Ancient Egyptians at Play - Board Games Across Borders
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Bloomsbury Bloomsbury Egyptology Series editor: Nicholas Reeves Ancientt Egyptian echno Ancien echnology logy and Innova Innovation tion, Ian Shaw Archaeologists, Arc haeologists, ourists, In Interpreters terpreters, Rachel Mairs and Maya Muratov Asiaticss in Middle Asiatic Middle Kingdom Kingdom Egypt Egypt, Phyllis Saretta Burial Customs in Ancient Egypt, Wolram Wolram Grajetzki Court Offi O fficials of the Egyptian Egy ptian Middle Kingdom, Wolram Wolram Grajetzki Te Egyptian Oracle Project, edited by Robyn Gillam and Jeffrey Jacobson Hidden Hands, Stephen Quirke Te Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt, Wolram Wolram Grajetzki Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, Robyn Gillam
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Ancient A ncient Egyptians at Play Board Games across Borders Walter Crist Anne-Elizabeth Dunn-Vaturi Alex de Voogt Voogt
Bloomsbury B loomsbury Academic An imprint o Bloomsbury Publishing Plc LONDON • OXFORD • NEW YORK • NEW DELHI • SYDNEY
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loomsbury Academic Bloomsbury B An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square London WC 1B 3DP 3DP UK
1385 Broadway New York NY 1001 0018 8 USA
www.bloomsbury.com BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published publishe d 2016 2016 © Walter Crist, Anne-Elizabeth Dunn-Vaturi and Alex de Voogt, Voogt, 20 2016 16 Walter Crist, Anne-Elizabeth Dunn-Vaturi and Alex de Voogt have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the authors.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN:: HB ISBN HB:: PB:: PB ePDF PDF:: ePub:
978-1-47422-118-4 978-1-47422-117-7 978-1-47422-120-7 978-1-47422-119-1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Cataloging-in-Publication Data Crist, Walter, author. Ancient Egyptians at play : board games across borders / Walter Crist, Anne-Elizabeth Dunn-Vaturi, Alex de Voogt. pages cm — (Bloomsbury Egyptology) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4742-2118-4 (hb : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4742-2117-7 (pb : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4742-2119-1 (epub : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4742-2120-7 (epdf : alk. paper) 1. Board games—Egypt—History. 2. Egypt—Antiquities. 3. Egypt—Social life and customs. 4. Divination—Egypt—History. I. Dunn-Vat Dunn-Vaturi, uri, Anne-Elizabeth, author. II. Voogt, Alexander J. de, author. III. Title. IV IV.. Series: Bloomsbury Egyptology. Egyptology. DT62.B5C75 2016 794’.0932—dc23 2015034318 Series: Bloomsbury Egyptology Typeset by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk
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Contents Contents List o Illustratio Illustrations ns Acknowledgments Egyptian Chronology 1
Ancient Egypt Egyptians ians at Play: An Introduction A range o casting devices Board games across borders: Identiying Identiying Egyptian games
2 Meh Mehen en and Men: Te First Signs o Egyptian Board Games Mehen Meh en: Te game o the coiled serpent
3
viii viii xi xi xiii xiii 1 5 12 15 15
Mehen boards Mehen Mehen Meh en pieces
17 24
Rules o mehen Pictorial evidence extual evidence Archaeological evidence and social conte context xt Te demise o mehen in Egypt Mehen Meh en in Nubia Mehen Meh en in the Levant and Mesopotamia Mehen Meh en in Cyprus and the Aegean Men wo rows of thirteen and forty forty-two two and pool
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Senet across across Border B orderss
41
Early evidence or senet Old Kingdom Ki ngdom:: Ritual use u se and graffi gr affiti Middle Kingdom: Changes and consistency New Kingdom: Religious meaning Later history o senet Playing pieces Senet in in Nubia
41
27 29 31 32 33 34 34 37 39
44 49 52 60 64 67 v
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4
5
6
7
Contents
Senet in Senet in the Levant
69
Senet in in Cyprus
74
Te game of thirtythirty-three three
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Te Game of wenty : A Foreign Acquisition Origins and chronological distribution Beni Hasan playing scenes Ancient names Boards or the game of twenty Special squares and decoration decorationss Archaeological contex contexts ts Rules or the game of twenty “Uniting o the twenty squares” or thirtythirty-one one Te Levant and Cyprus: Games as heirlooms
81 82 85 86 87 91 97 98 99 101
Te Game o Hounds and Jackals: From Tebes to Susa Boards or hounds and jackals Gaming pegs Beni Hasan playing scenes Te game outside o Egypt Reconstructed rules Symbolism o the game Te Coptic board game
103
Roman Board Games Crossing the Borders o Egypt Te sources Te game o five lines lines or πέντε γραμμαί Duodecim scripta or ludus duodecim scriptorum Latrunculi or ludus latrunculorum Merels Mer els or mill game game Marbles Ma rbles Remaining configurations Te borders o Egypt
125
Arab and Ottoman Invaders Scratch Scratching ing the Surace Graffi Gra ffiti game g amess Seeja or siga
151
104 110 112 114 118 120 122
126 130 133 138 141 144 146 147
151 154
Contents
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Seeja playing rules Seeja
154
âb
158
Mancala Man cala
160
Te Role o Board Games in Understanding Antiquity Spread o board games Religiosity o board games Site use Unidentified board games and new approaches
167
Reerences Author Index Subject Index
167 170 171 172 175 175 195 195 201
Illustrations Figures Figures All drawings, unless otherwise indicated, were made by Jennier Steffey at the American Museum o Natural History in New York, who also designed the maps or each o the chapters. Dimensions o objects are indicated when available either as a scale on the photograph or in the caption. 1.1 Casting devices rom Egypt and Sudan. 2.1 Map o sites mentioned in Chapter 2. 2.2 Mehen Mehen board demonstrating a Predynastic rendering o the game. 2.3 Meh Mehen en board bearing the name o Hor Aha. 2.4 Second Dynasty mehen board accompanied by spherical playing pieces. 2.5 Painting rom the tomb o Hesy-Re showing mehen , senet and and men. 2.6 Ivory mehen piece rom Abydos Abydos in the orm o a couchant lion. 2.7 Meh Mehen en game rom Episkopi Phaneromeni , Cypr Cyprus. us. 3.1 Map o sites mentioned in Chapter 3. 3.2 Drawing o senet patterns, patterns, showing markings common during
7 16 18 19
different perio periods. ds. Drawing o scene rom the mastaba o Nikauho Nikauhorr showing senet playing. Facsimile o a painting rom the tomb o Neertari. Senet boards boards on terracotta platters rom wenty-Sixth Dynasty ortress at ell Deenneh. Playing pieces collec collected ted by F.G. Hilton Price. Drawing o Merenptah playing senet . Senet game game rom Arad, with drilled depressions as the playing spaces spaces..
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3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8
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21 23 25 35 42
48 56 62 65 69 70
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Illustrations
3.9 3.9
Senet game game rom Hazor, with the game of twenty on on the
opposite side. 3.10 Senet games rom the Episkopi region, Cyprus. 3.11 Senet game game o Late Period date, with the game of thirtythirty-three three on the opposite ace. 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8
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Map o the game of twenty rom rom the mid-third mid-third to the first millennium . . Te royal game of Ur with gaming pieces and tetrahe tetrahedrons. drons. Te game of twenty in in the second and first millennia , , and the route o play play.. Playing scenes A, B and and C in the tombs o Baqet I I I and Khety Khety,, Beni Hasan. Game of twenty rom rom Tebes with senet on the opposite side. Ostracon rom Deir el-Medina. Drawing o the urin Papyrus with our games. Map o the game o hounds and jackals during the second and first millennia . . Game o hounds and jackals rom Tebes. Violin-shaped game board. Violin-shaped Drawing o hippopotam hippopotamusus-shaped shaped game board. urtle stand or simulacr urtle simulacraa rom Dra Abu el-Naga. Playing scene in Beni Hasan, probably rom omb 17. Boards rom the deposit o the temple o Inshushinak Inshushinak,, Susa. Reconstruction o the numberin numberingg sequence o the holes. Coptic board game. Map o sites mentioned in Chapters 6 and 7. Example o a Roman games context at Palmyra, Syria. Five lines at the Luxor temple and at Qasr al Ghweita. Drawings o duodecim scripta boards rom Qustul and Dawwi. Duodecim scripta boards at Kom Ombo. Drawing o a terracotta game board. Latrunculi board at Kom Ombo. Merels Mere ls boards at Dendera, Kom el-Dekka, Kom Ombo and Silsila Silsila..
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73 75 78 81 83 84 85 90 98 100 103 106 108 109 112 113 117 119 123 127 130 132 134 137 139 141 142
x
Illustrations
6.9 6.9
Drawing o a ninenine-men’smen’s-morris morris board as ound on a column at the Ramess Ramesseum. eum. 6.10 Drawing o a marble lane. 6.11 wo unidentified game boards at Beni Hasan and Silsila Silsila.. 6.12 Possible seeja board at the Kharga Oasis Oasis.. 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6
Example o an Arab or Ottoman games context at Petra, Jordan and on Sai Island, Sudan. Placement o first pieces on a seeja board. Examples o seeja boards at Silsila Silsila,, Medamoud, and el-Kab. Examples o tâb boards at el-Kab. Drawing o a mancala board at the “Tird Pyramid, Gizeh. Gizeh.”” Sudanese mancala boards carved in the temple o iye, Sedeinga, Sedeing a, and on the temple o Soleb.
144 145 147 148 153 156 157 160 161 162
able 4.1
able with types o marking and distinc distinctt shapes or special squares in Egypt.
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Acknowledgments Acknowledgments First o all, we would like to thank Nick Reeves or initiating this book, Anna MacDiarmid and the staff at Bloomsbury Academic Press or their support in the process as well as two anonymous reviewers or their constructive and valuable comments. comments. At the Metropolitan Museum o Art, we are indebted to the Department o Egyptian Art, led by Lila Acheson Wallace Curator in Charge Diana Craig Patch, or allowing us to study games in the collection, and in particular to Niv Allon, Elizabeth Fiorentino, Janice Kamrin, Marsha Hill, Adela Oppenheim, Catharine Roehrig, Morena Steanova, as well as Ann Heywood rom the Sherman Fairchild Center or Objects Conservation or their assistance in object or text studies and/or image requests. We wish to acknowledge the Department o Ancient Near Eastern Art, and Curator in Charge Joan Aruz, or their considerable support, and especially Blair Fowlkes-Childs, Elizabeth Knott and Michael Seymour or their contributions. Ben Haring and Ola Kaper (Leiden University), Pavel Onderka (Narodni Muzeum, Prague), Rudol Haensch (Kommision ür Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts), Dennys Frenez (Università di Bologna), Mark Kenoyer (University o Wisconsin), Jennier Webb and David Frankel provided us with helpul inormation, and special mention should be made o our colleagues at Arizona State University, Nancy Serwint, Ser wint, Lei Jonsson and Kostalena Kostalen a Michelaki, Michelak i, as well as Annie Caubet (Musée du Louvre) and Francesco iradritti (Università di Enna Unikore) or their invaluable contribution to the progress o our research. Tanks to Dr. Abdel-Hamid (Egyptian Museum, Cairo), Sara Al-Ashmawi (Egyptian Museum, Cairo), Nadine Cherpion (Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo), Nevine Kamal (Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo), Yael Barschak (Israel Antiquities Authority), Christopher Sutherns (British Museum), racey Golding (Petrie Museum), Vincent Rondot (Musée du Louvre) and Isabelle Bardiès-Fronty (Musée de Cluny) or acilitating access to images and granting permission. xi
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Acknowledgmen Ack nowledgments ts
SSpecial pecial thanks to Maria Nilsson (Lund University) and John Ward or their generosity in supplying multiple images or this publication, to Paul Whelan or his illustration, and also to Stuart Swiny or photographs, insightul discussion and access to unpublished material. We are grateul to Vincent Francigny (Section Française de la Direction des Antiquités du Soudan), Alexandra Christopoulou (National Archaeological Museum, Athens), Eleni ourna (National Archaeological Museum, Athens), Marie-Noël Bellessort (École du Louvre), Olga Fast (Ägyptisches Museum, Bonn), Irving Finkel (British Museum), Stephen Quirke (Petrie Museum), Rachael Sparks (Institute o Archaeology, London), Ashley Cook (World Museum, Liverpool), John Wyatt (Griffi (Gr iffith Institute Inst itute and Bodl Bodleian eian Library, L ibrary, Oxord), Christopher Dobbs (University o Missouri), Jay VanRensselaer (Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore), Jack D.M. Green (Oriental Institute Museum, Chicago), Linda Evans (Macquarie University, Sydney), Naguib Kanawati (Australian Centre or Egyptology), María Antonia García Martínez (amkang University o aipei), Christine Lilyquist and Peter Michaelsen or answering our inquiries. We owe particular thanks to Rozenn Bailleul-LeSuer (University o Chicago) or valuable advice, Ulrich Ulrich Schädler (Swiss Museum o Games) or his insights and Constance Dickmeyer or commenting on our text. Finally, we are most grateul or the many drawings provided by Jennier Steffey at the American Museum o Natural History Histor y in New York. York.
Egyptian Chronology Egyptian Tis chronology has been compiled on the basis o Shaw (2000 ( 2000:xiii–xiv) :xiii–xiv) and Francigny et al. (2014 (2014:7–8). :7–8). Dates or the Late Period and onwards are absolute. All other dates are approximate. During the Intermediate Periods, dynasties may overlap. Dates relevant or regions outside o Egypt are included in the text with those or Nubia taken rom Rilly and de Voogt (2012 (2012:187), :187), those or the Levant rom Sharon (2014 (2014:62) :62) and those or Cyprus rom Knapp (2013 (2013:27). :27). P P P 5300–3100 Naqada E D D P P 3100–2686 First–Second Dynasties O K K 2686–2181 Tird–Sixth Dynasties F I I P P 2181–2055 Seventh–Eleventh Seventh–Eleven th Dynasties D ynasties M K K 2055–1650 Eleventh–Fourteenth Eleventh–F ourteenth Dynasties S I I P P 1650–1550 Fifeenth–Seventeenth Fifeenth–Seven teenth Dynasties N K K 1550–1069 Eighteenth–wentieth Dynasties I I P P 1069–747 wenty-First–wenty-Fourth Dynasties 1069–715 L P P 747–332 wenty-Fifh Dynasty (Kushite Period) wenty-Sixth Dynasty (Saite Period) xiii
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Egyptian Chronology
wenty-Seventh wenty-Seventh Dynasty (First Persian Period) wenty-Eigh wenty-Eighth–Tirtieth th–Tirtieth Dynasties Second Persian Period P P P 332–30 R P P 30 –395 –395 B P P 395–640 I P P 640 –present –present
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Ancient Egyptians at Play: An Introduction Te material culture o board games in Egypt Eg ypt has long been a topic o interest or archaeologists, ethnographers and lay people alike. Te climatic conditions o the Nile Valley afford or the preservation o perishable materials, and thus a multitude o evidence to sustain this interest. Game boards and their paraphernalia have been identified among the material culture o ancient Egypt since the early days o archaeology (e.g., Prisse d’Avennes 1847:9). 1847 :9). Te number o well made, easily identifiable boards and pieces, as well as the variety o games repre represented sented in the archaeological record is striking in comparison to other ancient cultures. As early as the 1910s, Georges Bénédite compiled the Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire or games, but his manuscript remains unpublished (Drioton (Drioton 1940:182, 1940:182, note 2). In this book, we synthesize the material evidence in Egypt rom Predynastic through Islamic times, in order to aid in the identification o board games in archaeological contexts at sites within Egypt as well as in the neighboring regions. Tis scope also provides evidence or a wider discussion on how games are transerred across cultural boundaries, as the long history o Egypt demonstrates the acility with which board games are able to cross borders both real and imagined. Previously, scholars have made an invaluable contribution to the study o Egyptian board games by compiling the material, textual and artistic evidence or the various board games that existed in Egypt. In particular, Pusch (1979 (1979),), Piccione (1990b (1990b),), Decker and Herb (1994 (1994)) and Rothöhler (1996 (1996)) accomplished the monumental task o compiling catalogs o the known surviving game boards rom Predynastic and Pharaonic Egypt, as well as texts about games and representations o game playing. Reproducing their work here would be unnecessarily repetitive as ew games have been ound since, but they prove to be invaluable resources or any researcher interested 1
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
in the topic. Instead, this volume seeks to build rom their work by expanding the scope spatially and chronologically. Archaeological evidence in the past thirty years increasingly suggests that Egyptian games may have spread to neighboring local populations where Egyptians were economically or politically active, and in some cases even beyond Egypt’s sphere o influence. Furthermore, the presence o Greco-Roman and Islamic games on Pharaonic monuments demonstrates the contextualization o those structures within succeeding cultures. Egyptian texts have helped to describe the religious significance o board games, while shorter inscriptions have given snapshots o gameplay. Much o the early scholarship on board games in Egypt ocused on possible p ossible game rules. Evidence rom the boards themselves, paraphernalia ound with games, captions accompanying playing scenes sc enes and longer religious texts led to multiple theories on the modes o play (Ranke ( Ranke 1920; 1920; Murray 1951; 1951; Vandier Vandier 1964 1964:486– :486– 512; Kendall 1978; 1978; Piccione 1990a, 1990a, 1990b), 1990b), though some are particularly speculative (e.g., Falkener 1892; 1892; Breyer 2010). 2010). Even when board games are depicted in art, it is important i mportant to note that it can c an be diffi d ifficult to identiy a painting or relie as a particular game, as the board surace is commonly not shown, according to Egyptian artistic convention. As a result, inerences must be made rom textual evidence or based on artistic conventions. Apart rom rules used or games in Roman Egypt and the period thereafer, the playing rules o ancient Egyptian games remain largely largely unknown. Te changes in rules or the variations o play are also beyond what we can currently learn rom the archaeological record. Tere is one exception or the game o twenty, or which a Babylonian tablet rom the Seleucid period has provided relevant details. Tese rules written in a region outside o Egypt and in a time period postdating the game’s existence in the Nile Valley remain the main advance in game rule research (Finkel (Finkel 2007). 2007). As with most aspects o Egyptian lie, board games were imbued with meaning connected with the journey into the aferlie. Tis is made explicit in art and texts rom Pharaonic times, and is particularly striking or the games senet and and mehen. Board games, particularly senet and and to a lesser degree mehen , appear in the religious literature l iterature o ancient Egypt, Egypt , including the Pyramid P yramid exts, exts, Coffin exts exts and an d the Book o the Dead. D ead. Te religious relig ious nature o senet is particularly prominent in the Great Game ext, which also provides some
Ancient at Play Ancient Egyptians at
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evidence or the nature o play (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:191–241). 1990b:191–241). New texts on this subject in the last decades are largely absent, and a reinterpretation o welldocumented and sometimes contentious texts is outside the scope o this work. Ofen, interpretations o texts by Egyptologists interested in games may differ rom canonical translations as they may see aspects o gaming in the texts that may be overlooked by other epigraphers. Tese texts offer crucial insight into the meaning o these games, but offering new interpretations o texts is a task that would fill fil l a volume on its own. Likewise, Likewise, depictions depictions o games in tomb paintings and relies ofen depict the play o games in ritual contexts. Social historians have pointed out the similarity o ritual and play (Huizinga ( Huizinga 1950:15–27; 1950 :15–27; Sutton-Smith 1997:169). 1997:169). As a consequence, and because tomb assemblages make up the majority o the archaeological evidence in Egypt, much o what is known about games in Egypt is limited to their ritual use. Te works o Kendall (1978 (1978,, 2007) 2007) and Piccione (1990a (1990a,, 1990b, 1990b, 2007) 2007) demonstrate the connections o game playing and mortuary symbolism. Piccione’s works in particular collected both material and textual evidence to comprehensively discuss the religiou religiouss implications or the games o senet and and mehen or the first time. Since their extensive explorations o the topic there has been little advancementt in the discussion advancemen disc ussion o this aspect o Egyptian board games, and or this reason we summarize earlier arguments made rom textual evidence while drawing new conclusions and parallels by expanding the scope o material evidence considered. Te problems with understanding understanding game rules and the detailed work on the ritual use o board games cannot be overcome by simply reexamining board games in the archaeological record o Egypt. New discoveries o game boards or texts about games rom Egypt have been rare since the 1990s, and thus ocusing on gaming within Egypt itsel is limited to reexaminations reexaminations o existing evidence. Tis stands in contrast with the number o games that have been discovered outside o Egypt, which has increased dramatically over the past thirty years. years . Since 1980, when Stuart Swiny first publish published ed his article identiying identi ying senet and and mehen in Cyprus (Swiny (Swiny 1980), 1980), analogous games have been ound throughout the island as well as in the Levant, which have greatly increased our knowledge o these games outside o Egypt. Eg ypt. Te Te rate at which these games have been ound has been so high that the number o senet and and mehen games ound in the Levant and Cyprus is now greater than that in Egypt itsel.
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
Similarly, Roman and Arab/Ottoman games have been discovered in Egypt, but are commonly excluded in literature on Egyptian games. Archaeological evidence rom regions outside o Egypt provide significant insight on these board games, and understanding their morphology and chronology can help to prevent misidentification and provide interesting layers to discussions o site histories. In other words, the study o Egyptian board games benefits rom a comparative approach that includes insight gained outside o Egypt and allows a conte c ontext xt o these games across borders. In recent years there is also a shif in Egyptological research as games have been identified carved into pavements at Egyptian monuments or traced on limestone ostraca, which point to non-elite non-elite Egyptians playing these games just as much as royalty and the nobility. Much like the Cypriot and Levantine boards, or instance, these artiacts are cruder in their construction than the manuactured Egyptian game boards ound in royal tombs. Te differences in layout and markings markings on boards made o differen differentt materials add a new layer o understandingg the use and variation o board games. understandin While archaeological research in Cyprus and the Levant has thus ar produced more game boards than Egypt, the Nile Valley has greater variety o types as well as a longer history o board games, allowing or an examination o how they change through time. Similar artiacts ound in neighboring regions help attest to oreign interactions with Egypt, including Nubia, the Levant and Cyprus. Tis process includes games introduced introduced into Egypt as well as rom Egypt to nearby lands. Te variety o games preserved in Egypt’s archaeological record presents presents an ideal setting s etting in which to examine games and exchanges in the ancient world. Since patterns carved on rock aces and ostraca have, so ar, received little attention in the literature, the ollowing chapters will ocus on boards made o a variety o materials and the process o identiying board games based on those types. t ypes. Graffiti games are ofen not datable to the t he same time t ime the monument was built, which makes it important to understand the possibilities and to be able to identiy whether w hether such games are Pharaonic, Greco-Roman Greco-Roman or Islamic in origin. Collated material o this kind is presented in a roughly chronological manner, ocusing on the major games o Pharaonic Egypt, ollowed by GrecoRoman and later games to highlight chronological changes, acilitate game identification and inorm a site’s site’s history. his tory.
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Ancientt Egyptians at Ancien at Play
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PPlaying laying pieces, accompanying a board or ound in isolation, may also be diagnostic and aid in the identification o games where the board may not have survived. Casting devices that accompany a board add detail both in the possible age and the variation o play. Advances in understanding o these game paraphernalia outside o Egypt assist in contextualizing Egyptian game practices. Introductions to these elements o board games present a first understanding o the complexity o the material and the possibilities o comparing Egypt with its neighbors. Furthermore, types o casting devices are ofen not specific to certain games, and are best introduced beore the games themselves in order to acilitate discussion o the individual games without digression. Tey also provide a microcosm o the variation seen in the types o games ound in this book, with a long chronological range as well as oreign types mirroring the dispersal o games throughout the ancient world. In some cases, casting devices comprised games on their own, that remain outside the scope o our survey. Tey may have inspired some o the earliest orms o board games as has been suggested in the New World, where evidence may indicate that early board games were essentially counting mechanisms or a game involving casting sticks (Voorhies 2013). 2013 ). While it is not possible with current evidence to suggest that Egyptian board games evolved rom games where the casting devices were the main element, these randomization tools appear early in the archaeological record and are common paraphernalia accompanying games throughout Egyptian history.
A range o casting devices Ancient Egyptians used different kinds o casting devices to determine the number o squares on a gaming board on which they would move playing pieces including sticks, astragali, teetotums and cubic dice (see fig. 1.1). 1.1). Te latter is the only accessory that has not been ound in direct association with any game board rom the Pharaonic period while the three others were discovered with senet and and the game o twenty . Trowing sticks may have been used or mehen but this is not certain and no hounds and jackals game was preserved with casting equipment.
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
Casting C asting or throwing sticks unctioned as the principal randomizing agent rom the Predynastic period through the New Kingdom and are still used today in Egypt and Sudan (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:271). 1982:271). Sticks appear in archaeological assemblages in sets o two, three or more. Sometimes two sets o distinct throwing sticks were ound together, which may indicate that each player used their own set. Te players would give values to the different sides as one side is marked, and/or tinted, the other one unmarked. Te sticks would have been thrown together, mikado like, l ike, and the player would count the number obtained o btained depending on the sides acing up. At Predynastic Ballas, Petrie and Quibell ound ivory rods decorated on one side with incised lines or with motis imitating reed joints (Petrie (Petrie & Quibell 1896:14, 1896 :14, pl. VII). VII). From the First Dynasty onwards, throwing sticks took the orm o semi-cylindrical semi-cylindrical strips o wood, bone or ivory corresponding to split reeds or palm branches; in cross section one side was rounded, the other flat. Te sides could also be distinguished by the color or the decoration. Te size o the sticks can vary greatly: in First Dynasty tombs at Saqqara, ivory sticks more than 28 cm long with incised decoration were discovered with gaming pieces in omb 3504 (Emery (Emery 1954:56–7, 1954:56–7, fig. 61, 61, 59, fig. 67), 67), while three strips o ivory measuring between 4.7 cm and 9.4 cm long were ound with tall cylindrical and semi-circular semi-circular gaming pieces in omb 3471 (Emery (Emery 1949:62). 1949:62). A painting in the Tird Dynasty tomb o Hesy-Re at Saqqara depicts two pairs o sticks and two sets o seven playing pieces accompanying the senet game game (see fig. 2.5). 2.5). Te sticks are decorated with three cross-bands cross-bands consisting o two lines, and each pair is distinguished by the color o the lines, which are either red or black. Troughout the period o their use, incised lines were the main decoration on sticks. During the Second Intermediate Period and New Kingdom, the ends o sticks were ofen carved in the orm o human fingertips or the head o a canine, and this imagery certainly contributed to the symbolism o senet (Hayes 1959:26, 1959:26, 200) (fig. (fig. 1.1, 1.1, top lef). In the Great Game ext, the player whose “seven pieces are in ront o [his] fingers like the jackals that tow the solar bark” may reer to such throwing sticks (Kendall (Kendall 1982:272) 1982:272) or a square calledd the “House o owing” (Piccione calle (Piccione 1990b:149). 1990b:149). Te animal with a pointed snout and long ears lying back along the sides o the stick is interpreted as a jackal, a ox or a ennec (ait 1982:32–6). 1982:32–6). Tere is a similarity with animal
Ancient at Play Ancient Egyptians at
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Figure 1.1
Egyptian casting devices dating dating to the New New Kingdom and and a set o cubic dice rom the third century , , Sudan. op lef: throwing sticks, max. 22.8 × 1.4 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Rogers Fund, 1919, 19.2.19–27a,b. op right: our sides o an astragal rom Tebes, 2.5 × 1.6 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Rogers Fund, 1916, 16.10.505c. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art. Bottom lef: teetotum rom Qau, 2.4 × 2 × 1.4 cm. © Petrie Museum o Egyptian Archaeology, University Uni versity College London, UC26284. UC 26284. Bottom right: cubic dice rom Sedeinga, Sudan, 2.5 cm. Photograph courtesy o Vincent Francigny.
heads ound on opposite ends o magical wands rom the Middle Kingdom (ait 1982:33). 1982:33). We may explain the appearance o this moti on throwing sticks as a shif rom the magical wand, a device that disappeared in the New Kingdom. A unique set o two pairs pai rs o ivory sticks st icks representing oreign captives
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was ound in the tomb o utankhamun and is now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, henceorth Egyptian Museum (JE (JE 6205 62059) 9) (ait (ait 1982:36, 1982:36, pl. X II IIII ). Small figurines o captives were also used as playing pieces (see Chapter 3). 3). Te relationship between fingers and throwing sticks is traced back to the Old Kingdom at Giza, both in archaeological and epigraphic material (Kendall (Kendall 1982:271–2). A wooden finger measuring 14.7 cm long was excavated by the 1982:271–2). Harvard University-Boston Museum o Fine Arts Expedition in the Western Cemetery at Giza rom Pit G 2385 A dated to the Sixth Dynasty (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 13.3441). It could be an early example o the throwing stick with fingertip. It has been suggested that d w, fingers, served to indicate Ꜥ bꜤ throwing sticks, also used as a counting device (Kendall (Kendall 1982:271). 1982:271). Te word d is ofen described in senet -related -related inscriptions and it is translated as Ꜥ bꜤ “finger” since we are not sure about its secondary meaning (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:60, 1990b:60, note 114). In the Sixth Dynasty Dyna sty tomb o Idu at Giza, a player warns his hi s opponent about the decisive role o d d ᾽ ı .(i) sšm d pr hb translated as “I cause Ꜥ : r d Ꜥ .(i) r pr b Ꜥ b Ꜥ my finger to be led to the house o the plough . . . [or] the house o the ibis” (Simpson 1976:25) 1976:25) or “I will cause my finger to lead the way . . . to the house o penetration or humiliation” (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:60). 1990b:60). As the different translations show, the name o the field—reerred to as a house—is uncertain but it could be the unlucky square twenty-seven twenty-seven where the opponent is supposedly drowned according to the Great Game ext (Kendall (Kendall 1982:272). 1982:272). Trowing sticks were excavated in Sudan in the 1910s by the Harvard University-Boston Museum o Fine Arts Expedition at the capital city o the Kingdom o Kerma. Five ivory sticks decorated with black-filled black-filled incised chevrons were discovered discovered with nine cylindrical c ylindrical and ten conical playing pieces in omb K6002:1 (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 15-3-281). Another lot decorated with black-filled black-filled incised lines comes rom omb K2100 (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 20.1522). Both groups date to the Kerma period (c. 2500– 15000 ). 150 ). Te French excavations at the coastal site o Ugarit in Syria have brought to light three ivory throwing sticks with incised decoration o unknown context and an undecorated one rom a Late Bronze Age III level, dating to the thirteenth century (Gachet-Bizollon (Gachet-Bizollon 2007:212, 2007:212, 307, pl. 50). While Egyptian-type Egyptiantype playing pieces are ound at several sites in the Levant, including including at Ugarit (Gachet-Bizollon (Gachet-Bizollon 2007:212), 2007:212), these sticks are the only ones known to
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date or that region, confirming confirming the significant s ignificant influence o Egyptian Eg yptian culture at Ugarit, an important trading center during the second millennium . . Te presence o playing pieces and throwing sticks at Ugarit attests to the practice o board games. Ivory plaques have been retrieved at the site but so ar no gaming board has been identified definitively. Another method to determine the number o spaces moved by the pieces was the use o knucklebones. “Knucklebone” is an inaccurate term or the astragalus, a small bone ound within the tarsal joint o hooved animals more commonly reerred to as the talus in anatomical terminology. Mainly sheep and goat bones were used. Tis bone is useul as a randomizing device because it has our sides on which it could land when cast, with none o these sides alike. wo long sides are noticeably broader: one is concave, while the other is convex. One narrower long side is indented and the other is flat. Te astragal can land on one o the t he our long sides with the opposite side acing up, so each one was assigned a name and a different numerical value. Figure 1.1 shows the our sides rom top lef to bottom right, ollowed here by the value applied in Classical times: dorsal (three), plantar (our), lateral (six) and medial (one) (Amandry 1984: 1984: 348–9). Sets o astragali o differen differentt size may have unctioned or distinctive throws (Finkel (Finkel 2007:21, 2007:21, note 12). Imitations o astragalus bones were also made rom wood, clay, ivory, stone or metal. In Egypt, artificially produced astragali seem to occur more ofen than natural bones (Gilmour ( Gilmour 1997:170). 1997 :170). Astragali are requently ound in the Near East as early as the Chalcolithic period in Anatolia Anatolia (5500–3000 (5500–3000 ) (Muscarella 1974:80–1, 1974:80–1, note 21). Astragali were used also or games o skill skil l as well as divinatio divination. n. Although an astragal was ound at Abydos, Abydos, possibly in the tomb o Den, king o the First Dynasty (Hayes ( Hayes 1953:46; 1953 :46; Kendall 1982:270) 1982:270) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 01.4.92), their use by the Egyptians is better attested rom the Seventeenth Dynasty on and is likely related to the introduction o the game o o twenty (Finkel (Finkel 2008). 2008). Astragal Astragalii have been photographed with the Teban game o hounds and jackals (Pritchard 1954:fig. 1954:fig. 213), but in this case they are not likely to belong to the game board as they are not listed in the excavation report along with the itemized accoutrements o the game. Egyptians adopted the astragali to play senet and they are the only casting devices represented in New Kingdom playing scenes (Pusch (Pusch 1979:pls. 1979:pls. 18, 28, 30) (see cover image).
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Astragali A stragali are normally ound in pairs with game sets. A pair o ivory astragali was ound at el-Asasi (Lansing (Lansing 1917:26), 1917:26), pairs o ivory and resin—o notably different size—in the tomb o utankhamun (ait (ait 1982:38–41), 1982:38–41), and a pair o wooden astragali at Saqqara (Quibell (Quibell 1909:114). 1909:114). While most o the archaeological evidence comes rom burials, a ew are reported rom domestic contexts at Deir el-Medina (Dunn-V (Dunn-Vaturi aturi 2012a) 2012a ) and el-Amarna (Frankort (Frankort & Pendlebury Pendleb ury 1933 1933:25, :25, pl. 29.2). During the Greco-Roman period, cubic dice become more common and gradually replaced astragali or use with board games. Despite this phenomenon, playing pieces dating to this period show a continued connection between astragali and board games. wo baboon-shaped baboon-shaped playing pieces careully integrate the contour o an astragalus to the body o the animal as i it had been carved rom a natural knucklebone (Arnold ( Arnold 1995:60) 1995:60) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 66.99.75; Walters Art Museum, 71.512). Tese pieces are stylistically attributed to an Alexandrian workshop active around the third century cen tury . A group o stone astragali carved with enigmatic scenes was not meant or an ordinary game but imbued with magical powers (Dandoy ( Dandoy 2006:133; 2006:133; Piccione 2007:58). 2007:58). Tree examples, said to be rom Egypt and attributed to the Ptolemaic or Roman period, have been identified in museum collections (Musée du Louvre, E 11171; Metropolitan Museum o Art, O.C. 428; Petrie Museum, UC44997). UC44997). Te worn relies on the Louvre example are difficult to interpret (two standing figures, figures , scorpion? scorpion?).). Te steatite astragal now in London shows an erotic scene on one side (Petrie (Petrie 1927:57, 1927:57, no. 227, pl. 49) while the gabbro astragal in New York shows a nude crouching emale on the plantar side—possibly Omphale—and standing figures on the narrow sides (or the iconographyy o Omphale and magical gems see Dasen iconograph Das en 2008). 2008). During the New Kingdom, a our-sided our-sided teetotum was also used as dice equipment. A teetotum is a truncated our-sided our-sided pyramidal die, its aces numbered with one to our dots and pierced with a plug or rod allowing it to be spun. Tis new shape came to Egypt Eg ypt rom the Levant where examples dating dating to the early second millennium are attested at Beth Shean (Albright ( Albright 1938:48), 1938 :48), ell ell el-Ajjul el -Ajjul (Petrie (Petrie 1934:pl. 1934:pl. X XI XIV V, XX XVI XVI,, 25) and ell ell Beit B eit Mirsim (Albright 1938:48, 1938:48, pl. 21,b; Pritchard 1954:fig. 1954:fig. 214). Te ivory teetotum rom Stratum D at ell Beit Mirsim measures 1.7 cm in height, 1.75 cm in width at
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the base, 1.3 cm in width at the top; it still has the ivory plug running through it. Albright (1938 (1938:48, :48, note 48) estimated the examples rom ell el-Ajjul were cruder than his find at ell Beit Mirsim but stated that they “all ollow the same principle, with spots only on the our sides.” Kendall (1982 (1982:267) :267) described the teetotum as possibly “the “the earliest proto prototype type o the cubic die known in Egypt.” wo ivory examples rom Egypt are known to the authors so ar. One was ound with a double-sided double-sided game box in a tomb dating to the mid-Eighteenth mid-Eighteenth Dynasty at Zawiyet el-Aryan (Dunham (Dunham 1978:72– 1978:72– 3, pl. LIX) LIX) (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 11.3096). Te other one, ound at Qau, is assigned to the New Kingdom (Petrie Museum, UC26284) UC26284) (fig. (fig. 1.1, 1.1, bottom lef). Cube-shaped Cubeshaped dice di ce represent “an invaluable mental and an d artistic perormanc perormance. e. It unctions as a randomizing agent only i its body . . . is manuactured with great geometrical precisions.” (Schädler (Schädler 2007:13). 2007:13). Schädler considers the mid-third mid-third millennium dice rom epe Gawra in Mesopotamia to be the earliest evidence o cubic dice. Others trace its origin to the Indus Valley, where many terracotta, stone and aience examples have been discovered dis covered at the sites o Mohenjo-daro, Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Alamgirpur and Lothal (Dales (Dales 1968:18–19). 1968:18–19). Te use o both cubed and oblong dice is attested at these Harappan sites around 2300 (Brown (Brown 1964:34). 1964:34). Te opposite sides are numbered consecutively consecut ively,, so that one is opposite oppos ite two, three opposite oppos ite our, our, and five opposite six. Cubic dice with the number dots arranged like the Indian dice are attested in Mesopotamia since the mid-thir mid-thirdd millennium millennium , but their use in the Near East remained rare (Dales (Dales 1968:18) 1968:18) and they have never been ound clearly associated with any board game, in contrast to the more popular tetrahedral and oblong dice. Cubic dice were not common in Egypt until the Ptolemaic period (Petrie (Petrie 1927:57, 1927 :57, pl. XLIX), XLIX), although isolated finds dating to the New Kingdom are reported rom el-Amarna and Lisht (Hayes (Hayes 1959:405) 1959:405) as well as Deir el-Bahari (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:58). 1912:58). During the Ptolemaic period, the numbering o the sides is standardized, with opposite sides always adding up to seven, as in modern dice: 1+6, 2+5 and 3+4. During Roman times, the prolieration o dice games was abetted by the movements o soldiers throughout the empire. Dice were thrown with the hand or small boxes were used as throwing cups to prevent manipulations.
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Most M ost o the dice are numbered rom one to six but some sides may have letters or words. A cubical limestone die, dating rom the Ptolemaic period, is inscribed with hieroglyphs. Names o gods appear on each side: Osiris, Horus, Isis, Nephthys, Hathor and Har-Behdety (Petrie (Petrie 1927:57, 1927:57, pl. XLIX.233; XLIX.233; ait 1998)) (Petrie Museum, UC38176). 1998 UC38176). A large aience die dating to the Byzantine period, in the fifh century , , and now in the Swiss Museum o Games (2762), ( 2762), combines numbers one to six and Greek letters: alpha (one), delta (our), beta (two), eta (eight), sigma (six), iota (ten). Questions Questions are still raised whether this type o die was used to play or was involved in magical/divinatory rituals (Schädler 2007:13–14). 2007:13–14). A similar problem is ound with twenty-sided twenty-sided dice as it is unclear i and how these dice were used or games. Tey are exclusively ound in Greco-Roman contexts with most examples in the literature attested in Egypt. Tey normally eature the Greek letters alpha through upsilon and Pedrizet (1931 (1931)) has shown that examples ound in Alexandria point to the end o the Hellenistic period in Egypt. Teir occurrence is part o the meager evidence that exists o direct Greek influence on possible gaming materials. At the same time they are a helpul tool to date archaeological sites (e.g., Francigny et al. 2014). 2014).
Board games across borders: Identiying Egyptian games While divination and religious ritual have been a ocus o discussion with regard to ancient board games, their role in acilitating interactions across social boundaries is more useul or studying the social implications implications o gaming (Crist 2015; 2015; Crist et al. in press). press). In order to identiy games o Egyptian origin, as well as oreign games within Egypt, it is necessary to first examine what is known about them and which games existed where and at what times. Furthermore, descriptions o the different orms these games assume will aid archaeologists in identiying them in surveys and excavations. Recent work (de Voogt 2010, 2010, 2012; 2012; Jacquet-Gordon 2003) 2003) has h as discovered di scovered graffiti games gam es at previously excavated sites, indicating that games may exist at other sites awaiting discovery and identification. In the ollowing chapters, we discuss the major games that existed rom the Predynastic through the Islamic periods, in
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order to aid scholars in recognizing what games belong to antiquity and which are more recent. rec ent. Te early history o Egyptian Eg yptian board games is discussed in Chapter 2, 2, where mehen and other, lesser-known Mehenn takes lesser-known games are first introduced. Mehe prominence promin ence as the most popular o the Predynastic board games in Egypt, and indeed it was the first that is known to have crossed into other regions. It also sets the trend o board games in religious and mortuary contexts, which can be be seen throughout Pharaonic Egypt. Afer discussing the orms and contexts o mehen in Egypt, its appearance in the Levant and Cyprus is discussed, along with an examination o the cultural circumstances under which the games arrived in these lands. Finally, the game known as men, as well as two other early but poorly understood board games are briefly discussed, discuss ed, as they are not as well known as most o the other games discussed dis cussed here. Chapter 3 ocuses on the most amous o Egyptian board games, senet . Its development into the most prominent and religiously important board game in Egypt shows that it may have changed through time, which is to be expected or any game that was played over roughly three thousand years. Te transmission o senet to to the Levant, Cyprus and Nubia is also not surprising in consideration o its popularity in the Nile Valley, but it is clear that it took on a different kind o social context than it did in Egypt. At the end o the chapter, we also discuss the enigmatic game o thirty-three thirty-three, ound on the opposite side o senet boards boards during the Late Period. Te playing pieces or senet and and the game o o twenty are are also discussed disc ussed in this chapter chapter,, since both games used pieces o the same s ame type. Te game o twenty , which is the ocus o Chapter 4, 4, was the first oreign game to be widely played in Pharaonic times. Tis game is originally attested at the Royal Cemetery o Ur during the third millennium and only arrived in Egypt much later and in a different orm. It had been popular in Mesopotamia and the Levant, L evant, and was introd introduced uced to Egypt Eg ypt perhaps as early as the Middle Kingdom, reaching reaching the pinnacle o its popularity during the New Kingdom. During During this period it was a popular game seemingly related to interregional elite gif exchange and its boards were likely kept as heirlooms throughout the Eastern Easter n Mediterranean. It was never ully Egyptianize Eg yptianizedd though, as can be seen in its decoration and its abandonment afer the interaction networks o the Late Bronze Age collapsed ( c. 1050 ). ). A more complete
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discussion o the rules o play is allowed by the aorementioned aorementioned tablet ound in Babylon. Hounds and jackals is covered in Chapter 5. 5. Te different types o boards are discussed, as this game was manuactur manuactured ed in a number o varying styles. It It is another game that originated in Egypt and spread abroad, but these mechanisms are less well understood because it has been ound as ar away as Anatolia without strong direct connections. Te unique playing pieces in the orm o pegs may point to the existence o the game in places where the boards have not survived. New interpretations interpretations o pictorial evidence suggests that the game may have been depicted in playing-scene playing-scene contexts during the Middle Kingdom. Chapters 6 and 7 ocus on later games that were introduced to Egypt rom oreign lands. Understanding the presence o these games on Pharaonic monuments will help to correctly identiy them and to understand site histories. Chapter 6 ocuses on Greco-Roman games, particularly five lines , latrunculi and duodecim scripta , while Chapter C hapter 7 ocuses ocus es on Arab and Ottoman games, including seeja, mancala and tâb, which are still played today. Tese later games have rarely been discussed in conjunction with Pharaonic games, and by emphasizing them in these chapters we present mounting evidence or their existence in Egypt alongside an understanding o how they were played and by whom. Te final chapter summarizes some o the main themes that are apparent rom the study o games in Egypt. Focusing on the roles games played in ancient Egypt, the process process o how games transcended borders in Egypt and the ancient Near East is highlighted, and the ofen over-emphasis over-emphasis o religion with relation to games is discussed. Finally, there is an examination o the broad interest board games have received in anthropological and Classical archaeology and how this volume may assist these fields and Egyptology in particular.
2
Mehen Me hen and Men: Te First Signs o Egyptian Board Games Mehen Me serp ent hen: Te game o the coiled serpent Te Fourth Dynasty tomb o Prince Rahotep at Meidum provides the earliest known names associated with specific board games anywhere in the world. In a list o offerings or the king to use in the aferlie are three different games: mn , “men, ” zn .t , “senet ” and mh . n , “mehen.” .” ranslated as “to coil” or “the Coiled One” (Ranke (Ranke 1920:372–5), 1920:372–5), mehen shares its name with the god Mehen, an immense coiled serpent associated with the netherworld, whose primary unction was to envelope the sun god Ra R a in his many coils, thus thus protecting him rom all evil (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:43; 1990a:43; Rothöhler 1999:12–19). 1999:12–19). Accordingly, mehen boards used in the game reflect the typical coiled serpent orm o this god. Te playing field is laid out in the orm o a spiral, sometimes with the tail and head o a serpent serp ent depicted on the board itsel (Ranke (Ranke 1920:4). 1920:4). O the three games appearing in the offerin offeringg lists o Rahotep, mehen seems Mehen en boards vary in to be the oldest, judging rom the archaeological record. Meh their morphology in ways the other more standardized Egyptian games do not. First o all, the playing spaces do not always take the orm o bounded squares as they ofen do in senet , rather the playing spaces can be b e delineated by a number o alternating bosses and recesses, with each boss or each recess apparently appar ently being one playing space (Vandier 1964 1964:486–7). :486–7). Another method o delineating the playing spaces was to deeply incise the divisions between the spaces (Vandier (Vandier 1964:487). 1964:487). In addition to this, the number o playing spaces represented on the boards and in the pictorial evidence is not standardized. Unlike senet , in which every known k nown example o the game has three rows o ten spaces, mehen has a wide variation o possible numbers o spaces. Boards have 15
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Naxos
Tell T ell Brak Zakros Lemba Lakkous Kition Kathari Episkopi Phaneronmeni Byblos
Lachish Bâb edh-Dhra’ Abu Rawash Giza Saqqara Meidum
Egypt Deir el-Gabrawi Abydos
Quft Naqada Ballas Thebe Th ebess Moalla
Nubia
Qustul
Figure 2.1 Map o sites mentioned in Chapter 2. Figure 2.
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been ound with as ew as orty-nine orty-nine spaces, and some had as many as our hundred (Swiny (Swiny 1986:57). 1986:57). Tere also was not a predetermined number o circles in the spiral, with as ew as two (e.g., Petrie & Quibell 1896:Pl. 1896:Pl. 43) and as many as seven (e.g., Quibell 1913:Pl. 1913:Pl. XI, XI, see fig. 2.5) 2.5) known rom archaeological contexts. contexts. Te serpent could also be coiled c oiled in either a clockwise or counterclockwise direction (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:47). 1990a:47).
