Arantes, Paulo - A Fratura Brasileira Do Mundo

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 A  I í 1 ZERO À ESQUERDA *

PAULO EDUARDO ARANTES

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Co pyrig ht desta e dição © 2004, Conrad Editora do Brasi Brasill Ltda Ltda..

CAPA: JR Ferraz FOTO DE CAPA: Flávio Neves Rodrigues PRODUÇÃO GRÁFICA: Priscila Ursula dos Santos (gerente), Ed Wilson, Alessandra Vieira e Leonardo Borgiani

Dados Internacionais de Catalogação na Publicação (CIP) (Câmara Brasileira do Livro, SP, Brasil) Arantes, Paulo Eduardo Zero à esquerda / Paulo Eduardo Arantes ; — São Paulo : Conrad Editora do Brasil, 2004. — (Coleção Baderna) Bibliografia. ISBN ISBN:: 85-7 616-0 38-2 1. Brasil - Política e govemo 2. Brasil - Vida intelectual 3. Critica marxista 4. Filosofia brasileira 5. Filosofia marxista 6. Socialismo I. Título. II. Série. 0 4 -2 85 4

__________ _______________ __________ __________ __________ _______ __ Índice para catálogo sistemático: 1. Filosofia brasileira 199.81

www.baderna.org

CDD-199.81

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SUMÁRIO

 Nota expl ex plic icat ativ iva............................................................ a........................................................................................... .........................................................9 ..........................9 Parte I A p a g ã o .................................................................. .................................................................................................... ................................................... ................. 13 A fratura brasileira do mundo...............................................................................25  Nação e r e f le x ã o .................................................................... ......................................................................................................79 ..................................79 Eles sabem o que fazem ....................................................................................... 109 Parte II 0 pensamento único e o marxista distraído.......................................................115  Nem tud o que qu e é sólido sólid o se de sm an ch a no a r ......................................................133 ......................................................133 Utopia Utop ia e R ev o lu çã o ................................................................ ................................................................................................ ................................ 139 Recordaçõe Recordaçõess da recepção brasileira de Herbert Ma rc us e................................149

1968 trinta anos depois.........................................................................................155 Marx Cult................................................................................................................. 159 Parte III ............................................................ 165 Esquerda e direita no espelho das ONGs............................................................ Sofistica da assimilação......................................................................................... 191 Documentos de c ultura , doc um ento s de b ar b ár ie ...... ......... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ......22 ...221 1 0 nome do sujeito...................................................................................................237 Parte IV

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NOTA EXPLICATIVA 

O material reunido neste volume foi o que deu para pôr no papel durante os anos de 1997 a 2001, ao longo dos quais coordenei, juntamente com Iná Camargo Costa, a coleção Zero à Esquerda, para a Editora Vozes. Planejei-o para encerrar a coleção, na hora de sua inevitável morte natu ral. Como esta chegou mais cedo do que o previsto, foi o defunto para a gaveta, até que Rogério de Campos o ressucitou para a Coleção Baderna assim espero.

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 A FRATU FR ATURA RA BRAS BR ASILE ILEIR IRAA DO MOND MO NDOO Visões do laboratório brasileiro da mundialização1

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ENCONTRO MARCADO UM DOS MITOS FUNDADORES DE UMA NACIONALIDADE periférica como o Brasil é o do encontro marcado com o futuro. Tudo se passa como se desde sempre a história corresse a nosso favor. Um país, por assim dizer, condenado a dar certo. Estudando certa vez jas manifestações literárias deste velho senti mento brasileiro brasileiro do mun do, A ntonio Candido falou em consciência amena do do atraso, atraso, correspo ndente à ideologia de país novo, n a qual se destaca a pujança virtual, virtual, a gran deza ainda por realizar.2 Estado de espírito espírito euforizante de tal modo arraigado, a ponto de sobreviver até mesmo à revelação dramática do subdesenvolvimento, tal a confiança numa explosão de progresso que advi ria, por exemplo, da simples remoção do imperialismo. E mais, o futuro não só viria fatalmente ao nosso encontro, mas com passos de gigante, queimando

