu
aAm.t Iyi-m-Htp
aAm.t Iyiemhetep
[25] Cairo CG 20158 (b)
[26] Cairo CG 20164 (g)
aAm.t PtH-aA.t fAi(.t) dfA.w n nb=s aAm.t Ptahaat, the one who carries provisions for her lord [27] Cairo CG 20227 (k)
aAm.t It
aAm.t It
aAm.t Nfr-iw
aAm.t Neferiu
aAm.t It
aAm.t It
aAm=f %nbi
his aAm Senbi
it n(.y) Xrd aAm mAa-xrw
the father of the child,33 aAm, justified
[28] Cairo CG 20392 (e.1)
[29] Cairo CG 20520 (i.1)
39
BACE 24 (2013) [30] Cairo CG 20549 (b)
aAm.t WAH-kA
aAm.t (of?) Wahka34
(e.2)
aAm.t N.t-HD
aAm.t Nethedj
(e.3)
aAm.t @tp.wy
aAm.t Hetepwy
(e.4)
aAm.t @ri
aAm.t Heri
(e.5)
aAm.t Rn=s-snb
aAm.t Renesseneb
[31] Cairo CG 20550
aAm.t Sebekhetep
(a)
aAm.t %bk-htp
(c.4)
aAm.t %bk-aA
aAm.t Sebekaa
wdp.w @p.w aAm
the butler Hepu, aAm
[32] Cairo CG 20571 (c.1)
[33] Cairo CG 20650 (b.3)
...
b.4
(b.5) (b.6) (b.7) (b.8) (b.9) (b.3) ... im.y-rA mSa (b.4) NhAi iri n [BA]k.t (b.5) nb.t pr aAm.t iri.t n [&it]/// (b.6) im.y-rA pr I-y iri n aAm.t nb.t imAx (b.7) nb.t pr [BAk.t] iri.t n aAm(.t) nb.t imAx (b.8) nb.t pr ///t-pw-PtH iri.t n [BAk.t] (b.9) nb.t pr %nb=f iri.t n I-ttw nb.t imAx
(b.3) ... the overseer of the army (b.4) Nehai born to [Ba]ket (b.5) Lady of the house aAm.t born to [Tit]/// (b.6) Steward I-y born to aAm.t possessor of veneration (b.7) Lady of the house [Baket] born to aAm.t possessor of veneration (b.8) Lady of the house ///t-pu-Ptah born to [Baket] (b.9) Lady of the house Senebef, born to I-tetu possessor of veneration
40
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS [34] Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania 69-29-56
Smsw aAm mAa-xrw
the retainer aAm, justified
[35] Rio de Janeiro 680 [No. 21] (20)
(21)
(22) (20) im.y-rA Hm.wt apr (21) iri n I-bi mAa.t-xrw (22) aAm im.y-rA n(.y) Hmw.t
35
&wty
(20) Overseer of craftsmen apr 36 (21) born to I-bi, justified; 37 (22) aAm, overseer of craftsmen &wty
Reflections on the Stelae The textual and artistic representations of Asiatics Amidst the 35 texts and over 75 instances of individuals of Asiatic ancestry, only five names may be of Semitic origin,38 the rest being simply aAm or derived from the Egyptian. Pictorially, individuals labelled aAm are illustrated as Egyptians seated, kneeling or standing. Unfortunately, publications of most of the stelae are in greyscale, restricting any comments on skin colour. Where coloured photographs are presented, no colour is preserved for the Asiatic men. A few Asiatics bear offerings, including ox legs (E.207.1900 [7], CG 20571 [32]), lotus stems (E.207.1900 [7], CG 20550 [31]), fowl (E.207.1900 [7], CG 20550 [31]) as well as baskets or vessels (CG 20158 [25], CG 20164 [26], CG 20550 [31]). Three appear engaged in daily activities such as pouring beer, grinding grain and sowing seed (E.30 [8]). The stelae offer a significant insight into the Asiatics' acceptance of Egyptian traditions. The majority of identified Asiatic descendants are represented with Egyptian names, titles and dress, taking part in Egyptian daily activities and rituals. Two stelae owners are conclusively of Asiatic descent (CG 20650 [33], ÄS 160 [17]), leading to the proposition that such individuals also assumed Egyptian religious obligations by placing their stelae at Abydos. Furthermore, they appear familiar with Egyptian deities as apparent by the utilisation of offering formulae expressing their devotion to Osiris, Anubis, Geb and Hapy. Correspondingly, the stelae owners (bar the bellicose Louvre C1 [1], CG 20539 [2] and Manchester 3306 [5]) did not portray or treat the aAm.w negatively but included them in their lists of household members, 41
BACE 24 (2013) acknowledging them as efficient officials of private households and the local administration. The dedicators of the stelae recognised and recorded the genealogies of individuals of foreign descent, not only signifying that the aAm.w were fully integrated within Egyptian society, but that the Egyptians were similarly well-acquainted with the Levantines and their ancestry. This act of recording the genealogy reflects a level of care in preserving the memory of an Asiatic's descent. Does the explicit mention of Asiatic descent mean that the Egyptians were accepting of an established foreign group within their society? Did the Egyptians consider the mention of Asiatic members in their families as a sign of prestige? Or, was it a required appellation signalling their foreignness and, perhaps, their inequality compared to other Egyptians? Because people of Asiatic descent did not hide or conceal their ancestry on their own stelae, as shown in the two examples we have, it is possible to surmise that having an Asiatic background was not shunned. In such cases, the term aAm was not employed in a derogatory sense. It simply labelled the origins of individuals living among Egyptians.39 Asiatics in the Egyptian community Stelae from Categories (i) and (ii) dating from the reign of Amenemhat III to the mid-Thirteenth Dynasty refer to the aAm.w as part of the typical Egyptian household. Their numbers remain steadily the same but with a slight increase during the Thirteenth Dynasty. They could be employed as 'overseer of a storehouse' (CG 20296 [3]), 'hall-keepers' (CG 20296 [3], ÄS 160 [17]) as well as 'butlers' (CG 20231 [6], E.207.1900 [7], ÄS 160 [17]) and take part in such Egyptian daily activities as brewing, cooking and agricultural work (CG 20296 [3], E.30 [7]). Stela E.30 (7) infers their participation in cultic rituals possibly related with the stela owner's position as a 'regulator of a phyle'. The foreigners are also associated with such individuals as the 'overseer of a storehouse' (Rio 627 [4]), 'overseer of the law-court' (ÄS 99 [13]) and 'chief steward of the great house' (Marseille 227 [19]). Combined with the undated stelae of Category (iii), further notes are offered. Additional professions include a 'carrier of provisions' (CG 20164 [26]), a 'steward' (CG 20650 [33]), a 'retainer' (Penn Museum 69-29-56 [34]), an 'overseer of the military' (CG 20650 [33]) and 'overseers of craftsmen' (Rio 680 [35]). In two instances, Asiatics appear in the custody of Egyptians (CG 20103 [22], CG 20392 [28]) while one stela sees Asiatic women of successive generations with the title of 'lady of the house' (CG 20650 [33]). Other Asiatic women are among several lists of household members. They appear in at least three stelae as concubines or secondary wives seemingly married to Egyptian men (CG 20125 [10], ÄS 160 [17], ÄS 169 [12]). In one 42