Mehen Meh en boards O the ew boards b oards that have good archaeological prov provenance, enance, the oldest comes rom the late Naqada omb 19 at Ballas, now in the Ashmolean Museum (Petrie & Quibell 1896:42), 1896:42), and and dates to the end o the ourth millennium (Rothöhler 1999:11). 1999:11). Found covering a pot, it was likely a votive representation o a mehen board rather than one used or play, since it was only 10.5 cm in diameter (Kendall (Kendall 2007:37), 2007:37), but appears in the orm o other ull-sized ull- sized game boards. Tere is a pierced rectangular protrusion extending rom the circular board, a eature paralleled in many other mehen games. Te body o the serpent is divided into squares, with the head and tail o the snake differentiated rom the other segments. Tree other boards have been compared to this artiact and, because o their similar execution, may be dated around the same time as the Ballas mehen. While their provenance is incomplete, one is rumored to have been ound at Quf (Petrie (Petrie & Quibell 1896:42; 1896:42; Vandier 1964:488), 1964:488), now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (J (J E 27354), and another said to have been ound at Abydos Abyd os now is in the Bode B ode Museum (13868) in Berlin (Scharff (Scharff 1926:145). 1926:145). Te third game is in the Petrie Museum in London, but its provenance is unknown (U C 20453, see fig. 2.2) 2.2) (Petrie (Petrie 1914:25). 1914:25). Tey all contain a similar execution o the snake moti, with segmented bodies making up the individual playing spaces and differentiated heads and tails. Tey also exhibit a protrusion on one end, though these are smaller and more rounded rounded in comparison to that on the Ballas Bal las mehen . It has been suggested sugges ted the type o protrusion shared by these three games is a representation o a turtle’s head (Fischer (Fischer 1968:17). 1968:17). Tis connection may be corroborated with a turtle in the Metropolitan Museum Museum o Art (61.33) that has a series o concentric
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Figure 2.2 Mehe Mehenn board demonstrating a Predynastic rendering o the game.
28.8 × 3.4 cm. © Petrie Museum o Egyptian Archaeology, University College London, UC20453. UC20453.
circles carved on it, and interpreted as a votive mehen board. Te Petrie and Bode boards also are pierced, pierced, which suggests they may also have had some sort o amuletic unction (Kendall (Kendall 2007:36) 2007:36) which Petrie suggested was protectio protectionn rom serpents (Petrie (Petrie 1914:25), 1914:25), an interpretation which he even admitted is questionable. A mehen board in the Metropolitan Metropolitan Museum o Art (58.125.1, see fig. 2.3 2.3)) is incised with the name o the First Dynasty pharaoh Hor Aha on its rectangular protrusion. It has been argued that this game may be a orgery (Kendall ( Kendall 2007:38), 2007 :38), based on presumed increasing realism in the execution o mehen boards continuing rom the Second Dynasty. Indeed, while the manner in which the serpent is incised is unusual when compared compared to the rest o the corpus o games, the number o mehen boards we have is small, with only fifeen examples, and so all o the variation in style that may have existed in antiquity may not be reflected in the games that have been preserved. In any case, the execution o the snake with its head and tail, along with the presence o a rectangular protrusion, is reminiscent o the boards already discussed, though it is not pierced. Results o an examination o the board by Ann Heywood at
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Figure 2.3 Meh Mehen en board bearing the name o Hor Aha, shown beore restoration,
32.1 × 27 × 2.2 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Dick Fund, 1958, 58.125.1. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art.
the Metropolitan Museum o Art suggests the artiact is ancient rather than modern as Heywood ound calcium carbonate accretions accretions and what appears to be soil deposits in the hieroglyphic and mehen car carvings. vings. Te hieroglyph—the authenticity authen ticity o which has been doubted by I.E.S. Edwards and Gunter Gunter Dreyer (Diana Craig Patch 2014, personal communication)—appears to have been
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Ancientt Egyptians at Ancien at Play
made around the same time as the mehen board, but probably by two different individuals based on the manner in which they are carved (Ann Heywood 2014, personal communication). Another mehen game without provenance, now in a private collection, may have been a jar lid much like the Ballas game as it is only 4.5 cm in diameter and unlikely to have been used us ed or play considering it contains 336 very small spaces (Kendall (Kendall 2007:37). 2007:37). It depicts a coiled serpent, se rpent, with a tail and head, hea d, much much like the others already discussed, but with an important distinction: our our holes were drilled on different parts o the serpent and may have been filled with a colored paste or some kind o inlay, distinguishing those spaces rom the others (Kendall (Kendall 2007:37). 2007:37). Te protrusion on this board is broken, so it is uncertain whether it was rectangular or o the “turtle “turtle head” type. Te Predynastic and First Dynasty boards stand in marked contrast to those dating to the Second Dynasty, all o which depict a more abstract rendering o the game (see fig. 2.4). 2.4). Five are known, our rom the tomb o Pharaoh Peribsen at Abydos (Amélineau (Amélineau 1899:494–5, 1899:494–5, plate 47) and another with unknown provenance in the British Museum (1961,0408.1) (Shore (Shore 1963:Plate 1963 :Plate 33A). All o these artiacts are made o aience. In these examples the representation o the serpent becomes more abstract; the board in the Musée Royal de Mariemont (B.102.0) has a coil in its center resembling a snake’s body, and the board in the British Museum has a stylized serpent’s head in the center c enter while in the th e examples rom Peribsen Peribs en’’s tomb (Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels, E.4180; Musée du Louvre, E 29891) the serpent’s head and tail are not well executed (Kendall (Kendall 2007:35–6). 2007:35–6). During this period, spaces were no longer delineated by incised lines. Instead, the playing spaces consist o alternating rectangular bosses and recesses producing a checkerboard pattern on the playing field. Further diverging rom the standards o earlier mehen boards, the spaces on the Second Dynasty boards were no longer always arranged in a spiral pattern. Te spaces on one o the Peribsen mehens were positioned in concentric circles, while another had our spiraling tracks, and a third had spaces in concentric circles that connected with each other, thus allowing or a spiral-like spiral-like movement along the board (Kendall ( Kendall 2007:35). 2007:35). Swiny (1986 (1986:55) :55) suggests the arrangements o the Peribsen games make their identification as mehen suspect, but the Mariemont mehen also has a pattern o concentric
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Figure 2.4 Meh Mehen en board o
unknown provenance provenance demonstrating a Second Dynasty type accompanied by spherical playing pieces, 37 × 7 cm. Te British Museum, 1961,0408.1. © Te rustees o the British Museum.
circles rather than a spiral, and there is a definite, though abstract, depiction o a serpent’s head at the center o this board. Rather than arguing against its use as a mehen board, Kendall (2007 (2007:35) :35) suggests certain spaces on this artiact may have originally been marked to indicate when a player would advance to the next circle, thus effectively allowing it to unction as a spiral. Whatever the case, these boards are markedly different rom those known rom any other mehen boards currently known, and suggest the Second Dynasty was a time in which some experimentation was underway in the design o the boards.
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Tee next datable mehen is not a board that can be played, but a pictorial T representation (see fig. 2.5). 2.5). It is the earliest known depiction o a mehen board and was ound in the Tird Dynasty mastaba o Hesy-Re at Saqqara (Quibell ( Quibell 1913:18–21; 1913 :18–21; Emery 1961:248–51; 1961:248–51; Kendall 2007:33). 2007:33). Te paintings on the walls o this mastaba depict different types o equipment considered to be necessary or the deceased in the aferlie, and include not only mehen but also the first known depictions o the games o senet and and men, accompanied by sets o gaming pieces (see below). Tis representation is the only painting or relie o a mehen board in which the individual spaces and the head and tail o the snake are shown. Some o the divisions o the spaces are not well preserved, although it does seem that the seven spirals o the snake were divided evenly, and, i the number o spaces is extrapolated considering the size o those preserved, the total number o spaces is roughly our hundred (Swiny (Swiny 1986:57). 1986:57). Te trapezoidal appendage, always shown when mehen is represented in art (in contrast to the mehen boards themselves that do not always have a protrusion), is depicted or the first time. I this mehen board is accurate, it could represent a new type, since it is markedly different rom the Second Dynasty boards and seems to return to many o the conventions seen beore in the Predynastic and First Dynasty mehens . Te Louvre (E 25430), the Oriental Institute Museum (16950) in Chicago and the Fitzwilliam Museum (e.g. A. 4464.1943) in Cambridge each have a mehen board without provenance (V (Vandier 1964 1964:488; :488; Swiny 1980:69; 1980:69; Piccione 1990a:46–7). 1990a :46–7). Tese boards are all morphologically quite similar to mehen boards predating the Second Dynasty, but exclude any kind o protrusion. Te segments o the snake’s body are all careully delineated, and the head o the snakes are all careully executed on these three boards. None has a protrusion, though Shore (1963 (1963:91) :91) argues there is evidence one did exist on the Fitzwilliam game. In the center o the spiral, the head o the serpent takes up more space than on the games predating the Second Dynasty, leaving considerably more negative space in the center. Te example rom the Louvre is supported by a oot, a eature that has led to questions regarding its authenticity (Swiny (Swiny 1986:55, 1986:55, note 482); however, the Quf and British Museum mehens also have eet to support them, so its presence on the Louvre game does not preclude it rom being an authentic artiact. Kendall’ss (2007 Kendall’ 2007:38–9) :38–9) suggestion that these boards date to the Tird Dynasty or later is probably correct, since they deviate rom the earlier types only slightly.
) t h g i r p o t ( t e n e s
, ) . f e ) I l ( X n l e h : . e P 3 1 m 9 s 1 e ( l m l a e g b i e u h t Q g m n o i r w o h e s d d c u n a d o r y p t s a e r n y g n D i d r r w a i D . T s e k h c t i t o s t g g i n n i t w a o r d , h t e R d n y s e a s H e c e o i p b g m n o i y t a e l h t p r i e m h o t r t g h i n i w t g n i n a o p l a a ) t o h g g i n r i w m a o r t t D o b 5 ( . 2 n e e r m u i g F
n d a
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
Another A nother way the Louvre and Chicago games differ is that, instead o a clearly defined tail, the head o some kind o waterowl (probably a duck or goose) is carved c arved on the outer edge o the board. Tere Tere is probably a connection here with the “Great Cackler,” the primordial goose that, in one early creation myth, laid the egg rom which Ra was hatched (Rundle ( Rundle Clark 1991:55–6, 1991:55–6, 213; Kendall 2007:40), 2007:40), which, in in turn, is related to the solar connections o the god Mehen (see below). Te Fitzwilliam mehen differs in one other way in that five o the spaces are crosshatched, perhaps marking them as special spaces important or the play o the game (Swiny ( Swiny 1980:69; 1980:69; Kendall 2007:39). 2007:39). Tis is similar to the drilled spaces in the jar lid discussed above in the New York private collection mehen . Te materials out o which mehen boards were made—stone, ivory or aience—are all materials that are well preserved in the archaeological record. It is possible that mehen boards may also have once been made o wood, but did not survive. Tere have been multiple tombs that have produced sets o mehen pieces o the type depicted in the tomb o Hesy-Re without an accompanying board, which argues the board itsel has decomposed. Indeed, no mehen pieces have been ound associated with a board (Kendall (Kendall 2007:34– 2007:34– 5), so it is very likely there were boards made out o perishable materials that have not been preserved; however, decomposed boards should not be inerred in every case, and such conclusions should only be made when complete or near-complete nearcomplete sets are ound.
Mehen Meh en pieces Mehen Me hen pieces are depicted next to the mehen board in the painting in the tomb o Hesy-Re, the only complete depiction o a set o mehen pieces anywhere
(Quibell 1913:Pl. 1913:Pl. XI, XI, see fig. 2.5). 2.5). Te set pictured there contains thirty-six thirty-six marbles, grouped by color into six groups o six, as well as six white couchant lions. Te six sets o pieces may suggest the game could be played with up to six players, which could be supported by the pictorial evidence rom later in the Old Kingdom (see below). It is important to note that no dice are pictured with the mehen pieces on the Hesy-Re painting, nor are they depicted on playing scenes. Trowing sticks have been ound with mehen pieces, but only in tombs
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where senet and/or and/or men pieces have also been ound, so it is unclear whether they were associated with the mehen pieces as well. When ound alone, mehen pieces have never been ound along with throwing sticks. While it has been suggested that mehen was a race game (Kendall (Kendall 2007:35), 2007:35), the absence o dice or other randomization devices may mean mehen was less likely to have been a race game, but may have been some kind o strategy game instead. Mehen Meh en pieces have typically been b een ound in graves in Egypt, mostly rom the Predynastic period through the Second Dynasty (see fig. 2.6). 2.6 ). A ull set has never been preserved, but the closest was ound in omb 3504 at Saqqara, in the same cache that contained a complete complete set o senet pieces pieces (Emery (Emery 1954:58). 1954:58). Te couchant lions ound there were made o ivory, and the spherical pieces, thirty-nine thirtynine in number, were made o limestone. Other sets o mehen pieces are incomplete. At Abu Rawash, ombs I and VIII both produced mehen pieces. omb I produced three lions and three th ree lionesses made ma de o ivory, and omb omb VII VI I I produced a nearly complete set, with a ull complement o lions and lionesses and a series o spherical pieces in two colors: white and red (Montet (Montet 1946:189). 1946:189). Another incomplete set comes rom omb 100 at Naqada, where our lions, eight spherical pieces and a couchant hare were ound (Petrie ( Petrie & Quibell
Figure 2.6
Ivory mehen piece rom Abydos in the orm o a couchant lion, 8.7 × 4.3 ×
3.2 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Gif Egypt Exploration Fund, 1903, 03.4.13. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum oo Art.
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
1896:35, pl. 7). omb 3507 at Saqqara produced a ragment o an ivory 1896:35, lion piece, and and also a number o spherical pieces made o amethyst and one o rock crystal (Emery (Emery 1958:84). 1958:84). It is possible, though not conclusive, these objects orm part o a set o mehen pieces. A First Dynasty private tomb near that o Zer-a at Abydos produced our couchant lion pieces (Petrie (Petrie 1901:23). 1901:23). Petrie notes that the bottom suraces o the lions are worn smooth, probably through extensive use, and also that the details o the lions’ physique has been partially worn through extensive handling, probably in the course o gameplay. In some cases, hounds appear to have been substituted or lions (Scharff 1926:56, 1926:56, 63; Kendall 2007:34). 2007:34). Other marbles and couchant lions called mehen pieces have been ound in tombs throughout Egypt (de ( de Morgan 1896–7:192–4; 1896–7 :192–4; Amélineau 1899:Pl. 1899:Pl. 31; Capart 1905:140, 1905:140, 178–9; Petrie 1920:11, 1920:11, 1925:6–7; Schweitzer 1948:12; 1948:12; Saad 1969:45; 1969:45; Kaiser et al. 1976:86; 1976:86; Spencer 1980:69–70), 1980 :69–70), but it is nearly impossible to ascribe them this unction without boards as the lions could be votive objects and the marbles could have served multiple purposes. One set o pieces rom Naqada, in which only our marbles remain, may have been part o a mehen set, because they were ound alongside pieces o types consistent with senet and and men pieces, as shown on the walls o Hesy-Re’s tomb. Interpreted by Petrie as a game o skittles (Petrie & Quibell 1896:Pl. 1896 :Pl. 7; Vandier Vandier 1952 1952:405), :405), it seems more likely the pieces did not make up one game together, but rather were incomplete sets or the games senet , mehen and men .
Rules o mehen Much like senet , the rules or playing mehen are unknown, although some aspects o the course o play can be determined through textual evidence and the artiacts themselves. As mentioned above, mehen appears to have been played with a number o playing pieces in the shape o couchant lions or lionesses, or in the shape o small spheres (Quibell (Quibell 1913:Pl. 1913:Pl. XI, XI, see fig. 2.5). 2.5). Many have classified this game as a hunting-type hunting- type game (Vandier (Vandier 1964:492), 1964:492), and Montet (1955 (1955:195–7) :195–7) constructed an elaborate set o rules based on representations o hunting in Predynastic Egypt, which, Vandier (1964 ( 1964:492) :492) admitted, was going too ar. Indeed, the only way to reconstruct a convincing
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set o rules or the game is to find textual evidence suggesting a sequence o play,, as has been somewhat play some what possible possi ble or senet , but not or mehen (see Chapter 3). 3). Some evidence or the method o playing mehen has been ound on one o the known mehen boards. Te board in the Oriental Institute appears to have once been painted with brown pigment and is worn away on the long spiraling grooves outlining outlining the body b ody o the snake, while the paint in the grooves dividing the individual spaces is still thickly applied. Piccione (1990a ( 1990a:47) :47) believes this suggests the spherical playing pieces associated with mehen were moved along this spiraling channel.
Pictorial evidence Aside rom the depiction o mehen on the wall o the tomb o Hesy-Re, other scenes rom Old Kingdom tombs depict the playing o mehen. Five mehen playing scenes come rom the tombs o the nobility o the Fifh and Sixth Dynasties (Decker (Decker & Herb 1994:634–6). 1994:634–6). Tese Tese scenes typically show two men sitting opposite opposite each other across the mehen board, with the board shown as it is seen rom above. ab ove. One eature o the mehen boards as depicted in these scenes s cenes that has caused some degree o discussion in the literature is that o the socalled trapezoidal appendage, ubiquitous in the pictorial evidence, but not clearly attributable attributable to a eatur eaturee o the actual game g ame boards known archaeologically (Montet 1955; 1955; Vandier Vandier 1964 1964;; Swiny 1986). 1986). Te debate stems rom a disagreement disagreem ent as to whether this appendage represents represents some orm o oot on which the game board rested as Swiny (1986 (1986:56) :56) seems to be suggesting sug gesting or i it was an extension o the game gam e board itsel. itsel . A oot would make it into a sort sor t o table. Te extension is typically interpreted as a sort o “garage” or the playing pieces, which played a part in the th e course o the game, i.e., in the orm o a “turtle head” or rectangular rectangul ar protrusion (Montet (Montet 1955:196). 1955:196). Usually the appendage is rather vestigial and probably incapable o unctioning as the type o “garage” suggested. Without more conclusive archaeological evidence, the unction o the trapezoidal appendage depicted in the tomb paintings cannot be identified. It also seems unlikely to have been a oot, since only one o the scenes sc enes depicts the appendage acing down, and and in this case it is depicted resting on a table (Simpson (Simpson 1976:25, 1976:25, fig. 38). 38).
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
IInn one case the spherical gaming pieces are shown being moved on the board (Vandier (Vandier 1964:490). 1964:490). Te individual spaces are never depicted on the board, and likewise there is no known depiction o the lion or lioness pieces being used on one (Montet (Montet 1955:139). 1955:139). Judging rom the scenes, it is apparent mehen was typically played with the board on the ground, while the opponents likewise sat on the ground (or floor) opposite one another while they played. One scene shows the game resting on a table, but the players are still depicted as sitting on the floor, rather than seated. It is perhaps important to note that all o the mehen playing scenes that have been ound accompany senet playing. playing. Te earliest scenes come rom the tomb o Rashepses, vizier o the pharaoh Isesi o the Fifh Dynasty Dy nasty,, at Saqqara (Lepsius (Lepsius 1849:Fig. 1849:Fig. 61b). Tese two scenes are similar, and both depict what w hat appears to be our players, or two players with two spectators, engaged in a game o mehen. Tese scenes are also the only ones depicting pieces on the board as what appear to be marbles, which are ound toward the center o the snake, though the lion or hound pieces are nowhere to be seen. Te caption accompanying the scene reads h. Ꜥ b m h. n , “playing mehen.” .” Tey appear among senet playing playing scenes, as well as depictions o singers and dancers, a common placement o games throughout the Fifh and Sixth Dynasty D ynasty relies. In the Sixth Dynasty tomb o Kaiemankh at Giza, two mehen players can be seen next to a game o senet the the deceased is playing (Junker (Junker 1940:35–8). 1940:35–8). Much like the depiction o mehen rom the tomb o Rashepses, this scene is accompanied by images o musicians and dancers, as is a poorly preserved scene rom the Fifh–Sixth Dynasty tomb o Isesi-mery Isesi-mery netjer at Giza (Pusch (Pusch 1979:29–32). 1979 :29–32). Music and dancing are even more apparent in the relies rom the Sixth Dynasty tomb o Idu at Giza, where mehen is played alongside two senet games, games, and musicians, dancers, as well as sports are depicted. Te text introducing the scene reads: ᾽ı nd d h. r . t m Ꜥ nh H t . wt -H . r swt kꜢ Ꜣ .t h. tpt ᾽ ı nb᾽ ı . t imr t ˘ nrw, “Hail, to you in lie, O Hathor, the places o your ka are propitiated, that you should glow is what the nrw desire” (Simpson (Simpson 1976:25), 1976:25), and suggests these games are unerary games and celebrations in honor o that goddess (Kendall 2007:40). 2007:40). Tere is one enigmatic depiction rom the First Intermediate Period that could possibly represent a mehen board. It comes rom the tomb o Ankhtifi at
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Moalla and depicts a scene o woodworking (Vandier (Vandier 1952:81–2). 1952:81–2). In this scene, there is an object that could be interpreted as a mehen board viewed rom the side, with two (one incompletely preserved) couchant lions placed atop it. Tis relie is ar rom definitive as to whether it depicts a mehen board. I it is, it is the only known representation o the board rom a side view. It also is the only evidence mehen may have survived the end o the Old Kingdom, which was not thought to have been the case previously (Vandier ( Vandier 1964:489; 1964:489; Swiny 1986:56; 1986:56; Piccione 1990a:47). 1990a:47). In spite o this, two wenty-Sixth Dynasty relies appear to depict mehen in very much the same way the Old Kingdom relies do. One was ound in the tomb o Ankheensakhme Ankheens akhmett at Memphis, and is now in the Walters Walters Art Museum in Baltimore (Capart (Capart 1938:13–18), 1938:13–18), while the other was ound in the tomb o Aba in Tebes (Wilkinson (Wilkinson 1878:55). 1878:55). Both scenes show the game flanked by our men, two on each side, sitting on the floor and interacting with each other, acing away rom the board. Te inscription accompanying these scenes describe the players as playing senet , mehen and the enigmatic game t Ꜣ Ꜣ w (Pusch 2007), 2007), though only two game boards are shown in each relie. Vandier (1964 1964:489) :489) suggests the scenes s cenes are so alike they shared a common model, most most likely the tomb o Iby at Deir el-Gabrawi, which dates to the Fifh Dynasty, and is known to have been the inspiration or the decoration in the tomb o his wenty-Sixth Dynasty namesake. Ranke (1920 (1920:13–14) :13–14) agrees that tomb scenes rom the Saite period were ofen inspired by Old Kingdom prototypes. While, unortunately, no mehen scene was preserved in the tomb o Iby, there were a considerable number o relies that did not survive (Davies (Davies 1902:11), 1902:11), and it is entirely entire ly possible the original mehen scene once existed in this tomb.
extual evidence Tere is little textual evidence on mehen to provide clues clues as to the rules o play or the game, or the settings in which it was played. Most o the captions accompanying the mehen playing scenes are statements such as h. Ꜥ b m h. n , “playing mehen” or, h. Ꜥ b k (w᾽ ı ) mn h. (sic ) r .k, “I am playing mehen against you” (Kendall 2007:40). 2007:40). In the tomb o Kaiemankh, the caption may indicate some events in the play o the game. Te caption above the player to the right reads
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Ancientt Egyptians at Ancien at Play
it t .t m h. n, “seizing mehen,” ,” which Kendall (2007 (2007:40) :40) interprets as possibly meaning, “gaining advantage in mehen,” ,” “seizing the lead in mehen,” ,” or “my turn,” while the other ot her responds resp onds ms . (i) r .k . h. Ꜥ b .(i) r .k , “I take aim ai m at you and play towards you.” While these passages do not urther enlighten the rules o the game, they do indicate it certainly was competitive in nature. Other texts give indications that may reveal the religious connotations the game had during the Fifh Fif h and Sixth Dynasties. Dy nasties. In the Pyramid exts, exts, the name o the god Mehen contains the determinative or the game mehen or the first time, suggesting that by the Fifh Dynasty there was a connection between the god and the game that extended beyond a shared iconography. Pyramid ext Utterance 332, in the pyramid o eti, reads: “eti is that one who emerged rom the Coiled One: eti has emerged rom his fiery blast, while he is turned away” (Allen 2005:69). 2005:69). Kendall (2007 (2007:41) :41) interprets this as the king passing along the coils o the game to the head and back, reflecting an ascension to heaven and resurrection on earth. Rothöhler (1999 (1999:14–15) :14–15) interprets this text differently, suggesting an alternate translation in which the king ascends to heaven as mehen. Allen (2005 (2005:69) :69) offers a better interpretation, asserting the text reers to the successul conclusion o the game that symbolizes the escape rom Mehen, who tries to inhibit the passage o the sun through the duat . Utteranc Utterancee 659, rom the pyramid o Pepi II (also appearing in the pyramid o Pepi I), commands commands the king to move his “teeth” along the board, with “teeth” as a metaphor or white ivory playing pieces (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:48). 1990a:48). Allen’s translation (2005 (2005:268) :268) “You have received your white teeth, Pepi Neerkare, and the coils that go around them, as an arrow, in their identity o an arrow.” is less clear. From the pyramid o Neith, Utterance 758 describes the birth o the queen into the aferlie, and her wishes to be with Re-Horakhty and in the coils o mehen (Rothöhler 1999:16). 1999 :16). Allen’s translation (2005 (2005:329) :329) contains no mention o mehen . Tese texts suggest a connection between the protection Mehen gives within his coils and the resurrection o the soul. Indeed, Middle and New Kingdom texts concur that Mehen was instrumental in protecting Ra in his nightly journey through the underworld (Piccione (Piccione 1990a; 1990a; Rothöhler 1999; 1999; Kendall 2007:41–2). 2007:41–2). It It is also generally accepted that the goal o the game was to reach the center o the coiled serpent, serp ent, to achieve either protection or union with Ra (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:52; 1990a:52; Rothöhler 1999:16; 1999:16; Kendall 2007:42). 2007:42). In any case, the symbolism contained within the boards (coiled serpent, primordial
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goose, turtle-head turtle-head appendages) is consistent with solar ideology, particularly in relation to the journey o Ra through the netherworld, with obvious connotations connota tions o rebirth into the aferlie or the deceased. Later Egyptian texts suggest the “Roads o Mehen” were a circuit o nine concentric roads in the netherworld, at the center o which the god Ra sat on his “throne “throne o millions o years.” Te deceased was required to journey through this path and approach Ra without succumbing to the dangers o the roads (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:44). 1990a:44).
Archaeological Archaeologi cal evidence and social cont context ext Mehen Me hen boards are comparatively homogenous in their manuacture, but show
variation through time. Some o the boards, variation b oards, as well as the playing pieces, are made out o luxury materials such as aience and ivory, suggesting their use by the upper class o Egyptian society. Indeed, the presence o game boards in the tomb o Pharaoh Peribsen, as well as its listing in the tomb o Prince Rahotep as unerary equipment, and its depiction in the mastabas o other nobility such as Hesy-Re, Idu, Kaiemankh and Rashepses indicate wealthy Egyptians played the game, but there is less evidence that lower classes o Egyptians played the game, unless it is inerred that the players depicted in the playing scenes were o lower class. It should be noted, though, that the children o Idu are all depicted among the dancers and players in the scene containing mehen play, and are not distinguished by size, thus indicating relatively equal status with those around them. Indeed, Idu’s son, Qar, is depicted playing senet with with the scribe Isi in the relie in Idu’s mastaba, and they are depicted on the same scale as the mehen players. It is not impossible that Egyptians o lower status also played the game, but their gaming equipment has not survived because they were likely made o more perishable materials, materials , such as wood, or were made into the sand, as is common practice or board games (Merriam 1953:170; 1953:170; Pankhurst 1971;; ournay & ournay 1971). 1971 1971). It should sh ould be noted, however, h owever, that graffiti games, like the senet games games ound in Fifh and Sixth Dynasty mortuary mor tuary temples, which were crudely scratched into pavements, have never been ound in a mehen pattern. Since all o the evidence or mehen in Egypt comes rom elite burial contexts, as is most o the archaeological material discovered in Egypt, a clear bias exists in the data or the interpretation o social aspects o gaming.
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Ancien Ancientt Egyptians at at Play
Tee players shown with mehen on tomb relies are exclusively men. Meh T Mehen en is mentioned in the Pyramid exts o Queen Neith, but there is no indication that this means she played the game. In the mastabas that show gaming in conjunction with dancing and music, the dancers and musicians may be men or women, but the mehen players (or, indeed, senet players that accompany them) are never shown to be women. Cross-culturally, Cross-culturally, games are ofen restricted, restricte d, at least lea st officiall ciallyy, to a certai certainn sex, s ex, and it can be b e considered c onsidered inappropriate or certain genders to play certain games (e.g. Pankhurst 1971; 1971; Popova 1976:439–40). 1976:439–40). It is entirely possible that such social rules existed in Old Kingdom Egypt, though though this may also als o be a reflection o the limited amount o inormation that has survived sur vived regarding regarding mehen . It is clear that one social context o mehen was its inclusion in religious celebrations dedicated to Hathor as part o mortuary ritual, as can be inerred rom the playing scenes o Fifh and Sixth Dynasty tombs, which is logical considering the unerary symbolism evoked by Mehen as represented on the game. Further archaeological evidence or a ritual use o the game comes rom a set o eight lion and lioness gaming pieces which were ound in a First Dynasty temple at Abydos (Petrie (Petrie 1903:24, 1903:24, pl. III). III). Te play o the game outside o these ritual contexts, or example or everyday leisure, is less clear, as no evidence has appeared to suggest this—though its appearance outside o Egypt (see below) argues against its sole use as a ritual game.
Te demise o mehen in Egypt Aside rom Saite relies—which are likely copied rom Old Kingdom originals and thus not evidence or the presence o mehen in that period—the latest appearance o the game mehen is the aorementioned painting on the wall o the First Intermediate Period tomb o Ankhtifi at Moalla. Tere are no boards, representations, or textual reerences to this board game rom Middle or New Kingdom Egypt. Kendall (2007 (2007:42–3) :42–3) argues it may have been orbidden by religious authorities as the segmentation o the snake’s body into squares was actually a symbolic killing o the god Mehen, which would have been a serious s erious taboo. Several coiled serpent boards resembling a mehen game, but with uncut
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serpents, are known and may reinorce Kendall’s argument (e.g., Ranke 1920:Fig. 1920 :Fig. 8; Piccione 1990a:Fig. 1990a:Fig. 4; Kendall 2007:Fig. 2007:Fig. 41.9). Te demise o mehen is concurrent with the increasing popularity o senet . During the Predynastic and Early Dynastic Periods, mehen appears to have been the more popular o the two games as there are more intact boards and pieces o mehen type than senet beore the Old Kingdom. Senet was more popular in the later years o the Old Kingdom since it appears more requently than mehen in Fifh and Sixth Dynasty tomb relies. Furthermore, afer the disappearance o mehen , senet increased increased dramatically in popularity through the Middle and New Kingdoms, and by the New Kingdom explicitly had taken on the netherworld associations asso ciations that mehen had during the Old Kingdom. It is possible that, rather than a top-down top-down moratorium imposed on mehen play, its abandonment was more a reflection o changing popular tastes in gaming.
Mehen Meh en in Nubia Beore mehen ell out o popularity in Egypt, it may have spread to the regions bordering it where there is some evidence suggesting that mehen was played in Nubia. Excavations at the A-Group (c. 3100–2800 ) ) Royal Cemetery at Qustul produced lions and lionesses, as well as hippopotami and marbles o different colors that closely parallel the lions and lionesses and marbles typically used in Egyptian mehen games (Williams (Williams 1986:130). 1986:130). An interpretation put orth by Kendall (1989 (1989,, 2007:43–4) 2007:43–4) suggests a game observed in 1921 by Davies (1925 (1925:145–6) :145–6) is a descendant o mehen. Te game, which was played in a series o holes scooped out o the sand in a spiral pattern, was called li’b el merafib (“Hyena Game”) and was observed being played by the Kababish nomads in central Kordoan, in Sudan. Other spiral games are known throughout Saharan Arica, but their connection to mehen, i any, is unclear (Depaulis (Depaulis 2001:55). 2001:55). Drawing connections to the equipment and presumed rules o play or ancient mehen, Kendall (1989 (1989)) concludes it is the ancient ancestor o this game among the Sudanese. While it is certainly a possibility, without historical and archaeological continuity o the game rom antiquity it is impossible to conclude with any amount o certainty this game does represent a modern version o mehen .
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Ancien Ancientt Egyptians at at Play
Mehen Me hen in the Levant and Mesopotamia Mehen Meh en may also be represented represented in the archaeological record record o the Levant and
Mesopotamia, particularly in Canaan, perhaps not surprising considering the level o activity the Egyptians undertook in the Levant, discussed urther in the section about senet in in the Levant (see Chapter 3). 3). Tere are three games rom the third millennium that are analogous to mehen. Tese games are more crudely ashioned than those rom Egypt, and consist o a series o depressions depressio ns pecked into limestone blocks in a spiral pattern pattern.. Only one o these comes rom a clearly datable archaeological context. Tis example is rom Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘ and was ound in the destruction debris within the walls o the town, datable to the Early Bronze Age II– II–III ( c. 3300–2500 ) ) (Rast & Schaub 2003:637). 2003:637). Tis game may be described as mehen since it appears at the site alongside apparent senet games games in similar style (see Chapter 3). 3). Te other two stones come rom the cave dwellings at Lachish that were occupied throughout the third millennium (unell (unell 1958:40), 1958:40), placing them within the period that mehen was used us ed in Egypt. Eg ypt. One o these has a clear spiral pattern, while the other may have a spiral pattern, although it is less certain (unell ( unell 1958:Plate 1958 :Plate 21). Also questionably identified as mehen is a large limestone object with a spiral o pecked depressions ound at ell Brak in Mesopotamia and dated to the third millennium (Oates (Oates et al. 2001:266). 2001:266). Its location on a brick pavementt outside a building is consistent with the typical placement o games pavemen in open air spaces known rom antiquity. It is possible that these are mehen games, but without contemporary senet boards rom Lachish or ell Brak (though another ragmentary board at ell Brak could be identified as senet , see Chapter 3) 3) the identifica identification tion is tentative, even i they are all contem contemporary porary with mehen in Egypt.
Mehen Me hen in Cyprus and the Aegean In Cyprus, mehen appears with similar morphology to that ound in the Levant in limestone blocks with pecked depressions laid out in a spiral ormation (see fig. 2.7). 2.7). First identified as such by Swiny (1980 (1980;; see Crist 2015 or a
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Figure 2.7 Meh Mehen en game rom Episkopi Phaneromeni, Cyprus. Kourion Museum,
CHM RR325. RR 325. Photograph by Walter Walter Crist, 2012.
reassessment), because some o these patterns appear on the opposite side o apparent senet games, thirty-nine thirty-nine mehen games have since been ound at ourteen sites, intriguingly intriguingly producing more games than have been preserved in Egypt itsel. A ragmentary mehen game was ound at Lemba Lakkous, and is the earliest game o any type to have been ound on the island ( c. 2700–2500 )) (Swiny 1982). 1982). Ofen, there is a larger depression at the center or at the beginning o the outer ring o the spiral (sometimes both), which seems to mimic the differentiation o these places on the Egyptian boards (as the head and tail o the snake), though the serpent imagery is absent rom the Cypriot games. Like the Egyptian examples o the game, the number o depressions
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Ancien Ancientt Egyptians at at Play
varies, with twenty to ninety ninety depressions depressions present present on the known examples, examples, and and the spiral can run either clockwise or counterclockwise. counterclockwise. What is remarkable about the mehen games ound on Cyprus is the degree to which they were adopted wholesale into Cypriot society. society. While the same is true or senet (discussed (discussed below), mehen was the first game adopted onto the island and incorporated into public and domestic lie as it played a part in public easting events as well as domestic and perhaps mortuary games (Crist 2015). 2015). It continued to be a part o Cypriot lie well afer the game was no longer played in Egypt; the latest mehen game ound on Cyprus was w as ound at Kition Kathari, and dates to the very end o the second millennium (Karageorghis 1976:880, 1976:880, 1985:242), 1985:242), nearly a thousand years afer it was abandoned in Egypt. Tis stands in stark contrast to the appearance o mehen in the Levant, where it appears during the first hal o the third millennium ,, and disappears afer Egypt became b ecame less reliant on middlemen in Canaan C anaan afer it seized control o the copper mines in Sinai (see below with regard to senet in in the Levant), never to reappear again. It is possible Canaanites held a close association between the game and its Egyptian origin that was not shared in Cyprus. Canaanites would have seen Egyptians playing mehen more requently than Cypriots, who may have first acquired the game at Byblos, where there was a sizable Egyptian colony. A similar process is discussed in urther detail in Chapter 3 with regard to senet, or which there is better evidence (Dunand (Dunand 1954:310, 1954:310, 1958:531, 1958:531, 573, 661). Only certain individuals would have made the journey to Byblos, and when they brought the game back to the island it lost the Egyptian connotation when played with other Cypriots since they likely never encountered an Egyptian playing the game. It may have still held an esoteric meaning originally as a oreign practice (Crist (Crist 2015, 2015, in press). It seems that afer the upheavals that brought about the end o the Bronze Age throughout the Eastern Mediterranean also brought a final end to mehen in the region as it was no longer played in Cyprus thereafer. Similar stones have been identified in the Aegean, but there is little agreement on their unction. Tey have been interpreted variously as astronomical devices, offering tables or games ( van ( van Effenterre 1955; 1955; Bardanis 1966,, 1988/89; 1966 1988/89; Hood 1995; 1995; Hillbom 2003, 2003, 2011). 2011). Few o these pattern patternss appear to be spirals. Most o these come rom Naxos, but many o them are on vertical
Mehen and Men
37
rock aces, precluding them rom use as a game, so their identification as such is unlikely. Only one spiral has been ound on Crete, rom Zakros (Hillbom ( Hillbom 2011:172). 2011 :172). Hillbom (2011 (2011:114–15) :114–15) hesitates to call this spiral a mehen game, and, as the single instance o this pattern on the island, it is impossible to conclude that it is a mehen game. It dates to the Middle Minoan period (c. 2000–1700 ), ), which is outside the time period when it was played in Egypt, so i it was in act played as a game, it was more likely to have been inspired by the Cypriot version o mehen. Regardless, considering the level o contact with Egypt, the scarcity o spiral patterns, and the date o the game, it is impossible to call it a mehen board without urther evidence.
Men Also listed among the games offered to Prince Rahotep is the game o men , which is one o the oldest games o Ancient Egypt, but one o the least understood. It is never shown in playing scenes, and only a ew examples o the game or its pieces have been ound rom archaeological contexts. Men may also appear in the painting in the tomb o Hesy-Re. While the three games appearing in this painting are not identified by name, mehen and senet are immediately recognizable rom later boards and inscriptions, but the third is never depicted elsewhere, so it is inerred to be a board or the game men based on its inclusion in the list o Rahotep. No other games dating to the Old Kingdom have been identified by name, and the archaeological evidence suggests mehen , senet and and men were sometimes included together in unerary equipment, and so it is likely the third game depicted in the tomb o Hesy-Re is men. Te painting shows a long rectangular board with sixteen lines transecting its width. Accompan Accompanying ying the board b oard is a set o playing pieces, which consists o two sets o five rectangular or possibly cubic pieces. Men apparently predates the Old Kingdom as it was ound in Mastaba 3504 at Saqqara, dated to the reign o Djet, third king o the First Dynasty (Emery ( Emery 1954:1). 1954 :1). In one o the sub-magazines sub-magazines o the mastaba itsel, a slate palette with ten incised lines was ound (Emery (Emery 1954:66, 1954:66, pl. 30), which is very reminiscent o the painting o the men board in the tomb o Hesy-Re. Hesy- Re. No No pieces were ound associated with it, so it is impossible to definitively say whether this is an early
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version o men, or i it was a game at all. Playing pieces were ound scattered throughout the tomb and subsidiary burials (Emery (Emery 1954:31, 1954:31, 58), so it would not be unusual that men should appear in this mortuary complex. One grouping group ing seems to be b e a complete game set o board and pieces, and was ound with one o the subsidiary burials at this mastaba (see below). Perhaps the best-preserved best-preserved and most convincing example o a men board was actually ound in the Royal Cemetery o the A-Grou A-Groupp at Qustul in Nubia, where one intact and one ragmentary board were ound (Williams (Williams 1986:130). 1986:130). Te intact board, ound in omb L-23, is a limestone plaque with sixteen grooves, exactly replicating the configuration seen in the Hesy-Re painting. While there were no other apparent apparent gaming paraphernalia associated asso ciated with this board, playing pieces associated with mehen, as well as ivory plaques that resemble the men pieces seen in the tomb o Hesy-Re, were ound in omb L-24, which produced a ragmentary men board. Tis board, roughly hal o which is preserved judging rom the eight grooves that remain, was pierced in two places on one end, which Williams Williams suggests could be b e or suspension or or mounting legs. Considering that mehen boards were ofen pierced or suspension, it is possible men boards were similarly pierced in order to be hung on the wall or storage. While there is a suggestion that mehen boards could have been hung or amuletic purposes, such an indication or men is not apparentt since its ritual or symbolic significance is unknown due to its absence apparen in the Egyptian textual record. Men seems to have never been as popular as mehen o orr senet , and it is unclear i it was played afer the Old Kingdom since all boards, pieces and textual evidence or men date to the Fourth Dynasty or earlier. An example o men rom the Middle Kingdom may exist on the ship model ound in the tomb o Newa, now in the Ashmolean Museum (E2301). Tis scene, which has ofen been assumed to be a representation o senet playing in the literature (May (May 1992:141), 1992 :141), shows two sailors playing a board game on a warship (Garstang ( Garstang 1905:220). 1905 :220). Closer examination o the board itsel, however, shows the playing surace o the board is marked with eight transverse lines. While not an exact replication o the sixteen grooves seen on men boards, it is a closer approximation in miniature to that game than a senet board, board, which would be expected to have crossed lines orming rows o squares. Such identification can only be tentative due to the rarity o evidence or men playing in Egypt.
Mehen and Men
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wo orty-two two and pool wo rows o thirteen and ortyNot attested in the textual or pictorial record, a sole example o two rows o thirteen is known rom subsidiary Grave 16 in Mastaba 3504 at Saqqara, dated to the First Dynasty (Emery (Emery 1954:31, 1954:31, pl. 29). Te board was wooden, inlaid with ivory, orming two rows o thirteen playing squares. It had been placed lengthwise along the spine o the interred. Te playing pieces were ound in a tight cluster, and appear to have been contained in some kind o bag, which had since decomposed. Tirteen tall and thirteen short pieces were ound, corresponding to the number o spaces in the board ound in this tomb, and thus likely belonging to the same set. Te bag containing the pieces was placed where the missing skull o the burial should have been, which likely had some kind o symbolic meaning. Kendall (2007 (2007:33, :33, note 8) suggests this game may be a version o men, but there is no evidence suggesting men was played with this type o domed piece, or that the board ever took this orm. It is more likely a less-popular less-popular game (at least among the upper classes o Egyptian society) than its contemporaries. Another game is named orty orty-two two and pool by by Petrie (1927 (1927:55). :55). Found on a block o limestone at Memphis, this game board consists o three rows o ourteen drilled depressions, with one larger cup hole located to one side. Petrie interprets interprets this game as having been played in a similar ashion to senet , and that the gameplay involved the taking o pieces, which were then stored in the large cup hole, though there is no evidence o the rules o this game. He goes on to suggest beans b eans or chips o pottery p ottery were utilized as playing pieces, due to the small size o the depressions. Petrie does not offer a date or this artiact, and so without urther evidence it cannot be dated securely. Nevertheless, it is presented here with the range o unique games rom early Egypt, as later Egyptian periods have produced a differen differentt range o games most o which are well documented and appear multiple times in the archaeological record.
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3
Senet across across Borders Perhaps the bestPerhaps b est-known known board game rom ancient Egypt, senet, also appears in the offering list in Prince Rahotep’s tomb (see Chapter 2). As it was or mehen , this is the oldest known inscription offering the name o this game that is well attested in New Kingdom contexts. Much like mehen, this game also appears to have held strong connotations with the aferlie. Te word zn .t means “passing” in Egyptian, and though any specific religious meaning the game may have held is unclear beore the New Kingdom, its name does suggest at least a similar connection with the passing o the ba through the duat that that is made explicit in the Book o the Dead (Kendall ( Kendall 1978:28–31). 1978:28–31). Piccione (2007 (2007:54) :54) believes the ull name o the game, zn .t n .t hꜤ b , “the passing pa ssing game,” comes rom rom Ꜥ the nature o gameplay where the pieces pass each other on the board. A canonical senet board board is between 12 and 55 cm long, laid out in three rows o ten playing spaces, ofen with certain spaces marked, likely indicating indicating a special sp ecial outcome during the play o the game, as is shown below. Piccione (1990b (1990b:1–2) :1–2) points out that the name senet is is only directly attributed to this pattern o spaces in the New Kingdom, and that Egyptologists have assumed that, when it appears in earlier texts, it reers to the same game. Without any evidence to suggest the name was once used or a different game, it is Piccione’s judgment the name senet reerred reerred to the same game in the Old and Middle Kingdoms as it did in the New Kingdom.