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nal, como foi o caso de um Stefan Zweig, autor do mais celebrado clichê dessa mitologia compensatória: Brasil, País do Futuro.3

PROCISSÃO PROCISSÃO OE MILAGRES MILAG RES Ocorre que não faltou apoio na experiência nacional para a cristalização dessa miragem consoladora. A tal ponto que Sérgio Buarque de Holanda se referiu certa vez à nossa história econômica como uma verdadeira “procissão de mila gres”.4 gres”.4 Primeiro, o milagre m ilagre do ouro no n o século séc ulo XVII XVIII, I, a tempo tem po de nos no s salvar salva r na hora crítica em que a economia açucareira arrefecia seu ímpeto. Depois, o mila gre do café, caindo do céu quando o esgotamento das minas anunciava uma desagregação ec onôm ica ameaçadora. ameaçadora. Pois bem: bem: depois de ressuscitar ressuscitar esta visão irônica de uma atividade econômica, por assim dizer, veleidosa, movida a arran ques mais ou menos fabulosos, fabulosos, João Manoel e Fernando Fernando Novais acabam con cluin do que, tudo tudo bem pesado, “nossa industrialização industrialização não deixou de ser também um desses milagres: resultou antes de circunstâncias favoráveis, para as quais pouco concorremos, do que da ação delibera deliberada da de uma von tade cole tiva” tiva ”.5

SINTAXE DA FRUSTRAÇÃO6 Está claro que tamanha confiança nesse providencial encontro marcado com o futuro cedo ou tarde se tornaria uma fonte de frustrações recorrentes. De

3. Segundo um comentário recente, podemos imaginar o funcionamento dessa narrativa do surgi mento de uma nação como “uma espécie de rodovia, um trajeto que leva das origens indígenas e coloniais diretamente a um futuro glorioso: assentada sobre pilares de concreto, não se deixando desviar pela paisagem circunda nte e nem pelas eventu ais saídas - e, sobretudo, sem p ossibilidade de retomo.” Alexander Honold, “País do futuro ou Paraíso perdido?”, in Praga   n.9, São Paulo, 2000, p. 159. Por certo, imagem de um brasilianista que sabe do rodoviarismo desenvolvimentista e sua culminação em Brasília. 4. Passagem de Visão do Paraíso   recentemente relembrada por João Manoel Cardoso de Mello e Fernando Novais em “Capitalismo tardio e sociabilidade moderna", in   Lilia Moritz Schwarcz,  His  H is to  ria da Vida Vi da Pr iv ad a no Bras Br asilil,,   São Paulo, Cia. das Letras, 1998, vol.4, p.644-645. 5. Para a periodização dessa milagrosa industrialização tardia, que se beneficiou da relativa estabiliza

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fato, toda essa fantasia progressista mal encobria o estado de ansiedade per manente em que vivia pelo menos a inteligência nacional - para não falar no  bov  b ov aris ar ism m o das da s c a m a d a s d irig ir ig e n tes te s p ro p ria ri a m e n te p o líti lí tica ca s e econ ec onôm ôm icas ic as.. É só lembrar, no século XIX, a aflição do abolicionista Joaquim Nabuco com a  pro  p ro c ra stin st in a ç ã o d as elite el ites, s, c u ja le ta rg ia es c ra v ista is ta a rris rr isca ca v a no s d e ixar ix ar de fora fo ra dos benefícios benefícios da Seg und a R evolução Ind ustrial. Não por acaso, acaso, poucos meses meses depois do fracasso de mais um plano de estabilização (o Plano Cruzado, lan çado em fevereiro de 1986), numa entrevista igualmente marcada pelo temor de faltar ao nosso encontro marcado com a história, o mesmo João Manoel que linhas acima se dera conta do caráter milagroso da industrialização bra sileira, recordava muito a propósito a advertência de Nabuco: “se mantiver mos a escravidão, a gente vai ficar fora do que vai acontecer no mundo; a escravidão demorou muito para ser abolida e o Brasil ficou fora, não pegou este bo nd e”.7 e”.7 Mal co m eçado s os an os 1990, ainda o mesmo au tor e o mesmo compasso da frustração, na falta de uma nova procissão de milagres, cujas idas e vindas em todo o caso se parecem mais com a intermitência das mira gens: gens: “levamos “levamos cem anos, de 1830 a 193 1930, 0, para im itar a inovação fund am en tal da Primeira Revolução Industrial, o setor têxtil. E noventa anos, de 1890 a 1980, para copiar os avanços da Segunda Revolução Industrial. Quando tudo dava a impressão de estarmos prestes a entrar no Primeiro Mundo, eclodiu a Terceira Revolução Industrial (...) Há dez anos, caímos na estagnação. Vive mos, hoje, à beira da depressão e da hiperinflação. E constatamos, a toda hora, com espanto e vergonha, a enorme distância que nos separa da civiliza ção.”8 ção.”8 Em tempo : o an dam ento me lancólico do trecho não deve obviamente obviamente