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS instance, a sister of Asiatic descent is listed, although her parentage is not specified (CG 20281 [18]). Stela ÄS 160 (17) additionally records five generations of individuals of Asiatic ancestry following the matrilineal line (Figure 1),40 the last three featuring persons with Egyptian names, a likely indicator that the family had resided in Egypt for at least three generations. Individuals with other Asiatic relatives similarly arise in at least 11 stelae. Keki
I-it
Senebni
Nysu
Wermerutef (I)
Imyramesha (I)
Amenemhat
Beneret
Imnty-Am.t (I)
+
Nendjirekhtuef aAm.t (II)
Imyramesha (II)
Wermerutef (II)
Nethedjet Imyramesha (III)
Imyramesha (IV)
Figure 1.
Vienna ÄS 160 [17]: Genealogy of Weremerutef (I) and Imyramesha (I).
On the selected stelae, the number of Asiatic men and women mentioned is almost equal: approximately 52% are male and 48% are female. As always, it is important to note the fragmentary nature of the evidence itself, particularly as a small percentage of it actually survives the passage of time.41 The presence of variability and the possibility that the excavated evidence only concerns a small percentage of the entire population should also be recognised.42 Nevertheless, such findings considerably differ from the 90% male and 10% female attestations calculated for Asiatics in el-Lahun papyri of the Middle Kingdom.43 One explanation may lie in the fragility of the papyri compared to that of the stelae, the latter being more likely to survive. Another may be sought in the sites themselves: the el-Lahun papyri mainly concern individuals living/working in the settlement's immediate vicinity while the stelae could belong to individuals from across Egypt. Furthermore, the elLahun papyri are of a variety of textual genres (letters, accounts, legal texts, hymns, etc.) and thus for a range of purposes, contrary to the stelae's predominantly funerary function, so the individuals listed in the stelae may not warrant mention in the el-Lahun papyri and vice versa. Despite the differences, such interpretations highlight the value of the Abydos stelae which offer a 43
BACE 24 (2013) sampling of individuals of Asiatic ancestry linked to a range of professions in Egyptian society. Foreign affairs: Asiatics outside the borders of Egypt Five stelae address foreign relations between the Egyptian administration and Levantine groups. Four of these concern the Egyptian army, three of which note possible military encounters against foreigners (Louvre C1 [1], CG 20539 [2], Manchester 3306 [5]) while one presents an 'overseer of the army' as an individual of Asiatic descent (CG 20650 [33]). The stela of general44 Nesumontu (Louvre C1 [1]) has been utilized as evidence for military action against Levantine fortresses during Amenemhat I's reign;45 however the damaged text does not specify the location of the enclosures, merely expressing Nesumontu's victory over the xnr.wt of the Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw and @r.yw-Sa. So, the xnr.wt could be enclosures within Egypt, the Eastern Desert or the Sinai region.46 Montuhetep's bellicose epithet [2] focuses on the vizier's control over the @r.yw-Sa and %t.(t)yw during Senwosret I's reign. Khusebek, by contrast [5], relays his personal encounter against one aAm in an event which most certainly transpired following Senwosret III's visit to the Levant, the last military campaign recorded on a monument from Abydos. As the text recounts, Senwosret III and Khusebek marched47 northwards towards ¤t.t specifically to overthrow the MnTw. The expedition reached ¤kmm after which it turned back for an unspecified reason, probably an unsuccessful military venture.48 Because the text lacks any clear outline of the venture's progress, it is likely that such a description was not necessary for inclusion in Khusebek's stela. On the contrary, the focal point seems to be the official's own contribution to the expedition,49 amplifying Khusebek's personal achievements and his perspective on the unfolding events. Thus, the first lines function to set the scene, purposely overlooking the pharaoh's exploits at ¤t.t, ¤kmm and RTnw and only noting that the latter two 'fell'50 following the Majesty's return trip to the Residence. Then, Khusebek relays his experience in a skirmish against the aAm.w, when, fulfilling his duty as a courageous rearguard, he fought victoriously against one aAm and was consequently rewarded with weapons.51 Khusebek's account insinuates that the Egyptian army traversed through the Levant up to ¤kmm, near RTnw, providing evidence for both Senwosret III's political interests in this region as well as the often violent nature of Egyptian-Levantine relations during the Twelfth Dynasty. It is, therefore, of social and political importance that a aAm descendent could reach the position of an 'overseer of the army' (CG 20650 [33]), signalling the acceptance of such individuals not only within Egyptian society and administration but also in the military. 44
