Ancient Egyptians at Play - Board Games Across Borders

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 Ancient Egyptians at Play Ancient

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Bloomsbury  Bloomsbury Egyptology Series editor: Nicholas Reeves  Ancientt Egyptian echno  Ancien echnology logy and Innova Innovation tion, Ian Shaw  Archaeologists,  Arc haeologists, ourists, In Interpreters terpreters,  Rachel Mairs and Maya Muratov  Asiaticss in Middle  Asiatic Middle Kingdom Kingdom Egypt Egypt, Phyllis Saretta Burial Customs in Ancient Egypt, Wolram Wolram Grajetzki Court Offi O fficials of the Egyptian Egy ptian Middle Kingdom, Wolram Wolram Grajetzki Te Egyptian Oracle Project, edited by Robyn Gillam and Jeffrey Jacobson Hidden Hands, Stephen Quirke Te Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt, Wolram Wolram Grajetzki Performance and Drama in Ancient Egypt, Robyn Gillam

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Ancient  A ncient Egyptians at Play Board Games across Borders Walter Crist Anne-Elizabeth Dunn-Vaturi Alex de Voogt Voogt

Bloomsbury  B loomsbury Academic An imprint o Bloomsbury Publishing Plc LONDON • OXFORD • NEW YORK • NEW DELHI • SYDNEY

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  loomsbury Academic  Bloomsbury B An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square London WC 1B 3DP 3DP UK

1385 Broadway New York NY 1001 0018 8 USA

www.bloomsbury.com  BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc   First published publishe d 2016 2016 © Walter Crist, Anne-Elizabeth Dunn-Vaturi and Alex de Voogt, Voogt, 20 2016 16 Walter Crist, Anne-Elizabeth Dunn-Vaturi and Alex de Voogt have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the authors.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Cataloguing-in-Publication Data  A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN:: HB ISBN HB:: PB:: PB ePDF PDF:: ePub:

978-1-47422-118-4 978-1-47422-117-7 978-1-47422-120-7 978-1-47422-119-1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Cataloging-in-Publication Data  Crist, Walter, author. Ancient Egyptians at play : board games across borders / Walter Crist, Anne-Elizabeth Dunn-Vaturi, Alex de Voogt. pages cm — (Bloomsbury Egyptology) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4742-2118-4 (hb : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4742-2117-7 (pb : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4742-2119-1 (epub : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4742-2120-7 (epdf : alk. paper) 1. Board games—Egypt—History. 2. Egypt—Antiquities. 3. Egypt—Social life and customs. 4. Divination—Egypt—History. I. Dunn-Vat Dunn-Vaturi, uri, Anne-Elizabeth, author. II. Voogt, Alexander J. de, author. III. Title. IV IV.. Series: Bloomsbury Egyptology. Egyptology. DT62.B5C75 2016 794’.0932—dc23 2015034318 Series: Bloomsbury Egyptology Typeset by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk

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Contents  Contents List o Illustratio Illustrations ns  Acknowledgments   Egyptian Chronology   1

Ancient Egypt Egyptians ians at Play: An Introduction A range o casting devices Board games across borders: Identiying Identiying Egyptian games

2  Meh  Mehen en and Men:  Te First Signs o Egyptian Board Games  Mehen  Meh en:  Te game o the coiled serpent

3

viii  viii  xi   xi xiii  xiii  1 5 12 15 15

 Mehen boards  Mehen  Mehen  Meh en pieces

17 24

Rules o mehen  Pictorial evidence extual evidence Archaeological evidence and social conte context xt Te demise o mehen in Egypt  Mehen  Meh en in Nubia  Mehen  Meh en in the Levant and Mesopotamia  Mehen  Meh en in Cyprus and the Aegean  Men  wo rows of thirteen and forty forty-two two and pool  

26

Senet  across  across Border B orderss

41

Early evidence or senet   Old Kingdom Ki ngdom:: Ritual use u se and graffi gr affiti Middle Kingdom: Changes and consistency New Kingdom: Religious meaning Later history o senet   Playing pieces Senet  in  in Nubia

41

27 29 31 32 33 34 34 37  39

44 49 52 60 64 67  v 

 

 vi

4

5

6

7

Contents

 Senet  in Senet   in the Levant

69

Senet  in  in Cyprus

74

Te game of thirtythirty-three three 

77

Te Game of wenty :  A Foreign Acquisition Origins and chronological distribution Beni Hasan playing scenes Ancient names Boards or the game of twenty   Special squares and decoration decorationss Archaeological contex contexts ts Rules or the game of twenty   “Uniting o the twenty squares” or thirtythirty-one one  Te Levant and Cyprus: Games as heirlooms

81 82 85 86 87 91 97 98 99 101

Te Game o Hounds and Jackals:  From Tebes to Susa Boards or hounds and jackals  Gaming pegs Beni Hasan playing scenes Te game outside o Egypt Reconstructed rules Symbolism o the game Te Coptic board game

103

Roman Board Games Crossing the Borders o Egypt Te sources Te game o five lines lines or πέντε γραμμαί   Duodecim scripta or ludus duodecim scriptorum  Latrunculi or ludus latrunculorum   Merels  Mer els or mill  game  game  Marbles  Ma rbles  Remaining configurations Te borders o Egypt

125

Arab and Ottoman Invaders Scratch Scratching ing the Surace Graffi Gra ffiti game g amess Seeja or siga 

151

104 110 112 114 118 120 122

126 130 133 138 141 144  146 147

151 154

 

Contents

8

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 Seeja playing rules Seeja

154

âb 

158 

 Mancala  Man cala 

160 

Te Role o Board Games in Understanding Antiquity Spread o board games Religiosity o board games Site use Unidentified board games and new approaches

167

Reerences  Author Index  Subject Index 

167 170 171 172 175   175 195   195 201

 

Illustrations Figures  Figures All drawings, unless otherwise indicated, were made by Jennier Steffey at the American Museum o Natural History in New York, who also designed the maps or each o the chapters. Dimensions o objects are indicated when available either as a scale on the photograph or in the caption. 1.1 Casting devices rom Egypt and Sudan. 2.1 Map o sites mentioned in Chapter 2. 2.2  Mehen  Mehen board demonstrating a Predynastic rendering o the game. 2.3  Meh  Mehen en board bearing the name o Hor Aha. 2.4 Second Dynasty mehen board accompanied by spherical playing pieces. 2.5 Painting rom the tomb o Hesy-Re showing mehen , senet  and  and men.  2.6 Ivory mehen piece rom Abydos Abydos in the orm o a couchant lion. 2.7  Meh  Mehen en game rom Episkopi Phaneromeni , Cypr Cyprus. us. 3.1 Map o sites mentioned in Chapter 3. 3.2 Drawing o senet  patterns,  patterns, showing markings common during

7 16 18 19

different perio periods. ds. Drawing o scene rom the mastaba o Nikauho Nikauhorr showing senet  playing. Facsimile o a painting rom the tomb o Neertari. Senet  boards  boards on terracotta platters rom wenty-Sixth Dynasty ortress at ell Deenneh. Playing pieces collec collected ted by F.G. Hilton Price. Drawing o Merenptah playing senet .  Senet  game  game rom Arad, with drilled depressions as the playing spaces spaces..

46

3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8

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21 23 25 35 42

48 56 62 65 69 70

 

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Illustrations

 3.9 3.9

Senet  game  game rom Hazor, with the game of twenty  on  on the

opposite side. 3.10 Senet  games rom the Episkopi region, Cyprus. 3.11 Senet  game  game o Late Period date, with the game of thirtythirty-three three on the opposite ace. 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8

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Map o the game of twenty  rom  rom the mid-third mid-third to the first millennium . . Te royal game of Ur  with gaming pieces and tetrahe tetrahedrons. drons. Te game of twenty  in  in the second and first millennia , , and the route o play play.. Playing scenes A, B and and C in the tombs o Baqet I I I and Khety Khety,, Beni Hasan. Game of twenty  rom  rom Tebes with senet  on the opposite side. Ostracon rom Deir el-Medina. Drawing o the urin Papyrus with our games. Map o the game o hounds and jackals during the second and first millennia . . Game o hounds and jackals rom Tebes. Violin-shaped game board. Violin-shaped Drawing o hippopotam hippopotamusus-shaped shaped game board. urtle stand or simulacr urtle simulacraa rom Dra Abu el-Naga. Playing scene in Beni Hasan, probably rom omb 17. Boards rom the deposit o the temple o Inshushinak Inshushinak,, Susa. Reconstruction o the numberin numberingg sequence o the holes. Coptic board game. Map o sites mentioned in Chapters 6 and 7. Example o a Roman games context at Palmyra, Syria. Five lines at the Luxor temple and at Qasr al Ghweita. Drawings o duodecim scripta boards rom Qustul and Dawwi. Duodecim scripta boards at Kom Ombo. Drawing o a terracotta game board. Latrunculi board at Kom Ombo.  Merels  Mere ls boards at Dendera, Kom el-Dekka, Kom Ombo and Silsila Silsila..

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73 75 78 81 83 84 85 90 98 100 103 106 108 109 112 113 117 119 123 127 130 132 134 137 139 141 142

 

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Illustrations

 6.9 6.9

Drawing o a ninenine-men’smen’s-morris morris board as ound on a column at the Ramess Ramesseum. eum. 6.10 Drawing o a marble lane. 6.11 wo unidentified game boards at Beni Hasan and Silsila Silsila.. 6.12 Possible seeja board at the Kharga Oasis Oasis.. 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6

Example o an Arab or Ottoman games context at Petra, Jordan and on Sai Island, Sudan. Placement o first pieces on a seeja board. Examples o seeja boards at Silsila Silsila,, Medamoud, and el-Kab. Examples o tâb boards at el-Kab. Drawing o a mancala board at the “Tird Pyramid, Gizeh. Gizeh.”” Sudanese mancala boards carved in the temple o iye, Sedeinga, Sedeing a, and on the temple o Soleb.

144 145 147 148 153 156 157 160 161 162

able 4.1

able with types o marking and distinc distinctt shapes or special squares in Egypt.

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Acknowledgments  Acknowledgments First o all, we would like to thank Nick Reeves or initiating this book, Anna MacDiarmid and the staff at Bloomsbury Academic Press or their support in the process as well as two anonymous reviewers or their constructive and  valuable comments. comments. At the Metropolitan Museum o Art, we are indebted to the Department o Egyptian Art, led by Lila Acheson Wallace Curator in Charge Diana Craig Patch, or allowing us to study games in the collection, and in particular to Niv Allon, Elizabeth Fiorentino, Janice Kamrin, Marsha Hill, Adela Oppenheim, Catharine Roehrig, Morena Steanova, as well as Ann Heywood rom the Sherman Fairchild Center or Objects Conservation or their assistance in object or text studies and/or image requests. We wish to acknowledge the Department o Ancient Near Eastern Art, and Curator in Charge Joan Aruz, or their considerable support, and especially Blair Fowlkes-Childs, Elizabeth Knott and Michael Seymour or their contributions. Ben Haring and Ola Kaper (Leiden University), Pavel Onderka (Narodni Muzeum, Prague), Rudol Haensch (Kommision ür Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts), Dennys Frenez (Università di Bologna), Mark Kenoyer (University o Wisconsin), Jennier Webb and David Frankel provided us with helpul inormation, and special mention should be made o our colleagues at Arizona State University, Nancy Serwint, Ser wint, Lei Jonsson and Kostalena Kostalen a Michelaki, Michelak i, as well as Annie Caubet (Musée du Louvre) and Francesco iradritti (Università di Enna Unikore) or their invaluable contribution to the progress o our research. Tanks to Dr. Abdel-Hamid (Egyptian Museum, Cairo), Sara Al-Ashmawi (Egyptian Museum, Cairo), Nadine Cherpion (Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo), Nevine Kamal (Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo), Yael Barschak (Israel Antiquities Authority), Christopher Sutherns (British Museum), racey Golding (Petrie Museum), Vincent Rondot (Musée du Louvre) and Isabelle Bardiès-Fronty (Musée de Cluny) or acilitating access to images and granting permission. xi

 

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 Acknowledgmen  Ack nowledgments ts

 SSpecial pecial thanks to Maria Nilsson (Lund University) and John Ward or their generosity in supplying multiple images or this publication, to Paul Whelan or his illustration, and also to Stuart Swiny or photographs, insightul discussion and access to unpublished material. We are grateul to Vincent Francigny (Section Française de la Direction des Antiquités du Soudan), Alexandra Christopoulou (National Archaeological Museum, Athens), Eleni ourna (National Archaeological Museum, Athens), Marie-Noël Bellessort (École du Louvre), Olga Fast (Ägyptisches Museum, Bonn), Irving Finkel (British Museum), Stephen Quirke (Petrie Museum), Rachael Sparks (Institute o Archaeology, London), Ashley Cook (World Museum, Liverpool), John Wyatt (Griffi (Gr iffith Institute Inst itute and Bodl Bodleian eian Library, L ibrary, Oxord), Christopher Dobbs (University o Missouri), Jay VanRensselaer (Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore), Jack D.M. Green (Oriental Institute Museum, Chicago), Linda Evans (Macquarie University, Sydney), Naguib Kanawati (Australian Centre or Egyptology), María Antonia García Martínez (amkang University o aipei), Christine Lilyquist and Peter Michaelsen or answering our inquiries. We owe particular thanks to Rozenn Bailleul-LeSuer (University o Chicago) or valuable advice, Ulrich Ulrich Schädler (Swiss Museum o Games) or his insights and Constance Dickmeyer or commenting on our text. Finally, we are most grateul or the many drawings provided by Jennier Steffey at the American Museum o Natural History Histor y in New York. York.

 

Egyptian Chronology  Egyptian Tis chronology has been compiled on the basis o Shaw (2000 ( 2000:xiii–xiv) :xiii–xiv) and Francigny et al. (2014 (2014:7–8). :7–8). Dates or the Late Period and onwards are absolute. All other dates are approximate. During the Intermediate Periods, dynasties may overlap. Dates relevant or regions outside o Egypt are included in the text with those or Nubia taken rom Rilly and de Voogt (2012 (2012:187), :187), those or the Levant rom Sharon (2014 (2014:62) :62) and those or Cyprus rom Knapp (2013 (2013:27). :27). P P P 5300–3100  Naqada E D D P P 3100–2686  First–Second Dynasties O K K 2686–2181  Tird–Sixth Dynasties F I I P P 2181–2055  Seventh–Eleventh Seventh–Eleven th Dynasties D ynasties M K K 2055–1650  Eleventh–Fourteenth Eleventh–F ourteenth Dynasties S I I P P 1650–1550  Fifeenth–Seventeenth Fifeenth–Seven teenth Dynasties N K K 1550–1069  Eighteenth–wentieth Dynasties  I I P P 1069–747  wenty-First–wenty-Fourth Dynasties 1069–715 L P P 747–332  wenty-Fifh Dynasty (Kushite Period) wenty-Sixth Dynasty (Saite Period) xiii

 

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Egyptian Chronology 

wenty-Seventh   wenty-Seventh Dynasty (First Persian Period) wenty-Eigh wenty-Eighth–Tirtieth th–Tirtieth Dynasties Second Persian Period P P P 332–30  R P P 30 –395 –395  B P P 395–640  I P P 640 –present –present

 



Ancient Egyptians at Play: An Introduction Te material culture o board games in Egypt Eg ypt has long been a topic o interest or archaeologists, ethnographers and lay people alike. Te climatic conditions o the Nile Valley afford or the preservation o perishable materials, and thus a multitude o evidence to sustain this interest. Game boards and their paraphernalia have been identified among the material culture o ancient Egypt since the early days o archaeology (e.g., Prisse d’Avennes 1847:9). 1847 :9). Te number o well made, easily identifiable boards and pieces, as well as the  variety o games repre represented sented in the archaeological record is striking in comparison to other ancient cultures. As early as the 1910s, Georges Bénédite compiled the Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire  or games, but his manuscript remains unpublished (Drioton (Drioton 1940:182, 1940:182, note 2). In this book, we synthesize the material evidence in Egypt rom Predynastic through Islamic times, in order to aid in the identification o board games in archaeological contexts at sites within Egypt as well as in the neighboring regions. Tis scope also provides evidence or a wider discussion on how games are transerred across cultural boundaries, as the long history o Egypt demonstrates the acility with which board games are able to cross borders both real and imagined. Previously, scholars have made an invaluable contribution to the study o Egyptian board games by compiling the material, textual and artistic evidence or the various board games that existed in Egypt. In particular, Pusch (1979 (1979),), Piccione (1990b (1990b),), Decker and Herb (1994 (1994)) and Rothöhler (1996 (1996)) accomplished the monumental task o compiling catalogs o the known surviving game boards rom Predynastic and Pharaonic Egypt, as well as texts about games and representations o game playing. Reproducing their work here would be unnecessarily repetitive as ew games have been ound since, but they prove to be invaluable resources or any researcher interested 1

 

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 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

in the topic. Instead, this volume seeks to build rom their work by expanding the scope spatially and chronologically. Archaeological evidence in the past thirty years increasingly suggests that Egyptian games may have spread to neighboring local populations where Egyptians were economically or politically active, and in some cases even beyond Egypt’s sphere o influence. Furthermore, the presence o Greco-Roman and Islamic games on Pharaonic monuments demonstrates the contextualization o those structures within succeeding cultures. Egyptian texts have helped to describe the religious significance o board games, while shorter inscriptions have given snapshots o gameplay. Much o the early scholarship on board games in Egypt ocused on possible p ossible game rules. Evidence rom the boards themselves, paraphernalia ound with games, captions accompanying playing scenes sc enes and longer religious texts led to multiple theories on the modes o play (Ranke ( Ranke 1920; 1920; Murray 1951; 1951; Vandier Vandier 1964 1964:486– :486– 512; Kendall 1978; 1978; Piccione 1990a, 1990a, 1990b), 1990b), though some are particularly speculative (e.g., Falkener 1892; 1892; Breyer 2010). 2010). Even when board games are depicted in art, it is important i mportant to note that it can c an be diffi d ifficult to identiy a painting or relie as a particular game, as the board surace is commonly not shown, according to Egyptian artistic convention. As a result, inerences must be made rom textual evidence or based on artistic conventions. Apart rom rules used or games in Roman Egypt and the period thereafer, the playing rules o ancient Egyptian games remain largely largely unknown. Te changes in rules or the variations o play are also beyond what we can currently learn rom the archaeological record. Tere is one exception or the game o twenty, or which a Babylonian tablet rom the Seleucid period has provided relevant details. Tese rules written in a region outside o Egypt and in a time period postdating the game’s existence in the Nile Valley remain the main advance in game rule research (Finkel (Finkel 2007). 2007). As with most aspects o Egyptian lie, board games were imbued with meaning connected with the journey into the aferlie. Tis is made explicit in art and texts rom Pharaonic times, and is particularly striking or the games senet  and  and mehen.  Board games, particularly senet  and  and to a lesser degree mehen , appear in the religious literature l iterature o ancient Egypt, Egypt , including the Pyramid P yramid exts, exts, Coffin exts exts and an d the Book o the Dead. D ead. Te religious relig ious nature o senet   is particularly prominent in the Great Game ext, which also provides some

 

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evidence or the nature o play (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:191–241). 1990b:191–241). New texts on this subject in the last decades are largely absent, and a reinterpretation o welldocumented and sometimes contentious texts is outside the scope o this work. Ofen, interpretations o texts by Egyptologists interested in games may differ rom canonical translations as they may see aspects o gaming in the texts that may be overlooked by other epigraphers. Tese texts offer crucial insight into the meaning o these games, but offering new interpretations o texts is a task that would fill fil l a volume on its own. Likewise, Likewise, depictions depictions o games in tomb paintings and relies ofen depict the play o games in ritual contexts. Social historians have pointed out the similarity o ritual and play (Huizinga ( Huizinga 1950:15–27; 1950 :15–27; Sutton-Smith 1997:169). 1997:169). As a consequence, and because tomb assemblages make up the majority o the archaeological evidence in Egypt, much o what is known about games in Egypt is limited to their ritual use. Te works o Kendall (1978 (1978,, 2007) 2007) and Piccione (1990a (1990a,, 1990b, 1990b, 2007) 2007) demonstrate the connections o game playing and mortuary symbolism. Piccione’s works in particular collected both material and textual evidence to comprehensively discuss the religiou religiouss implications or the games o senet  and  and mehen or the first time. Since their extensive explorations o the topic there has been little advancementt in the discussion advancemen disc ussion o this aspect o Egyptian board games, and or this reason we summarize earlier arguments made rom textual evidence while drawing new conclusions and parallels by expanding the scope o material evidence considered. Te problems with understanding understanding game rules and the detailed work on the ritual use o board games cannot be overcome by simply reexamining board games in the archaeological record o Egypt. New discoveries o game boards or texts about games rom Egypt have been rare since the 1990s, and thus ocusing on gaming within Egypt itsel is limited to reexaminations reexaminations o existing evidence. Tis stands in contrast with the number o games that have been discovered outside o Egypt, which has increased dramatically over the past thirty years. years . Since 1980, when Stuart Swiny first publish published ed his article identiying identi ying senet  and   and mehen in Cyprus (Swiny (Swiny 1980), 1980), analogous games have been ound throughout the island as well as in the Levant, which have greatly increased our knowledge o these games outside o Egypt. Eg ypt. Te Te rate at which these games have been ound has been so high that the number o senet  and  and mehen games ound in the Levant and Cyprus is now greater than that in Egypt itsel.