Early evidence or senet Te origins o senet in in Egypt are conusing as there are no intact game boards that date beore the Fifh Dynasty, though ragmentary boards, playing pieces and textual and representational art have been ound to suggest its earlier 41
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
Morphou Toumba tou Skourou
Marki Alonia/Kapp Alonia/Kappara ara
Tell T ell Brak
Dheneia Enkomi Hama KoukliaKafkalla Skales Kalavasos Ayios Dhimitrios Dhimitrios Sotira Kaminoudhia Amathus Byblos Kamid el-Loz Megiddo
Hazor
Khirbet Iskander Lachish Bâb edh-Dhra’ Tel T elll De Defe fenn nneh eh Tel T el Arad Abu Rawash T Tell ell elel-His Hisn n Mashabei Sade Zawiyet el-Aryan Heliopolis Saqqara Lahun
Lisht Beni Hasan
Egypt Meir
el-Hawawish el-Mahasna Dendera Abydos Naqada Karnak Dakhleh Oasis Medinet Habu el-Asasif/Valley of the Kings/ Deir el-Medina/ Dra Abu el-Naga
Silsila Kubban
Buhen
Nubia
Nuri el-Kurru
Figure 3.1 Map o sites mentioned in Chapter 3. Figure
Senet
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existence. One o the more controversial and earliest game boards known rom Egypt is a clay gaming table ound in a Predynastic grave at el-Mahasna (Ayrton & Loat 1911:30). 1911:30). Tis artiact has been described by some as the earliest known senet game (Vandier (Vandier 1952:406; 1952:406; Kendall 1978:7; 1978:7; Pusch 1979: 1979: 156–7), but the game displayed is not in the canonical senet orm because it displays three rows o six, rather than three rows o ten playing fields. While the table itsel and the pieces associated with it anticipate later senet gaming sets, it cannot be said that this artiact is definitively an early version o the game. Tere are patterns ound in Pharaonic Egypt that could have been games, but which only occur once in the archaeological record. A 3 × 6 game may have been one o them rather than a game that morphed into senet at a later date. A recent interpretation o the board and pieces has been offered describing them as a potential offering offering table with votive garlic bulbs (Eyckerman & Hendrickx 2011:414). 2011:414). Even beore the appearance o ragmentary senet boards in the archaeological record, the appearance o a game board with three rows o spaces appears in the hieroglyphic writing system. Te hieroglyph mn appears in early sealings, particularly those associated with Narmer (Petrie (Petrie 1901:Plates 1901:Plates XIII, XIII, XIV, XIV, XXIII), XXIII ), as well as in other sealings dating to Dynasty Dy nasty 0 and the First Dynasty. Dynasty. Te hieroglyph typically depicts three rows o squares with a series o pieces placed on the board, and should not be conused with the game men, which uses a different determinative in Rahotep’s list. Fragmentary game boards that resemble later senet boards boards appear in the First Dynasty. One, ound by Petrie at Abydos (Petrie ( Petrie 1901:36) 1901:36) and now in the University o Pennsylvania Museum (E9368), still has two rows o squares, but is likely to originally have had three, based on the breakage pattern (Piccione 1990b:382). 1990b:382). Another likely candidate or an early senet game game was ound in omb M1 at Abu Rawash and dates to the reign o Den (Montet (Montet 1946:185). 1946 :185). All that remained o this board were twenty-five twenty- five ivory squares, three o which were marked in ink in a ashion similar to later senet boards boards (Piccione 1990b:37). 1990b:37). Another similarly marked set o an undetermined number o ivory squares was ound in the same tomb, and may be another senet board (Montet (Montet 1946:184; 1946:184; Piccione 1990b:38). 1990b:38). A final candidate or an early senet board, the present location o which is unknown (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:382), 1990b :382), was discovered at Saqqara, and was a ragmentary alabaster board,
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
like the one discovered by Petrie, “engraved with w ith three rows o squares” (Emery 1958:14). 1958 :14). Sets o gaming pieces are also known rom the First Dynasty and later and may have accompanied gaming boards that have not been preserved. Piccione (1990b 1990b:17–18, :17–18, note 51) enumerates many reerences to Early Dynastic Period playing pieces in excavation reports. A set o seven s even tall and seven s even short conical pieces, ound together with a set o mehen pieces and some throwing sticks, were ound in a cluster at Abydos (Emery (Emery 1954:58). 1954:58). Similarly, conical pieces that were likely used or senet were were ound alongside mehen and men pieces at Naqada (Petrie (Petrie & Quibell 1896:Pl. 1896:Pl. 7; Vandier Vandier 1952 1952:405). :405). Te set at Abydos, i it is complete, suggests that a ull complement o seven pieces per player was typical or senet during the Early Dynastic Period, though this would later change (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:18). 1990b:18). Te set o domed pieces associated with the 2 × 13 game ound at Saqqara is similar to those typically attributed to senet , so one must be careul in attributing partial sets o pieces to a certain game since differentt games may have used pieces o similar types. differen
Old Kingdom: Ki ngdom: Ritual Ritu al use us e and graffi graffiti During the Tird Dynasty, a game that took the orm o three rows o ten squares was important enough to be included in the painting o unerary equipment in the tomb o Hesy-Re (see fig. 2.5), alongside mehen and men (Quibell 1913:18–21). 1913:18–21). As with those two games, senet is is accompanied in this painting by gaming pieces, i.e., two sets o seven domed pieces (one short and one tall set) along with our throwing sticks, which seem to have been the avored type o randomizing agent. Trowing sticks are known rom First Dynasty and later tombs (Piccione (Piccione 2007:56) 2007:56) and appear as markings on the aorementioned Abu Rawash playing spaces as well as on the twenty-sixth twenty-sixth square o the Hesy-Re painting. In this painting, several squares are marked, including square one with sbꜢ Ꜣ , “star,” squares eleven and twenty-one twenty-one with “ten, “te n,” square twenty-seven twenty-seven with “our” and square thirty with “one.” Te numbers “our” and “one” are rendered as throwing sticks rather than strokes. Tis pattern anticipates, anticipates, but differs significantly rom, the canonical sets o markings that can be seen rom at least the Middle Kingdom onwards.
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Tee existence o senet is also attested during the Fourth Dynasty by its T inclusion in Rahotep’s list o unerary offerings. Actual game boards are rare rom Old Kingdom contexts, and those that do exist are not definitively datable to this period. perio d. All extant boards are graffiti on Fifh and Sixth Dynasty Dynas ty unerary unerar y monuments (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:45–8; 1990b:45–8; Pusch 1979:169–77), 1979:169–77), or surace finds associated with Late Old Kingdom-First Intermediate Period finds at Abu Ballas and Muhattah Jaqub in the Dakhleh Oasis (Förster (Förster 2007:4, 2007:4, 22). It is important import ant to note that graffi g raffiti games gam es are notoriousl n otoriouslyy diffi cult to date, and their t heir location in Fifh and Sixth Dynasty monuments only provides a terminus post quem or those games, rather than the date at which wh ich they were used. us ed. Furthermore, Furthermore, the finds rom the Dakhleh Oasis were ound on the surace, and although associated finds were o late Old Kingdom or First Intermediate Period date, the game could also have been later in date. Despite this, i the game ound at Abu Ballas (Förster (Förster 2007:22) 2007:22) is o Old Kingdom or First Intermediate Period date as the excavators suggest, it would be the oldest intact senet game game preserved. Te markings in i n some o the t he squares on the th e graffiti games appear app ear in patterns that are commonly known rom games that are datable to the Middle Kingdom and later, but it is an open question as to whether they represent the earliest appearance o the canonical pattern, or i they allow those games to be dated to a later period. For example, the game at the pyramid temple o Userka shows nr, “good” or “beautiul,” in square twenty-six, twenty-six, “X” in square twentyseven, “three, “three,” in square twentytwenty-eight eight and “two” in square twenty-nine twenty-nine (Pusch (Pusch 1979:169). 1979 :169). Tis pattern also appears twice in the mastaba o Ptahshepses (Pusch 1979:171–3; 1979:171–3; Piccione 1990b:384–6). 1990b:384–6). Te board scratched into the vestibule o the mastaba o o Seshemneer I V contains “thr “three, ee,” “two “two,,” and “one one”” in squares twenty-eight twenty-eight to thirty. Only the board pictured in the tomb o Hesy-Re and a New Kingdom board rom Zawiyet el-Aryan (Dunham (Dunham 1978:72) 1978:72) depict “one” in square thirty. Te pattern o markings in the senet rom rom Seshemnee S eshemneerr I V ’s mastaba more closely resembles that seen in the tomb o Hesy-Re, as they both lack importan importantt elements o the later canonical markings (i.e., nr in in square twenty-six twentysix and “X” in square twenty-seven), twenty-seven), which seems to suggest that this graffiti is early in date, probably not later than the th e Old Kingdom. Senet is is better documented in pictorial evidence, as it is attested already fifeen times in tomb paintings and relies, particularly during the Fifh and
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
Figure 3.2 Drawing
o senet patterns, patterns, showing markings common during the Old Kingdom (A), Middle Kingdom (B, afer Egyptian Museum CG 37794), New Kingdom (C, afer Egyptian Museum JE 62058), Late Period (D, afer British Museum 102396) and an ostracon (E, afer Egyptian Museum CG 25183).
Sixth Dynasties. Tese scenes are rather similar in their composition, in that they typically depict two players acing each other across a senet board board either in the act o moving a piece or about to move it. Ofen, a brie caption o dialog accompanies the scene, usually one line rom each player. Te majority o the known Old Kingdom depictions o senet are playing scenes. Most o these, nine in all, show at least one pair o players sitting opposite one another with a senet board board allayed with pieces in between, b etween, but but in
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the context o uneral celebrations dedicated to Hathor (Piccione (Piccione 1990b: 1990b: 79–82), as is also true or mehen, which accompanies senet in in some o these relies. Tese celebrations requently included musicians, dancers and sports (see fig. 3.3). 3.3). Singers and musicians are the most common accompanying groups, who, along with the presentation o offerings to the deceased, are requently depicted adjacent to scenes o senet playing, as in the mastabas o Ankhmare (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:49), 1990a:49), Nikauhor (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:51), 1990a:51), Isesimerynetjer (Pusch (Pusch 1979:29–32), 1979:29–32), Pepiankh-heryib Pepiankh-heryib (Blackman (Blackman 1924:31) 1924:31) and Nebkauhor (Hassan (Hassan 1975:5). 1975:5). Te addition o dancers is notable in the scenes known rom the mastabas o Neeriretene (Mariette (Mariette 1889:324–8), 1889:324–8), Rashepses (Quibell (Quibell 1909:79–82), 1909:79–82), Idu (Simpson 1976:19) 1976:19) and Kaiemankh (Junker (Junker 1940:35–40). 1940:35–40). A unique context or a senet game game is ound in the wall paintings o the mastaba o Mereruka. Tis playing scene is shown in the context o agricultural activities and the harvesting and presentation o unerary offerings to the deceased, who is depicted on an enlarged scale (Saqqara (Saqqara Expedition 1938:2). 1938:2). Te context o the unerary ritual remains the same as those discussed above, yet the clearly celebratory celebrato ry nature o those scenes s cenes is absent rom this example. Te depictions o senet in in the Sixth Dynasty tombs o Kahep and Kheni at el-Hawawish in Upper Egypt (Kanawati (Kanawati 1980:21, 1980:21, 1981:22) 1981:22) do not depict the playing o senet , but rather show senet boards included among mortuary equipment in a carpenter’s workshop (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:43). 1990a:43). Te remaining scenes, namely those rom the mastabas o Metjetji (Goedicke (Goedicke 1958:18) 1958:18) and Kairere (Lauer (Lauer 1976:77), 1976:77), are without context with regard to their place in the mortuary rituals o the deceased as they are ragmentary and much o the adjacent scenes is not preserved. Te inclusion o senet in in these rituals may be indicative o a relationship between the game and the aferlie, but its presence in the ritual celebrations o Hathor is the only indication o this use. Senet is not mentioned in Old Kingdom texts in relationship to the aferlie in the same way that mehen is. Te markings on the senet boards boards o this time period also do not provide a religious meaning meaning as they do in the New Kingdom. Speaking Speaking to the state o the evidence, Piccione (1990b (1990b:79) :79) argues that senet had had an underlying religious meaning, though or the most part it was a secular device used in a religious setting. It is interesting to note that afer mehen ell out o ashion afer the
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g n i w o h s r o h u a . k i ) 9 N 5 . g o i a F : b 3 a 5 t s 9 a 1 m s y e e a h t H ( m 1 o r 0 2 . e 8 n 0 e , c s 8 0 o 9 1 , g d n i n u w a r F r D s e g 3 . o 3 R , e t r r u A o
i g F
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Senet
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Old Kingdom, senet appears appears to have taken on at least some o its religious connotations connota tions since during the Middle Kingdom its symbolism with respect to the aferlie becomes clearer. It remains an open question as to whether these meanings became more prominent or senet in the Middle Kingdom where mehen is no longer attested. One can imagine a scenario in which senet and and mehen both held similar religious meanings, and in which senet ’s ’s increasing popularity eventually eclipsed mehen’s ’s importance in ritual activity, orcing
the game out o avor. It is apparent rom the archaeological and pictorial evidence that mehen was more popular at the beginning o the third millennium ,, while senet was was more popular towards towards the end. Regardless o the possible relationship between senet and and mehen , senet survived survived or two thousand years longer than mehen, and its place in Egyptian society continued to change through those years.
Middle Kingdom: Changes and consistency Beginning in the First Intermediate Period and extending throughout the Middle Kingdom, it is apparent that senet began began to be represented differently in art, in the execution o the game boards, and, or the first time, in textual sources. Te first representation o senet to to post-date post-date the Old Kingdom is a painted scene on the side o a wooden model granary g ranary depicting Ante Ante playing against Mery in a more quotidian setting than earlier depictions, with with a servant girl anning Ante with a palm rond and holding a jar o (presumably) beer (Blackman 1920:206; 1920:206; Kendall 1978:15; 1978:15; Piccione 1990b:65–6). 1990b:65–6). Game boards o the Middle Kingdom, most o which are datable to the welfh Dynasty, D ynasty, contain more consistent decoration dec oration with eatures that may be be diagnostic o this time period (see fig. 3.2B). 3.2 B). When marked, the spaces on the boards consistently contain an “X” in spaces fifeen and twenty-seven, twenty- seven, nr in space twenty-six, twenty-six, “three” in space twenty-eight twenty-eight and “two” in space twentynine. Tis pattern o markings has its origins in the Old Kingdom (see fig. 3.2A), 3.2A), but is more consistently applied in Middle Kingdom game boards. Te orientation o nr indicates a change in the orientation o the boards o Middle Kingdom date. In earlier and later boards, the decoration o senet boards is always oriented in such a way that the decorated squares
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
twenty-six through twenty-nine twenty-six twenty-nine are on the bottom right, but in the Middle Kingdom nr would be upside down in this position, thereore indicating that the preerred placement o the decorated spaces was at the top lef, a 180 degree difference compared to senet boards o other time periods (Piccione 1990b:3). 1990b:3). Another eature o Middle Kingdom boards that does not appear on senet boards o other periods are curved or pointed projections drawn above square square twenty-six, twentysix, twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine. twenty-nine. It is unclear what this new eature o the boards indicates, but Piccione (1990b (1990b:48) :48) argues it was not a regional variation, variatio n, since boards laid out in this manner have been ound in differen differentt regions o Egypt. So ar there are nine boards dating to the Middle Kingdom in the archaeological record. wo o these come rom Abydos, one rom the temenos o the tomb o Senusret II (Petrie (Petrie 1927:53), 1927:53), and another rom the cenotaph o Senusret III (Pusch (Pusch 1979:189–90). 1979:189–90). Te second example is the oldest known game outlined in ink on a limestone ostracon, more o which are known rom the New Kingdom, particularly in the Valley o the Kings and Deir el-Medina, as is discussed below. Tese games are typically interpreted as having been played by the builders o the structures/tombs with which they were associated (Piccione 1990b:390). 1990b:390). One senet board board was drawn in red ink on the inside o a box lid rom Lahun (Manchester Museum, no. 73), in the type o box that was ofen used or inant burials in the houses at this site (Petrie ( Petrie 1890:24, 1890:24, 30; Piccione 1990b:391). 1990b:391). It shows a typical Middle Kingdom orientation o the board. Another senet game, game, now in the Narodni Muzeum in Prague, was painted in black ink on the inside o a box lid o New Kingdom date (Narodni (Narodni Muzeum n.d.). n.d.). Te markings on this board, though not well preserved, indicate its orientation was not o the Middle Kingdom type. Instead, the markings are typical o boards dating to the New Kingdom. A graffiti game, ound at Shatt el-Rigal, e l-Rigal, north o Silsila, Si lsila, was car carved ved on the floor o the valley (Petrie (Petrie 1888:15; 1888:15; Pusch 1979:184–5; 1979:184–5; Piccione 1990b:393–4), 1990b:393–4), and is datable to the Middle Kingdom based on the presence o curved projections over squares twenty-six, twenty-six, twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine. twenty-nine. At the ortress o Buhen, a game was discovered on a building block, which may have been either a pavement or reused block, and displays the diagnostic
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Middle Kingdom senet pattern pattern (Emery (Emery 1979:146, 1979:146, 220; Piccione 1990b:394–5). 1990b:394–5). Another graffi ti game at the tomb t omb o Baqet Ba qet II I I I at Beni Hasan Has an was ound perpendicular to the wall, which seems to indicate that players would sit across rom each other adjacent to the longer sides o the board (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:394), 1990b :394), though they are typically shown in paintings and relies, in all periods, to be sitting on the shorter ends o the board. Other boards rom this period came rom Lahun (Manchester Museum, no. 262), ell el-Hisn (Egyptian Museum, CG 37794) and one with an unknown provenance now in the Brooklyn Museum (36.2) (David (David 1979:13, 1979:13, 15; Pusch 1979 19 79:183, :183, 191; Piccione 1990b:392–3). 1990b :392–3). Middle Kingdom scenes o senet playing playing are rare, and only two are known, rom the tombs o Baqet III and Khety at Beni Hasan. Te painting in Baqet III’s III ’s tomb is discussed in great detail with relation to the game o twenty (see (see Chapter 4) together with a painting ound in the tomb o his son, Khety, being very similar. similar. In In both tombs, senet is is played by two men with a caption reading h. Ꜥ b 5, “playing five,” likely an allusion to some aspect o gameplay (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:68–73). 1990b :68–73). What is most interesting about these relies is that they show senet being played on gaming tables with zoomorphic eet, which have not been ound archaeologically on senet gaming tables earlier than the New Kingdom. Piccione (1990b (1990b:393) :393) suggests that the well-made well-made senet board board rom ell el-Hisn may have once been set in a gaming table similar to those seen here. Te appearance o senet in in the Coffi C offin exts exts marks mark s the first firs t o rare discus d iscussions sions o senet in in Egyptian religious literature. Only three spells, 335, 405 and 1019, mention the game, and even these spells are exceedingly unusual, with 405 attested only twice, 1019 only once, and the relevant passage in 335 only as an epilogue that appears once. Spell 405 seems to reflect a non-ritual non-ritual context or the play o senet . Tis spell appears app ears on only two coffins: Egyptian Egy ptian Museum JE JE 42909 and Metropolitan Museum o Art 12.182.132, the latter o which does not contain the line that reers to senet . Both were ound in a necropolis at Meir.. Te coffi Meir c offin in the Egypt Egyptian ian Museum, Museu m, containing the only complete version o the spell, belonged to the daughter o the nomarch o the Fourteen Fourteenth th Nome during the welfh Dynasty (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:83). 1990b:83). One line in the spell is rom the tribunal o the gods, saying “Let him play senet with with those who are on earth.” (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:84), 1990b:84), just as in the tomb relies o Kaiemankh,
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Isesi-merynetjer and Mereruka, where the deceased play senet with Isesi-merynetjer with still-living still-living Egyptians. Te subject is also bestowed with various other abilities, including the capability to sing and dance, to to inspect his children and to go to his house (Faulkner 1977:56). 1977:56). Te everyday nature o these activities suggests that senet not only held religious significance during the Middle Kingdom, but also was used or pleasure. Coffin ext ext 1019 is more problematic as it is ragme ragmentary, ntary, and only exists in in one example, written on papyrus and now in the British Museum (EA (EA 10676). It reads in one section “when you shall be removed rom the senet board,” board,” an apparent allusion to the conception o the aferlie as a journey through the senet game game (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:86–8). 1990b:86–8). I this interpretation is correct, it represents the earliest attestation o this belie, which is well known rom the New Kingdom and later. Faulkner (1978 (1978:121) :121) offers a different translation, suggesting “you are saved rom the cutting-table.” cutting-table.” Te ragmentary nature o the text does not offer contextual evidence or either translation. An epil epilogue ogue to Coffin ext 335 on the coffin o Mentuhot Mentuhotep ep in the Ägyptisches Ägypti sches Museum und Papyrussamm Papyrussammlung lung in Berlin (coffin 9), appears only once and reers to the deceased “mooring happily with Osiris . . . going out into the day, playing at draughts (i.e., senet ) and sitting in a booth afer death” (Faulkner (Faulkner 1973:269). 1973:269). Tis passage is analogous to Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead in which the ba plays senet in a pavilion, allowing passage between the land o the living and the dead. Tis suggests some continuity o belie in the importance o senet rom the Middle to New Kingdom, when a connection with the aferlie comes to the oreront in the textual and pictorial evidence.
New Kingdom: Religious meaning oward the end o the Second Se cond Intermediate Period, senet game game boxes appear in the archaeological record, though they probably existed earlier. While senet only appears in the material record rec ord as slabs slab s or graffi ti prior to the Second Se cond Intermediate Period (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:3–11), 1990b:3–11), beginning in the Seventeenth Dynasty game boxes start to appear in Egypt. Tis type o board consists o a box, typically with a drawer that usually eatures a sliding bolt that locks the
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drawer shut (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:11–12). 1990b:11–12). Te two boxes rom the Seventeenth Dynasty are also the earliest known examples o the game o twenty to to have been ound in Egypt, and, as such, will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 4. Troughout the New Kingdom, these games appeared together on opposite sides o game boxes and boards, thirty o which have survived. Considering that orty-one orty-one senet boards boards have been ound that can be dated securely to the New Kingdom, it is significant that so many o them also exhibited the game o twenty twenty . Game boards and boxes were ound made out o a variety o materials, including wood (ofen with aience, ivory or glass inlays), ivory, aience and limestone lime stone as well as graffi g raffiti in limestone pavements and drawn in ink on limestone ostraca. Te orientation o the New Kingdom boards changed back to the Old Kingdom variation, i.e., with the decorated squares placed to the bottom lef (with two notable exceptions: Hall 1925:203–5; 1925:203–5; Needler 1953:Fig. 1953:Fig. 3), and the projections above spaces twenty-six, twenty-six, twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine twenty-nine disappeared. One board, ound in a Seventeenth Dynasty tomb at el-Asasi (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:36), 1912:36), was drawn in ink on a writing tablet and maintained the Middle Kingdom orientation o the board, but without projections (Egyptian Museum, JE 41790). It may indicate that this orientation survived into the Second Intermediate Period, as the other two senet boards boards rom this period, another rom el-Asasi (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 16.10.475) (Hayes (Hayes 1959:24–5), 1959:24–5), the spaces o which are unmarked, and one rom Dra Abu el-Naga el-Naga (Egyptian Museum, JE 21462), which is reconstructed (Pusch 1979:195–8), 1979:195–8), cannot speak definitively to the orientation o Seventeenth Dynasty senet boards. It is certain though that by the early Eighteenth Eighteen th Dynasty the orientation orientation reverted back to the way it was during the Old Kingdom. Te decoration o squares during the New Kingdom was more elaborate on some boards than it was during the Old and Middle Kingdoms, while maintaining the key elements o the decoration (nr in in square twenty-six, twenty-six, “X” or some kind o hazard in square twenty-seven, twenty-seven, “three” “three” in square twentytwenty-eight eight and “two “two”” in square squ are twentytwe nty-nine). nine). Piccione (1990b (1990b:242–8) :242–8) lays out a chronology o the changes in the decoration o the final our spaces o the board. While he provides a general guide to the changes in style through time, it should be noted that some boards are difficult to date, and the decoration does not n ot
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necessarily determine that a board was made during a certain dynasty as these were styles that came and went throughout time, and and were likely chosen based bas ed on the unction o a board. Tose placed in tombs are more likely to carry religious iconography ic onography than those th ose made as graffiti boards, bo ards, which were likely li kely more or leisure than ritual. According to Piccione’s (1990b (1990b:242–7) :242–7) ordering, in the early Eighteenth Dynasty the preerred markings were nrw in square twenty-six, twenty-six, mw (unanimously interpreted as some kind o hazard related to water) in square twenty-seven, twentyseven, bꜢ Ꜣ w, in square twenty-eight twenty-eight and two men in square twenty-nine twenty-nine (see fig. 3.2C). 3.2C). During the reign o Hatshepsut, a new preerence replaced this, with three men appearing instead o bꜢ Ꜣ w as well as the deification o some o the symbols, e.g., Ma’at holding nr , Hapy in square twenty-seven twenty-seven (Daressy (Daressy 1902:Pl. 1902 :Pl. 9; Hayes 1935:32–4). 1935:32–4). Hippopotami could also appear as the hazard instead o mw. Only one board is known rom the Eighteenth Dynasty in which square thirty is decorated (birds among papyrus). In the Nineteenth Dynasty, nt trwy, rwy, “two gods, gods ,” appears in square twentyt wenty-nine nine and square thirty is decorated with the sun disk, and henceorth is almost always decorated whereas previously it rarely was marked. By the wentieth Dynasty, deities became the ocus o the final five squares, with the preerred arrangement being nrw, Hapy, nt trw rw “three gods,” nt trwy, rwy, and Horus (see fig. 3.2D). 3.2D). Te “gods” in squares twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine twenty-nine could be represented by specific spec ific deities, which were we re somewhat standardized, st andardized, with Toth, Shu and Ma Ma’at sometimes appearing together in place o nt trw rw and Ra and Atum appearing in place o nt trwy. rwy. Other squares aside rom the final five were occasionally decorated. Te most common was square fifeen (as in fig. 3.2 3.2C), C), which could be marked in a checkered pattern (Hayes (Hayes 1935:Fig.18), 1935:Fig.18), a rosette (Pieper (Pieper 1909:Fig. 1909:Fig. 5), or with st st (ait 1982:Fig. 1982:Fig. 1). Squares other than these were sometimes marked Ꜥ nh wꜢ Ꜣ ˘ afer the late Nineteenth Dynasty, but without an obvious pattern. wo senet games represented on the wentieth Dynasty urin Papyrus 1775, henceorth urin Papyrus, appear to have once contained symbols in every square, though not all o them are preserved (see fig. 4.7). Piccione (1990b 1990b:311–17) :311–17) provides a progression o symbols rom squares one through thirty, interpreting the hieroglyphs in the two ragmentary depictions along with relevant passages rom the Great Game ext. Tis system by which the
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squares are named corresponds to the text o the Great Game ext, and is a reflection o the passage o the deceased in the duat , recreating recreating the passage o Ra under the protection o the god Mehen (Piccione (Piccione 1980, 1980, 1990b). 1990b). Te markings on the boards themselves are also reflective o those ound on the urin Papyrus game g ame and in passages pas sages rom rom the Great Game ext, ext, which suggests sug gests a consistent meaning to the marked squares. Te Great Game ext—versions o which appear in the Cairo Papyrus 58037 (Wiedemann (Wiedemann 1897; 1897; Pieper 1931; 1931; Röder 1961:258–61; 1961:258–61; Piankoff & Jacquet-Gordon 1972:119–20), 1972:119–20), on on the opposite side o the depictions o game boards on the urin Papyrus, and in the tomb o Inherkau at Deir el-Medina (Bruyère 1930:42)—dates 1930:42)—dates to the wentieth Dynasty, and Piccione (1990b (1990b:97– :97– 8, 105–6) suggests the different versions are within two generations o each other, with the Cairo text probably dating to the reign o Rameses III. III. He provides an in-depth in-depth analysis o the texts (Piccione (Piccione 1990b), 1990b), as they relate to other evidence or senet , and discusses the many ways in which this text encompasses most o the belies and practices suggested in other texts, representations and on the boards themselves. A comprehensive discussion o the Great Game ext is outside the scope o this volume, but these texts essentially describe the course o the game as a struggle str uggle between the deceased and an unnamed opponent or the lie o the ba, and, upon winning the game, the deceased is declared justified, whereas the opponent is drowned in the water (Piankoff (Piankoff & Jacquet-Gordon 1972:118). 1972:118). It depicts the journey o the player as a religious process, which is clearly paralleled in the Egyptian literature relating to the passage through the duat (Piccione 1990b:197–241). 1990b:197–241). Te correspondence o spaces with events highlighted in the Great Game ext has led to some suggestions about the course o play o the game (e.g., Kendall 1978:59–67). 1978 :59–67). Similarly, Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead describes the ba playing senet in in a pavilion in the duat (see (see fig. 3.4), 3.4), and perormance o this spell allows the ba to move back and orth between the world o the living and that o the dead (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:292–302). 1990b:292–302). Tis particular passage is a derivative deri vative o Coffi C offin ext ext 405, which which mentioned mention ed senet in in a similar light (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:290–1), 1990b :290–1), and is directly direc tly presaged presag ed by Coffin ext ext 335, which describes des cribes the deceased playing senet in in a booth (Faulkner (Faulkner 1973:269). 1973:269). Vignettes o this scene depict the deceased playing senet without without a visible opponent inside a pavilion,
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Figure 3.4 Facsimile o a painting rom rom the tomb o o Neertari, depicting depicting the queen in in
the senet playing playing vignette rom Chapter Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Rogers Fund, 1930, 30.4.145. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art.
the ba perche perchedd on the tomb, indicating that, “through senet , the deceased in the pavilion has ‘gone orth’ as a living ba” (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:303). 1990b:303). wenty-one wenty-one o these scenes appear in various media, including papyri, tomb relies/paintings and coffin paint paintings ings (Piccione 1990b:259–60), 1990b:259–60), most o them rom the Nineteenth and wentieth Dynasties. Five scenes that include senet games are known rom the Eighteenth Dynasty, and they do not portray this vignette rom the Book o the Dead. wo o them, that rom the tomb o Amenemhat (Davies ( Davies & Gardiner 1915:70, 1915:70, pl. 26) and that o Neerhotep (Bénédite (Bénédite 1894:Pl. 1894:Pl. 2) depict the game played between two players, and in the Neerhotep scene in the context o unerary
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offerings and musicians (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:266). 1990b:266). Te third, rom the tomb o Senneer, depicts the game next to the chair o the deceased as he receives unerary offerings (Piccione (Piccione 1984:178). 1984:178). wo other depictions o senet boards, boards, where they are not in play, were painted on walls in the tomb o Rekhmire (de Garis Davies 1963:Pl. 1963:Pl. 79, 93). Tese depict a gaming table being carried as unerary equipment, and sitting in a garden, near a pool among a grove o trees. Some later scenes that do not invoke invoke Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead still show the influence o the scene in depicting the playing o senet , as in the tomb o Piay Piay,, where the deceased and his wie sit beside each other in the pavilion, though they are typically not interpreted as playing against each other (Pusch (Pusch 1979:Pl. 1979:Pl. 23; Piccione 1990b:261). 1990b:261). In the tomb o Nebenma’at (Maystre 1936:Pl. 1936:Pl. 6), he is shown playing senet against his wie Meretseger, who is depicted as being o greater or equal status as her husband (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:279–80), 1990b :279–80), but not in a pavilion. Other scenes unrelated to the Book o the Dead (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:275–6, 1990b:275–6, 280, 282) illustrate the player acing another person, who stands on the opposite side o the board, as exemplified by the scene on the game box o Imenmes (see cover image). Tese scenes are typically in the context o drinking as the person opposite holds a drinking cup in the scenes s cenes o Imenmes, Neerhotep Nee rhotep and one o the scenes on the Eastern High Gateway o the temple o Medinet Habu, o Rameses III playing senet in in his harem (Pusch (Pusch 1979:Pl. 1979:Pl. 31), while a large drinking jug is included in the scene in the tomb o Khonsumose (Pusch (Pusch 1979:Pl. 1979:Pl. 29). Tese scenes appear to demonstrate the game in a more everyday setting, and may indicate that it was accompanied by drinking, though this is never shown in scenes with a religious meaning. A second senet scene scene accompanying the previous one at Medinet Habu has no evidence o drinking, but the relie is in ragmentary condition. Alternatively, Piccione (1990b (1990b:424–5) :424–5) also sees a similarity to offering scenes in the one depicted on the Imenmes box. It is important to note that the nature o archaeological evidence rom Egypt, which is primarily unerary, biases our understanding o the connotations games had in different socio-economic socio-economic classes. While most o the games dating to the New Kingdom were placed in tombs o the nobility and the pharaohs (including our rom the tomb o utankhamun, and one
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Ancientt Egyptians at Ancien at Play
each rom the tombs o Hatshepsut and Tutmose IV), IV), it is still apparent that lower classes on the socio-economic socio-economic scale also played senet , as evidenced by the appearance o games on limestone ostraca at Deir el-Medina and in the Valley o the Kings. Tese games seem to indicate a divergence rom the canonical representation o senet as as seen among the upper classes o Egyptian society. wo ostraca rom the Valley o the Kings, which Dorn (2011 (2011:322, :322, pl. 314– 15) dates to the middle o the wentieth Dynasty, depict senet boards in a dramatically different different ashion rom that which is seen on manuactured manuactured boards and game boxes. One ostracon has senet patterns patterns painted on both sides which, when viewed so the three rows o squares run vertically, have dome-shaped dome-shaped projections above the final squares on one side. Pusch (1979 (1979:362) :362) interprets such extra spaces as representations representations o gaming pieces seen s een above game boards in pictorial representations, but it is not consistent with the iconography o game boards rom any time period in Egypt where the pieces are shown arrayed along the long side o the board, when depicted. Te other ostracon, which shows an incomplete pattern o squares, shows decoration in what appears to be the middle row. Dorn (2011 ( 2011:322) :322) recognizes this is not typical or a senet pattern, pattern, and all o the squares should be marked when squares in the central row are marked in this ashion. Tese markings are even more divergent rom the typical pattern in the game o twenty (see Chapter 4), 4), leaving senet as as the most likely candidate or identiying this game. Another ostracon, ound in the tomb o Rameses V and VI again shows senet with dome-shaped dome-shaped projections (Pusch (Pusch 1979:361, 1979:361, pl. 97b) (Egyptian
Museum, C G 25183), this this time identifiable as being above squares ten, twenty and thirty (see fig. 3.2E). 3.2E). Squares twenty-seven, twenty-seven, twenty-eight twenty-eight and thirty are marked with nrw, the only time this symbol appears in these positions. It does not conorm to the interpretation o these spaces on other boards, namely that square twenty-seven twenty-seven is a hazard. Furthermore, nrw is oriented so that the board is to be viewed vertically, suggesting the players would sit across rom each other on the short ends o the board, something never seen in manuactured senet boards. boards. A final ostracon, ound in more recent excavations in the Valley o the Kings, has markings in squares twenty-six, twenty-six, twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine, twenty-nine, but
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it is impossible to determine what the markings are or their orientation rom the photograph (Hawass (Hawass 2011:70). 2011:70). Te extensive graffiti on the roo o the temple o Khonsu Kh onsu at Karnak include three senet games. games. One o these presents a senet pattern pattern arrayed vertically with domed projections that must have been used as playing spaces on this board, since there are only three rows o nine squares i they are not included (Jacquet(JacquetGordon 2003:78, 2003:78, pl. 84). Moreover Moreover,, the decoration in the squares squa res only conorms conor ms to the typical pattern (nrw , mw, “three,” “two”) i the domed projection is an unmarked square thirty. Te placement o the marked squares on the lef-hand lef-hand side is particularly partic ularly unusual, and is unknown on any other senet board. board. Another board, apparently unfinished, was marked with “three” and “two” (Jacquet(JacquetGordon 2003:84, 2003:84, pl. 92). Te decoration and orientation orientation o these boards may indicate that those who made them were not amiliar with the canonical representation o the senet board, or that the preerences shown in unerary board games was not necessaryy or every necessar everyday day gaming. gami ng. Nevertheless, Nevertheless , one graffiti game g ame rom rom the emple o Khonsu demonstrates that the person who scratched it into the surace had the requisit requisitee knowledge o the canonical representation representation to produce it or their personal use (Jacquet-Gordon (Jacquet-Gordon 2003:30, 2003:30, pl. 22). Tis game reflects the decoration that was most common during the wentieth Dynasty, but it remains difficult to date any graffiti games, games , as the structures str uctures in which they were w ere carved merely provide a terminus post quem . An example o graffi g raffiti games gam es which w hich could c ould be b e significantly sig nificantly later than th an their host ho st structure str ucture are two graffiti boards bo ards ound in the th e north colonnade c olonnade o the First Court o the temple o Medinet Habu (Pusch (Pusch 1979:320–1). 1979:320–1). Tese two senet patterns patterns were ound parallel to each other roughly twelve centimeters apart, and set perpendicularly to the wall. Because o this arrangement, the players would have had to sit along the long sides o the board with both senet games games between them. Tis arrangement is also seen at the small boat ramp o aharqo (r. 690–664 ) ) at the temple o Amun at Karnak (Piccione 1990b:436–7), 1990b:436–7), and so must date to later than the wenty-Fifh Dynasty. Since this is the only other example in Egypt where players used two senet games games at the same time, the Medinet Habu patterns are possibly close clos e in date to those on the aharqo ramp, and not necessarily earlier than the wenty-Fif wenty-Fifhh Dynasty. D ynasty.
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Later history o senet Later Afer the end o the wentieth Dynasty, the material evidence or senet is is less requent since only sixteen boards and our scenes are known. Literary evidence may suggest that senet maintained maintained some orm o religious connection during this period, but it appears to differ in some ways rom that o the New Kingdom. It is likely that increasing oreign influence during the Late Period had an effect on the cultural contexts contexts o gaming in Egypt due to incursions o Libyans, Kushites, Assyrians, Persians, Greeks and eventually Romans. None o the surviving boards rom the Tird Intermediate Period onwards were on game boxes o the type known rom the New Kingdom. Furthermore, none o them contain the game o twenty on on the opposite ace because this game appears to have disappeared rom Egypt afer the end o the New Kingdom (see Chapter 4). 4). Instead, a new game is preserved on the opposite side o senet , the game o thirtythirty-three three that appears on the verso o five senet game boards. Tis game is not well understood, but its origins may lie in the Near East, as discussed at the end o this chapter. Te decoration in the squares o late senet boards boards appears to continue the tradition observed in the New Kingdom, with nr or or nrw, ofen seen in square twenty-six, twentysix, mw , “X” or Hapy in square twenty-seven, twenty-seven, “three” or nt trw rw in square twenty-eig twentyeight, ht, “two” “two” or nt trwy rwy in in square s quare twenty-nine twenty-nine and Horus in square thirty. One board rom rom the wenty-Sixth wenty-Sixth to Tirtieth Dynasty contain containss sꜢ Ꜣ , “ protection” protection” (Petrie Museum, UC2317), UC2317), though this is not necessarily a new phase as interpreted by Piccione (1990b (1990b:247–8). :247–8). One might interpret a wider trend toward the dismantling dismantling o the canonization o the iconography o senet in in the later periods as the religious meaning meaning trended away rom that which it held in the New Kingdom. A recently discovered game rom Heliopolis, likely dating between the wentieth and wenty-Second Dynasties (Iskander (Iskander 2010), 2010), has elaborate inscriptions in the final five spaces that include the typical pattern o nr , mw , bꜢ Ꜣ w , two (ladies in this case) and Horus. It differs rom earlier games in that the playing spaces are not laid out as squares, but as rectangles, and also that spaces ten and eleven are marked. Te inscription in these squares, probably meant to be b e read together, toge ther, invokes the name o the th e board’s board’s owner, Keramit, and her title as priestess o Mut. Tis reflects the invocation o Mut in the Great
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Game ext (Iskander (Iskander 2010:125) 2010:125) and depiction o the same goddess on the urin Papyrus in square eleven (fig. 4.7). Tree senet boards boards scratched into circular terracotta platters, the locations o which were unknown to Piccione (1990b (1990b:444–5) :444–5) and Pusch (1979 (1979:370–1), :370–1), are now located in the British Museum (EA (EA 2232 22323, 3, EA 2380 238022 and EA 2380 23803, 3, see fig. 3.5). 3.5). Tese were ound in Chamber 9 in the ortress at ell Deenneh, and are dated to the wenty-Sixth Dynasty (Petrie (Petrie 1888:74). 1888:74). EA 23803 shows decorations decoratio ns in the final fi nal squares, the only one o which that can be identified is Horus in square thirty. Te appearance o these games on circular terracotta platters is unknown during any other period o Egyptian history. Tey were ound alongside other patterns o squares carved into stone slabs, though Petrie did not describe or illustrate these patterns (Petrie (Petrie 1888:74), 1888:74), but the possibility that they were games ound near these ceramic platter platterss at a ortress points to a later pattern seen at the Roman ort at Abu Sha’ar, where several Roman games were ound (see Chapter 6). 6). Piccione (1990b (1990b:449–51) :449–51) has identified, but did not illustrate, three senet boards on the roo o the temple o Dendera, dated dated to the Ptolemaic or Roman period. Te patterns exhibited on this structure are different rom all other senet games games rom Egypt in that the board is laid out as a series o depressions rather than rows o squares. Tis manner o delineating a senet pattern pattern is well known rom contexts in the Levant and Cyprus, but is rarely documented within Egypt. It is difficult to veriy veri y these thes e patterns as senet without without urther documentation. Other patterns are known rom this roo that were manuactured in this manner but that are not arranged in three rows o ten and thereore were meant or some other use. Senet scenes scenes are rare rom later Egyptian history. wo are known rom the Saite period, and seem to be copies o Old Kingdom relies (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:286–7). 1990b :286–7). Tese two were rom the tomb o Ankheensakhmet, now in the Walters Art Museum in Baltimore, and the tomb o Ibi, both also mentioned earlier with reerence to mehen . With these relies alone a lone it would woul d be difficult to place senet within within the Late Period, but the presence o senet graffi gra ffiti on the boat ramp o aharqo does indicate that the game survived at least that long. A later scene, in the tomb tomb o Petosiris and dating to the reign o Darius II I I I (r (r.. 336–332 )) or Alexander the Great (r. 332–323 ), ), depicts two men playing a game (Kendall 1978:40; 1978:40; Piccione 1990b:288–9) 1990b:288–9) that has three rows o eleven squares.
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Figure 3.5 Senet boards Figure boards on terracotta platters rom wenty-Sixth Dynasty ortress at ell Deenneh, one showing the thirtieth square marked with Horus. op: 31.5 × 2.5 cm. Bottom: Bottom: Original 27 × 3.1 cm. Te British Museum, Museum, EA 22323 (top) and EA 23803 (bottom). © Te rustees o the British Museum.
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It is possible this game was not meant to be senet , but rather the game o thirtythree, but it is important to note that representations o games in relies did not always depict the correct number o squares on senet boards. boards. Tese relies offer little in the way o interpretation o the use o senet during the Late and Ptolemaic periods. extual evidence evidenc e provides some hints that at least some o the understanding understand ing o senet’s earlier use in connection with mortuary ritual may have continued into the Late Period. Herodotus, writing in the fifh century , , recounts the legend o King Rhampsinitus (Rameses III), III), told to him by Egyptian priests, that describes his descent into the underworld, where he played dice with Demeter/Isis Demeter/I sis (Histories 2.122). Tis may have been an altered telling o Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:333–6). 1990b:333–6). A third century Demotic text tells the tale o Setne who played three games o senet against Nineerkaptah in an attempt to gamble or the lost book o Toth (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:336). 1990b:336). Tis story depicts gambling by senet or or the first time, though gambling is likely to have existed in other orms (ait ( ait 2007: 2007: 49–51). Te passage reers to the playing pieces as ᾽ı w᾽ ı w, “hounds,” which Piccione (1990b (1990b:337) :337) relates to a Nineteenth Dynasty scene o Merenptah at the Osireion playing senet with dog-shaped dog-shaped playing pieces (see fig. 3.7). 3.7 ). Considering this text comes rom the Ptolemaic P tolemaic period, as well as the Hellenic custom o reerring to playing pieces as dogs (Schädler (Schädler 2013a:2844), 2013a:2844), it is probably more likely interpreted as a Hellenizing influence on Egyptian gaming vocabulary. Te final text reerring to senet is is very late, dating to the third century . . Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 470 describes a device called a πεσσευτήριον Oxyrhynchus πεσσευτήριον.. Eustathius (Commentarii in Homeri Odysseam 1,28.1. line 23) states states Plato knew o such a device, which he claims the Egyptians used or astronomical measurements. More likely, the name o this device is related to the Greek πέσσοι or πεττεία , which may be translated as “board game” (Kurke (Kurke 2002:15–30). 2002:15–30). In the text, certain aspects o the description o this device suggest that it is, indeed, a senet board that is being described (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:344–6). 1990b:344–6). Tere are thirty squares in the device, and the counters used on it are reerred to as κυῶν, κυῶν , “dogs.” Te twenty-sixth twentysixth square is called in Greek φερνούσι, φερνούσι, which is likely a Hellenization o the Egyptian pr nr , “good house,” while the thirtieth square is called φόρωρ Ὥρου ὄικος. ὄικος. Φόρωρ is a Hellenized transcription o the Egyptian word pr H r r ,
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“House o Horus,” which is then translat “House translated ed into Greek “ Ὥρου ὄικος ὄικος..” Tereore Tere ore,, it seems, even at this late date, squares twenty-six twenty-six and thirty held the same meaning as they did at least as early as the New Kingdom, as attested on senet boards containing analogous decoration in those squares. Piccione (1990b 1990b:346–68) :346–68) goes on to describe potential astronomical and astrological meanings behind senet boards. boards. Whether Whether these connections were truly Egyptian ideas relating to the game, or were misinterpreted by the Greeks, this debate is outside the scope o this t his overview overvie w. Regardless Regardless,, this late text is the final reerence to senet in in the historical or archaeological record, and represents the end point o a game that can be documented or three millennia, longer than any other known board game in human history.
Playing pieces For senet and and the game o twenty twenty, each player controlled a set o uniorm pieces whose number could vary. Playing pieces are well known rom visual representations represen tations as well as archaeological finds, and both help the attribu attribution tion o hundreds o pieces recorded as pawns or draughtsmen in museums and private collections (fig. (fig. 3.6). 3.6). Tey are sometimes the only evidence o the practice o board games because—apart rom rare wooden examples—most o them were made o non-perishable non-perishable materials such as clay, aience, stone, ivory, bone and bronze. Isolated finds o playing pieces point to the possible deterioration o boards. Opposite teams were differentiated by the shape, size and/or color o the pieces. On the inner side o the wooden door rom the tomb o Sennedjem S ennedjem at Deir el-Medina, the excellent state o preservation o the playing scene shows the distinction o the light- and dark-colored dark-colored playing pieces (Bruyère (Bruyère 1959:2, 1959 :2, pl. XV XVII II)) (Egyptian Museum, JE 27303). Pawns Pawns could be distinguished by different arrangements o colored bands, with, or example, alternating natural ivory and red painted bands on pieces rom the tomb o utankhamun (ait 1982:30, 1982:30, pl. XII). XII). Faience allowed many variants o colored glazes and striped motis (Hayes (Hayes 1959:198, 1959:198, fig. 113). Te earliest orm o senet included included two sets o seven domed playing pieces (see fig. 3.3). 3.3). Te sets were distinguished by the size o the pieces or by the o addition o a knob at the top. During the New Kingdom, senet and and the game o
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Figure 3.6 Figure
Playing pieces collected collec ted by F.G. F.G. Hilton Price and now in museum collections, such as the Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels, E.06165 c, , h, i (nos. 1, 3, 4, 6: max. 3.5 × 2.2 cm), and the Metropolitan Museum o Art, 26.7.1452 (no. 10: Head o aowry-Whyte leopard with the name reproduced rom (1902:Pl. (1902 :Pl. o I).Hatshepsut, 3.2 × 3 × 3.5 cm). Plate 65
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twenty shared shared their equipment as they were associated on double-sided double-sided boxes.
Te most common game sets consisted o geometrically simple orms like in the earlier periods. Te two opposite types were conical pieces ofen with a knob at the top, and spool-shaped spool-shaped pieces (see fig. 4.5). Te latter would sometimes be mushroom-shaped mushroom-shaped (Nash (Nash 1902:345, 1902:345, pl. IV, IV, 10–11). Te conical shape is reerred to as halma type, typ e, afer afer similar pawns rom the modern game called Halma. Tis is the model or the hieroglyph used to designate a playing piece. Tis sign is related to the word ᾽ı bꜢ Ꜣ , “dance,” so playing pieces are called “dancers.” A link to the word Ꜣ b, b, “ivory,” had initially been proposed because many pieces are made o ivory (Birch ( Birch 1865:59). 1865:59). Playing pieces could also be figurative. Tey would be given elaborate shapes like prisoners with Nubian or Asiatic eatures (Kendall (Kendall 1982:269; 1982:269; Franco 2004:229). 2004:229). Te captives, with their elbows tied behind their backs, are represented naked or wearing a flaring skirt that molds the curve o the base. Music and board games were part o the same sphere as illustrated by the juxtaposition o musical and playing scenes in tomb decorations. Te Hilton Price collection holds a flute player and a figurine with an instrument described as a musician or an archer (owry-Whyte (owry-Whyte 1902:262, 1902:262, pl. I, 6; May 1992:146–7, 1992:146–7, figs. 134–5) (Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels, E.06165i–j) (fig. (fig. 3.6, 3.6, no. 6). An extraordinary game set o ten Bes-headed Bes-headed figures is interpreted as the underworld deities, called Ahau, the “fighters” who deended the sun god in the netherworld (British Museum, 1893,0514.42-57). Tese images would protect the player on the board (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:269). 1982:269). Tis group, made o molded green aience, is dated according to the glaze technique to the Nineteenth or wentieth Dynasty. Te jackal was also a designated representative or players, in his capacity o protector o the dead and the sun god (Kendall (Kendall 1982:269). 1982:269). Jackal figurines were popular as well as represen representations tations o a recumbent or seated jackal on disc-shaped disc- shaped and conical pieces (Nash (Nash 1902:345, 1902 :345, pl. III, III, 10–11). As seen in fig. 3.7, 3.7, Merenptah in the Osireion at Abydos is represented playing senet with dog/jackal-shaped dog/jackal-shaped playing pieces (Kendall 1978:36–7, 1978:36–7, fig. 28). By the Ptolemaic period, gaming pieces were actually called dogs/hounds, or example in the ale o Setne, when the gaming episode reers to a board with ᾽ı w᾽ ı w, its “hounds” (Piccione (Piccione 1994:199). 1994:199). Echoes o this tradition may be ound today in playing pieces called kelb in Arabic (Wilkinson 1878:57, 1878:57, note 1). Te name o the Babylonian game pack o hounds
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or pack o dogs might be derived rom its playing pieces (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:269) 1982:269) although no such pieces are known rom Mesopotamia. Animal orms include other species such as lion, baboon, bird, ram, horse and cat (owry-Whyte (owry-Whyte 1902:262; 1902:262; Petrie 1927:54). 1927:54). Most o the figurative pieces are isolated finds that entered museum collections without their original board so their attribution attr ibution to a specific sp ecific game is diffi cult and their th eir identification identific ation as gaming pieces is even sometimes doubtul. Baboon-shaped Baboon-shaped figurines rom the Ptolemaic period are identified as playing pieces because they careully integrate the contour o an astragalus to the body o the animal (Arnold (Arnold 1995:60, 1995 :60, no. 82) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 66.99.75; 66.99. 75; Walters Walters Art Museum, Museu m, 71.512). A ew playing pieces are inscribed with the name o a pharaoh— Hatshepsut (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012b) 2012b) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 26.7.1452) and Nekau (Breyer (Breyer 2010:28–9) 2010:28–9) (Musée du Louvre, E 5115)—as well as private names (fig. (fig. 3.6, 3.6, nos. 8, 10). Finally, floral motis are also represented on playing pieces (fig. (fig. 3.6, 3.6, no. 9). Te number o pieces or each player seems to vary across time and probably decrease rom seven to five. Representations Representations o the number o pieces—like the number o squares—is not standard so they are not reliable. Variations may even occur within scenes dating rom the same period. Te pieces are usually aligned on the board either with alternating opposing gaming pieces, or with opposing gaming pieces arranged in two camps (see fig. 4.4). Only one representation, on the Imenmes gaming box, shows one spool-shaped spool-shaped piece on top o another one (see cover image).