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS An allusion to trade relations with the Northern Levant is supplied by BM EA 428 [15] in which a 'hall-keeper of (goods from) Kpny' is listed. The title emphasises that trade with the coastal city of Byblos would have been on such frequent terms during the mid-Thirteenth Dynasty as to warrant the appointment of this individual.52 His inclusion among a treasurer's list of officials further highlights the association of trade with members of the elite. Interestingly, this association is also reflected in archaeological markers for contact with the Levant at Abydos. Archaeological markers The adoption of Egyptian customs by Levantine descendants hints that the archaeological record may not reveal the full extent of Asiatic presence at Abydos. There are a few markers of possible contact, two of which are indicative of trade and a third possibly connected to a growing Levantine influence in Egypt. The first is an anchor axe-head from Twelfth Dynasty Tomb 51 (?) at Abydos.53 The bronze weapon is a precursor to the Early Bronze Age IV (EBIV) and Middle Bronze Age IIA (MBIIA) fenestrated eye and duckbill shapes, with two open sockets and a knob in the centre.54 Parallels derive from such Northern Levantine sites as Ur (Middle to Late Akkadian Period),55 Tell Qarqur (EBIV)56 and Byblos (MBIIA),57 as well as a First Intermediate Period tomb at Helwan.58 So, the axe-head may be an imported, perhaps prestige, item from the Northern Levant. The second marker is characterised by four fragments of Tell el-Yahudiyah ware uncovered in tombs assigned to Second Intermediate Period contexts.59 These include a piriform jug from Tomb B13 with parallels from MBII Byblos, Jericho and Tell el-Dab'a strata F–E/2;60 a biconical jug from Tomb 21 with similar ware from Tell el-Dab'a strata E/2–D/1;61 and a fragment of a vessel's shoulder decorated with lotus petals from Tomb D11, apparently dated to the Seventeenth Dynasty.62 The Tell el-Yahudiyah ware, particularly the piriform and biconical jugs, can be stylistically dated between the second half of the Thirteenth Dynasty and the Fifteenth Dynasty, indicating some relations between Abydos and the north. The third artefact is an ivory sphinx figurine from Shaft Tomb 477. Identified as a portrayal of a Fifteenth Dynasty king, namely Khayan,63 the item comprises of the forepart of a sphinx holding the head of an Egyptian64 between its paws. The sphinx's head is crowned with a nemes headdress and a uraeus. Facial characteristics include large ears, almond-shaped eyes slanting in towards an aquiline, curved nose, and straight, thick lips. These elements, especially the nose, have directed scholars to interpret the face as that of an Asiatic;65 however, it has been suggested that the sphinx represents Senwosret I,66 45
BACE 24 (2013) despite the scanty comparative material.67 The context does not allow for a concrete date: the shaft's excavation is not fully published and accompanying objects from 477 as well as the two adjoining shafts, 476 and 478, have been assigned to the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, with notes of secondary usage and disturbed contexts.68 From the context, one can only conclude that the shaft belonged to middle or high ranking individual(s). As for the artefact's function, two peg-holes in the underside suggest that it was a fixture, perhaps for a box or a piece of furniture.69 Accordingly, the available material does not allow for the identification of the sphinx as a Twelfth Dynasty king nor as a Hyksos ruler. It is worthy of note that the shape of the nose and the eyes is more akin to foreign, north-eastern characteristics.70 But, rather than classifying such features as those of a foreign king, perhaps they can be viewed as an artistic fusion of Egyptian royal symbols with Asiatic elements. Subsequently, the hybrid representation may not necessarily depict a pharaoh's own mixed ancestry; it could also denote an artist's attempt to portray the king with a more heterogeneous character,71 probably by or for multi-ethnic followers. In view of the Asiatic population in Egypt, as well as their presence among varying levels of society as witnessed in the Abydos stelae, both cases are possible but more likely in the late Twelfth Dynasty to Second Intermediate Period. Combined, the archaeological material at Abydos is largely related to middle or high ranking individuals, adding a possible prestige function for the axe. The Tell el-Yahudiyah vessels signify the continuance of Second Intermediate Period contact with the north while the ivory sphinx indicates possible influences on Pharaonic art. Such reflections agree with the data gathered from the stelae, denoting that at least the middle to high echelons of the Egyptian population at Abydos were familiar with some aspects of Levantine culture between the Twelfth Dynasty and the early Second Intermediate Period. Conclusions The examined texts present substantial evidence on the status of Asiatics within Egyptian society. They illustrate: (1) A slight increase in the number of Asiatics during the Thirteenth Dynasty and early Second Intermediate Period, perhaps resulting in 'hybrid' artistic fusions reaching Abydos; (2) The presence of Asiatics, both male and female, working and living among Egyptians of mid to high social rank; (3) The acceptance of Asiatics in the social, administrative and military spheres; (4) Asiatics partaking in Egyptian religious duties and daily activities; 46
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS (5) The artistic representations of Asiatics as Egyptians; (6) A lack of bellicose representations of Asiatics after Senwosret III's reign; and (7) The elite's control of trade with the north, particularly the Northern Levant, during the Thirteenth Dynasty. Abydos was certainly accessible to Asiatics, a few of whom placed their own stelae at the site following popular Egyptian traditions. They were employed within the Egyptian administration, holding titles involved with private households as well as the local administration and workforce. Some may have also resided in Egypt for over three generations, adopting particular aspects of the Egyptian culture and intermingling with the local population without abandoning their own ancestry. The Egyptians accepted the foreign lineage of their neighbours and did not represent them in a derogatory way. Despite records of conflict over the borders, the situation within Egypt marks mutual work and familial relations. Descendants of Asiatics were recognised for their contributions and were most probably encountered on a daily basis, in typical situations and, at the very least, by middle to high ranking individuals within Egypt as far south as Abydos. Therefore, the stelae convey considerable data on the rising status and recognition of the Asiatic population, noting that, in the time preceding the rise of the Hyksos, Abydos was more than familiar with Asiatic descendents – it was also visited by them.