 

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Similarly, Roman and Arab/Ottoman games have been discovered in Egypt, but are commonly excluded in literature on Egyptian games. Archaeological evidence rom regions outside o Egypt provide significant insight on these board games, and understanding their morphology and chronology can help to prevent misidentification and provide interesting layers to discussions o site histories. In other words, the study o Egyptian board games benefits rom a comparative approach that includes insight gained outside o Egypt and allows a conte c ontext xt o these games across borders. In recent years there is also a shif in Egyptological research as games have been identified carved into pavements at Egyptian monuments or traced on limestone ostraca, which point to non-elite non-elite Egyptians playing these games just as much as royalty and the nobility. Much like the Cypriot and Levantine boards, or instance, these artiacts are cruder in their construction than the manuactured Egyptian game boards ound in royal tombs. Te differences in layout and markings markings on boards made o differen differentt materials add a new layer o understandingg the use and variation o board games. understandin While archaeological research in Cyprus and the Levant has thus ar produced more game boards than Egypt, the Nile Valley has greater variety o types as well as a longer history o board games, allowing or an examination o how they change through time. Similar artiacts ound in neighboring regions help attest to oreign interactions with Egypt, including Nubia, the Levant and Cyprus. Tis process includes games introduced introduced into Egypt as well as rom Egypt to nearby lands. Te variety o games preserved in Egypt’s archaeological record presents presents an ideal setting s etting in which to examine games and exchanges in the ancient world. Since patterns carved on rock aces and ostraca have, so ar, received little attention in the literature, the ollowing chapters will ocus on boards made o a variety o materials and the process o identiying board games based on those types. t ypes. Graffiti games are ofen not datable to the t he same time t ime the monument was built, which makes it important to understand the possibilities and to be able to identiy whether w hether such games are Pharaonic, Greco-Roman Greco-Roman or Islamic in origin. Collated material o this kind is presented in a roughly chronological manner, ocusing on the major games o Pharaonic Egypt, ollowed by GrecoRoman and later games to highlight chronological changes, acilitate game identification and inorm a site’s site’s history. his tory.

 

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 PPlaying laying pieces, accompanying a board or ound in isolation, may also be diagnostic and aid in the identification o games where the board may not have survived. Casting devices that accompany a board add detail both in the possible age and the variation o play. Advances in understanding o these game paraphernalia outside o Egypt assist in contextualizing Egyptian game practices. Introductions to these elements o board games present a first understanding o the complexity o the material and the possibilities o comparing Egypt with its neighbors. Furthermore, types o casting devices are ofen not specific to certain games, and are best introduced beore the games themselves in order to acilitate discussion o the individual games without digression. Tey also provide a microcosm o the variation seen in the types o games ound in this book, with a long chronological range as well as oreign types mirroring the dispersal o games throughout the ancient world. In some cases, casting devices comprised games on their own, that remain outside the scope o our survey. Tey may have inspired some o the earliest orms o board games as has been suggested in the New World, where evidence may indicate that early board games were essentially counting mechanisms or a game involving casting sticks (Voorhies 2013). 2013 ). While it is not possible with current evidence to suggest that Egyptian board games evolved rom games where the casting devices were the main element, these randomization tools appear early in the archaeological record and are common paraphernalia accompanying games throughout Egyptian history.

A range o casting devices Ancient Egyptians used different kinds o casting devices to determine the number o squares on a gaming board on which they would move playing pieces including sticks, astragali, teetotums and cubic dice (see fig. 1.1). 1.1). Te latter is the only accessory that has not been ound in direct association with any game board rom the Pharaonic period while the three others were discovered with senet  and  and the game o twenty .  Trowing sticks may have been used or mehen but this is not certain and no hounds and jackals game was preserved with casting equipment.

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Casting  C asting or throwing sticks unctioned as the principal randomizing agent rom the Predynastic period through the New Kingdom and are still used today in Egypt and Sudan (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:271). 1982:271). Sticks appear in archaeological assemblages in sets o two, three or more. Sometimes two sets o distinct throwing sticks were ound together, which may indicate that each player used their own set. Te players would give values to the different sides as one side is marked, and/or tinted, the other one unmarked. Te sticks would have been thrown together, mikado like, l ike, and the player would count the number obtained o btained depending on the sides acing up. At Predynastic Ballas, Petrie and Quibell ound ivory rods decorated on one side with incised lines or with motis imitating reed joints (Petrie (Petrie & Quibell 1896:14, 1896 :14, pl. VII). VII). From the First Dynasty onwards, throwing sticks took the orm o semi-cylindrical semi-cylindrical strips o wood, bone or ivory corresponding to split reeds or palm branches; in cross section one side was rounded, the other flat. Te sides could also be distinguished by the color or the decoration. Te size o the sticks can vary greatly: in First Dynasty tombs at Saqqara, ivory sticks more than 28 cm long with incised decoration were discovered with gaming pieces in omb 3504 (Emery (Emery 1954:56–7, 1954:56–7, fig. 61, 61, 59, fig. 67), 67), while three strips o ivory measuring between 4.7 cm and 9.4 cm long were ound with tall cylindrical and semi-circular semi-circular gaming pieces in omb 3471 (Emery (Emery 1949:62). 1949:62). A painting in the Tird Dynasty tomb o Hesy-Re at Saqqara depicts two pairs o sticks and two sets o seven playing pieces accompanying the senet  game  game (see fig. 2.5). 2.5). Te sticks are decorated with three cross-bands cross-bands consisting o two lines, and each pair is distinguished by the color o the lines, which are either red or black. Troughout the period o their use, incised lines were the main decoration on sticks. During the Second Intermediate Period and New Kingdom, the ends o sticks were ofen carved in the orm o human fingertips or the head o a canine, and this imagery certainly contributed to the symbolism o senet   (Hayes 1959:26, 1959:26, 200) (fig. (fig. 1.1, 1.1, top lef). In the Great Game ext, the player whose “seven pieces are in ront o [his] fingers like the jackals that tow the solar bark” may reer to such throwing sticks (Kendall (Kendall 1982:272) 1982:272) or a square calledd the “House o owing” (Piccione calle (Piccione 1990b:149). 1990b:149). Te animal with a pointed snout and long ears lying back along the sides o the stick is interpreted as a  jackal, a ox or a ennec (ait 1982:32–6). 1982:32–6). Tere is a similarity with animal

 

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Figure 1.1 

Egyptian casting devices dating dating to the New New Kingdom and and a set o cubic dice rom the third century , , Sudan. op lef: throwing sticks, max. 22.8 × 1.4 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Rogers Fund, 1919, 19.2.19–27a,b. op right: our sides o an astragal rom Tebes, 2.5 × 1.6 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Rogers Fund, 1916, 16.10.505c. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art. Bottom lef: teetotum rom Qau, 2.4 × 2 × 1.4 cm. © Petrie Museum o Egyptian Archaeology, University Uni versity College London, UC26284. UC 26284. Bottom right: cubic dice rom Sedeinga, Sudan, 2.5 cm. Photograph courtesy o Vincent Francigny.

heads ound on opposite ends o magical wands rom the Middle Kingdom (ait 1982:33). 1982:33). We may explain the appearance o this moti on throwing sticks as a shif rom the magical wand, a device that disappeared in the New Kingdom. A unique set o two pairs pai rs o ivory sticks st icks representing oreign captives

 

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was ound in the tomb o utankhamun and is now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, henceorth Egyptian Museum (JE (JE 6205 62059) 9) (ait (ait 1982:36, 1982:36, pl. X II IIII ). Small figurines o captives were also used as playing pieces (see Chapter 3). 3). Te relationship between fingers and throwing sticks is traced back to the Old Kingdom at Giza, both in archaeological and epigraphic material (Kendall (Kendall 1982:271–2). A wooden finger measuring 14.7 cm long was excavated by the 1982:271–2). Harvard University-Boston Museum o Fine Arts Expedition in the Western Cemetery at Giza rom Pit G 2385 A dated to the Sixth Dynasty (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 13.3441). It could be an early example o the throwing stick with fingertip. It has been suggested that d     w,  fingers, served to indicate Ꜥ  bꜤ  throwing sticks, also used as a counting device (Kendall (Kendall 1982:271). 1982:271). Te word d      is ofen described in senet -related  -related inscriptions and it is translated as Ꜥ  bꜤ  “finger” since we are not sure about its secondary meaning (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:60, 1990b:60, note 114). In the Sixth Dynasty Dyna sty tomb o Idu at Giza, a player warns his hi s opponent about the decisive role o d   d ᾽ ı .(i)  sšm  d  pr   hb translated as “I cause Ꜥ : r d  Ꜥ .(i)  r   pr   b Ꜥ   b Ꜥ  my finger to be led to the house o the plough . . . [or] the house o the ibis” (Simpson 1976:25) 1976:25) or “I will cause my finger to lead the way . . . to the house o penetration or humiliation” (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:60). 1990b:60). As the different translations show, the name o the field—reerred to as a house—is uncertain but it could be the unlucky square twenty-seven twenty-seven where the opponent is supposedly drowned according to the Great Game ext (Kendall (Kendall 1982:272). 1982:272). Trowing sticks were excavated in Sudan in the 1910s by the Harvard University-Boston Museum o Fine Arts Expedition at the capital city o the Kingdom o Kerma. Five ivory sticks decorated with black-filled black-filled incised chevrons were discovered discovered with nine cylindrical c ylindrical and ten conical playing pieces in omb K6002:1 (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 15-3-281). Another lot decorated with black-filled black-filled incised lines comes rom omb K2100 (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 20.1522). Both groups date to the Kerma period (c. 2500– 15000 ). 150  ). Te French excavations at the coastal site o Ugarit in Syria have brought to light three ivory throwing sticks with incised decoration o unknown context and an undecorated one rom a Late Bronze Age III level, dating to the thirteenth century  (Gachet-Bizollon (Gachet-Bizollon 2007:212, 2007:212, 307, pl. 50). While Egyptian-type Egyptiantype playing pieces are ound at several sites in the Levant, including including at Ugarit (Gachet-Bizollon (Gachet-Bizollon 2007:212), 2007:212), these sticks are the only ones known to

 

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date or that region, confirming confirming the significant s ignificant influence o Egyptian Eg yptian culture at Ugarit, an important trading center during the second millennium . . Te presence o playing pieces and throwing sticks at Ugarit attests to the practice o board games. Ivory plaques have been retrieved at the site but so ar no gaming board has been identified definitively. Another method to determine the number o spaces moved by the pieces was the use o knucklebones. “Knucklebone” is an inaccurate term or the astragalus, a small bone ound within the tarsal joint o hooved animals more commonly reerred to as the talus in anatomical terminology. Mainly sheep and goat bones were used. Tis bone is useul as a randomizing device because it has our sides on which it could land when cast, with none o these sides alike. wo long sides are noticeably broader: one is concave, while the other is convex. One narrower long side is indented and the other is flat. Te astragal can land on one o the t he our long sides with the opposite side acing up, so each one was assigned a name and a different numerical value. Figure 1.1 shows the our sides rom top lef to bottom right, ollowed here by the value applied in Classical times: dorsal (three), plantar (our), lateral (six) and medial (one) (Amandry 1984: 1984: 348–9). Sets o astragali o differen differentt size may have unctioned or distinctive throws (Finkel (Finkel 2007:21, 2007:21, note 12). Imitations o astragalus bones were also made rom wood, clay, ivory, stone or metal. In Egypt, artificially produced astragali seem to occur more ofen than natural bones (Gilmour ( Gilmour 1997:170). 1997 :170). Astragali are requently ound in the Near East as early as the Chalcolithic period in Anatolia Anatolia (5500–3000 (5500–3000    ) (Muscarella 1974:80–1, 1974:80–1, note 21). Astragali were used also or games o skill skil l as well as divinatio divination. n. Although an astragal was ound at Abydos, Abydos, possibly in the tomb o Den, king o the First Dynasty (Hayes ( Hayes 1953:46; 1953 :46; Kendall 1982:270) 1982:270) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 01.4.92), their use by the Egyptians is better attested rom the Seventeenth Dynasty on and is likely related to the introduction o the game o o twenty  (Finkel  (Finkel 2008). 2008). Astragal Astragalii have been photographed with the Teban game o hounds and jackals  (Pritchard 1954:fig. 1954:fig. 213), but in this case they are not likely to belong to the game board as they are not listed in the excavation report along with the itemized accoutrements o the game. Egyptians adopted the astragali to play senet   and they are the only casting devices represented in New Kingdom playing scenes (Pusch (Pusch 1979:pls. 1979:pls. 18, 28, 30) (see cover image).

 

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Astragali  A stragali are normally ound in pairs with game sets. A pair o ivory astragali was ound at el-Asasi (Lansing (Lansing 1917:26), 1917:26), pairs o ivory and resin—o notably different size—in the tomb o utankhamun (ait (ait 1982:38–41), 1982:38–41), and a pair o wooden astragali at Saqqara (Quibell (Quibell 1909:114). 1909:114). While most o the archaeological evidence comes rom burials, a ew are reported rom domestic contexts at Deir el-Medina (Dunn-V (Dunn-Vaturi aturi 2012a) 2012a ) and el-Amarna (Frankort (Frankort & Pendlebury Pendleb ury 1933 1933:25, :25, pl. 29.2). During the Greco-Roman period, cubic dice become more common and gradually replaced astragali or use with board games. Despite this phenomenon, playing pieces dating to this period show a continued connection between astragali and board games. wo baboon-shaped baboon-shaped playing pieces careully integrate the contour o an astragalus to the body o the animal as i it had been carved rom a natural knucklebone (Arnold ( Arnold 1995:60) 1995:60) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 66.99.75; Walters Art Museum, 71.512). Tese pieces are stylistically attributed to an Alexandrian workshop active around the third century cen tury    . A group o stone astragali carved with enigmatic scenes was not meant or an ordinary game but imbued with magical powers (Dandoy ( Dandoy 2006:133; 2006:133; Piccione 2007:58). 2007:58). Tree examples, said to be rom Egypt and attributed to the Ptolemaic or Roman period, have been identified in museum collections (Musée du Louvre, E 11171; Metropolitan Museum o Art, O.C. 428; Petrie Museum, UC44997). UC44997). Te worn relies on the Louvre example are difficult to interpret (two standing figures, figures , scorpion? scorpion?).). Te steatite astragal now in London shows an erotic scene on one side (Petrie (Petrie 1927:57, 1927:57, no. 227, pl. 49) while the gabbro astragal in New York shows a nude crouching emale on the plantar side—possibly Omphale—and standing figures on the narrow sides (or the iconographyy o Omphale and magical gems see Dasen iconograph Das en 2008). 2008). During the New Kingdom, a our-sided our-sided teetotum was also used as dice equipment. A teetotum is a truncated our-sided our-sided pyramidal die, its aces numbered with one to our dots and pierced with a plug or rod allowing it to be spun. Tis new shape came to Egypt Eg ypt rom the Levant where examples dating dating to the early second millennium  are attested at Beth Shean (Albright ( Albright 1938:48), 1938 :48), ell ell el-Ajjul el -Ajjul (Petrie (Petrie 1934:pl. 1934:pl. X XI XIV V, XX XVI XVI,, 25) and ell ell Beit B eit Mirsim (Albright 1938:48, 1938:48, pl. 21,b; Pritchard 1954:fig. 1954:fig. 214). Te ivory teetotum rom Stratum D at ell Beit Mirsim measures 1.7 cm in height, 1.75 cm in width at

 

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the base, 1.3 cm in width at the top; it still has the ivory plug running through it. Albright (1938 (1938:48, :48, note 48) estimated the examples rom ell el-Ajjul were cruder than his find at ell Beit Mirsim but stated that they “all ollow the same principle, with spots only on the our sides.” Kendall (1982 (1982:267) :267) described the teetotum as possibly “the “the earliest proto prototype type o the cubic die known in Egypt.” wo ivory examples rom Egypt are known to the authors so ar. One was ound with a double-sided double-sided game box in a tomb dating to the mid-Eighteenth mid-Eighteenth Dynasty at Zawiyet el-Aryan (Dunham (Dunham 1978:72– 1978:72– 3, pl. LIX) LIX) (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 11.3096). Te other one, ound at Qau, is assigned to the New Kingdom (Petrie Museum, UC26284) UC26284) (fig. (fig. 1.1, 1.1, bottom lef). Cube-shaped Cubeshaped dice di ce represent “an invaluable mental and an d artistic perormanc perormance. e. It unctions as a randomizing agent only i its body . . . is manuactured with great geometrical precisions.” (Schädler (Schädler 2007:13). 2007:13). Schädler considers the mid-third mid-third millennium  dice rom epe Gawra in Mesopotamia to be the earliest evidence o cubic dice. Others trace its origin to the Indus Valley, where many terracotta, stone and aience examples have been discovered dis covered at the sites o Mohenjo-daro, Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Alamgirpur and Lothal (Dales (Dales 1968:18–19). 1968:18–19). Te use o both cubed and oblong dice is attested at these Harappan sites around 2300  (Brown (Brown 1964:34). 1964:34). Te opposite sides are numbered consecutively consecut ively,, so that one is opposite oppos ite two, three opposite oppos ite our, our, and five opposite six. Cubic dice with the number dots arranged like the Indian dice are attested in Mesopotamia since the mid-thir mid-thirdd millennium millennium    , but their use in the Near East remained rare (Dales (Dales 1968:18) 1968:18) and they have never been ound clearly associated with any board game, in contrast to the more popular tetrahedral and oblong dice. Cubic dice were not common in Egypt until the Ptolemaic period (Petrie (Petrie 1927:57, 1927 :57, pl. XLIX), XLIX), although isolated finds dating to the New Kingdom are reported rom el-Amarna and Lisht (Hayes (Hayes 1959:405) 1959:405) as well as Deir el-Bahari (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:58). 1912:58). During the Ptolemaic period, the numbering o the sides is standardized, with opposite sides always adding up to seven, as in modern dice: 1+6, 2+5 and 3+4. During Roman times, the prolieration o dice games was abetted by the movements o soldiers throughout the empire. Dice were thrown with the hand or small boxes were used as throwing cups to prevent manipulations.

 

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Most  M ost o the dice are numbered rom one to six but some sides may have letters or words. A cubical limestone die, dating rom the Ptolemaic period, is inscribed with hieroglyphs. Names o gods appear on each side: Osiris, Horus, Isis, Nephthys, Hathor and Har-Behdety (Petrie (Petrie 1927:57, 1927:57, pl. XLIX.233; XLIX.233; ait 1998)) (Petrie Museum, UC38176). 1998 UC38176). A large aience die dating to the Byzantine period, in the fifh century ,  , and now in the Swiss Museum o Games (2762), ( 2762), combines numbers one to six and Greek letters: alpha (one), delta (our), beta (two), eta (eight), sigma (six), iota (ten). Questions Questions are still raised whether this type o die was used to play or was involved in magical/divinatory rituals (Schädler 2007:13–14). 2007:13–14). A similar problem is ound with twenty-sided twenty-sided dice as it is unclear i and how these dice were used or games. Tey are exclusively ound in Greco-Roman contexts with most examples in the literature attested in Egypt. Tey normally eature the Greek letters alpha through upsilon and Pedrizet (1931 (1931)) has shown that examples ound in Alexandria point to the end o the Hellenistic period in Egypt. Teir occurrence is part o the meager evidence that exists o direct Greek influence on possible gaming materials. At the same time they are a helpul tool to date archaeological sites (e.g., Francigny et al. 2014). 2014).

Board games across borders: Identiying Egyptian games While divination and religious ritual have been a ocus o discussion with regard to ancient board games, their role in acilitating interactions across social boundaries is more useul or studying the social implications implications o gaming (Crist 2015; 2015; Crist et al. in press). press). In order to identiy games o Egyptian origin, as well as oreign games within Egypt, it is necessary to first examine what is known about them and which games existed where and at what times. Furthermore, descriptions o the different orms these games assume will aid archaeologists in identiying them in surveys and excavations. Recent work (de Voogt 2010, 2010, 2012; 2012; Jacquet-Gordon 2003) 2003) has h as discovered di scovered graffiti games gam es at previously excavated sites, indicating that games may exist at other sites awaiting discovery and identification. In the ollowing chapters, we discuss the major games that existed rom the Predynastic through the Islamic periods, in

 

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order to aid scholars in recognizing what games belong to antiquity and which are more recent. rec ent. Te early history o Egyptian Eg yptian board games is discussed in Chapter 2, 2, where mehen  and other, lesser-known  Mehenn  takes lesser-known games are first introduced.  Mehe prominence promin ence as the most popular o the Predynastic board games in Egypt, and indeed it was the first that is known to have crossed into other regions. It also sets the trend o board games in religious and mortuary contexts, which can be be seen throughout Pharaonic Egypt. Afer discussing the orms and contexts o mehen in Egypt, its appearance in the Levant and Cyprus is discussed, along with an examination o the cultural circumstances under which the games arrived in these lands. Finally, the game known as men,  as well as two other early but poorly understood board games are briefly discussed, discuss ed, as they are not as well known as most o the other games discussed dis cussed here. Chapter 3 ocuses on the most amous o Egyptian board games, senet .  Its development into the most prominent and religiously important board game in Egypt shows that it may have changed through time, which is to be expected or any game that was played over roughly three thousand years. Te transmission o senet  to  to the Levant, Cyprus and Nubia is also not surprising in consideration o its popularity in the Nile Valley, but it is clear that it took on a different kind o social context than it did in Egypt. At the end o the chapter, we also discuss the enigmatic game o thirty-three thirty-three,  ound on the opposite side o senet  boards   boards during the Late Period. Te playing pieces or senet  and   and the  game o o twenty  are  are also discussed disc ussed in this chapter chapter,, since both games used pieces o the same s ame type. Te  game o twenty ,  which is the ocus o Chapter 4, 4, was the first oreign game to be widely played in Pharaonic times. Tis game is originally attested at the Royal Cemetery o Ur during the third millennium  and only arrived in Egypt much later and in a different orm. It had been popular in Mesopotamia and the Levant, L evant, and was introd introduced uced to Egypt Eg ypt perhaps as early as the Middle Kingdom, reaching reaching the pinnacle o its popularity during the New Kingdom. During During this period it was a popular game seemingly related to interregional elite gif exchange and its boards were likely kept as heirlooms throughout the Eastern Easter n Mediterranean. It was never ully Egyptianize Eg yptianizedd though, as can be seen in its decoration and its abandonment afer the interaction networks o the Late Bronze Age collapsed ( c. 1050 ). ). A more complete

 

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discussion o the rules o play is allowed by the aorementioned aorementioned tablet ound in Babylon. Hounds and jackals is covered in Chapter 5. 5. Te different types o boards are discussed, as this game was manuactur manuactured ed in a number o varying styles. It It is another game that originated in Egypt and spread abroad, but these mechanisms are less well understood because it has been ound as ar away as Anatolia without strong direct connections. Te unique playing pieces in the orm o pegs may point to the existence o the game in places where the boards have not survived. New interpretations interpretations o pictorial evidence suggests that the game may have been depicted in playing-scene playing-scene contexts during the Middle Kingdom. Chapters 6 and 7 ocus on later games that were introduced to Egypt rom oreign lands. Understanding the presence o these games on Pharaonic monuments will help to correctly identiy them and to understand site histories. Chapter 6 ocuses on Greco-Roman games, particularly  five lines , latrunculi and duodecim scripta , while Chapter C hapter 7 ocuses ocus es on Arab and Ottoman games, including seeja, mancala and   tâb,  which are still played today. Tese later games have rarely been discussed in conjunction with Pharaonic games, and by emphasizing them in these chapters we present mounting evidence or their existence in Egypt alongside an understanding o how they were played and by whom. Te final chapter summarizes some o the main themes that are apparent rom the study o games in Egypt. Focusing on the roles games played in ancient Egypt, the process process o how games transcended borders in Egypt and the ancient Near East is highlighted, and the ofen over-emphasis over-emphasis o religion with relation to games is discussed. Finally, there is an examination o the broad interest board games have received in anthropological and Classical archaeology and how this volume may assist these fields and Egyptology in particular.