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“o excesso de liquidez no mercado financeiro internacional, agora globaliza do, permitiu em 1994 a implementação do Plano Real. Com a entrada maciça de recursos externos de curto prazo, engessamos o câmbio, abrimos a econo mia e multiplicamos as importações, freando a subida dos preços: nosso mais $ recente milagre m ilagre.”1 .”10 E claro que na mais recente acepção acepç ão do termo milagre: m ilagre: quatro anos depois, o acordo falimentar com o FMI encerrava mais este episó dio no capítulo das miragens milagrosas. Se um leitor francês - que devo presumir interessado na crônica dos nos sos desencontros com esse alto destino nacional, como logo mais se verá folhear o número especial (257) que  Le Temps Tem ps Modern Mod ernes es  dedicou ao Brasil em 1967, encontrará um outro registro revelador desta síndrome do encontro marcado. No artigo artigo de abertura, ninguém menos do que Cels Celsoo Furtado ren diase ao que lhe parecia ser a evidência evidência de um um desastroso processo de “pastorização” do Brasil, que assim retornava ao marco zero na condição de “fronteira” de um novo arranjo supranacional ditado pela potência tutelar do golpe de 1964. E, no entanto, logo no ano seguinte à publicação deste artigo desenga nado quanto ao nosso futuro congênito, declarava-se oficialmente aberta a temporada de mais um “milagre brasileiro”, e novamente por força da exce ção internacional e não da regra, como é da natureza dos milagres, que aliás se multiplicaram mundo afora naquela década de 1970. 0 novo eclipse desse mítico futuro sobreveio logo adiante, com a chamada (para abreviar) crise da dívida, e nele estamos mergulhados há duas décadas. Nestas circunstâncias, como era de se se prever prever,, retorn a pontualm po ntualm ente à sua posição inicial o avesso do mito fundador de que partimos. Assim, desde o início dos anos 1990, Celso Furtado Furtado vem glosando por sua vez o tema da construção nacional interrompi

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TITANIC Se depender do diagnóstico fechado ainda outro dia pelo poeta e ensaísta alemão Hans Magnus Enzensberger, o grande futuro que nos estava prometi do, com base obviamente na gigantesca vitalidade do país, simplesmente não chegou, nem chegará. “0 Brasil é um país que acreditou que o futuro estivesse do seu lado e que trabalhava para ele (...) A bandeira brasileira é a única no mundo que ostenta o slogan Ordem e Progresso. É um slogan fantástico para um país (...) 0 progresso para o Brasil dentro da modernização foi uma pers pect  pe ctiv ivaa v irtu ir tu a l e sem se m pre pr e a d ia d a .”1 .” 12 D emas em asia ia po poét étic ica? a? E bom bo m não nã o esqu es quec ecer er que Enzensberger, justamente na condição de poeta e simpatizante histórico das revoluções nos trópicos, a começar pela cubana, pressentiu e profetizou em  plen  pl enaa déca dé cada da de 1970 o n a u frá fr á g io próx pr óxim im o e c o nju nj u n to do sist si stem emaa sovié so viétic tico, o, da periferia emergente e do Welfare   europeu, mergulhando a massa restante num a espécie espécie de banalizaç ão do ma l-estar na civilizaçã civilizaçãoo capitalista vencedo ra.13Como ra.13Como se vê, dos dois lados do Equador, Equador, a grande gran de na rrativ a da converg co nvergên ên cia providencial do Progresso com a sociedade brasileira em construção já não convence mais, no juízo de um outro crítico literário, quer dizer, na opi nião de um ensaísta que ainda considera a experiência artística o sismógrafo mais idôneo da h istória .14 Aliás, Aliás, tam pouco por acaso, Enzensberger também acha que valeria para o Brasil o mesmo raciocínio hegeliano acerca do fim do Período da Arte. De fato, quando Hegel afirmou que a arte havia se tomado uma coisa do passado, não quis dizer evidentemente que não haveria mais obras de arte, pelo contrário, acrescentou no mesmo passo, que a partir de então, num movimento sempre recomeçado de auto-reflexão, ela adiaria o seu ponto final graças a uma crescente e exaustiva meditação sobre seus