Senet in in Nubia With the great popularity o senet in in Egypt, it is no surprise that it has been ound in other regions that have had contact with Egypt. Considering the history o Egyptian activity in Nubia, it is also expected that senet has has been ound there. Te earliest example o a senet game game in Nubia comes rom the ortress at Buhen. It was inscribed on a building block that was reused (Emery (Emery 1979:: 146, 220). Since the context in which it was ound was mixed (ranging 1979 rom the Middle Midd le Kingdom to the th e Seventeenth Dyna Dynasty), sty), it is difficult to date this artiact stratigraphically. Te gaming surace is rendered in the typical
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Middle Kingdom pattern, though this pattern is known in the Seventeenth Dynasty in Egypt (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:394–5). 1990b:394–5). It is possible that the block on which the game was carved once served as a paving block, and the game was carved on it while it was still part o the pavement. pavement. A ragmentary senet game game was ound in omb omb 109 at Kubban Cemetery Cemeter y 110 (Firth 1927:49, 1927:49, 83). Tirty-six Tirty-six aience inlay squares were ound and were reconstructed into three rows o twelve. Tree o the squares are decorated: one with mw, one with bꜢ Ꜣ w and one with three standing men. Considering the conventions o New Kingdom Egyptian boards, Piccione (1990b (1990b:420–1) :420–1) and Pusch (1979 (1979:223–9) :223–9) both interpret these squares as belonging to two senet boards, which are incompletely preserved, since the three standing men and bꜢ Ꜣ w are two representations o square twenty-eight. twenty-eight. During the Kushite wenty-Fifh wenty-Fifh Dynasty when w hen Egypt was ruled by Nubian kings, the desire o these oreign pharaohs to emulate Egyptian practices was strong, and thus it is no surprise it was during this period that there was pictorial and archaeological evidence or senet ar ar up the Nile Valley. Ivory playing pieces in the shape o sitting lions and lions with rams’ heads were ound in the tomb o Shabaqo (Dunham ( Dunham 1950:Pl. 1950:Pl. 24), reminisc reminiscent ent o the sitting animal pieces shown in the senet scene o Merenptah at the Osireion (see fig. 3.7, 3.7, Kendall 1978:36). 1978:36). Ivory inlays were ound in the tombs o Neerukekashta, wie o Piankhy, and an unnamed wie o Shabataqo at el-Kurru (Dunham (Dunham 1950:85, 1950:85, 108; Kendall 1978:37). 1978 :37). Kendall interprets these belonging to ragmentary senet boards, though only two squares were preserved rom Neerukekashta’s tomb, and eight rom the other. Te decoration on the plaques does not adhere exactly to that known on well-preserved well-preserved Egyptian boards, but there are some, such as Horus, papyrus marsh, and potentially the god figures that have parallels in the Egyptian corpus. Te Kushite kings may not have ollowed the canonical decorationn since at this time it was not always ollowed in Egypt itsel. decoratio Even afer the Kushite Dynasty was expelled rom Egypt, senet appeared appeared in a tomb relie o the deposed dynasty, which continued to rule Nubia. A relie in Napatan style, now in the Museum o Fine Arts in Boston, attributed to the pyramid o King Aramatelqo (Piccione (Piccione 1984:173), 1984:173), depicts a senet scene scene that appears to be o Old Kingdom inspiration, inspiration, with perhaps two pairs o opponen opponents ts playing senet (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:288), 1990b:288), much like the aorementioned senet scenes scenes
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Figure 3.7 Drawing o
Merenptah M erenptah playing senet with with dog- or jackal-shaped jackal-shaped pieces at the Osireion, Abydos (afer Naville 1911–12:pl. 1911–12:pl. II II.6). .6).
o the contemporary wenty-Sixth Dynasty. Tis is the latest evidence or senet in Nubia.
Senet in in the Levant Le vant As in Nubia, senet appears appears in the Levant during periods when the Egyptians were most involved in the region. It appears to have arrived in Canaan early in the third millennium , , roughly contemporary with the appearance o mehen there. Games that may be versions o senet have been ound at sites stretchingg rom the edge o the Negev desert in the south stretchin s outh to Syria in the north. Te site that has produced the greatest number o senet games games so ar is el Arad in southern Canaan. Dating to the Early Bronze Age II ( c. 3000–2850 ),), thirty-five thirty-five senet gaming gaming boards were ound at this site (see fig. 3.8). 3.8 ). Te boards are strikingly different rom those ound in Egypt, and are most analogous to graffiti games ound there, though they th ey are generally gener ally portable p ortable
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Figure 3.8 Senet game game rom Arad, with drilled depressions as the playing spaces.
Israel Museum, 1989-422. Photograph by Marlana Salzberger. Courtesy o the Israel Antiquities Authority Authority..
objects, typically made o locally available limestone limestone (Sebbane (Sebbane 2001). 2001). Te senet patterns are executed in three different ways: by the incision o squares, by the drilling o holes and by a combination o these techniques where the holes are drilled in the center o the incised squares. Te preerence preerence seems to have been or the drilled type, which makes up sixty percent o the assemblage, probably probably because pebbles (or seeds) were used as playing pieces (Sebbane (Sebbane 2001:218). 2001:218). It is important to note that none o the senet games games ound at Arad had playing spaces that were specially marked in any way. Sebbane states that the games were ound in domestic contexts as well as public spaces, and some o those in open public areas were on stones that appear to have been stationary, due to their large size (Sebbane (Sebbane 2001:219). 2001:219). Te excavations remain incompletely published, so other possible game board patterns near these games are unknown at Arad. Roughly contemporary with the games at Arad were nine similar patterns at Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘ (Lee (Lee 1982; 1982; Rast & Schaub S chaub 2003:636–7). 2003:636–7). Tey differ rom the boards at Arad in that the senet patterns are all delineated by the pecking o small cupules into flat limestone slabs. None o the Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘ games have incised squares. Tough these games were surace finds, they are likely to be rom the Early Bronze Age II, II , during which whi ch the site was at its greatest g reatest extent, and or historical reasons discussed below.
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Tee existence o these games during the Early Bronze Age II is likely linked T to increased Egyptian activity in the area during this period. Roughly contemporary with the First and Second Dynasties, this period saw an influx o Egyptian artiacts at Arad and other sites (Amiran (Amiran 1978:51; 1978:51; Ilan & Sebbane 1989:153; 1989 :153; Schulman 1989:443; 1989:443; Brandl 1992; 1992; Porat 1992:437; 1992:437; Kaplony 2002:487; 2002:487; Sowada 2009). 2009). Arad itsel appears to have been attractive to the Egyptians as it unctioned as a terminus o the trade in copper out o Sinai (Ilan ( Ilan & Sebbane 1989).). Te inhabitants o Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘, urther afield, probably only rarely 1989 interacted with Egyptians, explaining why their games are morphologically much different rom the Egyptian games than those ound at Arad, where the inhabitants would have regularly interacted with Egyptians and probably played on Egyptian boards (i.e., with squares). Once the pharaohs o the Tird Dynasty seized the Sinai copper mines, Egyptian activity in the Levant turned toward the coast (Stager (Stager 2001), 2001), and senet disappeared rom Arad and presumably Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘. Senet games games rom ell es-Safi, i.e., ancient Gath, exhibit markings in their squares, though they do not exactly fit the Egyptian Eg yptian canon. One o these (Shai ( Shai et al. 2014:Fig. 2014:Fig. 11.1a) has an “X” in two squares, which appear to be squares fifeen and twenty-nine. twenty-nine. It could be a simpler way o marking two spaces important or the play o the game rather than using potentially unamiliar Egyptian conventions. Tis game and another ound at the site are both ragmentary, and thereore, the possibility exists that they are not senet games. games. Tey display a pattern o incised squares on the opposite side (Shai (Shai et al. 2014:38) 2014 :38) that could also be some orm o game. Tese games were ound in Stratum E5, dated by the excavators to the end o the Early Bronze Age III (c. 2850–2500 ) ) (Shai (Shai et al. 2014:28). 2014:28). Te appearance o potential Egyptian games here parallels the shifing trading activity toward the coast. coas t. Another artiact, ound while dismantling a wall at Megiddo, displays three rows o nine depressions, though it is damaged and may have originally displayed three rows o ten, and thereore possibly an example o senet (Guillaume 2013:1106). 2013:1106). Tis game is difficult to place chronologica chronologically, lly, but is probably Early Bronze Age in date. Further up the coast in modern Lebanon, senet games games were ound at Byblos, Byb los, which has long been known to host an Egyptian trading colony, particularly or the procurement procurement o cedar (Gale (Gale et al. 2000:349; 2000:349; Stager 2001:629). 2001:629). While no
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senet board senet board o Egyptian type has been ound here, our games o similar type to those rom other Levantine sites were discovered at the site (Dunand ( Dunand 1954:310, 1954 :310, 1958:531, 1958:531, 573, 661). Tese games are most like the th e ones rom Arad as they reflect both incised, incis ed, drilled and a combination combination o both methods (Sebbane (Sebbane 2001:218), 2001 :218), which may reflect that at both sites there was a greater amiliarity with the Egyptian games than in other sites. Despite this, one o these games, excavation number 12202, has each square in the outer two rows marked, one row with “X” in each space and the other row with either a box with an “X” or a mark similar to a Minoan double axe (Dunand (Dunand 1958:505). 1958:505). A pattern may be seen here similar to that in Nubia, where some license in the manner o decoration o the squares may have been taken, as a result o cultural unamiliarity o some o the religious aspects o the game, i indeed they existed in this early period. Dunand suggests these games may date to the Middle Bronze Age (c. 2200–1540 ) ) (Swiny 1986:41 1986:41 note 314), though the manner o excavation o this site makes it nearly impossible to date them stratigraphically. Other games gam es outside o these t hese sites are isolated is olated and more difficult to interpret. interpret . One was ound at Har Yeroham (Kochavi (Kochavi 1967: 1967: 120), two at Mashabei Sade (Cohen 1986:56, 1986:56, 301; 1999:266) 1999:266) and one at Khirbet Iskander (Richard ( Richard & Boraas 1984:83), 1984:83), all o which date to the Early Bronze Age IV/Intermediate IV /Intermediate Bronze Age (c. 2500–2200 ). ). One example comes rom Hama in Syria and is a well-made well-made example o a Levantine type senet with with squares and depressions (Fugmann 1958:76, 1958:76, 80). A final artiact rom ell Brak in Mesopotamia (Oates (Oates 2012)) is ragmentary, but exhibits the same morphology. Tese sites are all well 2012 away rom the coastal areas o Egyptian mercantile activity, so their presence is more difficult to explain. exp lain. Tey all either eith er contain or incorporate inc orporate the th e drilled drille d method o manuacturing games, suggesting an interpretation similar to that offered or Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘, whereby those who were playing them were probably not playing senet with Egyptians, but more likely other Levantine peoples, thus they were not mimicking the Egyptian prototypes. In this way, senet may may have spread as ar as Mesopotamia during the third millennium , , likely due to the inten intense se Egyptian Eg yptian activity in Byblos. Four later games come rom the Levant, two rom Kamid el-Loz in Lebanon (Meyer 1986:126–36), 1986:126–36), dating to the Late Bronze Age (c. 1640–1110 ), ), while two come rom later periods at Hazor (see fig. 3.9), 3.9), dating to the ninth century
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Figure 3.9 Senet game Figure game rom Hazor (top), with the game o twenty on on the opposite side (bottom). Israel Museum, 1995-1112. Photograph by Marlana Salzberger. Courtesy o the Israel Antiquities Authority.
(Yadin (Yadin 1960:6, 1960:6, 34) and Lachish, likely dating to the eighth century (Sebbane 2004). 2004). Tree o these games were ound on the opposite side o a game o twenty . Tose rom Kamid el-Loz were likely exchanged as greeting gifs (see Chapter 4 twenty ), or game o twenty ), since they were ound in the treasur t reasuryy at the site. Te games
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rom Hazor and Lachish suggest that during the Iron Age ( c. 1200–550 ), ), non-elites nonelites may have played senet . Te game rom Hazor was ound in the “Pillared Building,” interpreted as a storehouse (Yadin (Yadin 1960:6). 1960:6). Tat rom Lachish was ound in debris in the inner gatehouse o the city, probably as graffi gra ffiti on o n steps s teps (Sebbane 2004:690). 2004:690). Te game rom Hazor has no markings, but the Lachish game has an “X” in squares fifeen and twenty, as well as a depression in square thirty. Squares ten, eleven and thirty are dome-shaped, dome-shaped, though they are not separate domed markings like those seen in New Kingdom Egyptian Egypt ian graffiti, thus suggesting either eit her an evolution rom rom this earlier earlie r type not yet attested in Late Period Egypt, or a misrepresentation or adaptation o the Egyptian pattern by Israelites attempting to reproduce this type o board.
Senet in in Cyprus Te island o Cyprus has produced more senet games games than any other region, including Egypt (see fig. 3.10). 3.10). Te current count o games is nearly our hundred (Crist (Crist 2015), 2015), even though this artiact type was only first identified in 1976 (Swiny (Swiny 1976, 1976, 1980, 1980, 1986; 1986; Buchholz 1981, 1981, 1982). 1982). Tese games appear with surprising regularity, as they have been ound at nearly every Bronze Age site excavated excava ted on the island since the 1980s. Tey are also morphologically similar to one another because they are o the pecked type and almost always made o limestone, analogous to those ound at Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘. No senet game rom Cyprus has markings in any o the playing spaces, also because they were depressions and thus not easy to mark. Te identification o senet on on Cyprus is contingent on its appearance on the opposite side o a pattern o cupules in a spiral pattern, a Cypriot maniestation o mehen (Crist et al. in press). press). Te earliest senet games games appear on the island toward the end o the third millennium at Sotira Kaminoudhia and Marki Aloniaa ( Aloni (Swiny Swiny et al. 2003:231–3; 2003:231–3; Frankel Fran kel and Webb Webb 2006 200 6:246; Crist 2015), 2015), later than the appearance o mehen, which appeared at the beginning o the third millennium . . Te timing o the arrival o these games parallels the popularity o the games in Egypt, where mehen was more popular during the Early Dynastic Period, while senet was more common during the late Old Kingdom.
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Figure 3.10 Senet games games rom the Episkopi region, Cyprus. Photograph courtesy o
Stuart Swiny.
IItt seems likely that the Cypriots learned the game rom Levantines, rather than Egyptians, since there are no examples o games where the Cypriots were reproducing Egyptian boards with squares and markings. Tis likelihood is also in agreement with the material record o Prehisto Prehistoric ric Bronze Age (c. 2400– 1700 ) ) Cyprus, where direct contact with the Levant is well documented (Philip et al. 2003; 2003; Webb et al. 2006; 2006; Knapp 2008:119–29, 2008:119–29, 2013:309), 2013:309), whereas contact with Egypt itsel is less common (Merrillees ( Merrillees 2009). 2009). Evidence or oreign contact is concentrated in sites on the north coast o the island, and indeed a senet game game was ound on the surace at Bellapais Vounous (Swiny 1986:35). 1986 :35). Nevertheless, because games were only identified on Cyprus in 1976, the current political status o the island has preven prevented ted archaeological research in the northern part o the island, and so evidence or games at Bronze Age sites is concentrated in the Republic o Cyprus. Te question o whether Levantines brought the game to Cyprus, or i Cypriots traveled to the Levant and brought the games back is an open question, and cannot be resolved with current evidence. It is apparent that, once adopted on the island, senet was was incorporated into many aspects o Cypriot lie as it has been ound in domestic, mortuary, public and ceremonial spaces. In some cases, clusters o portable games were ound
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associated with drinking and pouring vessels, which likely indicates that senet playing accompanied drinking and/or easting events (Crist ( Crist 2015, 2015, in press). One senet game game was ound pecked into the bedrock at the cemetery o Deneia Kafalla, though the extent to which it is connected to mortuary ritual is unclear (Herscher (Herscher 1998:320; 1998:320; Frankel & Webb 2007:149). 2007:149). Senet games have been ound at cemeteries in the island, but two in particular stand out since they appear to have been placed intentionally in tombs. One, ound in the burial chamber o a looted tomb at Marki Kappara ( (Frankel Frankel & Webb 1996:86, 1996:86, 102) contained senet patterns patterns on both aces, but the game was obstructed by large pecked depressions on each ace, rendering the game unplayable. It is possible that this was a orm o ritual “killing,” which has been seen in other artiacts on the island when placed in burials (Keswani (Keswani 2004:75; 2004:75; Crist 2015). 2015). Te other senet deliberately deliberately placed in a tomb was a unique terracotta votive object, claimed to have been ound at Kotchati (Swiny ( Swiny 1986:33) 1986:33) but likely to have been ound at Marki (Jennier Webb 2012, personal communication), last known to be in the Hadjiprodomou Collection in Famagusta. It clearly shows three rows o well-made well-made depressions, and it appears to be a rendering o a limestone game in terracotta, and was not likely to have been used or playing. Senet appears appears to have been popular at Cypriot sites through the Protohistoric Bronze Age (c. 1700–1050 ), ), though seemingly less popular than during the Prehistoric Bronze Age (Crist (Crist 2015). 2015). Despite this, game boxes appear on the island or the first time during the Protohistoric Bronze Age, including the amous Enkomi game box (Murray (Murray et al. 1900:12). 1900:12). Piccione (1990b (1990b:430) :430) incorrectly identifies identifies this game box b ox as double sided with the game o twenty on on the upper surace and senet on on the bottom. Tere currently is no senet pattern pattern on the box, though it was incomple incompletely tely preserved and has been reconstructed. It is possible that there was once a senet pattern pattern on this artiact, but there is no Ayios yios evidence or it. ombs at Morphou oumba tou Skourou and Kalavasos A Dhimitrios have produced square inlays that were likely squares on game boards (Vermeule (Vermeule & Wolsky 1990:221, 1990:221, 240, 332; South 1996:167), 1996:167), but these are likely to have been or the game o twenty rather rather than senet (Crist (Crist et al. in press). press ). Tere is little evidence that senet was was played in Cyprus afer the Bronze Age. Artiacts similar to Bronze Age games have been ound at Iron Age sites, particularly at Amathus (Fourrier (Fourrier 2003), 2003), but only surace finds and those that
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77
have been built into walls contain a distinctive senet pattern. pattern. One game, ound in the dromos o a Cypro-Geomet Cypro-Geometric ric tomb (c. 1050–750 ) ) at Kouklia Skales , contains a senet board board delineated with etched squares, along with examples o the game o twenty (Karageorghis 1983:122). 1983:122). Because this game is the only example o its kind, and dates dates to afer the disappearance o the more typically Cypriot senet pattern pattern with depressions, it seems likely that this is a new, albeit brie, reintroduction o the game on the island. Since there is no apparent tradition o playing senet on on a field o squares in Bronze Age Age Cyprus (although, it must always be kept in mind that games made o wood or other perishable materials may have once existed), this new rendering may be evidence or Iron Age Cypriots imitating contemporary Egyptian senet , rather than Cypriots playing the traditional local version o the game. Tis would urther suggest that the societal changes that brought brought about the end o the Bronze Age affected the ludic sphere in Cyprus, and a game that had been played or roughly two thousand years in Cyprus became orgotten.
thirty-three Te game o thirty-three During the Late Period, another game appeared in Egypt that seems to have achieved a certain level o popularity (see fig. 3.11). 3.11). ypically ound on the opposite side o senet boards, boards, this game contains three rows o eleven circles, and, since its ancient name is unknown, it is most ofen reerred to as the game o thirty-three thirty-three circles, or simply the game o thirtythirty-three three (Pusch 1979:377; Piccione 1990b:441–8 1990b:441–8). ). Nine examples o this game are known, and all but one o them appear on the opposite side o senet boards. Only three o these boards have known provenance. wo are rom the Sacred Animal Necropolis at Saqqara (Martin (Martin 1981:45, 1981 :45, 55) and one was ound near the pyramid o Senusret I at Lisht, but dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty (Pusch ( Pusch 1979:365–7). 1979:365–7). Te two rom Saqqara are firmly dated to the Late L ate Period, which corresponds correspond s to Petrie’s dating o our unprovenanced boards to that era (Petrie (Petrie 1927:53; 1927:53; Piccione 1990b:446–8). 1990b:446–8). wo boards are dated to the Nineteenth or wentieth Dynasty by Piccione and Pusch. One is currently in the British Museum (102396) (Pusch ( Pusch 1979:309; 1979:309; Piccione 1990b:427) 1990b:427) and the other is now in the Yale University Art Gallery
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Figure 3.11 Senet game Figure game o Late L ate Period date (top) (top) with the game o thirtythirty-three three on the opposite ace (bottom). 25.4 × 8.7 × 0.7 cm. © Petrie Museum o Egyptian Archaeology, University College London, UC2317. UC2317.
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(1937.161) ( Pusch 1979:311; 1979:311; Piccione 1990b:429). 1990b:429). Te reasoning or the early dating o these boards is unclear, and, due to the lack o documentation on their archaeological provenance, it seems more likely that they date to the Late thirty-three three on one ace. Period, based on the presence o the game o thirtyTe manner in which the game is rendered on the board’s surace is airly standardized across the corpus. Four o the games have the gaming spaces depicted with three rows o eleven circles inside squares, while three have just circles in the same arrangement. Sometimes the circles have a depression in the center, which led Petrie (1927 (1927:55) :55) to call c all it “the Game o Tirty-Tree Tirt y-Tree Holes .” Four o the games have spaces marked with rosettes, but perhaps others contained markings as well since they are incompletely preserved. Te most commonly marked space is the sixth space o the central row, and a rosette appears in this position on our o the marked examples. Te Yale game is the only game o thirtythirty-three three board that has other marked spaces: it contains rosettes in spaces three and nine o the central row in addition to that in the sixth space. Rosettes are an unusual moti to appear on Egyptian board games, as only the game o twenty is is marked in this way occasionally in Egypt. Rosettes are commonly used to mark the game o twenty , and examples rom the Levant, Cyprus and Mesopotamia contain this orm o decoration, though none o the boards ound in Egypt contain it. Based on the presence o the moti (which also eatures prominently prominently in the bands dividing the three rows o spaces in the British Museum game), it is possible that the game has its origin in Western Asia, perhaps Mesopotamia or Persia. Tough no examples o this game have been ound elsewhere, it is possible that they have not survived, and only the Egyptian games remain due to the preservation afforded by the climate in the thirty-three three first Nile Valley. Te Late Period, during which the game o thirtyappeared, was a period during which the Assyrians and Persians conquered Egypt, and these oreigners could have brought the game to Egypt. It is importantt to note that the rosettes are particular to the game o thirty-three importan thirty-three as senet games games on the opposite ace o these boards contain hieroglyphs in the marked spaces. Te rosettes, thereore, do not appear to be a stylistic choice adopted or use in games more generally. Whether the game was an Egyptian invention or a oreign introduction cannot be determined at this point in time, but its presence in Egypt appears
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to have been confined to the Late Period, with no boards known rom the Ptolemaic period or later, though o course the unprovenanced status o much o the corpus cor pus makes chronological chronol ogical inerences in erences difficult. Nevertheless, Nevertheless , the game o thirty-three thirty-three appears to have been the latest board game introduced into Pharaonic Egypt beore b eore the Greco-Roman period.
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4
Te Game o wenty : A For Foreign eign Acquisition
Figure 4.1
Distribution Distribu tion o the the game o twenty in in Egypt and the Near East rom the
mid-third midthird to the first millennium . .
Te game o twenty twenty , named afer the number o playing squares s quares it contains, was one o the most popular games in the ancient Near East. From the mid-third mid- third to the mid-first mid-first millennium , , the game o twenty was was distributed in arflung regions, rom Iran to the Levant (Finkel (Finkel 2007:17; 2007:17; de Voogt et al. 2013) 2013) (fig. 4.1). 4.1). Te game appears in the Egyptian archaeological record or a shorter period, rom the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Dynasty, where it was combined with senet on on reversible boxes. Egyptian carpenters were already accustomed to manuacturing game boxes with drawers to keep the playing pieces and dice or the game o hounds and jackals (see Chapter 5). We may 81
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attribute to Egypt the invention o the biacial game box with a drawer or the shared accessories but this innovation could also have been elaborated in the Levant where both senet and the game o twenty were known by the early secondd millennium secon millennium .. Te Egyptian climate may explain the large number o better b etter--preserved examples rom the game box category.
Origins and chronological distribution Te game is also known as the royal game o Ur , afer the amous boards rom Sumer in southern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq) (fig. (fig. 4.2). 4.2). Several boards made o wood, inlaid with shell, red limestone and lapis lazuli, were discovered in the 1920s by Leonard Woolley at Ur in the Royal Cemetery (Woolley (Woolley 1934:274–9, 1934:274–9, pls. 95–8; Becker 2007). 2007). Tey were ound with sets o seven round gaming pieces as well as two kinds o dice: our-sided our-sided sticks and tetrahedrons. Te Sumerian board, dating to about 2600–2400 , , consists o a rectangle o twelve squares (4 × 3) joined by two squares to a smaller rectangle o six squares (2 × 3). It has been claimed that the game originated in the Indus Valley on the basis o finds rom sites that flourished during the Harappan civilization (2600–1900 ). ). Possible ragments o the game o twenty were were discovered at Mohenjo-daro Mohenjo-daro (Mackay (Mackay 1938:575-6, 1938:575-6, pl. CXLII.82) CXLII.82) and Lothal (Rao 1985:504, 1985:504, pl. CCXIX.1) CCXIX.1) whereas a characteristic block o 3 × 4 squares, with one additional square rom the broken middle row, is recorded at Dholavira (Soni (Soni & Bagchi 2011:75–6; 2011:75–6; Bisht 2015:594–6, 2015:594–6, figs. 8.308–11). Te possible Indian origin o the game o twenty is ofen accompanied by its comparison to pachisi , a traditional race rac e game played in India (Parlett (Parlett 1999:65). 1999:65). It would be rash to rely on such evidence because the origins o pachisi remain uncertain. Its earliest testimony in India dates to the sixteenth century (Finkel 2004:47). 2004:47). Te emergence o the game o twenty in in widely separated s eparated areas attests attests to the cultural contacts across the vast region that stretches between the Euphrates and Indus rivers during the mid-thir mid-thirdd millennium millennium . Te Indus cities were involved in the long-distance long-distance trade o semi-precious semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli and carnelian (Aruz (Aruz 2003:243). 2003:243). Sites like Shahr-i Shahr-i Sokhta, in the eastern Iranian region called Seistan, were part o this commercial network (osi (osi & Lamberg-
Te Game o wenty
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Figure 4.2
Te royal game o Ur with with gaming pieces and tetrahedrons, board: 30.1 × 11 × 2.4 cm. Te British Museum, 120834, 1928,1009.379a-n. 1928,1009.379a-n. © Te rustees o the British Museum.
Karlovsky 2003:349). 2003:349). A wooden board with the twenty fields outlined by the coils o a snake, carved in relie, was ound by the Italian expedition at that site, again in a unerary context (Piperno (Piperno & Salvato Salvatori ri 1983). 1983). At the turn o the third to the second millennium , , the playing surace underwent a slight change. It unolded the rightmost squares o the royal game o Ur into into a straight tail (fig. ( fig. 4.3). 4.3). Te middle row extending a urther eight squares lead to the appellation “head“head-and-tail” and-tail” type (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi & Schädler 2009). 2009 ). Te reduction o the number o playing pieces rom seven to five is attributed to the same period. Special squares can be marked every ourth square. Te new arrangement o the track was first observed at two sites, epe Yahya and Jirof, in the Kerman region in southern Iran (Finkel ( Finkel 2004:95; 2004:95; Dunn-Vaturi & Schädler 2006). 2006). At At Jirof, illicit illic it “excavations” “excavations” in the early e arly 2000s brought to light several stone gaming boards in the shape o birds o prey, scorpions and antastic creatures (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi & Schädler 2006:4–6, 2006:4–6, pls. 1–3). 1–3) . Tese figures are characteristic o the so-called so- called Intercultural Style visible on
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Figure 4.3 Te game o twenty in in the second and first millennia , , and the route
o play.
carved chlorite vessels and handle-weights. handle-weights. Kerman, Kerm an, epe epe Yahya Yahya in partic particular, ular, is an important production center o these objects distributed rom Central Asia to Syria (Aruz (Aruz 2003:325). 2003:325). Te active network o trading routes acilitated the development development o the evolved orm o the game elsewhere in the early second s econd millennium , , especially in Mesopotamia. Several games scratched on pavement bricks attest that the game was played at the time o the Amorite king Zimri-Lim (c. 1775 ) ) in the palace o Mari, an important trading center on the Euphrates banks (Parrot (Parrot 1958:12–13, 1958:12–13, 47, 182, 247, 275; Sauvage 1991).). Te Mariote grid usually bears three special squares marked with “X”, 1991 i.e., squares eight, twelve and sixteen. Te game, probably known a ew centuries earlier as a graffi g raffito, was ound on a brick inscrib inscribed ed with the name o Ilumishar, Shakkanakku o Mari, c. 2064 (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012c), 2012c), unless the game was added later. Te spread o the th e Amorite culture throughout the Levant rom 1900 to 1700 resulted in the oundation oundation o Amorite Amorite dynasties (Burke (Burke 2014:405). 2014:405). Mariote texts at the beginning o the Middle Bronze Age II ( c. 1750 ) ) mention long-distance trading caravans traveling to the Eastern Mediterranean regions long-distance (Burke 2014:407). 2014:407). Sites in the southern Levant—ell el-Ajjul, ell Beit Mirsim—havee yielded examples o the game o twenty rom Mirsim—hav rom contexts dating to the Middle Middle Bronze Bronze Age Age II and III II I (c. 1750–1 1750–1640/1 640/1540 540 ) (Petrie (Petrie 1933:Pl. 1933:Pl. 28, 25–9; Albright 1938:49, 1938:49, pl. 37, a). From there, the game would soon be transmitted to Egypt.
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Beni Hasan playing scenes Beni Some scholars think that the game o twenty may have been introduced in Egypt as early as the Middle Kingdom and is depicted at Beni Hasan (Jéquier (Jéquier 1922:18; 1922 :18; Kendall 1982:265). 1982:265). Teir theory is based on the association o two playing scenes painted side by side in the tomb o the nomarch Baqet III (omb ( omb 15), and appearing in reverse revers e order in the tomb o his son Khety K hety (omb (omb 17) (Newberry (Newberry 1893:Pls. 1893:Pls. 7, 13; Needler 1953:64–5) 1953:64–5) (fig. (fig. 4.4). 4.4). Te tombs o Baqet III and Khety, generally dated to the welfh Dynasty, have been redated to the Eleventh Dynasty on the basis o textual, archaeological and artistic evidence (Spanel (Spanel 2001:176). 2001:176). Te two scenes, scenes , indicated as A and B, show two players engaged in games occurring on tables. Scene A has two sets o seven alternating opposing gaming pieces and scene B has five opposing gaming pieces arranged in two camps. Te captions o scene B, read ᾽ı sb or ᾽ı Ꜣ sb sb , are unknown in other game contexts, whereas the legend h. Ꜥ b 5, “playing five” above scene A is attested in Old Kingdom scenes related to senet (Jéquier 1922:18; 1922 :18; Kendall 1982:265). 1982:265). Jéquier Jéquier suggests that scene B is the game o o twenty because it is associated with senet just just as these games are ound together on double-sided doublesided games in later times. times. Te paintings paintings in the tombs tombs o Baqet II I I I and
C
A
B
A
B
F Figure igure 4.4
C
Playing scenes A,rom B and andNewberry C in the tombs tom bs:Pls. o Baqet II I and Khety, Khety, Beni Hasan. Drawing reproduced (1893:Pls. (1893 7, 13).III
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Khety could prefigure the later connection between the two games. However, the inscription ᾽ı sb was tentatively translated “consumed”—implying that the game was finished—by Birch (1865 (1865:62) :62) so that some scholars are inclined towards interpreting the scenes as two stages o senet (Nash 1902:347; 1902:347; Petrie 1927:51). 1927 :51). Hoerth (1961 (1961:4, :4, 85) argues argues that the scenes describe a second orm o senet because because the pieces do not fit the reconstruction o the game o twenty
whereas Kendall (1982 (1982:265) :265) in contrast states they correspond “precisely to what one would expect ex pect in a view o ‘twenty squares.’ squares.’ ” I the game o twenty is is described at Beni Hasan, it means that the game was known much earlier than the Hyksos period, which is the date generally considered or the introduction o the game in Egypt (Finkel ( Finkel 2008:152). 2008:152). One possible source or the transmission o the game is immigrants coming to settle in Egypt, such as oreigners employed in the Egyptian army or in the mines. Long-distance Long-distance caravans o Western Asiatic peoples, identified as a group o migrant workers, are are depicted carrying oreign objects at Beni Hasan in the tomb o Khnumhotep II ( (omb omb 3) dated to the welfh welfh Dynasty (Kamrin 1999:94–5). 1999 :94–5). Te game o twenty could could have been brought to Egypt on such an occasion. Te grid may have been on perishable material (such as textile) or simply reproduced on the ground, which would explain the absence o evidence or three hundred years, until it became standard in New Kingdom burial equipment. Although this interpretation is conceivable, there is to date no archaeological or physical evidence or the game o twenty in in Egypt during the Middle Kingdom. Nash (1902 (1902:343) :343) reports the presence in the British Museum o a wooden board “marked “marked out with 20 2 0 squares only” onl y” rom a welfh welfh Dynasty tomb at Deir el-Bersha. Tis inormation is problematic since this board could not be located at the time Pusch worked on the British Museum boards (Pusch (Pusch 2007:70, 2007:70, note 19).
Ancient names Te ancient name o the game o twenty is still a subject or debate. In the nineteenth century, Egyptologists thought it to be called the game o tjau, which translates as “ game o the robbers,” because the name t Ꜣ Ꜣ w is associated with playing scenes in the t he Late Period tomb o Aba at Tebes (Pusch (Pusch 2007:69). 2007:69).
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Tis incorrect identification is ofen repeated although Pusch (2007 (2007:84) :84) suggested that the term t Ꜣ Ꜣ w, previously translated “robbers,” meant in act “marbles” and described a game “combining dexterity and guessing” (Decker ( Decker 1992:133). 1992 :133). Te game may have been known as ᾽ı sb or ᾽ı Ꜣ sb sb, i scene B in Beni Hasan proves to represent the game o twenty . Te difference difference o spelling between the two captions in omb 15 and omb 17 is not meaningul as the interchange o ᾽ı and Ꜣ is is common, particularly at the beginning o words. Tey may be written w ritten with either o the th e two, or a combination o both, both , and has no urther ur ther significance. sign ificance. Te indefinite term ᾽ı sb has been compared to the Babylonian name, patti apsu (“canal o the deep”), listed among the gifs sent by ushratta, King o Mitanni (c. 1365–1330 ), ), to Amenhotep III on the occasion o his marriage to a Mitanian princess (Kendall (Kendall 1982:265). 1982:265). Te objects described in the Amarna letter EA 22 (Column II, II , line 54) have been interpreted as games because astragali are associated but some authors suggest that, in act, two bows with astragal-ornamen astragalornaments ts were listed (Cochavi-Rainey 1999:65). 1999:65). Finally the root has been linked to the Egyptian word ᾽ı sb .t “beam/throne,” “beam/throne,” also used with the orm ᾽ı sb, as it could reer to the block o wood used to carve the game (Jéquier (Jéquier 1922:19, 1922 :19, 219). On the urin Papyrus, described below, it is inscribed: “Uniting o the twenty squares” (see fig. 4.7) 4.7) above the representations o the game o thirty-one thirtyone, which is a combination o two game o twenty tracks. Tis inscription suggests that this game was simply known as “twenty squares ” (Pusch 1977:209–11). 1977:209–11).
Boards or the game o twenty Due to its Near Eastern origins, orig ins, the game o twenty is is generally believed to have been introduced to Egypt by the Hyksos, Asiatics who ruled the eastern Nile Delta in the Second Intermediate Period, because it is first attested archaeologically during this period (Pusch (Pusch 2007:70; 2007:70; Finkel 2008:152). 2008:152). But it should be noted that to date no evidence o that game is reported rom Hyksos levels at sites in the Delta. Excavations in Egypt have revealed a great number o games o twenty
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
thanks to the climate in the Nile Valley. Te reversible game box is the most represented type in Egypt with at least thirty-two thirty-two examples, dating rom the twenty Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Dynasty. D ynasty. A wooden box with the th e game o twenty on its top surace, said to be rom Akhmim, was purchased by Breasted in the 1890s or the Oriental Institute Museum in Chicago (E 371A) (Hoerth (Hoerth 1961:33). It could be a precursor because it has no senet on 1961:33). on its reverse. Some games are too ragmentary to be b e assigned to a specific category. category. Tree ostraca with a game o twenty have have been identified so ar and several ostraca with senet are known too (see Chapter C hapter 3) 3) but no double-sided double-sided ostraca are recorded. Boxes are typically made o solid wood, solid aience or wood with ivory, bone or aience inlays. Tey are usually provided with a drawer locked by means o a bolt sliding in three staples. In most o the cases, the game o twenty is is on the uppermost side, with senet on on the reverse, according to the orientation o the hieroglyphs or scenes on side panels. Te playing surace consists o twenty rectangular (rather than square) spaces because the twelve fields o the middle row have to fit within the same length as the ten squares fields o the senet game on the opposite side (Pusch (Pusch 2007:70, 2007:70, note 10). Te earliest examples o the game o twenty come rom Tebes and are dated to the late Second Intermediate Period, when the Teban rulers o the Seventeenth Dynasty began to drive the Hyksos kings rom the Delta. Te oldest excavated example is a wooden and ivory (or bone according to iradritti 2010:338) 2010:338) box ound in the tomb o Hornakht at Dra Abu el-Naga North and now in the Egyptian Museum (J (J E 21462, C G 68005). Te tomb tomb was excavated by Luigi Vassalli while working or Auguste Mariette, during the 1862–3 season on the West Bank o Tebes. Te name Hornakht inscribed on the coffi c offin was initially misread Aqhor (iradritti (iradritti 2010:336, 2010:336, note 44). Mariette (1889 1889:17, :17, pl. LI) LI) described the box as a double board with twenty squares and thirty-six thirtysix squares but only illustrated one surace with thirty-six thirty-six squares, according to the Italian excavator’s sketch and notes (“schizzo della tavola da gioco con le case numera numerate te da 1 a 12”) (iradritti ( iradritti 2010:Pl. 2010:Pl. 117). Tereore this board has been repeatedly misinterpreted as a single playing surace with thirty-six thirtysix squares including a track or the game o twenty (Murray 1951:17, 1951:17, fig. 6; Hoerth 1961:23; 1961:23; Parlett 1999:68, 1999:68, fig. 4.7). 4.7). Te reconstructed box (26 × 7.6 × 4.7 cm) has, in act, a senet on on the verso o twenty with and Pusch suggested a reconstructio reconstructionn or the game o with eight panels
Te Game o wenty
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along the middle row (Pusch (Pusch 1979:197, 1979:197, pl. 45; Decker & Herb 1994:665–6; 1994:665–6; Rothöhler 1996:102–3). 1996:102–3). Te Te object has been assigned to the Sixteen Sixteenth th Dynasty (Allen 2002) 2002) but the tomb is generally dated to the reign o aa, ruler o the Seventeenth Dynasty, Dy nasty, afer a cartouche carved car ved on a throwing club. Ivory carved relies are divided into three panels on the long side. Tey show a wild goat, a pair originally, eating rom a tree in the central panel ramed by a pair o Egyptian couchant sphinxes. Only the sphinx on the lef panel is preserved. It is a typical figure o the International Style, a set o artistic conventions common throughout the Near East and Aegean worlds (Caubet (Caubet 1998:109). 1998:109). In its protective appearance, appearance, the sphinx is here associated with symbols o lie and renewal. Tis is the earliest game o twenty attested in Egypt so it is not surprising to see the influence o the Near East in the decoration o the imported game. Te moti o a pair o ibex or goats flanking a tree belongs to a long Near Eastern tradition (Ornan (Ornan 2005:155). 2005:155). Known since the third millennium in Mesopotamia, the moti spread in the Levant during the second millennium . . It is attested on two other ivory game boards rom the Levant (Megiddo) and Cyprus (Enkomi) dating to the thirteenth and twelfh century . . Te Hornakht board shows the adoption o the Horus hieroglyph to mark the special squares usually indicated by “X” on the oreign playing suraces. Horus Horus alcons alc ons were incorporated like other Egyptian motis into the Syro-Levantine glyptic repertoire during the Middle Bronze Age ( (eissier 1996 1996:90). :90). Different orderings o the three squares marked with Horus have been proposed (Mariette (Mariette 1889:Pl. 1889:Pl. LI; LI; Falkener 1892:97; 1892:97; Wiedemann 1897:40). 1897:40). Mariette’s placing o birds in the eighth and twelfh squares conorms better with the majority o the other known boards (Hoerth 1961:23–4). 1961:23–4). According According to Mariette, the game box was accompanied accompanie d by seven playing pieces, spool-shaped spool-shaped and conical, made o different material (Mariette 1889:17, 1889:17, pl. LI), LI), but Vassalli reerred to only one conical “pawn” in the drawer (iradritti (iradritti 1994:70). 1994:70). Finally, Falkener is the only one to mention an oblong die with sides numbered one to our preserved with this game, but his description cannot be verified (Falkener (Falkener 1892:97–8). 1892:97–8). Hornakht’s burial held several objects inscribed with prominent individuals’ names. He must have played a key role at the Teban court (iradritti ( iradritti 2010:340) 2010:340) and this could explain the presence o the game box, a newly introduced element in elite burials.
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Figure 4.5 Game o twenty rom rom Tebes with senet on on the opposite side, board:
25 × 6.7 × 5 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Rogers Fund, 1916, 16.10.475. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art.
Tee next datable board was T w as discovered during the Metropolitan Metropolitan Museum o Art expedition in 1915–16 in a late Seventeenth–early Eighteenth Dynasty burial at el-Asasi in western Tebes (Lansing (Lansing 1917:26; 1917:26; Finkel 2008:152–3) 2008:152–3) (fig. 4.5). 4.5). It It is a doubledoubl e-sided sided game box restored in modern wood woo d overlaid with ivory squares and panels acquired by the Metropolitan Museum o Art in the division o finds (16.10.475). None o the squares are marked but the panels flanking the middle row are decorated with animal scenes. One panel shows a lion acing two gazelles, while on the other panel is a lion acing a hound. Te animals are rendered in a manner called the “flying gallop,” characteristic o the International Style. Tis object is not only remarkable or its decorations but also or its extensive assemblage in ivory, comprising six conical pieces, six spool-shaped spoolshaped pieces and two knucklebones. Te six wands rom rom Pit 3 associated with this set (Hayes (Hayes 1959:25–6) 1959:25–6) were not ound with it in chamber E but in chamber B (Christine Lilyquist, personal communication, June 4, 2015) (see Lilyquist orthcoming). orthcoming).
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IIvory vory panels with pastoral scenes depicted in the International Style were similarly placed on either side o the tail o a game o twenty whose original wood structure did not survive (Egyptian Museum, JE 40680, CG 68183). Tey depict bulls, hunting lions, eeding antelopes, brush, bushes and rosettes (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:398). 1990b:398). Parallels Parallels in the Levant and Cyprus are discussed discuss ed below. Te bulk o the game boxes in the archaeological record date to the New Kingdom (Eighteenth to Nineteenth Dynasty), with a peak during the Eighteenth Dynasty. Te majority was excavated in Upper Egypt (fifeen rom the Teban region, regi on, two rom Abydos, one rom Qau) while only three t hree examples were ound in Lower Egypt (Zawiyet el-Aryan, Saqqara and el-Qantir). Fifeen examples, now in museum collections and ofen said to be rom the Teban region, are missing a precise provenance. Te southernmost example o a box with the game o o twenty and and senet on on opposite sides was ound in the cemetery o Kubban in Nubia (Firth (Firth 1927:49, 1927:49, 83) (Nubia Museum Aswan, 664). It is dated between the sixteenth and thirteenth centuries when this region was part o Egypt. Te structure o the game boxes remained the same throughout the period and the changes mainly affected the special squares and/or the decoration outside the playing surace.