47
BACE 24 (2013) STELA 1 LOUVRE C1
2 CG 20539 3 CG 20296
STELA FOR …
ASIATIC(S)* DEPICTION / MENTION OF ASIATIC(S)
Count, Overseer of the Army, 3 groups: Iwn.tyw, Nesumontu MnTw.tyw, @r.yw-Sa Vizier, Treasurer, 2 groups: @r.yw-Sa, Montuhetep %t.(t)yw Overseer of tenant farmers, 4 x m Seneb (father of Iunefert, Rio 627) Overseer of a/the storehouse, 2 x m Senwosret‐Iunefert
4 RIO DE JANEIRO 627 [2419, NO. 1] 5 MANCHESTER Great Attendant of the City, 2 groups: MnTw 3306 Khusebek aAm.w 6 CG 20231
Scribe of the Outer Chamber, 1 x m Senebi 7 FITZWILLIAM Steward of Divine Offerings, 2 x m E.207.1900 Amenemhat, Nebwy
text separated from main text describing Asiatics as destroyed targets in a sequence of phrases concerning the control over foreigners in list of individuals (household members?)
one as Egyptian, kneeling; the other in list of individuals as son of Senwosret‐Iunofert and a woman of Asiatic descent text separated from main text; conjectured to have been inscribed either first or last; royal military activity against %kmm and RTnw and personal success against aAm as Egyptian, seated among officials as Egyptians, standing: carrying an ox leg before offering table; carrying a bundle of lotus and baskets of fowl
8 LIVERPOOL E.30
Regulator of a phyle, Amenyseneb
9 VIENNA ÄS 204
Great Attendant of the City, 1 x m Sarerut
as Egyptian, seated among individuals (household members?); described as 'brother'; unclear to whom he is related or whether his mother or father is of Asiatic descent. If it is the father, then Sarerut also had Asiatic ancestry.
10 CG 20125 11 CG 20421
Senwosret Senwosret
in list of family relatives in list of individuals (household members?)
12 VIENNA ÄS 169 13 VIENNA ÄS 99
Kheperkara and Kuki
3 x m 1 x f
1 x f 5 x m 2 x f 1 x f
Overseer of a law‐court, Khentykhetyhetep
1 x f
14 VIENNA ÄS 186 (SHRINE)
Overseer of a half‐gang of stone‐masons, Hori
3 x f
15 BM EA 428 16 VIENNA ÄS 143 17 VIENNA ÄS 160
Treasurer, Senbi Chamberlain of the private apartments, Titi and others Hall‐keeper and butler, Wermerutef and Hall‐keeper of the palace, Imyramesha
‐ 2 x f
18 CG 20281
Rekhtyhetep
19 MARSEILLE 227
Chief steward of the great house, Renseneb
8 x m 4 x f
1 x f
3 x m 3 x f
48
as Egyptians: straining liquid into a jar, pouring beer into a jar, grinding grain, sowing seed
as Egyptian, seated behind her husband, Weren‐ Her at an offering table in list of individuals; daughter of Khentykhety‐ hetep’s wife Kui; paternal parentage not recorded; 5 step(?)‐brothers and 2 step(?)‐sisters listed, but with no identifiable foreign ancestry in list of individuals; Ni‐Heru's title and name are written in the same designated rectangle as Wepwawethetep, perhaps signifying some relation in title related to Kpny in list of individuals (household members?) stela of brothers of Asiatic descent (genealogy, see Fig. 1); immediate family members noted to be of Asiatic descent; all as Egyptians; 20 further individuals not directly linked to the family also listed as Egyptian, seated; probably connected with CG 20062 in list of individuals (household members?)
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS 20 CG 20028
Keshu
2 x f
21 CG 20062
Panetyn
1 x m
22 CG 20103
Bedjetynshema‐ankhu
1 x m
23 CG 20114
Bedjetysenyseneb
1 x m
Mereret's daughter as an Egyptian; other in list of individuals as Egyptian, seated in a row of relatives (?); probable connection to CG 20281 as Egyptian, behind son of Bedjetynshema‐ankhu; pronoun (aAm=f ) refers to the son or father in complicated list of family relatives
24 CG 20119
1 x f (?)
as Egyptian kneeling; reading of aAm.t uncertain
25 CG 20158
Keeper of a property, Nehnen Steward, Neferrudj
1 x f
26 CG 20164
Sebekhetep
1 x f
as Egyptian, standing, carrying basket in left hand and a rope with hanging vessel in her right as Egyptian standing, carrying basket on her head
27 CG 20227
3 x f
in list of individuals (household members?)
1 x m
in list of individuals (household members?)
1 x m
as Egyptian, seated before offering table
30 CG 50549
Overseer of fields, Antyhetep Steward of divine offerings Sebekhetep Magnate of the southern tens, Nehy Steward, Wahka
5 x f
31 CG 20550
Steward, Sebekaa
2 x f
32 CG 20571
Chamberlain of the bureau of the overseer of the treasury, Remnyankh Overseer of the army, Nehai unknown
1 x m
aAm.t as standing Egyptian bringing offerings to Wahka; others as Egyptian girls, standing behind Wahka's wives (?) as Egyptians: Sebekhotep, standing, basket on head, jug and lotus in left hand; Sebekaa, kneeling, basket on head, fowl in right hand as Egyptian, offering an ox leg
28 CG 20392 29 CG 20520
33 CG20650 34 U. PENN. 69‐29‐56
Member of the foremen, 35 RIO DE JANEIRO 680 Karu [NO. 21]
2 x m 4 x f 1 x m
stela of individual of Asiatic descent; most, if not all, people in list noted to be of Asiatic descent in list of individuals (household members?); as Egyptian, seated
2 x m
apr as Egyptian; name and title of &wty appear near figure of apr
* Terms designating groups of Asiatic foreigners are supplied and individuals are labelled either as m (male) or f (female); numbers do not include Asiatic parents.
Table 1.
Overview: stelae from Abydos mentioning Asiatics.
SELECTION OF REFERENCES FOR TABLE 1 1 2 3 4
Sethe, Ägyptische Lesestücke, 82 [12–15]; Simpson, The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13 (New Haven / Philadelphia, 1974) pl. 14 [6.2]; Obsomer, in: RdE 44 (1993) 103–140. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs im Museum von Kairo, I–IV (Cairo, 1902–1908) II: 150–58, IV: pl. 41. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 309–10; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 40– 41. Kitchen, Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro (Warminster, 1990) I: 14–22; II: pls. 1–2; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 68–69.