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estrutura do sistema?” Resta saber portanto o que virá depois da Ordem e do Progresso. Uma “outra desordem", responde o poeta, de mesma natureza, ima gino, que o girar em si mesmo do fim da arte que nu nca chego ch egou.1 u.155

UM FUTURO PARA 0 PASSADO Deu-se então uma surpreendente reviravolta - resta ver até que ponto imagi nária ou real. E, ao que parece, nos termos mesmos do presságio do poeta, já que ao seu ver o Brasil afinal teria relativizado “a dialética de ambos os pólos da Ordem e do Progresso, com a mistura de um pouquinho de progresso com regressã o”. o”. Pois justam jus tam ente en te d uran te esta segund a década dé cada perdida de ajustes subalternos, ao longo da qual nos debatemos com nosso fim de linha nacio nal, nos vimos transformados numa espécie de paradigma, algo como uma categoria categoria sociológica sociológica para o buraco negro da globalização globalização - não um a remota Africa do humanitarismo à distância, na verdade um espectro ainda mais inquietante, porque somos estritamente modernos, além de economicamente desfrutáveis as usual.  De sorte que, na hora histórica em que o país do futuro  pare  pa rece ce n ã o te r m ais futu fu turo ro algu al gum m , somo so moss ap onta on tado dos, s, p a ra mal ma l ou p a ra bem, bem , como o futuro do mundo. Noves fora equívocos de parte a parte, uma chance histórica, do tamanho da ruptura de época que estamos vivendo, para trazer de volta a reflexão à periferia, no espelho da qual desta vez a metrópole se contempla, por certo que com a autocomplacência de praxe. Seja como for, não é trivial que o mundo ocidental confessadamente se brasilianize, depois de ter ocidentalizado a sua margem. 9 

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Estados Unidos, à vista da inédita polarização social desencadeada pela con tra-revolução liberal-conservadora da Era Reagan. Pelo menos é a essa nova máquina de gerar desigualdade e insegurança econômica crônica que se refe re, por exemplo, a teoria de Edward Luttwak acerca da tiers-mondisation da América.1 Am érica.166 Aqui e ali pipocam exemp ex emplos los de subdesen subd esenvolvim volvim ento à brasileira, mas nada de sistematicamente novo. É possível mesmo que o primeiro enunciado explícito da tese se deva a Michael Lind, para o qual a verdadeira ameaça pairando sobre o século XXI americano não é a escalada da violência étnica nos moldes da fragmentação  balcâ  ba lcânic nica, a, m as a brasilianização da sociedade:  “por brasilianização eu não entendo a separação das culturas pela raça, mas a separação das raças por classe. Como no Brasil, uma cultura americana compartilhada poderia ser compatível com um rígido sistema informal de castas, no qual a maioria dos que estão no topo é branca, enquanto a maioria dos americanos negros e mulatos ficaria ficaria na n a base da pirâmide - para sempre.”1 sem pre.”17Uma outra característi ca “brasileira” deste quadro consistiria na dimensão horizontal da guerra de classes. No entender de Michael Lind, o domínio da oligarquia branca na  políti  po lítica ca am eric er ican anaa está es tá na verd ve rdad adee send se ndoo forta fo rtalec lecid idoo e não nã o amea am eaça çado do pela pel a crescente polarização da sociedade. Numa sociedade mais homogênea, a atual concentração exponencial de poder e riqueza certamente provocaria alguma reação da maioria. Porém, na atual situação, em que uma oligarquia confron ta uma população diversificada e separada por raças, malgrado a cultura na cional comum, o ressentimento provocado pelo declínio econômico se ex  pressa  pre ssa m uito uit o m ais n a hos h ostil tilid idad adee entre en tre os gru g rupo poss na base ba se do que nu num m a rebeliã reb eliãoo contra os do topo - tal como se viu no último motim em Los Angeles, quando