 

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 Mehen  Me hen and Men:  Te First Signs o Egyptian Board Games  Mehen  Me serp ent   hen:  Te game o the coiled serpent Te Fourth Dynasty tomb o Prince Rahotep at Meidum provides the earliest known names associated with specific board games anywhere in the world. In a list o offerings or the king to use in the aferlie are three different games: mn , “men, ” zn .t  , “senet ”  and mh . n , “mehen.”  .” ranslated as “to coil” or “the Coiled One” (Ranke (Ranke 1920:372–5), 1920:372–5), mehen  shares its name with the god Mehen, an immense coiled serpent associated with the netherworld, whose primary unction was to envelope the sun god Ra R a in his many coils, thus thus protecting him rom all evil (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:43; 1990a:43; Rothöhler 1999:12–19). 1999:12–19). Accordingly, mehen  boards used in the game reflect the typical coiled serpent orm o this god. Te playing field is laid out in the orm o a spiral, sometimes with the tail and head o a serpent serp ent depicted on the board itsel (Ranke (Ranke 1920:4). 1920:4). O the three games appearing in the offerin offeringg lists o Rahotep, mehen seems  Mehen en boards vary in to be the oldest, judging rom the archaeological record. Meh their morphology in ways the other more standardized Egyptian games do not. First o all, the playing spaces do not always take the orm o bounded squares as they ofen do in senet ,  rather the playing spaces can be b e delineated by a number o alternating bosses and recesses, with each boss or each recess apparently appar ently being one playing space (Vandier 1964 1964:486–7). :486–7). Another method o delineating the playing spaces was to deeply incise the divisions between the spaces (Vandier (Vandier 1964:487). 1964:487). In addition to this, the number o playing spaces represented on the boards and in the pictorial evidence is not standardized. Unlike senet ,  in which every known k nown example o the game has three rows o ten spaces, mehen has a wide variation o possible numbers o spaces. Boards have 15

 

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 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Naxos

 Tell  T ell Brak  Zakros Lemba Lakkous   Kition Kathari  Episkopi Phaneronmeni  Byblos

Lachish Bâb edh-Dhra’ Abu Rawash Giza Saqqara Meidum

Egypt  Deir el-Gabrawi Abydos

Quft Naqada Ballas  Thebe  Th ebess Moalla

Nubia

Qustul

 Figure 2.1  Map o sites mentioned in Chapter 2. Figure 2.

 

Mehen and Men

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been ound with as ew as orty-nine orty-nine spaces, and some had as many as our hundred (Swiny (Swiny 1986:57). 1986:57). Tere also was not a predetermined number o circles in the spiral, with as ew as two (e.g., Petrie & Quibell 1896:Pl. 1896:Pl. 43) and as many as seven (e.g., Quibell 1913:Pl. 1913:Pl. XI, XI, see fig. 2.5) 2.5) known rom archaeological contexts. contexts. Te serpent could also be coiled c oiled in either a clockwise or counterclockwise direction (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:47). 1990a:47).

 Mehen  Meh en boards O the ew boards b oards that have good archaeological prov provenance, enance, the oldest comes rom the late Naqada omb 19 at Ballas, now in the Ashmolean Museum (Petrie & Quibell 1896:42), 1896:42), and and dates to the end o the ourth millennium    (Rothöhler 1999:11). 1999:11). Found covering a pot, it was likely a votive representation o a mehen board rather than one used or play, since it was only 10.5 cm in diameter (Kendall (Kendall 2007:37), 2007:37), but appears in the orm o other ull-sized ull- sized game boards. Tere is a pierced rectangular protrusion extending rom the circular board, a eature paralleled in many other mehen games. Te body o the serpent is divided into squares, with the head and tail o the snake differentiated rom the other segments. Tree other boards have been compared to this artiact and, because o their similar execution, may be dated around the same time as the Ballas mehen.  While their provenance is incomplete, one is rumored to have been ound at Quf (Petrie (Petrie & Quibell 1896:42; 1896:42; Vandier 1964:488), 1964:488), now in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (J (J E 27354), and another said to have been ound at Abydos Abyd os now is in the Bode B ode Museum (13868) in Berlin (Scharff (Scharff 1926:145). 1926:145). Te third game is in the Petrie Museum in London, but its provenance is unknown (U C 20453, see fig. 2.2) 2.2) (Petrie (Petrie 1914:25). 1914:25). Tey all contain a similar execution o the snake moti, with segmented bodies making up the individual playing spaces and differentiated heads and tails. Tey also exhibit a protrusion on one end, though these are smaller and more rounded rounded in comparison to that on the Ballas Bal las mehen . It has been suggested sugges ted the type o protrusion shared by these three games is a representation o a turtle’s head (Fischer (Fischer 1968:17). 1968:17). Tis connection may be corroborated with a turtle in the Metropolitan Museum Museum o Art (61.33) that has a series o concentric

 

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 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Figure 2.2   Mehe  Mehenn board demonstrating a Predynastic rendering o the game.

28.8 × 3.4 cm. © Petrie Museum o Egyptian Archaeology, University College London, UC20453. UC20453.

circles carved on it, and interpreted as a votive mehen board. Te Petrie and Bode boards also are pierced, pierced, which suggests they may also have had some sort o amuletic unction (Kendall (Kendall 2007:36) 2007:36) which Petrie suggested was protectio protectionn rom serpents (Petrie (Petrie 1914:25), 1914:25), an interpretation which he even admitted is questionable. A mehen board in the Metropolitan Metropolitan Museum o Art (58.125.1, see fig. 2.3 2.3)) is incised with the name o the First Dynasty pharaoh Hor Aha on its rectangular protrusion. It has been argued that this game may be a orgery (Kendall ( Kendall 2007:38), 2007 :38), based on presumed increasing realism in the execution o mehen  boards continuing rom the Second Dynasty. Indeed, while the manner in which the serpent is incised is unusual when compared compared to the rest o the corpus o games, the number o mehen  boards we have is small, with only fifeen examples, and so all o the variation in style that may have existed in antiquity may not be reflected in the games that have been preserved. In any case, the execution o the snake with its head and tail, along with the presence o a rectangular protrusion, is reminiscent o the boards already discussed, though it is not pierced. Results o an examination o the board by Ann Heywood at

 

Mehen and Men

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Figure 2.3   Meh  Mehen en board bearing the name o Hor Aha, shown beore restoration,

32.1 × 27 × 2.2 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Dick Fund, 1958, 58.125.1. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art.

the Metropolitan Museum o Art suggests the artiact is ancient rather than modern as Heywood ound calcium carbonate accretions accretions and what appears to be soil deposits in the hieroglyphic and mehen car  carvings. vings. Te hieroglyph—the authenticity authen ticity o which has been doubted by I.E.S. Edwards and Gunter Gunter Dreyer (Diana Craig Patch 2014, personal communication)—appears to have been

 

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 Ancientt Egyptians at  Ancien at Play 

made around the same time as the mehen board, but probably by two different individuals based on the manner in which they are carved (Ann Heywood 2014, personal communication). Another mehen game without provenance, now in a private collection, may have been a jar lid much like the Ballas game as it is only 4.5 cm in diameter and unlikely to have been used us ed or play considering it contains 336 very small spaces (Kendall (Kendall 2007:37). 2007:37). It depicts a coiled serpent, se rpent, with a tail and head, hea d, much much like the others already discussed, but with an important distinction: our our holes were drilled on different parts o the serpent and may have been filled with a colored paste or some kind o inlay, distinguishing those spaces rom the others (Kendall (Kendall 2007:37). 2007:37). Te protrusion on this board is broken, so it is uncertain whether it was rectangular or o the “turtle “turtle head” type. Te Predynastic and First Dynasty boards stand in marked contrast to those dating to the Second Dynasty, all o which depict a more abstract rendering o the game (see fig. 2.4). 2.4). Five are known, our rom the tomb o Pharaoh Peribsen at Abydos (Amélineau (Amélineau 1899:494–5, 1899:494–5, plate 47) and another with unknown provenance in the British Museum (1961,0408.1) (Shore (Shore 1963:Plate 1963 :Plate 33A). All o these artiacts are made o aience. In these examples the representation o the serpent becomes more abstract; the board in the Musée Royal de Mariemont (B.102.0) has a coil in its center resembling a snake’s body, and the board in the British Museum has a stylized serpent’s head in the center c enter while in the th e examples rom Peribsen Peribs en’’s tomb (Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels, E.4180; Musée du Louvre, E 29891) the serpent’s head and tail are not well executed (Kendall (Kendall 2007:35–6). 2007:35–6). During this period, spaces were no longer delineated by incised lines. Instead, the playing spaces consist o alternating rectangular bosses and recesses producing a checkerboard pattern on the playing field. Further diverging rom the standards o earlier mehen boards, the spaces on the Second Dynasty boards were no longer always arranged in a spiral pattern. Te spaces on one o the Peribsen mehens  were positioned in concentric circles, while another had our spiraling tracks, and a third had spaces in concentric circles that connected with each other, thus allowing or a spiral-like spiral-like movement along the board (Kendall ( Kendall 2007:35). 2007:35). Swiny (1986 (1986:55) :55) suggests the arrangements o the Peribsen games make their identification as mehen suspect, but the Mariemont mehen also has a pattern o concentric

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Figure 2.4   Meh  Mehen en board o

unknown provenance provenance demonstrating a Second Dynasty type accompanied by spherical playing pieces, 37 × 7 cm. Te British Museum, 1961,0408.1. © Te rustees o the British Museum.

circles rather than a spiral, and there is a definite, though abstract, depiction o a serpent’s head at the center o this board. Rather than arguing against its use as a mehen  board, Kendall (2007 (2007:35) :35) suggests certain spaces on this artiact may have originally been marked to indicate when a player would advance to the next circle, thus effectively allowing it to unction as a spiral. Whatever the case, these boards are markedly different rom those known rom any other mehen  boards currently known, and suggest the Second Dynasty was a time in which some experimentation was underway in the design o the boards.

 

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 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Tee next datable mehen  is not a board that can be played, but a pictorial  T representation (see fig. 2.5). 2.5). It is the earliest known depiction o a mehen board and was ound in the Tird Dynasty mastaba o Hesy-Re at Saqqara (Quibell ( Quibell 1913:18–21; 1913 :18–21; Emery 1961:248–51; 1961:248–51; Kendall 2007:33). 2007:33). Te paintings on the walls o this mastaba depict different types o equipment considered to be necessary or the deceased in the aferlie, and include not only mehen but also the first known depictions o the games o senet  and  and men,  accompanied by sets o gaming pieces (see below). Tis representation is the only painting or relie o a mehen board in which the individual spaces and the head and tail o the snake are shown. Some o the divisions o the spaces are not well preserved, although it does seem that the seven spirals o the snake were divided evenly, and, i the number o spaces is extrapolated considering the size o those preserved, the total number o spaces is roughly our hundred (Swiny (Swiny 1986:57). 1986:57). Te trapezoidal appendage, always shown when mehen  is represented in art (in contrast to the mehen  boards themselves that do not always have a protrusion), is depicted or the first time. I this mehen board is accurate, it could represent a new type, since it is markedly different rom the Second Dynasty boards and seems to return to many o the conventions seen beore in the Predynastic and First Dynasty mehens . Te Louvre (E 25430), the Oriental Institute Museum (16950) in Chicago and the Fitzwilliam Museum (e.g. A. 4464.1943) in Cambridge each have a mehen board without provenance (V (Vandier 1964 1964:488; :488; Swiny 1980:69; 1980:69; Piccione 1990a:46–7). 1990a :46–7). Tese boards are all morphologically quite similar to mehen  boards predating the Second Dynasty, but exclude any kind o protrusion. Te segments o the snake’s body are all careully delineated, and the head o the snakes are all careully executed on these three boards. None has a protrusion, though Shore (1963 (1963:91) :91) argues there is evidence one did exist on the Fitzwilliam game. In the center o the spiral, the head o the serpent takes up more space than on the games predating the Second Dynasty, leaving considerably more negative space in the center. Te example rom the Louvre is supported by a oot, a eature that has led to questions regarding its authenticity (Swiny (Swiny 1986:55, 1986:55, note 482); however, the Quf and British Museum mehens also have eet to support them, so its presence on the Louvre game does not preclude it rom being an authentic artiact. Kendall’ss (2007 Kendall’ 2007:38–9) :38–9) suggestion that these boards date to the Tird Dynasty or later is probably correct, since they deviate rom the earlier types only slightly.

 

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 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Another  A nother way the Louvre and Chicago games differ is that, instead o a clearly defined tail, the head o some kind o waterowl (probably a duck or goose) is carved c arved on the outer edge o the board. Tere Tere is probably a connection here with the “Great Cackler,” the primordial goose that, in one early creation myth, laid the egg rom which Ra was hatched (Rundle ( Rundle Clark 1991:55–6, 1991:55–6, 213; Kendall 2007:40), 2007:40), which, in in turn, is related to the solar connections o the god Mehen (see below). Te Fitzwilliam mehen differs in one other way in that five o the spaces are crosshatched, perhaps marking them as special spaces important or the play o the game (Swiny ( Swiny 1980:69; 1980:69; Kendall 2007:39). 2007:39). Tis is similar to the drilled spaces in the jar lid discussed above in the New York private collection mehen . Te materials out o which mehen  boards were made—stone, ivory or aience—are all materials that are well preserved in the archaeological record. It is possible that mehen boards may also have once been made o wood, but did not survive. Tere have been multiple tombs that have produced sets o mehen  pieces o the type depicted in the tomb o Hesy-Re without an accompanying board, which argues the board itsel has decomposed. Indeed, no mehen pieces have been ound associated with a board (Kendall (Kendall 2007:34– 2007:34– 5), so it is very likely there were boards made out o perishable materials that have not been preserved; however, decomposed boards should not be inerred in every case, and such conclusions should only be made when complete or near-complete nearcomplete sets are ound.

 Mehen  Meh en pieces  Mehen  Me hen pieces are depicted next to the mehen board in the painting in the tomb o Hesy-Re, the only complete depiction o a set o mehen  pieces anywhere

(Quibell 1913:Pl. 1913:Pl. XI, XI, see fig. 2.5). 2.5). Te set pictured there contains thirty-six thirty-six marbles, grouped by color into six groups o six, as well as six white couchant lions. Te six sets o pieces may suggest the game could be played with up to six players, which could be supported by the pictorial evidence rom later in the Old Kingdom (see below). It is important to note that no dice are pictured with the mehen pieces on the Hesy-Re painting, nor are they depicted on playing scenes. Trowing sticks have been ound with mehen pieces, but only in tombs

 

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where senet  and/or   and/or men pieces have also been ound, so it is unclear whether they were associated with the mehen pieces as well. When ound alone, mehen  pieces have never been ound along with throwing sticks. While it has been suggested that mehen was a race game (Kendall (Kendall 2007:35), 2007:35), the absence o dice or other randomization devices may mean mehen was less likely to have been a race game, but may have been some kind o strategy game instead.  Mehen  Meh en pieces have typically been b een ound in graves in Egypt, mostly rom the Predynastic period through the Second Dynasty (see fig. 2.6). 2.6 ). A ull set has never been preserved, but the closest was ound in omb 3504 at Saqqara, in the same cache that contained a complete complete set o senet  pieces  pieces (Emery (Emery 1954:58). 1954:58). Te couchant lions ound there were made o ivory, and the spherical pieces, thirty-nine thirtynine in number, were made o limestone. Other sets o mehen pieces are incomplete. At Abu Rawash, ombs I and VIII both produced mehen pieces. omb I produced three lions and three th ree lionesses made ma de o ivory, and omb omb VII VI I I produced a nearly complete set, with a ull complement o lions and lionesses and a series o spherical pieces in two colors: white and red (Montet (Montet 1946:189). 1946:189). Another incomplete set comes rom omb 100 at Naqada, where our lions, eight spherical pieces and a couchant hare were ound (Petrie ( Petrie & Quibell

Figure 2.6 

Ivory mehen piece rom Abydos in the orm o a couchant lion, 8.7 × 4.3 ×

3.2 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Gif Egypt Exploration Fund, 1903, 03.4.13. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum oo Art.

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1896:35, pl. 7). omb 3507 at Saqqara produced a ragment o an ivory 1896:35, lion piece, and and also a number o spherical pieces made o amethyst and one o rock crystal (Emery (Emery 1958:84). 1958:84). It is possible, though not conclusive, these objects orm part o a set o mehen pieces. A First Dynasty private tomb near that o Zer-a at Abydos produced our couchant lion pieces (Petrie (Petrie 1901:23). 1901:23). Petrie notes that the bottom suraces o the lions are worn smooth, probably through extensive use, and also that the details o the lions’ physique has been partially worn through extensive handling, probably in the course o gameplay. In some cases, hounds appear to have been substituted or lions (Scharff 1926:56, 1926:56, 63; Kendall 2007:34). 2007:34). Other marbles and couchant lions called mehen pieces have been ound in tombs throughout Egypt (de ( de Morgan 1896–7:192–4; 1896–7 :192–4; Amélineau 1899:Pl. 1899:Pl. 31; Capart 1905:140, 1905:140, 178–9; Petrie 1920:11, 1920:11, 1925:6–7; Schweitzer 1948:12; 1948:12; Saad 1969:45; 1969:45; Kaiser et al. 1976:86; 1976:86; Spencer 1980:69–70), 1980 :69–70), but it is nearly impossible to ascribe them this unction without boards as the lions could be votive objects and the marbles could have served multiple purposes. One set o pieces rom Naqada, in which only our marbles remain, may have been part o a mehen set, because they were ound alongside pieces o types consistent with senet  and  and men pieces, as shown on the walls o Hesy-Re’s tomb. Interpreted by Petrie as a game o skittles (Petrie & Quibell 1896:Pl. 1896 :Pl. 7; Vandier Vandier 1952 1952:405), :405), it seems more likely the pieces did not make up one game together, but rather were incomplete sets or the games senet  , mehen  and men .

Rules o mehen  Much like senet ,  the rules or playing mehen  are unknown, although some aspects o the course o play can be determined through textual evidence and the artiacts themselves. As mentioned above, mehen  appears to have been played with a number o playing pieces in the shape o couchant lions or lionesses, or in the shape o small spheres (Quibell (Quibell 1913:Pl. 1913:Pl. XI, XI, see fig. 2.5). 2.5). Many have classified this game as a hunting-type hunting- type game (Vandier (Vandier 1964:492), 1964:492), and Montet (1955 (1955:195–7) :195–7) constructed an elaborate set o rules based on representations o hunting in Predynastic Egypt, which, Vandier (1964 ( 1964:492) :492) admitted, was going too ar. Indeed, the only way to reconstruct a convincing

 

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set o rules or the game is to find textual evidence suggesting a sequence o play,, as has been somewhat play some what possible possi ble or senet ,  but not or mehen (see Chapter 3). 3). Some evidence or the method o playing mehen has been ound on one o the known mehen boards. Te board in the Oriental Institute appears to have once been painted with brown pigment and is worn away on the long spiraling grooves outlining outlining the body b ody o the snake, while the paint in the grooves dividing the individual spaces is still thickly applied. Piccione (1990a ( 1990a:47) :47) believes this suggests the spherical playing pieces associated with mehen were moved along this spiraling channel.