Special squares and decorations Special squares, which are placed every ourth square, are attested on fifeen boards and three boards have their final square made in a distinct shape (table 4.1). Marks are ound in all five positions p ositions (our a, our b, eight, twelve and sixteen) or only in three (eight, twelve and sixteen) (Pusch (Pusch 2007:71). 2007:71). Sixteen boards are unmarked and eight examples are either too ragmentary or not adequately described to determine whether they had plain squares or not. Tey may originally have been b een emphasized, but motis have disappeared; others were probably lef blank because b ecause the squares did not always a lways need to be differentiat differentiated. ed. In the Near East, special squares are either marked with a rosette or “X”, whereas in Egypt more variants are attested. Te Egyptian labels have been assigned to three groups that include “X” and geometric symbols symb ols (Group I), sacred symbols s ymbols (Group II), II), titles and owner’s names (Group III) III) (Pusch (Pusch 2007:71–3, 2007:71–3, fig. 8.3).
m o r n e k a t s h p y l g o r e h i ( e p a h s t c n i t s i d a s e t a c i d n i * . t p y g E i n s e r a u q s l a i c e p s r o s e p a h s t c n i t s i d d n a g n i k r a m o s e p y t . h t i ) 4 . w 8 . e g l i b a F : 7 0 1 . 0 4 2 e h l c b a s u P T
92
, l o o o 3 p 1 , r m 9 E e m J u v E , e u i , s e L m e s u , n r u u o M v e m i s t M u u n o u a s e a a e c t L s M i 1 o 1 u u l l . h c 4 n o 4 d t m 9 . s 9 a n p 1 i , e i e s o r , p t y s t 2 l 7 d r 2 . t y e t e 0 o 8 u p r g n o é r g 3 5 5 A Ä 6 W P M B M E 5 6 1 e r a u q S
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d 6 0 , n 5 , 1 o u 7 G n 7 n 0 e E i C 2 1 m J d r , , , E a u o g m e , u e b m s a n s i r s u u e u u s i v d l e e a s s u o M m u u i o N W s , z L e m i g r M g h a M u e n m s c n n E i s d u ü s a a l i u i o e t p 8 s 5 e 1 p t y r p y t 0 1 é s t r 0 e 8 y m u 5 l g p g 0 g 8 u a y 2 4 a E 6 M 8 Ä P E 6 M S A 3 2
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a r a q q a S
n n w w o o n n k k n n u u
m o d g n i K w e N
m y t o s d a g n n y i K D w h e t 8 N 1
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93
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
Tee use o “X”, widespread in the Near East, is attested on two Egyptian T boards. One was ound at Abydos in omb D99 o the scribe Merymaat dated to the reign o Tutmose III by a scarab bearing a cartouche o this pharaoh (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 01.4.1). Te board was previously restored with three crossed lines in positions eight, twelve and sixteen (Pusch (Pusch 2007:Fig. 2007:Fig. 8.4). Only one complete aience square with a painted “X” was retrieved rom the tomb o the scribe s cribe Merymaat. Tereore Tereore the new reconstruction o the wooden box displays the unique crossed square at the twelfh square while the other special squares were lef plain (Metropolitan (Metropolitan Museum o Art 2015). 2015). According to Hoerth (1961 (1961:29): :29): “It is uncertain where, or even whether, this crossed square fits into the twenty-square twenty-square surace.” Tis symbol could belong to the senet track track since it is also used to mark the senet squares squares fifeen and twentyseven on a board rom Abydos dating to the welfh Dynasty (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:390). 1990b :390). On square fifeen it is a boon, according to the Great Game ext o the New Kingdom (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:391), 1990b:391), whereas on square twenty-seven, twenty-seven, it designates a hazard or a pitall (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:264; 1982:264; Piccione 1990b:244). 1990b:244). Te other board with an “X” on squares eight, twelve and sixteen and not on every special square as described by Pusch (2007 (2007:72–3), :72–3), has an unknown provenance (Ägyptisches Museum, Bonn, 941). Other geometric patterns indicated special squares on boards dating to the Eighteenth Dynasty. Every ourth square is filled with a slightly smaller and darker rectangle on the Hatshepsut board at the Louvre (E 913) (May (May 1992:145, 1992:145, fig. 137b). A checker pattern pattern is preserved on three squares on a Teban board now in the Egyptian Museum (J (J E 65372) (Hayes (Hayes 1935:33, 1935:33, fig. 18) as well as on square twelve on the t he ragmentary rag mentary aience board b oard rom omb omb 499 A’08 A’08 at Abydos (World Museum, Liverpool, 55.82.9). Square sixteen, the final square, on game boards 393 and 585 rom the tomb o utankhamun utankhamun is precisely preci sely square whereas wh ereas the other fields are, as usual, slightly oblong (ait ( ait 1982:18). 1982:18). Apart rom its shape, ait did not describe any difference in the appearance o this square, so Hoerth’s comment about the square o board 585 being darker might just be due to the shade on the photograph (Hoerth (Hoerth 1961:30). 1961:30). Te final square on a limestone board dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty has a semi-circle (Pusch ( Pusch 2007:Fig. 2007 :Fig. 8.4) (Egyptian Museum, C G 68007). Te oldest example o the game o twenty in in Egypt, ound in the tomb o Hornakht and already discussed above, illustrates the adoption o the Horus
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alcon, an Egyptian sacred symbol, to mark at least three positions. During the New Kingdom, other symbols are attested such as Ꜥ nh, “lie,” nr , “good “good,,” double doub le ˘ nr and and wd d Ꜣ t t . Some o these signs were also used or senet as as well as the game o hounds and jackals to mark special positions. Board 345 (JE (JE 62058) rom the tomb o utankhamun has sacred symbols incised in three positions that bw-sd sd Ꜥ n˘h- d d dw Ꜣ s, s, “Millions o sed could be read as a short ormula: h. h. h. bwestivals, lie, eternity and well-being.” well-being.” (Pusch (Pusch 2007:72) 2007:72) (see table 4.1). 4.1). Five boards rom the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties have the titles and names o the board’s owner marked, broken into five groups corresponding to the total o special squares (Pusch (Pusch 2007:72–3, 2007:72–3, fig. 8.4). Markings were painted, and and when incised incise d they could be filled filled with pigment or stone inlays. Te special squares o the game 593 rom the tomb o utankhamun were, according to Carter’ Carter’ss records, “aintly marked upon up on the ivory in white wh ite paint” so ait (1982 (1982:25) :25) suggested “that a pigment contained in this paint has aded, or possibly that a gold lea laid over it has entirely disappeared.” During the New Kingdom, boards bore decorations outside the playing surace that differ rom the pastoral scenes seen on the earliest boards. Decorations and offering ormulae were along the tail, tai l, on each panel bordering the central row, as well as on the long and short sides o the box. One theme was “tied to the meaning o the senet game as offering ritual” (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:406). 1990b :406). Senet -playing -playing scenes are accompanied with ood offerings in vignettes o Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead. D ead. Tis episode is ofen represented on the tomb walls rom the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties. Boxes are adorned with offering ormulae as well as acts o gif scenes (ood,
lotus and wine). wo wooden boxes with unknown provenance, now in Berlin and New York, show a banquet scene on the end opposite the drawer. Te owner o the box is seated in ront o a table with offerings. On the box rom the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung in Berlin (10756), Senneer is accompanied by his wie and they both sniff lotus blossoms (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:406–7). 1990b :406–7). Te box rom the Metropolitan Museum o Art (12.182.72) shows aya and his wie seated opposite opp osite her mother m other who wh o is sniffi sn iffing a lotus (Piccione 1990b:418–19). 1990b:418–19). Both boxes are dated to the Eighteenth Dynasty. Te Berlin box is dated to the reign o Tutmose III or Amenhotep II afer the style o the incised scene (Kendall (Kendall 1982:267) 1982:267) whereas the Metropolitan Museum o Art box is dated to the reign o Tutmose IV or Amenhotep III. III .
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
Te back end o box 585 rom the tomb o utankhamun shows “the King seated upon a throne with the Queen standing beore him offering a lotus flower” (ait (ait 1982:18, 1982:18, note 4, pls. IX, IX, XXI XXIV V ). On a box dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty a playing scene is depicted (Dunn-Vaturi ( Dunn-Vaturi 2012d) 2012d) (Musée du Louvre, E 2710). Te deceased Imenmes is probably playing with an invisible opponent as the person, standing on the other side o the table and offering him a drinking cup, does not seem to engage in the game (see cover image and discussion in Chapter 3). 3). Te conic pawns are differentiated rom the reelshaped ones and two knucklebones are also represented. Te back end o game boxes can hold apotropaic motis motis such as Bes B es on the aience box inscribed with the name o Hatshepsut (Deveria ( Deveria 1897:88). 1897:88). Te image is not clear so it was identified as a sema tawy , a stylized representation o the windpipe flanked by lungs and tied with the lotus and the papyrus, representing the unification o Upper and Lower Egypt (Pusch (Pusch 1979:207). 1979:207). In act, the figure o Bes holding snakes has been confirmed by the Louvre curators (see object file E 913). Te decoration o the small side on the board o Ptahmay, “overseer o the crafsmen” during the reign o Amenhotep IV, IV, is described as unerary with nrw centered between two wd d Ꜣ t t eyes, all surmounting nbw, “gold” (Sammlung Nassau Altertümer, Wiesbaden, 2308). A ragment o a limestone board rom Deir el-Medina shows, on one o the long sides, a kneeling man probably with his hands in ront o his mouth as a blessing gesture, but most o the object is missing so the scene cannot be ully interpreted (Pusch (Pusch 1979:297–8, 1979:297–8, pl. 98). Other boxes have repeated motis on the long sides. Te ivory plaques o box 593 rom the tomb o utankhamun are carved and stained with a floral pattern (ait (ait 1982:20, 1982 :20, pls. X, XI). XI ). Hieroglyphic offering ormulae are attested on about ten game boxes in the New Kingdom whereas the previous examples did not have traces o such inscription. Te board rom the tomb o Hornakht may have been inscribed but the inscription was not preserved. Maspero (1871 ( 1871:78) :78) wrote that this object bore the name o “ûaû”/Tuyu (Winlock (Winlock 1924:258, 1924:258, note 3) so it is repeated by Piccione (1990b (1990b:395) :395) but no indication o the board being inscribed with its owner’s name appears in the archaeological report (Mariette 1889:17). 1889 :17). Plain panels o game boxes may have originally held painted inscriptions or motis.
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Archaeological contexts Archaeological Game o twenty boards boards were mostly mos tly ound in unerary u nerary contexts. Smith’ Smith’s studies
o Teban unerary assemblages point to the presence o double-sided double- sided game boxes in middle- to high-status high-status tombs (Smith (Smith 1992:204, 1992:204, 218–19). Te tomb o utankhamun housed at least our double-sided double-sided game boards, including one prestigious ebony and ivory example on a sledge-stand sledge- stand identical to those described in the tomb o Senneer S enneer and Rekhmire Rekhmire (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:412) 1990b:412) as well as “pocket-size” “pocket-size” editions (ait (ait 1982; 1982; Reeves 1995:160–2) 1995:160–2) (Egyptian Museum, JE 62058-62061). Te range o appearances, rom ornate boxes made o exotic material to graffiti on slabs, slab s, show that the game was w as popular popul ar with Egyptians Eg yptians o different social classes. o date only one example in a domestic context is known. It is a slab o limestone probably probably hastily engraved with the game by an inhabitant o the village o Deir D eir el-Medina, home to the crafsmen who decorated the tombs in the nearby Valley o the Kings (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012a). 2012a). Other ostraca were ound at Deir el-Medina but they are ragmentary and no inormation about their findspot is known to the authors. One ostracon bears the game o twenty painted in red, its eighth square marked with double nr (V ( Vandier D’Abbadie 1959:231, 1959 :231, pl. C LI LIX X ) (fig. (fig. 4.6). 4.6). Originally described as an architectural plan, the configuration o the game can be recognized despite its ragmentary state o preservation. It is now in the collection o the Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo (inv. 4116). Another grid or the game o twenty (o which only the last seven squares o the “tail” remain) is visible on a delicately painted ostracon depicting a nude dancer with a long flute that is stylistically dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty. It was ound by the German expedition in 1913 and is now in the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung in Berlin (21445) (Brunner-raut 1956:63–4, 1956:63–4, no. 59, pl. XXIII). XXIII). Te aience game o twenty rom rom the private apartments in the palace o Rameses II I I at el-Qantir el-Qantir was part o a vast program o glazed decoration decoration (Hayes (Hayes 1959:338; 1959 :338; Pusch 1979:303) 1979:303) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 35.1.140). Te board, which is very ragmentary—only one complete and three broken squares are preserved—may have been or a game table. It It is inscribed with the name o Rameses II on the side and, on the top surace, on a panel bordering the middle row.
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Figure 4.6 Ostracon rom Deir el-Medina Figure el-Medina.. Institut Français Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo, inv. 4116.
Rules or the game o twenty Unlike the descriptions o senet there Unlike there is not much inormation as to the rules o the game o twenty twenty in in Egyptian Eg yptian sources. ItIt is generally assumed ass umed that the two
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players started on each o the opposite sides o the board (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:265; 1982:265; Finkel 2007:27) 2007:27) (see fig. 4.3). 4.3). Ten they moved their pieces down the central aisle until the final field and then off the board to win the game. Te new version, the “head“head-and-tail” and-tail” type, with a single path all the way to the end increasedd the difficulty o the game as a player about increase ab out to win could be overtaken overt aken at the last minute (Finkel (Finkel 2007:18). 2007:18). Special squares, signaled by a rosette, another symbol or inscriptions, are marked every ourth square. Tese squares may have unctioned as lucky fields, so that a playing piece was sae s ae rom being captured or that the player was given another throw. A late Babylonian cuneiorm tablet dating to 177–176 provides significant detail on how the game proceeds (Finkel (Finkel 2007) 2007) (British Museum, 33333B). Te game is called “a pack o dogs,” whereas the pieces, five on each side, bear the names o birds. Tey are moved according to the throw o two astragali, one belonging to a sheep and another rom an ox, and special results are needed to enter each o the bird-counters bird-counters into the game. Te obverse o the tablet is inscribed with a zodiacal divinatory diagram, and one would be tempted to interpret the five birds o the game and its central row o twelve squares in an astrological context. Te oretelling oretelling aspect aspe ct o the game o twenty is corroborated by Late Bronze Age liver-shaped liver- shaped boards rom the Levant, which reers to hepatoscopy or divination by the liver o an animal or bird (Meyer 1982; 1982; Finkel 2007:25–6). 2007:25–6). Finally, a link has been proposed between the first Book o the prophet Nahum (c. 615 ), ), and the game o twenty (Guillaume 2009). 2009). Guillaume’s concordance o the Psalm verses o Nahum 1, interpreted interpr eted as a set s et o rules, ru les, to the squares o the board, is based on alphabetic acrostics. Te use o sacred texts or biblical divination supports the possible connection established between the writings o Nahum and the game o twenty twenty , but with the current state o evidence only speculations about the practice o this particular prophetic scripture remain.
thirty-one one “Uniting o the twenty squares” or thirtyMost authors reer to the existence o the game o twenty in in Egypt up to the wentieth Dynasty because they consider that the game was replaced by a variant o the game o twenty with with “olded symmetry” (Decker (Decker 1992:131). 1992:131). wo
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Figure 4.7 Drawing o the urin Papyrus with our games:
wo times senet , hounds and jackals and thirty-one , c. 70 × 13 cm. Museo Egizio di orino, 1775. Drawing afer Decker and Herb (1994 (1994:pl. :pl. CCCLXXXV). CCCLXXXV ).
blocks o 3 × 4 squares are linked by a bridge o seven squares. Tis new version, with thirty-one thirty-one squares and every ourth square marked by a rosette, is known to us in Egypt through three examples dating to the wentieth and the wenty-First Dynasties: one drawing annotated with the inscription “Uniting o the twenty squares” upon the urin Papyrus (fig. (fig. 4.7) 4.7) and two boards with senet on the opposite side (Pusch (Pusch 1977:199–212) 1977:199–212) (Egyptian Museum, J E 88006; British Museum, Museum, EA 38429). A similar layout was seen by E.J. Banks on a baked clay board in a shop in Baghdad in 1904–15 (Banks ( Banks 1912:355–6). Tus, it has been suggested that this game with rosettes, a typical 1912:355–6). moti or special squares on Near Eastern game boards, bo ards, could could have a Babylonian origin (Kendall (Kendall 1982:265). 1982:265). Unortunately, we lack inormation about the provenance and date o the Iraqi board to relate it to the Egyptian examples. Te track may have been modified in the late New Kingdom to include thirty-one thirtyone squares or a religious meaning (Pusch (Pusch 2007:70). 2007:70). Te Great Game ext reers to the deceased’s desire to be admitted into the divine pantheon as the thirty-first thirty-first god: “[that they might permit] me to enter the Council Chamber o the Tirty, [so that I may become a god, as the thirty-first]” thirty- first]” (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:123). 1990b :123). For this wish to be ulfilled, one may have had to win this new version o o the game.
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Te Levant and Cyprus: Games as heirlooms Te Among the great variety o game boards b oards that existed in the Levant during the Bronze Age and the Iron Age (Macalister (Macalister 1912:299, 1912:299, pl. CCI), CCI), the game o twenty is is the best represented. A tradition o game boards with ivory or bone inlays existed in the Levant rom the Middle Bronze Age until the Iron Age. Despite the ragmentary state o preservation o the earliest examples, dating to the Middle Bronze Age II and III (c. 1750–16 1750–1640/15 40/1540 40 ),), it is more likely that they were or the game o twenty and that they may have inspired the Egyptian production. An ivory ragment o 3 × 4 squares, which could correspond to the block o twelve squares, was ound with two kinds o playing pieces—one with rounded tops, the other with pointed tops—and a teetotum die at ell el-Ajjul in omb 364 dated to the Fifeenth Dynasty (Petrie ( Petrie 1933:Pl. 1933:Pl. 28, 25–9). At ell Beit Mirsim, twenty ivory squares originally rom a wooden game board were retrieved in the Palace Stratum D, dated by the excavator to the Middle Bronze Age III, III, late seventeenth to early sixteenth century (Albright 1938:49, 1938:49, pl. 37a). Among the square s quare inlays was wa s only one field marked mark ed with “X”. Albright estimated that the board measured at least 26 cm long. Tin ivory strips were inserted between the rows o squares and wider inlays may have been set on both sides o the middle row o squares. en aience playing pieces—five cones and five three-cornered three-cornered pyramids—and an ivory teetotum were excavated in the adjacent room (Albright (Albright 1938:48, 1938:48, pl. 21, b). Te double-sided double-sided ivory game box b ox rom Tebes decorated in the Int International ernational Style finds parallels in the Levant and Cyprus in the Late Bronze Age (Finkel ( Finkel 2008:152–3). Such 2008:152–3). Such artiacts were important components components o the social practices and exchanges taking place in the Eastern Mediterranean in the second millennium . . Moreover, game boxes (e.g., Kamid el-Loz, Enkomi) and containers (e.g., Hazor, Morphou oumba tou Skourou) with incised inlays, produced sometime sometime in the sixteenth to early fifeenth fifeenth century ,, were passed on rom one generation to the next resulting mainly in the discovery o such boxes in a much later context dating to the thirteenth to twelfh century (Ben-or 2009:52–4). 2009:52–4). Cypriot examples examples o the game o twenty represent represent the westernmost evidence o this game (Crist (Crist et. et . al. in press). press). Te practice o the game o twenty in in Cyprus seems restricted to Protohi Protohistoric storic Bronze Age (c. 1700 1700–105 –10500 ) contexts and
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is thereore connected to the exchanges between elites, whereas it remains vivid during during the early early first millennium millennium in the Levant (Bieliński (Bieliński & aracha 1992:50, 1992 :50, fig. 7). Tere are three examples o the game o twenty etched etched on a limestone block rom the cemetery o Kouklia Skales ( (Karageorghis Karageorghis 1983:122), 1983:122), which may demonstrate a brie reintroduction during the Cypro-Geometric period (c. 1050–750 ). ). Crete is sometimes suggested as a possible destination or this game (Finkel (Finkel 2007:17) 2007:17) but no firm archaeological evidence rom a Minoan context is known to the authors. Tis statement is made by analogy with the unique so-called so-called royal draughtboard discovered discovered by Evans at Knossos and compared to the boards rom the Royal Cemetery o Ur (Hillbom (Hillbom 2011:255–8) 2011 :255–8) (Archaeological Museum o Heraklion, YE 46). Yet, the layout o the cells on the Knossos game board is different rom the game o twenty so comparisons can only remain general. In Egypt and the Levant, the game o twenty accompanied accompanied senet on on doublesided boxes and stone slabs as described above ab ove (see fig. 3.9) rom the second s econd to the early first millennium . . Physical associations o the game o twenty to to other race games are not attested in Egypt. In contrast, during the second millennium in the Near East, itit has been linked to the game o hounds and jackals jacka ls, a discussion o which ollows in Chapter 5, 5, as illustrated by the prestigious boards rom Megiddo and Susa.
5
Houndstoand Te Game FromoTebes SusaJackals :
Figure 5.1
Distribution o Distribution o the game game o o hounds and jackals in Egypt and the Near East during the second and first millennia . .
Te archaeological evidence or the game o hounds and jackals points to its origin in Egypt at the turn o the second millennium . . Te oldest material or this game was ound in the necropolis o the capital Tebes and at provincial sites in the region o the Fayum (Sedment, Lahun and Lisht). 103
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Hounds and jackals is almost exclusively attested during the Middle Hounds Kingdom within Egypt, and later boards are dated stylistically but lack solid archaeological provenance. Military campaigns and trade relations acilitated the game’s spread to Nubia and to central Anatolia as early as the beginning o the second millennium . . Te game was popular throughout the Near East, including the Iranian plateau, until the mid-first mid-first millennium (fig. 5.1). Tere are about seventy known examples o boards. Seven are rom Egypt, three rom Nubia, eight rom Anatolia, thirty rom Mesopotamia, eight rom Iran, ten rom the Levant and two rom Syria (de ( de Voogt et al. 2013:1718–19, 2013:1718–19, fig. 3, table 2). Te ancient name o the game is not known but many modern descriptive names have prolierated such as hounds contra jackals or palm tree game — afer a unique set rom Tebes—, pegs and holes and shield game (Parlett 1999:68–9). 1999 :68–9). Other designations derive rom the track o peg holes that characterizes the game. Petrie (1927 (1927:55) :55) was the first to use the term game o fiy-eight fiyeight holes, which reers to the two parallel rows o twentytwenty-nine nine holes. Te field is completed at the end by a thirtieth hole, larger or at least specially marked. Tis led to the appellation game o thirty thirty points ( (Drioton Drioton 1940:186). 1940:186).
Boards or hounds and jackals Early examples were ound in unerary and domestic contexts dating rom the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom. Te shape o these boards is compared to an axe-blade axe-blade (Carnarvon (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:56) 1912:56) or a shield (Drioton (Drioton 1940:188, 1940 :188, fig. 4). Te boards measure rom 6.2 to 19.7 cm long, 3.7 to 14.3 cm wide, and the tables are between 5 and 8.4 cm high. Tey ollow the same arrangement but two boards are adorned with additional holes, interpreted as starting posts. Six pairs o special holes plus the goal are made distinct by their larger size and/or a mark. A nr sign, sign, meaning “good” or “beautiul,” marks holes fifeen and twenty-five twenty-five whereas lines connect holes six and twenty and holes eight and ten. Te game ound in 1921 at Sedment in a disturbed shaf tomb, Grave 2122, has been assigned different dates rom the Ninth to Eleventh Dynasty (Petrie ( Petrie & Brunton 1924:7–8, 1924:7–8, pls. XXI,14, XXI,14, XXII, XXII, 8–9; Petrie 1928:18) 1928:18) to the early
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(Petrie Collection Online Catalogue) or late Middle Kingdom (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:349). 2009:349). Te board is resting on three legs (Petrie Museum, U C 31348). A square storage space was carved on the reverse and closed by a door astened by a bolt. Te loops, bolt and hinge pins were made o horn. A board ound at Deir el-Bahari, Tebes, in the cemetery dated to the Eleventh Dynasty is considered the oldest known (Winlock (Winlock 1928:10) 1928:10) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 26.3.154). It is a small wooden table resting on our animal legs with only one original leg lef. l ef. Te drawer is missing but one metal loop remains. Its small size could argue or a votive unction, but Winlock, on the contrary, thought that the patch in the th e outer right row indicates that the holes were worn out because it was played ofen (Winlock ( Winlock 1928:10). 1928:10). Te repair resulted in the loss o a hole between numbers ten and fifeen that “was overlooked by Drioton who included the missing hole in his drawing” (Hoerth 1961:61, 1961:61, note 4). Te engraved line at the bottom o the board may imitate the cutout visible on the Sedment board. In 1910, a unique game set was w as ound in the tomb o Reniseneb (C (C C 25) at at el-Asasi, Tebes (Carnarvon (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:56, 1912:56, pl. L) (fig. (fig. 5.2). 5.2). Te tomb is dated to the welfh Dynasty afer a toilet box with the name o Amenemhat I V that was ound there. Te board o sycamore wood overlaid with ivory and ebony rests on our bull legs (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 26.7.1287a–k). 26.7.1287a– k). Te course o play took place around an incised palm tree. Te track has no starting st arting holes, in contrast to the two previous examples. Te final position is surrounded surrounde d by the hieroglyph šn, commonly interpreted as meaning “eternity.” A bolted drawer was built-in built-in or storing the playing pieces. Tis game set has become iconic not only due to its elegance, but also because it is the only example that retains all o its pegs, five per side. Te pegs are described below. Despite the small number o examples known to date, the importance o the game o hounds and jackals as a burial gif is evident. Te game table represented in the object obj ect rieze rieze on the th e coffin o It rom the welfh Dynasty D ynasty could be be a game o hounds and jackals (Lieblein 1873:55, 1873:55, pl. 11) (State Hermitage Museum, 769). Te ragmentary inscription accompanying the object, hntš. ˘ mꜤ bꜢ Ꜣ prw prw nj sn.t “He “He delights in the senet (?) game board o the thirty fields” Ꜥ (Pusch 1979:55–6), 1979:55–6), could could reer to the thirty holes o each track rather than the thirty squares or senet . Moreover, rather than senet , the appearance o the game leans more in avor o hounds and jackals. Te game is resting on lion
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Figure 5.2 Game
o hounds and jackals rom Tebes, board: 6.8 × 10.1 × 15.6 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Purchase, Edward S. Harkness Gif, 1926, 26.7.1287a–k. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art.
eet turned inwards and eight dots are drawn on the upper surace o the board. bo ard. Senet games on animal eet are represented in playing scenes but no archaeological evidence is known prior to the game rom the tomb o utankhamun, whereas all the games o hounds and jackals discovered in a Middle Kingdom unerary context are game tables. Playing pieces represented with senet are are usually dome shaped or conical, so the dots on the game in St. Petersburg could correspond to the track o holes. Among the finds illustrative o daily lie during the Middle Kingdom in the town o Lahun is a rough clay board measuring almost 20 cm long l ong and dating dating to the welfh Dynasty (Petrie (Petrie 1890:30, 1890:30, pl. 16) (Petrie Museum, UC16722). UC16722). Also, a wooden board with a drawer is stylistically sty listically assigned to the same s ame period because its track is similar to the earliest examples (Hoerth (Hoerth 1961:63). 1961:63). It is now in the Egyptian Museum (CG (CG 68128) but its provenance is unknown. Te nr signs signs indicated next to the twenty-fifh twenty-fifh holes (Petrie (Petrie & Brunton 1924:Pl. 1924:Pl.
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XXII, X XII , 12) are missing on Drioton’s drawing (Drioton (Drioton 1940:Fig. 1940:Fig. 7). Drioton may have omitted this detail as he worked rom a photograph o the board because it was not available or study at the time o his research (Hoerth (Hoerth 1961:63, 1961 :63, note 2). A pair o eyes incised above the central rows may have indicated a starting point, whereas a “butterfly” moti is located at the bottom o the track and pierced. Drioton (1940 ( 1940:190–1) :190–1) suggested a later date or this example because it does not rest on legs and he compares it thereore to the senet boxes boxes o the New Kingdom. Afer the Middle Kingdom, Egyptian Egyptian examples are scanty and chronologically disparate. Te increasing importance o senet in in unerary rituals during the New Kingdom may explain this phenomenon. Te older practice o senet would resume during the early New Kingdom (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:361, 2009:361, note 127). Te late examples o hounds and jackals in Egypt belong to a category o ellipsoidal boards, described as violin/fiddle-shaped, violin/fiddle-shaped, with a round appendage added at the top o the board. It has been suggested that this appendix, reerred to as “the labyrinth labyri nth”” by Drioton (1940 ( 1940:193), :193), represents the goal. Te additional holes, varying rom six to eight around a centrally marked hole, would receive the winning pieces at the end o the game. Te connecting lines and the hieroglyphs no longer need to mark the special positions. A wooden plank, cut in the shape o a violin, was brought to the Egyptian Museum by Eugène Grebaut rom his trip to Upper Egypt in 1888 (C (C G 681 68127) 27) (Drioton 1940:193, 1940:193, fig. 9) (fig. (fig. 5.3). 5.3). ItIt resulted rom a purchase purchas e (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:350), 2009 :350), not rom the excavations at Dra Abu el-Naga (DuQuesne ( DuQuesne 2002). 2002). Te special positions are surrounded by incised circles. Te numbering o the holes is not evident because there is no distinction or space between the central rows and the finishing holes. We may deduce the numbering rom the tenth holes that are marked at the bottom o the middle rows. An incision in the center o the board rames holes three to seven. s even. Te ourth ourth holes are placed side by side with the twentieth holes. Tis Tis is atypical as it is the sixth hole that is usually connected to the twentieth. Tis board is morphologically dated to the New Kingdom by comparing it to similar excavated examples outside Egypt. Te next datable evidence o hounds and jackals in Egypt belongs to the wentieth or wenty-First Dynasty. It appears as a ragmentary drawing on the urin Papyrus, also illustrated by two detailed senet boards boards and a thirty-one (Decker & Herb 1994:686–7, 1994:686–7, pl. CCCLXXXV) CCCLXXXV) (see fig. 4.7). Te presence o
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Figure 5.3 Violin-shaped Violin-shaped game board, 17.5 × 9.5 cm. Egyptian Museum, Cairo, CG 68127. Photograph by James VanRensselaer.
the round appendix—seven plain holes around a special hole—indicates that the board is o the violin-shaped violin-shaped type. Te ellipsoidal board is inscribed in a rectangular rame. Rosettes Rosettes placed in the corner o the rame may indicate an influence rom the Near Eastern boards, whose special positions are usually marked by rosettes. Te German scholar Seyffarth examined the papyrus in the urin museum in the early nineteenth century, during a time in which knowledge concerning Egyptian games was nascent, so he produced two anciul circular reconstructions with a celestial interpretation o the dots (Seyffarth 1833:Pl 1833:Pl.. II IIII ). When Petrie ound the board in Lahun in the late nineteenth century, he wrote, “no such game is known in Egypt as yet” (Petrie (Petrie 1890:30, 1890:30, pl. 16). In act, a unique piece was already in the Louvre collection since 1827 but was not identified as a game until Petrie and Brunton (1924 (1924:7, :7, pl. X XI XIII , 25) published it with other games a century later (fig. (fig. 5.4). 5.4). Tis object was part o the vast collection o the British consul Henry Salt Sa lt (no. 832) purchased by Jean-François Champollion or the Louvre (N 3043). No urther inormation about its provenance is known. It had been cataloged in the inventory as a aience rogshaped writing case, the larger holes being interpreted as ink-cups ink- cups and the
Hounds and Jackals Te Game o Ho
Figure 5.4 Figure
109
Drawing o hippopotamushippopotamus-shaped shaped game board based on an illustration by Christian Décamps and Nathalie Couton-Perche, Musée du Louvre, N 3043.
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smaller holes as holders or the brushes (Guichard (Guichard 2013:228). 2013:228). Tis game board stands out rom the others as much or its large size (21.5 cm × 18 cm) as or its zoomorphic shape, that o a hippopotamus not a rog. rog. Drioton Drioton (1940 (1940:198) :198) dated this object to the wenty-Second wenty-Second Dynasty based bas ed on the style o the rosette moti in the border. Tis dating has been revised to a later date (Pierrat-Bonneois (Pierrat-Bonneois 1998:219). Te turquoise aience (fine and matte) and the colorul glass 1998:219). decoration indicate a date during the Late Period, between the t he wenty-Seventh wenty-Seventh and Tirtieth Dynasties, around the sixth to ourth century . . During the wenty-Seventh Dynasty, Egypt was under Persian rule. Tis exquisite piece may have been manuactured or the elite close to the Persian satrap who came rom a region where this type o game was still played afer it had declined in Egypt. Te arrangement o identically-sized identically-sized holes on the back o the animal ollows the elliptic track o the violin-shaped violin-shaped boards. Holes six and twenty, which are connected by lines on the early examples, are here placed side by side on the same horizontal bar painted in red. Additional holes on the head o the animal could correspond to the labyrinth. Te open mouth o the hippopotamus is broken so that two extra holes can be imagined to correspond to the nostrils.
Gaming pegs Te ivory board rom Tebes is the only extant set ound with its gaming pieces (fig. (fig. 5.2). 5.2). Many pegs, being made o wood, have perished. Others have probably been ignored or erroneously catalogued as hairpins. Te opposing pieces in the ivory sets rom Tebes were differentiated by their decoration and their size. Five pegs end with the head o a lop-eared lop-eared hound (6 cm to 6.8 cm in height) and five taller pegs end with the head o a jackal with pricked ears (7 cm to 8.5 cm in height). Residues o red pigment indicate that color might have contributed contributed to their distinction. Tanks to the Teban assemblage we know what the pieces look like and isolated finds could be identified rightly as gaming pieces when boards are missing. Some pegs attributed to later periods are evidence o the continuity o the game in Egypt, which is questionable afer the Middle Kingdom (Hayes (Hayes 1959:38, 1959:38, 199–200; Hoerth 2007:65). 2007 :65). Te presence o pegs with a jackal head as well as pegs with diskshaped heads or plain knobs in the North Cemetery at Lisht points to the
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existence o the game at this site (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 22.1.721, 15.3.946–50). Such wooden and ivory pins are known in other museum collections (May (May 1992:156–9, 1992:156–9, figs. 153, 155) (Musée du Louvre, N4265 A; British Museum, EA 13594; Museo Egizio di orino, cat. 6934). Te canine animals described as hounds and jackals are sometimes reerred as dogs and oxes, or as two kinds o dogs. do gs. During the Middle Kingdom, dogs are portrayed requently and with a great variety, notably in the Beni Hasan tombs. Te creaturee with upstanding, pointed creatur pointed ears is “requently “requently seen as the sacred animal o the god Anubis” (Hayes (Hayes 1959:250). 1959:250). In any case, the choice o ast-running ast-running animals or playing pieces is appropriate or a race game. A group o six ivory pegs, p egs, five five with the head o a hound and one with a head o a jackal (between 5.4 and 7.9 cm long), was discovered in the tomb o Neerhotep at Dra Abu el-Naga (fig. (fig. 5.5). 5.5). Tis burial previously assigned to the Sixteenth Sixteen th or Sevent Se venteenth eenth Dynasty has been re-examined re-examined and dated to the midTirteenth Dynasty (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:357). 2009:357). Te sticks were originally described as hairpins and associated with a wooden turtle-shaped turtle-shaped “pincushion” having our rows o five and one row o three holes, ound in the same tomb (Bénédite 1911:19, 1911:19, pl. X) (Egyptian Museum, JE 6146–6152, CG 44414). Te unction o the pegs as gaming pieces was later established by Bénédite but the identification o the turtle as a gaming board has been questioned due to the abnormal number and configuration configuration o the holes (Fischer (Fischer 1968:33–4). 1968:33–4). Te turtle, measuring only onl y 5.5 cm long, is considered, rather, rather, as a holder or gaming pieces (DuQuesne (DuQuesne 2002; 2002; Miniaci & Quirke 2009:349–50). 2009:349–50). No parallel or a peg stand is known so another interpretation is conceivable. Amulets o the game fiy-eight eight holes with an irrelevant number o holes bored into them were o fiydeposited in tombs in Iran (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012:22–3). 2012:22–3). Te turtle could be a miniature board imitating the game to unction as simulacra or the next world. Its presence in the tomb o Neerhotep may be related to a birth theme like other burial goods deposited there (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:361). 2009:361). Te Drovetti collection in urin holds bronze pieces with jackal or sparrowhawk heads heads and pointed pointed ends (Museo (Museo Egizio Egizio di orino, orino, cat. 6327, 6328). Te urin urin sticks were included in the hounds and jackals section in the exhibition Jo Jouer uer dan danss l’Antiquité held held in Marseille but they measure 32 cm high so they would be rather tall or this game (May (May 1992:156, 1992:156, fig. 154). Tey may have been used as stakes or the game known today as horseshoes ( (Donadoni Donadoni Roveri 1988:247, 1988:247, fig. 350).
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Figure Figure 5.5
urtle stand or simulacra simulacr a rom Dra Abu el-Naga. Egyptian Museum, Cairo, CG 44414. Drawing by Paul Whelan.
Beni Hasan playing scenes Mehen Meh en and senet playing scenes are extensively described in ancient Egypt, whereas the depiction o hounds and jackals is uncertain—apart rom
the drawing on the urin Papyrus—and remains absent rom the game literature. In act, it may have been associated with the double board games scenes at Beni Hasan discussed in Chapter 4, relative to the possible
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representation o the game o twenty in in the tombs o the nomarch Baqet III (omb 15) and his son Khety (omb 17). Te scenes painted side by side in both tombs but in a different order are indicated here with letters A, B and C (Newberry 1893:Pls. 1893:Pls. 7, 13) (see fig. fig . 4.4). Scene C, on the lef in omb omb 15 and on the right in omb 17, could represent the th e same or a similar si milar game. Tese scenes, s cenes, which are situated in the lower part o the decorated walls, are ragmentary. Tey have been reconstructed differently by Rosellini (1834 (1834:Pl. :Pl. CIII,C), CIII,C), Wilkinson (1853 (1853:194, :194, fig. 211, right) and Newberry (1893 ( 1893:Pls. :Pls. 7, 13), because by the time Newberry recorded these tombs in 1890, the paintings had been damaged. Rosellini, who visited the site in 1828, published a drawing without indicating its provenance that is probably more complete than Newberry’s version o omb 17 (fig. 5.6). 5.6). Te drawing shows two players engaged around a large bowl sitting on the floor with a zoomorphic table above. Te table imitates a long-snouted long-snouted animal unless the orientation o the legs implies that the appendix represents the tail. Te five sticks mounted on the table are missing on Newberry’s plate (see fig. 4.4, scene C). Tis scene
Figure 5.6
scene in(1834 B eni:Pl. Beni Hasan, prC). obably rom omb omb 17. Drawing reproduced Playing rom Rosellini (1834:Pl . CI CIII II,,probably
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could be a representation o hounds and jackals, which would perectly fit a Middle Kingdom context o playing scenes. wo examples o game tables with animal eet or the game o hounds and jackals rom Tebes were described above, whereas the number o sticks could reer to one set o playing pegs. Te bowl may have been used by the players in which to throw the equivalent o dice and can be compared to the cut boulders used as a rolling device discovered at Megiddo in the southern Levant (Guillaume ( Guillaume 2013:1111–12). 2013 :1111–12). Scene C in omb 15 shows our sticks mounted on a base—the lower part o this element eleme nt is missing—between missing—betw een two players. Te caption above is rendered imby . Decker and Herb (1994 (1994:631, :631, pl. CCCLII, CCCLII, P.8.3) include this scene in their group o guessing/counting games whereas Vandier (1964 (1964:511–12, :511–12, fig. 280, right) records it in an undetermined category. A similar scene with two players, a bowl and our sticks on some sort o zoomorphic base— resembling a hippopotamus with an open mouth—has been published by Wilkinson with games o guessing/counting (Wilkinson (Wilkinson 1853:194, 1853:194, fig. 211, right). No indication about the tomb is given but Wilkinson sketched this scene next to a type B scene so it could well correspond to the scenes in omb 15 (M (M S . Wilkinson dep. a. 21, ol. 292, Bodleian Library, Oxord). Te pegs in Wilkinson’s drawing have flat horizontal heads possibly imitating the jackal’s long muzzle. Te caption is rendered iꜢ Ꜣ bi bi with a possible playing piece determinative. Elements rom different scenes may have been mixed in the reconstruction. Future campaigns in situ might help understand what was originally described. desc ribed.
Te game outside o Egypt Eg ypt Te military, diplomatic and commercial relations that connected Egypt and its neighbors acilitated the spread o board games. Te game o hounds and jackals jacka ls crossed more borders than any other Egyptian game. It traveled to Nubia and had a wide diffusion in Western Asia as ar as Anatolia northward, and Iran eastward. In the Middle Kingdom, Lower Nubia was conquered by the Egyptians, who built a chain o ortresses along the Nile to guard their rontiers. During
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the welfh Dynasty, under Senusret I a huge ortress was built at Buhen and restored by Senusret III. III. Buhen was not only a military stronghold, but also a trading and dispatch post o economic importance. Egyptian soldiers lived and played here. Clay ragments o gaming boards are attested rom Buhen but unortunately unortuna tely not rom rom stratigraphically stratigraphically sealed s ealed contexts (Emery (Emery 1979:145–6). 1979:145–6). Tey were ound in the debris o the east inner ramparts, and at the south inner ditch between owers 1 and 2. Middle Kingdom and New Kingdom pottery and objects objec ts were ound in the th e debris rom rom the town site so it is difficult to ascertain a date other than stylistically. stylistically. One ragment (932) is similar to the rough clay version rom Lahun so it probably dates to the Middle Kingdom. wo other ragments (I9 and J9), which may belong to the same board, probably date date to the New Kingdom as they the y recall the violinviolin-shaped shaped board with an appendix (Petrie Museum, Museum, UC21182 UC 21182 and Sudan National Museum,14140). No playing pieces were recorded at Buhen but finds rom Serra East, Amara West and el-Kurru give an idea o the pieces used in Nubia. An undated bone peg carved with a dog or jackal head was retrieved at Serra East (Oriental Institute Museum, E 19794). Recent British Museum excavations in the cemetery o the New Kingdom town o Amara West brought to light twelve ivory sticks in grave 244 (F9835) (Vandenbeusch (Vandenbeusch & Salvador 2014). 2014). Te sticks are o two distinct lengths, i.e., seven shorter (about 11 cm) and five taller ones (about 14 cm). Te tops o the sticks are decorated with red painted patterns. Six o them have a horizon horizontal tal band and a vertical band while our o them have a zigzag moti. Finally, the continuity o the game in Nubia during the first millennium is deduced rom an ivory set o opposing pegs rom the site o el-Kurru. Tree pegs carved with the heads o hounds and three with the heads el-Kurru. o horses were discovered in omb Ku.72 dated to about 698–690 (Dunham 1950:81, 1950:81, fig. 28; 102, fig. 35h, pls. 35D–E, 36D) (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 24.1037a–). Although examples with additional posts have a total o holes exceeding sixty, the appellation fiy fiy-eight eight holes is preerred when talking about the Near East because no pegs with hounds and jackals were ound at Near Eastern sites. Te game was transmitted to the Near East during the beginning o the second millennium . . It is attested during the nineteenth to eighteenth centuries in Anatolia. At this time the Old Assyrian merchant colonies were active and traders rom the northern Mesopotamian city o Ashur were established at
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a number o central Anatolian cities. It suggests that Anatolians learned this game rom the Assyrian merchants responsible or the introduction o writing and cylinder-seals cylinder-seals in Anatolia. Central Anatolia was part o a vast trading network that took place in the Eastern Eas tern Mediterranean in the second millennium ,, so the game also could have been passed to that region without the Mesopotamians playing a role. A trade route connected Cappadocia and Egypt overland and, when maritime connections were avorable, by sea via ports o Ugarit, ell Sukas, Byblos, Ashkelon and ancient Gaza, among others (Collon ( Collon 2008:99). 2008 :99). Te Middle Bronze Age is a time during which, not only at Byblos but also urther north at Syrian Ebla, we find an imposing Egyptian artistic presence but no evidence o the game is attested at these sites. Only one clay board, said to be rom yre in Lebanon, is attributed to this period, dating to about 2000– 1500 (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 1996.62). Middle Kingdom imports and examples o Egyptian influence are known rom sites in central Anatolia. Te growth o the Anatolian corpus since the 1960s raises the question o the dispersal o the game. Seven examples examples o games o fiy fiy-eight eight holes are recorded rom this region. wo complete boards were ound in merchant houses at Kültepe, ancient Kanesh, our ragmentary gaming boards—one in Egyptian blue—in a palace at Acemhoyük as well as one ragment at Karahoyük (Dunn( DunnVaturi 2012e). 2012e). Te oldest example, rom level II (c. 1919–1840 ) ) at ancient Kanesh, shows linkages between unusual holes whereas the special holes on the other boards, dated to the eighteenth century , , are distinguished by their size and/or inlays. No evidence was ound in the home city Ashur where the levels corresponding to the Assyrian colonies in Cappadocia were barely brought to light. In the end, the Mesopotamians may not be responsible or the diffusion o the game in Anatolia. fiy-eight eight holes have been circulating in the rest o the Near East Games o fiyduring the beginning o second millennium but the dating o early examples rom rom Mesopotamia and Iran is difficult. Boards Bo ards attributed to this period lack clear archaeological contexts. Further discoveries may help to better understand how these games spread in the Near East. Five Five ragmentary stone gaming boards and astragals have been discovered in the deposit o the temple o Inshushinak, a group o objects ound in the temple precinct o the city god o Susa (fig. (fig. 5.7). 5.7). Tis deposit, buried at the end o the Middle Elamite period, in the late twelfh century , , gathers objects rom different periods.
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Figure 5.7
Boards rom the deposit o the temple o Inshushinak, Susa, max. 10.5 × 10.5 × 1.5 cm. Musée du Louvre, Sb 2911, Sb 10190, Sb 10189 (top row, lef to right), Sb 2912 (bottom row, first two on lef), Sb 10191 (bottom row, right). Drawings reproduced rom Mecquenem (1905 (1905:: Figs. 345–50).
Te boards have been assigned to the early second millennium afer an unprovenanced game with a carved scene stylistically attributed to the Old Babylonian period, around the mid-nineteen mid-nineteenth th century (Ellis & Buchanan 1966:199) (Yale 1966:199) (Yale Babylonian collection, Y B C 2439). One o the Susa boards, Sb 2911, has preserved a contrasting inter-hole inter-hole link that physically shows that pieces could cross rom side to side, involving interaction between the players. Tis element is also repeated on later Iranian Iranian boards dating to the beginning o the Iron Age, at the turn o the second to the first millennium (Musée du Louvre, AO 19438; British Museum, 1991,0720.1 and 2003,1201.1). During the New Kingdom, the Egyptian empire embraced Nubia and parts o the southern Levant, and these regions shared the same type o violinshaped board, also reerred to as Palestinian-type Palestinian- type boards (Hoerth (Hoerth 2007:65). 2007:65). Te elaborate boards ound in the Ivory Hoard o the palace at Megiddo are the most amous (Loud (Loud 1939:9–10, 1939:9–10, 19, pls. 47–50). Special holes are indicated
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by a rosette as well as blue paste and gold inlays. Other boards were ound in the southern Levant, at Gezer (Macalister (Macalister 1912:416, 1912:416, fig. 501), ell Jemmeh, previously identified with ancient Gerar (Petrie (Petrie 1928:18, 1928:18, pl. 39, 22) and Beth Shean (Oren (Oren 1973:Figs. 1973:Figs. 41, 37 and 45, 23). Tey are dated rom the fifeenth to the twelfh centuries . . As stated earlier, no pegs with hounds and jackals were discovered in the Near East but new interpretations o Mesopotamian texts suggest that such zoomorphicc playing pieces zoomorphi piec es existed. Vermaak Vermaak (2011 (2011:124) :124) connects the Sumerian words gishellag ellag and gishillar, illar, generally translated transl ated “wooden throw stick, st ick,” to a game board. Vermaak’s new translation is based on a Sumerian proverb “a ox/jackal walked around the game board” (SP (SP 8 Sec B 34). In other proverbs, dogs and oxes are defined as opposites and could reflect the gaming pieces carved in the shape o two distinct animals. Tese Sumerian proverbs fit well in the contextt o our game. Most o the proverbs date rom the first hal o the second contex millennium , , a time when the game o hounds and jackals travels out o Egypt. Eg ypt. apered pegs with notched heads possibly p ossibly imitating the pointed ears o the jackals were used at Megiddo (Palestine Archaeological Museum, 38797; Oriental Institute Museum, A22316, A 22364, A 22367). Erdös (1986 1986:83) :83) might reer to these when she mentions ivory pins with a dog or jackal head rom Megiddo. Some pins identified as hairpins in the archaeological literature may in act be game pegs, like those ound in Neerhotep’s tomb discussed above. It has been suggested that ivory and metal pins with animals at the top ound at Kültepe/Kanesh in central Anatolia were used to play (Michel (Michel 2008:359). 2008:359). Finally, monkey-headed monkey-headed pins ound in the deposit o the temple o Inshushinak at Susa may have been used with the ragmentary ragmentary boards rom the same hoard (Dunn-Vaturi 2000:109–10). 2000:109–10). Examination o traces o use at the end o pins may help identiy their real unction.