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canas, empenhadas em se desvencilhar dos laços políticos legais que ainda as atrelaria ao estorvo crescente representado por seus compatriotas de pés de chumbo, já havia sido identificado, por exemplo, por Robert Reich, só que à cata de circunstâncias atenuantes para o fenômeno - entre outros paradoxos, a relativa tranqüilidade política em que vem se operando tal desengajamento social como a obsolescência obsolescênc ia das fronteiras nacionais, nacion ais, acom pan panhad hadaa pela pela crescente capacidade demonstrada pela nova classe de “manipuladores de sím  bolo  bo los” s” de ag reg re g ar v alo al o r nas n as cade ca deias ias rele re leva vant ntes es nas na s redes red es glob gl obai aiss de negó ne gó cio ci o s.1 s. 18 (Quanto à provável marca brasileira deste novo separatismo da overclass ame ricana, seria bom prevenir desde já o anacronismo: a desterritorializaçào das camadas superiores brasileiras é coisa muito recente, data a bem dizer da  possi  po ssibil bilida idade de atual atu al de “dola “do lariz rizar ar”” seu patr p atrim imôn ônio io,, pois p ois só agor ag oraa o dinh di nheir eiroo m un  dial ofereceu-lhe finalmente a oportunidade de evadir-se da prisão nacional.) Pouco depois, Christopher Lasch aproveitaria a deixa e inverteria o racio cínio passavelmente apologético do futuro Secretário do Trabalho do primeiro  perío  pe ríodo do Clint Cli nton on:: a equ e quív ívoc ocaa m erit er itoc ocra raci ciaa dos sece se cess ssio ioni nist stas as n a verd ve rdad adee repr re pre e sentava uma ameaça para a vida civilizada num espaço cívico-nacional; ao contrário contrário das massas temidas por Ortega Ortega y Gasset nos anos que antecederam

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bourgeoisement das

camadas trabalhadoras trabalhad oras no capitalismo capitalismo organizado ao longo longo do pós-guerra. Numa palavra, a América não seria mais uma sociedade bur guesa - tal como o Brasil, que nem mesmo chegou a sê-lo. Como um país  periféric  peri férico, o, ne nem m mais ma is ne nem m meno me nos, s, torn to rnoo u -se -s e um a socie so cieda dade de p artid ar tidaa em dois, “em que uma aflita maioria está espremida entre uma underclass  sem espe ranças e uma classe superior que recusa quaisquer obrigações cívicas”. Aliás, ainda mais intensamente dividida do que uma sociedade mal-acabada do sul do continente, à vista da explosão, sem precedentes na história do país, do encarceramento em massa, paralelam ente à evasão das elites elites emparedadas em comunas fechadas. A seu ver, o avanço da financeirização da riqueza num  país frat fr atuu rad ra d o assim ass im,, de alto alt o a ba baix ixo, o, esta es taria ria arra ar rast stan andd o os Estad Es tados os Un Unido idoss a um “regime rentier , do tipo da América Latina”. Finalmente, um derradeiro registro insuspeito da propagação dessa per cepção cepção americana ame ricana da brasilianização brasilianizaç ão dos Estados Estados Unidos Unidos pode ser encontrado na óbvia apreensão com que o filósofo Richard Rorty passou a admitir, na esteira do diagnóstico supracitado de Edward Luttwak, que o fascismo pode muito muito bem ser o futuro americano, ou algo do gênero de uma reação populista