Pictorial evidence Aside rom the depiction o mehen on the wall o the tomb o Hesy-Re, other scenes rom Old Kingdom tombs depict the playing o mehen.  Five mehen  playing scenes come rom the tombs o the nobility o the Fifh and Sixth Dynasties (Decker (Decker & Herb 1994:634–6). 1994:634–6). Tese Tese scenes typically show two men sitting opposite opposite each other across the mehen board, with the board shown as it is seen rom above. ab ove. One eature o the mehen boards as depicted in these scenes s cenes that has caused some degree o discussion in the literature is that o the socalled trapezoidal appendage, ubiquitous in the pictorial evidence, but not clearly attributable attributable to a eatur eaturee o the actual game g ame boards known archaeologically (Montet 1955; 1955; Vandier Vandier 1964 1964;; Swiny 1986). 1986). Te debate stems rom a disagreement disagreem ent as to whether this appendage represents represents some orm o oot on which the game board rested as Swiny (1986 (1986:56) :56) seems to be suggesting sug gesting or i it was an extension o the game gam e board itsel. itsel . A oot would make it into a sort sor t o table. Te extension is typically interpreted as a sort o “garage” or the playing pieces, which played a part in the th e course o the game, i.e., in the orm o a “turtle head” or rectangular rectangul ar protrusion (Montet (Montet 1955:196). 1955:196). Usually the appendage is rather vestigial and probably incapable o unctioning as the type o “garage” suggested. Without more conclusive archaeological evidence, the unction o the trapezoidal appendage depicted in the tomb paintings cannot be identified. It also seems unlikely to have been a oot, since only one o the scenes sc enes depicts the appendage acing down, and and in this case it is depicted resting on a table (Simpson (Simpson 1976:25, 1976:25, fig. 38). 38).

 

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 IInn one case the spherical gaming pieces are shown being moved on the board (Vandier (Vandier 1964:490). 1964:490). Te individual spaces are never depicted on the board, and likewise there is no known depiction o the lion or lioness pieces being used on one (Montet (Montet 1955:139). 1955:139). Judging rom the scenes, it is apparent mehen was typically played with the board on the ground, while the opponents likewise sat on the ground (or floor) opposite one another while they played. One scene shows the game resting on a table, but the players are still depicted as sitting on the floor, rather than seated. It is perhaps important to note that all o the mehen playing scenes that have been ound accompany senet  playing.  playing. Te earliest scenes come rom the tomb o Rashepses, vizier o the pharaoh Isesi o the Fifh Dynasty Dy nasty,, at Saqqara (Lepsius (Lepsius 1849:Fig. 1849:Fig. 61b). Tese two scenes are similar, and both depict what w hat appears to be our players, or two players with two spectators, engaged in a game o mehen.  Tese scenes are also the only ones depicting pieces on the board as what appear to be marbles, which are ound toward the center o the snake, though the lion or hound pieces are nowhere to be seen. Te caption accompanying the scene reads h. Ꜥ  b  m h. n , “playing mehen.”  .” Tey appear among senet  playing  playing scenes, as well as depictions o singers and dancers, a common placement o games throughout the Fifh and Sixth Dynasty D ynasty relies. In the Sixth Dynasty tomb o Kaiemankh at Giza, two mehen players can be seen next to a game o senet  the  the deceased is playing (Junker (Junker 1940:35–8). 1940:35–8). Much like the depiction o mehen  rom the tomb o Rashepses, this scene is accompanied by images o musicians and dancers, as is a poorly preserved scene rom the Fifh–Sixth Dynasty tomb o Isesi-mery Isesi-mery netjer at Giza (Pusch (Pusch 1979:29–32). 1979 :29–32). Music and dancing are even more apparent in the relies rom the Sixth Dynasty tomb o Idu at Giza, where mehen is played alongside two senet  games,   games, and musicians, dancers, as well as sports are depicted. Te text introducing the scene reads: ᾽ı nd   d   h. r  . t  m  Ꜥ  nh H   t   . wt  -H  . r   swt   kꜢ Ꜣ    .t   h. tpt ᾽ ı nb᾽ ı . t  imr t  ˘ nrw,  “Hail, to you in lie, O Hathor, the places o your ka are propitiated, that you should glow is what the nrw  desire” (Simpson (Simpson 1976:25), 1976:25), and suggests these games are unerary games and celebrations in honor o that goddess (Kendall 2007:40). 2007:40). Tere is one enigmatic depiction rom the First Intermediate Period that could possibly represent a mehen board. It comes rom the tomb o Ankhtifi at

 

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Moalla and depicts a scene o woodworking (Vandier (Vandier 1952:81–2). 1952:81–2). In this scene, there is an object that could be interpreted as a mehen board viewed rom the side, with two (one incompletely preserved) couchant lions placed atop it. Tis relie is ar rom definitive as to whether it depicts a mehen board. I it is, it is the only known representation o the board rom a side view. It also is the only evidence mehen may have survived the end o the Old Kingdom, which was not thought to have been the case previously (Vandier ( Vandier 1964:489; 1964:489; Swiny 1986:56; 1986:56; Piccione 1990a:47). 1990a:47). In spite o this, two wenty-Sixth Dynasty relies appear to depict mehen in  very much the same way the Old Kingdom relies do. One was ound in the tomb o Ankheensakhme Ankheens akhmett at Memphis, and is now in the Walters Walters Art Museum in Baltimore (Capart (Capart 1938:13–18), 1938:13–18), while the other was ound in the tomb o Aba in Tebes (Wilkinson (Wilkinson 1878:55). 1878:55). Both scenes show the game flanked by our men, two on each side, sitting on the floor and interacting with each other, acing away rom the board. Te inscription accompanying these scenes describe the players as playing senet  , mehen and the enigmatic game t Ꜣ Ꜣ    w  (Pusch 2007), 2007), though only two game boards are shown in each relie. Vandier (1964 1964:489) :489) suggests the scenes s cenes are so alike they shared a common model, most most likely the tomb o Iby at Deir el-Gabrawi, which dates to the Fifh Dynasty, and is known to have been the inspiration or the decoration in the tomb o his wenty-Sixth Dynasty namesake. Ranke (1920 (1920:13–14) :13–14) agrees that tomb scenes rom the Saite period were ofen inspired by Old Kingdom prototypes. While, unortunately, no mehen scene was preserved in the tomb o Iby, there were a considerable number o relies that did not survive (Davies (Davies 1902:11), 1902:11), and it is entirely entire ly possible the original mehen scene once existed in this tomb.

extual evidence Tere is little textual evidence on mehen to provide clues clues as to the rules o play or the game, or the settings in which it was played. Most o the captions accompanying the mehen  playing scenes are statements such as h. Ꜥ  b  m h. n , “playing mehen”  or, h. Ꜥ  b  k (w᾽ ı ) mn h. (sic ) r  .k,  “I am playing mehen against you” (Kendall 2007:40). 2007:40). In the tomb o Kaiemankh, the caption may indicate some events in the play o the game. Te caption above the player to the right reads

 

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 it  t .t   m h. n,  “seizing mehen,”  ,” which Kendall (2007 (2007:40) :40) interprets as possibly meaning, “gaining advantage in mehen,”  ,” “seizing the lead in mehen,”  ,” or “my turn,” while the other ot her responds resp onds ms . (i) r  .k . h. Ꜥ  b .(i) r  .k , “I take aim ai m at you and play towards you.” While these passages do not urther enlighten the rules o the game, they do indicate it certainly was competitive in nature. Other texts give indications that may reveal the religious connotations the game had during the Fifh Fif h and Sixth Dynasties. Dy nasties. In the Pyramid exts, exts, the name o the god Mehen contains the determinative or the game mehen or the first time, suggesting that by the Fifh Dynasty there was a connection between the god and the game that extended beyond a shared iconography. Pyramid ext Utterance 332, in the pyramid o eti, reads: “eti is that one who emerged rom the Coiled One: eti has emerged rom his fiery blast, while he is turned away” (Allen 2005:69). 2005:69). Kendall (2007 (2007:41) :41) interprets this as the king passing along the coils o the game to the head and back, reflecting an ascension to heaven and resurrection on earth. Rothöhler (1999 (1999:14–15) :14–15) interprets this text differently, suggesting an alternate translation in which the king ascends to heaven as mehen.  Allen (2005 (2005:69) :69) offers a better interpretation, asserting the text reers to the successul conclusion o the game that symbolizes the escape rom Mehen, who tries to inhibit the passage o the sun through the duat .  Utteranc Utterancee 659, rom the pyramid o Pepi II (also appearing in the pyramid o Pepi I), commands commands the king to move his “teeth” along the board, with “teeth” as a metaphor or white ivory playing pieces (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:48). 1990a:48). Allen’s translation (2005 (2005:268) :268) “You have received your white teeth, Pepi Neerkare, and the coils that go around them, as an arrow, in their identity o an arrow.” is less clear. From the pyramid o Neith, Utterance 758 describes the birth o the queen into the aferlie, and her wishes to be with Re-Horakhty and in the coils o mehen  (Rothöhler 1999:16). 1999 :16). Allen’s translation (2005 (2005:329) :329) contains no mention o mehen . Tese texts suggest a connection between the protection Mehen gives within his coils and the resurrection o the soul. Indeed, Middle and New Kingdom texts concur that Mehen was instrumental in protecting Ra in his nightly journey through the underworld (Piccione (Piccione 1990a; 1990a; Rothöhler 1999; 1999; Kendall 2007:41–2). 2007:41–2). It It is also generally accepted that the goal o the game was to reach the center o the coiled serpent, serp ent, to achieve either protection or union with Ra (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:52; 1990a:52; Rothöhler 1999:16; 1999:16; Kendall 2007:42). 2007:42). In any case, the symbolism contained within the boards (coiled serpent, primordial

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goose, turtle-head turtle-head appendages) is consistent with solar ideology, particularly in relation to the journey o Ra through the netherworld, with obvious connotations connota tions o rebirth into the aferlie or the deceased. Later Egyptian texts suggest the “Roads o Mehen” were a circuit o nine concentric roads in the netherworld, at the center o which the god Ra sat on his “throne “throne o millions o years.” Te deceased was required to journey through this path and approach Ra without succumbing to the dangers o the roads (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:44). 1990a:44).

Archaeological Archaeologi cal evidence and social cont context ext  Mehen  Me hen boards are comparatively homogenous in their manuacture, but show

 variation through time. Some o the boards,  variation b oards, as well as the playing pieces, are made out o luxury materials such as aience and ivory, suggesting their use by the upper class o Egyptian society. Indeed, the presence o game boards in the tomb o Pharaoh Peribsen, as well as its listing in the tomb o Prince Rahotep as unerary equipment, and its depiction in the mastabas o other nobility such as Hesy-Re, Idu, Kaiemankh and Rashepses indicate wealthy Egyptians played the game, but there is less evidence that lower classes o Egyptians played the game, unless it is inerred that the players depicted in the playing scenes were o lower class. It should be noted, though, that the children o Idu are all depicted among the dancers and players in the scene containing mehen play, and are not distinguished by size, thus indicating relatively equal status with those around them. Indeed, Idu’s son, Qar, is depicted playing senet  with   with the scribe Isi in the relie in Idu’s mastaba, and they are depicted on the same scale as the mehen players. It is not impossible that Egyptians o lower status also played the game, but their gaming equipment has not survived because they were likely made o more perishable materials, materials , such as wood, or were made into the sand, as is common practice or board games (Merriam 1953:170; 1953:170; Pankhurst 1971;; ournay & ournay 1971). 1971 1971). It should sh ould be noted, however, h owever, that graffiti games, like the senet  games  games ound in Fifh and Sixth Dynasty mortuary mor tuary temples, which were crudely scratched into pavements, have never been ound in a mehen pattern. Since all o the evidence or mehen in Egypt comes rom elite burial contexts, as is most o the archaeological material discovered in Egypt, a clear bias exists in the data or the interpretation o social aspects o gaming.

 

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Tee players shown with mehen on tomb relies are exclusively men. Meh  T  Mehen en  is mentioned in the Pyramid exts o Queen Neith, but there is no indication that this means she played the game. In the mastabas that show gaming in conjunction with dancing and music, the dancers and musicians may be men or women, but the mehen players (or, indeed, senet   players that accompany them) are never shown to be women. Cross-culturally, Cross-culturally, games are ofen restricted, restricte d, at least lea st officiall ciallyy, to a certai certainn sex, s ex, and it can be b e considered c onsidered inappropriate or certain genders to play certain games (e.g. Pankhurst 1971; 1971; Popova 1976:439–40). 1976:439–40). It is entirely possible that such social rules existed in Old Kingdom Egypt, though though this may also als o be a reflection o the limited amount o inormation that has survived sur vived regarding regarding mehen . It is clear that one social context o mehen was its inclusion in religious celebrations dedicated to Hathor as part o mortuary ritual, as can be inerred rom the playing scenes o Fifh and Sixth Dynasty tombs, which is logical considering the unerary symbolism evoked by Mehen as represented on the game. Further archaeological evidence or a ritual use o the game comes rom a set o eight lion and lioness gaming pieces which were ound in a First Dynasty temple at Abydos (Petrie (Petrie 1903:24, 1903:24, pl. III). III). Te play o the game outside o these ritual contexts, or example or everyday leisure, is less clear, as no evidence has appeared to suggest this—though its appearance outside o Egypt (see below) argues against its sole use as a ritual game.

Te demise o mehen in Egypt Aside rom Saite relies—which are likely copied rom Old Kingdom originals and thus not evidence or the presence o mehen in that period—the latest appearance o the game mehen is the aorementioned painting on the wall o the First Intermediate Period tomb o Ankhtifi at Moalla. Tere are no boards, representations, or textual reerences to this board game rom Middle or New Kingdom Egypt. Kendall (2007 (2007:42–3) :42–3) argues it may have been orbidden by religious authorities as the segmentation o the snake’s body into squares was actually a symbolic killing o the god Mehen, which would have been a serious s erious taboo. Several coiled serpent boards resembling a mehen game, but with uncut

 

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serpents, are known and may reinorce Kendall’s argument (e.g., Ranke 1920:Fig. 1920 :Fig. 8; Piccione 1990a:Fig. 1990a:Fig. 4; Kendall 2007:Fig. 2007:Fig. 41.9). Te demise o mehen is concurrent with the increasing popularity o senet  . During the Predynastic and Early Dynastic Periods, mehen  appears to have been the more popular o the two games as there are more intact boards and pieces o mehen  type than senet   beore the Old Kingdom. Senet   was more popular in the later years o the Old Kingdom since it appears more requently than mehen  in Fifh and Sixth Dynasty tomb relies. Furthermore, afer the disappearance o mehen , senet  increased   increased dramatically in popularity through the Middle and New Kingdoms, and by the New Kingdom explicitly had taken on the netherworld associations asso ciations that mehen had during the Old Kingdom. It is possible that, rather than a top-down top-down moratorium imposed on mehen play, its abandonment was more a reflection o changing popular tastes in gaming.

 Mehen  Meh en in Nubia Beore mehen ell out o popularity in Egypt, it may have spread to the regions bordering it where there is some evidence suggesting that mehen was played in Nubia. Excavations at the A-Group (c.  3100–2800 ) ) Royal Cemetery at Qustul produced lions and lionesses, as well as hippopotami and marbles o different colors that closely parallel the lions and lionesses and marbles typically used in Egyptian mehen games (Williams (Williams 1986:130). 1986:130). An interpretation put orth by Kendall (1989 (1989,, 2007:43–4) 2007:43–4) suggests a game observed in 1921 by Davies (1925 (1925:145–6) :145–6) is a descendant o mehen.  Te game, which was played in a series o holes scooped out o the sand in a spiral pattern, was called li’b el merafib (“Hyena Game”) and was observed being played by the Kababish nomads in central Kordoan, in Sudan. Other spiral games are known throughout Saharan Arica, but their connection to mehen,  i any, is unclear (Depaulis (Depaulis 2001:55). 2001:55). Drawing connections to the equipment and presumed rules o play or ancient mehen,  Kendall (1989 (1989)) concludes it is the ancient ancestor o this game among the Sudanese. While it is certainly a possibility, without historical and archaeological continuity o the game rom antiquity it is impossible to conclude with any amount o certainty this game does represent a modern version o mehen .

 

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 Mehen  Me   hen in the Levant and Mesopotamia  Mehen  Meh en may also be represented represented in the archaeological record record o the Levant and

Mesopotamia, particularly in Canaan, perhaps not surprising considering the level o activity the Egyptians undertook in the Levant, discussed urther in the section about senet  in   in the Levant (see Chapter 3). 3). Tere are three games rom the third millennium  that are analogous to mehen.  Tese games are more crudely ashioned than those rom Egypt, and consist o a series o depressions depressio ns pecked into limestone blocks in a spiral pattern pattern.. Only one o these comes rom a clearly datable archaeological context. Tis example is rom Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘ and was ound in the destruction debris within the walls o the town, datable to the Early Bronze Age II– II–III ( c.  3300–2500 ) ) (Rast & Schaub 2003:637). 2003:637). Tis game may be described as mehen since it appears at the site alongside apparent senet  games  games in similar style (see Chapter 3). 3). Te other two stones come rom the cave dwellings at Lachish that were occupied throughout the third millennium  (unell (unell 1958:40), 1958:40), placing them within the period that mehen was used us ed in Egypt. Eg ypt. One o these has a clear spiral pattern, while the other may have a spiral pattern, although it is less certain (unell ( unell 1958:Plate 1958 :Plate 21). Also questionably identified as mehen  is a large limestone object with a spiral o pecked depressions ound at ell Brak in Mesopotamia and dated to the third millennium  (Oates (Oates et al. 2001:266). 2001:266). Its location on a brick pavementt outside a building is consistent with the typical placement o games pavemen in open air spaces known rom antiquity. It is possible that these are mehen  games, but without contemporary senet   boards rom Lachish or ell Brak (though another ragmentary board at ell Brak could be identified as senet  , see Chapter 3) 3) the identifica identification tion is tentative, even i they are all contem contemporary porary with mehen in Egypt.

 Mehen  Me hen in Cyprus and the Aegean In Cyprus, mehen appears with similar morphology to that ound in the Levant in limestone blocks with pecked depressions laid out in a spiral ormation (see fig. 2.7). 2.7). First identified as such by Swiny (1980 (1980;; see Crist 2015 or a

 

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Figure 2.7   Meh  Mehen en game rom Episkopi Phaneromeni,  Cyprus. Kourion Museum,

CHM RR325. RR 325. Photograph by Walter Walter Crist, 2012.

reassessment), because some o these patterns appear on the opposite side o apparent senet   games, thirty-nine thirty-nine mehen  games have since been ound at ourteen sites, intriguingly intriguingly producing more games than have been preserved in Egypt itsel. A ragmentary mehen game was ound at Lemba Lakkous,  and is the earliest game o any type to have been ound on the island ( c. 2700–2500 )) (Swiny 1982).  1982). Ofen, there is a larger depression at the center or at the beginning o the outer ring o the spiral (sometimes both), which seems to mimic the differentiation o these places on the Egyptian boards (as the head and tail o the snake), though the serpent imagery is absent rom the Cypriot games. Like the Egyptian examples o the game, the number o depressions

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 varies, with twenty to ninety ninety depressions depressions present present on the known examples, examples, and and the spiral can run either clockwise or counterclockwise. counterclockwise. What is remarkable about the mehen games ound on Cyprus is the degree to which they were adopted wholesale into Cypriot society. society. While the same is true or senet  (discussed   (discussed below), mehen was the first game adopted onto the island and incorporated into public and domestic lie as it played a part in public easting events as well as domestic and perhaps mortuary games (Crist 2015). 2015). It continued to be a part o Cypriot lie well afer the game was no longer played in Egypt; the latest mehen game ound on Cyprus was w as ound at Kition Kathari, and dates to the very end o the second millennium  (Karageorghis 1976:880, 1976:880, 1985:242), 1985:242), nearly a thousand years afer it was abandoned in Egypt. Tis stands in stark contrast to the appearance o mehen  in the Levant, where it appears during the first hal o the third millennium ,, and disappears afer Egypt became  b ecame less reliant on middlemen in Canaan C anaan afer it seized control o the copper mines in Sinai (see below with regard to senet  in   in the Levant), never to reappear again. It is possible Canaanites held  a close association between the game and its Egyptian origin that was not shared in Cyprus. Canaanites would have seen Egyptians playing mehen  more requently than Cypriots, who may have first acquired the game at Byblos, where there was a sizable Egyptian colony. A similar process is discussed in urther detail in Chapter 3 with regard to senet, or which there is better evidence (Dunand (Dunand 1954:310, 1954:310, 1958:531, 1958:531, 573, 661). Only certain individuals would have made the journey to Byblos, and when they brought the game back to the island it lost the Egyptian connotation when played with other Cypriots since they likely never encountered an Egyptian playing the game. It may have still held an esoteric meaning originally as a oreign practice (Crist (Crist 2015, 2015, in press). It seems that afer the upheavals that brought about the end o the Bronze Age throughout the Eastern Mediterranean also brought a final end to mehen in the region as it was no longer played in Cyprus thereafer. Similar stones have been identified in the Aegean, but there is little agreement on their unction. Tey have been interpreted variously as astronomical devices, offering tables or games ( van ( van Effenterre 1955; 1955; Bardanis 1966,, 1988/89; 1966 1988/89; Hood 1995; 1995; Hillbom 2003, 2003, 2011). 2011). Few o these pattern patternss appear to be spirals. Most o these come rom Naxos, but many o them are on vertical

 

Mehen and Men

37

rock aces, precluding them rom use as a game, so their identification as such is unlikely. Only one spiral has been ound on Crete, rom Zakros (Hillbom ( Hillbom 2011:172). 2011 :172). Hillbom (2011 (2011:114–15) :114–15) hesitates to call this spiral a mehen game, and, as the single instance o this pattern on the island, it is impossible to conclude that it is a mehen  game. It dates to the Middle Minoan period (c. 2000–1700 ), ), which is outside the time period when it was played in Egypt, so i it was in act played as a game, it was more likely to have been inspired by the Cypriot version o mehen.  Regardless, considering the level o contact with Egypt, the scarcity o spiral patterns, and the date o the game, it is impossible to call it a mehen board without urther evidence.