Reconstructed rules A description o the rules has not survived, but several attempts have been made to reconstruct them (Carnarvon (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:58–9; 1912:58–9; Petrie & Brunton 1924:7; 1924 :7; Murray 1951:15–16; 1951:15–16; Bell 1979:21; 1979:21; Hoerth 2007:66–8). 2007:66–8). Archaeologists
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and experts on the history o games unanimously interpreted it as a race game in consideration o the arrangement o the board, despite the absence o casting implements directly associated with any board in Egypt. Disks with one side marked, accompanying boards at Megiddo in the southern Levant and Nippur in Mesopotamia, are presumably counting devices (Hoerth 2007:64). 2007:64). Astragali were ound in the same contexts as boards at Susa and epe Sialk in Iran and their use with the Teban ivory board has been suggested, but in Egypt they are better attested rom the Seventeenth Dynasty and later so we are not sure how Egyptians were induced to move their pegs along the board. Carter’s reconstruction shown in fig. 5.8 is the most likely route o play because the middle rows o holes are separated rom the central position at the top that clearly stands out as the goal. One side o the board is attributed
Figure 5.8
o&the numbering sequence reproduced Reconstruction rom Carnarvono Carter (1912:57, (1912 :57, fig. 14).o the holes. Drawing
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to each player. Te players competed by moving their pieces down the center o the board, o either ten or eleven holes, around the outer edge, o nineteen holes, and up to the thirtieth and ending position. A separation between the two tracks is indicated on some boards so it is suggested that no interaction was happening between the opposing pieces. Connecting lines incised on some Near Eastern boards show that, at least in this region, pieces did come into conflict. Each player had five pegs according to the number o pieces ound with the Teban board. Carter’s rule about each opponent having only one piece at a time on the board may not be valid. I players have more than one piece on the board at a time, a piece may simply not be moved to an occupied space. Other aspects remain unknowable, such as how a piece enters the board and how its final move to the goal was determined i the result o the dice was higher than the spaces to be traversed. Some boards bear additional holes that are considered as starting posts. Te progress o the race was affected by inter-hole inter-hole links and hieroglyphs. wo pairs o holes (six and twenty, eight and ten) are linked by lines. Te links could be shortcuts or penalties, like in the modern game snakes and ladders , with a playing piece sent orward or backwards. From ten onwards, every fifh hole is emphasized. It is assumed that nr , marked on two positions, i.e., fifeen and twenty-five, twenty-five, was beneficial to players that landed on them, similar to square twenty-six twenty-six on senet boards. boards. Te goal is a larger hole clearly surrounded on the example rom Tebes by the hieroglyph šn, “eternity,” that may have meant “end o the track.” Tis ultimate destination counts as space number thirty, an important number in ancient Egypt. Te player who reached this sign won the game and possibly succeeded in his quest or immortality.
Symbolism Symbolis m o the game Playing accessories, as well as objects imitating games, are linked to the deceased’s journey to the aferlie and the game o hounds and jackals ofen ound in unerary contexts seem to be no exception. Te jackal deity, Anubis, whose imagery was part o the gaming pegs, was symbolically responsible or mummification and protection o the dead through the netherworld. His
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connection to games used as unerary devices is relevant and may also be illustrated by the throwing sticks decorated by a canine head and the action they command (DuQuesne (DuQuesne 2002; 2002; or passage about jackals in the Great Game ext, see Chapter 1). Te development o the game board into an anthropoid ormat occurs in the course o the second millennium (V (Vermaak 2011 2011:118). :118). Te connection between the game and a human representation representation with the addition additionss o anato anatomical mical details, such as eyes, was made relatively early i we consider the Cairo board C G 68128 to be rom the Middle Kingdom. Anatomical vocabulary is used to describe the head and the eet o the boards rom Susa (Ellis (Ellis & Buchanan 1966:195). 1966 :195). Te Gezer board initially identified as a “degenerated Ashtoreth plaque” by the excavator (Macalister (Macalister 1912:416, 1912:416, fig. 501) may have reinorced the anthropomorphic and religious implications or the boards with a round projection. Te anthropomorphism anthropomorphism o the board supports the idea o rebirth, essential essential in ancient unerary rituals. Erdös (1986 (1986:118–19) :118–19) suggests that the insertion o pegs into the sequence o holes would allow the deceased to be reborn. Anubis pegs could perorm the necessary necessar y ritual on the board, which would symbolize the deceased’s body. Schuster and Carpenter (1996 (1996:665) :665) also include the game o hounds and jackals in the “Rebirth Gaming board” category and make comparisons with a traditional Indian game, an antecessor o snakes and ladders, which unctions like a genealogical chart, a path to be ollowed into the aferworld. Furthermore, Schuster and Carpenter (1996 (1996:671–5) :671–5) compare the shield-shaped shield-shaped boards to a drawing made by the Malekulans o Vanuatu, located in the otherwise unconnected region o Melanesia in Oceania, to achieve reunion with one’s ancestry by connection with joint-marks: joint-marks: “Te Malekulan artist first punched a ramework o dots in the sand, then drew an unbroken, never-ending never-ending line around these dots to orm a figure identified as, simultaneously, Human Ancestor and Cosmic urtle.” Te special holes o our game would correspond to joint-marks. joint-marks. welve marks—a complete set with shoulders, elbows, wrists, hips, knees and ankles—are observed on certain boards. It is interesting to note that the ellipsoidal board with an appendix has been interpreted as a human orm, but has also been compared to a turtle (DuQuesne 2002) 2002) whereas the stand or votive game in Neerhotep’s tomb adopts the shape o a reptile.
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Tee wooden turtle rom Dra Abu el-Naga as well as the miniature game T table rom Deir el-Bahari are votive artiacts deposited in the tomb or the next fiy-eight eight holes with an irrelevant world. Amulets imitating the game o fiynumber o holes bored into them were ound among burial offerings at epe Sialk and Dinkha epe, in Iran (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012:22–3). 2012:22–3). At Susa, games had an important place in the oundation deposit o the temple o Inshushinak. Five broken boards, some double-sided double-sided with the game o twenty or or a game o thirty squares, astragali and possible pegs were dedicated to the god Inshushinak, the Lord o the city o Susa, who had among other attributes, that o the judge responsible or the last judgment judgmentss o the deceased. Te recreational unction o games is a subject o debate, especially in the absence o casting devices and textual evidence. Some board games offer astronomical and astrological reerences. Te sequences o twenty-nine twenty-nine or thirty holes equivalent to the number o days in a lunar month have been considered consider ed as a device to record the phases o the moon (Novacek ( Novacek 2011:50). 2011:50). It has also been b een suggested recently that the fify-nine-hole fify-nine-hole board was a calendrical tool or lunar-solar lunar-solar synchronism, like the Greek calendar with holes that would develop into a Coptic version (García (García Martínez 2014). 2014).
Te Coptic board game A board with peg holes, attested by five examples, is designated as the Coptic board game (Decker (Decker & Herb 1994:687–8, 1994:687–8, pl. CCCLXXXVII). CCCLXXXVII). wo game boxes, measuring 18.1 cm and 19.5 cm long, are made o wood and ivory plaques (Musée du Louvre, E 11717, E 21047). Tree smaller examples, between 11.5 cm and 13.2 cm long, are carved out o solid bone (Egyptian Museum, JE 78126; Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels, E 2667; Swiss Museum o Games, 2282) (fig. (fig. 5.9). 5.9). Drioton (1940 (1940)) insisted on shared characteristics with the game o hounds and jackals and drew up the inventory o the pieces known at that time. Te game boxes have a step-type step- type structure divided in three parts. Te lower landing is the longest one; it has two groups o twenty holes. Te intermediate landing has ten holes on the outside and a varying number o positions in the center. Tis part is described as a labyrinth and compared to the projection o the violin-shaped violin-shaped boards (Drioton (Drioton 1940:185, 1940:185, 192–3). Te
Hounds and Jackals Te Game o Ho
Figure 5.9
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Coptic board game, 12.4 × 2.9 × 3.1 cm. Swiss Museum Museum o Games, 2282.
upper part is the smallest one. Tere is a central hole, considered the goal, surrounded by other holes. Some perorations, not ully ormed, served as decorations. Drioton (1940 (1940:184–6) :184–6) reconstructed a track o twenty-nine twenty-nine holes—ten downward and nineteen upward—or each player plus the goal, go al, and suggested calling it the game o the thirty points. Despite the similarity o their structure, nothing can relate this game to a late version o hounds and jackals (May 1992:164; 1992:164; Finkel 2008:154). 2008:154). Te playing pieces were stored in a drawer or a hollow in the reverse o the board but none have an archaeological context so it cannot be known what a complete assemblage would be. Bone pegs associated asso ciated with the game are decorated with human heads or with moldings and knobs (Drioton 1940:180–1, 1940:180–1, 183, fig. 2, pl. II). II). Rounded disks made o bone with two different types o markings were probably used as dice (Drioton (Drioton 1940:181, 1940:181, 183). Only one such game, previously in the Guimet museum and now in the Louvre (E 21047), has a documented provenance and illustrates the continued presence o games in a unerary context. It was discovered in 1901 by Albert Gayet at Antinoë in a emale burial attributed to St Taïs by Gayet who identified the pierced box as a prayer marker (Gayet (Gayet 1902:47–8, 1902:47–8, 51). Te burial was dated to the ourth century (May (May 1992:164) 1992:164) or sixth century (Drioton 1940:186) 1940:186) but is now considered to date to the second part o the seventh century afer C14 analysis o textile and human remains (Calament (Calament
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& Durand 2013:330). 2013:330). Te other step-type step-type boards are attributed to the Byzantine period in general. fiy-eight eight holes, have been Boards or the game o hounds and jackals, or fiyound in elaborate and humble versions, in materials ranging rom gold-inlaid gold- inlaid ivory to wood and clay, clay, suggesting that the game was played by members o all classes. Te present study shows that problems o identification o the gaming equipmentt should be addressed not only archaeologically (ragments o boards equipmen with consistent arrangement o special holes, pegs versus pins, associated randomizing implements) but also visually and epigraphically, such as recent attempts at identiying the game in Sumerian proverbs.
6
Roman Games Crossing theBoard Borders o Egypt o Tee Ptolemaic period began with Ptolemy T Ptolemy I Soter in 305 ,, some years afer the death o Alexander the Great in 323 . . It was ollowed by the Roman conquest o Egypt in 30 when Egypt became a province o the Roman Empire. Empir e. During the Ptolemaic period there was a strong Hellenistic influence throughoutt Egyptian material culture that may be reflected in board throughou b oard games o the times but other than dice with Greek lettering (Pedrizet (Pedrizet 1931), 1931), there is no physical evidence or Greek gaming practices. Te ensuing Roman conquest may have introduced introduced games played by Roman soldiers who w ho were based in the country and evidence or such games is still increasing. Some game practices are likely to have continued until at least the Arab conquest in the seventh century even though datable finds in Egypt have been limited to account or the period afer the ourth century. Although one board game o Greek origin is discussed below, it is the gaming practices o the Romans that are ound in the archaeological record thus ar and that are discussed here in some s ome detail. Te climate o Egypt played an important role in the preservation o game boards, playing pieces and dice; even i Egyptians played only a marginal role in the distribution o Roman board games, with the possible exception o providing a link to present-day present-day Sudan, the examples rom the Egyptian archaeological record are numerous. Preserved Roman game boards remain rare even in Egypt and Roman games have mostly been ound carved in pavements and buildings. Te presence o these latter so-cal so-called led graffi g raffiti games ga mes in Egypt has conused archaeologists working on different time periods. Games ound on monuments or next to other games have been requently but erroneously associated with the period and the people associated with the 125
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building. Tis problem, which was touched upon in previous chapters as well, has also given several board games an Egyptian origin while the carvings may have occurred centuries afer the building’s erection. Despite the presence o Roman games on several archaeological sites in Egypt, most o this material has remained unpublished. A study by Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) as well as the work by Brun (2003 ( 2003,, 2011) 2011) and Matelly (2003 2003)) are important exceptions to materials ound in ortresses in the eastern desert o Egypt. Eg ypt. Te year 2003 also als o provided a publication pub lication o all the th e graffiti, including games, ound on the roo o the temple o Khonsu in Karnak, Luxor, by Jacquet-Gordon. Most other publications reer to games ound elsewhere in the Roman Empire or on sites in Sudan. Tey also include earlier studies o the Latin and Greek sources that provide the necessary background on game rules and game names. With the help o the photo archive o the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project in Egypt conducted by Maria Nilsson and John Ward, it was possible to confirm the presence o Roman game boards in a series o sites. Te dimensions o these boards have not yet been recorded and their presence on each o these sites still needs urther analysis. Te study o game boards ound at Silsila, Egypt and the games ound at Sedeinga, Sudan, are part o current research projects by Alex de Voogt together with Maria Nilsson and Vincent Francigny, respectively. Tis is, thereore, a preliminary overview o Roman gaming practices in Egypt Eg ypt and serves ser ves as a reer reerence ence or ongoing and uture research on Roman games in this region.
Te sources Both Greek and Roman game boards are occasionally ound as grave goods but more requently as carved outlines on rock aces, temple roofops and pavements. Tis complicates the possible association o a game board with playing pieces and dice. Dice may be ound in tombs or as surace finds unassociated with boards, and typically cannot be linked with game boards carved in public spaces. Casting devices including cubic dice, throwing sticks and astragali are associated with most board games o antiquity but may also have been part o dice games not requiring a board. Which Greek or Roman
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Ephesos Aphrodisias
Palmyra
Alexandria Giza
Cairo
Petra
Fayum Oasis
Egypt
Beni Hasan
Abu Sha’ar Dendera Qusur al-Banat/Krok al-Banat/Krokodilo odilo Medamoud Dawwi Karnak Didymoi Luxor Kharga Oasis Edfu el-Kab Silsila Kom Ombo
Qasr Ibrim
Nubia Sedeinga
Qustul Sai Island
Musawwarat el-Sufra F Figure igure 6.1
Map o sites mentioned in Chapters 6 and 7.
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dice games were then popular in ancient Egypt remains unclear. Cubic and twenty-sided twentysided dice with Greek lettering have been attested in Egypt but their particular partic ular use us e is unknown. unk nown. Instead the graffi ti game boards b oards can tell us only on ly about which Roman board games were played in Egypt as Greek game boards are still absent rom the archaeological record. From the literary and iconographic sources, our board games have been given most o the attention. For instance, Rieche (1986 ( 1986)) mentions ludus latrunculorum (henceorth latrunculi), ), duodecim scripta as well as threethree-men’smen’smorris also known as the Roman mill or or merels game (henceorth merels), ), or which the Latin name is unknown. Her Her work already suggests that the written and art historical sources do not necessarily describe all Roman board games ound in the archaeological record. Lamer (1927 (1927)) and, more importantly, Schädler (1998 (1998)) added the Greek game o five lines to this list. Schädler analyzed the Roman and possible Byzantine orms orms that are as ubiquito ubiquitous us as the other Roman games. It is not possible to claim that this list is complete, moreover,, as Schädler (1998 moreover ( 1998)) already pointed p ointed out, some game boards b oards may have been used or multiple games and some games may have been played on different configurations o boards. Te discussion o the material is only a starting point rather than a definitive statement statement on these board games in Egypt. Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) attested mancala , merels (although with only one unclear example), several duodecim scripta boards as well as multiple partial and complet c ompletee latrunculi boards. Tis provides a convincing context or Roman games, except that mancala should probably be reinterpreted as the game o five lines lines. Jacquet-Gordon (2003 (2003:17, :17, 18, 21) in her work on the temple roo in Karnak mentions a ew unfinished seeja boards (see Chapter 7) that in some cases can also be interpreted as unfinished examples o five lines. Since no other known Roman game boards were attested, it leaves these circular depressions open to explanations unrelated to Roman gaming practices. In the eastern desert, more specifically in the ortresses o Dawwi and Didymoi, ragments o latrunculi and duodecim scripta are attested mostly rom datable strata going back to the second century (Brun (Brun 2003, 2003, 2011). 2011). From the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project, the temple o Kom Ombo, built in the Ptolemaic period, shows multiple examples o merels and duodecim scripta as well as latrunculi and a game o five lines. Again this provides a clear example o Romans playing multiple games in the province Aegyptus. An agglomeration
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o different games or games context (see fig. 6.2) 6.2) acilitates the interpretation o the time period p eriod and the players i they the y are all acknowledged Roman games. Unortunately, configurations that cannot yet be interpreted, as well as Arab or Ottoman games discussed in the next chapter, complicate such efforts. In the Greco-Roman period the types o board games ound in antiquity are beginning to multiply in the archaeological record. Games popular in Pharaonic Egypt are joined by Roman games and may have coexisted with them. Setting precise preci se dates or Roman graffi g raffiti games is usually impossib impossible le (see Lamer 1927:2010 1927:2010 or a possible exception). Although only a relative date or these graffiti games can be b e ascertaine asc ertained, d, some excavated boards b oards have been dated and, unlike the Pharaonic examples, the rules o play are better understood. Te sources that hint at games’ rules are ound in literary texts in both Greek and Latin. Te Latin sources mention books written by Suetonius on Greek children’s games and by Emperor Claudius on board and dice games (Lamer 1927). 1927). While the works have not been preserved, reerences to them in later texts as well as poetic allusions and dictionary entries in both Greek and Latin allow some knowledge to be gleaned about the rules o play. play. Apart rom allusions to game rules, the written and iconographic sources also provide inormation about the presence o dice with a game board, the contexts o game play and their role in society. Tis inormation on Roman play culture may be identical in the Egyptian context. However, Roman games as well as Ottoman and Arab games, as discussed in the ollowing chapter, are ofen associated with soldiers. Tis limits the players’ group and may affect the common play contexts in Egypt. Descriptions o men and women playing Amatoria (or a discussion, see board games together as ound in Ovid’s Ars Amatoria Rieche 1986:42, 1986:42, 44) may not apply to Egypt. Despite the richer contextual inormation inorma tion provided by the Roman sources, itit is this societal part that is most likely different in Egypt. On the other hand, the game rules and board designs are not likely to be affected as studies o other board games in antiquity have already shown in detail (de (de Voogt Voogt et al. 2013). 2013 ). Apart rom the occasional game board or dice that can be dated as part o an excavation, the monuments on which Roman games were incised provide a terminus post quem or the game and are not necessarily o the same time period. Te ability to identiy i dentiy a pattern as Greek, Roman, Arab and/or and/ or Ottoman, as explained in this and the ollowing chapter, is essential or identiying the
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Figure 6.2 Example o a Roman games context at Palmyra, Palmyra, Syria: merels , five lines lines
and the outline o duodecim scripta ( (de de Voogt Voogt 2010 2010:1060). :1060).
correct time period to which these games belong rather than the other way around. Buildings rarely r arely provide a useu useull date or the graffi gr affiti games ound upon their stone.
Te game o five lines or πέντε γραμμαί Schädler (1998 (1998)) was the first to link the different appearances o two rows o five playing fields in Greco-Roman contexts. Tese two rows may consist o lines, holes, squares or a combination thereo. When the configuration consists o rows o holes or sets o squares they can be classified as the Roman version o the Greek game o five lines ( (Schädler Schädler 2008, 2008, 2013c:65). 2013c:65). Tis shape has been attested in multiple contexts throughout the Roman Empire and ofen in the context o other Roman games. Despite Schädler’s observation, this configuration also continues to be interpreted as mancala, in most cases a problematic assumption that is discussed in more detail in the ollowing chapter. Te game has been discussed comprehensively in several sources either using its Greek name πέντε γραμμαί or the English equivalent five lines .
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Although it is originally a Greek game it seems closely connected with the Roman Empire as well and its introduction to Egypt can, at this stage, not be disentangled rom the Roman games. As Schädler (1998 (1998:16) :16) mentions, the existing literary and archaeological evidence gives a good picture o the game. Te game was probably part o Suetonius’s book on Greek dice games, to which some reerences exist. Te literary reerences have been discussed at length (e.g., Lamer 1927). 1927 ). It is said that both players o this game owned five lines and between these was the sacred line. Te player who first managed to place his pieces on the sacred line was the winner. According to Schädler (1998 (1998,, 2008, 2008, 2013c) 2013c) two players played either on five or eleven lines or on separate groups o five lines. Te earliest reerence dates to the sixth century and is attributed to the Greek poet Alkaios or Alcaeus who speaks about the rules (Schädler (Schädler 2008:174). 2008:174). For that same period Schädler (2008 (2008:175) :175) also mentions a terracotta model o a gaming table rom Attica Attica that th at approximates the game. Te game rules and other artistic art istic representations suggest the use o one cubic die, possibly two. Te consistent design o two rows o exactly five cells in Roman Asia Minor made the possibility o five lines more plausible than that that o a very early orm o mancala . Te same situation exists in Egypt. Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003:605–8) :605–8) identified a number o configuratio configurations ns o two rows o five as mancala games at Abu Sha’ar. Te context alongside other Roman games strongly strongly suggests that here also the game o five lines lines was intended. Other than that a configuration o holes resembles a modern mancala game, there is neither any evidence nor a necessity to identiy them as representations o mancala as it is only rows o five or ewer fields that have been attested in Abu Sha’ar. Sha’ar. wo rows o holes that have been scratched s cratched in rock suraces sur aces and monuments lines and mancala are easily conused with so-called so-called mancala games. Both five lines games were ound in Palmyra, or instance, where rows o five holes were used by Romans and rows that were longer than five holes were used by Arabs or, more likely, Ottomans (de (de Voogt Voogt 2010 2010).). Te latter may even have expanded the Roman carvings to accommodate acc ommodate their own game. Schädler (1998 (1998)) goes as ar as to suggest that mancala may have succeeded five lines in late antiquity, possibly beore the arrival o the Arabs in the seventh century. Te evidence known rom Egypt does not support this suggestion as the arrival o mancala
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Figure 6.3 Five lines at the Luxor temple (top) and at Qasr al Ghweita (bottom), Figure which is located south o the Kharga Oasis, based on photographs photographs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.
Roman Board Games
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is so ar connected only with the presence o the Ottomans and not the Christian and later Arab influences in the region. Te Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project photographed a ew examples o two rows o five depressions, one at the Luxor temple and one at Qasr al Ghweita, which is located about 18 km south o the town o Kharga (fig. (fig. 6.3). 6.3). Elsewhere in the Kharga Oasis, some designs suggest a similar game but, unortunately, the site does not provide much o a context or Roman games apart rom one merels game design with two diagonal lines.
Duodecim scripta or ludus duodecim scriptorum Despite the predominance o incised games, Egypt, or more precisely, the Egyptian border with Sudan, is home to one o the best-preserved best- preserved wooden examples o the Roman game duodecim scripta. Tis particular board was ound in a grave at Qustul dating to the period afer the ourth century (Emery (Emery & Kirwan 1938:345). 1938:345). It shows three rows o squares arranged in the same manner as the many examples o this game recorded throughout the rest o the Roman Empire (fig. (fig. 6.4). 6.4). Te wooden example rom the Qustul grave, ound in near perect condition in Sudan, illustrates that a tradition o wooden boards may have escaped the archaeological record in most o the Empire. Te game o duodecim scripta or the game o twelve signs is considered a precursor o the modern game o backgammon with which, according to Austin (1934 (1934)) and Schädler (1995 (1995),), it shares a number o characteristics. First, it consists o rows o twelve fields, visibly visibly separated in the middle making two sections o six, and is played by two players using two cubic dice. A later version, called alea or dice, was played with three instead o two dice, on a similar board using fifeen pieces or each player. Games tables rom the fifh and sixth centuries rom Aphrodisias and Ephesos, but also the example rom Qustul, confirm the survival o this game into the centuries up until the Arab conquest. Te most common representation o duodecim scripta in the archaeological record is a carving into a marble slab where the game is ormed by rows o letters, each letter indicating a playing field. Tese ranges o letters look rather
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Ancientt Egyptians at at Play Ancien
Figure 6.4 op: Drawing Drawing o the wooden duodecim scripta board rom Qustul,
77.5 × 37 cm (afer Emery & Kirwan 1938:pl. 1938:pl. 87). Bottom: Drawing o a partially scripta preserved stoneaduodecim board rom recorded (afer photograph by J.-P. Brun 2003Dawwi 2003:184). :184). or which no dimensions were
different and Lamer (1927 (1927:2010) :2010) and Merkelbach (1978 (1978),), among others, did not believe this game to be duodecim scripta, but a different thirty-six-fields thirty-six-fields game or a latrunculi board. Since the work o Austin (1934 ( 1934,, 1935) 1935) this is, or should no longer be, in contention. Te letter combinations make so-called so- called hexagrams, ofen witty comments categorized by Austin (1934 (1934:32, :32, note 1) as “(a) maxims or players, (b) jeers . . ., (c) reerences to the circus, eating and other pleasures.” Tere are examples using a Greek text (Lamer ( Lamer 1927:2010; 1927:2010; Merkelbach 1978) 1978) but the remainder seems to be b e exclusively in Latin or which
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the hexagram was popular. Te ollowing example was ound on a board in rier, Germany (Austin (Austin 1934:31): 1934:31): VIRUS IMPERI HOSES VINCI LUDAN ROMANI
In English this hexameter could take the ollowing orm (tr. Alex de Voogt): EMPIRE L AUDED RIVALS RIV ALS BEAEN ROMANS ROMA NS A PLAY
Egyptian locations have so ar not rendered any duodecim scripta boards o this kind. Te boards attested in Abu Sha’ar, Dawwi and Kom Ombo have small depressions, a eature that is sometimes ound in addition to the lettering or instead o circles, squares, vertical bars, leaves, crosses and crescents cres cents (Murray (Murray 1951:30). 1951 :30). Te three boards at Abu Sha’ar date to the third and no later than the ourth century afer which the ortress was abandoned. Te table-size table-size board at Dawwi can be dated to the second century (Brun ( Brun 2003:134). 2003:134). It has been partly preserved with three rows o small black circles o which w hich about eight are still visible in each row. Te marks separating each set o six fields are also visible (see fig. 6.3). 6.3). A small ragment o a possible duodecim scripta board was ound at Qusur al-Banat with only our small playing circles preserved as well as an outline o a semi-circle semi-circle divider (Matelly (Matelly 2003:594, 2003:594, 605), but this example is too small sm all or a positive p ositive identification. identific ation. Te ofen rough carvings car vings o graffiti games reerring to duodecim scripta in Egypt are in contrast with the decorative or more appealing examples ound elsewhere but it is also possible that hexameters on stone in Egypt have not yet been recognized as reerring to a board game. Qustul (Emery (Emery & Kirwan 1938:345–6, 1938:345–6, pl. 87) provides one o ew wooden examples o the game: a perectly preserved inlaid board with three rows o twelve squares divided in the middle to create six sets o six fields. It is associated with fifeen black wood and fifeen white ivory pieces. In addition, a pyrgus or dice tower was preserved as well as five ivory cubic dice. Due to the extraordinarily good preservation o objects in these graves, the practice o playing on wooden boards can be attested and may indicate that many
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boards once existed in Egypt in the private sphere that have not been preserved. Te grave in Qustul dates to the Post-Meroitic era, i.e., afer the ourth ou rth century century . Another example example o a wooden woo den board o which the ivory inlays are preserved together with some wood ragments is ound across the border in Sedeinga, Nubia. Tis find is part o ongoing research on the game board discoveries at this location by Vincent Francigny and Alex de Voogt. Most o the material dates to the first centuries and was ound in a rich elite cemetery o the Meroitic Mer oitic Kingdom. One grave had two associated cubic dice with fifeen black and thirteen white glass pieces preserved. Another had three dice associated with twenty-seven twenty-seven gaming pieces, some o black wood and others o white ivory as well as several game board ragments. It It is evidence that the game was not just played in Roman Egypt but crossed the rontier o the Empire and ound its way into the Meroitic Kingdom where at least two graves claimed claime d this game among their grave goods. Te presence o duodecim scripta outside the Roman Empire was already attested or Germania (in Vimose, Denmark) where wooden remnants o the board were also ound. Krüger (1982 (1982:163) :163) remarks that letters that make up the playing fields are understandably less common in this region as, in general, the players would not have understood Latin. In Germania Krüger (1982 (1982:162) :162) attests two biacial boards that eature duodecim scripta on one side and latrunculi on the other. It is again evidence that these games coexisted and were played by the same people. In addition to the examples at ortresses in the eastern desert, the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project identified our duodecim scripta boards near the temple in Kom Ombo (fig. (fig. 6.5) 6.5) showing that their presence is not limited to soldiers’ quarters. Te presence o duodecim scripta boards carved in monuments or pavements is relatively limited compared to other Roman games. Te preservation o this game in Qustul confirms, however, that the game’s popularity was widespread and crossed into enemy territory. Each o the game boards recorded here has three rows o play. A variation o duodecim scripta with two rows is known as alea and became the standard in Rome during the first century (Schädler ( Schädler 1995). 1995). Tis variation has not been attested in Egypt. Te practice o playing duodecim scripta continued afer the ourth century as examples rom Aphrodisias Aphrodisias and Ephesos already
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F Figure igure 6.5 Duodecim scripta boards at Kom Ombo based on photographs rom the
Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.
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indicated but which is also illustrated by the find at Qustul. oday’s game o backgammon was preceded by the Arab version known as nard , which has been attested throughout the Islamic Empire. Nard most most likely replaced the Roman version in Egypt.
Latrunculi or ludus latrunculorum Falkener (1892 (1892:39) :39) suggested that ludus latrunculorum had its origin in Egypt, Eg ypt, equating it with the Egyptian game o t Ꜣ Ꜣ w (see Chapter 4 or a discussion o this game). His comments are part o a long and problematic tradition in which board games rom outside o Egypt are given an Egyptian origin. Falkener had only Latin descriptions o the rules or the Roman game and Egyptian depictions depic tions o the board or the Egyptian game, i.e., representations o people playing a board that was shown in profile. Only the pieces and not the configuration o the spaces on the board were visible to him when observing Egyptian iconography. oday it is clear that none o the Egyptian game boards have a configuration even comparable to latrunculi; that there is no reason to assume that latrunculi was played by the ancient Egyptians; and that their connection can no longer be supported. Connections with later games such as chess and checkers are equally problematic. Austin (1934 1934:25) :25) correctly points out that there is no proo that five lines or latrunculi have any connection with chess and finds such a suggestion “inaccurate and misleading.” Te Roman game o latrunculi or ludus latrunculorum has been ound at the ar ends o the Roman Empire Empire (Schädler (Schädler 1994a). 1994a). Te configuration o this board varies but a field o 7 × 8 squares is quite common. Schädler (2013c (2013c)) includes 7 × 7, 8 × 8, 9 × 9, 9 × 10, 10 × 11 and even 12 × 12 in the range o possibilities. Unlike duodecim scripta this game does not require any dice. Te game does not seem to have a modern counterpart despite its popularity in antiquity. Te Greek game πόλις, which is also played on a grid with pieces o two colors and without dice, is understood to be largely the same as the Roman game latrunculi (Schädler 2013a:2844). 2013a:2844). Tis game is not discussed here as there is little evidence even outside o Egypt to assist the Egyptologist with identiying a board o this kind and to distinguish it
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Figure 6.6
Drawing o a terracotta game board, 9 × 7.3 cm. Petrie Museum, UC59258 UC 59258 (afer Petrie 1927:pl 1927:pl.. XLVI XLVIII II.177). .177).
rom a latrunculi board. Apart rom graffiti boards and the occasional occa sional gaming table, latrunculi is also attested in literature and art, and as a board game in progress in terracotta (see Schädler 1994a). 1994a). An example o the latter was also ound in the Fayum in Egypt and is now in the Petrie Museum (U C 59258). It shows a board o 6 × 7 squares with seventeen “low domed” playing pieces, neatly neatly placed on the individual squares (fig. (fig. 6.6). 6.6). Te placement o the pieces was evidence or Petrie (1927 (1927:55) :55) that this was not a checkers game. Instead its configuration fits the description o a latrunculi board, although a small one. Rose (1996 (1996:160) :160) speaks sp eaks o a “chequerb chequerboard” oard” in the Meroitic temple complex o Qasr Ibrim, which was a Roman-Egyptian outpost as well as a Meroitic one. Te board on which she reports, consisting o 8 × 7 squares o approximately our by our centimeters each, has the appearance o a game. Modern gaming
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boards, such as those or chess and checkers, can have eight rows o eight squares and perhaps that is the reason why she mention mentionss a possible p ossible eighth line in her notes. South o Qasr Ibrim there were images o 8 × 7 squares ound in Mussawarat el-Sura (location 526.524.02) as well as one with 7 × 14 squares (location 529.525s.26). At this site, the period in which w hich the board was made is less clear cle ar since graffi gr affiti o many time periods p eriods has ha s been attested atteste d along its walls wal ls and pavements and in large quantities. In line with other Roman games, it is likely that latrunculi also reached the Meroitic Kingdom, which adopted its playing practice. In the study o the ortress at Abu Sha’ar, Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 ( 2003)) ound multiple examples carved in stone blocks, dating to the third and no later than the late ourth century . . Brun (2011 (2011)) reports several ragments o latrunculi boards excavated at Didymoi that can be dated with more precision with the help o an archaeological context. Te corner o a board with our rows o three squares still visible is dated to 96 or not long thereafer (Brun (Brun 2011:121, 2011:121, 143). A ragment with seven rows o at least our squares and another with three rows o three squares discernible comes rom the period between 123 and 150 (Brun ( Brun 2011:126, 2011:126, 153). Te latter was ound with ragments o boards eaturing small circles and lines that may point to another game. At the ortress o Krokodilo, Matelly (2003 ( 2003:594, :594, 605) reports on a board o which at least five rows o seven squares are visible. At this ortress two playing pieces made o quartz and one o stone as well as one cubic die made o stone were reported. Tese finds also date to the beginning o the second century . . At the stone quarry o Silsila, recent surveys have uncovered a number o board games rom Roman and later periods, including at least two latrunculi boards. In the associated Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project it became clear that latrunculi may also be ound in Kom Ombo (fig. (fig. 6.7). 6.7). Although the game has been associated mainly with soldiers, these sites suggest that its appearance is not restricted to the ringes o the Roman Empire nor the outposts o its soldiers, but is ound throughout Egypt and likely across its southern border in the heart o the Meroitic Kingdom as well. Its uture afer the seventh or even the ourth century is unclear as no comparable board games datable to that period have been attested so ar.
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Figure Latrunculi board at Kom Ombo based onJohn photographs el-Silsila6.7 Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and Ward. rom the Gebel
Merels Mer els or mill game game Although the merels game (Murray (Murray 1951:37) 1951:37) played by the Romans seems insignificant in shape, it stands out as an easily recognized carved game in several excavations throughout the Empire, including Egypt. Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) attested only one that was w as partially part ially preserved pres erved and diffi d ifficult to interpret, but the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project revealed clear examples in
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F Figure Merels els boards at Dendera (top lef), Kom el-Dekka in Alexandria (top igure 6.8 Mer
right), two boards together at Kom Ombo (second row), three single boards at Kom Ombo and a board at Silsila (bottom right) based on photographs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.
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the Kharga Oasis, Bachias in the Fayum Oasis, Dendera, Kom Ombo and Kom el-Dekka (Alexandria). Te shape o these examples allows or nine intersecting inter secting points p oints (fig. (fig. 6.8). 6.8). Te final shape, as recorded in Egypt, is a square intersected by two perpendicular lines. In Silsila there is also a version with additional diagonals, which can be considered just a different type (Schädler (Schädler 2013a:2844). 2013a:2844). Although there is no Latin name known or this game, the rules have been deduced rom two poetic lines in Ovid’s Ars Amatoria (see or a discussion Rieche 1986). 1986). Väterlein (1976 (1976:59) :59) remarks that it is the same as the Kleine Mühle, Mühl e, a game still known in German-speaking German-speaking Europe. It is indeed related to three-men’smen’s-morris morris game, and is perhaps the only board the merels , mill and threegame dating to Roman times that survived the ages without any significant change. Each player tries to move his or her three pieces into a row. Although many variations o this game have been described descr ibed and ound around the world, today the basic principle is still the same. Instead o a square, there have been requent finds o circles intersected by three lines, making eight intersections with the circle and one in the center where all three lines overlap. Heimann (2014 (2014)) has questioned the act that this is the same game or even a game at all. An analysis o the rules has shown that a “loop takes effect also in everyday playing.” Behling (2013 (2013)) has argued that this is akin to a children’s dexterity game described in ancient Greek literature in which nuts are thrown into the circle where they should not touch the lines. It suffices to state that circul circular ar patterns with w ith intersecting interse cting lines are different d ifferent rom the merels game. nine-men’smen’s-morris morris or larger According to Schädler (2013a (2013a),), the game o ninemerels (Murray 1951:43), 1951:43), which is a more complicated version o this game, does not appear in the record until Byzantine times. In Egypt, the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project photographed one such game next to one o the columns in the Ramesseum, across the river Nile rom today’s city o Luxor (fig. 6.9). 6.9). Similar to the game o threethree-men’smen’s-morris morris, this game and this game board have a wide distribution ar beyond the Middle East. Eas t. Acknowledgin Acknowledgingg its presence in Egypt may assist in documenting this international presence and the people associated with carving car ving them in monuments. Te particular design o the one example spotted in the Ramesseum should not be considered a Roman game.
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Figure 6.9 Drawing o a ninenine-men’smen’s-morris morris board as ound on a column at the
Ramesseum based on a photog photograph raph rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project.
Marbles Mar bles Te Greco-Roman period in Egypt resulted in the introduction o multiple games, including dexterity games and sports. Although only game boards and dice are given attention here, designs meant or dexterity games game s may sometimes interere with the interpretation o the archaeological finds, such as the circle with intersecting lines described above. Rieche (1986 (1986)) explains that board and dice games were played by adults, both men and women, while children played dexterity games such as marbles . Te game o marbles is particularly relevant as it may use a marble lane carved in stone that conuses the identifica identification tion o similarly s imilarly carved board b oard games. Suetonius Suetoni us is credited with a liber de lusibus puerorum or a book on children chil dren’’s games, which, similar to his book on Greek dice games, has not been preserved (Väterlein 1976:13). 1976:13). Rieche (1984 (1984:10–13) :10–13) mentions games played with (wal) nuts and Väterlein (1976 (1976:37) :37) even mentions the possibility o marbles but neither go beyond the reerences made in the Latin sources. Schädler (1994b ( 1994b,, 2013b)) described and illustrated marble lanes as ound on archaeological sites 2013b in Rome and pointed out their relevance (fig. (fig. 6.10). 6.10). In the basis, a marble lane consists o parallel or irregular rows o holes at one end and a line rom which to start at the other end. Te irregularly irregularly placed holes prevent the marble player rom rolling into the holes at the very end,
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Figure 6.10 Drawing o a marble lane (afer (afer Schädler 1994b:56). 1994b:56).
while the line indicates the starting position, possibly with a depression to store some marbles. Te immediate relevance o this game is not ound in the assumption that many children used marble lanes in Egypt, although this may be possible but cannot be ascertained at this time. Rather it encourages the archaeologist who encounters a group o holes in an irregular order to consider the possibility o a marble lane. Tis could consist o a starting line a ew eet away rom these holes, preerably with a largely flat surace, interspersed inter spersed with an occasional hole, between them. Documentation Documentation o groups
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o holes rarely includes a survey o the vicinity that could point to or exclude such a possibility.
Remaining configurations Tere remain a number o configurations o squares and holes that are placed systematically and intentionally intentionally so that their presence does not appear random or coincidental. Tey may be variations o boards that are already known, incomplete, corrected or amended shapes, or they may be part o games not yet described. It is, o course, also possible that they are not game boards at all even i an alternative alternative purpose is unknown. In any case, itit is necessary to depict at least some o these examples or uture comparison comparison as these configuratio configurations ns commonly remain unpublished. Indeed, the suggestion o a new gaming practice is reinorced i the same configurations are ound in different sites as well as in the presence o other game boards. In the Beni Hasan quarries a clearly defined board design o two rows o eight square fields was photographed during the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. A similar design o two rows o seven squares s quares is ound in Silsila West West (fig. (fig. 6.11). 6.11). Such game configurations complicate an interpretation o mancala as it is rather awkward to play on a square field without depressions needed to hold the multiple counters counters used in a mancala game. Tese game configurations are not yet understood and it is appropriate to state that the games in Egypt are only part o a much larger puzzle. One example rom the Kharga Oasis illustrates how a complicated set o lines can be interpreted multiple ways. In this figure about six rows o ten squares can be distinguished (fig. (fig. 6.12). 6.12). In the center o the configuration, there is a column o squares that has an unusual shape and the bottom row looks eroded. It is possible to distinguish a 5 × 5 seeja board (see Chapter 7) as part o the right-hand right-hand side o this configuration. Te carving at closer inspection suggests a number o attempts at creating creating a seeja board while there is a possibility that a tâb board was attempted as well. Since these are only suggestions, the presence o a game in this configuration requires a games contextt or other supportive evidence in this location to make a more educated contex guess.
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Figure 6.11 wo unidentified game boards at the Beni Hasan (lef) and Silsila (right)
quarries based on photogra photographs phs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson Nilss on and John Ward. Ward.
Although A lthough a long list o possible game board designs could ollow, most examples are better explained as eroded, partially completed or non-game non-game designs. Without at least one comparable example elsewhere there is also no need to assume a “new” game board design. It remains essential that projects such as the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project document such carvings in addition to the archaeologists active on a site.
Te borders o Egypt Te board games discussed dis cussed in this chapter were illustrated with examples rom Roman sites in Egypt Eg ypt and across its southern souther n border. owards the south is Qasr Ibrim, a temple complex and ortification that was conquered by Romans but
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Figure 6.12
Possible seeja board at the Kharga Oasis based on a photograph rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.
with Meroites alternatingly having control o the site. Qustul, the location o one o the best-preserved best-preserved duodecim scripta boards, was never Roman and dates to the Post-Meroitic period, i.e., afer the ourth century . . It became part o the Christian kingdoms in Sudanese Nubia, outside o the Roman Empire. Empir e. Sedeinga with its cubic dice and possible evidence o duodecim scripta is squarely located in the Meroitic Kingdom Kingdom and the discovery o games in that location coincides with the time o Roman Egypt. It was never conquered by the Romans and was an important center within the Meroitic Kingdom. Abu Sha’ar is on the Red Sea Coast and its location can be securely placed within Roman Egypt. Its unction as a military ortress ollows the popularity o the games among the Roman military. Fortifications on the borders o Egypt (Brun 2003, 2003, 2011; 2011; Matelly 2003) 2003) and other parts o the Empire, such as at Hadrian’s Wall (Austin (Austin 1934:26), 1934:26), show a similar pattern. So ar only the work o Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) is specifically dedicated to Roman games in Egypt. Most isolated examples have not yet been published or were part o studies that did not ocus on the understanding o games. games . Te various examples provided with the help o the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project indicate that the presence o Roman games is much more prevalent than the published literature suggests. Although Roman soldiers may still be the main group o players, the
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games are not limited to ortresses on the border o the Roman Empire. Te quarry site o Silsila and the Ptolemaic temple at Kom Ombo both eature multiple Roman games that complement the inventory o games ound at the borders o the Roman sphere o influence. Tis chapter provides the background or uture studies o Roman games in Egypt. Game boards can be more readily recognized and interpreted in the context o the sites discussed and their interpretation is acilitated by comparisonss with existing finds rom Roman Egypt and the Roman Empire in comparison general.
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Arab and Ottoman Invaders Scratching the Surace Although A lthough the history o modern mo dern board games in Egypt cannot be covered in a single chapter and is not part o our study, both Arab and Ottoman game practices have sometimes conused the understanding o ancient games. Tese Tese games are mainly ound scratched sc ratched on pavements and monuments, erroneously suggesting an ancient history by their association with Pharaonic architectu architecture. re. Tey can also als o be ound next to games that date to Roman or Pharaonic times, so that even the games context in which they are ound gives rise to conusion. Only an understanding o these games in contexts outside o Egypt allows them to be differentiated. Tis chapter disentangl disentangles es the graffiti games introduced introd uced afer the Arab conquest up to modern times rom rom the Roman and earlier game practices in the record by describing their main characteristics and by pointing at possible problems o identification.
Graffi Gr affiti gam games es Game boards that have been conused with those rom antiquity have been uniquely and consistently discovered as graffi gr affiti games. games . I more recent games g ames are scratched in existing buildings it is the date o the building or the presence o earlier games rom rom antiquity that may lead to misconceptions. As emphasized in the previous chapter, the date o the building does provide a terminus post quem or the date o the game, but does not imply the game was played at the same time the building was built, or even in use. Whenever possible, an understanding o the taphonomy o the building in which games were ound may provide some understanding understanding o the date o inscribed games. 151
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Tee types T type s o games g ames that can c an be ound as a s graffiti are limited. Tey can ca n be a configuration o holes, usually small depressions, or a grid o lines creating a board with square s quare fields. An instant recognition o these games is particularly helpul to identiy the era in which the incisions were made, or at least to attribute them to the relevant population. Te time period in which Arab and Ottoman games were made is stretched between the seventh century and the present day, as some o these games are still being played in Egypt Eg ypt and neighboring countries. Even i this occurred oc curred in recent memory the local population may no longer be amiliar with these games. Some games can only be attributed to Ottoman invaders, usually soldiers. Tis appears appears particularly true or mancala games that are rarely ound on rock aces or monuments outside the Ottoman sphere sphe re o influence. Research on this Ottoman tradition o carving games in stone is ongoing and the date and origin o such games is refined each time t ime new finds are made (see (s ee de Voogt Voogt 2010,, 2012; 2010 2012; Charpentier et al. 2014). 2014). Tere are three games that have been associated with the Arab and Ottoman Empires. Te game o seeja commonly consists o five rows o five fields, either small depressions or squares. Te game o tâb ofen has our rows o seven or more fields, requently seen as small depressions as well. Finally, the game o mancala usually has two rows o six or more cup-shaped cup- shaped holes, usually larger than those ound or seeja and tâb. Te variation that is ound with each o these games and the occasionally overlapping configurations between games has to be taken into account whenever a game board is identified on an archaeological site (see fig. 7.1). 7.1). Arab and Ottoman games can be ound together with Roman games since they ofen share the location o play. More problematic or the archaeologist are those games that were reused by later Arab or Ottoman players. Examples include a reused latrunculi board or making a seeja board at Silsila—which is part o ongoing research on games in collaboration with Maria Nilsson and John Ward—, possible extensions o the game o five lines to create mancala boards at Palmyra (de (de Voogt Voogt 2010 2010)) and contexts such as the roo o the temple o Khonsu where w here games rom Pharaonic times are joined by seeja and possibly mancala o orr five lines games (Jacquet-Gordon (Jacquet-Gordon 2003). 2003). Without an understanding underst anding o the latest o additions in such a games context, itit is impossible to disentangle the different origins origins and time periods in which these games were made.
Arabb and Ottoman Ottoman Board Board Games Ara
Figure 7.1 Figure
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Example o an Arab or Ottoman games context at Petra, Petra, Jordan (top) with a 7 × 7 seeja board, c. 40 × 35 cm and a 4 × 12 tâb board , c. 78 × 29 cm, and on Sai Island, Sudan (bottom) with mostly 2 × 6 mancala boards , a 5 × 5 seeja board, c. 40 × 33 cm and a 4 × 12 tâb board, c. 72 × 21 cm. Photographs by Alex de Voogt in 2014 and 2010, 2010, respectively. respe ctively.