49
BACE 24 (2013) 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19
20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35
Garstang, El-Arábah, 6, 32–34, pls. 4–5; Peet, The Stela of Sebek-Khu. The Earliest Record of an Egyptian Campaign in Asia (Manchester, 1914) 5, pls. 1–2; Sethe, Lesestücke, 83 [8– 15]; Baines, in: Form und Mass, 43–61, pl. 1. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 250–252, IV: pl. 18; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 39. Garstang, El-Arábah, 33–34, pl. 6; Bourriau, Pharoahs and Mortals, 50–51 [39]. Kitchen, in: JEA 47 (1961) 10–18; Kitchen, in: JEA 48 (1962) 159–160; Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 60–63 [48]; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 52. Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches I: 162–67; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 77, 80–81. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 147–48; IV: pl. 11; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 38. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 16–17; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 43–44. Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 87–93; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 79– 80. Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 28–32; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 77. Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 111–27; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 80 Peet, Abydos II: 111, fig. 65, pl. 23 [3]; Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, 27–28 [1.4]. Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches I, 68–74; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 78. Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 79–86; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 78–79. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 295–97, IV: pl. 20; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 40. Maspero, "Monument égyptiens du Musée de Marseille", in: Rec Trav 13 (1890) 116–17 [27]; Satzinger / Stefanović, "The Domestic Servant of the Palace rn-snb", in: Bechtold / Gulyàs / Hasznos (eds.), From Illahun to Djeme: Papers Presented in Honour of Ulrich Luft, BAR Int. Ser. 2311 (Oxford, 2011) 241–45; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 58. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 36–37, IV: pl. 3; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 36. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 75–77; IV: pl. 6; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 37. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 125–27; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 37. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 136–37; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 37. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 141–43; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 38. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 185–86; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 38. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 195–97, IV: pl. 14; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 38–39. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 246–47; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 39. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 388–89, IV: pl. 28; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 41–42. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 116–22, IV: pl. 36; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 44–45. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 177–79; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 45. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 179–81, IV: pl. 43; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 45–46. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 209–11, IV: pl. 46; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 46. Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 284–85; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 46. Simpson, Inscribed Material from the Pennsylvania Yale Excavations at Abydos, Publications of the Pennsylvania–Yale Expedition to Egypt 6 (New Haven / Philadelphia, 1995) 40–41, fig. 67, pl. 8 [d]; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 68. Kitchen, Catalogue I: 64–67, II: pl. 45; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 69–70.
50
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS
* 1 2
3 4
5
6
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Professor Naguib Kanawati and Associate Professor Boyo Ockinga for their valuable and constructive comments regarding this article. Manetho, Aegyptiaca, frag. 42, 1.75–1.76, in W.G. Waddell (ed.), Manetho, Loeb Classical Library 350 (Cambridge, 1971) 79. See, for instance, T. Säve-Söderbergh, "The Hykos Rule in Egypt" in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 37 (1951) 53–71; J. van Seters, The Hyksos: A New Investigation (New Haven / London, 1966); M. Bietak, Avaris: The Capital of the Hyksos. Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab'a (London, 1996); M. Bietak, "From Where Came the Hyksos and Where did they Go?" in: M. Marée (ed.), The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth to Seventeenth Dynasties): Current Research, Future Prospects (Leuven / Paris / Walpole, 2010) 139–81. For supporters of a violent takeover, see H.E. Winlock, The Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom in Thebes (New York, 1947) 96–97; D. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times (Princeton, 1992) 98–06. I am currently conducting PhD research investigating in detail the evidence on this topic from across Egypt. For example, Bietak, in: Second Intermediate Period, 139–81; J. Bourriau, "The Second Intermediate Period (c. 1650–1550 B.C.)" in: I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 32003) 172–206; T. Schneider, "Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period", in: E. Hornung / R. Krauss / D.A. Warburton (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Chronology (Leiden / Boston, 2006) 168–96; T. Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten während des Mittleren Reiches und der Hyksoszeit II: Die ausländische Bevölkerung, Ägypten und Altes Testament 42 (Wiesbaden, 1998–2002). Although different in its approach, Schneider's monograph presents a significant contribution to the study of Asiatics within Egypt, investigating references to a range of foreigners amid the available textual material from the Twelfth to Fifteenth Dynasties. B. Porter / R. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings V (reprint, Oxford, 1962) 39–105; J. Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt: Mortuary Landscapes of the Middle Kingdom (Cambridge, 2005) 129–31; W. Grajetzki, The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt: History, Archaeology and Society (London, 2006) 95–97; M.D. Adams, "Community and Societal Organization in Early Historic Egypt. Introductory Report on 1991–92 Fieldwork Conducted at the Abydos Settlement Site" in: Newsletter of the American Research Center in Egypt 158/189 (1992) 1–9; J. Wegner, "Excavations at the Town of Enduring-are-the-Places-of-Khakaure-MaaKheru-in-Abydos. A Preliminary Report on the 1994 and 1997 Seasons" in: Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 35 (1998) 1–44; J. Wegner, "The Town of Wah-sut at South Abydos: 1999 Excavations", in: Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts Kairo 57 (2001) 281–308. Kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty and the Second Intermediate Period may have also been buried at Abydos: Richards, Society and Death, 131–36, 169–72; E. Ayrton / C. Currelly / A. Weigall, Abydos III (London, 1904) 11–34; J. Wegner, "The 51