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haver “pragmatismo” (nada a ver com sua tradução brasileira barateada) que resista à quebra de algo como uma comunidade republicana entre explorados e exploradores: deslegitima-se assim unia economia internacionalizada “pos suída por uma classe superior cosmopolita que não tem mais senso de comu nidade com qualquer trabalhador em qualquer lugar do que os grandes capi talistas americanos do século XIX tinham com os imigrantes que manejavam as suas em pre sas ”. Há mais ainda no capítulo das an alog ias b rasileiras, desta vez, porém, sem menção do modelo degradante. Qualquer brasileiro que te nha observado ultimamente a ascensão política entre nós do Partido Intelec tual, e sobretudo seu modus operandi  no Brasil privatizado de hoje, se sentirá em casa diante do quadro esboçado pelo filósofo americano frustrado no seu  pra  p ra g m a tism ti sm o , cu ja a fin fi n id a d e elet el etiv ivaa com co m a idéi id éiaa re p u b lic li c a n a de n a ç ã o não nã o deixa aliás de fazer sentido. Pois Rorty reparte a overclass  identificada por Michael Lind em dois pelotões de comando: no topo, a plutocracia internacio nalizada onde as decisões são tomadas; logo abaixo, os “manipuladores sim  bó  b ó lic li c o s” de R o bert be rt Reich Re ich,, os p ro fiss fi ss io n a is de in stru st ru ç ã o su p erio er ior, r, c ujo uj o tr a b a lh o consiste em assegurar a realização suave e eficiente das decisões tomadas  pelo  pe loss prim pr im eiro ei ros, s, qu e p o r su a v ez te rã o tod to d o o in tere te re ss e em c o n s e r v a r p ró sp e ra satisfeita tal tal cam ada social, poi eles eles precisam de pessoas fingir

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desmoralizado, conforme madrugava ma drugava nos hoje remotos anos 19 1960 60 o derradei derradei ro capítulo da tradição crítica brasileira. Com toda razão aliás, pelo menos enquanto variante das teorias funcionalistas da modernização, e suas respec tivas políticas de acatamento subalterno dos padrões societários centrais, e conseqüente inclusão das barbaridades capitalistas locais no rol das anomalias do “atraso” e outros desvios. Mesmo assim - tal a regressão ideológica con temporânea -, esse velho subproduto do evolucionismo modernista e seu cor tejo de de categorias polares, repartidas entre o campo dos avançados e o con tra campo dos retardatários, foi reposto em circulação, é verdade que menos como “teoria” do que como sinal de alarme ante a marcha do mundo no rumo de uma explosiva configuração “dual” entre integrados e descartados, hierarqui camente congelada. Apartação que a visão prevalecente no topo do mundo  pref  pr efer eree e n c a ra r com co m o um a disf di sfun un ção çã o - “regu “re gula laçõ ções es”” resid re sidua uais, is, inér in érci cias as fund fu ndaa mentalistas - que o tempo se encarregaria de absorver. Tempo, por sua vez, funcionalmente espacializado - como nas antigas justaposições de setores sociais defasados -, numa derradeira corrida de adaptação à última encarna ção do moderno. Isso no âmbito das agências e think tanks  do poder imperial, desde que acendeu a luz vermelha do crescente mal-estar na globalização. De qualquer modo, dualismo à revelia, já que a simples admissão de uma socie