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Seeja Seeja or siga In 1694 Tomas Hyde remarked on “an interesting game called seejeh or sutreng ” as played by the Bedouin Be douin o Israel (translation (tr anslation Keats 1994:97). 1994:97). Without urther explanation he states that the game is “mentioned in Egyptian papyri, and played in Ancient Persia, using glass pieces on carved stone boards.” His description is in the context o his history o chess, and although it is “quite unlike chess, and should not be conused with it,” Hyde is probably one o the first Western Western games historians who became part o a long tradition o relating certain board games to ancient Egypt. Seeja—a —a transliteration o Arabic that has variations such as sija , siga and seega—is —is a board game that does not resemble other games rom antiquity. It commonly consists o five rows o five holes or squares, unlike most other games discussed here, which have either two, three or our rows o playing fields. It cannot be ound in documents dating to Pharaonic Egypt nor is the placement o this game on ancient monuments evidence o its supposed long history. On the contrary, there is no evidence in Egypt or in neighboring countries that seeja was played beore the Arab invasion and in several cases beore the Ottoman presence in the region. Jacquet-Gordon (2003 (2003:12) :12) in her study o the graffi g raffiti o the Khonsu K honsu temple roo states that she has no reason to suppose that the game, which she spells as siga, is not ancient. anc ient. She states that the th e dating o the t he graffi gr affiti on the temple remains obscure. However, on two occasions this game covers earlier graffiti, in one case “a “a tiny ti ny figure o Khonsu” and in the other a lion, suggesting a players’ group that is not associated with the imagery o these figures. Tese two games consist o only two rows o five holes, which she interprets as an unfinished seeja game (Jacquet-Gordon (Jacquet-Gordon 2003:17–18) 2003:17–18) but, as has been b een discussed elsewhere, it is more likely likely to be an example o the game o five lines lines .
Seeja playing rules Te 5 × 5 configuration o seeja is easily recognized and helps to date the games to the period afer the Roman era. Te grid can be ound as a set s et o twenty-five twenty-five
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squares or as a set o small depressio depressions. ns. Te variation variation reminds one o the game o five lines in that the appearance o the board is either a set o fields, small depressions or a combination o the two. In some cases the nature o the material may explain these preerences. Apart rom the variation o squares and holes, there are multiple examples where the grid is slightly larger or smalle r, usually not larger than seven rows o five or seven fields and commonly smaller common ly not smaller than our rows o our although the latter is ofen interpreted as an unfinished example. Seeja uses two distinct sets o playing pieces (Murray (Murray 1951:54–5). 1951:54–5). When played in the sand, differently colored sticks can be used that are then stuck into the board. On stone, any pebble, seed or small piece may do as long as the two opponents can be differentiated. Tere are no dice needed or this game and the number o players or sides is limited to two. Seeja is still played today and the board has different sets o rules. For instance, in Sudan a similar and popular game is called dhala, which uses the same grid, ofen in the shape o depressions in the sand. Lane (1908 (1908:356–7) :356–7) has described what he called seegà or modern Egyptians with rules similar to those ound elsewhere in the Middle East. He describes the board b oard as commonly consisting o five rows o five holes, or seven rows o seven or even nine rows o nine. As in the game o tâb and the game o mancala, the size o the board varies but the rules are are usually identical. Lane (1908 (1908)) calls a hole eyn (eye) and a playing piece kelb (dog). For a game played on a five-by-five five-by-five board there are twelve pieces or each player. Te two sets o twelve are differentiat differentiated ed by appearance. Lane has the first two pieces o each player placed as shown in fig. 7.2. 7.2. Afer this initial placement, pl acement, players take turns putting two o their pieces on the board with each turn. Tey may be placed in any empty space except the central one. Once all the pieces have been placed, one player starts by moving one o his or her pieces rom rom an adjacent field into the empty central space. I the opponent has no adjacent piece to place into the newly new ly emptied space, the first player loses a piece as he or she is required to open up a place. I such a situation occurs again in the game, the same rule applies. Lane ormulates the aim o the game as ollows (Lane (Lane 1908:357): 1908:357): Te aim o each party is to place any one o his h is kelbs in such a situation s ituation that there shall be, between it and another o his, one o his adversary’s kelbs.
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Figure 7.2 Placement o first pieces on a seeja board as discussed by Lane (1908 (1908). ).
Tis, by doing so, he takes; and as long as he can immediately make another capture by such means, he does so, without without allowing his adversary to move.
Other sets o game rules rule s may be present in Egypt but the rules r ules above suffi ce to explain the nature o the game and the design o the playing board b oard that comes with it. Lane (1908 (1908:357) :357) adds that several boards “have been cut upon the stones on the summit o the Great Pyramid, by Arabs who have served as guides to travelers.” Tis early observation by Lane should inorm those who need to interpret the history o this game on top o ancient monuments in Egypt. Te Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project revealed examples o seeja in el-Kab, Medamoud Medamo ud and several at Silsila (fig. 7.3). 7.3). Also there th ere are examples o our rows o five holes ound at Edu that may be related. In Silsila there are a ew examples where more rows o depressions are ound but where the five-by-five five-by-five configuration stands out. ransormations o one game into another by adding or accentuating the desired configuration have been attested across time periods in Palmyra (de (de Voogt 2010) 2010) but can also be ound in Silsila where a latrunculi board was partially reused or seeja .
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Figure 7.3 Examples Figure
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o seeja boards at Silsila (top lef), Medamoud (top right) and our at el-Kab, based on photographs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.
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âb Te game o tâb is not as well known today as the game o seeja but it is also ound in the Middle East, including Egypt and Sudan. Four rows o seven or more depressions are used while the players use a set o throwing sticks or stick dice as the preerred randomizer or the moves. Te game is played by two opposing sides, each moving one set o colored pieces around the board. Each opposing side may have two players that work as a team. Te team members alternate throwing the dice to determine the next move. Unlike seeja , which uses u ses five rows and ofen has fields, fie lds, the our rows o holes used or tâb create a similarity with mancala games. Four-row Four-row mancala boards that are known or East Arica can be b e identical in configuration to a tâb board. Te size o the playing holes is likely to be different. In mancala games, the holes should be able to contain multiple counters at a time while in tâb, each depression usually holds just one or two pieces. âb, which is a transliteration o Arabic, has different spellings including t .áb as it is used by Lane (1908 (1908:353–6). :353–6). It is attested or modern Egypt with a published complete description o the rules as they are used today. Similar descriptions are ound in Niebuhr (1774 (1774:188–9) :188–9) and the earliest attestation o this game in the Western literature is ound with Tomas Hyde (see Depaulis 2001:56). 2001 :56). Te game commonly requires our sticks, according to Lane ofen cut rom a palm-branch. palm-branch. Tey are cut so that they have two sides; one is called white and the other black (Lane (Lane 1908:353): 1908:353): Next, it is necessary to be provided with a “seegà.” Tis is a board, divided into our rows o squares, called “beyts” or “dárs,” each about two inches wide; or it consists o similar rows o holes made in the ground, or in a flat stone: the beyts are usually seven, nine, eleven, thirteen, or fifeen, in each row.
As Lane points out, the board varies in size and the size merely affects the duration o the game but not the playing rules. Te value o the throws o the sticks are defined by the number o white (or flat) sides that are visible. Each white side counts c ounts or one. For For example, three whites and one black bl ack scores sc ores three.
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Te only exception is our black sides, which score six. A score o one—called t .áb or weled (child)—, (child)—, our or six requires the player to throw again and the player only stops throwing throwing when a two or three is thrown in which case it is the turn o the opponent. Each player owns two rows o beyts, the outer rows are commonly filled with pieces, also called “dogs” according to Lane (1908 (1908:354). :354). Te word “dog” or gaming piece is also ound in ancient Greece (Schädler (Schädler 2002) 2002) and Pharaonic Egypt (see Chapter 3), but contrary to Falkener’s suggestion (Falkener 1892:39) 1892:39) that does not link the game boards or game rules. Te game o hounds and jackals (see Chapter 5), also eatures dog-shaped dog-shaped pieces so that a continuous tradition o such pieces can be ascertained rom ancient Egyptian to ancient Greek and Ottoman times. In each period, however, the games are known to be b e different and the majority did not originate orig inate in Egypt. In order or a piece to move rom the outer row the player has to throw a one. Afer this piece leaves the back row counterclockwise, it circulates in the inner two rows in a clockwise clock wise direction. direc tion. I it lands on a field with an opponent’s piece, then this piece is captured and removed rom the board. b oard. I I it joins a piece o its own, it may move as one, i.e., two or even three pieces move as i they are one piece. A three-piece three-piece combination combination is made by either moving a set o two to a field with one piece, or by moving one piece onto a field with already two. Tey can only be separated again by throwing a one. Once a player moves a piece into the outer row o the opponent, opp onent, it can no longer be captured although alth ough it may capture pieces that have not been removed rom that row by the opponent. Te object o the game is to capture all the opponent’s pieces. Tis technical inormation about the playing rules is relevant here since it determines the size o the playing fields as well as the playing pieces. Each field ideally accommodates three pieces, at least where the Egyptian variation is concerned (see also als o Murray 1951:95). 1951:95). Te game has been attested or Sudan, on the island o Sai (de ( de Voogt Voogt 2014 2014), ), where it was ound carved next to a series o mancala games as well as one seeja game. In the context o two-row two-row mancala and seeja , tâb is shown to belong to a particular group o people active in a specific time period. So ar, this time period has coincided with the presence o the Ottomans but the period between the arrival o the Arabs and the colonial conquests o the
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Figure 7.4 Examples
o tâb boards at el-Kab with one possibly combined with a seeja board, based on photographs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward. Ward.
French and the British in the nineteenth century is such that perhaps other periods can be associated with these games or other sites. In the Gebel elSilsila Survey Project, only the site o el-Kab showed possible p ossible examples or the game o tâb ( (fig. fig. 7.4). 7.4).
Mancala Ma ncala As with almost any board game discussed here, the origins o mancala have at some point been placed in ancient Egypt. Parker (1909 ( 1909:589–91) :589–91) enumerates
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several examples o rows o holes h oles cut “in the roo-slabs roo-slabs o the Kūrna temple temple in Upper Egypt,” “on the summit o the damaged portion o the great pylon built in Ptolemaic times at the entrance to the temple o Karnak, as well as on the tops o the walls there” and “at the Luxor temple.” Tese were also mentioned by Murray (1951 (1951),), Walker (1990 (1990:34–5) :34–5) and mentioned but finally criticized by Schädler (1998 (1998).). Parker (1909 (1909:Fig. :Fig. 256) adds a photograph o the holes at the “Tird Pyramid, Gizeh” (fig. (fig. 7.5), 7.5), an image that is not much dissimilar o the rows o holes ound on the remains o the temple o iye at Sedeinga or those ound on top o the Soleb emple, two New Kingdom Egyptian monuments both ound in Sudan (fig. (fig. 7.6). 7.6). Also, the Gebel el-Silsila Survey project revealed two such games at Dendera; one consisting o two rows o six holes and the other o two rows o five holes with two end-holes, end-holes, i.e., an additional hole at each ar end. Johnston (1913 (1913:384) :384) states that as early as 4000 “there “there came all musical instruments superior superior to the musical bow and the drum, several types o games played with hollowed or divided boards and counters, and a good many Egyptian Egypti an notions about religion reli gion”” that “began to penetrate pe netrate Negro Arica. A rica.”” Again this comment was picked up and repeated by Murray (1951 (1951:159) :159) and Walker (1990 1990).). While Johnston placed the origin o all these matters in ancient Egypt, Schweinurth (1874 (1874,, 2:28) speaks about a game known by the Nubians as
Figure 7.5
o a mancala board not recordedDrawing (afer Parker 1909:Fig. 1909:Fig. 256).at the “Tird Pyramid, Gizeh,” dimensions
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F Figure igure 7.6 A
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× 6amancala board2carved in the board templeon o iye, Sudan, partly eroded × 6 mancala top oSedeinga, the temple o Soleb, c. 21 × 61 cm, 2and Sudan, c. 20 × 54 cm. Photographs by Alex de Voogt, 2011.
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“mungala.” He stated it to be “singular that this pastime be so amiliar to the Mohammedan Nubians, who only within the last twenty years have had any intercourse at all with the negroes o the south; but in all likelihood they received it in the same way as the guitar, as a legacy rom their original home in Central Arica.” Te accompanying illustration (Schweinurth (Schweinurth 1874, 1874, 2:26) shows a board o two rows o eight holes with two end-holes, end-holes, a design and configuration unknown in the Middle East. oday’s Nubians do not seem to play this game anymore and it does not seem to have traveled down the Nile. Although these early twentieth-century twentieth-century sources may be considered dated, and today it is difficult to find Nubians playing this game, g ame, the connection connec tion with Egypt is not a thought that has vanished. Te esteemed games researcher Bell (1979 (1979:12), :12), who based his view partly on rows o holes ound on Egyptian ruins, suggested that it may have originated rom rom “black Arica Ari ca and had been b een taken to Egypt Eg ypt at a very early e arly date.” A previous publication edited by Gruneld (1975 (1975:20) :20) but with Bell acting as a consultant states: “mancala games . . . have been played or thousands o years in Egypt, where boards have been ound carved into the stone o the pyramid o Cheops and the temples at Luxor and Karnak.” It is the presence o games on Egyptian monuments that has created a series o other connections as the temple o “Kurna” is mentioned to eature an unfinished “ alquerque diagram” (Gruneld (Gruneld 1975:38) 1975:38) as well as a ninenine-men’smen’s-morris morris game “probably carved by the workmen who built the temple around 1400 B.C.” (Gruneld ( Gruneld 1975:59). 1975 :59). Both the identification o the game and the associated date are problematic. It cannot be emphasized enough that the date o the erection o a building is not necessarily related to the period in which the game was scratched into its roo. Graffiti games g ames on Egyptian, Eg yptian, Nubian, Roman or other oth er monuments rom antiquity should not be immediately interpreted as dating to the time o the monument itsel. Te latter can only be assumed i the games are revealed within an archaeological context that leaves no doubt as to its origin and age. Te accessibility o the temple at Karnak, but also structures such as the Nubian pyramids (de (de Voogt 2012) 2012) and the many monuments dating to Roman times (Schädler 1995, 1995, 1998; 1998; Mulvin & Sidebotham 2003; 2003; de Voogt 2010, 2010, 2012) 2012) have shown that games rom different periods and origins can be present. Contrary to the belies o Gruneld, Bell and other authors on game history, the temples
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o Kūrna and Khonsu eature games played by the ancient Egyptians as well as later Roman or Arab and Ottoman visitors that came afer them. Jacquet-Gordon attested a “twelve-hole “twelve-hole game board” (Jacquet-Gordon (Jacquet-Gordon 2003:13) 2003 :13) consisting o two rows o six holes on the roo o the temple o Khonsu but rerains rom speculating that this is a mancala game or that it was carved by ancient Egyptians. She mentions two games that were not assigned an entry number, one o which obliterated an older inscription. Only one “coh coherent erent graffi gr affito” is assigne ass ignedd a number, number, i.e. i.e.,, it received receive d a separate sep arate graffi g raffito entry entr y number, representing this board bo ard configuration. Te presence o games covering inscriptions also makes an ancient Egyptian origin less likely. Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) identified two and three rows o holes o mostly five and sometimes our holes. Tey concluded that mancala games were present and, in light o the games context and the presence o mancala games in nearby geographical locations in today’s world, this seemed a correct conclusion. But the places where mancala is played on two rows o five or our are ew. Ma Mancala ncala games with three rows have been attested in modern times as well but only with six holes per row. More importantly, the game o five lines is a more likely candidate and has already been attested in other Roman sites and fits with the limited number o holes per row as well as the presence o several other Roman games present on their particular site. Te absence o any additional evidence that Romans played mancala, such as imagery or literary reerences, urther questions the conclusion o Mulvin and Sidebotham. Te Gebel el-Silsila Survey recorded two boards at Dendera that have a configuration and an appearance consistent with mancala. Tey are not ound in a context that could identiy their makers. More extensive examples were documented or Sudan, particularly on Sai Island (de ( de Voogt 2014) 2014) where also an Ottoman games’ context is present (see also fig. 7.1). 7.1). Modern Egyptians play a version o mancala, but they are not known to use the rows o holes carved in rock and monuments even though that may not have been the case in Ottoman times. Tis is also true or its immediate neighbor to the south, Sudan. In South Sudan, i.e., south o Sudan, there is a lively tradition o mancala that does not seem to have reached the Nile Valley since they preer our rows o holes and do not preer rock but rather sand to play their games. Te same is true or Ethiopia and Eritrea where mancala is
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popular, mostly ound as wooden boards, and quite distinct rom the mancala versionss in South Sudan and the rest o the Middle East. I anything, the Nile version Valley has been an obstacle in the distribution o mancala games with games rom the Middle East not traveling traveling urther south, and games rom sub-Saharan Arica not travelin travelingg urther north. Te earliest description o mancala rules, as opposed to possible game boards, in modern Egypt is probably by Carsten Niebuhr in 1774 who w ho mentions Maronites playing in Cairo (Niebuhr (Niebuhr 1774:185). 1774:185). Te board has two rows o six holes and a starting configuration o six counters in each hole. A player picks up the contents contents o one o the holes on his or her side and spreads them oneone-bybyone in counterclockwise direction. I the last counter ends up in a hole where the contents becomes either two, our or six, the player can capture its contents and also the contents o the holes directly preceding this hole i these holes happen to have two, our or six counters as well. Te rules are similar to those still ound in the Middle East. For instance, in artus, Syria, the board has two rows o seven holes but the rules o play are similar with captures o all those that have two or our in one hole (Alex de Voogt, field notes). Ottomans are known to have played mancala, as there is evidence ound in illustrations and within the historical geographical confines o the Ottoman Empire. For instance, there is a banquet scene ound in a sixteenth- or seventeenth-century seventeenthcentury urkish album o miniatures and calligraphy that shows men drinking coffee, playing backgammon and mancala (Chester Beatty Library/Bridgeman Art Library CBL71659, CBL71659, Ms 439 .9r). Man Mancala cala games are still ound in urkey and Syria that share a more or less common appearance. Tere is also a requently quoted reerence to mancala in Arabic (Murray (Murray 1951:165), 1951 :165), a name o a game rom which today’s word mancala has been derived. Yet, outside o the Ottoman Empire there has been little evidence that mancala games were played on stone suraces and, even on the illustration mentioned above, it is a wooden game board. Since the ancient history o mancala is not suffi s ufficient ciently ly known, k nown, the attri attributi bution on o stone or graffi gr affiti mancala boards to ancient Egypt cannot be accepted without additional evidence. Te identification o mancala games in rock is complicated by the act that they may be conused with other games such as tâb or the game o five lines lines or it may not be a board game at all but a game o marbles or part o an area where other activities using stone give the appearance o a set o playing holes.
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Identiying mancala on a rock surace requires a careul outline o two rows o at least six holes, each hole with a size that accommodates a small hand, and and a location that seems suitable or playing games. Even Even with these characteristics one cannot always be sure, but usually other games in the vicinity may point to the possible origin and may create a so-called so- called games conte c ontext xt that could confirm the presence o mancala . Tere is no archaeological evidence that the ancient Egyptians played mancala or seeja, nor alquerque and ninenine-men’smen’s-morris morris or that matter. When mancala boards appear in the archaeological record they are always ound in locations where an Ottoman or late Arab presence can be assumed. When mancala boards are ound at archaeological sites in Syria, Sudan and Egypt, usually seeja boards are present as well, suggesting that these games were played by the same people. Boards with two rows o five holes, particularly in the vicinity o Roman games, can be saely dated to Roman times and were most likely used or the game o five lines ( (Schädler Schädler 1995, 1995, 2008). 2008). Te material ound in Egypt does not contradict this reading o the evidence.
8
Te Role o Board B oardAntiquity Games in Understanding Te archaeological and historical records o Egypt have supplied about five thousand years o games history. Te documentation o such continuity is a rare but crucial occurrence or understanding the roles board games played in the ancient world. Te overview in this volume shows commonalities in the ways board games were harnessed or societal processes, as well as a changing array o social niches in which they were preerred. preerred. Tis kind o research into ancient games is only a beginning and the evidence that is currently available should advance rather than finalize the conversation about the role o games in culture.
Spread o board games Te major board games in Egypt were either transmitted to neighboring regions or came to Egypt rom oreign lands. Even in the third millennium mehen spread to Cyprus and possibly Mesopotamia. Shortly thereafer, senet was brought to the Levant and Cyprus. Perhaps as early as the th e Middle Kingdom, the game o o twenty ound ound its way rom Mesopotamia and the Levant to Egypt, and became popular during the New Kingdom, only to disappear quite suddenly during the Late Period. Hounds and jackals ound its way rather quickly rom Egypt to Anatolia and Mesopotamia, and maintained a long popularity outside o Egypt. Five lines , duodecim scripta and latrunculi all came to Egypt once increasing Greek and Roman influence took hold in the years ollowing the conquests o Alexander and Augustus. Finally, Finally, tâb , seeja and mancala appear to have arrived through Arab and Ottoman invasions and occupations. 167
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Tis T is simplified narrative narrative o game playing in Egypt masks multiple kinds o interactions that were relevant to the spread o all o these games. For mehen and senet , trade is likely the primary mechanism by which the games were introduced into new lands. For senet in particular, the changing pattern o game board-producin board-producingg sites appears to reflect what we know o shifing trade patterns. rade is accompanied by migration as a mechanism by which games arrived in different regions, and evidence or the game o twenty suggests suggests that it initially came to Egypt through the migration o Levantine peoples during the Middle Kingdom. Migration may be seen in the appearance o tâb and seeja as well. Te diffusion o hounds and jackals outside o Egypt is less obvious, as it seems to have spread very quickly to distant regions that lack strong cultural or exchange relations (e.g., Anatolia), suggesting there is a lacuna in the evidence or the existence o this game in other portions o the Near East. Greco-Romann games in Egypt can be Greco-Roma b e explained by a complex combination o conquest, trade and emulation. O course, the incorporation o Egypt into the Hellenistic world afer the conquest o Alexander and the subsequent division o his empire into autonomous regions with Greek rulers led to the promulgation o Hellenic culture throughout the Near East, which encouraged the migration o Greeks and emulation o them by the indigenous population. Similar processes happened during the Roman Empire when legionnaires were stationed throughout through out the eastern part o the Empire. Complex interactions between Roman citizens living outside o Italy and local peoples led to processes o Romanization that were neither one-directional one- directional nor universal, and games can be seen as part o this process. All o these processes—trade, migration, emulation—are ways in which people address a need to interact with one another across linguistic, political, socio-economic socioeconomic and religious boundarie boundaries. s. Te concept o a “soci social al lubricant, lubric ant,” a practice that acilitates interaction across such boundaries, is relevant here. Research on social lubricants has traditionally ocused on intoxicants and psychoactive substances, but games unction similarly with regard to the acilitation o interaction. Board games are commonly played by two people. Tis requires people to interact beore a game can take place, and thus the location o a game board may point to places where people were in contact with one another. Te liminal nature o games, which allows or people to
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ignore socially-constructed socially-constructed boundaries (urner (urner 1982:27), 1982:27), unctions similarly to ingested social lubricants in that they ofen take place in specific places and times, during which relationships can be strengthened, changed or created (Crist 2015; 2015; Crist et al. in press). press). Unortunately, the archaeological evidence rom Egypt Eg ypt is predominantly mortuary mortu ary in nature such suc h that it is difficult to identiy places and spaces in which games were played. Instead, the broader geographic distribution distribution o the games and comparison to contemporary contemporary social so cial processes may provide insight on this unction o Egypt’s games. Since the appearance o mehen around 3000 , , board games have shown a regional popularity. When senet increased in popularity, Egypt’s main interactions with the outside world were to build relationships with local peoples with the purpose o creating economic ties in order to secure important goods that were absent abse nt rom Egypt itsel, such as copper and cedar, ce dar, as discussed discu ssed in Chapter 3. Te appearance o hounds and jackals in Anatolia and Mesopotamia Mesopota mia could point p oint to a similar economic impetus, although although the specific sp ecific mechanisms by which they would have traveled to these regions are not readily apparent. Tough migration was the process that initially brought the game o twenty twenty to Egypt, it was the popularity o the game among Late Bronze Age elites throughout the Near East that appears to have led to its adoption by the Egyptian nobility. Te game was decorated in the distinctive International Style, using shared symbols o power among the elites. Tis orm o emulation was the primary cause o the spread o this game, and not the Egyptian conquest o the Levant. Little evidence or the presence o senet exists exists in the Late Bronze Age Levant even though it was at the height o its importance in Egypt. Afer the region-wide region-wide Late Bronze Age collapse, the game o twenty disappeared rom Egypt, never to reappear, as its unctionality was eliminated along with the extinction o the system o elite exchanges. exchanges. More emulation can be seen in a potential re-introduction re-introduction o hounds and jackals jacka ls during the Persian occupation o Egypt, as well as the arrival o GrecoRoman and later games. Whereas previously the clearest evidence or the adoption o a oreign game into Egypt was the game o o twenty , all o these later games demonstrate demonstrate the changing political realities in Egypt, in which the Nile Valley’s power was diminished but played a key role in the empires to which it was subject. It was through an influx o transplanted Greeks and Romans, such
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as at the ortress at Abu Sha’ar, that brought Greco-Roman games to the Nile Valley, but the state o the evidence ev idence at present makes it difficult to t o determine the degree to which these games were played by local Egyptians. Attitudes toward pagan practices likely brought about a changing landscape o games with the adoption o Christianity, and a Coptic game gained in popularity during Late L ate Antiquity, Antiquity, as did tâb, seeja and mancala during the Islamic periods. Tis discussion o the changing landscape o games is again simplified, as the interactions that brought games to new places and the processes that affected their th eir popularity popula rity across complex c omplex social soci al networks are diffi cult to assess ass ess in the archaeological record. Ongoing archaeological research and new approaches appr oaches to board games in Egypt will enrich, correct correct or confirm the above histories.
Religiosity Religiosi ty o board games In researching cultural transmission o board games, de Voogt et al. (2013 (2013)) ound that games cross cultural boundaries with remarkable fidelity. Tey retain much o their morphology and, likely, many o the rules. Tat is not to say that people adopting a new game will assign it similar social connota connotations. tions. One cannot assume that the religious connotations connotations a game had in one culture were transerred to the adopting society. Te religious use o senet is is ound prominently during the New Kingdom when texts, representations, and symbols on the boards b oards themselves demonstrate dem onstrate its importance in this arena o lie. What is less understood is whether the game always had this connection. Its importance in mortuary ritual is made clear, as is its presence in tomb assemblages, assemb lages, but the nature o the archaeological archaeol ogical record in Egypt does not provide much evidence or how it was played in domestic contexts. Graffiti games rom various sites do sugges suggestt a non-cultic non- cultic use, as does its presence in the Levant and Cyprus. In contrast, Levantine and Cypriot contexts do not support a religious or ceremonial unction or senet or or mehen, which also had strong cultic symbolism in Egypt (Sebbane ( Sebbane 2001;; Crist 2015). 2001 2015). Te symbolism o these games was not translated into the cultures receiving these games; rather, they were adopted into existing cultural milieux.
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Tee connection between divination and the game o twenty T twenty outside outside o Egypt did not translate to its use in the New Kingdom. While it is possible possi ble the practice pract ice existed among the Levantine peoples settling in Egypt, Eg ypt, there there is no indication in the textual evidence that Egyptians used it or this purpose once it became popular among the nobility. Its divinatory use continued in Mesopotamia and the Levant alongside its symbolic use by elites, and lasted long afer its demise in Egypt. Te game o twenty also also does not appear to have been adopted into any orm o Egyptian cosmology relating to the aferlie. Tough it appears opposite senet on on game boxes, texts and scenes are silent on the game. Tis suggests a non-religious non-religious use or the game o twenty , like many o the other games ound in Egypt about which texts reveal no inormation. Greek and Roman games, particularly those involving dice, are associated with gambling practices rather than divination and religious practice. Senet did not become part o this tradition, and, with its eventual demise, the religious connotation o games disappeared rom Egypt. At the rise o Christianity during Late Antiquity, pagan symbolism related to Egyptian games was long abandoned, and games rom then on and continuing throughoutt the Islamic periods appear to have been strictly a secular throughou se cular practice.
Site use As has been b een stressed stress ed throughout throug hout this volume, v olume, attribution o graffi g raffiti games to certain time periods or practices requires care, as the structure on which they are ound merely provides a terminus post quem or the game pattern itsel. Te appearance o a Roman or Islamic game on a Pharaonic monument does not imply that the appearance appearance o the game in Egypt should be ascribed as cribed to the date o that monument, rather it implies that the monument was in use or at the least unburied during later later periods, and was utilized as a place in which to play a game, or whatever reason the players deemed fit. Identiying Iden tiying the game itsel is a crucial cr ucial first step in dating the carved pattern. Some patterns, such as merels , duodecim scripta and the game o twenty are are sufficiently diagnostic di agnostic that their presence on monuments allow all ow or an easy eas y identification. Others, such as mancala , five lines and latrunculi are open to interpretation, and require urther lines o evidence to positively identiy them.
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Site taphonomy helps to ascribe ascr ibe graffiti games to certain cer tain time periods p eriods and aids archaeologists in understanding the chronology o the individual games’ existence. Much o this inormation is lost, since major Egyptian monuments were excavated beore scientific methods were adopted by archaeologists, but ongoing and uture excavations identiy identiying ing graffi g raffiti games gam es already a lready help in in understanding how and when some o these monuments were buried and which populations visited the remains.
Unidentified board games and new approaches Tere are patterns that do not easily fit any o the currently known types. Tey are arranged as intersecting lines making fields o squares or rectangles as well as rows or other patterns o cupules. While it is likely that games existed in Egypt that we have yet to discover, the identification o patterns as games can only be made in conjunction with other kinds o evidence. Tese include patterns that appear multiple times, have associated gaming paraphernalia (playing pieces or casting devices), exist alongside other known games in games contexts (de (de Voogt 2010; 2010; Crist et al. in press), press), have a certain social context rom the archaeological record (Crist (Crist 2015) 2015) or appear with corroborating textual or artistic evidence. While efforts to identiy new games are ongoing, there are undocumented examples o known types throughout Egypt as well. Newly ound games at Palmyra in Syria, as well as at the pyramids o Meroe (de ( de Voogt 2010, 2010, 2012), 2012), and those documented at various sites by Pusch (1979 1979),), Piccione (1990b (1990b)) and Jacquet-Gordon (2003 (2003)) suggest that there is a wealth o evidence or games that remains mis- or unidentified. unidenti fied. For For Egypt, this volume not only adds a range o Roman games ound through the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project but also contributes unpublished u npublished examples o graffiti senet , misinterpreted hounds and jackal l boards, jacka boards, unpublished photographs o a series o Egyptian games and a scientific examination attempting to authenticate a long-disputed long-disputed mehen board as well as correction c orrectionss o interpr interpretations etations in earlier scholarly texts. Te discovery o games outside o Egypt has helped to refine our understandingg o the ways in which Egyptian games were adopted and urther understandin elucidates the types o interactions Egyptians had with local peoples. In the
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past orty years, evidence or Egyptian games in Cyprus has ballooned significantly to the point where there are now more senet boards that have been ound outside o Egypt than within. Cyprus Cyprus experienced this increase o awareness during the late 1970s and 1980s, and now most Bronze Age sites excavated since then have produced games. Te Levant may be experiencing a similar expansion o awareness o this artiact type, as more games have been identified there over the past decade de cade and a hal than t han had been ound previously. prev iously. Methods rom anthropological archaeology (de (de Voogt et al. 2013; 2013; Crist 2015)) examine existing material in the light o cultural and anthropological 2015 theory. Tis interest rom other disciplines coupled with a better identification o cruder examples o games helps to reinvigorate the study o games in Ancient Egypt. Our work serves as a basis or Classical and anthropological archaeology as well as the field o Egyptology in general to provide a thorough understanding o existing evidence and an overview o the sources used or identiying and interpreting games in Egypt.
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Author Index Author Multiple author publications and editors are indexed under the name o the first author. al- Ma’shani, al-Ma’ shan i, A. see Charpentier al-Maqdissi, M. (ed.) see Oates, J. Albright, W.F. 10–11 10–11,, 84, 84, 101 Allen, J. 30, 89 Amandry, P. 9 Amélineau, E. 20, 26 Amiran, R. 71 Anderson, J.R. (ed.) see de Voogt Arnold, D. 10, 67 Aruz, J. (ed.) xi, (ed.) xi, 82, 82, 84 see also Finkel, osi Austin, R.G. 133–5, 138, 148 Ayrton, E. 43 Bagc hi, . see Soni Bagchi, Bagnall, R.S. (ed.) see Schädler Banks, E.J. E. J. 100 Bardanis, M. 36 Bardiès-Fronty, I. (ed.) xi (ed.) xi see also Dunn-Vaturi Bauer, G. (ed.) see Schädler Becker, A. 82 Behling, C.-M. 143 Bell, R.C. 118, 118, 163 see Ben Zvi, E.G.(ed.) Guillaume Bénédite, 1, 56, 1, 56, 111 Ben- Ben -or, or, A. 101 Benzel, K. (ed.) see Finkel Berger, J.-F. see Charpentier Bhattacharya, R.K. (ed.) see Soni Bielińsk Biel iński,i, P. P. 102 Birch, S. 66, 66, 86 Bisht, R.S. 82 Blackman,, A. 47, Blackman 47, 49 Boaretto, Boarett o, E. see Shai Boraas, R. see Richard Borgi, F. see Charpentier Brandl, B. 71 Breyer, C. 2, 2, 67
Brink, E. see van den Brink Brodersen, K. (ed.) see Schädler Brown, W.N. 11 Brun, J.-P. 126, 128, 128, 134–5, 140, 140, 148 Brunner- Brunne r-raut, raut, E. 97 Brunton, G. 104, 104, 106, 106, 108, 118 Bruyère, B. 55, 64 Bryan, B.M. (ed.) see Allen, DuQuesne Buchanan, B. see Ellis Buchholz, H.-G. 74 Burke, A.A. 84 Calame nt, F. Calament, F. (ed.) 123 Capart, J. 26, 29 Carnarvon, Earl o 11, 11, 53, 53, 104–5, 104–5, 118–19 Carpenter, Carp enter, E. see Schuster Carter, H., 95, 95, 119–20 119–20 see Carnarvon Caubet, A. xi, A. xi, 89 Champion, C.B. (ed.) see Schädler Charpent Char pentier, ier, V. V. 152 Clarysse, Clar ysse, W. W. (ed.) (ed. ) see ait Claudius 129 Cline, E.H. (ed.) see Caubet, Guillaume Clogg, P. see Philip Cochavi-Rainey, Cohen, R. 72 Z. 87 Collon, D. 116 Crassard, R. see Charpentier Crist Cr ist,, W. W. 12, 12, 34–6, 74, 76, 76, 101, 169–70, 169–70, 172–33 172– Cuvigny, H. (ed.) see Brun, Matelly Dales, G.F. 11 Dandoy, J.R. 10 Daressy, G. 54 Dasen, V. 10 David, A.R. 51 Davies, N. 29, 29, 56 Davies, R. 33
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Auth Author or Index Index
ddee Garis Davies, N. 57 de Mecquenem see Mecquenem de Miroschedji, M iroschedji, P. P. (ed.) see Ilan, Schulman de Morgan, J. 26 see also Mecquenem de Voogt, A.J. xiii, A.J. xiii, 12, 81, 81, 104, 126, 126, 129–31, 129–31, 135, 136, 136, 152–3, 152–3, 156, 156, 159, 162–5, 170, 170, 172–3 see also Charpentier, Crist,
Fischer, H. 17, 17, 111 Fiske, P.N. (ed.) see Eyckerman Förster, F. 45 Fourrier, S. 76 Francigny, V. V. xii, xii, xiii, xiii, 7, 12, 12, 126, 136 Franco, I. 66 Frankel, D. xi, D. xi, 74, 74, 76 see also Webb
Francigny, Rilly, Schädler Decker, Decke r, W. W. 1, 27, 87, 89, 99–100,, 107, 99–100 107, 114, 122 Depaulis, . 33, 33, 158 Deveria, T. 96 T. 96 Dickmeyer, C.G. xii Donadoni Roveri, A.M. (ed.) 111 Donadoni, S. (ed.) see Kendall Dorn, A. 58 Dreyer, G. 19 see also Kaiser Drioton, E. 1, 1, 104–5, 107, 107, 110, 110, 122–3 Dunand, M. 36, 36, 72 Dungworth, D. see Philip
Frankort, H. 10 Freed, R. (ed.) see Kendall Frewer, E.F. E.F. (translator) (tran slator) see Schweinurth Friedman, R.F R .F.. (ed.) see Eyckerman Fugmann, E. 72
Dunham, D. 11, 11, 45, 45, 68, 115 Dunn Friedman, F. (ed.) see PierratBonneois Dunn-Vaturi, A.-E. 10, 67, 83–4, 83–4, 96–7, 96–7, 111, 116, 116, 118, 122 see also Crist, de Voogt DuQuesne, . 107, 107, 111, 121 Durand, M. (ed.) see Calament
see Gale, R. Gasson,A.P.123 Gayet, Gempeler, A. see Kaiser Gilmour, G.H. 9 Goedicke, H. 47 Greenfield, Greenfiel d, H.J. see Shai Griffi Gri ffith th,, F.L F.L.. (ed.) (ed .) see Naville Grossman, P. see Kaiser Gruneld, F. 163 Guichard, S. 110 Guillaume Guil laume,, P. P. 71, 71, 99, 99, 114
Edelman, D.V. (ed.) see Guillaume Eerkens, Eer kens, J.W J.W.. see de Voogt Effenterre, H. see van Effenterre Eliyahu-Behar, EliyahuBehar, A. see Shai Ellis, R. 117, 117, 121 Emery, W.B. 6, 22, 22, 25–6, 25–6, 37–9, 37–9, 44, 51, 51, 67, 67, 115, 133–5 Erdös, S. 118, 118, 121 Erskine, A. (ed.) see Schädler Eustathius 63 Evans, J. (ed.) see Finkel Eyckerman, M. 43
Gaballa, G. (ed.) see David Gachet-Bizollon, J. 8 Gale, N. see Webb Gale, R. 71 García Martínez, M.A. xii, M.A. xii, 122 Gardiner, A. see Davies, N. Garstang,, J. 38 Garstang
Falkener, E. 2, 89, 89, 138, 159 Faulkner, R.O. 52, 52, 55 Finkel, I.L. I.L. xii, xii, 2, 2, 9, 9, 81–3, 81–3, 86–7, 86–7, 90, 90, 99, 99, 101–2, 123 see also Becker, Hoerth, 101–2, Kendall, Piccione, Pusch, Soni, ait
Hachmann, R. (ed.) see Meyer Haddad-Zubel, R. (ed.) see Schädler Haeny, P. see Kaiser Hall, H.R. 53 Harcourt-Smith, W. see Francigny Haring, B.J.J. xi B.J.J. xi Harris-Cline, D. (ed.) see Caubet Hassan, S. 47 Hawass, Z. 59 Hayes, W.C. 6, 9, 11, 11, 48, 48, 53–4 53–4,, 64, 90, 90, 94, 94, 97, 110–11 Heimann, Heiman n, F.U.M. F.U.M. 143 Hendrickx, S. see Eyckerman Hepper, N. see Gale, R. Herb, M. see Decker
Finkelstein, I. (ed.) Firth, C.M. 68, 91 see Guillaume
Herodotus Herscher, E.6376 see also Crist, Swiny
Auth Author or Index Index Hillbom, H illbom, N. 36–7, 36–7, 102 Hoerth, A.J. A. J. 86, 86, 88–9, 88–9, 94, 105–7, 105–7, 110, 117–19 Hood, S. 36 Hornung, E. see Allen, DuQuesne Huebner, S.R. (ed.) see Schädler Huizinga, J. 3 Hyde, T. 154, 158 see also Depaulis, Keats Ilan, O. 71 Iskander, J.M. 60–1 60–1 Jacquet-Gordon, H. 12, 12, 59, 59, 126, 126, 128, 152, 154, 154, 164, 172 see also Piankoff Jaritz, H. see Kaiser Jéquier, G. 85, 87 see also Mecquenem Johnston, H.H. 161 Junge, F. see Kaiser Junker, H. 28, 47 Kahn, J. see Francigny Kaiser, W. 26 Kamrin, J.J. xi, xi, 86 Kanawati, N. xii, N. xii, 47 Kaplony, P. 71 Karageorghis, V. 36, 77, 102 Kassianidou, V. (ed.) see Merrillees Keats, Keat s, V. V. 154 Kendall, . 2–3, 2–3, 6, 6, 8–9, 8–9, 11, 17–18 17–18,, 20–2, 20–2, 24–6, 28–30 24–6, 28–30,, 32–3, 32–3, 39, 39, 41, 43, 49, 49, 55, 55, 61, 66–8, 85–7, 85–7, 94–5 94–5,, 99–100 99–100 Keswani, P. 76 Killebrew, A.E. (ed.) see Burke, Sharon Killen, G. see Gale, R. Kirwan, L.P. see Emery Kitchen, K. (ed.) see David Knapp, A.B. A.B. xiii, xiii, 75 Kochavi, M. 72 Konyar, E. (ed.) see Michel Krüger, . 136 Kurke, L. 63
197
Lee, J. 70 Lepsius, C.R. 28 Levy, . (ed.) see Kaplony Lieblein, J.D.C. 105 Lilyquist, Ch. xii, Ch. xii, 90 Loat,, W.L. Loat W.L.S. S. see Ayrton Loud, G. 117 Macalister, R.A.S. 101, 118, 118, 121 Mackay, E.J.H. 82 Mackenzie, C. (ed.) see Finkel Maeir, A.M. see Shai Maltby, M. (ed.) see Dandoy Marée, M. (ed.) see iradritti Mariette, A. 47, 88–9, 96 Maspero, G. 96 see also Deveria Matelly, M.-A. 126, 126, 135, 140, 148 May, R. (ed.) 38, 38, 66, 66, 94, 111, 111, 123 Maystre, C. 57 McDonald, G.E. see Dickmeyer McDonald, H. see Oates Mecquenem, R. de 117 Merkelbach, R. 134 Merriam, A. 31 Merrillees, R. 75 Meyer, J.-W. 72, 72, 99 Michaelides, D. (ed.) see Merrillees Michel, C. 118 see also Collon Miniaci, G. 105, 105, 107, 111 Montet, P. 25–8, 43 Mulvin, L. 126, 128, 128, 131, 131, 140–1, 140–1, 148, 148, 163–4 Murray, A. 76 Murray, H.J.R. 2, 88, 88, 118, 135, 135, 141, 143, 143, 155, 155, 159, 161, 161, 165 Muscarella, O.W. 9
Lamberg-Ka rlovsky, C.C. see osi Lamberg-Karlovsky, Lamer, H. 128–9, 128–9, 131, 131, 134 Lane, E.W. 155–6, 158–9
Nash , W.L. Nash, W.L. 66, 86 Naville, E. 69 Needl Nee dler, er, W. W. 53, 53, 85 Newberry, P.E. 85, 113 Nicholson, P. (ed.) see Gale Niebuhr, C. 158, 158, 165 Nilsson, M. M. xii, 126, 132, 132, 137, 141–2, 141–2, 147–8, 147–8,
Lansing, A.47 10, 90 Lauer, J.-P.
