Architecture

Volume III PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE

Copyright © 1994 A Sentrong Pangkultura ng Pilipinas (Cultural Center of the Philippines) Special Publications Office CCP Complex, Roxas Boulevard Manila, Philippines ISBN 971-8546-23-5 Volume III - ISBN 971-8546-37-5 Logo: The logo of this encyclopedia is the sun, an- cient symbol of sovereignty and enlightenment, which in giving light gives warmth and life. This solar representation is based on the mythological sun used by the first Philippine republic of 1899, which had Filipino features and eight principal rays. It is hoped that this encyclopedia will shed light on the most vital affirmations of being Filipino through the centuries and thus help to define and harden the core of the nation's identity. All rights reserved. No portion of this book-text, photograph, or artwork- may be reproduced without the permission of the publisher and/ or the authors and/ or the photographers and artists. Set in Palatino and Avant-Garde Color separation by Scanatronic, Inc. Printed by Vera-Reyes, Inc. First Printing, 1994 Area Editor Rodrigo D. Perez III ARCHITECTURE Editor-in-Chief Nicanor G. Tiongson General Managing Editor Joi Barrios Managing Editor Monica Felicia P. Consing Assistant Managing Editor Analiza B. Villar Writers Corazon Hila • Rene B. Javellana Critic Honrado Fernandez Regalado Trota Jose • Resil B. Mojares • Rodrigo D. Perez III Ramon Villegas • Fernando N. Zialcita Biographers Ana Biglang-awa eAlice G. Guillermo Paul Labrado eNagasura Madale Santiago A. Pilar eF. Varona Art Director Cesar A. Hernando Deputy Art Director Carlita de Leon Sefieres Graphic/Lay-out Artist Carlita L. Sefieres Illustrator Carlita L. Sefieres

Photo Researchers Alice M. Esteves Gilda Cordero-Fernanda ACKNOWLEDGMENT American Historical Collection • Asian Institute of Management Ayala Museum • Cebuano Studies Center • CCP Library Freyssinet Philippines Inc • GCF Books • Intramuros Administration Lopez Memorial Museum and Library • Manila Bulletin Library Mapua Institute of Technology .National Archives National Commission on Culture and Arts National Geographic Society .National Historical Institute The National Library Filipiniana and Asia Division Philippine Women's University Felicing Tirona Memorial Library and Arts Center San Miguel Corporation • Summer Institute of Linguistics United Architects of the Philippines University of the Philippines Filipiniana Library Vicky Alba • Primo Alcantara • Elena Alfonso • Belen Angeles • Raidis Bassig Concepcion Baylon • Francisco Bernardo Jr • Adoracion M. Bolos • Ernesto R. Caballero Zenaida Cipriano • Monica Felicia P. Consing • Gilda Cordero-Fernanda • Rolly Dinero Wili Fernandez • Edda Henson • Cesar A. Hernando • Elvira Irremedio • Rene B. Javellana Arnold Jumpay • Roselyn Lim • Architect & Mrs Leandro V. Locsin • Alberto Mabiog Scott MacGregor • Oscar Mapua • Resil B. Mojares • Ambeth R. Ocampo • Rey Ortiz • Malou Padua Eduardo Pailanan eMr & Mrs Ambrocio Palma eNilo J. Parilla eRenato S. Rastrollo Ben F. Rodriguez • Agnes Samson • William Henry Scott • Carli to L. Sefi.eres • Johnny Tenegra Jr Nicanor G. Tiongson • Avelino Valleser • John Walton TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION I 2 FOLIO OF PHOTOGRAPHS I 9 I. HISTORICAL ESSAYS I 17 Philippine Architecture I 18 The Ethnic Tradition I 18 The Spanish Colonial Tradition I 22 The American Colonial and Contemporary Traditions I 25 Prospects for Filipino Architecture I 29 The Ethnic Tradition I 30 General Characteristics I 30 Types of Structure in History I 32 The Ethnic Houses I 35 The Spanish Colonial Tradition I 42 The Beginnings I 42 Military Architecture I 45 Religious Architecture I 46 Domestic Architecture I 50 Civil Architecture I 52 Epilogue I 55 The American Colonial and Contemporary Traditions I 56 History I 56 Forms I 66 Interior Design I 86 The Ethnic Tradition I 86 The Spanish Colonial Tradition I 89 The American Colonial and Contemporary Traditions I 94 Landscape Architecture I 96 The Evolution of Communities I 100 The Ethnic Tradition I 100 The Spanish Colonial Tradition I 101 The American Colonial Tradition I 104 The Contemporary Period I 104

Sources and Influences I 106 The Southeast Asian Tradition I 106 The Islamic Influence I 107 The Chinese Influence I 108 The Spanish Influence I 108 The American Influence I 119 II. FORMS AND TYPES I 123 Apartment I 124 Bahay Kubo I 126 Bahay na Bato I 129 Barong-Barong I 134 Bungalow I 135 Casa Real I 136 Commercial Buildings I 137 Eskwelahan I 138 Ethnic House I 142 Houseboat I 144 Kamalig I 144 Kapitolyo I 145 Kuta I 146 Kweba I 148 Masjid I 150 Munisipyo 1152 One-and-a-Half Story House I 153 Palengke I 153 Parola I 155 Retablo I 156 Rice Terraces I 158 Sabungan I 160 Sementeryo I 161 Simbahan I 164 Sinehan I 178 Split-Level House I 179 Teatro I 180 Tree House I 182 Tribunal I 183 Tsalet I 184 Tulay I 185 TABLE OF CONTENTS III. ASPECTS OF PRODUCTION I 187 Awards I 188 Construction Methods and Materials I 189 Design I 197 Organizations I 201 Research I 202 Schools I 207 IV. MAJOR WORKS I 209 viii Aduana I 210 Antipolo Church I 210 Argao Church and Convento I 212 Ayuntamiento I 213 Baclayon Church I 215 Betis Church I 215 Boac Church I 216 Boljoon Church and Convento I 217 Calasiao Church I 218 Calumpit Church I 219 Carcar Church I 220 Casa Gorordo I 221 Cebu Metropolitan Cathedral I 221 Crystal Arcade I 223 Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) Main Building I 224 Cuyo Church and Fort I 224 Dalaguete Church I 226 Daraga Church I 227 Fort Pilar I 228 Fort San Antonio Abad I 229 Fort San Pedro I 229 Fort Santiago I 230 Goldenberg Mansion I 231 Guadalupe Monastery I 232 El Hagar Building I 232 Holy Rosary Seminary I 233 Insular Life Building I 234 Intramuros Walls 1234 faro Cathedral I 236 Kawit Church I 237 Lalla Church I 238 Laoag Church I 239 Legislative Building I 240 Loboc Church I 241 Loon Church I 242 Lucban Church I 243 Majayjay Church I 244 Malabon Church I 245 Malacanang I 246 Malate Church I 247 Manila Cathedral I 248 Manila Hotel I 250 Manila Post Office Building I 251 Manaoag Church I 251 Maragondon Church I 252 Metropolitan Theater I 254 Miag-ao Church I 254 Minalin Church I 255 Malo Church I 256 Morang Church I 257 Naga Church I 257 Nagcarlan Church and Cemetery I 258 Pacific Commercial Company Building I 259 Paco Cemetery I 260 Paete Church I 260 Pakil Church I 262 Pan-ay Church I 263 Paoay Church I 263 Pardo Church I 264 Perez-Samanillo Building I 265 Philippine-American Life Insurance Building I 266 Philtrust Bank Building I 266 Puente Colgante I 267 Puente de Espana 1268 St. Catherine's Academy School Building I 269 Samboan Church and Jacob's Ladder I 269 San Agustin Church and Monastery I 270 San Ignacio Church I 272 San Luis Church I 274 San Miguel Corporation Head Office Complex I 274 San Sebastian Church I 275 San Vicente Church I 277 Santa Ana Church I 278 Santa Maria Church I 279 Santo Domingo Church I 280 Santo Nino Basilica and Convento I

281 Sariaya Church I 282 Sarrat Church I 283 Silang Church I 284 Taal Basilica I 285 Tanay Church I 286 Tayabas Church I 287 Tayum Church I 288 Tigbauan Church I 289 Tondo Church I 289 Tuguegarao Church I 290 Tumauini Church I 290 University of the Philippines (Catholic) Chapel I 292 University of Santo Tomas Main Building I 293 Victorias Chapel I 294 Vigan Cathedral I 295 V. ARTISTS I 297 Alvero, Emilio I 298 Antonio, Pablo I 298 Araneta, Luis I 298 Arellano, Arcadia I 299 Arellano, Juan I 299 Arellano, Otilio I 300 Arguelles, Tomas I 300 Arguelles, Carlos I 301 Belloc, Vicente I 301 Berenguer-Topacio, Ched I 301 Burnham, Daniel I 302 Calma, Lor I 302 Canchela, Cesar I 303 Caudal, Alejandro I 303 Cancio, Cesar I 303 Coscolluela, Willam I 303 De Castro, Cresenciano I 304 De Santos, Arturo I 304 De Uguccioni, Juan I 305 Espina, Cristobal I 305 Fernandez, Wili I 305 Formoso, Gabriel I 306 Hervas, Juan I 306 Hubilla, Johnny I 307 Lobato, Antonio I 307 Locsin, Leandro I 307 Luna de San Pedro, Andres I 308 Luz, Alfredo J. I 309 Mafiosa Brothers I 310 Mafiosa, Francisco I 310 Mafiosa, Jose I 310 Mafiosa, Manuel Jr I 311 Mapua, Tomas I 311 Mariano, Engracio L. I 311 Mendoza, Felipe I 312 Nakpil, Angel E. I 312 Nakpil, Juan Felipe I 313 Ocampo, Fernando I 314 Oliver, Luciano I 314 Oliveros, Edith L. I 315 Palatino, Bartolome I 315 Parsons, William E. I 315 Pefiasales, Sergio I 316 Perez, Dolly Quimbo I 316 Ramirez, Edgar I 316 Roxas, Felix I 317 Ruano, Roque I 317 Santos, Ildefonso I 317 Santos-Viola, Carlos I 318 Sedefio, Antonio S. I 318 Sindiong, Antonio I 318 Toledo, Antonio I 319 Villarosa, Rogelio I 319 Zaragosa, Jose Maria I 320 PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE VI. REFERENCES I 321 Books I 322 Articles I 326 Theses I 329 Programs/Brochures/Yearbooks/ Albums I 329 Archival Documents I 330 Interview I 330 INTRODUCTION Philippine architecture is the sum total of the domestic and public buildings that have been built by natives of the Philippines on Philippine soil and over the centuries, in response to various climatic, geographical, and cultural conditions prevailing in a given place and time. The term "Philippine architecture" has been the subject of discussion and debate. One extreme view denies that there is such a thing. Buildings of the ethnic or precolonial tradition are not considered architecture because, according to this view, they lack magnitude, durabil- ity, and aesthetic value. The architecture of the Spanish colonial period is regarded as entirely European in the case of forts and the Intramuros churches, or, in the case of provincial churches and houses, poor imitations of Spanish architecture. The architecture of the American colonial and contemporary periods are viewed as unabashed copies of Western buildings. While colonial and contemporary buildings are accepted as architecture, they are not acknowl- edged as authentically Filipino.

The extreme opposite view contends that any architecture produced in the Philippines is Filipino, not only because of its geographical setting, but also because it is, for better or for worse, a part and expression of the culture. The essays in this volume are founded on the premise that there is such a thing as Filipino architecture, and that this encompasses ethnic, Spanish, and American colonial and contemporary architecture. Objectives This volume aims to enable the reader: first, to be familiar with and to appreciate and be concerned with Filipino architecture; second, to appreciate architecture as such; and third, to be aware of what is Filipino in architecture. First, this volume presents a comprehensive though compartmentalized picture of Philip- pine architecture: comprehensive, because a vast amount of available information on the sub- ject has been put together in summary and, in some instances, detailed form; compart- mentalized, because the wide range of material had to be organized for easy reference. It seeks to answer the basic questions about Philippine architecture--what is it, how did it develop, what are its forms, how is it built, what are its major examples, who are its builders, and what is its significance. The volume presents buildings in the ethnic, Spanish colonial, American colonial and contemporary traditions. Ethnic architecture includes houses, granaries, and mosques. Structures of the Spanish colonial tradition include houses, churches, forts, lighthouses, gov- ernment buildings, schools, theaters, commercial buildings, and factories. The buildings of the American colonial and contemporary traditions include houses, apartment buildings, condo- miniums, mass housing projects, churches, schools, hospitals, government office buildings, 2 PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE clubhouses, hotels, commercial office buildings, department stores, markets, shopping malls, theaters, movie houses, industrial buildings, and bridges. Each tradition is considered as a distinct body of works with its particular building types, concepts of space and structure, architectural style or styles, and methods of construction, as well as its own evolution of forms and styles. Furthermore, each tradition is described in the light of its historical setting, the political and social structures, the type of economy and the level of economic development, and the various cultural influences. While each tradition, like each historical period, is in fact distinct, and while the shift from one period to the next involved the termination of the status quo and the introduction of a new system as well as new concerns, the history of Philippine architecture should not be seen in terms of discontinuities, but rather as a continuum. Elements of the ethnic tradition are discernible in the Spanish colonial tradition, and in turn, the influence of the Spanish colonial tradition is recognizable in the American colonial tradition.

As knowledge of Philippine architecture leads to appreciation, so must appreciation lead to concern for the preservation of masterworks and monuments. Architecture is not the kind of art that one enjoys only at particular moments, like music while it is listened to, or a painting while it is viewed. Architecture, being shelter, is an art form that one lives in or lives with. It is part of the environment, and in life lived in shelter, it is the immediate and more significant environment. Yet, while buildings are so close to human life and are supposed to be permanent structures, they can be the victims of poor maintenance, neglect, vandalism, and outright destruction. The state of many public buildings attests to the low level of appreciation for architecture on the part of the public and of public officials. And the woeful condition of many old buildings betrays the lack of historical consciousness as well as of aesthetic sense. It is hoped that increased knowledge and appreciation of architecture will result in the conscientious maintenance and diligent preservation of the country's architectural heritage. Second, while this volume is on Philippine architectl}re, it also aims to lead the reader to an understanding and appreciation of architecture as such. Architecture is generally understood as the art and science of building, and building is commonly identified with structure--walls, roof, beams, columns, and foundations. But the structure is only the shell, so to speak, of a building. The primary element of architecture is space, that is, sheltered space. Space in a building is generally regarded as something enclosed in order to serve a function. More than that, space as an architectural element is something to be formed or designed. As a sculptor gives shape to a mass of material, the architect gives shape to space. Space that is intelligently and inventively shaped is not only useful, but is also meaningful and expressive. For example, the space in a place of worship must elicit reverence and foster the spirit of celebration. The space in a family dwelling must convey a sense of security and familial intimacy. While in sculpture, the shaped material becomes the structure, in architecture the structure encloses the formed or sculptured space. But the structure itself--walls, columns, beams, and roof--can have the character of sculpture. Architecture as the art of creating sheltered space is primarily a response to human needs, the need for protection from the elements, the need for habitable space, the need for a sense of security and well-being, and the need for the experience of beauty. While works of architecture 3 INTRODUCTION are designed to be functional and beautiful, they are also expected to express meaning, or to convey a message. A building can be a symbol of authority and power, or a symbol of cele- bration and hospitality. Architecture, being the alteration of the environment, is the most conspicuous of the arts, and a country's architectural heritage is its most visible and sometimes most awesome record of history. Buildings--and the villages, towns and cities that they constitute--show the development of a people and their culture. Buildings and how they are used express the values and character of a people--their observance

of order or their lack of it, thoughtless individualism or a sense of community, materialism or religiosity, love for nature or indifference to it. A final aim of this volume is to enable the reader to become aware of what is Filipino, particu- larly what the Filipino element in Philippine architecture is, or what it is that distinguishes Filipino architecture. It is not easy to find the common denominator in the wide range of building types and architectural styles that constitute Filipino architecture. The Ifugao fale, the Maranao torogan, the bahay na bato, the churches of Paoay, Daraga, Miag-ao, and Morong, the Tutuban Station, the Post Office Building, the Metropolitan Theater, the Cultural Center of the Philippines, the San Miguel Corporation Head Office Building, and the skyscrapers of Makati and Pasig are Filipino architecture. Because they were designed for the Philippine environment and for use by Filipinos, and because they are the work of Filipinos or of people who lived in the Philippines, they express something of Filipino culture and somehow embody the Filipino spirit. But even that spirit while experienced is yet to be defined. Division This volume is divided into the following sections: Historical Essays, Forms and Types, Aspects of Production, Major Works, Artists, and References. The historical essays include first, an overview, then the essays on the ethnic, Spanish colonial, and American colonial and contemporary traditions. The focus is on "tradition" rather than "period" since architectural styles introduced in one period could extend their influence into the next periods. Thus, the persistence of "tradition" is especially clear in Philippine ethnic architecture. Ethnic building traditions that began to develop in the precolonial period survived into the 20th century, undergoing modifications before and during the colonial periods. These are followed by essays on allied arts, namely, interior design, and landscape architecture, and an essay on the evolu- tion of communities. The historical section also includes a study of sources and influences, namely the Southeast Asian, the Islamic, the Chinese, and the Spanish; the various styles that influenced Philippine architecture during the Spanish colonial period, namely, the classical, gothic, renaissance, baroque, rococo, and revivalist styles, and the 20th-century movements, like art nouveau, art deco, and modern architecture. The section Forms and Types describes in alphabetical order various kinds of shelter and structure, again belonging to the traditions: ethnic, hispanic, American colonial and contempo- rary. The ethnic buildings include caves, lean-tos, treehouses, boathouses, and the houses on stilts; the Spanish colonial covers the bahay na bato, churches, government buildings, forts, bridges, cemeteries, and lighthouses; the American colonial and contemporary include govern- ment edifices, private commercial buildings and theaters, schools, apartments, tsalet, one- and-a-half story houses, and bungalows. 4 PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE The section entitled Aspects of Production deals in alphabetical order with various aspects of the art and profession of architecture as well as the professional formation of the architect. The creation of a building begins with the process of

planning and design, an activity that involves both art and science. The outcome of this process is the set of drawings which the builder follows in the construction of the building, providing the materials that are specified and employing particular methods that are prescribed. Through the process of construction, the architect's ideas are translated into a functioning reality. Organizations serve to promote the development of the profession and determine standards for professional practice. Out- standing achievements are recognized through the awards granted by professional organiza- tions or by government or civic entities. Research is undertaken by scholars for the purpose of documenting the country's architectural heritage and fostering historical consciousness to en- rich creative endeavor. The section Major Works describes notable buildings in alphabetical order. A building is considered a major work if it is characterized by magnitude and serves an important public function, or it is regarded as an excellent example of its type, or it represents a breakthrough in architectural design during its time. In short, a major work is one that is generally acknowl- edged as being historically and architecturally significant. It is recognized as a contribution to the development of architecture or may have certain features that make it unique. The section Artists gives brief accounts of the life and works of major architects who are listed in alphabetical order. A major architect is one who has produced works of magnitude, particularly public buildings, and works notable for their originality or for their significant application of a current style. A large number of works, a consistently high level of perform- ance, recognition by professional organizations, leadership in the architectural profession, and at least 20 years of professional practice were among the criteria in the selection of architects to be included in this volume. The section References lists down all the works used as sources in the essays and includes titles of other books deemed important as sources for the study of Philippine architecture. Methodology Most of the information contained in this volume was drawn from books, periodicals, and journals which are listed in the general references at the end of the volume. In addition to library research, the authors of the essays and articles on architecture went on field trips to various parts of the country. Some trips had been undertaken in past years in connection with other publications, and the information unearthed then proved to be still useful. For the biographies, published sources were consulted for data on the early architects. Living archi- tects were requested to furnish their curriculum vitae or in some cases were interviewed. Relatives of recently deceased architects were requested to provide information. This volume, however, had to work within certain limitations. Although this volume contains an essay on the ethnic tradition in architecture and an article on the ethnic house in the section on forms, it does not contain detailed descriptions of the various types of ethnic house, such as the Ifugao, the Mangyan, and the Maranao. These will be found in the volumes on the ethnolinguistic groups under the entry for each group. 5

INTRODUCTION A number of outstanding houses of the Spanish colonial period are not featured among the major works because no historical data are available. On the other hand, a large number of churches of the Spanish colonial period are included, first, because many of them are unique, and second, because historical data are available and generally reliable. A number of buildings of the Spanish and American colonial periods that could qualify as major works are not included in this volume either because historical data are not avail- able or the buildings are no longer in their original state, having been modified inside or outside, or having been allowed to deteriorate. However, some buildings that no longer exist are mentioned because of their acknowledged historical importance and because information on them could be gathered. One example is the Crystal Arcade. The volume on architecture does not have as large a number of biographical entries as the other volumes, since professional Filipino architects emerged in significant numbers only in the 20th century. Sources from the Spanish colonial period mention architects and builders, most of them Spaniards, whose works are of historical and architectural value. The biographies include persons who are not major architects under the criteria, but whose buildings are of special significance in Philippine architectural history. Landscape architects and interior designers are included in this section. The names of architects or builders of important buildings are not always known. Neither are the dates of construction. Some buildings have been rebuilt or reconstructed more than once. In such cases, the date of construction that is supplied is of the present structure. Many new buildings are not mentioned in the section on contemporary architecture; neither are they listed among major works. Similarly, some biographies lack such information as date or year of birth and death, or names of parents, because no records are available or the sources did not provide them. For all the time and effort that have gone into it, this volume on Philippine architecture does not pretend to be the last word on the subject. It is humbly presented as another beginning in the continuing task of searching, researching, and national-soul-searching. Today's dogma could be tomorrow's error, and what is hopelessly buried today in oblivion could be serendipitously recovered tomorrow. Knowledge grows endlessly and renews itself. One lesson we learn from history is that encyclopedias are published in order to be revised. Style and Use The form of presentation is designed for the student. The language is simple and the style straightforward. Technical terms are explained either in synonyms or equivalents or in the context in which they appear. Subheadings help to clarify the organization of ideas and ease the search for particular data. Pictures and captions illustrate the principal points being made by the essay. Sources of data or quotations are placed in parentheses right after the sentence which uses them and provide the family name of the author, the year of publication of the work, and the page numbers, which can be checked against the general references at the end of

the volume. The shorter references at the end of some essays not only serve as an acknowledgment but also lead the student to more sources of information in the general references. 6 PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE Architecture-related terms, such as panolong, sabungan, simbahan are set in boldface the first time they appear in an essay; Filipino and foreign terms not related to architecture, such as babaylan, gobernadorcillo, and salakot are set in italics the first time they are mentioned. Translations or equivalents of terms, whether architectural or not, are usually enclosed in parentheses: thus, bahay na bato (stone house). Titles of books and periodicals are set in boldface italics each time they are mentioned; if the titles are non-English, they are followed by English translations, enclosed in parentheses, of the title and the year of publication, separated by commas. All diacritical marks on native terms are removed until such time as they are consistently and systematically recorded by scholars, especially among the smaller ethnic groups. For the researcher, the Index in Volume X is the most helpful first stop. It lists all the major architectural terms, buildings, names, concepts, books in the architecture volume as well as the other volumes of the encyclopedia. Variant spellings (e.g. tsalet, chalet) are listed to facilitate search. 7 ETHNIC HOUSES. Two architectural forms among indigenous communities in the islands, ore the Bontoc fay-u of the Cordillera, top, and the torogan of lonoo in Mindanao, bottom. (National Geographic Magazine 1913, American Historical Collection; Ernesto R. Caballero 1990, Cultural Center of the Philippines Library Collection) 9 NATIVE HUT. Basically a house of bamboo and nipa, this bahay kubo in Bataan, above, is the typical dwelling of the lowland Christian Tagalog; a bigger version of the bahay kubo but using stronger materials like wood and stone is the bahay na bato, the house of the landed elite, like the 19th-century Palma house in lmus, Cavite, right. (Mirror Saturday Magazine 1961, Nicanor G. Tiongson Collection; Carlito L. Seneres 1993, Cultural Center of the Philippines Library Collection) 10 STONE HOUSE. The ancestral houses of Vigan, llocos Sur are characterized by twostory walls which are made completely of stone or bricks. ( Carlito L. Seneres 1991, Cultural Center of the Philippines Library Collection) 11 CHURCH. Examples of Spanish colonial architecture are the Pasig Church, token ca1900,above,andthe Tumauini Church, taken co 1970, right. (Tennyson 1901, Ambeth Ocampo Collection; Philippine National Bank Calendar 1975, Nicanor G. Tiongson Collection)