 Men  Also listed among the games offered to Prince Rahotep is the game o men , which is one o the oldest games o Ancient Egypt, but one o the least understood. It is never shown in playing scenes, and only a ew examples o the game or its pieces have been ound rom archaeological contexts.  Men  may also appear in the painting in the tomb o Hesy-Re. While the three games appearing in this painting are not identified by name, mehen  and senet   are immediately recognizable rom later boards and inscriptions, but the third is never depicted elsewhere, so it is inerred to be a board or the game men based on its inclusion in the list o Rahotep. No other games dating to the Old Kingdom have been identified by name, and the archaeological evidence suggests mehen , senet  and  and men were sometimes included together in unerary equipment, and so it is likely the third game depicted in the tomb o Hesy-Re is men.  Te painting shows a long rectangular board with sixteen lines transecting its width. Accompan Accompanying ying the board b oard is a set o playing pieces, which consists o two sets o five rectangular or possibly cubic pieces.  Men apparently predates the Old Kingdom as it was ound in Mastaba 3504 at Saqqara, dated to the reign o Djet, third king o the First Dynasty (Emery ( Emery 1954:1). 1954 :1). In one o the sub-magazines sub-magazines o the mastaba itsel, a slate palette with ten incised lines was ound (Emery (Emery 1954:66, 1954:66, pl. 30), which is very reminiscent o the painting o the men board in the tomb o Hesy-Re. Hesy- Re. No No pieces were ound associated with it, so it is impossible to definitively say whether this is an early

 

38

 Ancien  Ancientt Egyptians at at Play 

 version o men,  or i it was a game at all. Playing pieces were ound scattered throughout the tomb and subsidiary burials (Emery (Emery 1954:31, 1954:31, 58), so it would not be unusual that men  should appear in this mortuary complex. One grouping group ing seems to be b e a complete game set o board and pieces, and was ound with one o the subsidiary burials at this mastaba (see below). Perhaps the best-preserved best-preserved and most convincing example o a men board was actually ound in the Royal Cemetery o the A-Grou A-Groupp at Qustul in Nubia, where one intact and one ragmentary board were ound (Williams (Williams 1986:130). 1986:130). Te intact board, ound in omb L-23, is a limestone plaque with sixteen grooves, exactly replicating the configuration seen in the Hesy-Re painting. While there were no other apparent apparent gaming paraphernalia associated asso ciated with this board, playing pieces associated with mehen,  as well as ivory plaques that resemble the men pieces seen in the tomb o Hesy-Re, were ound in omb L-24, which produced a ragmentary men board. Tis board, roughly hal o which is preserved judging rom the eight grooves that remain, was pierced in two places on one end, which Williams Williams suggests could be b e or suspension or or mounting legs. Considering that mehen  boards were ofen pierced or suspension, it is possible men  boards were similarly pierced in order to be hung on the wall or storage. While there is a suggestion that mehen boards could have been hung or amuletic purposes, such an indication or men is not apparentt since its ritual or symbolic significance is unknown due to its absence apparen in the Egyptian textual record.  Men seems to have never been as popular as mehen o  orr senet ,  and it is unclear i it was played afer the Old Kingdom since all boards, pieces and textual evidence or men date to the Fourth Dynasty or earlier. An example o men  rom the Middle Kingdom may exist on the ship model ound in the tomb o Newa, now in the Ashmolean Museum (E2301). Tis scene, which has ofen been assumed to be a representation o senet   playing in the literature (May (May 1992:141), 1992 :141), shows two sailors playing a board game on a warship (Garstang ( Garstang 1905:220). 1905 :220). Closer examination o the board itsel, however, shows the playing surace o the board is marked with eight transverse lines. While not an exact replication o the sixteen grooves seen on men  boards, it is a closer approximation in miniature to that game than a senet  board,  board, which would be expected to have crossed lines orming rows o squares. Such identification can only be tentative due to the rarity o evidence or men playing in Egypt.

 

Mehen and Men

39

wo  orty-two two and pool    wo rows o thirteen and ortyNot attested in the textual or pictorial record, a sole example o two rows o thirteen is known rom subsidiary Grave 16 in Mastaba 3504 at Saqqara, dated to the First Dynasty (Emery (Emery 1954:31, 1954:31, pl. 29). Te board was wooden, inlaid with ivory, orming two rows o thirteen playing squares. It had been placed lengthwise along the spine o the interred. Te playing pieces were ound in a tight cluster, and appear to have been contained in some kind o bag, which had since decomposed. Tirteen tall and thirteen short pieces were ound, corresponding to the number o spaces in the board ound in this tomb, and thus likely belonging to the same set. Te bag containing the pieces was placed where the missing skull o the burial should have been, which likely had some kind o symbolic meaning. Kendall (2007 (2007:33, :33, note 8) suggests this game may be a version o men,  but there is no evidence suggesting men was played with this type o domed piece, or that the board ever took this orm. It is more likely a less-popular less-popular game (at least among the upper classes o Egyptian society) than its contemporaries. Another game is named orty orty-two two and pool  by  by Petrie (1927 (1927:55). :55). Found on a block o limestone at Memphis, this game board consists o three rows o ourteen drilled depressions, with one larger cup hole located to one side. Petrie interprets interprets this game as having been played in a similar ashion to senet  , and that the gameplay involved the taking o pieces, which were then stored in the large cup hole, though there is no evidence o the rules o this game. He goes on to suggest beans b eans or chips o pottery p ottery were utilized as playing pieces, due to the small size o the depressions. Petrie does not offer a date or this artiact, and so without urther evidence it cannot be dated securely. Nevertheless, it is presented here with the range o unique games rom early Egypt, as later Egyptian periods have produced a differen differentt range o games most o which are well documented and appear multiple times in the archaeological record.

 

40

 



Senet  across  across Borders Perhaps the bestPerhaps b est-known known board game rom ancient Egypt, senet, also appears in the offering list in Prince Rahotep’s tomb (see Chapter 2). As it was or mehen , this is the oldest known inscription offering the name o this game that is well attested in New Kingdom contexts. Much like mehen,  this game also appears to have held strong connotations with the aferlie. Te word zn .t  means “passing” in Egyptian, and though any specific religious meaning the game may have held is unclear beore the New Kingdom, its name does suggest at least a similar connection with the passing o the ba through the duat  that   that is made explicit in the Book o the Dead (Kendall ( Kendall 1978:28–31). 1978:28–31). Piccione (2007 (2007:54) :54) believes the ull name o the game, zn .t  n .t  hꜤ     b , “the passing pa ssing game,” comes rom  rom Ꜥ the nature o gameplay where the pieces pass each other on the board. A canonical senet  board  board is between 12 and 55 cm long, laid out in three rows o ten playing spaces, ofen with certain spaces marked, likely indicating indicating a special sp ecial outcome during the play o the game, as is shown below. Piccione (1990b (1990b:1–2) :1–2) points out that the name senet  is   is only directly attributed to this pattern o spaces in the New Kingdom, and that Egyptologists have assumed that, when it appears in earlier texts, it reers to the same game. Without any evidence to suggest the name was once used or a different game, it is Piccione’s judgment the name senet  reerred  reerred to the same game in the Old and Middle Kingdoms as it did in the New Kingdom.

Early evidence or senet   Te origins o senet  in  in Egypt are conusing as there are no intact game boards that date beore the Fifh Dynasty, though ragmentary boards, playing pieces and textual and representational art have been ound to suggest its earlier 41

 

42

 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Morphou Toumba tou Skourou

Marki  Alonia/Kapp  Alonia/Kappara ara

 Tell  T ell Brak 

Dheneia Enkomi Hama KoukliaKafkalla Skales Kalavasos Ayios Dhimitrios Dhimitrios Sotira Kaminoudhia Amathus Byblos Kamid el-Loz Megiddo

Hazor

Khirbet Iskander Lachish Bâb edh-Dhra’  Tel  T elll De Defe fenn nneh eh  Tel  T el Arad Abu Rawash  T  Tell ell elel-His Hisn n Mashabei Sade Zawiyet el-Aryan Heliopolis Saqqara Lahun

Lisht Beni Hasan

Egypt  Meir

el-Hawawish el-Mahasna Dendera Abydos Naqada Karnak  Dakhleh Oasis Medinet Habu el-Asasif/Valley of the Kings/ Deir el-Medina/ Dra Abu el-Naga

 Silsila Kubban

Buhen

Nubia

Nuri el-Kurru

 Figure 3.1  Map o sites mentioned in Chapter 3. Figure

 

Senet 

43

existence. One o the more controversial and earliest game boards known rom Egypt is a clay gaming table ound in a Predynastic grave at el-Mahasna (Ayrton & Loat 1911:30). 1911:30). Tis artiact has been described by some as the earliest known senet   game (Vandier (Vandier 1952:406; 1952:406; Kendall 1978:7; 1978:7; Pusch 1979: 1979: 156–7), but the game displayed is not in the canonical senet   orm because it displays three rows o six, rather than three rows o ten playing fields. While the table itsel and the pieces associated with it anticipate later senet   gaming sets, it cannot be said that this artiact is definitively an early version o the game. Tere are patterns ound in Pharaonic Egypt that could have been games, but which only occur once in the archaeological record. A 3 × 6 game may have been one o them rather than a game that morphed into senet   at a later date. A recent interpretation o the board and pieces has been offered describing them as a potential offering offering table with votive garlic bulbs (Eyckerman & Hendrickx 2011:414). 2011:414). Even beore the appearance o ragmentary senet  boards in the archaeological record, the appearance o a game board with three rows o spaces appears in the hieroglyphic writing system. Te hieroglyph mn appears in early sealings, particularly those associated with Narmer (Petrie (Petrie 1901:Plates 1901:Plates XIII, XIII, XIV, XIV, XXIII), XXIII ), as well as in other sealings dating to Dynasty Dy nasty 0 and the First Dynasty. Dynasty. Te hieroglyph typically depicts three rows o squares with a series o pieces placed on the board, and should not be conused with the game men,  which uses a different determinative in Rahotep’s list. Fragmentary game boards that resemble later senet  boards   boards appear in the First Dynasty. One, ound by Petrie at Abydos (Petrie ( Petrie 1901:36) 1901:36) and now in the University o Pennsylvania Museum (E9368), still has two rows o squares, but is likely to originally have had three, based on the breakage pattern (Piccione 1990b:382). 1990b:382). Another likely candidate or an early senet  game   game was ound in omb M1 at Abu Rawash and dates to the reign o Den (Montet (Montet 1946:185). 1946 :185). All that remained o this board were twenty-five twenty- five ivory squares, three o which were marked in ink in a ashion similar to later senet  boards   boards (Piccione 1990b:37). 1990b:37). Another similarly marked set o an undetermined number o ivory squares was ound in the same tomb, and may be another senet   board (Montet (Montet 1946:184; 1946:184; Piccione 1990b:38). 1990b:38). A final candidate or an early senet   board, the present location o which is unknown (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:382), 1990b :382), was discovered at Saqqara, and was a ragmentary alabaster board,

 

44

 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

like the one discovered by Petrie, “engraved with w ith three rows o squares” (Emery 1958:14). 1958 :14). Sets o gaming pieces are also known rom the First Dynasty and later and may have accompanied gaming boards that have not been preserved. Piccione (1990b 1990b:17–18, :17–18, note 51) enumerates many reerences to Early Dynastic Period playing pieces in excavation reports. A set o seven s even tall and seven s even short conical pieces, ound together with a set o mehen pieces and some throwing sticks, were ound in a cluster at Abydos (Emery (Emery 1954:58). 1954:58). Similarly, conical pieces that were likely used or senet  were   were ound alongside mehen and men pieces at Naqada (Petrie (Petrie & Quibell 1896:Pl. 1896:Pl. 7; Vandier Vandier 1952 1952:405). :405). Te set at Abydos, i it is complete, suggests that a ull complement o seven pieces per player was typical or senet   during the Early Dynastic Period, though this would later change (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:18). 1990b:18). Te set o domed pieces associated with the 2 × 13 game ound at Saqqara is similar to those typically attributed to senet ,  so one must be careul in attributing partial sets o pieces to a certain game since differentt games may have used pieces o similar types. differen

Old Kingdom: Ki ngdom: Ritual Ritu al use us e and graffi graffiti During the Tird Dynasty, a game that took the orm o three rows o ten squares was important enough to be included in the painting o unerary equipment in the tomb o Hesy-Re (see fig. 2.5), alongside mehen  and men  (Quibell 1913:18–21). 1913:18–21). As with those two games, senet  is   is accompanied in this painting by gaming pieces, i.e., two sets o seven domed pieces (one short and one tall set) along with our throwing sticks, which seem to have been the avored type o randomizing agent. Trowing sticks are known rom First Dynasty and later tombs (Piccione (Piccione 2007:56) 2007:56) and appear as markings on the aorementioned Abu Rawash playing spaces as well as on the twenty-sixth twenty-sixth square o the Hesy-Re painting. In this painting, several squares are marked, including square one with sbꜢ Ꜣ  ,  “star,” squares eleven and twenty-one twenty-one with “ten, “te n,” square twenty-seven twenty-seven with “our” and square thirty with “one.” Te numbers “our” and “one” are rendered as throwing sticks rather than strokes. Tis pattern anticipates, anticipates, but differs significantly rom, the canonical sets o markings that can be seen rom at least the Middle Kingdom onwards.

 

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Tee existence o senet   is also attested during the Fourth Dynasty by its  T inclusion in Rahotep’s list o unerary offerings. Actual game boards are rare rom Old Kingdom contexts, and those that do exist are not definitively datable to this period. perio d. All extant boards are graffiti on Fifh and Sixth Dynasty Dynas ty unerary unerar y monuments (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:45–8; 1990b:45–8; Pusch 1979:169–77), 1979:169–77), or surace finds associated with Late Old Kingdom-First Intermediate Period finds at Abu Ballas and Muhattah Jaqub in the Dakhleh Oasis (Förster (Förster 2007:4, 2007:4, 22). It is important import ant to note that graffi g raffiti games gam es are notoriousl n otoriouslyy diffi cult to date, and their t heir location in Fifh and Sixth Dynasty monuments only provides a terminus post quem or those games, rather than the date at which wh ich they were used. us ed. Furthermore, Furthermore, the finds rom the Dakhleh Oasis were ound on the surace, and although associated finds were o late Old Kingdom or First Intermediate Period date, the game could also have been later in date. Despite this, i the game ound at Abu Ballas (Förster (Förster 2007:22) 2007:22) is o Old Kingdom or First Intermediate Period date as the excavators suggest, it would be the oldest intact senet  game   game preserved. Te markings in i n some o the t he squares on the th e graffiti games appear app ear in patterns that are commonly known rom games that are datable to the Middle Kingdom and later, but it is an open question as to whether they represent the earliest appearance o the canonical pattern, or i they allow those games to be dated to a later period. For example, the game at the pyramid temple o Userka shows nr, “good” or “beautiul,” in square twenty-six, twenty-six, “X” in square twentyseven, “three, “three,” in square twentytwenty-eight eight and “two” in square twenty-nine twenty-nine (Pusch (Pusch 1979:169). 1979 :169). Tis pattern also appears twice in the mastaba o Ptahshepses (Pusch 1979:171–3; 1979:171–3; Piccione 1990b:384–6). 1990b:384–6). Te board scratched into the  vestibule o the mastaba o o Seshemneer I V contains “thr “three, ee,” “two “two,,” and “one one”” in squares twenty-eight twenty-eight to thirty. Only the board pictured in the tomb o Hesy-Re and a New Kingdom board rom Zawiyet el-Aryan (Dunham (Dunham 1978:72) 1978:72) depict “one” in square thirty. Te pattern o markings in the senet  rom  rom Seshemnee S eshemneerr I V ’s mastaba more closely resembles that seen in the tomb o Hesy-Re, as they both lack importan importantt elements o the later canonical markings (i.e., nr  in  in square twenty-six twentysix and “X” in square twenty-seven), twenty-seven), which seems to suggest that this graffiti is early in date, probably not later than the th e Old Kingdom. Senet  is   is better documented in pictorial evidence, as it is attested already fifeen times in tomb paintings and relies, particularly during the Fifh and

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46

 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Figure 3.2 Drawing

o senet  patterns,  patterns, showing markings common during the Old Kingdom (A), Middle Kingdom (B, afer Egyptian Museum CG 37794), New Kingdom (C, afer Egyptian Museum JE 62058), Late Period (D, afer British Museum 102396) and an ostracon (E, afer Egyptian Museum CG 25183).

Sixth Dynasties. Tese scenes are rather similar in their composition, in that they typically depict two players acing each other across a senet  board  board either in the act o moving a piece or about to move it. Ofen, a brie caption o dialog accompanies the scene, usually one line rom each player. Te majority o the known Old Kingdom depictions o senet   are playing scenes. Most o these, nine in all, show at least one pair o players sitting opposite one another with a senet  board  board allayed with pieces in between, b etween, but but in

 

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the context o uneral celebrations dedicated to Hathor (Piccione (Piccione 1990b: 1990b: 79–82), as is also true or mehen,  which accompanies senet  in   in some o these relies. Tese celebrations requently included musicians, dancers and sports (see fig. 3.3). 3.3). Singers and musicians are the most common accompanying groups, who, along with the presentation o offerings to the deceased, are requently depicted adjacent to scenes o senet   playing, as in the mastabas o Ankhmare (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:49), 1990a:49), Nikauhor (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:51), 1990a:51), Isesimerynetjer (Pusch (Pusch 1979:29–32), 1979:29–32), Pepiankh-heryib Pepiankh-heryib (Blackman (Blackman 1924:31) 1924:31) and Nebkauhor (Hassan (Hassan 1975:5). 1975:5). Te addition o dancers is notable in the scenes known rom the mastabas o Neeriretene (Mariette (Mariette 1889:324–8), 1889:324–8), Rashepses (Quibell (Quibell 1909:79–82), 1909:79–82), Idu (Simpson 1976:19) 1976:19) and Kaiemankh (Junker (Junker 1940:35–40). 1940:35–40). A unique context or a senet  game   game is ound in the wall paintings o the mastaba o Mereruka. Tis playing scene is shown in the context o agricultural activities and the harvesting and presentation o unerary offerings to the deceased, who is depicted on an enlarged scale (Saqqara (Saqqara Expedition 1938:2). 1938:2). Te context o the unerary ritual remains the same as those discussed above, yet the clearly celebratory celebrato ry nature o those scenes s cenes is absent rom this example. Te depictions o senet  in   in the Sixth Dynasty tombs o Kahep and Kheni at el-Hawawish in Upper Egypt (Kanawati (Kanawati 1980:21, 1980:21, 1981:22) 1981:22) do not depict the playing o senet ,  but rather show senet   boards included among mortuary equipment in a carpenter’s workshop (Piccione (Piccione 1990a:43). 1990a:43). Te remaining scenes, namely those rom the mastabas o Metjetji (Goedicke (Goedicke 1958:18) 1958:18) and Kairere (Lauer (Lauer 1976:77), 1976:77), are without context with regard to their place in the mortuary rituals o the deceased as they are ragmentary and much o the adjacent scenes is not preserved. Te inclusion o senet  in   in these rituals may be indicative o a relationship between the game and the aferlie, but its presence in the ritual celebrations o Hathor is the only indication o this use. Senet   is not mentioned in Old Kingdom texts in relationship to the aferlie in the same way that mehen is. Te markings on the senet  boards   boards o this time period also do not provide a religious meaning meaning as they do in the New Kingdom. Speaking Speaking to the state o the evidence, Piccione (1990b (1990b:79) :79) argues that senet  had   had an underlying religious meaning, though or the most part it was a secular device used in a religious setting. It is interesting to note that afer mehen ell out o ashion afer the

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  m   u   e   s   u    M   n   a    t    i     l   o    p   o   r    t   e    M   e     T  .   s   n   a    i   c    i   s   u   m     d   n   a   s   r   e   g   n    i   s   e     d    i   s   g   n   o     l   a   g    i   y   n   a     l    p      t     e     n     e     s

  g   n    i   w   o     h   s   r   o     h   u   a  .     k    i    )    9    N   5  .        g   o   i   a    F   :     b    3   a    5    t   s    9   a    1   m   s   y   e   e   a     h    t    H     (   m    1   o   r    0         2  .   e    8   n    0   e  ,   c   s    8    0        o   9    1  ,   g    d   n    i   n   u   w   a   r    F   r    D  s   e   g    3  .   o    3   R  ,    e    t    r   r    u    A         o

    i    g     F

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Old Kingdom, senet  appears   appears to have taken on at least some o its religious connotations connota tions since during the Middle Kingdom its symbolism with respect to the aferlie becomes clearer. It remains an open question as to whether these meanings became more prominent or senet   in the Middle Kingdom where mehen is no longer attested. One can imagine a scenario in which senet  and   and mehen both held similar religious meanings, and in which senet ’s  ’s increasing popularity eventually eclipsed mehen’s  ’s importance in ritual activity, orcing

the game out o avor. It is apparent rom the archaeological and pictorial evidence that mehen was more popular at the beginning o the third millennium ,, while senet  was   was more popular towards towards the end. Regardless o the possible relationship between senet  and   and mehen , senet  survived  survived or two thousand years longer than mehen,  and its place in Egyptian society continued to change through those years.