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talismo era um só...  Na verd ve rdad adee não nã o era a t>is t>isã ão espa es pa cial ci al da so cied ci ed ad e divi di vidi dida da que ofuscava as prome ssas da dialética, dialética, mas algo algo como como um fa ta l desconh eci mento da territorialidade do poder capitalista pelo argumento materialista clássico.  Em

linha com o liberalismo econômico do século XIX, Marx “havia suposto que o mercado mundial operava por cima das cabeças e não através das mãos do s atores do Estado".2 Estado".22 Pois Pois foi foi jus tam en te a atual hiperm obilidade do capital que veio lançar uma nova luz sobre esse ponto cego de nossa tradição crítica, não por acaso engolida pelo mito economicista da globaliza ção enquanto transbordamento natural dos mercados nacionais interdepen dentes. Uma tal tal liberdade de movim ento, ontem como hoje, simp simp lesmente não seria possível na ausência de uma multiplicidade hierarquizada de jurisdições  po  p o líti lí ticc a s: foi p re ciso ci so u m fias fi as co sem se m p re c e d e n te s n a h is tó ria ri a de n o ss a intelli gentsia  para que se redescobrisse essa verdade elementar do moderno sistema mun dial enqu anto modo de governo e acumulação. Assi Assim m sendo, não surpre ende que a abordagem dualista - por certo sempre suspeita de sobrecarga ideológica ideológica,, ora a favor favor,, ora contra - tenha ganhad o um a segund a juven tude, graças justam ente à centralidade centralidade da espaciliazaçã espaciliazaçãoo capitalista capitalista na atual d inâ mica mundializada da acumulação. Ao contrário do que apregoa o senso comum globalitário - tanto à esquer

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capital e atravessada por uma divisão social inédita entre populações imobili zadas nesses verdadeiros contêineres urbanos e a nova classe dominante em estado de secessão, mas nem por isso podendo dispensar a espécie de mais valia bruta extorquida dos sedentários. Pois bem: esse fosso crescente entre força de trabalho degradada e descartada e operadores hipervalorizados nas cidades estratégicas de um sistema mundial já em si mesmo altamente desi gual e hierarquizado, além do mais percebido na sua mais impressionante manifestação socioespacial, também se apresenta como uma outra evidente confirmação de algo como uma  seg  s eg u nd a p e ri f e r i za çã o do mu n do . 23  É nessas cidades divididas que se manifesta o novo dualismo americano que, de uns tempos para para cá, cá, vem ve m send se nd o equiparad equ iparadoo à obsce ob scena na polarizaçã po larizaçãoo brasileira.24 Foi assim que, desde o início da Era Reagan, Los Angeles começou a ser vista como grande experimento da apartação social característica do novo

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nizados do país”, de sorte que afinal o Centro também se tornou Periferia, na medida mesmo em que a “cidadela empresarial do capital multinacional apóiase, com rematada agilidade, em urna base cada vez mais ampla de populações estrangeiras”25. O retrato mais famoso da dualização de Los Angeles se deve, com o sabido, a M ike ike Davis. Davis. Nela Nela já nào seria m ais possível possível sepa rar a gran de afluência dos ricos e poderosos do desamparo e desmoralização das popula ções proletarizadas, ao confinamento das quais - dos guetos negros de sem  pr  p r e , i n c h a d o s p e la m ã o d e o b r a im ig r a d a , à p r o l if e r a ç ã o d a s in s t it u i ç õ e s c a r  c e r á r ia ia s - c o r r e s p o n d e m a s fa f a m i g e ra r a d a s g a t e d c o m m u n i t i e s ,   a fortificação das c a m a d a s p r iv iv i l e g i a d a s , p r i v a t i z a n d o l u g a r e s p ú b l ic ic o s e m i li l i ta ta r i z a n d o o e s p a ç o co ns truíd o2 o266. Logo depois foi a vez de Nova York torn ar-s e ou tro caso e xe m   p l a r d e o r d e m s o c i a l u r b a n a c o m d u a s v e l o c id a d e s - a c id a d e a u m te m p o

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balho com informação”28. Mais especificamente, no que consiste afinal, para o mais recente e enciclopédico ideólogo da globalização a nova forma do dua lismo urbano?29 Como estamos lidando com um notorio protagonista de urna daquelas “viagens para dentro” estilizadas por Edward Said, a saber, a imigra ção intelectual, em princípio “adversária” ou “irônica”, da periferia (semiperiferia mediterrânea, no caso) para o coração do império, a curiosidade não parece descabida30. Antes de qualquer coisa, quem diria, trata-se da expressão de uma  defa  de fasa sa- gem  ge m , como nos bons tempos do progressismo funcionalista: no caso, estaria na berlinda o descompasso entre o envelhecimento do trabalho rotineiro e o crescimento do dito setor s etor pós-indus pós-in dustrial, trial, transição além do mais marcada marcada pelo desmonte da mediação estatal nas relações entre capital e trabalho, e situada, de preferência, nos pontos nodais da geografia econômica, as áreas metropo