12 TROPICAL BAROQUE AND ROCOCO. Decorated with solomonic columns and medallions in baroque fashion is the Daraga Church, left, built in 1772. Considered one of the glories of rococo architecture in the Philippines is the facade of the Miagao Church in Iloilo, bottom, built co 1790. (Renato S. Rastrol/o 1990, Cultural Center of the Philippines Library Collection) 13 STATE PALACE. The Malacafiang Palace, the country's seat of government, built co 1 790, underwent many renovations and repairs through the last centuries. (Zaragoza 1990, Nicanor G. Tiongson Collection) 14 . COMMERCIAL BUILDING. Mudejar or Muslim motifs distinguished the Insular Cigar and Cigarette Factory in Binondo at the tum .of the century. (NicanorG. Tiongsan Collection) .) GOVERNMENT BUILDING. The first Legislative Building was erected in the 1920s, destroyed during WWII and rebuilt on its present location. (Nicanor G. Tiongson Collection) UPPER CLASS HOUSE. Typical of the tsalet, an early 20th-century form of domestic architecture, is this house-turned- restaurant in San Juan, Manila. (Luis Dindo Martinez 1991, Cultural Center of the Philippines Library Collection) · 15 MODERN BUILDINGS. Marked by modem trends In architecture are high-rise buildings along Ayala avenue in Makoti. (The Sunday Times Magazine 1966, NicanorG. Tiongson Collection) ONE-AND-A-HALF STORY HOUSE. A modern dwelling which emerged after WWII is the one- and-a-half story house like the Agustin del Rosario residence in Paraiiaque photographed in 1958. (The Sunday Times Magazine 1958, Arsenio R. Tiongson Collection) 16

HISTORICAL ESSAYS PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE The history and culture of the Philippines are re- flected in its architectural heritage, in the dwellings of its various peoples, in mosques and churches, and in buildings that have risen in response to the demands of progress and the aspirations of a people. Houses and monuments from Batanes to Tawi-tawi do not only represent different cultures and periods in Philip- pine history; they also constitute the

Filipino's creative response to the problems posed by the geography and climate of the archipelago. The 7,100 islands of the Philippines appear to be a mountain range that is half submerged. More than half of the land is mountainous and hilly. With their headwaters in the mountains, rivers flow down to the plains and out to the sea. For its relatively small area of 300,000 sq km, the country has an extensive coastline of 17,500 km. On this fragmented territory and rugged terrain, on mountain, plain, riverbank, and seacoast, the people have made their home. With its southernmost islands about four degrees from the equator, and its northern and central islands in the path of typhoons, the Philippines is subject to the worst of tropical heat, humidity, and rain. A long dry season can bring drought, rains can cause floods, and high winds can ruin houses. Several times a year the land is rocked by earthquakes. As the climate dictates the need for shelter, the land provides the materials for it: wood from the forests, bamboo from groves, leaves from the fields, stone from rivers and quarries, and clay from the earth itself. Setting, climate, and available materials are among the factors that give shelter its form and character. The Ethnic Tradition The earliest shelters of human beings were prob- ably not built by them. They simply found these shel- ters or found themselves in them. It was nature which fashioned hollows on cliffs and mountainsides that offered protection from heat, rain, and wind. In Ango- no, Rizal evidence of ancient cave dwellers exists in carved figures on cave walls, the earliest known Philip- pine mural. The Tabon Cave in Palawan yielded the 18 earliest-known remains of human beings in the Philip- pines. Meanwhile, the food gatherers, the fishers, or the hunters, who moved from one place to another in their search for food and game, needed a portable shelter. Thus they fashioned the leanto from a frame made of tree branches and twigs, using leaves and fronds for sidings. A screen resting on the ground and held up at an angle by one or several poles, the lean-to is both rbof and wall, protecting dwellers from rain and the heat of the sun. The floor can be the ground itself or a bed of leaves or a platform slightly above the ground. The lean-to is light enough to be carried to another site. However, the dweller can simply abandon it and build another. A pair of lean-tos can be joined together to form a tentlike shelter or a double-slope roof, which, in effect, is the beginning of a house. Kaingin or swidden farming led to a relatively settled life. After making a clearing in the forest, the swidden farmer could cultivate it for two years, let it lie fallow, then return to it a few years later. Although dwellings became larger and were better built, they were neither permanent nor durable because some- times the swidden farmer had to move on. With the development of wet-rice culture, farmers became rooted to the land. Although i:races of the . kaingin lifestyle persisted in the makeshift character of various dwellings, houses were built to last. The Mang- yan of Mindoro, who are swidden farmers, have two types of houses-the single-family dwelling and the communal house. Although the communal house is occupied by several families, its interior is not divided by partitions. The area for each family is defined by a mat on the floor. When a Mangyan house is built on a slope, the entrance faces the rise. The steep roof is of cogon grass, the sidings, of tree bark, and the floor, of logs and saplings. The house

appears to have no windows. However, it has a narrow strip of opening between roof and wall. For added protection from floods, wild animals, and enemies, houses were built on trees, anywhere from 2-20m above the ground. Such houses have been HOUSE ON POSTS. The Ingenious llugao tale stands on tree trunks provided with disks to discourage rats from climbing up the house. (Boyce 19U, American Historical Collection) found among the Ilongot, Tinguian, and Gaddang in northern Luzon, and among the Mandaya, Manobo, Tiruray, and Bukidnon in Mindanao. One type of tree house nestles on the branches of a tree. Another type rests partly on a tall tree stump and partly on a cluster of tall stilts. The people of the Cordilleras in northern Luzon are swidden farmers. But some, particularly the Ifu- gao, Bontoc, and Kalinga, are known for their rice terraces. With massive, towering walls and a skillfully devised irrigation system, the rice terraces are a won- der of primitive engineering. The terrace builders were able to construct sturdy dwellings remarkable for both simplicity and ingenuity. The one-room Ifugao house, known as fale, is a little marvel of construction. Outside, the Ifugao house seems to be nothing more than a pyramid resting on four posts. The interior space-enclosed by slanting walls, sloping roof, and ceiling formed by the loftPHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE appears nearly spherical. The dark, windowless cham- ber suggests a womb. Four wooden posts rest on a pavement and sup- port two wooden girders which, in turn, support three wooden transverse joists. On the posts are wooden discs that prevent rats from entering the house. The ladder is drawn up at night or is hung across the front when the occupants are away. The floor joists, floor sills, vertical studs, and horizontal beams at about head level form a cage that rests on the posts and girders. Floor boards are fitted between the joists. Wooden sidings slant outward and rise to waist height to form the lower half of the wall. The upper half of the wall is formed by the inner side of the roof. Boards flanking the front and rear doors rise to the beams. The rafters of the roof rest on the beams and extend downward close to floor level. The roof frame is sheathed with reedlike runo, then covered with thatch. At an inner corner of the house is the fireplace. At the level of the beam is a storage loft with a floor of runo stalks. The wooden parts of this house are joined by rabbeting and by mortise and tenon. Other parts are fastened by lashing. Since nails are not used, the 19 HISTORICAL ESSAYS house can easily be dismantled, carried to a new site, and reassembled. The solitary room is the sleeping room, kitchen, dining room, storeroom, and shrine for rituals. Only the husband and wife and youngest child or children in infancy live in this house. Upon reaching the age of reason, sons and daughters sleep in separate commu- nal dormitories. Next to this house stands its twin, a granary with the same design as the house. In Mayaoyao the Ifugao house is distinguished by its classic simplicity. Its roof is high and steep. Low stone walls and a pavement form the setting of this house. With the smooth, fine-grained hardwood posts, rat guards are

not necessary. The elevated living space in the fale becomes a granary in the Bontoc house, as the living quarters move down to ground level. A low wall encloses the ground floor. The four- post-two-girder-three-joist structure of the Ifugao is also used in the Bontoc house. The Sa gada house re- sembles the Bontoc house but is fully covered. It is a wooden box with a steep thatch roof as a lid. With the granary within, the Sagada house is a "house within a house." The Kankanay house is still another variation of the Ifugao prototype. The roof is higher and wider, thereby providing a spacious loft above the living 20 NATIVE MANSION. The Maranao datu house has panolong or carved beams which make the splendid house appear to noat like a royal barge. (American Historical Col/ecffon) space. On the ground level wooden planks are laid to provide additional livable space. The lbaloy house has a larger room, a flaring roof, and a small porch. Some of the Kalinga live in octagonal houses. The central portion of the octagonal house rests on a four-post- two-girder-and-three-joist structure. Beyond this frame eight posts are added to form the eight sides of the house. Wooden laths resting on joists support the runo floor, which can be rolled up like a mat and taken to the river for washing. Boat forms appear to have inspired the Isneg house. The bamboo roof suggests an inverted boat, and wooden floor joists have the profile of a boat. The Isneg house has two sets of posts: the inner set sup- porting the floor and the outer set supporting the roof. As in the Kalinga house, the floor can be rolled up. The walls are vertical boards set into grooves that are cut into beams at floor and roof-eaves level. A window is created by simply taking out a few bo~rds. All the wall boards can be removed to make the house a roofed platform for village celebrations. The Isneg house is the largest among the Cordillera houses, since the entire family, and even married offspring, could live in it. It is not known when and how Cordillera houses developed into their present forms. However, these house forms developed in isolation and were un- touched by Western influence, for the Spanish coloni- zers did not succeed in bringing the region and its people under their rule. On hilltops and rolling land the Tboli of southern Cotabato in Mindanao build large one-room houses on stilts. The roof is of dried grass, the walls of woven bamboo, and the posts of whole bamboo and, occasionally, tree stumps. The central portion of the floor is slightly lower than the areas around it. The side sec- tions are for working or resting. At one end is the entrance and the fireplace, and at the other is the place of honor for the head of the house. The interior of the Tboli house is one example of a characteristic feature of Philippine houses-space surrounded by space. Islam was established in Sulu in the 14th century and in Mindanao in the 15th century. The combination of a strong, organized religion and a high degree of political organization enabled the Muslim people of Mindanao to resist Spain's attempts to bring them under her dominion. The Tausug of Sulu, one of the Muslim peoples of the Philippines, are known as seafarers, but they build their houses on land, away from the shore. A site is considered lucky if it is flat and dry or if it gently slopes westward-towards Mecca. The traditional Tausug house rests on nine posts, each signifying a part of the bodythe neck, navel, groin, left and right sides of the shoulders, ribs, and hips. Basically

a one-room house, the Tausug dwelling includes a porch and a separate kitchen. A distinguishing feature of the house is an elaborately carved wooden finial, called tajuk pasung, placed at one or both ends of the roof ridge. The Samal and the Badjao are people of the sea. The sea is their source of livelihood, the link to other people, and the place for celebration. It is also home. The Samal build their houses on stilts over the water, along the shore or farther out, grouped together in villages and connected by bridges and catwalks. Un- like the Samal house, the Badjao landhouse stands alone on an expanse of water and is reached only by boat. It is not joined by bridges or catwalks to the shore or to other houses. It is an island made by humans. Among the Muslim Filipinos, there arose two in- stitutions which did not develop among the other ethnic peoples, namely, a specific place for worship PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE and the lordly residence of the ruler. The earliest mos- que in the Philippines is said to have been built in 1380 in Simunul Island, Tawi-tawi. Mosques in the Philip- pines follow the traditional Middle East design which includes an onion-shaped dome and minarets. However, some mosques are closer to indigenous architecture, with a multitiered roof resembling that of a pagoda. The Muslim chief resides in the torogan, a huge, stately, towering house, with a single large room. Although "torogan" simply means a place for sleep- ing, the house is more than a residence. It is also used for official meetings, social gatherings, and religious rituals. Only the chief-the sultan or datu-is entitled to own and live in a torogan. The soaring, flaring roof, like a ceremonial umbrella, is a proclamation of ex- alted status. The massive posts serve as solid supports and signify established power. To protect the house from earthquakes, the oversized posts rest on stones. With this device, the house sways with the tremor, playfully surviving it. Posts may be plain and bulky or may be carved to look like clay pots or outsized chess pieces. The most arresting feature of the torogan is the set of protruding beam-ends, called panolong. Flaring out from the facade, intricately carved, and stunningly colored, the panolong resemble the boat prows and make the splendid torogan appear to float like a royal barge. For all the variety of design and construction, Cor- dillera, Mindanao, and Sulu houses are basically one- room dwellings covered by steep roofs and raised on stilts. They are all related to the bahay kubo (nipa hut) which in its simplicity is regarded as a prototype. Largely of bamboo and thatch, and with parts woven, fitted or tied together, the bahay kubo might be de- scribed as less of a building and more of a basket. While posts, beams, and joists are assembled, the roof is put together separately and later fitted on top like the lid of a basket. The bamboo floor, with its slats set slightly apart, is like the bottom of a basket and makes for incomparable ventilation. With air coming in through windows and floor and the crevices in thatch and bamboo walls, the bahay kubo is a house that breathes. Houses take an entirely different form in the Batanes, the northernmost islands of the archipelago. With the frequency of high winds and strong rain, the Batanes house is built to hug the ground. Thick stone walls and a thick grass roof withstand the severest storm. The roof is supported by posts encased in the stone walls. Stone and mortar construction was intro- duced in the Batanes islands duri~g the Spanish regime. 21

HISTORICAL ESSAYS

The Spanish Colonial Tradition With cross and sword, Spain extended her empire to the Philippines in the 16th century. The Spanish colonizers settled in Cebu in 1565. Since Miguel Lopez de Legazpi had been instructed to establish more set- tlements and since sources of food in Cebu were in- adequate, the Spaniards moved northward to Luzon, which was more extensive in area and more fertile. In 1571 the Spaniards conquered Manila. Strategically lo- cated on the shore of a bay and at the mouth of a river, Manila was eminently suitable for defense, administra- tion, and trade. The Spaniards occupied the fort that had been abandoned by Raja Soliman, ruler of Manila. In time, the wooden palisades gave way to fortifications of stone and a Spanish city took shape, following the prescriptions issued by King Philip II in 1573. The city was provided with a principal plaza and secondary plazas. Streets were laid out in a gridiron pattern. Around the main plaza rose the cathedral, government buildings, and the houses of ranking persons. Manila became the capital of the colony and the model for 22 town development. It was the geographic center of the colony, for the cross on the dome of the cathedral was the point from which distances were measured. With the influx of colonial officials, friars, missionaries, and traders, Manila became the center of political, reli- gious, and economic power. In the early years of their settlement in Manila, the Spaniards built churches and houses of wood and bamboo, but these were destroyed by fire. It became necessary to scout around for fireproof material. With the discovery of volcanic tuff quarries in San Pedro, Makati in the 1580s, the Spaniards began to construct dwellings, churches, and fortifications in stone. Antonio Sedeno, a Jesuit priest and engineer, trained local workmen in the art of building with stone. Prob- ably the oldest existing stone building in the Philippines is the San Agustin Church which has survived all earthquakes from the 17th century to the present. It STONE CHURCH. Set on a hill, the Daraga Church In Blcol Is one of the finest examples of Philippine baroque. (Nancey 1906, American Hlstorfcal Collection) is said to rest on an inverted vault foundation that makes it float, so to speak, during earthquakes. In general, Spanish construction in the Philippines- fortresses, churches, and civic buildings-faithfully followed European models, especially when projects were closely supervised by Spaniards. To facilitate the work of Church and State, specifi- cally the preaching of the gospel and the administra- tion of the colony, towns were established and the scattered population was brought together in compact communities or reducciones. Missions and parishes were founded and churches were built. The church was built at the center of the town by the town plaza. It had its own plaza surrounded by a catenated or swayback wall. Shrines called capillas posas stood at each corner of the churchyard or around the church site. Adjacent to the church was the con- vento, the residence of the parish priest. The church of the colonial era is generally rectangular or cruciform in plan. Its walls are high and thick and are supported by buttresses. Windows are usually small. Its large size and massive construction made the church a suitable place of refuge for the townspeople during pirate raids or natural calamities. Bell towers served as watch- towers. Churches were made of adobe (volcanic tuff) stone, coral stone, or

brick. In some churches brick and adobe were combined. A wall could consist of alter- nate courses of brick and adobe, or blocks of brick and adobe in a checkerboard pattern. In the Tumauini Church, bricks were molded with ornaments on them and were numbered to guide the bricklayers in assembling them. Cementing bricks and/or stone together was a mortar prepared from various recipes, and using different combinations of ingredients, like lime, crushed coral, crushed shells, molasses, sugar cane juice, goat's blood, carabao milk, egg shells, and egg white. The Philippine colonial church may be described as a plain stone box with a decorated front. The rear and side walls are plain. However, a side portal, which repeats decorative motifs of the facade, breaks the monotony. The facade often has a monopoly of ex- terior ornament. Columns and cornices traverse the front wall vertically and horizontally. Niches, blind arches, blind balustrades, and low relief carvings give depth, texture, and a certain cheerfulness to vast, solid expanses of wall. The ornaments may be in the classic tradition-Tuscan, Doric, Ionic, Corinthian, baroque, or rococo. There are occasionally gothic, romanesque, or moorish trefoil arches. The native touch is also evi- dent in the unorthodox use of classical ornaments or in the introduction of local motifs. Facades outstanding ' PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE for their ornamentation are those of the Miag-ao Church in Iloilo, which depicts Saint Christopher car- rying the Infant Jesus amid lush tropical vegetation, and of the San Joaquin Church, which shows the sur- render of Tetuan in low relief. Early churches were of wood and bamboo, so they easily caught fire. Then stone churches were built, but with earthquakes, they caved in. Later, stone churches were provided with buttresses that came in various shapes: flat and thin, massive and rectangular, slop- ing, stepped, saw-toothed, barrel shaped or curved. Bell towers vary in design as well as in location. In plan, the bell tower may be square, octagonal, hex- agonal or, in rare instances, circular. In height, it may rise from three to five stories. It may be at some dis- tance from the church, adjacent to it, or integrated in the facade. Some churches have two towers, a few have three. When the bell tower is attached to the church, its ground floor houses the baptistry. In the past these churches were called Spanish, probably because they were designed by Spanish friars who were missionaries or parish priests, and the de- signs could have been based on pictures of European churches or on one's recollection of a European church. But more and more the Filipino character of these churches has become apparent; for local artisans- native or Chinese-did not always execute the classical ornaments or the baroque or neoclassic designs according to the rules but interpreted them according to their own skill, imagination, and taste. Thus whether instructed or so inspired, the artisans often incorporated local motifs-flowers and fruits or even a crocodile's head into church ornaments. In these designs, local artisans expressed something of their spirit-their simplicity and lightheartedness, and their love for abundance. The 19thcentury townhouse, called bahay na bato (stone house), was a product of economic and social developments, as well as of architectural evolu- tion. With the opening of Manila to international trade in 1834 and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, trade and agricultural production rose to exhilarating heights and increased the fortunes of the native aris- tocracy, particularly in the provinces. Wealth became the passport to higher education not only in Manila but also in Europe. The elite or principalia included landowners and traders, as well as professionals- physicians

and accountants-and the highly educated, cosmopolitan ilustrado. The lifestyle, aspirations, and even pretensions, of the upper class demanded a new type of dwelling that was spacious, durable, comfort- able, impressive, noble, and elegantthe bahay na bato. 23

HISTORICAL ESSAYS Several house forms contributed to the emergence of the bahay na bato. One of its ancestors is the bahay kubo, which in itself might not have been a worthy dwelling for the ilustrado, but whose principles of design were too practical to be ignored. The steep hip roof, elevated quarters, post-and-lintel construction, and maximized ventilation are features of the bahay kubo that appear in grand style in the bahay na bato. A second ancestor may have been the native chieftain's house described by Antonio de Morga in the 17th century, which was elevated, sturdily built of timber, well-furnished; and spacious (having many rooms). A third influence may have been the houses of the Span- ish residents of Intramuros, who combined the native and the foreign styles of building in their two-story houses with wooden posts and beams, stone walls around the ground floor, and timber construction above. Finally, another model for the bahay na bato may have been the convento, rectory, or monastery built adjacent to the mission church, an authoritative presence in the center of the town which must have antedated the bahay na bato. Extravagantly spacious and solidly built, it could have become the local stan- dard for grandeur. In general, the bahay na bato may be described as a house with wooden legs and a stone skirt, a style of construction which makes the house a sure survivor of 24 19TH-CENTURY HOUSE. The bahay na bato, like the Banaag house In Taal, batangas, has wooden posts concealed by a stone skirt. (Rolly Dinero 1977, National Historical Collection) earthquakes. The wooden frame gives it both flexibility and stability, while the onestory high stone wall is less likely to collapse. Large wooden posts are sunk into the ground but stand high enough to carry the roof. The posts are independent of both the stone wall below and the wooden walls above. Because they are of exceptionally precious hardwood, they are worth displaying. The living quarters are elevated and are reached through an interior stairway located in the zaguan on the ground floor. The zaguan, with its naked stonework, is a grim entrance hall but, with its abundant space, is the perfect storeroom for just about everything. The stairs are not only a means of access but also the setting for a stately arrival. A surrounding balustrade detached from the wall provides room all around for welcoming committees and prolonged farewells. The stairs lead up to the caida (upper en- trance hall). Opening to the caida is the sala (living room). Bedrooms flank the sala and nearby is the dining room. At the rear of the house are the kitchen and next to it, the open-air azotea. Running along the front and sides of the house and flanking the major rooms is the volada, a gallery which protects the rooms from the heat of the sun. Along the volada is an elaborate system of windows. The broad, massive window sill is grooved and holds two sets of sliding shutters: a set of capiz

or oyster shell shutters, or a set of glass-paned shutters, and a set of shutters with louvers or jalousies. Between the window sill and the floor runs the ventanilla, with sliding wooden shutters and iron grills or wooden balusters. Wide double doors are flung open to join each room to adjacent rooms. With all doors open, the house becomes one big hall. The interior of the bahay na bato is a striking example of space surrounded by space. Running above the parti- tions are panels of wooden fretwork, which allow the air within the house to circulate. The bahay na bato represents the apex in the de- velopment of indigenous Filipino architecture, because it expands the prototypal structure of the ethnic house from a one-room dwelling to a multiroomed house of grand scale while preserving the basic features, and because it adapts Western architectural influences to form a synthesis of native and immigrant art. The bahay na bato is a product of economic progress and cultural adaptation, and as such is a symbol of the affluent westernized Filipino. It stands as a reminder of the social situation in which it evolved, a situation which has not significantly changed even with the introduction of democracy, public education, and free enterprise. The Spanish colonial era witnessed not only the construction of churches and civic buildings and the evolution of the bahay na bato, but also the rise of the first important architects in Philippine history. While most of the churches in the provinces were planned and designed by the friars, the bahay na bato were probably the result of architectural collaboration between the homeowner, the master carpenter, and the chief mason. There were, however, professional architects who were active in the 19th century, particu- larly in Manila. Luciano Oliver, a Spaniard, designed the Taal Church, the Malabon Church, and the 1872 Manila Cathedral. Felix Roxas Sr, considered the first Filipino architect, trained abroad and was renowned for his revivalist designs. His works included the neogothic Santo Domingo Church and the neoclassic San Ignacio Church, both in Intramuros, and a number of elegant houses for the upper class of Manila. Juan Hervas, a Spaniard, active from the late 1880s to the early 1890s, designed the Tutuban Railroad Station, the Monte de Piedad Building, the old Assumption Convent on Herran st and a number of houses. Arcadio Arellano, a trained maestro de obras (master builder), was appointed architectural adviser to Gov William Howard Taft in 1901 and is known for the PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE gothic-revival house of the Hidalgo family and the art nouveau Bautista-Nakpil house. Genaro Palacios designed the prefabricated all-steel San Sebastian Church in the 1880s. In the middle of the 19th century, Bartolome Palatino, a noted citizen of the wood carving town of Paete, designed and built the splendid facade of the church in Morong, Rizal, one of the finest examples of what can be called Filipino baroque. The American Colonial and Contemporary Traditions With the occupation of the Philipines by the United States in 1898, a new phase of Philippine architectural history began. In accordance with America's thrust towards establishing an American-style government, urban planning and architecture served the needs of secular education and public services. In 1904 American architect Daniel H. Burnham came to the Philippines to conduct a survey of Manila and Baguio to prepare development plans for both cities. Burnham was one of the architects of the 1893 Chicago Exposition which, under the influence of the Beaux