Middle Kingdom: Changes and consistency Beginning in the First Intermediate Period and extending throughout the Middle Kingdom, it is apparent that senet  began   began to be represented differently in art, in the execution o the game boards, and, or the first time, in textual sources. Te first representation o senet  to   to post-date post-date the Old Kingdom is a painted scene on the side o a wooden model granary g ranary depicting Ante Ante playing against Mery in a more quotidian setting than earlier depictions, with with a servant girl anning Ante with a palm rond and holding a jar o (presumably) beer (Blackman 1920:206; 1920:206; Kendall 1978:15; 1978:15; Piccione 1990b:65–6). 1990b:65–6). Game boards o the Middle Kingdom, most o which are datable to the welfh Dynasty, D ynasty, contain more consistent decoration dec oration with eatures that may be be diagnostic o this time period (see fig. 3.2B). 3.2 B). When marked, the spaces on the boards consistently contain an “X” in spaces fifeen and twenty-seven, twenty- seven, nr   in space twenty-six, twenty-six, “three” in space twenty-eight twenty-eight and “two” in space twentynine. Tis pattern o markings has its origins in the Old Kingdom (see fig. 3.2A), 3.2A), but is more consistently applied in Middle Kingdom game boards. Te orientation o nr   indicates a change in the orientation o the boards o Middle Kingdom date. In earlier and later boards, the decoration o senet   boards is always oriented in such a way that the decorated squares

 

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twenty-six through twenty-nine twenty-six twenty-nine are on the bottom right, but in the Middle Kingdom nr   would be upside down in this position, thereore indicating that the preerred placement o the decorated spaces was at the top lef, a 180 degree difference compared to senet   boards o other time periods (Piccione 1990b:3). 1990b:3). Another eature o Middle Kingdom boards that does not appear on senet   boards o other periods are curved or pointed projections drawn above square square twenty-six, twentysix, twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine. twenty-nine. It is unclear what this new eature o the boards indicates, but Piccione (1990b (1990b:48) :48) argues it was not a regional  variation,  variatio n, since boards laid out in this manner have been ound in differen differentt regions o Egypt. So ar there are nine boards dating to the Middle Kingdom in the archaeological record. wo o these come rom Abydos, one rom the temenos o the tomb o Senusret II (Petrie (Petrie 1927:53), 1927:53), and another rom the cenotaph o Senusret III (Pusch (Pusch 1979:189–90). 1979:189–90). Te second example is the oldest known game outlined in ink on a limestone ostracon, more o which are known rom the New Kingdom, particularly in the Valley o the Kings and Deir el-Medina, as is discussed below. Tese games are typically interpreted as having been played by the builders o the structures/tombs with which they were associated (Piccione 1990b:390). 1990b:390). One senet  board  board was drawn in red ink on the inside o a box lid rom Lahun (Manchester Museum, no. 73), in the type o box that was ofen used or inant burials in the houses at this site (Petrie ( Petrie 1890:24, 1890:24, 30; Piccione 1990b:391). 1990b:391). It shows a typical Middle Kingdom orientation o the board. Another senet  game,  game, now in the Narodni Muzeum in Prague, was painted in black ink on the inside o a box lid o New Kingdom date (Narodni (Narodni Muzeum n.d.). n.d.). Te markings on this board, though not well preserved, indicate its orientation was not o the Middle Kingdom type. Instead, the markings are typical o boards dating to the New Kingdom. A graffiti game, ound at Shatt el-Rigal, e l-Rigal, north o Silsila, Si lsila, was car carved ved on the floor o the valley (Petrie (Petrie 1888:15; 1888:15; Pusch 1979:184–5; 1979:184–5; Piccione 1990b:393–4), 1990b:393–4), and is datable to the Middle Kingdom based on the presence o curved projections over squares twenty-six, twenty-six, twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine. twenty-nine. At the ortress o Buhen, a game was discovered on a building block, which may have been either a pavement or reused block, and displays the diagnostic

 

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Middle Kingdom senet  pattern  pattern (Emery (Emery 1979:146, 1979:146, 220; Piccione 1990b:394–5). 1990b:394–5). Another graffi ti game at the tomb t omb o Baqet Ba qet II I I I at Beni Hasan Has an was ound perpendicular to the wall, which seems to indicate that players would sit across rom each other adjacent to the longer sides o the board (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:394), 1990b :394), though they are typically shown in paintings and relies, in all periods, to be sitting on the shorter ends o the board. Other boards rom this period came rom Lahun (Manchester Museum, no. 262), ell el-Hisn (Egyptian Museum, CG 37794) and one with an unknown provenance now in the Brooklyn Museum (36.2) (David (David 1979:13, 1979:13, 15; Pusch 1979 19 79:183, :183, 191; Piccione 1990b:392–3). 1990b :392–3). Middle Kingdom scenes o senet  playing  playing are rare, and only two are known, rom the tombs o Baqet III and Khety at Beni Hasan. Te painting in Baqet III’s III ’s tomb is discussed in great detail with relation to the  game o twenty  (see   (see Chapter 4) together with a painting ound in the tomb o his son, Khety, being  very similar. similar. In In both tombs, senet  is  is played by two men with a caption reading h. Ꜥ  b  5,  “playing five,” likely an allusion to some aspect o gameplay (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:68–73). 1990b :68–73). What is most interesting about these relies is that they show senet   being played on gaming tables with zoomorphic eet, which have not been ound archaeologically on senet   gaming tables earlier than the New Kingdom. Piccione (1990b (1990b:393) :393) suggests that the well-made well-made senet  board  board rom ell el-Hisn may have once been set in a gaming table similar to those seen here. Te appearance o senet  in  in the Coffi C offin exts exts marks mark s the first firs t o rare discus d iscussions sions o senet  in   in Egyptian religious literature. Only three spells, 335, 405 and 1019, mention the game, and even these spells are exceedingly unusual, with 405 attested only twice, 1019 only once, and the relevant passage in 335 only as an epilogue that appears once. Spell 405 seems to reflect a non-ritual non-ritual context or the play o senet .  Tis spell appears app ears on only two coffins: Egyptian Egy ptian Museum JE JE 42909 and Metropolitan Museum o Art 12.182.132, the latter o which does not contain the line that reers to senet .  Both were ound in a necropolis at Meir.. Te coffi Meir c offin in the Egypt Egyptian ian Museum, Museu m, containing the only complete  version o the spell, belonged to the daughter o the nomarch o the Fourteen Fourteenth th Nome during the welfh Dynasty (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:83). 1990b:83). One line in the spell is rom the tribunal o the gods, saying “Let him play senet  with   with those who are on earth.” (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:84), 1990b:84), just as in the tomb relies o Kaiemankh,

 

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Isesi-merynetjer and Mereruka, where the deceased play senet  with Isesi-merynetjer  with still-living still-living Egyptians. Te subject is also bestowed with various other abilities, including the capability to sing and dance, to to inspect his children and to go to his house (Faulkner 1977:56). 1977:56). Te everyday nature o these activities suggests that senet   not only held religious significance during the Middle Kingdom, but also was used or pleasure. Coffin ext ext 1019 is more problematic as it is ragme ragmentary, ntary, and only exists in in one example, written on papyrus and now in the British Museum (EA (EA 10676). It reads in one section “when you shall be removed rom the senet  board,”   board,” an apparent allusion to the conception o the aferlie as a journey through the senet  game  game (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:86–8). 1990b:86–8). I this interpretation is correct, it represents the earliest attestation o this belie, which is well known rom the New Kingdom and later. Faulkner (1978 (1978:121) :121) offers a different translation, suggesting “you are saved rom the cutting-table.” cutting-table.” Te ragmentary nature o the text does not offer contextual evidence or either translation. An epil epilogue ogue to Coffin ext 335 on the coffin o Mentuhot Mentuhotep ep in the Ägyptisches Ägypti sches Museum und Papyrussamm Papyrussammlung lung in Berlin (coffin 9), appears only once and reers to the deceased “mooring happily with Osiris . . . going out into the day, playing at draughts (i.e., senet )  and sitting in a booth afer death” (Faulkner (Faulkner 1973:269). 1973:269). Tis passage is analogous to Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead in which the ba plays senet   in a pavilion, allowing passage between the land o the living and the dead. Tis suggests some continuity o belie in the importance o senet   rom the Middle to New Kingdom, when a connection with the aferlie comes to the oreront in the textual and pictorial evidence.

New Kingdom: Religious meaning oward the end o the Second Se cond Intermediate Period, senet  game  game boxes appear in the archaeological record, though they probably existed earlier. While senet   only appears in the material record rec ord as slabs slab s or graffi ti prior to the Second Se cond Intermediate Period (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:3–11), 1990b:3–11), beginning in the Seventeenth Dynasty game boxes start to appear in Egypt. Tis type o board consists o a box, typically with a drawer that usually eatures a sliding bolt that locks the

 

Senet 

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drawer shut (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:11–12). 1990b:11–12). Te two boxes rom the Seventeenth Dynasty are also the earliest known examples o the  game o twenty  to   to have been ound in Egypt, and, as such, will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 4. Troughout the New Kingdom, these games appeared together on opposite sides o game boxes and boards, thirty o which have survived. Considering that orty-one orty-one senet  boards   boards have been ound that can be dated securely to the New Kingdom, it is significant that so many o them also exhibited the game o twenty  twenty .  Game boards and boxes were ound made out o a variety o materials, including wood (ofen with aience, ivory or glass inlays), ivory, aience and limestone lime stone as well as graffi g raffiti in limestone pavements and drawn in ink on limestone ostraca. Te orientation o the New Kingdom boards changed back to the Old Kingdom variation, i.e., with the decorated squares placed to the bottom lef (with two notable exceptions: Hall 1925:203–5; 1925:203–5; Needler 1953:Fig. 1953:Fig. 3), and the projections above spaces twenty-six, twenty-six, twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine twenty-nine disappeared. One board, ound in a Seventeenth Dynasty tomb at el-Asasi (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:36), 1912:36), was drawn in ink on a writing tablet and maintained the Middle Kingdom orientation o the board, but without projections (Egyptian Museum, JE 41790). It may indicate that this orientation survived into the Second Intermediate Period, as the other two senet  boards   boards rom this period, another rom el-Asasi (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 16.10.475) (Hayes (Hayes 1959:24–5), 1959:24–5), the spaces o which are unmarked, and one rom Dra Abu el-Naga el-Naga (Egyptian Museum, JE 21462), which is reconstructed (Pusch 1979:195–8), 1979:195–8), cannot speak definitively to the orientation o Seventeenth Dynasty senet   boards. It is certain though that by the early Eighteenth Eighteen th Dynasty the orientation orientation reverted back to the way it was during the Old Kingdom. Te decoration o squares during the New Kingdom was more elaborate on some boards than it was during the Old and Middle Kingdoms, while maintaining the key elements o the decoration (nr  in   in square twenty-six, twenty-six, “X” or some kind o hazard in square twenty-seven, twenty-seven, “three” “three” in square twentytwenty-eight eight and “two “two”” in square squ are twentytwe nty-nine). nine). Piccione (1990b (1990b:242–8) :242–8) lays out a chronology o the changes in the decoration o the final our spaces o the board. While he provides a general guide to the changes in style through time, it should be noted that some boards are difficult to date, and the decoration does not n ot

 

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necessarily determine that a board was made during a certain dynasty as these were styles that came and went throughout time, and and were likely chosen based bas ed on the unction o a board. Tose placed in tombs are more likely to carry religious iconography ic onography than those th ose made as graffiti boards, bo ards, which were likely li kely more or leisure than ritual. According to Piccione’s (1990b (1990b:242–7) :242–7) ordering, in the early Eighteenth Dynasty the preerred markings were nrw  in square twenty-six, twenty-six, mw  (unanimously interpreted as some kind o hazard related to water) in square twenty-seven, twentyseven, bꜢ Ꜣ    w,  in square twenty-eight twenty-eight and two men in square twenty-nine twenty-nine (see fig. 3.2C). 3.2C). During the reign o Hatshepsut, a new preerence replaced this, with three men appearing instead o bꜢ Ꜣ    w as well as the deification o some o the symbols, e.g., Ma’at holding nr ,  Hapy in square twenty-seven twenty-seven (Daressy (Daressy 1902:Pl. 1902 :Pl. 9; Hayes 1935:32–4). 1935:32–4). Hippopotami could also appear as the hazard instead o mw.  Only one board is known rom the Eighteenth Dynasty in which square thirty is decorated (birds among papyrus). In the Nineteenth Dynasty, nt  trwy,  rwy, “two gods, gods ,” appears in square twentyt wenty-nine nine and square thirty is decorated with the sun disk, and henceorth is almost always decorated whereas previously it rarely was marked. By the wentieth Dynasty, deities became the ocus o the final five squares, with the preerred arrangement being nrw,  Hapy, nt  trw  rw “three gods,” nt  trwy,  rwy,  and Horus (see fig. 3.2D). 3.2D). Te “gods” in squares twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine twenty-nine could be represented by specific spec ific deities, which were we re somewhat standardized, st andardized, with Toth, Shu and Ma Ma’at sometimes appearing together in place o nt  trw  rw and Ra and Atum appearing in place o nt  trwy.  rwy.  Other squares aside rom the final five were occasionally decorated. Te most common was square fifeen (as in fig. 3.2 3.2C), C), which could be marked in a checkered pattern (Hayes (Hayes 1935:Fig.18), 1935:Fig.18), a rosette (Pieper (Pieper 1909:Fig. 1909:Fig. 5), or with   st   st   (ait 1982:Fig. 1982:Fig. 1). Squares other than these were sometimes marked Ꜥ  nh wꜢ  Ꜣ ˘ afer the late Nineteenth Dynasty, but without an obvious pattern. wo senet   games represented on the wentieth Dynasty urin Papyrus 1775, henceorth urin Papyrus, appear to have once contained symbols in every square, though not all o them are preserved (see fig. 4.7). Piccione (1990b 1990b:311–17) :311–17) provides a progression o symbols rom squares one through thirty, interpreting the hieroglyphs in the two ragmentary depictions along with relevant passages rom the Great Game ext. Tis system by which the

 

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squares are named corresponds to the text o the Great Game ext, and is a reflection o the passage o the deceased in the duat ,  recreating recreating the passage o Ra under the protection o the god Mehen (Piccione (Piccione 1980, 1980, 1990b). 1990b). Te markings on the boards themselves are also reflective o those ound on the urin Papyrus game g ame and in passages pas sages rom  rom the Great Game ext, ext, which suggests sug gests a consistent meaning to the marked squares. Te Great Game ext—versions o which appear in the Cairo Papyrus 58037 (Wiedemann (Wiedemann 1897; 1897; Pieper 1931; 1931; Röder 1961:258–61; 1961:258–61; Piankoff & Jacquet-Gordon 1972:119–20), 1972:119–20), on on the opposite side o the depictions o game boards on the urin Papyrus, and in the tomb o Inherkau at Deir el-Medina (Bruyère 1930:42)—dates 1930:42)—dates to the wentieth Dynasty, and Piccione (1990b (1990b:97– :97– 8, 105–6) suggests the different versions are within two generations o each other, with the Cairo text probably dating to the reign o Rameses III. III. He provides an in-depth in-depth analysis o the texts (Piccione (Piccione 1990b), 1990b), as they relate to other evidence or senet ,  and discusses the many ways in which this text encompasses most o the belies and practices suggested in other texts, representations and on the boards themselves. A comprehensive discussion o the Great Game ext is outside the scope o this volume, but these texts essentially describe the course o the game as a struggle str uggle between the deceased and an unnamed opponent or the lie o the ba, and, upon winning the game, the deceased is declared justified, whereas the opponent is drowned in the water (Piankoff (Piankoff & Jacquet-Gordon 1972:118). 1972:118). It depicts the journey o the player as a religious process, which is clearly paralleled in the Egyptian literature relating to the passage through the duat   (Piccione 1990b:197–241). 1990b:197–241). Te correspondence o spaces with events highlighted in the Great Game ext has led to some suggestions about the course o play o the game (e.g., Kendall 1978:59–67). 1978 :59–67). Similarly, Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead describes the ba  playing senet  in   in a pavilion in the duat  (see   (see fig. 3.4), 3.4), and perormance o this spell allows the ba to move back and orth between the world o the living and that o the dead (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:292–302). 1990b:292–302). Tis particular passage is a derivative deri vative o Coffi C offin ext ext 405, which which mentioned mention ed senet  in  in a similar light (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:290–1), 1990b :290–1), and is directly direc tly presaged presag ed by Coffin ext ext 335, which describes des cribes the deceased playing senet  in  in a booth (Faulkner (Faulkner 1973:269). 1973:269). Vignettes o this scene depict the deceased playing senet  without  without a visible opponent inside a pavilion,

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 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Figure 3.4  Facsimile o a painting rom rom the tomb o o Neertari, depicting depicting the queen in  in 

the senet  playing  playing vignette rom Chapter Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Rogers Fund, 1930, 30.4.145. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art.

the ba perche  perchedd on the tomb, indicating that, “through senet ,  the deceased in the pavilion has ‘gone orth’ as a living ba”  (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:303). 1990b:303). wenty-one wenty-one o these scenes appear in various media, including papyri, tomb relies/paintings and coffin paint paintings ings (Piccione 1990b:259–60), 1990b:259–60), most o them rom the Nineteenth and wentieth Dynasties. Five scenes that include senet   games are known rom the Eighteenth Dynasty, and they do not portray this vignette rom the Book o the Dead. wo o them, that rom the tomb o Amenemhat (Davies ( Davies & Gardiner 1915:70, 1915:70, pl. 26) and that o Neerhotep (Bénédite (Bénédite 1894:Pl. 1894:Pl. 2) depict the game played between two players, and in the Neerhotep scene in the context o unerary

 

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offerings and musicians (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:266). 1990b:266). Te third, rom the tomb o Senneer, depicts the game next to the chair o the deceased as he receives unerary offerings (Piccione (Piccione 1984:178). 1984:178). wo other depictions o senet  boards,   boards, where they are not in play, were painted on walls in the tomb o Rekhmire (de Garis Davies 1963:Pl. 1963:Pl. 79, 93). Tese depict a gaming table being carried as unerary equipment, and sitting in a garden, near a pool among a grove o trees. Some later scenes that do not invoke invoke Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead still show the influence o the scene in depicting the playing o senet ,  as in the tomb o Piay Piay,, where the deceased and his wie sit beside each other in the pavilion, though they are typically not interpreted as playing against each other (Pusch (Pusch 1979:Pl. 1979:Pl. 23; Piccione 1990b:261). 1990b:261). In the tomb o Nebenma’at (Maystre 1936:Pl. 1936:Pl. 6), he is shown playing senet   against his wie Meretseger, who is depicted as being o greater or equal status as her husband (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:279–80), 1990b :279–80), but not in a pavilion. Other scenes unrelated to the Book o the Dead (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:275–6, 1990b:275–6, 280, 282) illustrate the player acing another person, who stands on the opposite side o the board, as exemplified by the scene on the game box o Imenmes (see cover image). Tese scenes are typically in the context o drinking as the person opposite holds a drinking cup in the scenes s cenes o Imenmes, Neerhotep Nee rhotep and one o the scenes on the Eastern High Gateway o the temple o Medinet Habu, o Rameses III playing senet  in   in his harem (Pusch (Pusch 1979:Pl. 1979:Pl. 31), while a large drinking jug is included in the scene in the tomb o Khonsumose (Pusch (Pusch 1979:Pl. 1979:Pl. 29). Tese scenes appear to demonstrate the game in a more everyday setting, and may indicate that it was accompanied by drinking, though this is never shown in scenes with a religious meaning. A second senet  scene   scene accompanying the previous one at Medinet Habu has no evidence o drinking, but the relie is in ragmentary condition. Alternatively, Piccione (1990b (1990b:424–5) :424–5) also sees a similarity to offering scenes in the one depicted on the Imenmes box. It is important to note that the nature o archaeological evidence rom Egypt, which is primarily unerary, biases our understanding o the connotations games had in different socio-economic socio-economic classes. While most o the games dating to the New Kingdom were placed in tombs o the nobility and the pharaohs (including our rom the tomb o utankhamun, and one

 

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each rom the tombs o Hatshepsut and Tutmose IV), IV), it is still apparent that lower classes on the socio-economic socio-economic scale also played senet ,  as evidenced by the appearance o games on limestone ostraca at Deir el-Medina and in the Valley o the Kings. Tese games seem to indicate a divergence rom the canonical representation o senet  as  as seen among the upper classes o Egyptian society. wo ostraca rom the Valley o the Kings, which Dorn (2011 (2011:322, :322, pl. 314– 15) dates to the middle o the wentieth Dynasty, depict senet   boards in a dramatically different different ashion rom that which is seen on manuactured manuactured boards and game boxes. One ostracon has senet  patterns  patterns painted on both sides which, when viewed so the three rows o squares run vertically, have dome-shaped dome-shaped projections above the final squares on one side. Pusch (1979 (1979:362) :362) interprets such extra spaces as representations representations o gaming pieces seen s een above game boards in pictorial representations, but it is not consistent with the iconography o game boards rom any time period in Egypt where the pieces are shown arrayed along the long side o the board, when depicted. Te other ostracon, which shows an incomplete pattern o squares, shows decoration in what appears to be the middle row. Dorn (2011 ( 2011:322) :322) recognizes this is not typical or a senet  pattern,  pattern, and all o the squares should be marked when squares in the central row are marked in this ashion. Tese markings are even more divergent rom the typical pattern in the  game o twenty   (see Chapter 4), 4), leaving senet  as  as the most likely candidate or identiying this game. Another ostracon, ound in the tomb o Rameses V and VI again shows senet   with dome-shaped dome-shaped projections (Pusch (Pusch 1979:361, 1979:361, pl. 97b) (Egyptian