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uma elite funcional, cuja auto-suficiência não implica rcclusào, mas circula ção desimpedida em incontáveis redes transfronteiras de acumulação dc todo tipo de poder social; na base, um outro pacote, o localismo do trabalho desestruturado e, portanto, segmentado numa miríade de arranjos defensivos. De sorte que - sempre na opinião de nosso Autor essa essa dualidade estrutural estrutural não engendra dois mundos diferentes, longe disso, mas uma variedade de univer sos sociais, cuja figuração espacial se caracteriza pela segregação, diversidade e hierarquia. Algo como um a du alização meritocrática: meritocrática: pois pois é a segmentação do mercado de trabalho que produz o dualismo social, simplesmente sancio nando a capacidade de grupos e indivíduos de ingressar nas avenidas que conduzem às novas fontes de riqueza. No limite, reconhece Castells, em caso

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sim, e mais, com a plena consciência de constituir um grupo transnacional (seu cosmopolitismo é de nascença), empenhada na perpetuação de dinastias  pat  p atri rim m o n iais ia is,, p e rm a n e n te m e n te m o b iliz il izaa d a p o r de trás tr ás da fa c h ad a o p e ra c io  nal dos managers e investidores institucionais, institucionais, supostos novos do nos do m undo (pelo menos na França, faz-se de tudo para ocultar os interesses vinculados a tal tal ou qual patronímico à som bra de organogram as abstratos, abstratos, dando a enten der uma espécie de difusão sem limites da propriedade do capital), tudo resu mido enfim no culto ostensivo do Tentre-soi”, visível na marca registrada dos beaux quartiers   semeados pelos sítios mundiais do consumo conspícuo; segundo, que só essa burguesia, multinacional como os antigos clãs aristocrá ticos, é uma verdadeira classe social, à qual se filia em ordem dispersa e

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custo da força de trabalho. Mais especificamente, também era de opinião ainda no final dos anos 1980 - que a dualização que importava era a distin ção entre os setores formal e informal da economia, sendo o segundo tão “moderno” quanto o primeiro, além é claro de majoritário. Aquela altura,

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chamada sociedade da informação. De um modo um tanto convencional, para Castells, além do mais, apenas certas áreas empobrecidas da América Latina estariam condenadas à marginalização reencarnada pelo Quarto Mundo, do confinamento territorial de populações sem valor econômico à predação do próprio povo como política de Estado. No Brasil brasilianizado, todavia, o que está mes

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provou ser antes de tudo afirmativa, na rota oposta da multidão de imigrantes pós-coloniais, cuja força de trabalho reterritorializada em casa alheia Saskia Sassen contrapô c ontrapôss às torres do capital corporativo co rporativo nas cidades imperiais de hoje41 hoje41. Dito isso, seria preciso acrescentar, não sem tempo, que a Cidade Global de Saskia Sassen, dualizada ou brasilianizada, não é apenas, e nem longe, uma

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vras: embora a tendência seja mesmo a escalada no aprofundamento dos ex tremos tremos,, acelerando inclusive inclusive a laminagem do já declining middle , subsiste um apelo, implícito na imagem da cidade dual, à espetacularização da coesão social ameaçada. Nesse mesmo passo, uma boa mídia se encarregará - como é da natureza do veículo - de despolitizar despolitizar a desigualdade, desigualdade, agora sim sim assustado 

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rica como a brasileira. Exatamente algo como a intuição recorrente de uma “dualidade básica” - para falar como Inácio Rangel - cujas metamorfoses de época exprimiriam a lógica mais recôndita de nossa matéria social específica.

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