152,k,157, 157, 160 Novace Novacek, G .V. G.V . 122
198
Auth Author or Index Index
Oates, O ates, D. 34 Oates, J. 34, 34, 72 Oren, E.D. 118 Ornan, Orn an, . 89 Ovid 129, 143 see also Rieche Pankhurst, R. 31–2
Rieche, A. 128–9, 143–4 Rilly, C. xiii C. xiii Röder, G. 55 Rose, P. 139 Rosellini, I. 113 Rothöhler, B. 1, 1, 15, 15, 17, 30, 30, 89 Ruffl e, J. (ed.) (ed.) see David
Parker, 160–1 Parlett, H. D. 82, 82, 88, 104 Parrot, A. 84 Pauly, Paul y, A.F. A.F. see Lamer Pedrizet, Pedri zet, P. 12, 125 Pendlebury, J. see Frankort Petrie, W.M.F. 6, 6, 10–12 10–12,, 17–18, 17–18, 25–6, 25–6, 32, 39, 43–4, 32, 43–4, 50, 50, 61, 61, 67, 77, 79, 79, 84, 84, 86, 101, 104, 86, 104, 106, 106, 108, 118, 118, 139 Philip, G. 75 Piankoff, A. 55 Piccione Picc ione,, P. P. 1–3, 1–3, 6, 8, 8, 10, 15, 15, 17, 17, 22, 22, 27,
Rundle Clark, R. R. . 24
29–31, 29–31 33, 41, 41, 43–57 43–57, 59–66, 68, 76–7, 76–7, 79, 79, 91,, 94–7, 94–7, 100, 100, 172, 59–66, Pieper, M. 54–5 Pierrat-Bonneois, G. 110 Piperno, M. 83 Plato 63 Polak, F. (ed.) see Guillaume Popova, A. 32 Porat, N. 71 Prisse d’A d’Avennes, vennes, É. 1 Pritchard, J. 9–10 Pusch, E.B. 1, 1, 9, 9, 28–9, 43, 45, 47, 47, 50–1, 50–1, 53, 57–9, 53, 57–9, 61, 68, 68, 77, 77, 79, 86–9, 86–9, 91–7, 100, 105, 91–7, 105, 172
Ranke, H. 2, 15, 15, 29, 29, 33 Rao, S.R. 82 Rapp, G. see Swiny Rast Ra st,, W. W. 34, 34, 70 Redord, D.B. (ed.) see Spanel Reeves, N. xi, N. xi, 97 Regev, J. see Shai
Schoors, A., A. (ed.) Schulman Schulman, 71 see ait Schuster, C. 121 Schweinurth, G.A. 161, 161, 163 Schweitzer, U. 26 Sebbane, M. 70–4, 70–4, 170 see also Ilan Seyffarth, G. 108 Shai, I. 71 Sharon, I. xiii Shaw, I. xiii see also Gale, R. Shore,, A.F Shore A. F. 20, 22 Sidebotham, S.E. see Mulvin Silva, J.N. (ed.) see Schädler Silverman, D. (ed.) see Piccione Simpson, Simps on, W.K. W.K. 8, 27–8, 47 Smith, A. see Mur Murray, ray, A. Smith, S.. 97 Soni, L.N. 82 South, A. 76 Sowada, K. 71 Spanel, D.B. 85 Spencer, A.J. 26 Stager, L. 71 Steiner, M.L. (ed.) see Burke, Sharon Stos, Z.A. see Webb Suetonius 129, 131, 131, 144 Sutton-Smith, B. 3
Retschitzki, J. (ed.) see Schädler Richard, S. 72
Swiny, S. xii, see S. xii, 3, 17, 3, 17, 20, 22, 24, 24, 27, 27, 29, 34–5, 72, 74–6 72, also Crist
Quenet, P. (ed.) see Oates, J. Quibell,, J.E. 6, 10, Quibell 10, 17, 17, 22–6, 44, 47 see also Petrie Quirke, S. xii S. xii see also Miniaci
Saad, Z.Y. 26 Salvador, Ch. see V Vandenbe andenbeusch usch Salvatori, S. see Piperno Saqqara Expedition 47 Sauvage, M. 84 Schädler, U. U. xii, xii, 11–12 11–12,, 63, 63, 83, 83, 128, 128, 130–3, 136–9, 143–5, 136–9, 143–5, 159, 161, 161, 163, 166 see also Dunn-Vaturi Scharff, A. 17, 26 Schaub, R.. see Rast Schiaparelli, E. see Hall
Auth Author or Index Index ait, ait, W.J. 6–8, 6–8, 10, 12, 54, 54, 63–4, 63–4, 94–7 aracha, P. see Bieliński arhan, . (ed.) see Michel eissier, B. 89 ibet, A. (ed.) see Michel iradritti, F. xi, F. xi, 88–9 osi, M. 82
Vaturi, A.-E. see Dunn-Vaturi Vermaak, P.S. 118, 118, 121 Vermeule, E. 76 Voogt, A.J. de see de Voogt Voorhies, B. 5
ournay, ourn ay, S. M.-M. 31 ournay, see ournay, M.-M. owry-Whyte, E. 65–7 unell, O. 34 ur urne ner,r, V. V. 169
Walters, H. see Murray, Mur ray, A.141–2, Ward, J. xii, J. xii, 126, 132, 132, 137, 141–2, 147–8, 152, 147–8, 152, 157, 160 Webb, J. xi, J. xi, 75–6 75–6 see also Frankel Welsby, D.A. (ed.) see de Voogt Wenig, S. (ed.) see Kendall Wiedemann, A. 55, 89 Wilkinson, J.G. 29, 29, 66, 66, 113–14 Willems, H. (ed.) see ait Williams, B.B. 33, 33, 38 Winlock, H.E. 96, 96, 105 Wissowa, G. see Lamer Wolff, S. (ed.) see Stager
Ussishkin, D. (ed.) see Guillaume, Sebbane van den Brink, E. (ed.) see Brandl, Kaplony, Porat van Effenterre, Effenterre, H. H. 36 Vandenbe andenbeusch, usch, M. 115 Vandier, d’Abbadie, J. 2, 15, 17, 17, J.22, 22, 26–9, 43–4, 43–4, 114 Vandier 97 26–9, Vassalli, L. see iradritti Väterlein, J. 143–4
Walk alker, er, R.A. R.A . 161
see V Wolsky, F.C.L. Vermeul Woolley, 82ermeulee
Yad adin in,, Y. Y. 73–4
199
200
Subject Index Subject Names o games and transliterations o Egyptian are in italics. Names o gods, places and individuals are capitalized. Entries Entries starting with “el-” are listed under the second part o the name. nh wꜢ st st 54 ˘ Ꜥ nh 95 ˘
A-Group 33, 38 Aba 29, 86 Abu Ballas 45 Abu Rawash 16, 16, 25, 25, 42–4 Abu Sha’ar 61, 127, 131, 131, 135, 140, 140, 148, 170 Abydos 9, 9, 16–17 16–17,, 20, 25–6, 25–6, 32, 32, 42–4, 50,
Amenhotep III 87, 87, 95 Amenhotep IV 96 amethyst 26 Amorite 84 amulet, amuletic 18, 38, 111, 111, 122 Anatolia 9, 14, 81, 81, 103–4 103–4,, 114–16, 118, 118, 167–9 animal see playing pieces, zoomorphic zoomorphic Ankheensakhmet 29, 29, 61
66, 69, 66, 69, 81, 91–2, 91–2, 94 Acemhoyük 103, 103, 116 Aegean 34, 36, 36, 89 Aegyptus, province o 128 Arica 161, 161, 163 Central Arica 163 East Arica 158 Saharan Arica 33 sub-Saharan Arica 165 aferlie 2, 2, 15, 15, 22, 30–1, 30–1, 41, 41, 47, 49, 52, 52, 120, 171 Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Papyrussamm lung, Berlin B erlin 52, 93, 93,
Ankhtifi 28, 32 Ante 49 anthropoid see board anthropological archaeology 14, 14, 173 Antinoë 123 Anubis 111, 111, 120–1 apotropaic 96 Aphrodisias 127, 133, 133, 136 appendage see also projection, protrusion round 107 trapezoidal 22, 22, 27 turtle-head turtlehead 17, 20, 27, 27, 31 Aqhor see Hornakht
95, 97Museum, Bonn xii, 95, Ägyptisches Bonn xii, 92, 94 Akhmim 81, 81, 88 alabaster 43 Alamgirpur 11 alea 133, 133, 136 Alexander the Great 61, 125, 167–8 Alexandria 10, 10, 12, 12, 127, 142–3 alquerque 163, 163, 166 Amara West 103, 115 Amarna, el-Amarna 10–11 Amarna letter 87 Amathus 42, 42, 76 Amenemhat 56, 56, 105 Amenhotep II 95
Arab 14, 154, 14, 125,158, 129, 165 129, 131, 133, 133, 138, 138, 151–67 151–67 Arabic4,66, 66, 158, Aramatelqo 68 Archaeological Museum o Heraklion 102 Asasi, el-Asasi 10, 42, 42, 53, 53, 90, 105 see also Tebes Ashmolean Museum, Oxord 17, 38 Ashur 81, 81, 103, 115–16 Assyrian, Assyrians 60, 60, 79, 115–16 115–16 astragali see casting devices
Ꜥ
bꜢ w 54, 60, 60, 68 ba 41, 41, 52, 52, 55–6
Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘ 16, 16, 34, 42, 42, 70–2, 70–2, 74
201
202
Subject Index
bbaboon aboon 10, 67 Babylon 14, 103 Babylonian 2, 66, 66, 87, 87, 99–100, 99–100, 117 Bachias 143 see also Fayum Oasis backgammon 133, 138, 138, 165 Ballas 6, 6, 16–17 16–17,, 20 Baqet III 51, 51, 85, 85, 113
burial 10, 31, 38–9, 38–9, 50, 50, 76, 86, 89–90, 89–90, 105, 105, 111, 122–3 see also unerary, mortuary, offerings Byblos 16, 16, 36, 42, 42, 71–2, 71–2, 116 Byzantine xiv, Byzantine xiv, 12, 124, 124, 128, 143
Bedouin beer 49 154 Bellapais Vounous 75 Beni Hasan 42, 51, 51, 81, 81, 85–7, 85–7, 103, 103, 111–13, 111–13, 127, 146–7 Bes 66, 96 Beth Shean 10, 103, 103, 118 biacial see board shape bird 54, 54, 67, 67, 83, 89, 99 see also duck, goose, sparrow-hawk, sparrowhawk, waterowl black 6, 6, 8, 50, 50, 135–6, 135–6, 158–9, 158–9, 163 blue 116, 118 board shape
calendar 122 Canaan, Canaanites 34, 36, 69 34, canine 6, 111, 111, 121 see also dog caption 2, 28–9, 28–9, 46, 46, 51, 85, 87, 87, 114 see also playing scene captives see playing pieces, throwing throwing sticks casting devices 5, 5, 7, 7, 9, 9, 122, 172 see also randomization astragalus, astragali 5, 5, 7, 7, 9–10, 9–10, 67, 87, 87, 99, 99, 119, 122, 122, 126 cubic dice 5, 5, 7, 7, 10–11 10–11,, 126, 126, 133, 135–6, 135–6, 148 disks, two-sided two-sided 119, 119, 123
anthropoid 121 axeaxe-blade blade 104 biacial 82, 82, 136 see also double double-sided, sided, reversible box type see box double-sided doublesided 11, 11, 66, 66, 85, 90, 90, 97, 97, 101–2,, 122 101–2 ellipsoidal 107–8 107–8,, 121 see also violin hippopotamus 109–10, 109–10, 114 see also zoomorphic liver 99 Palestinian see violin reversible 81, 88 see also biacial, double-sided doublesided shield 104 turtle 111–12 111–12,, 121–2 violin 107–8, 107–8, 110, 115, 117, 117, 122 zoomorphic 110, 113–14 Bode Museum, Berlin 17 Book o the Dead 2, 2, 41, 52, 55–7, 55–7, 63, 95 63, box, game box 11, 11, 52–3 52–3,, 57–8, 60, 60, 66–7, 66–7, 76, 81–2, 88–91 81–2, 88–91,, 94–7, 94–7, 101–2, 101–2, 107, 107, 122–3, 171 122–3, British Museum, London xi, London xi, xii, xii, 20–2, 20–2, 46, 52, 61–2, 52, 61–2, 66, 77, 77, 79, 79, 83, 86, 99–100, 111, 115, 115, 117
knucklebones 90, 96 see also astragalus 9–10, 90, oblong dice 11, 11, 89 pyramidal see teetotum six-sided sixsided see cubic dice sticks, our-sided our-sided 82 teetotums 5, 7, 10–11, 10–11, 101 tetrahedrons 11, 11, 82–3 throwing sticks 5–9, 23–5, 23–5, 44, 44, 121, 121, 126, 158–9 twenty-sided twentysided dice, Greek lettering 12, 12, 128 cat 67 cedar 71, 71, 169 celebration, celebratory 28, 28, 32, 32, 46–7 Chalcolithic 9 checkers 138–40 see also draughts checkered 20, 54, 92, 92, 94 chess 138, 138, 140, 154 child, children 31, 52, 52, 129, 143–5, 143–5, 159 Christianity, Christian 133, 133, 148, 148, 170–1 170–1 circle 17–18, 17–18, 20–1, 20–1, 79, 79, 107, 107, 135, 140, 140, 143–4 see also game o thirty-three thirty-three circles semi-circle semicircle 92, 94, 94, 135 circus 134 climate 1, 1, 79, 79, 82, 88, 125 see also preservation clockwise 17, 17, 36, 36, 159 see also
brown Buhen 27 42, 50, 50, 67, 67, 103, 103, 115
counterclockwise coffee 165
Cairo Papyrus see Great Game ext
Subject Index
203
Coffi C offi n ext 2, 2, 51–2, 51–2, 55 color, colored 6, 6, 20, 24–5, 24–5, 33, 33, 64, 64, 110, 110, 138, 155, 158 concentric circle see spiral configuration 38, 38, 97, 97, 111, 128–31 128–31,, 138–9, 138–9, 146, 152, 152, 154, 156, 156, 158, 164–5 connecting lines see linkage
drilled/bored 39, 70, 70, 122 pecked 34, 74, 76 dexterity 87, 87, 143–4 143–4 Dholavira 82 dice see casting devices dice tower see pyrgus Didymoi 127–8 127–8,, 140
conquest Arab 125, 133, 133, 151, 167 British, French 160 Egyptian conquest o the Levant 169 Egyptian conquest o Nub Nubia ia 114 Roman conquest 125, 125, 167–8 copper 36, 36, 71, 71, 169 Coptic calendar 122 game 122–3, 122–3, 170 counterclockwise 17, 17, 36, 159, 159, 165 counters see playing pieces counting devices see casting devices
Dinkha 122devices disks seeepe casting divination, divinatory 9, 12, 12, 99, 99, 171 Djet 37 dog, hound 63, 63, 66–7, 66–7, 69, 99, 111, 111, 115, 115, 118, 155, 159 domestic 10, 36, 36, 70, 70, 97, 104, 104, 170 see also public lie double-axe doubleaxe see board shape Dra Abu el-Naga 42, 53, 53, 88, 88, 107, 107, 111–12, 111–12, 122 draughts 52 see also checkers draughtsmen see playing pieces
Crete 37, 102 seeoalso Archaeological Museum Heraklion, Knossos cross see “X” crystal see rock crystal cubic dice see casting devices cultural transmission 170 see also anthropological archaeology Cypro-Geometric 77, 77, 102 Cyprus, Cypriot 3–4, 13, 34–7, 61, 61, 74–7, 74–7, 79, 81, 89, 81, 89, 91, 101, 101, 167, 170, 170, 173
also beer, coffee, drinking 57, 76, 165 seewine social lubricant, drinking cup 57, 96 duat 30, 30, 41, 55 duck 24 duodecim scripta, ludus duodecim scriptorum 14, 128, 128, 130, 133–8, 148, 148, 167, 171
Dakhleh Oasis 42, 45 dance, dancers 28, 31–2, 31–2, 47, 47, 52, 66, 97 Darius III 61 Dawwi 127–8, 127–8, 134–5 Deir el-Bahari 11, 105, 105, 122 see also Tebes Deir el-Bersha 86 Deir el-Gabrawi 16, 16, 29 Deir el-Medina 10, 10, 42, 50, 50, 55, 55, 58, 64, 81, 81, 93, 93, 96–8 Delta, Nile 87–8 Demeter 63 Demotic 63 Den 9, 9, 43 Dendera 42, 42, 61, 127, 127, 142–3, 142–3, 161, 161, 164 Deneia Kafalla 76 depression 35–6 35–6,, 39, 39, 61, 61, 71–2 71–2,, 74, 76–7, 76–7, 79, 79, 133, 135, field 135, 146, 152, 152, 155, 158 see also playing
ears 6, 6, 110–11 110–11,, 118 Early Bronze Age 34, 34, 69–72 69–72 Early Dynastic Period 13, 33–4, 33–4, 74 East Arica 158 eastern desert o Egypt 126, 128, 128, 136 Eastern Mediterranean 13, 36, 36, 84, 84, 101, 116 Edu 127, 127, 156 Egyptian Museum, Cairo xi, Cairo xi, 1, 1, 8, 17, 17, 46, 46, 51, 53, 58, 53, 58, 64, 88, 88, 91–4, 91–4, 97, 97, 100, 100, 106–8, 111–12, 122 111–12, Eighteenth Dynasty xiii, xiii, 11, 11, 53–4, 56, 90–1 90–1,, 94–5, 115–16 see also New Kingdom 94–5, Eleventh Dynasty xiii, 85, 104–5 see also Middle Kingdom elite 13, 13, 31, 31, 89, 102, 102, 110, 136, 136, 169, 171 ellipsoidal see board shape elliptic 110 emulation 168–9 Enkomi 76, 81, 81, 89, 101 Ephesos 42, 127, 76, 127, 133
204
Subject Index
Eritrea E ritrea 164 eroded 147, 162 Ethiopia 164 Eustathius 63 excavation, excavated 8–9, 12, 33, 33, 44–5, 44–5, 58, 70–2, 74, 83, 87–8, 70–2, 87–8, 91, 91, 101, 107, 107, 115, 115, 121, 129, 129, 140–1 140–1,, 172–3 exchange 4, 13, 4, 13, 73, 101–2, 101–2, 168–9 see also trade eye 96, 96, 107, 121, 121, 155 aience 11–12, 11–12, 20, 20, 24, 24, 31, 53, 53, 64, 64, 66, 66, 68, 88, 88, 94, 96–7, 101, 94, 101, 108, 110 Famagusta 76 amous 13, 76, 76, 82, 82, 117 see also iconic Fayum, Fayum Oasis 103, 103, 127, 139, 139, 143 easting 36, 36, 76 eet 22, 22, 27, 51, 105–6, 114, 114, 121, 145 ennec 6 estival 95
unerary 28, 31–2 31–2,, 37, 37, 44–5, 44–5, 47, 56–7 56–7,, 59, 59, 83, 96–7 83, 96–7,, 104, 104, 106–7, 106–7, 120–1, 120–1, 123 see also burial, mortuary gambling 63, 171 game o fiy-eight fiy-eight holes see hounds and jackals game o horseshoes horseshoes 111 game o the robbers robbers see game game o tjau game o thirty points points 104 see also hounds and jackals game o thirtythirty-one one 87 game o thirty-three thirty-three 13, 13, 60, 60, 63, 63, 77–80 77–80 game o tjau 29, 29, 86–7, 138 game o twenty 2, 2, 5, 5, 9, 9, 13, 13, 51, 53, 53, 58, 58, 60, 60,
64, 73, 76–7 64, 76–7,, 79, 79, 81–102, 107, 113, 113, 122, 167–9, 171 see also rules o play “head-and-tail” “headand-tail” type 83, 99 liver-shape livershape 99
Fifeenth Dynasty xiii, 101 see also Second Intermediate Period Fifh Dynasty xiii, xiii, 28–30 28–30,, 41 see also Old Kingdom finger, fingertip 6, 8 First Intermediate Period xiii Period xiii,, 28, 32, 32, 45, 45, 49, 104 First Persian Period see wenty-Seventh Dynasty Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 22, 22, 24 five lines lines 14, 14, 128, 128, 130–2, 130–2, 138, 138, 152, 154–5, 154–5, 164–7, 171 see also rules o play flute 66, 66, 97 oot see eet orgery 18 ortress 114, 126, 126, 149 Abu Sha’ar 135, 135, 140, 148, 148, 170 see also Abu Sha’ar Buhen 50, 67, 67, 115 see also Buhen Dawwi 128 see also Dawwi Didymoi 128 see also Didymoi Krokodilo 140 see also Krokodilo ell Deenneh 61–2 orty-two ortytwo and pool 39 Fourth Dynasty xiii, xiii, 15, 15, 38, 38, 45 see also Old Kingdom
royal game o Ur 82–3 games context 129–30, 129–30 , 146, 151–3, 164–6, 172 games o skill 9 gaming pieces see playing pieces gaming/game table 27–8, 27–8, 43, 43, 51, 51, 57, 97, 105–6, 113–14, 105–6, 113–14, 122, 122, 131, 135, 135, 139 garlic 43 Gath see ell es-Safi Gaza, ancient Gaza 116 see also ell el-Ajjul Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project 126, 126, 128, 132–3, 136–7, 140–4, 146–8, 146–8, 156–7, 156–7, 160–1,, 164, 160–1 164, 172 gender 32 see also women Gerar see ell Jemmeh Germania 136 Gezer 81, 103, 103, 118, 121 Giza 8, 16, 28, 28, 127 glass 53, 53, 110, 110, 136, 154 goal o the game 30, 104, 104, 107, 119–20, 119–20, 123 goose 24, 31 graffi gr affiti games ga mes 4, 4, 12, 31, 44–5, 50–4, 50–4, 59, 61, 69, 74, 97, 125–6, 128–30, 69, 128–30, 135, 139, 139, 140, 151–2, 151–2, 154, 163, 163, 165, 170–2 Greek calendar see calendar Great Game ext 2, 2, 6, 8, 54–5, 54–5, 94, 94, 100, 100, 121
ox 6, 108, 111, 110 118 rog6, 108,
Greco-Roman 2, 4, 2, 4, s10, 12, 14, 14, 80, 80, 129–30, 129–30, 144, 168–70 ee also Hellenistic
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Subject Index Greco-Roman G reco-Roman period 10, 80, 129, 129, 144 see also Ptolemaic period, Roman period Greek lettering see twenty twenty-side side dice green 66 guessing, counting games 87, 87, 114
205
Hadjiprodromou Collection, Famagusta 76
Ibi 61 Iby 29 iconic 105 see also amous, McDonald, G.E. iconography 10, 10, 30, 30, 54, 58, 60, 60, 128–9, 128–9, 138 Idu 8, 8, 28, 28, 31, 47 Ilum-ishar Ilumishar 84 Imenmes 57, 67, 96
see also peg, pin hairpin 110–11, 110–11, Hama 42, 42, 72 118 Hapy 54, 54, 60 Har Yeroh Yeroham am 72 Har-Behdety 12 Harappa 11, 11, 82 Hathor 12, 12, 28, 28, 32, 46–7 Hatshepsut 54, 58, 58, 65, 65, 67, 94, 96 Hawawish, el-Hawawish 42, 42, 47 Hazor 42, 42, 73–4, 81, 81, 101 Pillared Building 74 head see also “head “head-and-tail” and-tail” animal 110
Indus Valley Valle 11, 82 Inherkau 55y 11, Inshushinak 116–18, 122 Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo xi, 93, 97–8 interaction 4, 4, 12–13, 117, 117, 120, 120, 168–70, 168–70, 172 Intermediate Bronze Age 72 International Internatio nal Style 89–91, 101, 101, 169 intersecting lines 143–4, 143–4, 172 intoxicant 168 see also beer, psychoactive substance, wine Iran 81, 81, 83, 103–4, 111, 114, 114, 116, 119, 119, 122 Iraq see Mesopotamia
anthropoid canine, dog,121 hound 6, 6, 110–11, 110–11, 121 jackal 110–11 110–11,, 118 leopard 65 serpent, snake 15, 15, 17–18, 20–2, 35 sparrow-hawk sparrowhawk 111 turtle 17, 17, 20, 20, 27, 27, 31 waterowl/goose/duck 24 Heliopolis 4, 60 Hellenistic 12, 125, 125, 168 see also GrecoRoman hepatoscopy 99 see also divination Hesy-Re 6, 6, 22–4, 26–7, 26–7, 31, 31, 37–8, 37–8, 44–5 hexagram, hexameter 134–5 134–5 see also duodecim scripta hippopotamus 33, 33, 54, 109–10 109–10,, 114 see also board shape, game piece Hor Aha 18–19 Hornakht 88–9, 88–9, 94, 96 horse 67, 67, 115 horseshoes see game o horsesho horseshoes es Horus 12, 54, 54, 60–2, 60–2, 64, 68, 89, 89, 94 hound see dog, hounds and jackals hounds and jackals 5, 5, 9, 9, 14, 14, 81, 95, 100, 100, 102–24,, 159, 102–24 159, 167–9 see also rules o play hunting 26
Iron Age 74, 76, 101, 101, 117 52 IsesiIsesi-merynetjer merynetjer 28, 47, 28, 47, Isis 12, 12, 63 Islamic xiv, Islamic xiv, 1–2, 4, 4, 12, 138, 138, 170–1 Israel, Israelites 74, 154 Israel Museum, Jerusalem 70, 73 ivory 6–11 6–11,, 24–6, 24–6, 30–1, 30–1, 38–9, 43, 53, 53, 64, 64, 66, 68, 88–91 68, 88–91,, 95–7, 95–7, 101, 105, 105, 110–11, 110–11, 115, 117–19, 117–19, 122, 122, 124, 135–6 ᾽ı w᾽ı w 63 jackal 6, 66, 69, 69, 110–11, 110–11, 114–15, 118, 120–1 see also hounds and jackals jeu de dames dames see checkers checkers Jirof 81, 81, 83 Jordan 153
Hyena Hyksosgame 86–8 33
temple Keramit 60 o Khonsu
Kab, el-Kab 127, 127, 156–7, 160 Kababish 33 Kahep 47 Kaiemankh 28–9, 31, 31, 47, 47, 51 Kairere 47 Kalavasos A Ayios yios Dhimitrios Dhimitrios 42, 77 Kamid el-Loz 42, 42, 72–3, 72–3, 81, 101 Kanesh see Kültepe Karahoyük 103, 103, 116 Karnak 42, 59, 59, 126–8, 126–8, 161, 161, 163 see also
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206
Subject Index
Kerma K erma 8 Kerman 83–4 Kharga Oasis 127, 132–3, 143, 146, 146, 148 Kheni 47 Khety 51, 85–6, 85–6, 113 Khirbet Iskander 42, 72 Khnumhotep II 86
liminal 168 lines see five lines, linkage linkage 104, 107, 107, 110, 116–17 116–17,, 120 lion 24–6, 28–9, 32–3, 67–8, 90–1 90–1,, 105, 154 Lisht 11, 11, 42, 42, 79, 103, 103, 110 liver see board shape
see temple o Khonsu Khonsu Khonsumose 57 Kition Kathari 16, 16, 36 Knossos 102 knucklebones see astragali Kom el-Dekka 142–3 see also Alexandria Kom Ombo 127–8, 127–8, 135–7, 135–7, 140–3 140–3,, 149 Kordoan 33 Kotchati 76 Kouklia Skales 42, 42, 77, 77, 81, 102 Krokodilo 127, 127, 140 Kubban 42, 68, 81, 81, 91 Kültepe, ancient Kanesh 103, 116, 118
Lothal 82 Louvre11, see Musée du Louvre ludus duodecim scriptorum see duodecim scripta ludus latrunculorum see latrunculi lunar, moon 122 Luxor 126–7, 126–7, 132–3 132–3,, 143, 143, 161, 163
Ku¯ rna 161, 163–442, Kurru, el-Kurru 42, 68, 68, 103, 103, 115 Kushite xiii, 60, 68 see also wenty-Fifh Dynasty labyrinth 107, 107, 110, 110, 122 Lachish 16, 16, 34, 42, 73 Lahun 42, 50–1, 50–1, 103, 103, 106, 106, 108, 115 lapis lazuli 82 Late Bronze Age 8, 13, 72, 72, 99, 99, 101, 169 Late Period xiii, Period xiii, 13, 13, 46, 60–1, 60–1, 63, 63, 73, 73, 77–80, 77–80, 86, 110, 167 see also wenty-Fifh, 86, wenty-Sixth, Tirtieth Dynasties Latin 126, 126, 128–9, 128–9, 134, 136, 136, 138, 143–4 latrunculi 14, 14, 128, 134, 134, 136, 138–41 138–41,, 152, 152, 156, 167, 167, 171 see also rules o play Lebanon 71–2, 71–2, 116 leg, legs 38, 105, 105, 107, 107, 113 Lemba Lakkous 16, 16, 35 leopard 65 letters 12, 12, 113, 125, 125, 128, 133–6 see also Greek lettering, hexagram, twentyside dice Levant, Levantine xiii, Levantine xiii, 3–4, 3–4, 8, 8, 10, 10, 13, 34, 36, 61, 69, 61, 69, 71–2, 71–2, 75–6, 79, 79, 81–2, 81–2, 84, 89, 91, 99, 91, 99, 101–4 101–4,, 114, 114, 117–19, 117–19, 167–71, 167–71, 173
marbles marble,144–5 24, 24, 26, 26, 28, 33, 87, 87, 133, 144–5, , 166 Mari 81, 84 Marki Aloni Aloniaa 42, 74 Marki Kappara 42, 76 Mashabei Sade 42, 72 mastaba 22, 22, 31–2, 31–2, 37–9, 45, 47–8 Medamoud 127, 127, 156–7 Medinet Habu 42, 42, 57, 59 Megiddo 42, 71, 81, 81, 89, 89, 102–3, 102–3, 114, 117–19 mehen 2–3, 2–3, 5, 5, 13, 15–38, 15–38, 41, 41, 44, 47, 49, 49, 55, 55, 61, 69, 74, 112, 61, 112, 167–70, 167–70, 172 see also rules o play Memphis 29, 29, 39 men 13, 15, 15, 22–3, 22–3, 25–6, 25–6, 37–9, 37–9, 43–4 merels 128, 128, 130, 133, 133, 141–3, 171 see also mill game , threethree-men’smen’s-morris morris Merenptah 63, 66, 66, 68–9 Mereruka 47, 52 Meretseger 57 Meroe 172 Meroitic 136, 136, 140–1 140–1,, 148 Post-Meroitic 136 Mery 49 Merymaat 94 Mesopotamia 11, 11, 13, 34, 34, 67, 67, 72, 72, 79, 81–2, 81–2,
limestone 4, 12, 4, 12, 38–9, 38–9, 50, 50, 53, 58, 70, 70, 74, 76, 74, 82, 25, 94, 34, 94, 96–7, 102
84, 84, 103–4, 115–16 115–16,, 118–19 118–19,, 167, 167, 169, 89, 171103–4,
Ma’at 54 magical 7, 10, 10, 12 Mahasna, el-Mahasna 42–3 mancala 14, 128, 130–1, 130–1, 146, 152–3, 152–3, 155, 158, 160–6, 170–1 see also rules o play
Subject Index
207
Metjetji M etjetji 47 Metropolitan Museum o Art, New York xi, xi, 7, 9–10, 9–10, 17–19 17–19,, 25, 25, 48, 48, 51, 51, 53, 56, 56, 65, 65, 67, 90, 67, 90, 92, 94–5, 94–5, 97, 97, 105–6, 111 Middle Bronze Age 72, 84, 89, 89, 101, 116 Middle Kingdom xiii, Kingdom xiii, 7, 7, 13–14 13–14,, 38, 41, 41, 44–6, 49–53 44–6, 49–53,, 67–8, 67–8, 85–6, 104–7,
Nekau 67 Nephthys 12 New Kingdom xiii, xiii, 6, 7, 7, 9–11 9–11,, 13, 13, 30, 30, 32–3, 32–3, 41, 45–7, 41, 45–7, 50–3 50–3,, 57, 57, 60, 60, 64, 64, 68, 74, 74, 86, 86, 91–6, 100, 107, 91–6, 107, 115, 117, 161, 161, 167, 170–1 see also Eighteenth, Nineteenth, wentieth Dynasties
110–11 110–11, , 114–16, 121, 167–8 see also Eleventh, welfh,121, Tirteenth Dynasties Middle Minoan period 37 military 104, 104, 114–15, 114–15, 148 see also soldiers mill game 128, 128, 141–3 see also merels, rules o play Mitanni 87 Moalla 16, 16, 29, 29, 32 Mohenjo-daro Mohenjodaro 11, 82 moon see lunar Morphou oumba tou Skourou 42, 76, 101
nr 45, 49–50, 49–50, 53–4, 60, 63, 63, 95, 95, 97, 104, 104, 106,
mortuary 3, 13,see 3, 31–2, 36, 38, 38, 47, 63, 76, 76, 169–70 also36, burial, unerary mouth 96, 96, 110, 114 see also snout Muhattah Jaqub 45 Musawwaratt el-Sura 127 Musawwara Musée du Louvre, Paris 10, 10, 20, 20, 67, 92–3, 96, 96, 109, 111, 111, 117, 122 Musée Royal de Mariemont 20 Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels 20, 65–6, 122 20, Museo Egizio, Eg izio, urin urin 93, 100, 100, 111 Museum o Fine Arts, Boston 8, 11, 68, 68, 115–16 music, musicians 28, 28, 32, 32, 47–8, 57, 57, 66, 66, 161 Mut 60 mw 54, 54, 59–60 59–60,, 68
66–9, 137, 66–9, 72, 72, 148, 81, 91, 91, 103–4, 114–15, 114–15, 117, 117, 127, 137, 161–3 Nubia Museum, Aswan 91 nude 10, 10, 97 see also naked
Nahum 99 naked 66 see also nude Naqadaa xiii, 16, 17, Naqad 17, 25–6, 42, 44 nard 138 Narodni Muzeum, Prague 50 Naxos 16, 36 Nebenma’at 57 Neerhotep 56–7, 56–7, 111, 111, 118, 121 Neeriretene 47 Neerukekashta 68 Newa 38 32 Neith 30, 30,
120 nrw 28, 54, 54, 58–60, 58–60, 96 142, 144, 163, 163, 166 nine-men’sninemen’s-morris morris 142, Nineerkaptah 63 Nineteenth Dynasty xiii, xiii, 54, 56, 63, 63, 66, 66, 77, 81, 86, 81, 86, 88, 91, 91, 94–7, 94–7, 108, 115, 115, 117 see also New Kingdom Nippur 103, 119 nomads 33 n-t rw rw 54, 60 n-t rwy rwy 54, 60 Nubia, Nubians 4, 13, 16, 16, 33, 33, 38, 42, 127, 127,
object rieze 105 offerings 15, 37, 41, 41, 45, 45, 47, 56–7, 95–6, 122 burial gifs/goods 105, 111 ormulae 95–6 offering table 36, 43 Old Kingdom xiii, 8, 24, 24, 27, 27, 29, 32–3, 32–3, 37–8, 37–8, 44–7, 49, 44–7, 49, 53, 61, 61, 68, 68, 74, 74, 85 see also Tird, Fourth, Fifh, Sixth Dynasties Omphale 10 Oriental Institute Museum, Chicago 22, 22, 27, 88, 115, 118 88, Osireion 63, 63, 66, 68–9 Osiris 12, 52, 61 ostracon, ostraca 4, 4, 46, 50, 53, 53, 58, 58, 88, 97–8 Ottoman 4, 14, 129, 129, 131, 131, 133, 151–67 Oxyrhyncus Papyrus 63 pachisi 82
paint 27, 50, 50, 58, 58, 64, 94–7, 94–7, 110, 110, 115 see also pigment painting 2–3, 6, 22–4 22–4, , 27, 27, 32,see37–8, 44–5, 47, 44–5, 47, 49, 2–3, 49, 51, 51, 56–7, 85, 85, 113 also relie
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Subject Index
PPalestine alestine Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem 118 palm tree tree game 104 see also hounds and jackals Palmyra 127, 127, 130–1, 152, 156, 156, 172 papyrus 52, 52, 54, 54, 56, 68, 96, 96, 154 see also Cairo, Oxyrhynchus, urin Papyrus
playing scene 2, 2, 9, 9, 14, 14, 24, 27–9, 31–2, 31–2, 37, 37, 46–7, 64, 66, 85–6, 95–6, 46–7, 95–6, 106, 112–14 pleasure(s) 52, 134 poet, poetic lines, poetry 129, 131, 131, 142 πόλις 138 Post-Meroitic 136 Predynastic xiii, Predynastic xiii, 1, 1, 6, 6, 12–13, 12–13, 18, 20, 20, 22, 22,
pavement 4, 140, 31, 31, 151 34, 50, 53, 53, 68, 68, 84, 125–6, 125–6, 136,4, 140, pawns see playing pieces pegs 14, 14, 104–5, 104–5, 110–11 110–11,, 114–15 114–15,, 118–24 see also pins, playing pieces pegs and holes holes 104 see hounds and jackals πέντε γραμμαί see five lines Pepi I, Pepi II 30 Peribsen 20, 20, 31 Persia, Persian xiv, Persian xiv, 60, 79, 110, 110, 154, 154, 169 Petosiris 61 Petra 127, 127, 153 Petrie Museum, London 7, 10–12, 17–18,
ee also Naqada 25–6, Bronze 25–6, 33, 43 sAge Prehistoric 75–6 preservation 1, 1, 4–5, 18, 18, 22, 22, 24–5 24–5,, 28–9, 35, 35, 38, 44–5, 38, 44–5, 47, 50, 50, 54, 54, 60, 64, 68, 68, 77, 77, 79, 82, 89, 94, 79, 94, 96–7, 96–7, 101, 117, 117, 125, 125, 129, 133–6, 141, 144, 144, 148 see also climate private collection 20, 20, 24, 64 projection 50, 50, 53, 58–9, 121–2 see also appendage, protrusion Protohistoric Bronze Age 76, 101 protrusion 17–18, 17–18, 20, 20, 22, 27 see also appendage, projection
60, 78, 105–6, 105–6, 115, 13963 φόρωρ60, Ὥρου ὄικος, Φόρωρ ὄικος, Piankhy 68 Piay 57 pigment 27, 27, 95, 95, 110 see also color, paint pins 111, 118, 118, 124 see also pegs, hairpin platter 61–2 playing field see depression, square playing pieces 5–6, 5–6, 8–10, 8–10, 13–14 13–14,, 21, 21, 23, 26–7,, 30–1, 26–7 30–1, 37–9, 41, 41, 44, 44, 63–8 63–8,, 70, 81, 81, 83, 89, 99, 101, 83, 101, 105–6, 111, 114–15, 114–15, 118, 120, 120, 123, 125–6, 125–6, 139–40, 139–40, 155, 159, 172 see also dog animal, zoomorphic 67, 118 bird 67, 67, 99 captive figurine 8, 66 conical 8, 44, 66, 66, 89–90 89–90,, 96, 96, 101, 106 couchant hare 25 couchant lion 24–6, 29 couchant sphinx 89 domed, low-domed low-domed 39, 39, 44, 64, 139 draughtsman 64 halma type 66 hippopotamus 33 pawn 64, 66, 66, 89, 89, 96 pyramidal 101 reel-shaped reelshaped 96
psychoactive substance intoxicant, wine 168 see also beer, Ptahmay 96 Ptolemaic period xiv, period xiv, 10–12 10–12,, 61, 61, 63, 66–7, 66–7, 80, 125, 128, 80, 128, 161 see also Roman period Ptolemy I Soter 125 public lie/space 36, 36, 70, 75, 126 pyramid 30, 45, 45, 68, 68, 79, 156, 156, 161, 163, 163, 172 Pyramid exts 2, 30, 30, 32, 32, pyramidal see casting devices, playing pieces pyrgus 135
spherical 21, 25–8 spool-shaped spoolshaped 66–7, 89–90
Qantir, el-Qantir 81, 81, 91, 97 Qar 31 Qasr al Ghweita 132–3 Qasr Ibrim 127, 139–40, 139–40, 147–8 Qau 7, 7, 11, 81, 91 quartz 140 Quf 16–17, 16–17, 22 Qustul 16, 33, 33, 38, 38, 127, 133–6, 138, 138, 148 Qusur al-Banat 127, 135 Ra 15, 15, 24, 24, 30–1, 54–5 race game 25, 82, 102, 102, 111, 119–20 Rahotep 15, 31, 37, 37, 41, 41, 43, 45 ram 67 II 97 Rameses
Subject Index
209
Rameses R ameses III 55, 57, 57, 63 Rameses V 58 Rameses VI 58 Ramesseum 142, 143–4 randomization 5–6, 5–6, 9, 9, 11, 11, 25, 44, 124, 124, 126, 126, 158 see also casting device Rashepses 28, 28, 31, 31, 47
Saqqara 6, 10, 16, 16, 22, 22, 25–6, 28, 37, 37, 39, 39, 42–4, 47, 77, 47, 77, 81, 91, 91, 93 Sacred Animal Necropoli Necropoliss 77 scarab 94 scorpion 10, 83 Second Intermediate Period xiii, Period xiii, 6, 6, 52–3, 52–3, 87–8 see also Fifeenth, Sixteenth,
Re-Horakhty rebirth 31, 31, 12130 red 6, 25, 25, 50, 50, 64, 82, 97, 97, 110, 115 Red Sea 148 Rekhmire 57, 97 relie 2–3, 2–3, 10, 22, 28–9, 28–9, 31–3, 31–3, 45, 47, 51, 51, 56–7, 61, 56–7, 61, 63, 68, 68, 83, 83, 89 see also painting religion, religious, religiosity 2–3 2–3,, 12–14 12–14,, 30, 32, 41, 32, 41, 47, 49, 49, 51–2 51–2,, 54–5, 54–5, 57, 60, 60, 72, 72, 100, 121, 121, 161, 168, 168, 170–1 170–1 Reniseneb 105 Rhampsinitus 63
Seventeenth Dynasty Sedeinga 7, 126–7, 136, 7, 136, 148, 161–2 Sedment 103–5 14, 128, 146, 146, 148, 152–8, 152–8, 159, 159, 166–8, seeja 14, 170 see also rules o play senet 2–3 2–3,, 5–6, 5–6, 8–9, 8–9, 13, 15, 15, 22–3, 22–3, 25–9, 25–9, 31–82, 85–6, 88, 31–82, 88, 90–1, 94–5, 94–5, 98, 100, 100, 102, 105–7, 105–7, 112, 120, 120, 167–73 167–73 Sennedjem 64 Senneer 57, 95, 95, 97 Senusret I 77, 77, 115 Senusret II 50 Senusret III 50, 50, 115
ritual 3, 3, 12, 32, 121, 38, 44, 38, 44, 47, 49, 51, 51, 54, 54, 63, 76, 95, 95, 107, 121, 170 rock crystal 26 rock ace 4, 4, 37, 126, 126, 152 Roman period xiv, period xiv, 10, 10, 61 see also GrecoRoman period, Ptolemaic period roo 59, 61, 126, 126, 128, 128, 152, 154, 154, 161, 163–4 rosette 54, 54, 79, 91, 99–100, 108, 108, 110, 110, 118 royal game o Ur 82–3 see game o twenty rules o play 2–3, 126, 129, 129, 170 five lines lines 131 game o twenty 14, 98–9 98–9 hounds and jackals 118 latrunculi 138 mancala 165 mehen 26–7 26–7,, 29–30, 29–30, 33 mill 142 seeja 154–6 tâb 158–9 sacred line 131 sacred symbols/text 91, 91, 95, 95, 99 see symbols Sai Island 127, 127, 153, 159, 159, 164 sailors 38
see103, serpent snake Serra East 115 Seshemneer 45 Setne 63, 66 Seventeenth Dynasty xiii, xiii, 9, 52–3, 67–8, 88–9, 111, 119 see also Second Intermediate Intermedia te Period Shabaqo 68 Shahr-ii Sokhta 81–2 ShahrShatt el-Rigal 50 shield game 104 see hounds and jackals siga see seeja Silsila see Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project Silsila West 146 simulacra 111–12 Sinai 36, 36, 71 singers 28, 28, 47–8 Sixteenth Dynasty xiii, xiii, 89 see also Second Intermediate Intermedia te Period Sixth Dynasty xiii, xiii, 8, 8, 27–8, 27–8, 30–3, 30–3, 45–7 skill see games o skill skittles 26 šn 105, 105, 120 snake, serpent 15, 17–18, 20–2, 27–8, 27–8, 30, 30, 32–3, 35, 32–3, 35, 83, 96 snakes and ladders 120–1 snout 6, 6, 113 see also mouth
see Late Period, wenty-Sixth Saite Period Dynasty
social lubricant 168–9 solar, sun 6, 15, 24, 6, 30–1, 54, 54, 66, 122
sꜢ Ꜣ 60
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Subject Index
ssoldiers oldiers see also military Egyptian 115 Ottoman 152 Roman 11, 125, 125, 129, 136, 136, 140, 148 Sotira Kaminoudhia 42, 42, 74 South Sudan 165 sparrow-hawk sparrowhawk 111
aya 95 teetotums see casting devices el Arad 42, 42, 69–70 ell Abu Hatab 81 ell Ailun 103 ell el-Ajjul 10–11, 10–11, 81, 84, 101 see also ancient Gaza
special holes, positions, spaces, squares 24, 83–4, 89, 91–2, 94–5, 83–4, 94–5, 99–100 99–100,, 104, 107–8, 116–17, 107–8, 116–17, 121, 121, 124 spiral, spiraling 15, 15, 17, 17, 20–2, 20–2, 27, 31, 31, 33–7 33–7,, 74 sports 28, 28, 47, 144 square 5–6 5–6,, 8, 15, 17, 17, 32, 32, 38–9 38–9,, 43–5, 43–5, 49, 49, 50, 50, 53–5, 58–64 53–5, 58–64,, 67–75 67–75,, 77–9 77–9,, 81–92, 81–92, 94–5, 97–101, 94–5, 97–101, 105, 120, 120, 122, 130, 130, 133–5, 138–43, 138–43, 146–8, 146–8, 152, 154–5, 154–5, 158, 172 see also special holes starting configuration, line, point, position 104–5, 107, 104–5, 107, 120, 128, 128, 145, 165
ell Beit Mirsim 10–11 10–11,, 81, 81, 84, 84, 101 ell Brak 16, 16, 34, 42, 72 ell Deenneh 42, 61–2 ell el-Farah south 81 ell Hala 81 ell el-Hisn 42, 42, 51 ell Jemmeh Je mmeh 81, 81, 118 ell es-Safi 71 ell es-Saidiyeh 81 ell as-Sib 81 ell Sukas 116 temple o/at: Abydos 32
State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg 105 status 31, 57, 57, 97 sticks see throwing sticks stone see limestone strategy game 25 Sudan 6–8, 6–8, 33, 125–6, 125–6, 133, 148, 148, 153, 153, 155, 158, 160–2, 160–2, 165–6 Sudan National Museum, Khartoum 115 Sumer 82 Sumerian proverb 118, 118, 124 sun see solar surace find 45, 45, 71, 76, 76, 126 Susa 81, 102–3, 116–19, 116–19, 121–2 Swiss Museum o Games, La our-de-Peilz our-de-Peilz xii, 12, 122–3 symbolic, symbols, symbolism 3, 3, 6, 6, 30, 32, 38–9, 49, 54, 58, 38–9, 58, 89, 89, 91, 94–5, 94–5, 99, 99, 120–1, 169–71 120–1, Syria 8, 8, 69, 69, 72, 84, 104, 104, 116, 130, 165–6, 165–6, 172
Amun at 61 Karnak 59, 161 Dendera Inshushinak at Susa 116–18, 116–18, 122 Karnak 163 Khonsu at Karnak 59, 126, 126, 128, 152, 154, 164 154, Kom Ombo 128, 136, 136, 149 Ku¯ rna 161, 163–4 Luxor 132–3, 161, 163 Medinet Habu 57, 57, 59 Qasr Ibrim 139–40, 139–40, 147–8 Soleb 161–2 iye at Sedeinga 161–2 Userka 45 epe Gawra 11 epe Sialk 103, 103, 119, 122 epe Yahya 81, 81, 83–4 terracotta 11, 11, 61–2, 61–2, 131, 131, 139 eti 30 tetrahedrons see casting devices Tebes 7, 16, 29, 81, 86, 86, 88, 88, 90, 90, 92, 92, 101, 103–6, 110, 103–6, 110, 114, 120 see also el-Asasi, Deir el-Bahari, el-Bah ari, Dra Abu el-Naga Tird Dynasty xiii, xiii, 6, 6, 22–3, 22–3, 44, 71 see also Old Kingdom Tird Intermediate Period xiii, Period xiii, 60 see also
-t Ꜣ Ꜣ w see game o tjau tâb 14, 146, 146, 152–3, 155, 155, 158–60, 165, 167–8, 167–8, 170 see also rules o play table see gaming/game table
aharqo 59, 59, 61 tail 15,99, 17–18, 17–18, 24, 35, 35, 83, 91, 95, 95, 97, 97, 99, 113 20, 22, 24,
wenty-First–wenty-Fourth Dynasties
Subject Index
211
Tirteenth T irteenth Dynasty xiii, xiii, 111 see also Middle Kingdom Tirtieth Dynasty xiv, xiv, 60, 60, 110 Toth 54, 63 three-men’sthreemen’s-morris morris 128, 128, 142 see also merels throwing cup 11 see also pyrgus throwing sticks see casting device throwing
unidentified games 147, 147, 172 University o Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia 43 Ur 13, 81–3 81–3,, 102–3
Tutmose III 94–5 Tutmose IV 58, 95 iye see temple tjau see game o tjau track 20, 20, 83, 87–8, 87–8, 94, 94, 100, 104–7, 110, 110, 120, 123 see also elliptic, spiraling trade 71, 82, 82, 104, 115–16 115–16,, 168 see also exchange trapezoidal see appendage urin Papyrus 54–5, 54–5, 61, 87, 100, 100, 107–8, 112 urkey 165 see also Anatolia, Ottoman turquoise 110
violin see board shape votive 17–18, 17–18, 26, 26, 43, 76, 76, 105, 121–2 Vounous see Bellapais Vounous
turtle see appendage, board shape, head ushratta 87 utankhamun 8, 8, 10, 10, 57, 64, 94–7, 106 welfh Dynasty xiii, xiii, 49, 49, 51, 85–6, 94, 94, 105–6, 115 see also Middle Kingdom wentieth Dynasty xiii, xiii, 54–6, 58–60, 58–60, 66, 66, 77, 77, 99–100, 107 see also New Kingdom wenty-Fifh Dynasty xiii, xiii, 59, 59, 68 see also Kushite, Late Period wenty-First–wenty-Fourth Dynasties 60, 100, 107, 60, 107, 110 see also Tird Intermediate Intermedia te Period wenty-Seventh Dynasty D ynasty xiv, xiv, 110 twenty-sided twentysided dice see casting devices wenty-Sixth Dynasty xiii, xiii, 29, 29, 60–3, 60–3, 69 see also Late Period wo rows o thirteen 39 yre 103, 116
women 32, 129, 144 see also gender wooden 64 129, board 39, 39, 49, 64, 83, 83, 86, 86, 88, 94–5, 94–5, 101, 105–7, 111, 111, 122, 133–6, 133–6, 165 casting device 8, 8, 10, 10, 118 playing pieces 111 World Museum, Liverpool xii, Liverpool xii, 92, 94
Ugarit 8–9, 116 underworld/netherworld 15, 30–1, 33, 33, 63, 63, 66, 120 66,
Valley o the Kings 42, 50, 50, 58, 58, 97 Vimose, Denmark 136 see also Germania
Walters Art Museum, Baltimore 10, 10, 29, 61, 61, 67 wands 7, 90 see also casting devices warship 38 waterowl 24 wd - Ꜣ Ꜣ t 95–6 white 24–5, 24–5, 30, 30, 95, 135–6 135–6,, 158 wine 95 see also beer, psychoactive substances, social lubrican lubricantt
“X” 45, 45, 49, 53, 60, 60, 71–4, 71–4, 84, 89, 91, 91, 94, 101 94, Yale Babylonian collection 117 Yale University Art Gallery 77 Zakros 16, 16, 37 Zawiyet el-Aryan 11, 42, 42, 45, 45, 81, 91 Zer-a 26 Zimri-Lim 84 zodiac 99 see also divination zoomorphic 51, 51, 110, 113–14, 113–14, 118 see also board shape, eet, playing pieces, table
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