Museum, C G 25183), this this time identifiable as being above squares ten, twenty and thirty (see fig. 3.2E). 3.2E). Squares twenty-seven, twenty-seven, twenty-eight twenty-eight and thirty are marked with nrw,  the only time this symbol appears in these positions. It does not conorm to the interpretation o these spaces on other boards, namely that square twenty-seven twenty-seven is a hazard. Furthermore, nrw  is oriented so that the board is to be viewed vertically, suggesting the players would sit across rom each other on the short ends o the board, something never seen in manuactured senet  boards.  boards. A final ostracon, ound in more recent excavations in the Valley o the Kings, has markings in squares twenty-six, twenty-six, twenty-eight twenty-eight and twenty-nine, twenty-nine, but

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it is impossible to determine what the markings are or their orientation rom the photograph (Hawass (Hawass 2011:70). 2011:70). Te extensive graffiti on the roo o the temple o Khonsu Kh onsu at Karnak include three senet  games.  games. One o these presents a senet  pattern  pattern arrayed vertically with domed projections that must have been used as playing spaces on this board, since there are only three rows o nine squares i they are not included (Jacquet(JacquetGordon 2003:78, 2003:78, pl. 84). Moreover Moreover,, the decoration in the squares squa res only conorms conor ms to the typical pattern (nrw , mw,  “three,” “two”) i the domed projection is an unmarked square thirty. Te placement o the marked squares on the lef-hand lef-hand side is particularly partic ularly unusual, and is unknown on any other senet  board.  board. Another board, apparently unfinished, was marked with “three” and “two” (Jacquet(JacquetGordon 2003:84, 2003:84, pl. 92). Te decoration and orientation orientation o these boards may indicate that those who made them were not amiliar with the canonical representation o the senet   board, or that the preerences shown in unerary board games was not necessaryy or every necessar everyday day gaming. gami ng. Nevertheless, Nevertheless , one graffiti game g ame rom  rom the emple o Khonsu demonstrates that the person who scratched it into the surace had the requisit requisitee knowledge o the canonical representation representation to produce it or their personal use (Jacquet-Gordon (Jacquet-Gordon 2003:30, 2003:30, pl. 22). Tis game reflects the decoration that was most common during the wentieth Dynasty, but it remains difficult to date any graffiti games, games , as the structures str uctures in which they were w ere carved merely provide a terminus post quem . An example o graffi g raffiti games gam es which w hich could c ould be b e significantly sig nificantly later than th an their host ho st structure str ucture are two graffiti boards bo ards ound in the th e north colonnade c olonnade o the First Court o the temple o Medinet Habu (Pusch (Pusch 1979:320–1). 1979:320–1). Tese two senet  patterns   patterns were ound parallel to each other roughly twelve centimeters apart, and set perpendicularly to the wall. Because o this arrangement, the players would have had to sit along the long sides o the board with both senet  games   games between them. Tis arrangement is also seen at the small boat ramp o aharqo (r. 690–664 ) ) at the temple o Amun at Karnak (Piccione 1990b:436–7), 1990b:436–7), and so must date to later than the wenty-Fifh Dynasty. Since this is the only other example in Egypt where players used two senet  games  games at the same time, the Medinet Habu patterns are possibly close clos e in date to those on the aharqo ramp, and not necessarily earlier than the wenty-Fif wenty-Fifhh Dynasty. D ynasty.

 

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 Later history o senet   Later Afer the end o the wentieth Dynasty, the material evidence or senet  is  is less requent since only sixteen boards and our scenes are known. Literary evidence may suggest that senet  maintained  maintained some orm o religious connection during this period, but it appears to differ in some ways rom that o the New Kingdom. It is likely that increasing oreign influence during the Late Period had an effect on the cultural contexts contexts o gaming in Egypt due to incursions o Libyans, Kushites, Assyrians, Persians, Greeks and eventually Romans. None o the surviving boards rom the Tird Intermediate Period onwards were on game boxes o the type known rom the New Kingdom. Furthermore, none o them contain the  game o   twenty  on   on the opposite ace because this game appears to have disappeared rom Egypt afer the end o the New Kingdom (see Chapter 4). 4). Instead, a new game is preserved on the opposite side o senet ,  the  game o thirtythirty-three three that appears on the verso o five senet   game boards. Tis game is not well understood, but its origins may lie in the Near East, as discussed at the end o this chapter. Te decoration in the squares o late senet  boards   boards appears to continue the tradition observed in the New Kingdom, with nr  or  or nrw,  ofen seen in square twenty-six, twentysix, mw , “X” or Hapy in square twenty-seven, twenty-seven, “three” or nt  trw  rw in square twenty-eig twentyeight, ht, “two” “two” or nt  trwy   rwy  in  in square s quare twenty-nine twenty-nine and Horus in square thirty. One board rom  rom the wenty-Sixth wenty-Sixth to Tirtieth Dynasty contain containss sꜢ Ꜣ   , “ protection”  protection” (Petrie Museum, UC2317), UC2317), though this is not necessarily a new phase as interpreted by Piccione (1990b (1990b:247–8). :247–8). One might interpret a wider trend toward the dismantling dismantling o the canonization o the iconography o senet  in  in the later periods as the religious meaning meaning trended away rom that which it held in the New Kingdom. A recently discovered game rom Heliopolis, likely dating between the wentieth and wenty-Second Dynasties (Iskander (Iskander 2010), 2010), has elaborate inscriptions in the final five spaces that include the typical pattern o nr  , mw , bꜢ Ꜣ    w ,  two (ladies in this case) and Horus. It differs rom earlier games in that the playing spaces are not laid out as squares, but as rectangles, and also that spaces ten and eleven are marked. Te inscription in these squares, probably meant to be b e read together, toge ther, invokes the name o the th e board’s board’s owner, Keramit, and her title as priestess o Mut. Tis reflects the invocation o Mut in the Great

 

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Game ext (Iskander (Iskander 2010:125) 2010:125) and depiction o the same goddess on the urin Papyrus in square eleven (fig. 4.7). Tree senet  boards  boards scratched into circular terracotta platters, the locations o which were unknown to Piccione (1990b (1990b:444–5) :444–5) and Pusch (1979 (1979:370–1), :370–1), are now located in the British Museum (EA (EA 2232 22323, 3, EA 2380 238022 and EA 2380 23803, 3, see fig. 3.5). 3.5). Tese were ound in Chamber 9 in the ortress at ell Deenneh, and are dated to the wenty-Sixth Dynasty (Petrie (Petrie 1888:74). 1888:74). EA 23803 shows decorations decoratio ns in the final fi nal squares, the only one o which that can be identified is Horus in square thirty. Te appearance o these games on circular terracotta platters is unknown during any other period o Egyptian history. Tey were ound alongside other patterns o squares carved into stone slabs, though Petrie did not describe or illustrate these patterns (Petrie (Petrie 1888:74), 1888:74), but the possibility that they were games ound near these ceramic platter platterss at a ortress points to a later pattern seen at the Roman ort at Abu Sha’ar, where several Roman games were ound (see Chapter 6). 6). Piccione (1990b (1990b:449–51) :449–51) has identified, but did not illustrate, three senet   boards on the roo o the temple o Dendera, dated dated to the Ptolemaic or Roman period. Te patterns exhibited on this structure are different rom all other senet  games  games rom Egypt in that the board is laid out as a series o depressions rather than rows o squares. Tis manner o delineating a senet  pattern   pattern is well known rom contexts in the Levant and Cyprus, but is rarely documented within Egypt. It is difficult to veriy veri y these thes e patterns as senet  without   without urther documentation. Other patterns are known rom this roo that were manuactured in this manner but that are not arranged in three rows o ten and thereore were meant or some other use. Senet  scenes   scenes are rare rom later Egyptian history. wo are known rom the Saite period, and seem to be copies o Old Kingdom relies (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:286–7). 1990b :286–7). Tese two were rom the tomb o Ankheensakhmet, now in the Walters Art Museum in Baltimore, and the tomb o Ibi, both also mentioned earlier with reerence to mehen . With these relies alone a lone it would woul d be difficult to place senet  within  within the Late Period, but the presence o senet  graffi  gra ffiti on the boat ramp o aharqo does indicate that the game survived at least that long. A later scene, in the tomb tomb o Petosiris and dating to the reign o Darius II I I I (r (r.. 336–332 )) or Alexander the Great (r. 332–323 ),  ), depicts two men playing a game (Kendall 1978:40; 1978:40; Piccione 1990b:288–9) 1990b:288–9) that has three rows o eleven squares.

 

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 Figure 3.5  Senet  boards Figure  boards on terracotta platters rom wenty-Sixth Dynasty ortress at ell Deenneh, one showing the thirtieth square marked with Horus. op: 31.5 × 2.5 cm. Bottom: Bottom: Original 27 × 3.1 cm. Te British Museum, Museum, EA 22323 (top) and EA 23803 (bottom). © Te rustees o the British Museum.

 

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It is possible this game was not meant to be senet ,  but rather the game o thirtythree,  but it is important to note that representations o games in relies did not always depict the correct number o squares on senet  boards.  boards. Tese relies offer little in the way o interpretation o the use o senet   during the Late and Ptolemaic periods. extual evidence evidenc e provides some hints that at least some o the understanding understand ing o senet’s earlier use in connection with mortuary ritual may have continued into the Late Period. Herodotus, writing in the fifh century , , recounts the legend o King Rhampsinitus (Rameses III), III), told to him by Egyptian priests, that describes his descent into the underworld, where he played dice with Demeter/Isis Demeter/I sis (Histories 2.122). Tis may have been an altered telling o Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:333–6). 1990b:333–6). A third century  Demotic text tells the tale o Setne who played three games o senet   against Nineerkaptah in an attempt to gamble or the lost book o Toth (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:336). 1990b:336). Tis story depicts gambling by senet  or  or the first time, though gambling is likely to have existed in other orms (ait ( ait 2007: 2007: 49–51). Te passage reers to the playing pieces as ᾽ı w᾽ ı w,  “hounds,” which Piccione (1990b (1990b:337) :337) relates to a Nineteenth Dynasty scene o Merenptah at the Osireion playing senet   with dog-shaped dog-shaped playing pieces (see fig. 3.7). 3.7 ). Considering this text comes rom the Ptolemaic P tolemaic period, as well as the Hellenic custom o reerring to playing pieces as dogs (Schädler (Schädler 2013a:2844), 2013a:2844), it is probably more likely interpreted as a Hellenizing influence on Egyptian gaming vocabulary. Te final text reerring to senet  is   is very late, dating to the third century .  . Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 470 describes a device called a πεσσευτήριον Oxyrhynchus πεσσευτήριον.. Eustathius (Commentarii in Homeri Odysseam 1,28.1. line 23) states states Plato knew o such a device, which he claims the Egyptians used or astronomical measurements. More likely, the name o this device is related to the Greek πέσσοι or πεττεία ,  which may be translated as “board game” (Kurke (Kurke 2002:15–30). 2002:15–30). In the text, certain aspects o the description o this device suggest that it is, indeed, a senet   board that is being described (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:344–6). 1990b:344–6). Tere are thirty squares in the device, and the counters used on it are reerred to as κυῶν, κυῶν , “dogs.” Te twenty-sixth twentysixth square is called in Greek φερνούσι, φερνούσι, which is likely a Hellenization o the Egyptian pr  nr ,  “good house,” while the thirtieth square is called φόρωρ  Ὥρου ὄικος. ὄικος. Φόρωρ is a Hellenized transcription o the Egyptian word pr  H r   r ,

 

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“House o Horus,” which is then translat “House translated ed into Greek “ Ὥρου ὄικος ὄικος..” Tereore Tere ore,, it seems, even at this late date, squares twenty-six twenty-six and thirty held the same meaning as they did at least as early as the New Kingdom, as attested on senet   boards containing analogous decoration in those squares. Piccione (1990b 1990b:346–68) :346–68) goes on to describe potential astronomical and astrological meanings behind senet  boards.  boards. Whether Whether these connections were truly Egyptian ideas relating to the game, or were misinterpreted by the Greeks, this debate is outside the scope o this t his overview overvie w. Regardless Regardless,, this late text is the final reerence to senet  in  in the historical or archaeological record, and represents the end point o a game that can be documented or three millennia, longer than any other known board game in human history.

Playing pieces For senet  and  and the game o twenty twenty, each player controlled a set o uniorm pieces whose number could vary. Playing pieces are well known rom visual representations represen tations as well as archaeological finds, and both help the attribu attribution tion o hundreds o pieces recorded as pawns or draughtsmen in museums and private collections (fig. (fig. 3.6). 3.6). Tey are sometimes the only evidence o the practice o board games because—apart rom rare wooden examples—most o them were made o non-perishable non-perishable materials such as clay, aience, stone, ivory, bone and bronze. Isolated finds o playing pieces point to the possible deterioration o boards. Opposite teams were differentiated by the shape, size and/or color o the pieces. On the inner side o the wooden door rom the tomb o Sennedjem S ennedjem at Deir el-Medina, the excellent state o preservation o the playing scene shows the distinction o the light- and dark-colored dark-colored playing pieces (Bruyère (Bruyère 1959:2, 1959 :2, pl. XV XVII II)) (Egyptian Museum, JE 27303). Pawns Pawns could be distinguished by different arrangements o colored bands, with, or example, alternating natural ivory and red painted bands on pieces rom the tomb o utankhamun (ait 1982:30, 1982:30, pl. XII). XII). Faience allowed many variants o colored glazes and striped motis (Hayes (Hayes 1959:198, 1959:198, fig. 113). Te earliest orm o senet  included  included two sets o seven domed playing pieces (see fig. 3.3). 3.3). Te sets were distinguished by the size o the pieces or by the o addition o a knob at the top. During the New Kingdom, senet  and  and the game o

 

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 Figure 3.6  Figure

Playing pieces collected collec ted by F.G. F.G. Hilton Price and now in museum collections, such as the Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels, E.06165 c, , h, i (nos. 1, 3, 4, 6: max. 3.5 × 2.2 cm), and the Metropolitan Museum o Art, 26.7.1452 (no. 10: Head o aowry-Whyte leopard with the name reproduced rom (1902:Pl. (1902 :Pl. o I).Hatshepsut, 3.2 × 3 × 3.5 cm). Plate 65

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twenty  shared  shared their equipment as they were associated on double-sided double-sided boxes.

Te most common game sets consisted o geometrically simple orms like in the earlier periods. Te two opposite types were conical pieces ofen with a knob at the top, and spool-shaped spool-shaped pieces (see fig. 4.5). Te latter would sometimes be mushroom-shaped mushroom-shaped (Nash (Nash 1902:345, 1902:345, pl. IV, IV, 10–11). Te conical shape is reerred to as halma type, typ e, afer afer similar pawns rom the modern game called Halma. Tis is the model or the hieroglyph used to designate a playing piece. Tis sign is related to the word ᾽ı bꜢ Ꜣ   , “dance,” so playing pieces are called “dancers.” A link to the word Ꜣ b,  b, “ivory,” had initially been proposed because many pieces are made o ivory (Birch ( Birch 1865:59). 1865:59). Playing pieces could also be figurative. Tey would be given elaborate shapes like prisoners with Nubian or Asiatic eatures (Kendall (Kendall 1982:269; 1982:269; Franco 2004:229). 2004:229). Te captives, with their elbows tied behind their backs, are represented naked or wearing a flaring skirt that molds the curve o the base. Music and board games were part o the same sphere as illustrated by the  juxtaposition o musical and playing scenes in tomb decorations. Te Hilton Price collection holds a flute player and a figurine with an instrument described as a musician or an archer (owry-Whyte (owry-Whyte 1902:262, 1902:262, pl. I, 6; May 1992:146–7, 1992:146–7, figs. 134–5) (Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels, E.06165i–j) (fig. (fig. 3.6, 3.6, no. 6). An extraordinary game set o ten Bes-headed Bes-headed figures is interpreted as the underworld deities, called  Ahau,  the “fighters” who deended the sun god in the netherworld (British Museum, 1893,0514.42-57). Tese images would protect the player on the board (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:269). 1982:269). Tis group, made o molded green aience, is dated according to the glaze technique to the Nineteenth or wentieth Dynasty. Te jackal was also a designated representative or players, in his capacity o protector o the dead and the sun god (Kendall (Kendall 1982:269). 1982:269). Jackal figurines were popular as well as represen representations tations o a recumbent or seated jackal on disc-shaped disc- shaped and conical pieces (Nash (Nash 1902:345, 1902 :345, pl. III, III, 10–11). As seen in fig. 3.7, 3.7, Merenptah in the Osireion at Abydos is represented playing senet   with dog/jackal-shaped dog/jackal-shaped playing pieces (Kendall 1978:36–7, 1978:36–7, fig. 28). By the Ptolemaic period, gaming pieces were actually called dogs/hounds, or example in the ale o Setne, when the gaming episode reers to a board with ᾽ı w᾽ ı w,  its “hounds” (Piccione (Piccione 1994:199). 1994:199). Echoes o this tradition may be ound today in playing pieces called kelb in Arabic (Wilkinson 1878:57, 1878:57, note 1). Te name o the Babylonian game pack o hounds 

 

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or  pack o dogs might be derived rom its playing pieces (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:269) 1982:269) although no such pieces are known rom Mesopotamia. Animal orms include other species such as lion, baboon, bird, ram, horse and cat (owry-Whyte (owry-Whyte 1902:262; 1902:262; Petrie 1927:54). 1927:54). Most o the figurative pieces are isolated finds that entered museum collections without their original board so their attribution attr ibution to a specific sp ecific game is diffi cult and their th eir identification identific ation as gaming pieces is even sometimes doubtul. Baboon-shaped Baboon-shaped figurines rom the Ptolemaic period are identified as playing pieces because they careully integrate the contour o an astragalus to the body o the animal (Arnold (Arnold 1995:60, 1995 :60, no. 82) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 66.99.75; 66.99. 75; Walters Walters Art Museum, Museu m, 71.512). A ew playing pieces are inscribed with the name o a pharaoh— Hatshepsut (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012b) 2012b) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 26.7.1452) and Nekau (Breyer (Breyer 2010:28–9) 2010:28–9) (Musée du Louvre, E 5115)—as well as private names (fig. (fig. 3.6, 3.6, nos. 8, 10). Finally, floral motis are also represented on playing pieces (fig. (fig. 3.6, 3.6, no. 9). Te number o pieces or each player seems to vary across time and probably decrease rom seven to five. Representations Representations o the number o pieces—like the number o squares—is not standard so they are not reliable. Variations may even occur within scenes dating rom the same period. Te pieces are usually aligned on the board either with alternating opposing gaming pieces, or with opposing gaming pieces arranged in two camps (see fig. 4.4). Only one representation, on the Imenmes gaming box, shows one spool-shaped spool-shaped piece on top o another one (see cover image).

Senet  in  in Nubia With the great popularity o senet  in   in Egypt, it is no surprise that it has been ound in other regions that have had contact with Egypt. Considering the history o Egyptian activity in Nubia, it is also expected that senet  has   has been ound there. Te earliest example o a senet  game   game in Nubia comes rom the ortress at Buhen. It was inscribed on a building block that was reused (Emery (Emery 1979:: 146, 220). Since the context in which it was ound was mixed (ranging 1979 rom the Middle Midd le Kingdom to the th e Seventeenth Dyna Dynasty), sty), it is difficult to date this artiact stratigraphically. Te gaming surace is rendered in the typical

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Middle Kingdom pattern, though this pattern is known in the Seventeenth Dynasty in Egypt (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:394–5). 1990b:394–5). It is possible that the block on which the game was carved once served as a paving block, and the game was carved on it while it was still part o the pavement. pavement. A ragmentary senet  game  game was ound in omb omb 109 at Kubban Cemetery Cemeter y 110 (Firth 1927:49, 1927:49, 83). Tirty-six Tirty-six aience inlay squares were ound and were reconstructed into three rows o twelve. Tree o the squares are decorated: one with mw,  one with bꜢ  Ꜣ w and one with three standing men. Considering the conventions o New Kingdom Egyptian boards, Piccione (1990b (1990b:420–1) :420–1) and Pusch (1979 (1979:223–9) :223–9) both interpret these squares as belonging to two senet   boards, which are incompletely preserved, since the three standing men and bꜢ Ꜣ    w are two representations o square twenty-eight. twenty-eight. During the Kushite wenty-Fifh wenty-Fifh Dynasty when w hen Egypt was ruled by Nubian kings, the desire o these oreign pharaohs to emulate Egyptian practices was strong, and thus it is no surprise it was during this period that there was pictorial and archaeological evidence or senet  ar   ar up the Nile Valley. Ivory playing pieces in the shape o sitting lions and lions with rams’ heads were ound in the tomb o Shabaqo (Dunham ( Dunham 1950:Pl. 1950:Pl. 24), reminisc reminiscent ent o the sitting animal pieces shown in the senet   scene o Merenptah at the Osireion (see fig. 3.7, 3.7, Kendall 1978:36). 1978:36). Ivory inlays were ound in the tombs o Neerukekashta, wie o Piankhy, and an unnamed wie o Shabataqo at el-Kurru (Dunham (Dunham 1950:85, 1950:85, 108; Kendall 1978:37). 1978 :37). Kendall interprets these belonging to ragmentary senet   boards, though only two squares were preserved rom Neerukekashta’s tomb, and eight rom the other. Te decoration on the plaques does not adhere exactly to that known on well-preserved well-preserved Egyptian boards, but there are some, such as Horus, papyrus marsh, and potentially the god figures that have parallels in the Egyptian corpus. Te Kushite kings may not have ollowed the canonical decorationn since at this time it was not always ollowed in Egypt itsel. decoratio Even afer the Kushite Dynasty was expelled rom Egypt, senet  appeared  appeared in a tomb relie o the deposed dynasty, which continued to rule Nubia. A relie in Napatan style, now in the Museum o Fine Arts in Boston, attributed to the pyramid o King Aramatelqo (Piccione (Piccione 1984:173), 1984:173), depicts a senet  scene   scene that appears to be o Old Kingdom inspiration, inspiration, with perhaps two pairs o opponen opponents ts playing senet  (Piccione  (Piccione 1990b:288), 1990b:288), much like the aorementioned senet  scenes  scenes

 

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Figure 3.7  Drawing o

Merenptah M erenptah playing senet  with  with dog- or jackal-shaped jackal-shaped pieces at the Osireion, Abydos (afer Naville 1911–12:pl. 1911–12:pl. II II.6). .6).

o the contemporary wenty-Sixth Dynasty. Tis is the latest evidence or senet   in Nubia.