BACE 24 (2013)
7 8 9
10
11
12
13
14
Organization of the Temple NFR-KA of Senwosret III at Abydos" in: Ägypten und Levante 10 (2000) 83–125; J. Wegner, The Mortuary Temple of Senwosret III at Abydos, Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt 8 (New Haven / Philadelphia, 2007); J. Wegner, "The Tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos: Considerations on the Origins and Development of the Royal Amduat-Tomb", in: D.P. Silverman / W.K. Simpson / J. Wegner (eds.), Archaism and Innovation: Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt (New Haven and Philadelphia, 2009) 103–68; Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, 95–97. Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, 95. The shrine is considered in the group's identification as 'stelae' from henceforth. For the issues and proposed developments in the epigraphy of stelae, see C.J.C. Bennett, "Growth of the Htp-Dj-nsw Formula in the Middle Kingdom" in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 27 (1941) 77–82; D. Franke, "The Middle Kingdom Offering Formulas – A Challenge", in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 89 (2003) 39–57; W. Barta, Aufbau und Bedeutung der altägyptischen Opferformel, Ägyptologische Forschungen 24 (Glückstadt, 1968) 43–84; A. Ilin-Tomich, "Changes in the Htp-Dj-nsw Formula in the Late Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period" in: Zeitschrift für ägyptische und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft 138 (2011) 20–34. The term does not only refer to individuals. It could also be employed to refer to an object of Asiatic origin/resemblance or to an Egyptian with Asiatic features. Yet, the majority of Old and Middle Kingdom references seem to refer to people of Levantine ancestry. As Luft writes, "the only acceptable starting point to search for Asiatics in the Egyptian material is the use of aAm before the name". See Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 7; U. Luft, "Asiatics in Illahun: A Preliminary Report" in: Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia Atti II (Turin, 1993) 292. The stela opens with the titulary of both Amenemhat I and Senwosret I, leading scholars to postulate a possible co-regency between the two. Some consequently assign the events to the period of co-regency, or Year 4 of Senwosret I's reign. J.H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt I: The First to the Seventeenth Dynasties (Chicago, 1906) 227; G. Posener, Littérature et politique dans l'Égypte de la XIIe dynastie (Paris, 1969) 54, 66; D. Wildung, "Ein Würfelhocker des Generals NesMonth" in: Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts Kairo 37 (1981) 507; C. Obsomer, "La Date de Nésou-Montou (Louvre C1)" in: Revue d'égyptologie 44 (1993) 103–40; A.J. Spalinger, "Orientations on Sinuhe" in: Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 25 (1998) 318. Berman translates it as 'wolves': L.M. Berman, Amenemhet I (PhD Thesis: Yale University, 1985) 109. The expression iri n 'born to' may also be translated as a perfective relative form iri.n 'whom has conceived'. The same is the case with msi n which is similarly translated in this article as 'born to' rather than the equally correct msi.n 'whom has engendered'. Perhaps the name is of foreign origin: H. Ranke, Die Ägyptischen Personennamen I (Glückstadt, 1935) 59 [12]. 52
MOURAD, ASIATICS AND ABYDOS
15
16
17
18 19 20
21
22
Rio de Janeiro 627 [4] is cited as the only reference for this name in Ranke, Personennamen I, 350 [22]. Kitchen prefers an Egyptian derivative, translating it as 'the lame' rather than a Semitic origin with relation to gba 'tall': K.A. Kitchen, "Early Canaanites in Rio De Janeiro and a 'Corrupt' Ramesside Land-Sale" in: S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies in Egyptology: Presented to Miriam Lichtheim II (Jerusalem, 1990) 638–639, ns. 20–21. Possibly relating to the Semitic ummi 'my mother': Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 638, n. 19; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 131; T. Schneider, Asiatische Personennamen in ägyptischen Quellen des Neuen Reiches, Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 114 (Gottingen, 1992) 20 [22]. For Egyptian attestations, see Ranke, Personennamen I, 25 [17]. Ranke, Personennamen I, 231 [4]; K.A. Kitchen, "Non-Egyptians recorded on Middle Kingdom Stelae in Rio de Janeiro", in: S. Quirke (ed.), Middle Kingdom Studies (New Malden, 1991) 88. The reading could also be amaA 'throw-stick' or, as Goedicke suggests, sTn 'support'. H. Goedicke, "Khu-u-Sobek's Fight in 'Asia'", in: Ägypten und Levante 7 (1998) 36. See Wb 2, 170 [6]. Garstang and Sethe end the term with two quail chicks (G43), however the reading is uncertain: J. Garstang, El-Arábah: A Cemetery of the Middle Kingdom Survey of the Old Kingdom Temenos Graffiti from the Temple of Sety (London, 1901) pl. 5; K. Sethe, Ägyptische Lesestücke (Leipzig, 1924) 83 [15]; J. Baines, "The Stela of Khusobek: Private and Royal Military Narrative and Values", in: J. Osing / G. Dreyer (eds.), Form und Mass: Beiträge zur Literatur, Sprache und Kunst des alten Ägypten. Festschrift für Gerhard Fecht zum 65. Geburtstag am 6. Februar 1987 (Wiesbaden, 1987) 52 [rr]. Postulated to be the city of Shechem, although the determinative as well as the preceding word point to a regional designate. For a similar toponym, see E6 of the Saqqara Execration Texts. Goedicke, in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 34–35; G. Posener, Princes et Pays d'Asie et de Nubie. Textes Hiératiques sur des Figurines d'Envoûtement du Moyen Empire (Brussels, 1940) 68; S. Aḥituv, Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents (Jerusalem, 1984) 173–74; Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel, 76; T.L. Thompson, The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives: The Quest for the Historical Abraham (Harrisburg, 2003) 132; S.L. Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections: The Relationship of Middle Bronze IIA Canaan to Middle Kingdom Egypt, Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 3 (Indiana, 2002) 46–47, n. 59. For Xnw's identification as the Residence, see Baines, in: Form und Mass, 51 [dd]. A different interpretation recognises Xnw as the citadel at %kmm, with the ensuing anx(.w) (w)DA(.w) s(nb.w) formula referring back to the majesty. As Baines writes, the formula typically follows Hm=f rather than Xnw. The term Xnw is also used twice in other sections of the stela to refer to Egyptian men of the Xnw, thereby most likely pointing to the Egyptian Residence rather than that of %kmm. Goedicke, in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 35; R. Gundlach, Die Zwangsumsiedlung auswärtiger Bevölkerung als Mittel ägyptische Politik bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches 53