Arts School of Paris, revived the neoclassic style of architecture. Burnham admired the bahay na bato and the colonial churches for their practicality and charm, and suggested that they be models for future develop- ment. Burnham's recommendations for the development of Manila included the establishment of a government center with streets radiating from it; the retention, cleaning, and improvement of the esteros or canals; the construction of a bayshore boulevard from Manila to Cavite; the development of parks and water- fronts; and the provision of sites for major public facilities, such as schools and hospitals. Among those assigned to implement the Burnham plan was American architect William E. Parsons. Parsons followed Burnham's recommendation that a style of architecture be developed to suit the tropical climate. Parson's major works include the Normal School (now Philippine Normal University), the Philippine General Hospital, the Manila Hotel, and the Army-Navy Club. These buildings and others of the early 20th century represented the thrust of American colonial policy in the Philippines -health, public education, free enterprise, and training in self-government. In contrast to the romantic air of colonial architecture, early 20th- century architecture in the Philippines was rational, functional, and seemingly plain. Young Filipinos who went or were sent to the United States for training in various fields included aspiring architects. They studied in American universities and institutes which were then under the influence of the Beaux Arts School of Paris. Among the US-trained Filipino architects of the early 20th century were Carlos Barreto, Antonio Toledo, Tomas Mapua, and Juan Arellano. They became exponents of the neoclassic style and designed buildings characterized by monumental scale and fidelity to tradition. Since they were employed in the government which was engaged in a nationwide building program, their influence on the architecture of the time was extensive. True to his classical training, Arellano designed the Manila Post Office Building and the Legislative Building following the canons of Graeco-Roman architecture. Although a disciplined classicist, Arellano experimented with romanticism and brilliantly succeeded in producing the Metropolitan Theater in 1931. With art deco motifs, stylized interpretation of native plants, and a variety of color and texture, the Metropolitan, even decades after its design, is a refreshing piece of architecture. In the early 20th century, new house forms developed. But the basic design was still the house on stilts. Following the tone set by Parsons and turning away from the ornaments of the bahay na bato, the suburban house called tsalet (chalet) was comfortably functional and, in many cases, plain. A prominent feature of the house was the front porch or the surrounding porch. Some houses were entered through an exterior L-shaped or T -shaped concrete or wooden stairway. The chalet was a simple, respectable house for those moving up to the middle class. Architecture for the technological age was antici- pated by the prefabricated, all-steel structure of San Sebastian Church built in 1891, and by the University of Santo Tomas (UST) Main Building built in 1927, which is impressive not only for its monumental proportions but for its earthquake-proof construction. The latter consists of 24 separate sections with soft mate- rial, like tar, serving as cushions at the joints. During an earthquake, the walls do not crack, having been precracked, as it were. The all-steel church and the earthquake-proof building foreshadowed further tech- nological developments in construction, specifically, more extensive use of steel, daring structural design, and more imaginative use of reinforced concrete. While the first generation of 20th-century Filipino architects firmly held on to tradition, the succeeding generation broke away from it and introduced a new style. The 1930s

were a time for looking forward more confidently to national independence. The period marked SCHOOL BUILDING. The girls' dormitory of the Philippine Normal School was designed by William Parsons. (Commercial Handbook of ftle Philippine Islands 1924, American Hlstorfcal Collection) .. the emergence of the Filipino business magnate, who rose from rags to riches in the heady atmosphere of free enterprise. The developing economy demanded new types of buildings like commercial office build- ings, hotels, apartments, movie houses, and homes for the upper class. Into this environment of progress and experiment the young architects Andres Luna de San Pedro, Fer- nando Ocampo, Pablo Antonio, and Juan Nakpil made an auspicious entrance. Luna, son of painter and national hero Juan Luna, was an exponent of the art deco style. Among his existing works are the Perez- Samanillo Building on the Escolta. Ocampo likewise was notable for his art deco buildings, among them the Central Seminary of the UST. Nakpil's early works in the art deco style include the Avenue Theater and Hotel Building and the Quezon Institute Buildings. Antonio's works were marked by a certain boldness, the play of planes and volumes, and strong, dynamic movement. His works include the Far Eastern Uni- versity Main Building, the Bel-Air Apartments on Roxas Boulevard, and the Ramon Races Publications Building. Modernt architecture in the Philippines was a de- parture from the neoclassic beaux arts tradition, but like the local neoclassic, it was still a product of foreign influence, a transplant from the west. While it was hailed as innovation, it was basically a new conform- ism to western trends. At the end of the WWII Manila was in ruins. The irreplaceable treasure that was Intramuros was re- duced to rubble. The once magnificent government buildings were bombed-out shells. Hasty reconstruc- tion resulted in makeshift structures with false fronts. The atrocities of war were followed by the atrocities of reconstruction. While the established architects re- sumed their practice, new graduates emerged in time for the building boom that followed the war. The neo- classic government buildings that lay in ruins were rebuilt following their original plans. New government and commercial buildings departed from the neoclas- sic and art deco of the previous decades and sought fresh inspiration in the work of contemporary Western architects. The sunbreak, made popular by the Brazilian architect Oscar Niemeyer, became the object of extensive and even irrational imitation. With the increased volume of construction, real estate development grew in scale and began to be planned more rationally. Upper-class and middle-class villages and state housing projects signified recogni- tion of the need for planned communities. While early 20th-century Filipino houses had de- veloped from indigenous architecture, postwar houses PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE marked a departure from the native tradition. The break had been indicated earlier in the emergence of the two-story house in which living quarters occupied both first and second floors. In the bahay na bato, the living quarters were on the upper floor. The lower floor was a storage area. The tsalet of the early Amer- ican regime followed the same scheme. The so-called Spanish-style house-with tile roofs, arches, and the indispensable three-story tower-began to appear in the 1930s and became

the badge of the bourgeoisie for the next three decades. After the war came the one- story California bungalow, with picture windows, lanai (borrowed from Hawaii), and a two-to-three-car garage. This new status symbol represented the Americanization of the Filipino house. With the appreciation of things Philippine ushered in by the folk dance revival, the interest in various folk arts and the rage for santos, antique furni- ture, and other colonial artifacts, many houses of con- temporary style have looked back to native tradition, incorporating such features as steep-hip roofs, wooden lattices, capiz screens, and decorative woodwork, probably out of nostalgia or, hopefully, nationalism. In earlier years low-cost urban housing was provided by the accesoria or wooden rowhouse, which survives in many old sections of Manila. Two-story units, each 3-4m wide, stood crowded together, with openings in front and at the back and, if fortunate, a small backyard. Government housing projects built after the war provided one-story, cement-block dwell- ings, either detached from or joined with others and set on small individual lots. With the Filipino penchant for remodelling, many of these pitifully plain units have metamorphosed into charming examples of per- sonalized architecture. Multistory tenements, an alternative response to the need for mass housing, were nothing more than rowhouses extended horizontally and vertically. The Bagong Lipunan Sites and Services (BLISS) houses, a legacy of the Marcos regime, are multiple-unit, multi- story buildings that take into account the decreasing availability of land. Even with the housing projects of the govern- ment, there are still not enough dwellings for the low- income group and the urban poor. The growth of the urban population, resulting from a high birth rate and uncontrolled migration from the rural areas, has ex- ceeded the government's capacity to provide adequate housing. Occupying whatever space is available- along railroad tracks, along or right over esteros, around garbage dumps, under bridges, along the sea- wall, inside abandoned buildings, on any unguarded vacant lot-the urban poor have built their rickety 27 HISTORICAL ESSAYS one-room shanties using discarded materials, card- board boxes, rusty roofing sheets, and rotten wood. Philamlife Homes in Quezon City, a fine example of middle-class housing built in the 1950s, was note- worthy for its simple yet attractive houses, many of which have been remodelled beyond recognition. Its well-planned site is distinguished by an organic lay- out; i.e., its streets follow the contour of the land. Upper-class residential architecture is represented by both sprawling houses on spacious gardens in the plush villages and the deluxe airconditioned apart- ments in high-rise condominiums. Lower in the scale of luxury, the townhouses of the rising bourgeoisie are sophisticated versions of the urban rowhouse. Grandeur, or just plain bigness, in architecture is a function of autocratic government or corporate omnipotence. The splendid architecture of Rome, for instance, was the work of the emperors, the popes, and Benito Mussolini. The skyscrapers of New York are glittering monuments to big business and imperial- ism. Martial law and the rule of the Marcoses was the setting of massive and monumental construction in Metro Manila never witnessed before in the country. The North Diversion Road, the South Superhighway, the Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) Main Building, the Manila Film Center, the Folk Arts Thea- ter, the Philippine International Convention Center (PICC), the five-star hotels, the Batasang Pambansa, the Philippine Heart Center, the Lung Center, the

28 HOUSE OF WOOD. Introduced during the early American regime, the elevated tsalet or chalet features a prominent porch. (Ayala Museum Col/ecffon) Central Bank Buildings, the Philippine National Bank and Government Service Insurance System Buildings at the reclamation area, and the restoration of the walls and gates of Intramuros were all possible only under a monopoly of power maintained by 'extravagant spend- ing for the sake of political impact. The rivalry for supremacy in business is evident in the ubiquitous malls, superbuildings that accommo- date under one roof supermarkets, department stores, bookstores, boutiques, restaurants, movie houses, amusement centers, and drugstores. With land rising in value, the use of urban space is maximized through vertical expansion-upwards, with taller buildings, and downwards, with deeper multilevel basements. Until the 1950s the height of buildings was restricted by ordinance to 30m or about 10 stories. But since the development of Makati, high-rise buildings have ex- ceeded that limit, going up to 20 floors and now going beyond 40. The coming of age in contemporary Philippine architecture is evident in such buildings as the Nation- al Press Club, Philamlife Home Office, Magsaysay Memorial, San Miguel Corporation Head Office, Twin Towers, Ritz Towers, Pacific Plaza, CCP Main Building, Philippine Plaza Hotel, PICC, Pacific Star, Meral- co, Tahanang Pilipino, and many others constructed in the last 30 years. All these testify to the genius and maturity of their architects. It is no longer enough for architects to design efficiently organized and aesthetically satis- fying space. They also have to take into account the complex technology that will go into it: elevator and escalator systems, airconditioning, fire-protection sys- tems, and computers. While adapting architecture to the demands of technology, architects realized that architecture must also be a reflection of culture and an embodiment of art. Prospects for Filipino Architecture With Filipino architects becoming more at ease in the modem idiom and more aware of the Filipino's search for cultural identity, they became more con- cerned with questions like: Is there such a thing as Filipino architecture? Were the works of Filipino architects mere imitations of Western models? Would a modem Filipino architecture eventually develop? And the questions are valid. For the art and science of architecture is not only a response to human needs-- the need for shelter, the need for order, the need for beauty, and the need for a sense of transcendence; it is also fundamentally a search for identity. In this continuing search for architectural identity, the variety of houses and buildings that emerged through centuries of Philippine history, from one end of the archipelago to the other, yield common charac- teristics that should be considered by young architects concerned with a Philippine style of architecture. One feature of the Filipino house, and hence, of Filipino architecture, is the concept of space and the interrela- tion of different spaces like outdoor and indoor space, and the various areas of indoor space. An interior space is a space surrounded by space. Rooms open to adjacent rooms, or within a room, different spaces are created by means of levels or visual dividers. Space becomes a place for gathering or for solitude while remaining integrated. It is a function of personal rela- tions. Also, in a tropical climate, a house must breathe.

Thus transparency has become a feature of the Filipino house. It allows for cross ventilation or better circula- tion of air. Transparency also arises from the relation PHILIPPINE ARCHITECTURE of spaces. Even when interior space is well covered and protected, the character of transparency is some- how expressed. Then there is the lightheartedness of the Filipino, which is reflected in the visual lightness of architecture. A structure appears to be a floating volume. Massive structures are treated in such a way that they look light. In addition, the Filipino-who lives in a lush baro- que landscape-seems not to be comfortable with empty space or plain, unadorned surfaces. Space has to be filled, or broken up, or at least, be the setting for texture. Lastly, the play of space, visual lightness, and transparency of structure and texture all contribute to a spirit of festivity, or better still, of tropical festivity. Filipinos love their fiestas, and architecture becomes one of their forms of celebration. But the search for form and the search for identity must also consider new conditions and directions. The vastly increased population demands that today's architecture be concerned not only with the design of individual buildings, but with the design of communi- tics. This means more than mass housing. It means creating communities that are economically selfsufficient, environmentally safe and healthy, and ad- equately provided with services, such as schools and hospitals. As the city dominates contemporary life and de- vours land for its infrastructure and megaprojects, will there still be space for every needy person to have a decent dwelling? Or shall one have to accept, as inevit- able, living in one small compartment of an urban honeycomb? The single dwelling anchored to the ground signifies respect for the individuality of the occupant, while the multidwelling complex stresses the need for community. Architects are challenged to create the kind of dwelling that fosters one's solidarity with the land and with neighbors. The larger task for architecture today is to create new communities for the poor and, in so doing, raise them from the inhumanity of poverty to a way of life worthy of their human dignity. Architecture for the poor will help to answer the long urgent need to redesign and transform the social order. • R.D. Perez III References: References: Casal 1978; Castaneda 1964; Coseteng 1972; Dacanay 1988; De Leon 1992; Galende 1987; Klassen 1986; Lambrecht 1929; Legarda 1960; Scott 1966; Zialcita and Tinio 1980; Vanoverbergh 1953. 29 HISTORICAL ESSAYS THE ETHNIC TRADITION Ethnic architecture in the Philippines refers to different forms of folk and vernacular architecture found among the different ethnolinguistic communi- ties in the country. These forms include dwellings, whether permanent or makeshift, granaries, fortifications, places of worship, and other temporary struc- tures. Ethnic architecture is created by the different ethnolinguistic communities in the Philippines, from lowland communities to communities in the Cordille- ras, the Visayan islands, Mindanao, and other adja- cent islands. Ethnic architecture draws inspiration mainly from the environment, specifically, the climate, terrain, one's vegetation, and fauna around

it. It also responds to communal and social needs--the need to be safe from hostile and marauding tribes and to interact with fellow human beings. General Characteristics Ethnic structures are deeply rooted in the South- east Asian building tradition and share its characteris- tics, namely, pile construction, the hip or gable roof, and the use of materials available from the environ- ment, such as wood, vegetation, and sometimes mud. The favorite material, as in the rest of Southeast Asia, is bamboo which is used for posts, flooring, siding, roofing, and many others. Also used are coconut wood and fronds, bakawan or mangrove, some hardwoods, pinewood, stones; cogon grass, nipa, banana bark as roof coverings and wall sidings; rattan and other vines for fastening. Ethnic architecture is informal and intuitive, usually designed by the owner and executed with hu- man resources provided by the family and the com- munity. The design is often influenced first, by tradi- tion; and second, by chance or oido or playing by ear. Tradition dictates the general shape or form and the structural concepts, while chance enables the builder- designer-artisan to improvise and make adjustments along the way, relying on intuition and aesthetic in- sight to solve the problems of design and execution. Most ethnic houses mnform to a general pattern: they have steep thatched roofs to facilitate drainage; 30 they are elevated on posts or stilts to temper the earth's dampness and humidity; they have slatted flooring to let in the cool air from below; in the low- lands they use bamboo, nipa, and cogon to keep cool, while in the uplands, they use tightly fitting solid planks to help keep in warmth. The ethnic house is generally a multipurpose one-room structure, light and airy, comfortable and functional, yet durable and structurally stable. Altogether, ethnic houses reflect the wisdom of the vernacular building tradition of a long line of skilled artisans who blend aesthetics and utility into one harmonious whole. Decoration, while done sparingly, is often a happy marriage between aesthetics and socio-politico-religious factors. Pig skulls, for instance, may adorn an Ifugao house mainly for social prestige, just as carabao horns and the colorful panolong, the decorated beam-ends of Maranao houses, indicate social position. In various Phi- lippine mosques, the crescent-and-star motif surmount- ing the dome serves as a symbol of Islam. In ordinary houses the natural finish, texture, and pattern of pine- wood or bamboo give aesthetic pleasure. The ethnic house expresses the indigenous way of organizing space within and without. Territorial spaces are suggested by symbols, never stated with fences nor walls; these are respected by the passersby and other residents in the area. For example, one does not litter within a certain space, nor allow one's cows or carabaos to stray into the area. One avoids passing near a neigh- bor's window where someone may be sleeping. Within the house, even in the absence of walls or partitions, the use of different levels, mats, or a fireplace in a comer can distinguish one section from another. While privacy is generally observed within the understood limits of each area inside and outside the house, the plot of land or the designated zone at sea or along the shoreline where the houses are built remains communal property. Thus the responsibility for main- taining the surroundings--like the hill where the clus- ter of houses stand-rests on all the residents in the area. This gives the children a wider and bigger place in which to play and run around, and the adults more space for socializing.

NATM CONSTRUCTION. Most ethnic houses use bamboo for posts, frames, and floors; cogon grass or nipa for roof covering and wall siding; and rattan and other vines for fastening. (Neely 7901, Ambefh Ocampo Collection) In a culture that encourages maximum interaction among people, communication is largely indirect. It is accomplished through suggestions, hints, gestures, and symbols, so that messages may be decoded with ease by members of that culture. It is a culture where people work together, build houses together, eat together, and generally do things together. They are bound by the great number of rituals and festivals they celebrate together. The design and construction of houses in such a culture are also affected by a set of animistic beliefs and assumptions that govern the choice of site; time and season for building; rituals to be observed before and during the construction of the house, including the noting of certain signs or omens that may affect the progress or abandonment of the work; the orientation of the house as well as the distribution of interior spaces; and other beliefs and practices that assure good health, a prosperous and happy family life, as well as protection from evil spirits of both the occupants and the builders of the house. Many local beliefs are found in the rest of insular Southeast Asia, where traditionally the THE ETHNIC TRADITION dwelling is considered as animated, and its construction governed by ritual to pacify spirits. The ethnic house is of modest proportions as it is used essentially as a shelter from the elements and as a place to cook, eat, and sleep. Most of the time its occupants stay outside--working under the extended eaves of the house, or out in the fields. At other times, the house doubles as a social and cultural center. It becomes the setting for weddings, wakes, death anniversaries, religious rites, and other life-cycle celebrations. On such occasions ritual platforms may be constructed beside or near the house, or on some parts of the house such as the porch. The whole house itself may be used by simply adjusting areas to allow for more space and a more appropriate setting for the rituals. Among Muslim Filipinos, a separate place for worship is provided in the form of mosques and smaller chapels. The mosque is part of a complex that includes a school, a social hall, a library, an9 a confer- ence room, among others. Ethnic architecture may be classified using four different considerations. According to structure: cave- dwellings, lean-tos, elevated one-room huts over land or water, multilevel houses, longhouses for the community, tree houses, houseboats, and landhouses. According to use or function: places of worship, such as the prehispanic simbahan, a temporary structure 31 HISTORICAL ESSAYS built only as the need arises; the masjid (mosque) and the langgal or ranggar (small chapel); as well as dwell- ings and palisades or fortresses. According to histori- cal period: the ancient and prehispanic, pre-Islamic, Islamic, Spanish, American, modern, and contempo- rary. Finally, according to cultural groups or peoples: the Ifugao, Kalinga, Bontoc, Isneg, Kankanay, Ibaloy, and other peoples of the Cordilleras; the various Aeta groups such as the Agta, the Pinatubo Aeta, and the Dumagat; the various Mangyan groups in Mindoro, notably the Hanunoo and the Alangan; the Tagbanua, Batak, and Palawan peoples from Palawan; the Mara- nao,

the Maguindanao, the Yakan, the Tausug, the Samal, the Badjao, the Tagbanua, the Bagobo, the Manobo, the Mandaya, and the Bukidnon from the Mindanao-SuluPalawan area. In this discussion, the first three considerations, i.e., structure, functions, and historical periods, will be merged into a general survey of all the types of structures found in the is- lands through history. Types of Structure in History Architecture, like other forms of art, is a product of history. Ethnic architecture has evolved in response to changes in time and history, so that although it is the repository of traditional skills and lore and remains a vital link to the past, it has allowed change and innovation over the years. As in other parts of the world, cave dwellings were perhaps the earliest shelters in the Philippines. Evidence that early peoples of the Philippines used caves as habitations is found in the Tabon caves of Palawan. The cave was the most natural habitat for people whose survival depended on food gathering and hunting. The next stage in the evolution of ethnic architecture was marked by the appearance of the lean-to, the first attempt at building. With just a few branches and twigs, and some leaves and fronds as sidings, early Filipinos constructed a wind-sun-and- rain screen supported by a pole at an angle on the ground. This suited the lifestyle of nomadic groups such as the Aeta. In search of food and sustenance, they would travel from place to place bringing with them their life-symbol, the lean-to, ready to be put up anytime as needed. The present-day descendants of these groups--the Agta, Aeta, Baluga, Dumagat, Ita or Ati-are no longer as nomadic as their ancestors. Later, the practice of kaingin or swidden farming gave rise to a more settled life in a real house. Howev- er, durability was not a m!ljor concern because swid- den farmers knew that when the land's productivity 32 reached a low ebb, they had to move to another site. Many ethnic groups still practise swidden cultivation, and it can only be inferred that their houses now resemble those of the original kaingin farmers. The introduction of wet-rice agriculture brought about a truly settled life and a need for a more perma- nent dwelling. The houses then were probably similar in structure to present-day ethnic houses: a single- room house cage elevated on posts or stilts, with steep thatched roofs, slatted flooring and sidings made of bamboo or hardwood; they were cool and airy, well ventilated, and free from dampness and humidity. It may be concluded that the basic features then of the bahay kubo (nipa hut)-the dwelling of the lowland, Christianized populace-had already been established even before the Spaniards came. Early Filipino communities, mainly coastal and river- ine, were isolated groups of dwellings consisting of 3 to 30 houses. In large compact trading communities, such as Cebu and Manila, a few thousand people lived in clustered villages (Fox 1977: 355). In general, bigger and LEAN-TO. The nomadic life of the Aeta necessitated a wind-sun-and-rain screen that was portable. (Lata 1898, Am9rfcan Historical Collection) sturdier houses prevailed in nucleated villages, while smaller and less permanent types predominated in those areas close to the fields or kaingin sites. Because of different environments, upland and lowland houses developed interesting contrasts.

Low- land structures tended to have a more open, airy in- terior, while upland ones were tightly enclosed with solid planks, having few or no windows because of the chilly mountain weather. Special types of houses developed in various parts of the Philippines. In fishing communities in the Sulu archipelago, houses were built over water for hun- dreds of years for practical reasons. In places where violent intercommunity clashes occurred, tree houses were built by such groups as the Ilongot and the Gad- dang of northern Luzon, and the Mandaya and Bukid- non of eastern Mindanao. And in areas regularly rav- aged by typhoons such as Batanes, sturdy, firmly fas- tened, lime-and-stone-walled dwellings with a meter- thick grass roof protected their inhabitants from strong rains and winds. Each house provided not only effective protection from the elements but also functioned, whenever needed, as 1 a "temple" or "church", or sociocultural center. Except for the kuta or palisades and fortifica- tions, no other structures had specialized functions. Sometime during the 14th century, Islam was intro- duced in Sulu. Being an organized religion, it required a permanent and separate place of worship. The tradition of the mosque began. Two types of mosques de- veloped in the Philippines: the masjid and the smaller ranggar (Maranao) or langgal (Tausug and Yakan). The masjid, the traditional Islamic mosque, is the "larger and more permanent structure, built on a stone foundation, often near a stream or a body of water" (Gowing 1979: 60). The Friday noon assembly prayers, with the obligatory khutbah or sermon, and Id obser- vances, may be held only in the masjid. The ranggar or langgal is a hamlet "chapel", a small "semipermanent structure built for the convenience of the faithful who live far from a masjid" (Gowing 1979: 60). For the Yakan of Basilan Island, the langgal func- tions generally in the same way as the masjid, so that even Friday noon assembly prayers may be held here. :An interesting point about the langgal is that, like the typical Yakan dwelling, it too is built on piles and is conreived on indigenous lines. It is similar to South- east Asian mosques, notably the Indonesian Oavanese) langgar and the Malaysian surau, both of which con- tain a "voor&alerij or porch with a separate roof and a large room with a niche (pangimbaran)" (Mayer 1897, 1:47 in Wulff 191fl: 113-127), standard features of a regular mosque. THE ETHNIC TRADITION The basic difference between the langgal and the typical Yakan dwelling is that in the langgal, the "side walls do not reach right up to the roof" (Wulff 1981:20). The entrance to this house of prayer is through the porch, which is a step lower than the main room and usually covered, with a roof that is some- what lower than the main roof. At the opposite end wall is the sunting or niche that faces west. During services this part of the langgal is covered with cloth but normally devoid of any decor, like the langgal itself. The masjid was originally a three-tiered bamboo or wooden structure similar to a Chinese or Japanese pagoda or Balinese temple, a pattern that is also wide- spread in Indonesia and the Malay Peninsula. De- veloped later was a second style, the more familiar onion-shaped dome on squinches set over a square or rectangular hall that is more common in the Middle East .. Perhaps this style evolved from the accumulated experience of seeing Middle East mosques in the course of Mecca pilgrimages. While the pagoda-type masjid is older than the domed one, the langgal is even older than either one and antedates the former by several centuries. The Tubig-Indangan Mosque in Simunul island in Tawi-tawi is perhaps the oldest standing mosque in the Philippines. This mosque is said to be the work of the celebrated Muslim figure Makhdum Karim, who pioneered in the Islamization of Sulu around the last quarter of the 14th century. The Tubig-Indangan

mos- que is a prototype of the old-style mosque with its graceful two-tiered pagodalike structure set over a rec- tangular space and topped by a finial carrying the symbols of Islam: the crescent moon and the star. A typical mosque, it has a mihrab or niche with a small dome over it and inside has a wooden screen separating the men from the women. Other mosques done in the old-style pagoda de- sign may be found in Balo-i, Lanao del Norte and in the old Muslim communities in the Ramain area east of Lake Lanao, especially in Taraka. All later mosques feature the onion-shaped dome and fancy minarets, evidently of Persian influence. Arabic geometric ornamental designs as well as large Quranic inscrip- tions have become more common and have replaced in some places in Mindanao the traditional okir designs, the colorful patterns beautifully carved on the mim· bars or wooden pulpits, and other parts of old mos- ques. The interior of the mosque is a carpeted square or rectangular hall that can accommodate at least 40 peo- ple, or 44 as in the case of Sulu at any given time. The worshippers face Mecca in congregational prayers by 33 HISTORICAL ESSAYS turning towards the quibla (wall), in the direction of the mihrab, the recessed area in the middle of the quibla. The Maranao "great house," the torogan (sleeping place), is another important contribution to Philippine vernacular architecture. Earthquakeproof, solid, and durable, it is the Maranao ancestral house, residence of the datu or sultan of the leading kin group. Occasional- ly it is used as the setting for big weddings, wakes, and other socioreligious gatherings. Its elevated position among the other houses is immediately apparent in the exuberant wavelike patterns of colorful and intri- cate okir carvings on the protruding beam-ends of the house, making the torogan appear like a floating, sculptural mass. It looms huge and stately with its high, salakotlike roof that flares at the sides. According to Melvin Mednich (Lebar 1975:37), if the mosque is the politically defining feature of a Maranao hamlet, the torogan is its socially defining feature. Such is the importance attached to this multifamily dwelling whose great size bespeaks rank, wealth, and prestige. Another important Muslim structure is the kuta, which, until the American colonial period, provided protection against enemy attacks. 34 MOSQUE. The Tublg-lndangan mosque In Slmunul Island, Sulu Is typical of early mosques. (Ayala Museum Collection) With the advent of Spanish rule in the Philip- pines, a dramatic restructuring of Philippine religious, socioeconomic, and political life occurred. New struc- tures were built, reflecting the major preoccupations and values of Spanish colonial life. The most important of these were the churches, plazas, and houses of the ilustrado class. During this period, houses signified the wealth and social rank of their owners. The typical lowland dwelling, the bahay kubo became identified with the lower classes. The bigger houses made of more perma- nent materials like hardwood and stone became a sym- bol of affluence. These mansions were popularly called bahay na bato or stone-house, bahay na·tisa or house with rooftiles, or by a rather misleading name, bahay Kastila or Spanish house. Being the homes of the well-to-do, these wood-and-stone houses were largely concentrated in the

cabecera or capital of the town or the poblacion or town proper. The smaller and flimsy bahay kubo, the house of the poor, was found around the visita or small chapel of the barrios. As the Christian ethnic house, the bahay kubo or cube house retained the features of the traditional house, such as the steep roof, elevated quarters, slat- ted flooring, and wide eaves, but added wide awning- type windows; the silid, where the occupants of the house could change clothes in private; the altar, for the villager's santos and other holy images; benches, tables, and other furnishings required by the new hispanized manners. Basically the bahay kubo consists of a balkon (front porch) that opens to a multipurpose bulwagan, the main room of the house, on one side of which is the silid. This leads to the kitchen, and finally, to a roofless batalan, a back porch which serves as a clean- ing or washing area or even as a bathroom. The house is usually entered through the front porch or through the batalan via a bamboo ladder. In some cases, however, the kitchen is moved to ground level or else built as a separate structure. Depending on the locale and the terrain and the prevailing climate and weath- er, choice of materials and elevation of the house may vary from place to place. The bahay na bato was a bigger, sturdier, and more sophi~ticated version of the prehispanic bahay kubo, retaining the usual post-andlintel construction of the traditional dwelling. Some innovations, however, may be noted: a highly flexible interior where rooms may be joined or separated by opening or closing wide doors; the addition of an azotea or second-floor terrace at the back of the house, and a caida, a foyer at the top of the stairs; the capiz shell windows, later protected by a metal awning or media-agua, a sun-and-rain-screen; the ventanillas or "little windows" between the window sills and the floorboards; the stone skirt on the ground floor which inspired the native name for the structure; and of course, the tiled roofs. All these give the bahay na bato a genteel and elegant look, without taking away the light and airy qualities of its bamboo-and-grass antecedent. Indigenous concepts persisted well into the Amer- ican colonial period and were embodied notably in the suburban tsalet or chalet-type dwelling, a hallmark of middle-class living. One level but elevated, the tsaletis a simplified bahay na bato. In form and spirit, it is closer to the original bahay kubo in its return to sim- plicity and functionalism. Its most prominent feature is the front porch which, in many cases, extends to the sides of the house, creating what Rodrigo Perez III calls "space surrounding space." Its entrance is through an L-shaped or T -shaped stairway either in concrete or wood or both. Like the bahay kubo, the tsalet conveys lightness, elegance, and warmth. THE ETHNIC TRADITION The modern period gave way to American build- ing concepts and technology. Skyscrapers made of steel-reinforced concrete and glass transformed the Philippine skyline. Amidst these symbols of American efficiency, bigness, and boldness, the original bahay kubo would reappear in the squatter shanties that sprouted in every conceivable manner on any available space--whether inland, coastal, or even along the esteros or urban estuaries. Some architects are now experimenting with bamboo not only as decoration but as structural compo- nent. Many contemporary houses are being designed to cope with the tropical weather and to revive certain psychological values inherent in the designs of the bahay kubo, such as that of social and family interac- tion. Many public buildings now sport the salakot- shaped roof or the okir motif of the torogan. Interestingly, while many slum dwellers pattern

their makeshift homes after the bungalow, the more popular American tropical residence, quite a number prefer the more practical bahay kubo design, utilizing GI sheets and scrap materials gathered from garbage dumps. Drawing from tradition, the better shanties along the coastal road leading to Las Piftas are one- room bamboo or wooden dwellings elevated on stilts. They convey an overall sense of lightness and roomi- ness despite the cramped space and cheap materials. They also prove that, with creativity and ingenuity, dwellings may be fashioned out of recycled materials. The Ethnic Houses Ethnic architecture is influenced chiefly by the lifeways, environment, and social organization of the different cultural communities. From Batanes in the extreme north down to Tawi-tawi Islands in the south, interesting forms emerge. In the north are the sturdy, lime-and-stone-walled dwellings of the Ivatan of Batanes; the flimsy lean-tos of the Agta of Palanan, Isabela; the twin houses of the Itawes of Cagayan Valley; the compact and cozy upland Cordillera houses. In central Philippines there is the communal Mangyan longhouse; and in southern Philippines, the Maranao torogan, the Tboli gunu bong or big house, the Badjao landhouse, the Tausug bay sinug, and the Mandaya or Bukidnon version of the tree house. The most typical of northern ethnic houses is the mountain house of the Cordilleras. Using mostly the post-and-lintel method and following a very precise, fixed, and highly revered tradition of house building, the Cordillera house is an ingenious adaptation to the demands of mountain living. William Henry Scott noted two architectural styles in the Cordilleras, namely, 35 HISTORICAL ESSAYS the northern and the southern strains (Scott 1969). The northern strain, which includes Isneg (or Apayao) and northern Kalinga, is characterized by a high, gabled roof formed by the combination of bowed rafters and tiered wall boards which fill in the gables; a rectangular floor space divided into three sections and two levels; and two separate sets of posts totally inde- pendent of one another, one set supporting the floor, the other, the roof. The southern strain, which com- prises Ifugao, Benguet, and Bontoc, is marked by a steep hip or pyramidal or conical roof that rests on top of the walls of the house cage, the latter a space that serves either as the living area among the Ifugao, the Kankanay, and the lbaloy or as a granary among the Bontoc and the Sagada. A set of four posts supporting two girders, which in turn support three beams or joists, carry the weight of the wooden box or cage that makes up the house proper. Cordillera architecture, which includes huts, houses, and communal dormitories, shows an in- teresting relationship between building patterns and the Igorot life-style and environment. For the Igorot, a dwelling should provide adequate protection against humidity and dampness (since part of the house is also a granary, the grain has to be protected from mildew), the pervasive chilly mountain weather, as well as hos- tile tribes, predatory animals, and vermin. In addition, a good design must take into account the precipitous mountain terrain and the possibility of landslides. While most people of the Cordilleras practice swidden or slash-and-burn agriculture, some like the Ifugao, the Bontoc, and the Kalinga engage in wet- terrace farming. Possibly an adaptation of lowland wet-rice agriculture to a mountainous terrain, these rice terraces may be found in elevations of anywhere from 500--1,600 m. The walls reach up to 6 m, in

some cases even up to 16m. Traditionally considered as the artists of the Cordilleras, the Ifugao fashioned long, massive, sloping walls of stone and earth that followed the contour of the mountain sides, making the terraces look like an enormous piece of sculpture. The Bontoc terraces, on the other hand, run in straight lines with almost vertical stone faces. They seem designed to maximize the level area for planting. The terraces of Kalinga, in contrast to the Ifugao and the Bontoc, have low stone walls supporting inward sloping earth walls. 36 MOUNTAIN HUTS. Cultural communities in the Cordilleras have evolved architectural forms like the Bontoc fay-u, top; the Kalinga binayon, middle; and the lsneg binuron, bottom. (Car/ito L. Sefreres 1992, Cultural Center of the Philippines Library Collection) \ Considering the rice terraces, the high level of craftsmanship and technical ingenuity of Cordillera dwellings certainly come as no surprise. Also, the de- sign of these structures can be related with that of the different terraces. Compare, for example, the steep roof and strict, rigid nature of the Bontoc fay-u with the towering Bontoc terrace walls; the relatively low roofs and more open character of the Kalinga binayon or octagonal house with the low stone walls of their terraces; and the classical line and artistry of the Ifugao bale, as seen especially in Mayaoyao, with the grace- ful, sculptural treatment of their terraces. The Ifugao, whose architectural style is typical of the southern strain, generally locate their houses and villages on their ancestral lands, amid their rice ter- races, along hillsides and valleys, near springs or groves. Usually built close to each other for mutual protection, there are usually 10 houses in a small vil- lage and up to as many as 40 or more in a big village. They are grouped organically rather than lineally, in interesting arrangements where house, terrace, and the surrounding vegetation blend harmoniously. Be- cause of thei1 high locations, these houses may only be approached by foot paths on terrace walls. There are no fences, for it is said that "only houses whose owners have pigs have a fence (alad) around them" (Lambrecht 1929:117-41). Two types of Ifugao dwellings are the abong (hut), and the £ale or bale (house). Huts are temporary in nature and simpler to build; houses are more perma- nent structures, taller and characterized by pyramidal roofs. The alang (granary house) is usually considered a house. The agamang, a sleeping dormitory for un- married boys and girls above 10 years of age, is classi- fied as a hut. The abong is home to the elderly, who have given their own houses to their married children or to poor people who cannot afford a house. The Ifugao bale appears like a giant mushroom. It is so organically related to its setting that it seems to be part of the earth, despite its 1.5 to 2-m elevation. This is probably because of the low eaves and the heavy pyra- midal roof that almost totally covers the planked walls of this one-room dwelling. The fale has three parts. The lower part, consists of the four tukud (foundation posts), with the characteristic cylindrical ratguards fit- ted towards the top of each post, and the two kuling (transverse girders), which rest on the posts. The mid- dle or the house cage area starts from the three floor joists over which the floorboards are fitted and wall- boards mortised all the way up to the loft above the upper frame of the cage. The upper part makes up the whole roof area.

The house is therefore a three-tiered structure where the posts and girders carry the house THE ETHNIC TRADITION cage which in turn carry the roof. There are wooden doors in front and at the back of the house. A ladder, the access to the house, is removed and lifted to safety at night, or hung neatly on the wall or placed under the house when the owner is away. The interior of the bale is dark and smoky, cozy, warm, and intimate because of the pale glow that filters into this windowless, womblike space. Some 4-9 sqm in size, only the parents and the smallest children sleep here; the rest of the brood and the other adult members of the household move to the agamang or sleeping hall of the village at night. In this small space the family cooks, eats, sleeps, performs rituals, and celebrates for many generations. Built out of heavy, hand-hewn timber such as narra that interlock each other perfectly without the use of nails or hardware, this solid and durable house can be taken apart, moved, and raised anew on a new site all in one day. Two indispensable features of the Ifugao house immediately establish the context and philosophy be- hind Ifugao and Cordillera architecture, namely, the fireplace and the ratguard. The fireplace warms and gives the characteristic black soot to the interior. The rat guard protects the grain, since the attic portion of the house also serves as a granary. The few shelves or racks in the house are mostly intended for the storage of firewood and grain. The granary is so central to Cordillera life and economy that the alang, its twin, is always built close to the fale. While the Ifugao use only the attic or a separate structure for the granary, other Cordillera groups inte- grate the granary into the house plan. This may be observed in the case of the Bontoc fay-u and the Saga- da innagamang. The Bontoc and Sagada, unlike other peoples in the Cordillera, live and sleep on the ground floor. In the Bontoc fay-u the elevated wooden cham- ber, which occupies one-half of the total floor area, functions as a granary. Furthermore, the roof structure allows for additional rice storage area in the attic, mak- ing the house virtually a three-story affair. The Bontoc fay-u thus represents a further step in creating various uses for the ground floor area. By enclos- ing it completely with tightly fitting pine boards, as ching-ching (walls), and by making the steep thatched roof extend downwards and flare outwards through the use of auxiliary rafters, it protects the working area under the house. More posts are used not only to support the extended roof but also to serve as nailing strips for the wooden ka-ew (planks) that enclose the area. In the Sagada house, the agamang (granary), is made truly ratproof by a gabled roof of solid planks mortised and rabbeted together. The innagamang is like 37 HISTORICAL ESSAYS the Bontoc house, except that it is completely enclosed to keep out the cold. The wooden plank floor divides sym- metrically into three levels: the sunken middle portion becomes the living area, while slightly raised platforms to the left and the right are used for sleeping and storage. Other examples of the southern style include the Bauko house in the northern Kankanay or Lepanto culture area, as well as the Bokod house among the Kankanay and the Ibaloy, which includes the older dokbutwith its walls of saw ali (split-and-woven bamboo) walls, and the tinabda or tinabla (from Spanish "tabla") or "large wooden house," said to be a later style (Scott 1969). The Bauko binangiyan has a steep roof built to such a height that the less significant attic of the Ifugao bale becomes an additional floor in the Bauko

house. The addition of a small ridgepole parallel to the front provides two vents for easier elimination of smoke which rises to the roof and which, incidentally, prevents the roof from rotting and helps protect stored foodstuff and utensils from mildew. Also long planks laid down on the stone paving form a partial floor, making the house a three-story affair. The Bokod house of the Ibaloy, on the other hand, solves the problem of restricted space by simply enlarg- ing the elevated chamber itself. For this purpose, it uses longer and sturdier timber and more posts, sometimes totalling seven or even nine, to support the structure. Other features include a flaring roof and a small porch. Typical examples of the northern style are the Isneg binuron, "big house," and alan, the sawali- walled granary; the Kalinga kulub (small house) in the northeastern foothills, as well as houses in the Mabaca Valley from the northern edge of Kalinga subprovince in the Apayao border into the lower Saltan River. 38 GRANARY. While some Cordillera groups have the granary Inside their houses, the Bontoc use this separate four-post structure for storing rice and com grains. (Summer Institute of Ungulsflcs) The binuron' s rafters are bowed into the shape of a Gothic arch. Its floor and roof are supported on a com- pletely independent set of posts, and the floor has slightly raised platforms along both sides. Its rectangular floor plan contrasts with the square houses found on higher ground in the Cordilleras, like the Ifugao house, the Kankanay, the Ibaloy, the Bontoc, and the Sagada. The Mabaca Valley houses are similar to the Isneg's, being elevated, elongated, and gabled. Across the front door, an annex or a lean-to is added and used as a kitchen. Such annexes or lean-tos, porches, and various covered areas in front and at the back of the house are a regular feature of northern houses. In Mabaca, the kit- chen annex may duplicate in cross-section the house walls and roof, complete with its own underpinning- a significant innovation in northern houses since it almost totally eliminates the smoke from the stove, a distinct advantage over the southern houses. In the lower Saltan and the upper Mabaca valleys, the curved roof with bowed rafters may not always appear, but two invariable features are: the gabled front with its two tiers of vertical wallboards and upper triangular space loosely covered with bamboo lathing, and the distinctive floor, supported by a row of posts set inside the walls, independent of the roof- supporting posts. The floor is divided longitudinally into three sections running front to back and usually covered with a rolled matting of split rattan or reeds laid loosely on laths mortised into the floor joists. The betel nutchewing occupants can simply roll back the floor covering to open up a space to spit the juice. In general, Kalinga houses show a three-fold long- itudinal division of the floor, which is raised to chest level by posts independent from those supporting the roof and walls. But in the octagonal Kalinga house called binayon or finaryon, there is a combination of the northern three-division floor with the southern- type threejoists-on-two-girders-on-four-posts under- pinning. The octagonal form is achieved by extending all four sides of the square southern house and closing in with diagonal walls the areas in between. The Mangyan of northern Oriental Mindoro build two types of houses: the single-room family house, is common in the lowlands; and the communal house, probably the older of the two, now rarely seen. The banwas, as the Mangyan community long- houses are called, are built either on top

of or the side of a hill, on level ground, or on a plateau, just a few hundred meters away from the clearings. The preferred location for the house is the leeward side of mountains or hills, which offers protection against strong winds. A typical house measures about 6 m wide and 10m long, with the door usually located on the narrower side. A three- or four-step ladder or a notched log leads to the small entrance. Occasionally, side doors or simply open- ings are added for easy access to the section allotted to the family. There are no partitions; mats, or occasionally, the bark of the lauan tree spread on the floor serves to define the space for the different families. A steep roof of cogon grass, with the roof ridge extending 4 m or more in height, protects the house from strong rains. Since the walls are very low, only a meter or less from the floor, the projecting eaves give extra protection from the cold. Each family has its own THE ETHNIC TRADITION fireplace, so that during cooking time, the absence of smoke holes makes the whole house "seem to be on fire because smoke comes out from every conceivable direction" (Maceda 1967:114). During mealtime there is a frequent sharing of cooked food among the dif- ferent families. Communal houses are generally about 1 km or more apart, depending on the terrain. The occupants of different houses communicate by shout- ing to one another as loudly as they could. They also announce the approach of strangers in this way. Pro- ceeding farther south, the number of large houses for single families increases. But even the smaller houses give the feeling of expanse, of openness, more here than in the north. An example of a large house is the two-leveled Tboli gunu bong found in the Lake Sebu area of south Cotabato. Around 14m long and 8-9 m wide, it looks bigger because it has no partitions. Divisions are sug- gested optically by means of levels and posts. The lower central space is thus integrated with the elevated side areas: the area of honor, the sleeping areas, and the vestibule. The great size of such houses is necessary because a typical Tboli household, like the Mara- nao's, consists of an extended family numbering any- where between 8 and 16 people. Polygamy, practised LONG HOUSE. The Tboll gunu bong Is a large clan house with no partitions. (Emesto R. Caballero 1990, Cultural Center of the Philippines Library Collection) 39 HISTORICAL ESSAYS by those who can afford it, adds to the number of residents in a house. Three or four such houses form a cluster, which operates independently of other clus- ters. Situated along hilltops and rolling land, these houses express the harmony between man and nature. The gunu bong looks like a roof on stilts and gives the impression of "hovering over" rather than "resting on" the spot it occupies. This is so because the roof eaves extend about 1 m over the side walls, which are them- selves just a little over 1 m high. Unlike northern houses, Tboli roofs are not very steep. The bamboo stilts rise i m above the ground. Tree stumps are also used as posts for the inner portion of the house and floor. Despite its dimensions the gunu bong is, to the Tboli, a "tawny, mellow-weathered bamboo womb" where he is nestled high and free, touched by the gentle glow and texture of bamboo and the decorative richness and color of the klabu, the cloth canopy that hangs over where he sleeps (Casal:

1978:62-64). - Of the several varieties of houses in the southern Philippines, the house on stilts built over the water is the most romantic. It embodies the TausugSamal- Badjao' s closeness to the sea. While the northern groups in Luzon design their life and homes around the mountain, the people of the Sulu area keep up with the rhythm of the sea-the house on stilts along the shoreline; the landhouse built entirely over water; and the ever-familiar houseboat, which is both home and fishing boat to the Badjao. The Samal, who occupy most of the smaller coral islands of Sulu, build their houses on piles driven into the reef floor. These houses are connected to the shore and to one another by a labyrinth of walkways and bridges of timber and split bamboo. The elevation of the house depends on the maximum high-tide level in the area. This is necessary in order to accommodate the outrigger boats, which the Samal tie underneath the house when not in use. Being fisherfolk and coral or shell gatherers, they need easy access to the sea and their fishing grounds; thus their vintas are kept under their houses. After fishing, the Samal could easily enter the house from the boat. The typical dwelling is made of bamboo and nipa, coconut lumber and mangrove, nipa or sawali for the roof and walls, bamboo for the stairs and floors, coconut wood, mangrove or other tree trunks for the posts and other structural elements. Because the roof is low the beams that support it are outside the walls. The design of the house is simple. It consists of a single room. Bigger types may have many small rec- tangular rooms. Samal houses always feature exten- sive, open porches or platforms called pantan, usually facing east. These serve as space for drying fish, wood- working, or preparing cassava; it is also the children's 40 playground, a gathering place for families, or a place to hold rituals. A small house, built right along the porch or terrace, usually serves as a kitchen. Traditional houses in the area are very large, the older ones 24 X 12 m and about 9 m high. The more recent ones are smaller, some only 4 x 6 m and 3 m high. It is said that older houses had two stories and balconies and were elaborately decorated with carvings. The reason for the large size is the extended family. It is not unusual to find as many as 46 people or anywhere from an average of 2 or 3 to a high of 15 nuclear families living together under one roof. The Badjao, often called sea gypsies, are the nomads of the south, constantly roving across the channels of the Tawi-tawi archipelago, or wherever fish and corals are abundant. They usually congregate and travel in groups in their houseboats, singing, clapping, making noises along the way. The Badjao have three types of boats: the lepa or lipa, the jenging, and the dapang. The lepa, which has no outriggers is the least stable but is equipped with sails for speed. The two other boats have outriggers. The dapang is much larger and can properly be called a houseboat. The cheapest is the jengingwhile the most expensive is the lepa. The well-built Badjao houseboat, with the character- istic outrigger, is equipped with a bench and a removable gable roof. The jenging is around 4 m long and 1 m high at the highest point, with just enough space to squat in and to store a few possessions, like a sail, a lamp for fishing, a water jar, a stove, pots and plates; a small chest, pillows and mats, and fishing spears. The floor is made of loose planks under which are kept various items and utensils and the catch of the day. An interesting feature of the Badjao houseboat is the ornate decorative carving based on the okkil motif on the walls and prows, stems, shafts, and in recent times, the gunwales, usually designed and executed by the boat builder, who most likely is the owner of the houseboat. With the conversion of many Badjao to

Islam, so~e groups ceased to be migratory boat dwellers, settling in so-called landhouses situated near their fishing grounds. The term landhouse is actually misleading, since it is not built on land but entirely on water. Unlike the Samal house on stilts which is still connected to the shoreline by house-to-house bridges, the Badjao house has no con- nection to the shore. Many Badjao, however, still prefer to live in their small family boats, claiming that they get "dizzy" in the fixed landhouse, and feel safer on the boat. From birth to death, they live almost exclusively on the boat. They regard the landhouse or other shore dwellings as temporary pile shacks. Here they could easily get sick after a mere two hours' stay. Despite their free, roving existence, there is a strong sense of camaraderie and kinship among the Badjao. On HOUSES ON WATER. These stilt-houses are connected to the shore and to one another by a labyrinth of walkways and bridges of timber and bamboo. (Orosa 7923, Nlcanor G. Tlongson Collection) certain occasions, such as weddings and funerals, com- munities of from 50 to 200 family boats may come together for the performance of certain rituals. Regret- ably, this life-symbol of the Badjao "dies" with the death of the head of the family, for the boat is ceremonially broken up and made into a coffin to be buried with him, along with his fishnets, fish spear, and oars. Although mistaken to be the typical Filipino house at the turn of the century, the tree house has always been a rare sight. It is found only in a few parts of northern Luzon and in some areas in eastern Mindanao, notably among the Manobo of Agusan and the Mandaya of Davao. The Mandaya tree house is of two types. The first rests "on the limbs of trees, conforming in size and shape to the nature of the supporting branches" (Cole 1913: 182); the second is built on the trunk of a tree whose top has been cut off above the ground. Smaller poles are added to support the floor and extend upward to form THE ETHNIC TRADITION the wall and the roof. Some houses of the first type have vertical sides and sloping roofs; in most cases, however, the roofs slope directly from a central ridgepole to the edges of the platform, making side walls unnecessary. Either type of house is entered by means of bamboo or rattan ladders, which are drawn up at night to prevent unwelcome entry and surprise attacks by hostile groups. The tree house is often located on the edge of cliffs and can be approached from only one direction. Whether up on a tree, high above the water, or close to the ground, the ethnic house has lived on. Through the centuries, it has gone through numerous adaptations, brought on by history and necessity. But its under- lying philosophy-symbiosis with the environment and sensitivity to the needs of its dwellers and the larger community-has endured in its essential form, and has much to contribute in our present search for architecture that will express the Filipino. • C. Hila References: Bello 1965; Bennagen 1969; Casal 1978; Cawed 1972; Cole 1913; Dozier 1967; Folk Architecture 1989; Fox 1977; Gervan 1913; Gowing 1979; Hornedo 1983; Jenks 1904; Jocano 1983; Keesing 1962; Lambrecht 1929; Maceda 1967; Magdale 1981; Majul 1977; Nimmo 1972; Peralta 1969; Scott 1969; Vanoverbergh 1953; Wulff 1981. 41

HISTORICAL ESSAYS THE SPANISH COLONIAL TRADITION From 1565 to 1898 the Philippines was a colony of Spain. During this long period, Spanish-influenced architecture appeared, namely, the iglesia or simba- han (church) and its adjoining campanario (bell tower) and convento (residence of the parish priest), the escuela (school), the fuerza or fortaleza (fortification), the civic buildings like the casa real and tribunal, the farola (lighthouses), the bahay na bato (dwellings of wood and stone), and the puente (stone bridges). It is generally acknowledged that the Philippines is the bastion of Christianity in the Orient. Some schol- ars believe that, because of this, the country absorbed the greatest degree of influence from the west in the Asian region, losing much of its identity in the process. Other scholars believe, however, that all these influences were really assimilated by the older ethnic base, which actually indigenized them. It is pointed out, for example, that the Spanish word for church, iglesia, never became fully accepted among the Filipi- nos, who used their own terms to denote a place of worship. Thus the Tagalog and Cebuano use simba- han, the Ilocano, simbaan, and the Pampango, pisam- ban. This process of indigenization was to characterize much of Filipino construction during the more than three centuries of Spanish colonization. The Beginnings The history of Philippine architecture under the Spanish regime begins with the arrival of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi's expedition in 1565. In Cebu, Legaspi's men founded a city, built a chapel, and erected a fort. The Spaniards then spent a short while in Iloilo, but because of promising reports they con- tinued further north to Manila. In 1571 they took over the charred remains of the settlement of the city's previous native ruler Soliman. Legaspi then traced the borders of the new Spanish city on the strategic tongue of land at the mouth of the Pasig River. From the beginnings of Spanish Manila may already be discerned the patterns which were to char- acterize much of colonial town planning throughout the country. Streets were built at right angles to each other, with the resulting layout appearing like a huge 42 chessboard. There was a huge, open square, called the plaza, around which were situated the most important buildings of the city: the cathedral, the governor general's palace, the tribunal, and the city council. Secondary plazas were later constructed in different parts of the city. Since the city was located by the sea, an additional ordinance was followed: the main plaza was located close to the waterfront. For pueblos or towns located inland, the plaza was ordinarily placed in the center. Although the plaza evolved in Spain and other European countries during the Renaissance, it was in the Spanish colonies in America that the plaza complex was fully developed and exploited. The Phi- lippines was, therefore, the recipient of much of the town-planning experience gained in the New World. The fusion of East and West in Philippine architecture was slowly effected through trial and error. The first buildings were of wood and bamboo, materials the Filipinos had been working expertly with since early times. Roofs were of nipa palm or cogan grass, and doubtless these primary constructions re- sembled the native residences. It became clear, howev- er, that clusters of these wooden houses were predis- posed to fire. By

the mid-1580s, through the efforts of Domingo Salazar, the first bishop of Manila, and of the Jesuit Antonio Sedeii.o, edifices began to be con- structed of stone. Fr Sedeii.o built the first stone build- ing, which was the residence of Bp Salazar, as well as the first stone tower, which was one of the defenses of the walled city. By 1587 Gov Gen Santiago de Vera required all buildings in Manila to be built of stone. For this purpose, the Chinese and the Filipinos were taught how to quarry and dress stone, how to prepare and use mortar, and how to mold bricks. Thus began what has been called the first golden age of building in stone. Glowing accounts of towering palaces and splendid mansions reached the Peninsula. But the ambitious plans of the Spaniards were dashed in 1645 when a terrible earthquake struck Manila. As one wri- ter quipped, citizens were no longer roasted; they were crushed instead. The twin dangers of fire and earthquake gave rise to another type of architecture. New edifices, with the significant exception of churches, rarely rose to more than two floors. Stone walls expanded to as much as 3 m thick, and buildings started to employ buttresses. Stone was used only for the first story; the second story w'as now built of wood. Another important ele- ment was the incorporation of the prehispanic framework, which relied on interlocking beams and houseposts to hold a structure together. The stone walls yielded their load-bearing role to the house- posts, known as haligi or harigue; in effect, the second floor was supported by the houseposts, while the stone walls acted as a solid curtain for the wooden framework. This type of construction was soon called arquitectura mestiza or "mixed architecture"-a term used by the Jesuit Ignacio Alzina as early as 1668because it was partly of wood and partly of stone (Merino 1987: 67). The character of arquitectura mestiza was further influenced by its builders who were mostly amateurs and artisans. The Philippines, which was two oceans removed from Spain, was understandably not one of the popular tourist destinations in those days, and very few professional architects made it to these shores. Construction projects were, therefore, initiated and supervised by both civil and religious authorities, especially by parish priests who were forced to handle THE SPANISH COLONIAL TRADITION HYBRID BUILDING. The Francia house In Magdalena, Laguna, built 1890, typifies the arquitectura mestiiza, a building which uses stone and woad. (lntramuros Administration Library Collection) such chores as bridge building. Even then, there was no guarantee that what the friar's hand traced on pa- per would be faithfully translated into stone. The actual business of building was done by what were then known as the maestros de obras (master builders). These were natives who had practical ex- perience and who learned additional skills from the friars, engineers, and other knowledgeable persons. The Augustinian scholar Luis Merino has theorized that Filipinos were at the helm of construction projects just 20 years after the founding of Manila. The names of these native builders are slowly coming to light. Indications are that the maestro de obras of the walls of Intramuros in 1591 was a Filipino named Pedro Jusepe. Moreover, Fr Merino has unearthed 1591 documents which confirm that these laborers were paid wages, a practice which is proved by records spanning three centuries (Merino 1987:51-53). Only during the second half of the 19th century, when the Philippines was enjoying an economic

43 HISTORICAL ESSAYS boom, did more and more professional engineers and architects from Spain arrive in the country. It was then that the first Filipino professional architect Felix Roxas Sr, arrived from studies abroad to practise his profes- sion. The earthquakes which struck Manila in 1863 and 1880, although disastrous, provided at least one good result: the city engineers got together and finally pro- duced a set of building ordinances designed to reduce the destruction caused by earthquakes. It was observed that edifices constructed after the 1863 earth- quake, incorporating scientific building principles, withstood the 1880 catastrophe and suffered little darn- age. Towards the last decades of the 19th century, there was so much building activity in progress that many builders were caught unaware by the Philippine revolution against Spain. Some churches were lucky to be finished under the American colonial regime; others were never completed. The many building requirements issued during the Spanish regime took into consideration the wide variety of materials available in the country. Obvious- ly, the earliest churches, houses, and buildings of the colonial period were made of wood and bamboo. Filipino carpenters were expert at determining which kind of wood was best suited to which functions. Molave, for example, was the best for houseposts, because it was impervious to termites; it could be im- bedded in the ground without rotting, and it hardened as it aged. Narra was a favorite for tabla (floorboards), because of its deep red color and the beautiful sheen it acquired when polished. Nails were not used until much later. Instead, wooden pegs and dovetail joints kept the pieces together; this feature allowed wooden structures a certain flexibility of movement without splitting or breaking apart during earthquakes. With the discovery of stone quarries in the 1580s by Bp Salazar and Fr Sedefto, the art of masonry slowly developed throughout the islands. Buildings of cut stone, such as those in Manila, were described as de silleria or de cal y canto. Outside Manila the skill of cutting stone spread only gradually, and buildings were erected using variously shaped rocks and river stones; this type of construction, known as rubble- work, was called de mamposteria. The art of making bricks was also introduced at the same time as building in stone. Clay, molded in rectangular wooden forms, was fired in kilns to produce ladrillos (bricks), tejas (roof tiles), and baldosas (floor tiles). Sometimes floors were paved with heavy slabs of granite left by the Chinese galleons, which had used them as ballast; hence these stones were called piedra china. Stones and bricks were cemented together using argamasa (mortar), a mixture of powdered lime and water. Lime 44 was obtained from limestone quarries, coral reefs, and seashells. According to typical Filipino lore, ingre- dients as plant sap, molasses, and even eggs were used to make the mortar more binding and durable. Another important function of mortar was to pro- tect masonry walls from erosion and moisture brought on by the humid atmosphere and heavy rains. Known as paletada, this protective layer of mortar was also carved to provide ornamentation for facades and en- trances. Mortar, applied over a screen of interwoven branches and wooden slats produced a thin wall known as tabique parnpango, which was used pri- marily for partitions between rooms but sometimes also as exterior walls. Glass, which was imported and very expensive,

was rarely used in the country. Instead, window panes were made from the translucent capiz clam, which allowed light to filter through while at the same time acting as a protective barrier. Modem materials, such as galvanized iron sheets and Portland cement, were intro- duced towards the last decades of the 19th century. As construction techniques were developed, quar- ries opened, and kilns constructed, various parts of the country began to show a preference for specific build- ing materials. Most of the buildings in Manila and central Luzon were of adobe, a volcanic tuff quarried from the hills which is entirely different from the mate- rial of the same name found in Latin America (adobe in those hispanic countries refers to mud and straw formed into rectangular blocks which are then dried in the sun). In northern Luzon brick was the essential building material; houses and churches of brick were also built in scattered areas of the archipelago, all the way down to Jolo, Sulu. Towns along the coasts of Luzon, especially from Zarnbales to Batangas, used roughly hewn blocks of coral stone. Many construc- tions in the Bicol Peninsula took advantage of the abundant volcanic stone. Throughout the Visayas, the craft of cutting stone or coral was virtually elevated into a fine art, with blocks fitting so precisely into each other that not even a razor blade could be inserted between blocks. The material was so durable that it did not have to be protected with a layer of paletada. This art was brought by the Visayan settlers to the coastal towns of Mindanao. Under more than three centuries of Spanish initia- tive, buildings of wood, stone, and brick were con- structed all over the archipelago, from the Batanes Islands in the north to Tawi-tawi in the south, from Palawan in the west to Samar in the east. These struc- tures may be classified into four main groups, based on their function in the community: military, religious, domestic, and civil. Military Architecture Realizing the perils of their expedition in Cebu, Legazpi and his men erected in 1565 a triangular fort near the coast of the city. Named Fort San Pedro, it was a modest palisade of timber which, as it turned out, would be the first in a chain of fortifications erected by the Spaniards throughout the country. In the process of colonizing the Philippines, the Spa- niards made many enemies: the Portuguese, the Dutch, the British, and the Chinese. Many Filipinos were also resentful about Spanish encroachments and led sorties against the new settlements. Most disgruntled of all were the Igorot peoples of the Cordillera and the Muslims of Mindanao; both these groups resisted hispanization until the end of the Spanish regime. The Muslims, in particular, erected their own kuta or forts to protect themselves from the Spaniards. In Manila, a palisade was built in 1571 around the new city. The first stone fort Nuestra Senora de Guia was built in the 1580s by Fr Antonio Sedefi.o at one corner of the Walled City facing what is now Rizal Park. Its foundations were later incorporated into the stone walls enclosing Manila, which were built by Gov Gen Gomez Perez Dasmarifi.as in the 1590s. During this time another fort was constructed over the ruins of the fortifications of the city's previous Filipino ruler, Soliman; named after Spain's patron saint, Santiago, it FORT. Fort Santiago In lntramuros, Manila, built from the 16th to the 19th century and named after Spain's patron saint, guarded the mouth of the Paslg River from Spain's enemies. (Miller 1912, American Historical Collection) THE SPANISH COLONIAL TRADITION

guarded the mouth of the Pasig River. Across the bay from Manila was Cavite, which became the port of call for the galleons; in time this city was also fortified with stone walls and its own fort, named San Felipe. A typical stone fort had three or more sides called Cortinas. Above some of these walls were casamatas (stone platforms) from which cannons and other artil- lery aimed outwards. Flanking cortinas on both ends were quadrangular bulwarks known as baluartes or bastiones. At other corners were perched little turrets, called garitas, in which sentinels kept watch. A foso (moat) often surrounded the entire fortification, and at the water's outer reaches a low wall called the falsab- raga provided yet another line of defense. A heavy structure, known as the revellin, was sometimes erected on one side of the main entrance for added protection. Depending on its size, the inside of a fort could include the following: alojamientos (living quar- ters) for the soldiers; calabozo (jail), herreria (found- ry), almacenes (warehouse) for powder, provision, and ammunition; pozo (well), and even a chapel. In fact, entire churches were incorporated into forts, the entrance to the church also serving as the entrance to the fort. Examples of church fortresses of this kind may still be seen in Cuyo, Palawan; Capul, northern Samar; and Guiuan, eastern Samar. In a number of places, such as Miag-ao, Iloilo and Atimonan, Quezon, the churches themselves doubled as fortresses. In 45 HISTORICAL ESSAYS Dupax, Nueva Vizcaya the priest's quarters had slit windows from which archers and gunfighters could repel attacks by the unconverted Isinay. In an attempt to deter Muslim raids into the Visayas and Luzon, the Spaniards built forts in the strategic islands of Palawan, Cuyo, and Culion. They also dared construct stone forts in the homeland of the Moros: Mindanao. These were built in Zamboanga, Basilan, Tandag, Cagayan de Oro, Cotabato, and Pan- gui, in what is now Ozamis City. With the advent of steamships, the Spaniards gained the upper hand and in 1876 conquered Moro territories in the Sulu archipelago. Small stone fortifications rose in the islands of Jolo, Siasi, and Bongao. Although the Spaniards had their hands full with the Moros, they also had to contend with other dis- gruntled Filipinos who lived in the interior. Thus a fort was built in Lubao, Pampanga as a defense against the Aeta. In 18th-century Cagayan, forts were constructed in Tuao and five other towns as defenses against the Igorot from the nearby Cordilleras. Since the government in Manila was slow in send- ing help and armaments, it was often left to the parish priest and the townspeople to set up their own de- fenses. Watchtowers were set up along the coasts to spread warning signals to the nearby towns. While a great number of watchtowers in the Bicol Peninsula were of wood, those built under Augustinian sup~rvi sion along the coasts of Ilocos, Batangas, and Cebu were of stone, and hence more massive. The Recollects also built stone towers and forts for their parishes in Masbate, Romblon, Bohol, and Negros. With the modernization of shipping, the farola (lighthouse) became necessary. Many extant farola, such as those in Bangui, Ilocos Norte, guarding Cape Bojeador; Palauig Island, Cagayan, guarding Cape En- gaii.o; Corregidor, guarding the entrance to Manila Bay; and Capul Island, northern Samar, guarding the San Bernardino Strait were built in the last decades of the 19th century. They were renovated and improved by the Americans in the next century. Despite all these fortifications, complaints and reports persisted that the colonized settlements were not defended enough. In 1762

the British practically breezed their way to the gates of Manila, the fortified walls of Cavite and Intramuros notwithstanding. After their departure in 1764, an old fort in the district of Malate was rebuilt to improve the defenses; named after San Antonio Abad, it was also known as La Polvorista, because it was used as a powder magazine. Ironically, it was over this fort that the Americans first raised the Stars and Stripes in the Battle of Manila in 1898. 46 Religious Architecture Easily the most visible reminder of the Spanish heritage is the Catholic church in the center of most Philippine towns. The great number and variety of this and other religious structures confirm the fact that the Spaniards were here not just for commercial gain but, more importantly, to win souls for God. The Christianization of the Filipinos was the work of two types of clergy, the religious and the secular. The religious clergy was composed of several orders, each of which had its own provincial who was re- sponsible to the order's headquarters in Spain. In the Philippines the most important religious orders were the Augustinians, Franciscans, Dominicans, Jesuits, and Augustinian Recollects. On the other hand, the secular clergy was governed by a hierarchy of bishops and archbishops. Due to various historical reasons, the great majority of the Filipinos were converted by mem- bers of the religious orders, generally called frailes or friars, who arrived from Mexico or Spain in a boatload or barkada (today "barkada" means gang or peer group). In contrast, the small number of the secular clergy limited them to serving in cathedrals and a few parishes. The earliest religious structures were churches built for the religious orders, who lived in adjoining monasteries. The first monastic churches were built for the Augustinians in Cebu and Manila in the same years these cities were taken over by the Spaniards. The mother churches of all the religious orders were concentrated in Intramuros; hence the largest monas- teries in the Islands were also located here. From Intra- muros the friars set forth to conquer spiritual fields for the Lord, not only throughout the Philippines but also in China, Japan, Cambodia, Indonesia, and Guam. Smaller monasteries were founded as rest areas in cooler places around Manila, for example, in San Fran- cisco del Monte for the Franciscans. Sadly, many monasteries in other large urban centers, such as those for the Dominicans in Lallo, Cagayan, the Franciscans in Naga, Camarines Sur, and the Recollects in Cebu City have disappeared. Luckily, the 18th-century house of the Jesuits in Cebu City still stands, although it has been converted into a warehouse. These monasteries served as headquarters for the religious in certain areas, and thus had many rooms and were quite large. A monastery was basically four sided in plan, with a cloister enclosing an inner court- yard or atrium and the garden, where the friars could meditate. One entered through the porteria, the office where records were kept, schedules arranged, and religious prayerbooks sold. The friars met their guests ~ - ;; ~--.... ..~· '"·~ .. -.. ,. ..• CHURCH. The old Poco Church, built In 1823 by the Augustlnians, typifies the church-convento-patio complex which was the nucleus of the Spanish pueblo. (EI Oriente 1878, Lopez Museum Co//ec#on)