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23 24 25
26 27 28
29
30 31 32
33
34 35
36
37
38
(Stuttgart, 1994) 172. Goedicke translates the expression as "when %kmm withstood – it and RTnw will fall": Goedicke, in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 35. For this expression, see Baines, in: Form und Mass, 52 [ll]. Possibly connected to a household listed in Stela Turin 98 (1629) dating to Sebekhetep IV's reign. Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 77, 80–81. Either her name or appellation. See n. 13 above. Identified as Byblos. The title is also attested on an unprovenanced stela currently at University College Dublin (UC 1360) dated to the late Middle Kingdom. W. Grajetzki, Two Treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom, BAR International Series 1007 (Oxford, 2001) 27–28 [1.4]; Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, 71; S. Quirke, "Six Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in University College Dublin" in: Revue d'égyptologie 51 (2000) 223–51; S. Quirke, Title and Bureaux of Egypt 1850-1700 BC (London, 2004) 71. The name is not attested in Ranke, Personennamen I, but derives from the Egyptian title 'overseer of the army'. Its usage here as a name is supported by its position on the stela, which is comparable to the mirrored offering formula, title and name of Imyramesha's brother, Wermerutef (lines 1-3a). Schneider reads the name as &pH-wn=f: Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 37. As the two halves of the name are on separate lines, they could belong to two separate individuals. Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 37. The sequence could also be translated as iri n Pr.ty-ityti sA=s NHy 'born to Pertyityti; her son Nehy'. Nehy would then have two mothers (Perty-ityti and aAm.t Qasenu), though the addition of the feminine .t in aAm may be a scribal error. The name NHy could additionally be rendered as %A-%nhy or %nHy, which is favoured here. Alternatively, the addition of a suffix-pronoun may refer to a different individual, Ityti (see above, n. 31). Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 37. It-n-Xrd could also be the name of the individual, but it is unattested in Ranke, Personennamen I. While the placement of aAm after this rare name is uncommon, it is not unattested (see CG 20571 [32] for an example). aAm.t could either be a name or part of the nomens regens of a direct genitive in 'aAm.t of Wahka', as Wahka is also the name of the stela's dedicator. The name is most possibly of Semitic origin. Kitchen, in: Middle Kingdom Studies, 89; Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 637–38; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 141; Ranke, Personennamen I, 60 [12]. The name is possibly of Semitic origin. Ranke, Personennamen I, 20 [5–10]; Kitchen, in: Middle Kingdom Studies, 89; Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 638; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 125–26. The name is most possibly of Semitic origin. Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 172; Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 636–37; Kitchen, in: Middle Kingdom Studies, 88–89; Schneider, Asiatische Personennamen, 243–44 [521]. ai in CG 20296 [2], Gbgb and his mother Imi in Rio de Janeiro 627 [4], as well as Ibi and &wty in Rio de Janeiro 680 [35]. 54
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40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49 50
Foreigners of the south may have also experienced the same treatment. For more discussion and a perusal of the textual evidence mentioning southerners, see Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 82–108. Previously postulated to be three generations; a re-reading of the text suggests that the repetition of particular names denotes different individuals. As such, five generations are proposed here: I. Hein / H. Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II, Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacum Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien Lieferung 7 (Mainz am Rhein, 1993) 82; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 79, 308. D. Clarke, "Archaeology: The Loss of Innocence" in: Antiquity 47 (1973) 16; C. Renfrew / P. Bahn, Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practices (London, 2008) 54–72. D. O'Connor, "A Regional Population in Egypt to circa 600 BC" in: B. Spooner (ed.), Population Growth: Anthropological Implications (Cambridge, 1972) 81–83; J. Baines / C. Eyre, "Four Notes on Literacy" in: Gottinger Miszellen 61 (1983) 65– 67; J. Baines / P. Lacovara, "Burial and the Dead in Ancient Egyptian Society: Respect, Formalism, Neglect" in: Journal of Social Archaeology 2 (2002) 12; Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt, 66. M. Petrik, "Foreign Groups at Lahun during the Late Middle Kingdom" in: E. Bechtold / A. Gulyàs / A. Hasznos (eds.), From Illahun to Djeme: Papers Presented in Honour of Ulrich Luft, British Archaeological Reports International Series 2311 (Oxford, 2011) 213. Another statue of Nesumontu distinguishes him as "the very great general of the entire land" or "generalissimo": Wildung, in: MDAIK 37 (1981) 503–07; Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 38, n. 39. Kemp writes that "when the Egyptians refer to or depict foreign fortresses, we should understand nothing less than the fortified cities of Early and Middle Bronze Age Palestine": B.J. Kemp, "Old Kingdom, Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period c. 2686–1552 BC" in: B.G. Trigger et. al. (eds.), Ancient Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge, 1983) 143; Redford, Egypt, Canaan and Israel, 77, 82; Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 38; M. Bárta, Sinuhe, the Bible, and the Patriarchs (Prague, 2003) 105. Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 38. For more on the term xnr.wt, see S. Quirke, "A Reconsideration of the Term xnrt", in: Revue d'égyptologie 39 (1988) 83–106. Both spr and wDA of line C.1 are determined by , most probably indicating that the army travelled by foot: J.W. Wells, War in Ancient Egypt (PhD Thesis: Johns Hopkins University, 1995) 133–34. Some have posited that the king led an unsuccessful siege against ¤kmm, despite the lack of details and the identification of the toponym as a region rather than a fortified settlement. See n. 21 above; Goedicke, in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 35; Bárta, Sinuhe, the Bible, and the Patriarchs, 127–28. Baines, in: Form und Mass, 59–61. A militaristic meaning to the term interprets it as 'to withstand' an attack or 'to fall' upon or ambush the Egyptians – both usages being uncommon in earlier military 55
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54
55