in the recibidor, and had their meals in the refectorio. In the Augustinian monastery of Intramuros, the refec- torio is preceded by a de profundis room, where the residents prayed for their deceased companions and benefactors. The wing adjoining the church was re- served for the sacristy, where the priests vested for mass; vestments, utensils, and decorations used for religious rituals were also kept here. Living quarters and recreation rooms were on the second floor. The influence of monastery architecture is most obvious in the construction of the parish priest's resi- dence. This building, ordinarily called casa parroquial (parish house) in other countries, is until today popu- larly referred to as the convento, a term originally reserved for houses of monastic communities. Con- ventos most akin to monasteries are those of the Fran- ciscans along the shores of Laguna de Bay, which are quadrangular cloisters enclosing gardens. Many others were L-shaped, with the church building providing a third side so that the plan resembled a C or a U; although the fourth side was missing, the space for an inner courtyard was still retained. THE SPANISH COLONIAL TRADITION The conventos, more than their older and grander cousins, the monasteries, followed the canons of tradi- tional Philippine architecture. Apart from the bedrooms or cells, the sala (receiving room) and the com- edor (dining room) were located on the second floor. An open area, called the azotea, enabled residents to enjoy the cool evening breezes. Elsewhere were spaces for a clinic, classrooms, and storage. In some towns, such as Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, the convento doubled as the municipal hall. Of the various kinds of churches in the Philip- pines, the parish church was the most common. This church indicated that a town had "come of age," i.e., it was an independent parish and had its own parish priest. A system of prayers and religious devotions was introduced and maintained by the ringing of the church bells; hence people lived "under" the sound of the bells or bajo de las campanas. For a town to be elevated to the status of parish, a church should already have been built in the commu- nity. In probably all cases, this primal church was of local light materials, such as bamboo, wood, and thatch. As the parish grew in size and wealth, the church was improved, strengthened, or even rebuilt. There were instructions that as much of the old struc- ture should be used whenever reconstruction was carried out. For example, after the fire of 1707 in 47 HISTORICAL ESSAYS 48 CHURCH INTERIOR. Chrlsfs baptism in the Jordan River Is portrayed In the bautisterio or baptistry of the Guluan Church In Samar, top, built co 1700. At the nave near the transept of the lndang Church In Cavlte, built 1707, bottom, Is the pulpito or pulpit. (Rene Jove/lana Collection) Majayjay, Laguna, the parish priest enclosed the old, charred walls in layers of brick and masonry work, resulting in new walls that were 3 m thick. Up to the 19th century buttresses were added to reinforce walls against earthquakes. The most outstanding of these may be seen in Pangasinan, Ilocos, and the Cagayan Valley. The main longitudinal body of the church was the nave; large churches could have a

nave flanked by two aisles. The entrance was through the huge wooden doors of the main entrance. To either one's left or right was the bautisterio (baptistry), where newly born babies were baptized into the Christian faith. The placing of the baptistry close to the entrance was symbolic of one's entry into the Christian community. At the far end of the sanctuary was the altar mayor (main altar), with its elaborately decorated retablo or altar screen. In many cases, the church incorporated a transept, which was a hall cutting across the nave just before the main altar, making the floor plan resemble a cross. Over the crossing of the nave and the transept was usually a dome or a tower with windows that illuminated the sanctuary. To one side or behind the main altar was the sacristia (sacristy), where the priest and his assis- tants put on their vestments before celebrating mass. The priest delivered his sermon from the pulpito (pul- pit), an elevated structure (generally of wood) located at the nave at some distance from the transept. Musicians and singers performed at the coro (choir loft), a high platform just behind the main entrance. Follow- ing the Spanish tradition, the organ was perched on a loft next to the coro. Most of the congregation were left to stand or kneel; long benches were provided only for the principales or leading citizens of the community. Persons who wanted to attend the ceremonies private- ly could do so behind the tribunas, screened balconies with access from the second floor of the convento. The interior of the church was often richly furnished with side altars, paintings, and carvings of religious sub- jects, but everything was intended to focus attention on the tabernacle at the center of the main altar: Apart from the convento which was discussed earlier, another integral part of the church was its campanario (bell tower). This structure often adjoined the church building, and its ground floor usually housed the baptistry. Bell towers could be as simple as the four-posted structures of early churches, or impos- ing, like the solitary monuments of the Ilocos. Only a few churches managed to hang bells from espadaiias, free standing walls with openings which were popular in Latin America. The threat of earthquakes confined their construction to only a small number of churches, chiefly in the north. Bells performed many services for the community, tolling the hours, calling the con- gregation to worship, announcing important events, and warning of impending danger. The church compound was the most dominant feature of any town's architecture. The impressive vis- ta formed by the outlines of the bell tower, church, and convento was enhanced by the spacious yard or patio in front of it, which was often enclosed by low stone walls and ringed by venerable acacia trees. A number of churchyards were marked at regular intervals by little shrines for the 14 Stations of the Cross, as in Argao, Cebu. The patio was the site for outdoor ceremonies, like the hosanna of Palm Sunday, and the lighting of the Easter fire and the salubong of Easter Sunday. For the hosanna, a raised and decorated platform was built to house children, dressed as angels, who sang the hymn "Hosanna Filio David." For the salubong, a tall and elaborate construction of bamboo called galilea and re- sembling a triumphal arch, was built so the images of the Virgin and the Risen Christ could pass under. At signal, a child, dressed as an angel, descended from the apex of the arch to remove the black veil of the Virgin. For fiestas and other occasions, the arko (arches) were built not only in the patio but also in strategic spots around town. Some of these arches could be ostentatious architectural structures of wood, sporting features as agee arches, cartouches, swags, and moldings. The more humble though equally pleas- ing arch was made of bamboo. Temporary shelters of bamboo, called kubol in Tagalog or

abong-abong in Ilocano, were built especially for Holy Week and the feast of Corpus Christi. For the latter feast, a proces- sion starting from the church would stop at these structures for benediction and prayer. The kubol re- sembled the huts, called tuklong, made by farmers in their fields. An altar with a santo, candles, and flowers completed the furniture of the hut. One other important part of the church complex was the cemetery, which in many parishes was located some distance away from the town center. In the early days the dead were buried inside the church, but this practice was found to be unhygienic; subsequent de- crees called for the provision of graveyards, first out- side the church, and eventually away from the plaza. Cemeteries and their chapels became veritable architectural monuments in themselves; the one in Janiuay, Iloilo won for its builder an award from Spain for its artistry. Lying outside the town proper were villages or barrios whose inhabitants chose to live near their rice and farm lands. To minister to their spiritual needs, the visita system was evolved. Chapels built in THE SPANISH COLONIAL TRADITION selected areas were visited by the priests according to a regular schedule. Variously called capilla, camarin, ermita, santuario, tuklong, or visita, a structure of this type was often only of light materials. As the barrio grew, the chapel could be rebuilt in stone; if the resi- dents were numerous enough, they could even peti- tion to be separated from the mother parish and be elevated into an independent parish. To facilitate the religious administration of the is- lands, the country was divided into several dioceses headed by bishops. At the seat of each diocese, which was often the capital of a region, was a cathedral. By the end of the 19th century the Philippines had six cathedrals-in Manila; Lalla, Cagayan; Vigan, Ilocos Sur; Naga, Camarines Sur; Cebu; and Jaro, Iloilo. An adjunct to the cathedral was the bishop's resi- dence which resembled a convento in form, although it was much larger. Unfortunately, all except one of the six structures were destroyed during WWII. The only remaining bishop's residence from this period is the one in Vigan, Ilocos Sur. Each diocese was also responsible for the estab- lishment and maintenance of seminaries for the forma- tion of the secular clergy. Due to many problems, however, seminaries were only established in the 18th century. Only one seminary from this period still stands today: that of the diocese of Nueva Caceres in Naga, Camarines Sur. The rectangular form appears to have been the basic structure of religious buildings. This form was hardly touched by such concepts as baroque move- ment, rococo lighting, or gothic structure. Exceptions to these are few but are highly interesting, namely, the Greek cross plan, with all four arms short and equal in length, adopted by the magnificent church of Oton in Iloilo; the round and oval floor plans used for various cemetery chapels; and the undulating facade of the San Luis Church in Pampanga, which appears to have been an experiment with baroque stucture. Western and other influences are evident in the various styles of building ornament and furnishings. In the 19th-century gothic arches, romanesque recessed portals, byzantine friezes, and neoclassic col- umns appeared on facades and walls, enlivening what would otherwise be squat, heavy structures. These, however, were not always precisely copied from West- ern models, but were interpreted by artisans according to their taste and were sometimes combined with na- tive motifs. 49

HISTORICAL ESSAYS Domestic Architecture The bahay kubo was the archetype for domestic architecture during the Spanish regime. In its most basic form, the house consisted of four walls enclosing one or more rooms, with the whole structure raised above ground on stilts. Contemporary writers have described it as a "floating volume." Its resemblance to a cube earned its description in Spanish, cubo. Being in the tropics, the house was designed to allow max- imum ventilation. Its large windows and slatted floor insured the flow of air throughout the interior. Bam- boo, nipa, cogbn grass, anahaw leaves, and other organic materials were used for the walls and roof. Inside, partitions were kept to a minimum. Rain water slid off quickly from the steep roof, while floods and moist ground were a slight incon- venience as the house was safely above the ground. The bahay kubo was constructed as a community pro- ject in the tradition of bayanihan or communal coopera- tion. The house was simple and light enough, so that it could be carried by a number of people and transferred to another location. Inside, the living area was divided into two prin- cipal parts. The larger space was the sala or bulwagan (living room). On one side or corner of this was the silid, a small room where clothes, mats, and pillows were kept. The other space was the kusina (kitchen), which had a banguera, a window rack made of split bamboo where plates and glasses were exposed to the sun to dry. Next to the kitchen was a roofless exten- sion, also of split bamboo, called the batalan, where the family washed and bathed. The simplest house was a one-room affair. Some had an enclosed sleeping room which was often raised a little above the bamboo floor. Although popularly called a cuarto after its Spanish equivalent, Pigafetta' s observation in 1521 that Cebuano houses had rooms similar to those of the Europeans suggests that this feature may date back to prehispanic times (Pigaffetta 1969: 38); moreover, there are native terms for it, such as the Tagalog silid and the Visayan sulod. As mentioned earlier, fire and earthquakes tem- pered the Spanish penchant for building extravagant mansions, such as those found in Spain and Mexico. Eventually, nature forced the colonizers to appreciate the advantages of the lowly bahay kubo. The recon- struction of the late 17th-century Pinero house in Intramuros by scholars Fernando Zialcita and Martin Tinio Jr (Zialcita 1980: 242-244) shows us that, although the stone walls reached up to the second floor, some native features had already been adopted. The living quarters were on the second floor, a batalan was pro50 ' vided at the back, and huge molave haligi supported the entire structure. Already present at this date was the volada, a cantilevered wooden gallery which was to characterize many arquitectura mestiza houses of the 18th and 19th centuries. The tall and thick stone walls may be attributed to the fact that Manila in the 17th century was still suffering from the trauma of the Dutch and Chinese invasions, so that houses were practically minifortresses. In contrast to the fortified Intramuros house, ex- amples of 18th-century houses in the provinces, although exceedingly rare, indicate a more relaxed lifestyle and, in their retention of the basic space allocations of the bahay kubo, represent an evolution- ary transition to the 19th-

century stone-and-wood houses, called bahay na bato. The modest Palma house in Imus, Cavite very much resembles a bahay kubo, except that its ground floor is enclosed with heavy stone walls. The living quarters are on the second floor. The sala takes up most of the space, and a little cuarto is reached by ascending just two steps. The more massive Ordoveza residence in Majayjay, Lagu- na also retains the traditional two-level arrangement, with the living quarters on the upper floor. There is a large sala, which leads to several cuartos. The dining room and the batalan are at the back. Solid houseposts go all the way to the ceiling, supporting the second story and the roof timbers. Due to economic gains and the rise of the mestizo sangley or Chinese half-breed class in the 19th cen- tury, a number of Filipinos became wealthy enough to build their own bahay na bato. Some of the finest of these are in the towns of Taal, Batangas and Vigan, Ilocos Sur. In the Taal houses, the volada came to its full development. This gallery, whose name is derived from the Spanish word "to fly," projected outward from the first-story wall, providing shade to pedes- trians below. The slatted floor of the bahay kubo was now replaced with wide floorboards called tablas. Since the floor no longer admitted air, openings called ventanillas were provided between the floor and the windowsills. When the sliding panels of both ventanil- las and windows were opened, the walls of the upper floor practically disappeared. Enhanced by the decora- tive tracery, wrought-iron work, and calados or wooden fretwork, the whole house resembled a huge bird cage (Zobel de Ayala 1963: 28). Until recently Philippine colonial houses were de- scribed as Antillan, because they seemed to resemble houses in the Antilles or West Indies. Upon closer scrutiny, however, the notion of similarity had to be given up. Among other reasons, the enclosed volada THE SPANISH COLONIAL TRADITION HOUSE. The bahay na bato usually had an enclosed volada or cantilevered wooden gallery like that of the Vega House, left, bull! co 1890, In Ballngasag, Mlsamls Oriental. (National Library Collection) To enter, one went through the gate on the first floor and ascended a grand staircase like the escalera of the 19th-century Coso Gorordo of Cebu, bottom. (Emesto R. Caballero 1989, Cultural Center of the Philippines Library Collection) sets the bahay na bato apart from its cousins in colonial America, where the balconies were generally exposed. In Vigan, capital of Ilocos Sur, many home owners chose to build both stories in brick, which was avail- able in large quantities. With the massive walls, the volada disappeared in many residences and the kitchen became an extension in stone, with vents piercing the walls to let out smoke. Different regions evolved their own building styles, which were in many cases dependent on the materials available. In the northernmost province of Batanes, which is often hit by storms, the Ivatan built houses of stone. The wall facing the strongest winds was always left windowless. Since adobe lends itself to sculpture, houses in Bulacan had facades decorated with carved flowers, leaves, and religious symbols. With the growing complexity of life in the 19th century, space in the bahay na bato was allocated for specific purposes. The entrance was through the za- guan, a hall on the ground floor. As in the bahay kubo, much of the ground level was reserved for storage; in business districts some spaces were rented to shops. Horses for carriages were housed in stables called caballerizas. Ascending the escalera (grand staircase), the visitor waited to be received at the caida or antesa-

la or a large room where informal entertaining took place. The sala, often the largest room in the house, was reserved for special functions such as tertulias or 51 HISTORICAL ESSAYS evening soirees. Displayed here were family portraits and the best furniture. At one end of the living room was the comedor (dining room), which led to the kusi- na with its ever practical banguera. To one side of the kitchen was the bathroom and toilet. The batalan was now transformed into the azotea, an outdoor terrace where the residents and their guests repaired to dur- ing cool clear nights. There were any number of bed- rooms or cuartos which opened onto the sala. The upper part of partitions consisted of wooden fretwork called calados, which allowed air to circulate at ceiling height. Although retaining the basic boxlike form, the 19thcentury bahay na bato reflected changing tastes through the incorporation of motifs from the prevalent styles. Neoclassic decorations included columns, caryatids, and friezes adopted from Greek and Roman architecture. Ogee or pointed arches over doors and windows were marks of the gothic revival. It was not uncommon to mix elements from different styles. In areas far from urban centers, such as Mindanao, orna- ment was enriched by motifs derived from local cul- tures. Civil Architecture Once established in Manila, the Spaniards com- menced the construction of a number of buildings for the various offices needed in running the colony. These buildings, which represent probably the least- known class of colonial architecture in the country, may be grouped under three types based on their function: administrative, social, and commercial. Flanking the Plaza Mayor of Manila were two of the most important administrative buildings in the land. The first was known by various names: casa del ayuntamiento, casa del cabildo, casa consistorial, casa real. This sprawling building was the seat of the coun- try's government. It contained numerous administra- tive offices and the archives. On the second floor was a large hall where state banquets and balls were held. Across the ayuntamiento was the residence of the highest official of the land: the palacio del gobernador general or palacio real. On the second floor was the residence of the governor general and his family; in another part was housed the Real Audiencia or tribu- nal, until its abolition in the 18th century. The ayunta- miento and the palacio, both made of stone, had two stories and spacious inner courtyards. Like many buildings in the country, they had to be rebuilt quite a few times because of fires and earthquakes. The earth- quake of 1863 totally destroyed the governor general's palace. It was never rebuilt; instead the governor 52 general moved his quarters to a vacation house, called Malacaftang, farther up the Pasig River. Smaller versions of the ayuntamiento were built in towns all over the country, and were referred to as casa real, casa municipal, or simply municipio. Sym- bolizing the secular power of the state, it stood at one end of the town plaza, facing the symbol of religious power, the church. Some towns, proud of their status as capitals of the province, erected stone archways at the entrance to the poblacion. Such structures still exist in Pagsanjan, former capital of Laguna, and in

Bucay, former capital of Abra. The casa hacienda was the administrative building for the hacienda or landed estate. This consisted of one or more sprawling edifices housing quarters for the administrators and workers, kitchens, storerooms, carpentry shops, stables, and of course, a chapel. The casa hacienda built by the Augustinians in 1716 in Mandaluyong is one of the oldest in existence. Today it houses the Don Bosco Technical School for Boys. A large number of buildings may be classified as social buildings. Contrary to popular belief, the Spa- niards attended to the various needs of the population with a concern that in many ways surpassed that shown by other European countries for their own peo- ple. Foremost among these was education, which for the greater part of the Spanish regime was administered by the religious orders. In the middle of the 18th century, Intramuros could boast of at least six schools within its walls. The Universidad de Santo Tomas was founded in 1611 by the Dominicans. Other schools were the Colegio de San Phelipe, the Colegio de San Juan de Letran, the Colegio de San Jose, the Colegio de Santa Isabel, and the Real Colegio de Santa Paten- dana. In Vigan there was the Colegio de San Pablo and in Naga, the Colegio de Santa Isabel. In Cebu the Colegio de San Ildefonso was the forerunner of today' s University of San Carlos. Separate buildings for public schools, popularly called escuelas pias, began to be constructed in the 19th century. A few large towns ventured to open vocational schools. The Escuela de Artes y Oficios de Bacolor in Pampanga was rebuilt in 1892 after it was damaged by fire. Some of the schools in Intramuros began as orphanages. In the 19th century two more of such institutions were established: the Hospicio de San Jose and the Asilo de San Vicente de Paul. Both these charitable institutions enjoyed the luxury of spacious buildings and wide inner courtyards, in the center of which stood a chapel. The Hospicio nestled on a pic- turesque island on the Pasig River. The first hospital was set up in Manila by the Franciscans in 1578. It was later turned over to the THE SPANISH COLONIAL TRADITION PALACE AND HOSPITAL One of the most Important buildings during the Spanish colonial period was the Ayuntamiento, top, built 1850, which housed the administrative offices and archives of the City of Manila. (Klassen 7986, Cultural Center of the Philippines Library Collection) San Juan De Dios Hospital, bottom, was built ca 1900 at the Parlan gate, Manila. (fl Oriente 7877, Lopez Museum Collection) 53 HISTORICAL ESSAV S COMMERCIAL DISTRICT. Center of the country's retail trade during the second half of the 19th century, the Escolta expanded after the opening of Manila to world trade in 1834 and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. (Lala 1898, American Historical Collection) order of San Juan de Dios, which built a beautiful stone hospital and church in the 18th century. Three other hospitals were established in Manila: the Hospital Real, which was reserved only for the Spaniards; the Hospital de San Gabriel, for the Chinese in Binondo and the Hospital de San Lazaro, for lepers in Santa Cruz. In the port of Cavite, an important military sta- tion, there were two hospitals: San Juan de Dios within the city walls, and Nuestra Senora de los Dolores in Canacao. Places for recreation were limited to theaters, cockpits, and the occasional bullfight. Stages for

theat- rical productions were constructed during special events such as fiestas, after which they were disman- tled. The stages used for the production of the komedya or the sinakulo consisted of a platform raised on bam- boo or timber supports. A painted backdrop, called telon, formed the back of the stage. Behind the telon, performers dressed and. waited for their cues. The 54 stage area could be roofed with thatch. Because stages were adhoc structures, there were only a handful of permanently built theaters. Those in Manila were constructed outside Intramuros. The most substantially built was the Teatro de Binondo, which had stone walls and a colonnade on the second floor. Vastly popular were the cockpits, huge arenas of light mate- rials covered with thatch. Venue for a pastime that not even the Spaniards could eradicate, the sabungan, as it is called in several Philippine languages, was an inte- gral part of any important festivity. Today there is a cockpit in virtually every town. For bullfights, tempo- rary wooden amphitheatres were built; the arena floor was of packed earth. Horse racing gained a foothold when a hippodrome was built in Santa Ana, Manila in 1867. Presumably the viewing decks were constructed of the same materials as those of cockpits, although perhaps were a bit sturdier. When the Americans ar- rived in 1898, they found the races always well attended. Buildings for commercial purposes ranged from diminutive sidewalk stalls to huge factories. In nearly every town the Chinese were the chief suppliers of basic goods and supplies. In large towns, such as Man- ila, Vigan, Malolos, and Cebu, there was a special district for them called the parian, to which the towns- people flocked for their household needs. In 1758 a large commercial building was inaugurated in the populous Chinese village of Binondo, just across the river from Intramuros. Known as the Alcaiceria de San Fernando, the edifice was octagonal and contained several shops run by Chinese merchants. Destroyed by fire in 1810, it was not rebuilt perhaps because by then many other stores and shops had already opened. The largest, fanciest, and most prestigious companies were eventually established along a nearby street called the Escolta; by the second half of the 19th century this was the most important commercial dis- trict in the country. The opening of Manila as a free port encouraged British, German, French, and other foreigners to set up businesses on the Escolta and adjacent streets. With the vigorous upswing in trade in the 19th century, many other types of buildings emerged. Fac- tories were set up to process, among other things, beer, liquor, and cigars. The La Insular Cigar and Cigarette Factory, with its intricate Moorish motifs, was a good example of a building which combined commerce and art. Stone granaries and storehouses were const! ructed in the big market towns; rich families had their own camarin or camalig. A monumental customs house, the Aduana, was constructed in the 1820s in a portion of Intramuros along the banks of the Pasig. The first bank, the Banco Espaii.olFilipino de Isabel II, originally housed in the Aduana, moved in 1862 to its own building elsewhere in Intramuros. The THE SPANISH COLONIAL TRADITION second bank, the Monte de Piedad, first held office at the Colegio de Santa Isabel in Intramuros then moved to a new building in the Santa Cruz district; this edifice was notable for its templelike facade in the neoclassic style. In the late 1880s a railway

system was estab- lished, and the central train station at Tutuban was constructed. A number of smaller train stations were set up along the Manila-Dagupan line. Epilogue The great cultural surge in Manila and the rest of the country in the 19th century was celebrated in its vibrant architecture, from the bahay kubo to the bahay na bato, from the visita to the catedral, from the sabu- ngan to the factory. But time and nature, and human beings, have conspired to erase this memory. Those that have survived to this day, so precious precisely because they are so few, are a constant reminder of the aspirations and artistry of the past. • R.T. Jose References: Ahlborn 1958, 1960a, 1960b; El Archipelago 1900; Baii.as 1937; Castaneda 1964; "Christian Beginnings in llocandia" 1971; Cordero-Fernando 1978; Coseteng 1972; Diaz-Trechuelo 1959; Fernandez 1979; Galende 1987; Gomez- Piii.ol 1973; Gonzalez 1946; Gonzalez 1969; Hargrove 1986, 1991; Hornedo 1987; Huerta 1855; Javellana 1991; Jorde 1901; Jose 1984, 1986, 1991; Keleman 1967, 1969; Kubler and Soria 1959; Klassen 1986; Legarda 1981; Lopez 1984; Marco Dorta 1973; Merino 1987; Mojares 1983; Niii.o 1975; Orlina n.d.; Pigafetta 1969; Reed 1978; Repetti 1938; Reseii.a 1890; Roces 1978; Rodriguez 1976; Smith 1958; Witnesses to Past Pre- sences 1956; Zialcita 1980; Zobel de Ayala 1963. 55 HISTORICAL ESSAYS THE AMERICAN COLONIAL AND CONTEMPORARY TRADITIONS The American tradition in Philippine architecture covers the period from 1898 to the present, and encom- passes all architectural styles, such as the European styles which came into the Philippines during the American colonial period. This tradition is represented by churches, schoolhouses, hospitals, government office buildings, commercial office buildings, depart- ment stores, hotels, movie houses, theaters, club- houses, supermarkets, sports facilities, bridges, malls, and high-rise buildings. New forms of residential architecture emerged in the tsalet, the two-story house, and the Spanish-style house. The contempo- rary tradition refers to the architecture created by Fili- pinos from 1946 to the present which covers buildings and private commercial buildings, religious structures, and domestic architecture like the bungalow, the one- and-a-half story house, the split-level house, the middle-class housing and the low-cost housing project units, the townhouse and condominium, and least in size but largest in number, the shanty. History The turn of the century brought, in the Philip- pines, a turn in history. Over three centuries of Span- ish rule came to an end, and five decades of American rule began. The independence won by the Philippine Revolution of 1896 was not recognized by Spain, nor by the United States, whose naval and military forces had taken Manila on the pretext of aiding the revolu- tion. In 1898 Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States, and after three years of military rule the Americans established a civil government. With a new regime came a new culture. The En- glish language was introduced and propagated through the newly established

public school system. A consciousness developed among the native population as American colonial policy focused on education, public health, free enterprise, and preparation for self- government. The landscape was transformed as high- ways, bridges, ports, markets, schools, hospitals, and government office buildings were rapidly constructed. The monuments of the SpQ.nish era continued to stand 56 proudly, while the future began to rise around them with triumphant vigor. In the course of the Spanish colonial era, native design and European styles came together in an evolv- ing synthesis that culminated in the stately architecture of churches and aristocratic houses in pro- vincial towns. As Spanish words were absorbed by the native languages, so were baroque, rococo, neoclassic, and gothic revival motifs absorbed by the Filipino's architectural vocabulary. That language continued to find utterance in upper-class residential architecture in the early decades of the American regime. The beginning of the new age was especially evident in Manila, where, as John Foreman (1905) re- ported, ". . . works of general public utility were undertaken . . . the Luneta Esplanade . . . was re- formed, the field of Bagumbayan . . . was drained; breaches were made in the city wall to facilitate the entry of American vehicles; new thoroughfares were opened; an iron bridge, commenced by the Spaniards, was completed; a new Town Hall, a splendidly equipped Government Printing Office were built; an immense ice factory was erected on the south side of the river to meet the American demand for that luxury ... " The ice factory was the Insular Ice Plant and Cold Storage built ca 1902 by the Philippine Commission. It was a massive brick building with high and narrow blind arches on its facade that recalled the 19th-century neoromanesque style in the United States. The ice plant survived until the 1980s when it was demolished to give way to the elevated track of the light rail transit. In those early years construction projects were undertaken by the engineers of the US Army. It is uncertain whether there was any architect among them, for in 1901 a Filipino, Arcadia Arellano, was appointed consulting architect by the first American civil governor William Howard Taft. That same year the Philippine Commission created the Bureau of Architecture and Construction of Public Buildings under the Department of Instruction. Arellano, a local- ly trained maestro de obras (master builder), had served as an officer in the Engineer Corps of the Re- volutionary Army. In later years he would design a THE AMERICAN COLONIAL AND C_ONTEMPORARY TRADITIONS number of notable houses and buildings in various revivalist styles, including the neogothic, neorenais- sance, and neobaroque. One of the priorities of the American government was the development of a summer capital in a cool region. Thus in 1904 the American architect and city planner Daniel H. Burnham came to the Philippines upon the invitation of Commissioner William Cameron Forbes primarily to survey Baguio, and, to use Forbes' own words, "try to lay out a new city and, in addition, to make some plans for the development of Manila." In the early years of his career Burnham be- longed to the Chicago School that pioneered in modern architecture. He was the chief designer of the World's Columbian Exposition held in Chicago in 1893, and from then on was a zealous advocate of neoclassicism. As a city planner, he promoted the "City Beautiful" move- ment, and prepared plans for Cleveland, Chicago, San Francisco, Baltimore, and Washington DC. For Baguio,

Burnham proposed a general scheme for the street system, the location of buildings, and recreation areas. Although his plan was followed in principle, it was adapted by later architects who were entrusted with its implementation. For Manila, Burnham prepared a more compre- hensive and detailed proposal that aimed to develop the waterfront, parks, and parkways; the street sysSTONE BRIDGE. Jones Bridge replaced the Spanish-period Puente de Espai\Q, (National Geographic Magazine, American Hlsfortcal Co/lectfon) tern; building sites; waterways for transportation; and summer resorts. "The bay front," he proposed, "from the present Luneta southward should have a continuous parkway extending, in course of time, all the way to Cavite ... The banks of the Pasig should be shaded drives begin- ning as close to town as possible and continuing up the river, the south bank drive going to Fort Mckinley, and beyond this to the lake." Since what was the Luneta then would be occupied by a government center, a new Luneta would be built farther out on reclaimed land, and would "give an unobstructed view of the sea." Nine parks were to be "evenly distributed over the city" and were to be connected by parkway boulevard. The street system in the districts would, for the most part, remain unchanged; the street system in areas to be developed would follow a radial pattern, while diagonal thoroughfares would link the city districts. Burnham re- commended that building sites should avoid a rigid north-south or east-west orientation, so that houses would enjoy sunlight on all sides throughout the day. The government center, comprising the capitol and department buildings, would be erected south of 57 HISTORICAL ESSAYS PREMIER HOTEL The Manila Hotel on Roxas Boulevard, built 1912, Is the countr(s first world-class hotel. (Tourist Handbook of the Philippine Islands· 7924, American Historical Collection) the Walled City and near the bay. The courthouse, the post office, and cultural facilities would be on separate sites. Beside the bay, on a site north of the Luneta, a hotel would be built. The estero or estuaries were to be developed and maintained as waterways. Summer resorts were to be established on higher elevations around Manila. Charmed by the old houses with tile roofs and overhanging second stories, Burnham proposed that these be preserved, and recommended that new, sim- ple, well-proportioned buildings of reinforced concrete follow the arcaded style of the old Spanish edifices. Manila, Burnham remarked, "possessed the bay of Naples, the winding river of Paris, and the canals of Venice." With his plan he proposed to "make Manila what the Spaniards used to call it-the Pearl of the Orient." For the implementation of his plans for Manila and Baguio, Burnham recommended William E. Parsons, a product of Yale, Columbia, and the Paris Ecole des Beaux Arts. Parsons served as consulting architect of the Bureau of Public Works from 1905 to 58 1914. In that short span he supervised the implementa- tion of the Burnham plans for Manila and Baguio; prepared city plans for Cebu and Zamboanga; directed the development of parks, plazas, and shoreline areas in many provinces; and designed

a number of out- standing buildings. Heeding Burnham's counsel on the design of build- ings for Manila, Parsons evolved a style that was re- freshingly modem yet unmistakeably evocative of the local tradition. With pitched roofs, plain walls, wide arches, deep galleries, and capiz windows, the new build- ings that Parsons created echoed the ambiance of Span- ish colonial Manila, and at the same time enunciated the principle that form should follow function. An outstanding example of Parsons' approach to design is the Philippine General Hospital (PGH), con- structed in 1910, a building neoclassic in its disciplined elegance and highly practical in its loose and airy arrangement of pavilions. Parsons' other major works include the Manila Hotel, the Army-Navy Club, the Elks Club, the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) Building, the Normal School and the adjacent dormitory, later called Normal Hall. His works outside Manila include provincial capitols and their plazas, schoolhouses, and markets. Towards the end of his service in the Philippines, Parsons designed the initial buildings of the University I THE AMERICAN COLONIAL AND CONTEMPORARY TRADITIONS of the Philippines (UP), then on Taft Avenue and Padre Faura. The first building, the University Hall, was in the neoclassic style, surrounded by porticoes with Ionic columns. In this and in works produced after his Philippine assignment, Parsons succumbed to the revivalism of the Ecole de Beaux Arts from which he had been successfully freed in his earlier work. It was ironic that the architect who had introduced a new direction for Filipino architecture would reverse it by implanting the neoclassic style that would be the offi- cial architecture of the government for the next quarter of a century. The first Filipino to receive the academic title of architect during the American regime was Carlos Bar- retto, who in 1903 was sent as a government pensiona- do or scholar to the Drexel Institute in Philadelphia. After graduating in 1907 he returned to the Philip- pines, and from 1908 to 1913 worked in the Division of Building Construction of the Bureau of Public Works. In 1911 Antonio Toledo, a product of Ohio State University and Cornell University, joined the Bureau of Public Works, and in 1928 became consulting architect of its Architectural Division, a post which he held until his retirement in 1954. Toledo assisted Parsons in the design of several buildings. In the 1920s Toledo designed the College of Medicine Annex and University Library of the UP, the Leyte Capitol, and, in the late 1930s, the City Hall of Manila, the Agriculture and Commerce (now the Tourism) Building and the Finance Building. Toledo's works were all in the neo- classic vein. Tomas Mapua graduated from Cornell University in 1911, and worked as draftsman at the Bureau of Public Works from that year until1915, when he went into private practice. Returning to the Bureau in 1918, he was named supervising architect and served in that position until 1927. Mapua designed the Nurses' Home of the PGH, one of the finest examples of the neorenaissance style in the country. In 1925 he founded the Mapua Institute of Technology. An acknowledged master in his time was Juan Arellano, a younger brother of Arcadia. Juan Arellano studied at the Drexel Institute in Philadelphia, and after graduation travelled through several European countries. He returned to the United States for further studies at the University of Pennsylvania and the Beaux Arts School in New York. On returning to the Philippines he worked briefly with his brother Arcadia. One of their joint projects was the Gota de Leche Building on Lepanto (now Loyola st). One of its prominent features was a

neorenaissance arcade con- sisting of semicircular arches springing from columns, and decorated with medallions on the spandrels. In 1917 Juan Arellano joined the Bureau of Public Works. As supervising then consulting architect, he became a dominant figure·in Philippine architecture. His first major work was the Legislative Building. Originally intended to house the public library, the building had been designed by Ralph H. Doane, a successor of Parsons at the Bureau of Public Works. Construction began in 1918. When it was decided that the building should be for the legislature, the revision of the plans was entrusted to Juan Arellano. The Leg- islative Building was completed in 1926 and was de- scribed by A.V.H. Hartendorp, editor of the Philippine Education Magazine, as "the most magnificent and impressive structure ever erected in the Philip- pines . . . dominantly Roman in architecture, but Greek in its grace, Renaissance in its wealth of orna- ment, modem in its freedom from academic restraint, and Oriental in its richness and color." In 1931 Juan Arellano completed two of his greatest works: the Post Office Building, a masterpiece of neoclassicism; and the Metropolitan Theater, a mag- nificently successful experiment in the romantic style, which Hartendorp described as "modem expres- sionistic." The Post Office portico, with its 14 massive Ionic columns, is an overpowering presence that both wel- comes and astonishes the visitor. Departing from the conventional rectangularity of neoclassic buildings, Juan Arellano flanked the main rectangular mass with semicircular blocks, thereby adding grace to strength. Exuberance characterizes the exterior of the Metropolitan Theater. Its festive spirit arises from the rich combination of color, sculpture, light from built-in lamps and the large illuminated window over its entrance, the lively play of receding and protruding flat and curved surfaces, and the insistent verticality of pinnacles. Two movements in architectural design are here noted: an obeisance to the West in the art deco ornament, and homage to the tropics in the batik pat- terns and various fruit and plant forms. A few years after the completion of the Metropoli- tan Theater, Juan Arellano designed government buildings for Banaue, Ifugao, and Glan in Cotabato, and adopted regional architectural forms, such as posts with rat guards from Ifugao, protruding beam ends from Cotabato, and steep roofs from both. As Juan Arellano brought neoclassicism in the Philippines to its summit, so did he masterfully open new avenues for architectural design, particularly romanticism and the recovery of native forms. From Parsons' last years at the Bureau of Public Works to the year before WWII, i.e., from 1913 to 1941, government buildings were designed in the neoclassic 59 HISTORICAL ESSAYS style. Among the last of these were the Agriculture and Commerce Building, the Finance Building, and the City Hall of Manila. Neoclassic architecture enjoyed nationwide visi- bility, for provincial capitols from north to south of the archipelago were built in that style, notably those of Pangasinan, Negros Occidental, and Leyte. Following the guidelines set by Parsons in 1913, the provincial capitols and related structures were located in parks, away from population centers, "in a position of dignity and retirement." The orderly arrangement of provin- cial government buildings was supposed to reflect the order in government itself. The implantation of 20th-century neoclassicism in the Philippines was inevitable. Parsons had been trained in the Ecole des Beaux Arts in Paris, which actively promoted revivalist design, particularly neoclassicism. Barretto, Toledo, Mapua, and Juan Arellano were

products of American schools that were under the lordly influence of the Ecole de Beaux Arts, which then enjoyed secure dominance even while modem architecture began to emerge as a revolution- ary force that would eventually prevail. The neoclassic style was appropriate during a co- lonial regime when the country was being prepared for independence. Since government buildings in the great capitals of the world were in that style, it seemed logical that a people who aspired for quality with free nations and powerful states should adopt the same style in all its grandeur for the seats of civil authority. The genesis of modern architecture in the Philip- pines covers a period of about 30 years, and involves an interrupted infancy and a shift from early loyalties. It begins with Parsons whose earlier works signified a departure from historical styles and embodied a new approach based on the primacy of function. But in his last works in Manila, Parsons turned to the Greek revival and established the local neoclassic regime in architecture, thereby nipping in the bud a develop- ment that he had auspiciously initiated. A departure towards a different direction ap- peared in the Uy-Chaco (now Philtrust) Bank Building on Plaza Cervantes. Built in 1914, it was considered Manila's first skyscraper, and is probably Manila's first and last building in the art nouveau style. Juan Arellano was a master of neoclassicism, but in the Metropolitan Theater and in his designs for government buildings in lfugao and Cotabato, he signaled the break from historicist styles. In his later work, however, he returned to revivalist design. Andres Luna de San Pedro, who returned from Paris in 1920, and Fernando Ocampo Sr, who returned from Rome and Philadelphia in 1923, began working in revivalist styles, but by 1930 60 had produced some of the first modem buildings of Manila. Juan Nakpil, who returned from the United States and Paris in 1926, and Pablo Antonio, who returned from London in 1932, were committed to modem- ism in architecture from the very start of their practice. As the Ecole des Beaux Arts of Paris was the source of the neoclassic style in the Philippines during the early American regime, so was the art deco exposi- tion held in Paris in 1925 the source of early art deco architecture in the Philippines. Art deco was not a major influence on the development of modern architecture in Europe or the United States. It did not advocate any revolutionary concepts of space or structure, or contribute to the emergence of new architectural forms. It was largely a decorative style, limited to surface ornaments of styl- ized motifs ranging from the curvilinear to the angular. Art deco architecture in the Philippines was signi- ficant because it marked the rejection of the prevailing neoclassicism. While it rejected such Graeco-Roman staples as columns, capitals, entablatures, arches, and pediments, it did not reject decoration as such but in fact adopted its own ornamental style. What differentiated modem or art deco architecture from the neoclassic was the simplified structure defined by posts, beams, walls, and win- dows. The structural scheme of a building was re- vealed to some extent on the exterior, and was empha- sized with the discreet use of ornament. While the neoclassic building was massive, formal, faithful to the canons of traditional design, and endowed with solemn grandeur, the early modern building was visually light, less formal, liberated from academic historicism, and relatively cheerful. As the neoclassic buildings were symbols of national dignity, the early modem buildings were symbols of economic progress. In style, neoclassic buildings looked back to the past, but the early mod- ern buildings looked to the future. Neoclassic architecture was identified with the government, early modem architecture with private enterprise. ~ With progress attained through

widespread education, expanded public services, improved trans- portation and communication, increased production and trade, and greater exposure to the West, new buildings had to be designed and constructed to satisfy emerging needs. Erected were commercial buildings, school buildings, hospitals, hotels, apartment build- ings, and movie houses only modem architecture, with its freedom and freshness, could provide. Experi- ments with form could be successfully undertaken with the help of reinforced concrete, the wonder mate- rial of the time. THE AMERICAN COLONIAL AND CONTEMPORARY TRADITIONS Luna de San Pedro, chief architect of fhe City of Manila from 1920 to 1924, designed the Legarda Elementary School on Lealtad st, in the French renais- sance style. Within the 1920s he moved on to modem- ism and produced the Perez-Samanillo Building and, subsequently, the Crystal Arcade. The Perez- Samanillo is a straightforward, no-nonsense office building, with a somewhat elaborate exterior that reflects its structural frame. Columns, beams, and exterior walls appear to have been kept down to minimum dimensions to maximize the expanse of windows and the natural illumination within. Before WWII the Crystal Arcade was celebrated as Manila's most modem building. Its ground floor could be considered the forerunner of present-day shopping malls, i.e., a long gallery with mezzanines on both sides and skylights at the front and rear sections. The striking features of the exterior were the continuous bands of glass windows and plain concrete walls that gave the building both purity of line and bold simpli- city. In both the Perez-Samanillo Building and the Crystal Arcade, Luna de San Pedro employed art deco forms in various ornaments. By 1930 Ocampo Sr had designed a number of buildings that were highly regarded for being modem. ' The Paterno Building (now a building of the Far East- em Air Transport Inc or FEATI University), located at the foot of Santa Cruz (now MacArthur) Bridge and completed in 1929, was notable for its unembarrassed simplicity and functional design. The Oriental Club was modem and had a proper touch of oriental character. The seven-story Cu Unjieng Building, that once stood on Escolta and T. Pinpin, was a "skyscraper" so well designed that the structure was its own adorn- ment. One of Ocampo Sr's most impressive works is the Central Seminary Building of the University of Santo Tomas (UST). E-shaped in plan with courtyards be- tween the wings, the building has a long front with continuous balconies and large windows on the second and third floors. The horizontal movement of the balconies is broken by exposed columns, and more decisively, by the slightly projected central section over the entrance and two similarly projected end sec- tions. Art deco ornaments accent the vertical thrust of these sections and dramatize the entrance. In 1925, after his studies in the United States, Juan Nakpil went to Paris for further training and, while there, visited the art deco exposition, where he picked up new ideas on architectural treatment, indirect light- ing, and furniture design. SEMINARY BUILDING. The University of Santo Tomas Central Seminary Building on Espana st, Manila, built ca 1930, has an E-shaped plan with courtyards between the wings. (lntramuros Administration Library Collection) 61 HISTORICAL ESSAYS

Upon returning to Manila in 1926 he was em- ployed at the Bureau of Public Works, then from 1928 to 1930 worked with Luna de San Pedro. In 1930 he established his own practice. One of his earliest works, the Geronimo de los Reyes Building, replaced by the Soriano Building, at Plaza Cervantes in Manila, was in the art deco style. At about the same time he designed the neobaroque Quiapo Church. Juan Nakpil's other works before WWII include the Avenue Theater and Hotel Building and the Capi- tan Pepe Building on Rizal Avenue, and the Quezon Institute Administration Building and Pavilions on Espana extension (now E. Rodriguez Avenue). With round columns, rounded corners, plain surfaces, con- tinuous horizontal bands of walls and windows, and the minimum of ornament, these buildings belong to the streamlined style of art deco. While his predecessors in the local modern move- ment strove for correctness and elegance, Antonio aimed for boldness and vigor. His first work, the Ideal Theater (now replaced by another building) on Rizal Avenue, Manila, built in 1933, was notable for its strong, rectangular masses and minimum decoration. Antonio could afford to be daring. He was one architect who from early experience was familiar with the rich possibilities of materials and the practical side of construction. The main building of the Far Eastern University (FEU) on Quezon Boulevard was another 62 exercise in architectural virility. Boldly projecting piers at each end of the front support the dominant horizon- tal block that defines and shelters the wide expanse of the building. The interlocking of horizontal and verti- cal elements creates both movement and stability. A less visible but nonetheless significant work of Antonio is the Ramon Roces Publications Building (now Guzman Institute of Electronics), on Soler and Calero sts, Manila. Set on the odd-shaped peninsula of a city block, the building follows the form of the lot and capitalizes on its irregularity. The broken planes of the exterior come together in dynamic movement, heightened by a rounded corner on one side, and a protruding semicylindrical three-story window on another. Long strips of windows and corresponding strips of slab overhangs and projecting wall sections, which conceal lower openings for ventilation, give the building a strong horizontal character. Aside from the works of Luna de San Pedro, Antonio, Ocampo Sr, and Juan Nakpil, some other buildings in Manila of the same period are of historical importance, The main building of the UST, designed by Fr Roque Ruano, OP and completed in 1927, is unique for its earthquake-proof construction. The struc- ture consists of 24 separate sections with a slit of about one inch between them, which is filled with a soft mate- rial. The building being precracked, so to speak, can sway with a tremor without its walls or floors suffering MODERN BUILDING. Modem is the AIM Building on Paseo de Roxas, Makoti, built 1970. Its stone walls and bandeja or trayllke panels, however, project an Asianregional appearance. (Asian Institute of Management Ubrary Collection) THE AMERICAN COLONIAL AND CONTEMPORARY TRADITIONS any damage. The concrete used in the walls is of such quality that it has needed neither plastering nor painting. It has been exposed since the building's completion and has successfully resisted the weather. The Rizal Memorial sports complex, built during the 1930s, is an accomplishment not only of its architects but also of the engineers who designed its cantilevered steel structures. The concrete portions of