56
57
58 59
narratives. Delia writes that the return of the Egyptians might have been either an act of retreat, with the Egyptians falling prey to a surprise attack, or a military strategy, with the king luring the Asiatics to attack: R.D. Delia, A Study of the Reign of Senwosret III (PhD Thesis: Columbia University, 1980) 119; Baines, in: Form und Mass, 51 [ee]; Goedicke, in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 35; Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 47. Perhaps of his victim. For a similar case, see Quirke, in: RdE 51 (2000) 229–30. Petrie notes that the axe was uncovered in Tomb 30b; however the plate labels the axe as part of Tomb 51's assemblage; in another report, Sebelien places the artefact in Tomb 51; W.M.F. Petrie, Tombs of the Courtiers and Oxyrhynkhos (London, 1925) 6, pl. 5 [28]; J. Sebelien, "Early Copper and its Alloys" in: Ancient Egypt (1924) 6–15. R. Maxwell-Hyslop, "Western Asiatic Shaft-hole Axes" in: Iraq 11 (1949) 118–19; J.N. Tubb, "A Crescentic Axehead from Amarna (Syria) and an Examination of Similar Axeheads from the Near East" in: Iraq 44/1 (1982) 1; G. Gernez, "Metal Weapons and Cultural Transformations" in: H. Kühne, / R. Czichon / F. Janoscha Kreppner (eds.), Proceedings of the 4th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, Berlin, March 29th–April 3rd, 2004 (Wiesbaden, 2008) 131; G. Gernez, L'armement en métal au Proche et MoyenOrient. Des origines à 1750 av. J.-C. I (PhD Thesis: Université de Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2007) 203–06. L. Woolley, Ur Excavations II: The Royal Cemetery. A Report on the Predynastic and Sargonid Graves Excavated Between 1926 and 1931 (London / Philadelphia, 1934) pl. 224 [U. 9687]; Tubb, Iraq 44/1 (1982) 1–2; Gernez, L'armament en métal I, 204. R.H. Dornemann, "Seven Seasons of ASOR Excavations at Tell Qarqur, Syria, 1993–1999" in: N. Lapp (ed.), Preliminary Excavation Reports and Other Archaeological Investigations: Tell Qarqur, Iron I Sites in the North-Central Highlands of Palestine (Boston, 2003) figs. 189–90; R.H. Dornemann, "Current Thoughts on the Transition from Early Bronze Age to Middle Bronze Age at Tell Qarqur" in: P. Matthiae (ed.), Proceedings of the 6th International Congress of the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East II: Excavations, Surveys and Restorations: Reports on Recent Field Archaeology in the Near East (Wiesbaden, 2010) 141; Gernez, L'armament en métal I, 204. The axe's findspot at Byblos does not provide a clear date, but based on the accompanying cartouche of Neferhetep, a terminus post quem of the Thirteenth Dynasty or MBIIA is suggested. A mould for casting anchor axes was also uncovered at Byblos. M. Dunand, Fouilles de Byblos I: 1926–1932 (Paris, 1939) 197, pl. 96 [3070]; vol. II: 1933–1938 (Paris, 1954) 20, fig. 17. Z. Saad, Royal Excavations at Sakkara and Helwan, Supplément aux ASAE 3 (Cairo, 1947) 173, pl. 88. Two further vessels were unearthed in Tombs D114 and E10, both of which included material of the Eighteenth Dynasty. The New Kingdom settlement 56
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60
61
62
63
64
65 66 67
68 69 70
additionally comprised of Tell el-Yahudiyah ware. T.E. Peet / W.L.S. Loat, The Cemeteries of Abydos III: 1912–1913 (London, 1913) pl. 12 [4]; Garstang, ElArábah, 28–29, pl. 17; K.O. Eriksson, The Creative Independence of Late Bronze Age Cyprus, Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 10 (Vienna, 2007) 172–73; D.A. Aston / M. Bietak, Tell el Dab'a VIII: The Tell elYahudiya Ware and its Classification, Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes 12 (Vienna, 2012) 556; M.F. Kaplan, The Origin and Distribution of Tell el Yahudiyeh Ware, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 62 (Gothenburg, 1980) 80–81, figs. 13[e], 87[b], 133 [v]. Aston / Bietak's Levanto-Egyptian Type I.3.1c. T.E. Peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos II: 1911–1912 (London, 1914) 57–58, 68–69, pl. 13 [8]; Kaplan, Tell el Yahudiyeh Ware, fig. 33 [b]; P. Montet, Byblos et L'Égypte: Quatre campaigne de fouilles a Gebeil 1921-1922-1923-1924 (Paris, 1928) 245, pl. 146; K.M. Kenyon, Excavations at Jericho I (London, 1960) 315–30, fig. 122 [15]. For further parallels see Aston / Bietak, TeD VIII, 152–69, figs. 102, 104. Aston / Bietak's Levanto-Egyptian Type L.5.3a; D. Randall-MacIver / A.C. Mace, El Amrah and Abydos 1899–1901 (London, 1902) 92, 98, pl. 54 [13]; Aston and Bietak, TeD VIII, 231, figs. 162–164, 167; Kaplan, Tell el Yahudiyeh Ware, fig. 97 [b]. Aston / Bietak's Levanto-Egyptian Vessels with Naturalistic Designs. The excavation report does not include a full corpus of items uncovered in the tomb, restricting further analysis on the tomb's suggested date. Randall-MacIver / Mace, Abydos, 97, pl. 2; Aston / Bietak, TeD VIII, 200, 376–381; Kaplan, Tell elYahudiyeh Ware, fig. 126 [i]. British Museum no. 54678; J. Garstang, "An Ivory Sphinx from Abydos (British Museum, No. 54678)" in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 14/1 (1928) 46–47; Säve-Soderbergh, in: JEA 37 (1951) 66. The captive could also be Nubian; M. Marée, "Forepart of a Sphinx holding a Captive (Cat. Number 97)", in: C. Ziegler (ed.), The Pharaohs (London, 2002) 426 [97]. Garstang, in: JEA 14/1 (1928) 46–47. J. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals. Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom (Cambridge, New York, 1988) 136–38 [138]. Bourriau refers to a Berlin statue of Senwosret I with a similar headdress and facial features. While these elements are akin to those of the ivory sphinx, Bourriau correctly notes that the nose and the slant of the eyes are dissimilar. She then compares the nose to a personification of Lower Egypt represented with the king's facial characteristics, as depicted on the base of Senwosret I's thrones. Yet, the figures do not provide close parallels for the slanting eyes and curved nose of the ivory sphinx. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 138 with references. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 137–38; Garstang, in: JEA 14/1 (1928) 46–47. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 137–38. For example, the eyes of a wooden statuette from Dahshur and the Asiatics' noses in Khnumhetep II's tomb, Beni Hassan. J. Morgan, Fouilles à Dahchour I (Vienna, 57
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1895) figs. 270, 274; P.E. Newberry, Beni Hasan I (London, 1893) pl. 31; C. Booth, The Role of Foreigners in Ancient Egypt: A Study of Non-Stereotypical Artistic Representations, BAR International Series 1426 (Oxford, 2005) 22. Another case of a possible representation of mixed Egyptian-Asiatic identity is the limestone statue of an official at Area F/1, Tell el-Dab'a. Fragments of the statue were recovered from tombs within a palatial compound assigned to strata d/2, d/1 and possibly c. These stratigraphical layers date between the late Twelfth and midThirteenth Dynasty. R. Schiestl, "The Statue of an Asiatic Man from Tell el-Dab'a, Egypt" in: Ägypten und Levante 16 (2006) 173–85.
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