the building, where public entrances and administra- tive offices are located, are art deco in style. The front of the Coliseum consists of a high, flat wall flanked by undulating walls, and a cantilevered canopy over the portal. The Rizal Memorial Buildings were designed by architects of the Bureau of Public Works. The Jai-Alai Building on Taft Avenue, completed in 1940, was designed by the American architects Walter C. Wurdeman and Welton D. Becket of Los Angeles, California. Massive walls with strip windows form a backdrop for the towering semicylindrical win- dow set behind slender columns. The contrast between solidity and transparency, and between flat walls and a fully curved window creates a surprisingly festive effect. The Jai-Alai Building is an example of the International Style as interpreted by California architects. The Times Theater on Quezon Boulevard, com- pleted in 1941, appears to have been inspired by the glossy architecture of the 1939 New York World's Fair. A pair of high, white undulating walls stand apart from each other against a higher wall of glass blocks. It is the last striking art deco statement of the decade that preceded the outbreak of WWII. During the last days of WWII, the American li- beration forces shelled and bombed Manila to drive out, if not annihilate, the remaining troops of the Japanese army. In Intramuros all the churches, except San Agustin, and all the houses were gutted and shat- tered. The stately neoclassic buildings, such as the Legislative Building, the City Hall, the Agriculture and Commerce Building, the Finance Building, and the Post Office Building, became monumental ruins. Soon after the war these government buildings were recon- structed in accordance with their original plans. In response to the needs of burgeoning postwar busi- ness, commercial buildings were hastily constructed. These were mostly cheap-looking, sometimes fanciful- ly designed makeshift structures, most of which fortu- nately have not survived. The second phase in the development of modern architecture in the Philippines began after the war, during the building boom of the reconstruction years, and during the emergence of a new generation of architects, a number of whom had been trained in the United States. Both Cesar Cancio and Carlos Arguelles had earned master's degrees from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Angel Nakpil had a master's degree from Harvard University, where he had been a disciple of Walter Gropius; and Alfredo Luz held a bachelor's degree from the University of California at Berkeley. One prestigious architect of this period who had no foreign training was Gabriel Formoso. The architecture of the 1950s was influenced by the International Style, which was characterized by asymmetric composition, bold rectangular forms, plain wall surfaces, clean lines, and large windows. The style was understood to be based also on the principle that form follows function. A characteristic feature of many buildings of this time was the brise-soleil, also called sun-break or sun- breaker, a reinforced-concrete screen composed of ver- tical and horizontal fins which protected windows and interiors from the glare and heat of direct sunlight. The invention of this device is attributed to the French- Swiss architect Le Corbusier (Charles Edouard Jeanneret). Its popularity in the Philippines could have resulted from its successful application in the Ministry of Education and Health Building in Rio de Janeiro, designed by the Brazilian architects Lucio Costa and Oscar Niemeyer with Le Corbusier as consultant, which was completed in 1942. One of the first local buildings that used the brise- soleil was the Engineering and Architecture Building of the UST, designed by Julio Victor Rocha, then dean of the school of architecture. The entire front of the three-story building has continuous sun-breaks pro- tecting its second and third-story windows. Since its introduction in

the early 1950s the brise-soleil has appeared in many variations. Vertical fins are set close together and the number of horizontal fins are mini- mized, as in Alfredo Luz's World Health Organization Building on Taft Avenue and United Nations (UN) Avenue. In Alfredo Luz's Ermita Center on Roxas Boulevard,horizontal bands replace the horizontal fins as braces and thereby give the building stronger hori- zontal lines. In Cancio's Insular Life Building on Ayala Avenue and Paseo de Roxas, narrow vertical fins are set close together within well defined squares. In a number of sunbreaks, the horizontal fins are slanted to form giant louvers. For the Capitan Luis Gonzaga Building on Rizal Avenue and Carriedo, Antonio de- signed double sunshades, i.e., concrete slab over- hangs at both ceiling height and windowsill height for each floor, braced by staggered vertical fins of half- story height. The double sunshades are effective pro- tection against both sunlight and rain. Sunbreaks became necessary because wider and higher glass windows had become the fashion, courtesy 63 HISTORICAL ESSAYS of the International Style. On the other hand, they inti- mated that the Filipino architect was seriously concerned with solving the problem of tropical sunlight. Such con- cern was not always matched by results since faulty orientation often made the sun-breaks ineffective and nothing more than useless and costly ornaments. One of the outstanding buildings of the period is the National Press Club (NPC) Building on Magallanes Drive, designed by Angel E. Nakpil. Since the building is on an east-west axis, it avails of maximum exposure to both north and south. The NPC's expanse of win- dows and its neat, straightforward structure give it an engaging transparency and cheerfulness. That trans- parency becomes daring in the glass-sheathed cylindrical staircase and elevator shaft, the building's dis- tinctive and once controversial feature. Likewise significant is Arguelles' Philamlife Home Office Building on UN Avenue, a long rectangular seven-story block with a one-story section housing a spacious lobby and a 780-seat auditorium. The build- ing is a glass box in the International Style but with tropical adaptations. The gray-tinted, antiglare, heatabsorbing glass curtain wall enveloping the building is shielded from sun and rain by horizontal aluminum sun-baffles. The pierced screen was the celebrated feature of the US Embassy Building in New Delhi, India, de- signed by the American ~rchitect Edward D. Stone and completed in 1958. Not long after, the pierced screen 64 INTERNATIONAL STYLE. Hailed as the most outstanding building during the 1950s Is the National Press Club Building In lntramuros, Manila. Innovative was Its glasssheathed cylindrical staircase. (Renato S. Rastrollo 7989, Cultural Center o( the Philippines Library Collection) was introduced in Manila and adopted as a kind of improvement over the brisesoleil. The device, which covers an entire side or several sides of a building, is a perforated wall which reduces and diffuses the natural light entering the building. Pierced screens were made of perforated concrete or ceramic blocks, precast concrete, or thick aluminum bars. The most notable pierced screen in Manila is that of the US Embassy Building on Roxas Boulevard, designed by the Amer- ican architect

Alfred L. Aydelott and built in 1961. With the use of reinforced concrete and structural steel, buildings could break out of the post-and-lintel pattern and employ such visually exciting features as cantilevers. Canopies over entrances, wide overhangs, spacious balconies, and stairways project daringly from walls of columns, and appear to float. Cantilevers create a sense of lightness, movement, and unim- peded space. Thus they were used with increasing frequency in the second phase of the development of modem architecture in the Philippines, and would be used more stunningly in the succeeding phase. A romantic strain appears in Filipino architecture of various traditions and periods. It can be recognized in churches and houses of the Spanish colonial period, in their evocation of past ages and distant lands, in sentimental expression that infuses rational design, and in the inevitability of ornament. In the Philippines neoclassicism seems to have been sustained by the nostalgia of the romantic mentality. Probably the first THE AMERICAN COLONIAL AND CONTEMPORARY TRADITIONS great romantic of Filipino architecture was Juan Arellano. Although modern architecture professes to be rational and scientific, it can be romantic in spiritexpressionist, lyrical, adventurous, and even nostal- gic. And so it came to be in the 1950s, and more clearly in the 1960s. Pursuing a direction initiated by his uncle Juan Arellano, Otilio Arellano sought inspiration in such motifs as the salakot or wide-brimmed hat, the man- dala or haystack, and the panolong or Maranao protruding beam-end. Some of his contemporaries would later evoke the steep roofs, capiz windows, wooden panels, and stone walls of the bahay na bato (stone house). While the early modern buildings concealed the pitched roof and its gutters behind parapets to create the appearance of a flat roof, some later build- ings would expose, if not dramatize, the pitched roof, and thereby emphasize their tropical character. A better grasp of the possibilities of reinforced concrete led to the more extensive use of cantilevers, shell construction, and folded plate construction, and to a wider range ot architectural forms. With pre- stressed concrete beams or posttensioning, vast in- terior spaces with no intervening posts could be cre- ated. Concrete was the material par excellence, not only for its strength but also for its plasticity. It enabled the architect to approach the task of architectural de- sign not only as a planner but also as a sculptor. With the strength assured by structural steel and steel bars, buildings could go beyond the 30-m limit on height imposed by the building regulations. Thus be- gan the race towards the sky, a challenging adventure for the Filipino architect and his inseparable associate, the structural engineer. With the contest of height came the contest of size. While condominiums and office buildings take pride in their height, shopping malls glory in sheer expanse, measured in hundreds of thousands of square meters. Notable amidst all these are the expan- sion and liberation of artistic or architectural imagina- tion and its happy marriage with the increasingly sophisticated technology of construction. NEOCLASSIC ACCENTS. A contemporary use of the Roman arch Is found In the Pacific Star Building on Paseo de Roxas, MakaH, completed 1990. (Renata S. Rastrollo 1989, Cultural Center of the Philippines Ubrary Collecffon) The imaginative use of wood and stone and the overall impression of strength in Antonio's Manila Polo Club, built in 1955, are persuasive indications of latter-day romanticism. The circular Chapel (now Church) of the Holy Sacrifice of the UP, designed by Leandro Locsin and built in 1955, represents a departure from

conventional form but in fact recalls early church architecture. Its dome-shaped roof is a concrete shell 24 em thick. In the main building of the Cultural Center of the Philip- pines (CCP), completed in 1969, Locsin brings his romanticism to full expression, particularly in the mas- sive, cantilevered, visually floating block of the facade and the sculptured space of the main lobby. Two buildings by Formoso, both in Makati, are distinctively modern yet evocative of past styles. The Pacific Star building, completed in 1990, pays homage to the Roman arch and does so with refinement and grace. The Asian Institute of Management (AIM) building, built in 1970, with stone walls and modern bandeja (traylike) panels, evokes the bahay na bato. The San Miguel Corporation (SMC) Head Office in Mandaluyong, designed by Jose Maftosa and com- pleted in 1984, shines like a giant prism and recalls the Banaue rice terraces. Francisco Maftosa's Tahanang Pilipino at the CCP complex and his tent-shaped Mary 65 HISTORICAL ESSAYS Immaculate Parish Church in Las Piii.as are statements of the nativism he advocates, i.e., the return to indige- nous architectural forms and the use of thatch, bam- boo, and wood in contemporary buildings. Various currents converge and flow together in the romantic phase of modern Filipino architecture: liberation from formalism; rediscovery of the native heritage; sense of history; sculptural approach to de- sign; adventurousness and the willingness to experi- ment; focus on the symbolic and the expressive in architecture; the striving for warmth, vitality and rich- ness, and commitment to the human being as the center of architecture. Until the 1950s the height of buildings was res- tricted by law to 30 m. Research on the ordinance revealed that the original reason for the limit was not earthquakes or the load-bearing strength of the soil, but the height that water could reach under natural pressure. In 1960 Manila's Building Ordinance No 4131 was amended to permit the construction of buildings up to a height of 45 m. As of 1992, high-rise buildings in Makati and Mandaluyong have reached close to or beyond 140 m. The Pacific Plaza Condominium in Makati rises to 43 stories or 130.9 m above ground level and has a four-and a-half level basement for parking. The Palladium Summit Condominium in Man- daluyong is 138m high and has 46 stories. The Rufino Tower, an office building in Makati, is 150 m high, including radio antenna, and has 42 stories. Fast be- coming a forest of skyscrapers is Pasig, which began to develop more rapidly in the mid-1980s. A new type of building that arose in recent years is the shopping mall. The word "mall" originally meant a plaza or a promenade. It has recently come to mean an open or covered concourse flanked by shops. What was once called a shopping center is now called a shopping mall or a galleria. The concourse, flanked by shops, could be one story in height or could rise to two or more stories, with continuous balconies serving as access to shops on the upper floors. A skylight above the concourse provides natural illumination during the day. Fountains, plants, and small trees give the mall an outdoor feeling as well as a festive atmosphere. A mall is a small city in itself with housing shops, restaurants, supermarkets, department stores, movie houses, and recreational facilities. The largest mall to date, the Shoemart (SM) Megamall on Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (.EDSA), Mandaluyong, is six stories high, more than 500 m long, and 330,000 sqm in area. It was designed by Antonio Sindiong, who also did the 43-story Pacific Plaza.

Whatever else may be the motive for the skyscrap- er and the colossal mall, they are spawned by the drive 66 to surpass and excel, and the desire to achieve a break- through. They exemplify architecture as adventure. In this sense they are statements of a romantic vision. Romanticism appears to have taken an unhealthy turn in the current mania for postmodern ornament. Many a sufficiently well designed building has to be topped off by a postmodern pediment and/or arch which is, even on hasty examination, extraneous, uncalled for, and absurd. It is unfortunate that postmodernism is seen only in terms of one particular. decorative device, an overworked cliche at that, and not as a new direction for creativity. Postmodernism, in fact, has a romantic component which accounts for its vitality. Forms Residences. Upper-class houses built in the 1900s and 1910s followed the general form of the bahay na bato. The living quarters were on the upper floor. Bedrooms opened to the sala or living room. In some houses part of the sala projected beyond the rest of the facade, creating a sheltered entrance on the ground floor. While the house was covered by a hip roof, the projecting portion of the sala was crowned with a gable which carried the family monogram. The masonry walls on the ground floor were thin- ner than those of the bahay na bato and were pierced with rectangular windows. On the upper floor the windows resembled those of a bahay na bato with sliding shuttes and with capiz or glass panels, venta- nillas (window shutters) on floor level, and fixed transom windows or fanlights over the window head. In 1917 Arcadia Arellano designed the Ariston Bautista Lin house in Quiapo around a set of Vienna sezession furniture. Architectural ornaments echoed the elegant art nouveau lines of the chairs and tables, giving the house, which was in the bahay na bato style, a touch of novelty. One type of house in the 1920s had two stories, a front porch on the lower floor, and living quarters on both floors. Some houses had a front porch on both first and second stories. The sidings on both floors were of wood. The first floor was slightly raised above the ground, providing space for storage underneath. A number of wealthy families built houses of rein- forced concrete in a modified neoclassic style with a colonnaded veranda in front or on three sides, and on both first and second floors. An impressive example of reinforced concrete houses of the period is the Nelly Garden in Iloilo City, built in 1928. The 1930s saw the development of the so-called Spanish-style house, which had tile roofs, balustraded balconies, salomonica columns, arched windows, lacy THE AMERICAN COLONIAL AND CONTEMPORARY TRADITIONS wrought-iron grilles, and a three-story tower in front. Living room, dining room, and kitchen were on the ground floor, and bedrooms on the upper floor. Some houses had a curved stairway dominating a hall two- stories high. The Rafael Fernandez house on Arlegui st, Manila, designed by Luna de San Pedro, was in its original form a classic of this type. The house was renovated during the Marcos regime and was used by Pres Corazon Aquino as her official residence. The art deco house made its appearance also in the 1930s. Like the Spanish-style house, it had a three- story tower, the roof of which was sometimes an observation deck. The roof over most of

the structure was concealed by parapets, and in some sections was a concrete deck. Rounded corners, porthole windows, corner windows, and balconies with handrails were features apparently derived from ocean liners. A curved window, two stories high, was a dramatic feature. Walls were usually white and without ornament. However, the interplay of volumes made the building a visual delight. The Benigno Aquino Sr house on San Rafael st, San Miguel, Manila, designed by Fernando Ocampo Sr , is one of the few surviving examples of this style. After WWII sprawling one-story houses, inspired by the California bungalow or ranch house, became fashionable. A terrace, open or roofed, replaced the porch. Large picture windows, sliding doors, and French doors brought the outdoors in. Whereas the ONE-LML HOUSE. Fashionable before WWII was the tsalet, the one-story house with a prominent open or roofed terrace, like the !lustre house In Lemery, Batangas. (Zialclta 1980, Cultural Center of the Philippines Ubrary Collection) house of earlier years opened to a front yard, the house of the motorized age shielded itself against the street and opened to landscaped lawns at the back. Later versions of this house had prominent roofs, recalling the bahay na bato, and wooden lattices similar to the frames of capiz windows, elegantly carved woodwork, and massive stone walls. With the rising cost of land and the reduced size oflots even in affluent areas, home owners went back to building two-story houses. The tsalet was the typical dwelling in middle class neighborhoods in the early decades of the 20th cen- tury. A two-story house with living quarters on the upper floor, or a one-story house elevated above the ground, the tsalet could be plain and simple or stylish- ly ornamented. An exterior stairway, which was single-flight, L-shaped, or T -shaped, led to the front porch that covered the entire width of the house or half of it. The interior was divided longitudinally with living room and dining room on one side, bedrooms on the other, and kitchen at the back. Although repre- senting a change in house-form, it still had such tradi- tional features as capiz windows, ventanillas, and cala- do (fretwork) panels over partitions. The need for more space led to the construction of two-story houses with living room, dining room, and kitchen on the first floor, and bedrooms on the second floor. The one-and-a-halfstory house, which emerged after WWII, had one story on one side and two on the 67 HISTORICAL ESSAYS other. The one-story section was the living room and dining room; the second story section had bedrooms on the upper floor. The roof sloped down from the two-story section to the one-story section, giving the latter a high ceiling on its two-story side. Access to the bedrooms was through a balcony from which one could look down to the living room. One-and-a-half story houses did not always have this kind of roof; some types had separate roofs for the two-story and one- story sections. The middle-class bungalow was far more modest than its upper-class counterpart. Instead of a fully en- closed garage, there was a carport which could func- tion as a covered terrace. Depending on the size and shape of the lot, the house was compact in plan, or somewhat loose and open. The latter form was more conducive to cross ventilation. Since some of the middle class enjoyed economic mobility, their houses would be remodelled or expanded whenever funds allowed. The facade would be improved and decorated, or a porch or rooms would be added, or in the

case of one-story houses, a second floor would be built. The Filipino's concept of a house is not that of something fixed and immutable, but of something that could be improved, enlarged, or completely altered. The Philamlife Homes in Quezon City, a 600-unit housing project for middle-income families, was an 68 architectural highlight of the 1950s. The units, de- signed by Arguelles, were the result of thorough re- search and scientific study. While the comfort of the occupants was the chief consideration, the architect saw to it that construction would be economical and could be rapidly undertaken. From one basic idea came three typical units, each of which allowed four variants, making a total of 12 different schemes. Although compact in plan, the units enjoyed natural ventilation and had provisions for expansion. Since the inauguration of the project more than 30 years ago, most of the houses have undergone a metamorphosis. Low-cost urban housing was provided in the early 20th century by the accesoria (rowhouse) which had a row of contiguous two-story units, each with access to a common alley or the street. The units were rented by the occupants. An accesoria unit was one room wide, its width varying with the liberality of landlords. A living-dining room and kitchen were on the first floor, the bedrooms on the second floor. The kitchen opened to a small yard. To save on plumbing, the bathroom wn:o located :oometimes on the firsl floor·. MIDDLE-CLASS APARTMENT. Inexpensive urban housing In the post-WWII period was a row of contiguous two- story units, each with an access to a common alley or street. (Smith 1988, Nlcanor G. Tlongson Collection) THE AMERICAN COLONIAL AND CONTEMPORARY TRADITIONS In the postwar period the government built several low-cost housing projects, such as Projects 2, 3, and 4 in Quezon City, in response to the needs of the fast-growing population. The housing units were one-story structures, which were either detached or joined to others in duplexes or row houses. With low roofs, floors on ground level, and minimum space, the houses were unappealingly plain. The walls were of concrete hollow blocks and the roofs, of asbestos. Since asbestos did not transmit heat, ceilings were considered unnecessary. It was not well known then that asbestos sheds fibers that cause respiratory ailments. In the early 1960s another form of mass housing was attempted, namely, the tenement, a multistory, multiple- unit building, such as that along the South Superhighway. The Bagong Lipunan Sites and Services (BLISS) housing projects of the Marcos regime consisted of four-story buildings with two or four units per floor. While better designed than the housing project units and tenement, the BLISS apartments were too costly for the low-salaried worker. In the 1980s mass housing developers promoted a new scheme that took into account the Filipino's prefer- ence for a dwelling on ground level. A so-called starter house of 20 sqm is built on a 60-sqm lot. The house can be expanded to 40 sqm on ground level, and 20 sqm can be added further by constructing a second floor. A new method of construction has been applied in a housing project in Vitas, Tondo, comprising 1,664 units distributed among 27 fourstory buildings on a 2.5-ha site. Prefabricated box-shaped concrete units are stacked in such a manner that 29 units and the spaces between them result in a total of 50 dwellings. The system, designed by Cesar Canchela, is called the Canchela Shelter Compo- nents and Stacking Process for Multi-Story Buildings.

Ermita, a district favored by the foreign commu- nity, became the setting of apartment buildings in the 1920s and 1930s. The more fortunate of these were built along Dewey (now Roxas) Boulevard, or just a block away from it. The multistory buildings, some hitting the maximum of 10 floors, had spacious units, and a magnificent view of the city and bay. The Admi- ral Apartments (now Hotel) on Dewey Boulevard, de- signed by Ocampo Sr, has touches of revivalist design. The Boulevard Alhambra (now Bel-Air Apartments), also on the Boulevard, designed by Antonio, was one of the stunningly modern buildings of the time. The Peralta Apartments on UN Avenue is unique for its protective overhangs on every floor. Makati is the birthplace of condominiums. Where apartments are rented, condominium units, which could be residential or office space, are bought. Some of the best apartment and condominium buildings stand in a row on Ayala Avenue, like the Urdaneta Apartments designed by Arguelles, the Twin Towers by William Coscolluela, and the Ritz Towers by Sindiong. Most town houses are, curiously, located not in town but in the suburbs or in quiet residential areas. The spacious lots of old mansions in Quezon City and San Juan have been taken over by townhouses. A townhouse is the upper class version of the rowhouse. It is a two-or three-story substantially built unit that stands cheek by jowl with similar units. Townhouses are usually in guarded compounds and are arranged in a straight line or around courts. Common facilities in the compound include playgrounds and swimming pools. Barong-barong or shanties represent the architec- ture of poverty. Built on public land, idle land, or land owned by others, along railroad tracks or near garbage dumps, along esteros or on riverbanks, along seawalls or under bridges, they form settlements ranging from 10 or 30 households to several hundreds or thousands. They may have only one room or several rooms, and one or more. floors. Their floor area ranges from 630 sqm. They are generally of discarded or recycled materials: rusty iron sheets, plywood, cardboard, sawali thatch, plastic sheets, mats, canvas, and just about anything that can serve as a roof and sidings. The floor may be raised a few steps above the ground, or it may be the ground itself, covered with plastic mats to protect the dwellers from dampness. The roof is usually of one slope. A larger structure may have a double-slope roof or a combination of one-slope roofs. It may have a window or two on only one side, if the house is too closely built to others, or windows on two or more sides, if the house is far enough from its neighbors. Its sidings are patchwork of various materials. Posts, beams, rafters, and studs are put together hasti- ly, whether with nails or lashing. Easily consumed by fire, knocked down by storms, washed away by floods, or demolished by eviction teams, the shanty just as easily rises from total collapse. Its fragile con- struction reveals both the native genius for improvisa- tion and an endemic fatalism. Government Office Building. These may be classified according to level: national, provincial, and city or municipal. On the national level, government office buildings include those serving the .legislative, executive, and judicial branches; the various depart- ments and bureaus under the executive branch; and other government institutions such as banks. The provincial government office buildings are mainly the kapitolyo (capitol), which house the gov- ernor's office, the offices of the provincial board, the courts, and other offices. City halls or municipal halls, like the provincial capitols, accommodate the three 69

HISTORICAL ESSAYS branches of the city or municipal government: the mayor's office, the city or town council, and the local courts. Local government buildings include the post office, the police station, and the fire station. Government buildings of the American colonial regime were designed and constructed in line with the policy of preparing the Filipino people for democratic self-government. Provincial capitols were built in the second decade of the 20th century: the Laguna capitol in 1912, the Sorsogon capitol in 1916, and the Pangasi- nan capitol in 1918. The Legislative Building in Manila was completed in 1926. The Executive Office in Malacanang was built in 1921. The Department of Finance and Department of Agriculture and Commerce buildings were completed in 1940. For many years after WWII, the Supreme Court occupied the Villamor Hall on Taft A venue, which had originally been the School of Fine Arts and the Conservatory of Music of the UP. Since 1991 the Supreme Court has been housed in the former Rizal Hall of the UP on Padre Faura st. The Post Office Building, the most monumental of government office buildings, was completed in 1931. The City Hall of Manila, completed in 1940, was large enough then to accommodate not only the city departments, but also some national government offices. Symmetrical in plan, .formal in massing, with rooms along corridors or around courtyards, pre70 CAPITOL BUILDING. An American contrlbuHon to Philippine architecture was the kapitolyo or provincial govemment building, such as the Sorsogon Provincial Capitol, built 1916. (Bureau of Public Worl