Senet  in  in the Levant Le vant As in Nubia, senet  appears   appears in the Levant during periods when the Egyptians were most involved in the region. It appears to have arrived in Canaan early in the third millennium , , roughly contemporary with the appearance o mehen  there. Games that may be versions o senet   have been ound at sites stretchingg rom the edge o the Negev desert in the south stretchin s outh to Syria in the north. Te site that has produced the greatest number o senet  games  games so ar is el Arad in southern Canaan. Dating to the Early Bronze Age II ( c.  3000–2850 ),), thirty-five  thirty-five senet  gaming  gaming boards were ound at this site (see fig. 3.8). 3.8 ). Te boards are strikingly different rom those ound in Egypt, and are most analogous to graffiti games ound there, though they th ey are generally gener ally portable p ortable

 

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Figure 3.8  Senet  game  game rom Arad, with drilled depressions as the playing spaces.

Israel Museum, 1989-422. Photograph by Marlana Salzberger. Courtesy o the Israel Antiquities Authority Authority..

objects, typically made o locally available limestone limestone (Sebbane (Sebbane 2001). 2001). Te senet   patterns are executed in three different ways: by the incision o squares, by the drilling o holes and by a combination o these techniques where the holes are drilled in the center o the incised squares. Te preerence preerence seems to have been or the drilled type, which makes up sixty percent o the assemblage, probably probably because pebbles (or seeds) were used as playing pieces (Sebbane (Sebbane 2001:218). 2001:218). It is important to note that none o the senet  games   games ound at Arad had playing spaces that were specially marked in any way. Sebbane states that the games were ound in domestic contexts as well as public spaces, and some o those in open public areas were on stones that appear to have been stationary, due to their large size (Sebbane (Sebbane 2001:219). 2001:219). Te excavations remain incompletely published, so other possible game board patterns near these games are unknown at Arad. Roughly contemporary with the games at Arad were nine similar patterns at Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘ (Lee (Lee 1982; 1982; Rast & Schaub S chaub 2003:636–7). 2003:636–7). Tey differ rom the boards at Arad in that the senet   patterns are all delineated by the pecking o small cupules into flat limestone slabs. None o the Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘ games have incised squares. Tough these games were surace finds, they are likely to be rom the Early Bronze Age II, II , during which whi ch the site was at its greatest g reatest extent, and or historical reasons discussed below.

 

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Tee existence o these games during the Early Bronze Age II is likely linked  T to increased Egyptian activity in the area during this period. Roughly contemporary with the First and Second Dynasties, this period saw an influx o Egyptian artiacts at Arad and other sites (Amiran (Amiran 1978:51; 1978:51; Ilan & Sebbane 1989:153; 1989 :153; Schulman 1989:443; 1989:443; Brandl 1992; 1992; Porat 1992:437; 1992:437; Kaplony 2002:487; 2002:487; Sowada 2009). 2009). Arad itsel appears to have been attractive to the Egyptians as it unctioned as a terminus o the trade in copper out o Sinai (Ilan ( Ilan & Sebbane 1989).). Te inhabitants o Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘, urther afield, probably only rarely 1989 interacted with Egyptians, explaining why their games are morphologically much different rom the Egyptian games than those ound at Arad, where the inhabitants would have regularly interacted with Egyptians and probably played on Egyptian boards (i.e., with squares). Once the pharaohs o the Tird Dynasty seized the Sinai copper mines, Egyptian activity in the Levant turned toward the coast (Stager (Stager 2001), 2001), and senet   disappeared rom Arad and presumably Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘. Senet  games   games rom ell es-Safi, i.e., ancient Gath, exhibit markings in their squares, though they do not exactly fit the Egyptian Eg yptian canon. One o these (Shai ( Shai et al. 2014:Fig. 2014:Fig. 11.1a) has an “X” in two squares, which appear to be squares fifeen and twenty-nine. twenty-nine. It could be a simpler way o marking two spaces important or the play o the game rather than using potentially unamiliar Egyptian conventions. Tis game and another ound at the site are both ragmentary, and thereore, the possibility exists that they are not senet  games.  games. Tey display a pattern o incised squares on the opposite side (Shai (Shai et al. 2014:38) 2014 :38) that could also be some orm o game. Tese games were ound in Stratum E5, dated by the excavators to the end o the Early Bronze Age III (c. 2850–2500 ) ) (Shai (Shai et al. 2014:28). 2014:28). Te appearance o potential Egyptian games here parallels the shifing trading activity toward the coast. coas t. Another artiact, ound while dismantling a wall at Megiddo, displays three rows o nine depressions, though it is damaged and may have originally displayed three rows o ten, and thereore possibly an example o senet   (Guillaume 2013:1106). 2013:1106). Tis game is difficult to place chronologica chronologically, lly, but is probably Early Bronze Age in date. Further up the coast in modern Lebanon, senet  games  games were ound at Byblos, Byb los, which has long been known to host an Egyptian trading colony, particularly or the procurement procurement o cedar (Gale (Gale et al. 2000:349; 2000:349; Stager 2001:629). 2001:629). While no

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 senet  board senet   board o Egyptian type has been ound here, our games o similar type to those rom other Levantine sites were discovered at the site (Dunand ( Dunand 1954:310, 1954 :310, 1958:531, 1958:531, 573, 661). Tese games are most like the th e ones rom Arad as they reflect both incised, incis ed, drilled and a combination combination o both methods (Sebbane (Sebbane 2001:218), 2001 :218), which may reflect that at both sites there was a greater amiliarity with the Egyptian games than in other sites. Despite this, one o these games, excavation number 12202, has each square in the outer two rows marked, one row with “X” in each space and the other row with either a box with an “X” or a mark similar to a Minoan double axe (Dunand (Dunand 1958:505). 1958:505). A pattern may be seen here similar to that in Nubia, where some license in the manner o decoration o the squares may have been taken, as a result o cultural unamiliarity o some o the religious aspects o the game, i indeed they existed in this early period. Dunand suggests these games may date to the Middle Bronze Age (c.  2200–1540 ) ) (Swiny 1986:41 1986:41 note 314), though the manner o excavation o this site makes it nearly impossible to date them stratigraphically. Other games gam es outside o these t hese sites are isolated is olated and more difficult to interpret. interpret . One was ound at Har Yeroham (Kochavi (Kochavi 1967: 1967: 120), two at Mashabei Sade (Cohen 1986:56, 1986:56, 301; 1999:266) 1999:266) and one at Khirbet Iskander (Richard ( Richard & Boraas 1984:83), 1984:83), all o which date to the Early Bronze Age IV/Intermediate IV /Intermediate Bronze Age (c. 2500–2200 ). ). One example comes rom Hama in Syria and is a well-made well-made example o a Levantine type senet  with  with squares and depressions (Fugmann 1958:76, 1958:76, 80). A final artiact rom ell Brak in Mesopotamia (Oates (Oates 2012)) is ragmentary, but exhibits the same morphology. Tese sites are all well 2012 away rom the coastal areas o Egyptian mercantile activity, so their presence is more difficult to explain. exp lain. Tey all either eith er contain or incorporate inc orporate the th e drilled drille d method o manuacturing games, suggesting an interpretation similar to that offered or Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘, whereby those who were playing them were probably not playing senet   with Egyptians, but more likely other Levantine peoples, thus they were not mimicking the Egyptian prototypes. In this way, senet  may  may have spread as ar as Mesopotamia during the third millennium , , likely due to the inten intense se Egyptian Eg yptian activity in Byblos. Four later games come rom the Levant, two rom Kamid el-Loz in Lebanon (Meyer 1986:126–36), 1986:126–36), dating to the Late Bronze Age (c. 1640–1110 ), ), while two come rom later periods at Hazor (see fig. 3.9), 3.9), dating to the ninth century

 

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 Figure 3.9  Senet  game Figure  game rom Hazor (top), with the game o twenty  on  on the opposite side (bottom). Israel Museum, 1995-1112. Photograph by Marlana Salzberger. Courtesy o the Israel Antiquities Authority.

 (Yadin (Yadin 1960:6, 1960:6, 34) and Lachish, likely dating to the eighth century  (Sebbane 2004). 2004). Tree o these games were ound on the opposite side o a  game o twenty  . Tose rom Kamid el-Loz were likely exchanged as greeting gifs (see Chapter 4 twenty ), or game o twenty   ), since they were ound in the treasur t reasuryy at the site. Te games

 

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rom Hazor and Lachish suggest that during the Iron Age ( c. 1200–550 ), ), non-elites nonelites may have played senet .  Te game rom Hazor was ound in the “Pillared Building,” interpreted as a storehouse (Yadin (Yadin 1960:6). 1960:6). Tat rom Lachish was ound in debris in the inner gatehouse o the city, probably as graffi gra ffiti on o n steps s teps (Sebbane 2004:690). 2004:690). Te game rom Hazor has no markings, but the Lachish game has an “X” in squares fifeen and twenty, as well as a depression in square thirty. Squares ten, eleven and thirty are dome-shaped, dome-shaped, though they are not separate domed markings like those seen in New Kingdom Egyptian Egypt ian graffiti, thus suggesting either eit her an evolution rom  rom this earlier earlie r type not yet attested in Late Period Egypt, or a misrepresentation or adaptation o the Egyptian pattern by Israelites attempting to reproduce this type o board.

Senet  in  in Cyprus Te island o Cyprus has produced more senet  games   games than any other region, including Egypt (see fig. 3.10). 3.10). Te current count o games is nearly our hundred (Crist (Crist 2015), 2015), even though this artiact type was only first identified in 1976 (Swiny (Swiny 1976, 1976, 1980, 1980, 1986; 1986; Buchholz 1981, 1981, 1982). 1982). Tese games appear with surprising regularity, as they have been ound at nearly every Bronze Age site excavated excava ted on the island since the 1980s. Tey are also morphologically similar to one another because they are o the pecked type and almost always made o limestone, analogous to those ound at Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘. No senet   game rom Cyprus has markings in any o the playing spaces, also because they were depressions and thus not easy to mark. Te identification o senet  on  on Cyprus is contingent on its appearance on the opposite side o a pattern o cupules in a spiral pattern, a Cypriot maniestation o mehen  (Crist et al. in press). press). Te earliest senet  games   games appear on the island toward the end o the third millennium  at Sotira Kaminoudhia and Marki  Aloniaa (  Aloni  (Swiny Swiny et al. 2003:231–3; 2003:231–3; Frankel Fran kel and Webb Webb 2006 200 6:246; Crist 2015), 2015), later than the appearance o mehen,  which appeared at the beginning o the third millennium . . Te timing o the arrival o these games parallels the popularity o the games in Egypt, where mehen was more popular during the Early Dynastic Period, while senet   was more common during the late Old Kingdom.

 

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Figure 3.10  Senet  games  games rom the Episkopi region, Cyprus. Photograph courtesy o

Stuart Swiny.

 IItt seems likely that the Cypriots learned the game rom Levantines, rather than Egyptians, since there are no examples o games where the Cypriots were reproducing Egyptian boards with squares and markings. Tis likelihood is also in agreement with the material record o Prehisto Prehistoric ric Bronze Age (c. 2400– 1700 ) ) Cyprus, where direct contact with the Levant is well documented (Philip et al. 2003; 2003; Webb et al. 2006; 2006; Knapp 2008:119–29, 2008:119–29, 2013:309), 2013:309), whereas contact with Egypt itsel is less common (Merrillees ( Merrillees 2009). 2009). Evidence or oreign contact is concentrated in sites on the north coast o the island, and indeed a senet  game   game was ound on the surace at Bellapais Vounous  (Swiny 1986:35). 1986 :35). Nevertheless, because games were only identified on Cyprus in 1976, the current political status o the island has preven prevented ted archaeological research in the northern part o the island, and so evidence or games at Bronze Age sites is concentrated in the Republic o Cyprus. Te question o whether Levantines brought the game to Cyprus, or i Cypriots traveled to the Levant and brought the games back is an open question, and cannot be resolved with current evidence. It is apparent that, once adopted on the island, senet  was   was incorporated into many aspects o Cypriot lie as it has been ound in domestic, mortuary, public and ceremonial spaces. In some cases, clusters o portable games were ound

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associated with drinking and pouring vessels, which likely indicates that senet   playing accompanied drinking and/or easting events (Crist ( Crist 2015, 2015, in press). One senet  game  game was ound pecked into the bedrock at the cemetery o Deneia Kafalla,  though the extent to which it is connected to mortuary ritual is unclear (Herscher (Herscher 1998:320; 1998:320; Frankel & Webb 2007:149). 2007:149). Senet   games have been ound at cemeteries in the island, but two in particular stand out since they appear to have been placed intentionally in tombs. One, ound in the burial chamber o a looted tomb at Marki Kappara (  (Frankel Frankel & Webb 1996:86, 1996:86, 102) contained senet  patterns   patterns on both aces, but the game was obstructed by large pecked depressions on each ace, rendering the game unplayable. It is possible that this was a orm o ritual “killing,” which has been seen in other artiacts on the island when placed in burials (Keswani (Keswani 2004:75; 2004:75; Crist 2015). 2015). Te other senet  deliberately  deliberately placed in a tomb was a unique terracotta votive object, claimed to have been ound at Kotchati (Swiny ( Swiny 1986:33) 1986:33) but likely to have been ound at Marki (Jennier Webb 2012, personal communication), last known to be in the Hadjiprodomou Collection in Famagusta. It clearly shows three rows o well-made well-made depressions, and it appears to be a rendering o a limestone game in terracotta, and was not likely to have been used or playing. Senet  appears  appears to have been popular at Cypriot sites through the Protohistoric Bronze Age (c. 1700–1050 ), ), though seemingly less popular than during the Prehistoric Bronze Age (Crist (Crist 2015). 2015). Despite this, game boxes appear on the island or the first time during the Protohistoric Bronze Age, including the amous Enkomi game box (Murray (Murray et al. 1900:12). 1900:12). Piccione (1990b (1990b:430) :430) incorrectly identifies identifies this game box b ox as double sided with the game o twenty  on  on the upper surace and senet  on  on the bottom. Tere currently is no senet  pattern   pattern on the box, though it was incomple incompletely tely preserved and has been reconstructed. It is possible that there was once a senet  pattern  pattern on this artiact, but there is no  Ayios yios evidence or it. ombs at Morphou oumba tou Skourou and Kalavasos  A Dhimitrios  have produced square inlays that were likely squares on game boards (Vermeule (Vermeule & Wolsky 1990:221, 1990:221, 240, 332; South 1996:167), 1996:167), but these are likely to have been or the  game o twenty  rather  rather than senet  (Crist  (Crist et al. in press). press ). Tere is little evidence that senet  was  was played in Cyprus afer the Bronze Age. Artiacts similar to Bronze Age games have been ound at Iron Age sites, particularly at Amathus (Fourrier (Fourrier 2003), 2003), but only surace finds and those that

 

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have been built into walls contain a distinctive senet  pattern.  pattern. One game, ound in the dromos o a Cypro-Geomet Cypro-Geometric ric tomb (c. 1050–750 ) ) at Kouklia Skales , contains a senet  board  board delineated with etched squares, along with examples o the  game o twenty   (Karageorghis 1983:122). 1983:122). Because this game is the only example o its kind, and dates dates to afer the disappearance o the more typically Cypriot senet  pattern  pattern with depressions, it seems likely that this is a new, albeit brie, reintroduction o the game on the island. Since there is no apparent tradition o playing senet  on  on a field o squares in Bronze Age Age Cyprus (although, it must always be kept in mind that games made o wood or other perishable materials may have once existed), this new rendering may be evidence or Iron Age Cypriots imitating contemporary Egyptian senet ,  rather than Cypriots playing the traditional local version o the game. Tis would urther suggest that the societal changes that brought brought about the end o the Bronze Age affected the ludic sphere in Cyprus, and a game that had been played or roughly two thousand years in Cyprus became orgotten.

thirty-three  Te game o thirty-three During the Late Period, another game appeared in Egypt that seems to have achieved a certain level o popularity (see fig. 3.11). 3.11). ypically ound on the opposite side o senet  boards,   boards, this game contains three rows o eleven circles, and, since its ancient name is unknown, it is most ofen reerred to as the game o thirty-three thirty-three circles,  or simply the  game o thirtythirty-three three  (Pusch 1979:377; Piccione 1990b:441–8 1990b:441–8). ). Nine examples o this game are known, and all but one o them appear on the opposite side o senet   boards. Only three o these boards have known provenance. wo are rom the Sacred Animal Necropolis at Saqqara (Martin (Martin 1981:45, 1981 :45, 55) and one was ound near the pyramid o Senusret I at Lisht, but dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty (Pusch ( Pusch 1979:365–7). 1979:365–7). Te two rom Saqqara are firmly dated to the Late L ate Period, which corresponds correspond s to Petrie’s dating o our unprovenanced boards to that era (Petrie (Petrie 1927:53; 1927:53; Piccione 1990b:446–8). 1990b:446–8). wo boards are dated to the Nineteenth or wentieth Dynasty by Piccione and Pusch. One is currently in the British Museum (102396) (Pusch ( Pusch 1979:309; 1979:309; Piccione 1990b:427) 1990b:427) and the other is now in the Yale University Art Gallery

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 Figure 3.11  Senet  game Figure  game o Late L ate Period date (top) (top) with the game o thirtythirty-three three on the opposite ace (bottom). 25.4 × 8.7 × 0.7 cm. © Petrie Museum o Egyptian Archaeology, University College London, UC2317. UC2317.

 

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(1937.161) ( Pusch 1979:311; 1979:311; Piccione 1990b:429). 1990b:429). Te reasoning or the early dating o these boards is unclear, and, due to the lack o documentation on their archaeological provenance, it seems more likely that they date to the Late thirty-three three on one ace. Period, based on the presence o the game o thirtyTe manner in which the game is rendered on the board’s surace is airly standardized across the corpus. Four o the games have the gaming spaces depicted with three rows o eleven circles inside squares, while three have just circles in the same arrangement. Sometimes the circles have a depression in the center, which led Petrie (1927 (1927:55) :55) to call c all it “the Game o Tirty-Tree Tirt y-Tree Holes .” Four o the games have spaces marked with rosettes, but perhaps others contained markings as well since they are incompletely preserved. Te most commonly marked space is the sixth space o the central row, and a rosette appears in this position on our o the marked examples. Te Yale game is the only  game o thirtythirty-three three  board that has other marked spaces: it contains rosettes in spaces three and nine o the central row in addition to that in the sixth space. Rosettes are an unusual moti to appear on Egyptian board games, as only the  game o   twenty  is   is marked in this way occasionally in Egypt. Rosettes are commonly used to mark the  game o twenty ,  and examples rom the Levant, Cyprus and Mesopotamia contain this orm o decoration, though none o the boards ound in Egypt contain it. Based on the presence o the moti (which also eatures prominently prominently in the bands dividing the three rows o spaces in the British Museum game), it is possible that the game has its origin in Western Asia, perhaps Mesopotamia or Persia. Tough no examples o this game have been ound elsewhere, it is possible that they have not survived, and only the Egyptian games remain due to the preservation afforded by the climate in the thirty-three three  first Nile Valley. Te Late Period, during which the  game o thirtyappeared, was a period during which the Assyrians and Persians conquered Egypt, and these oreigners could have brought the game to Egypt. It is importantt to note that the rosettes are particular to the game o thirty-three importan thirty-three as senet  games   games on the opposite ace o these boards contain hieroglyphs in the marked spaces. Te rosettes, thereore, do not appear to be a stylistic choice adopted or use in games more generally. Whether the game was an Egyptian invention or a oreign introduction cannot be determined at this point in time, but its presence in Egypt appears

 

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 Ancientt Egyptians at  Ancien at Play 

to have been confined to the Late Period, with no boards known rom the Ptolemaic period or later, though o course the unprovenanced status o much o the corpus cor pus makes chronological chronol ogical inerences in erences difficult. Nevertheless, Nevertheless , the game o thirty-three thirty-three  appears to have been the latest board game introduced into Pharaonic Egypt beore b eore the Greco-Roman period.

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Te Game o wenty :  A For Foreign eign Acquisition

Figure 4.1 

Distribution Distribu tion o the the game o twenty  in  in Egypt and the Near East rom the

mid-third midthird to the first millennium . .

Te game o twenty  twenty  , named afer the number o playing squares s quares it contains, was one o the most popular games in the ancient Near East. From the mid-third mid- third to the mid-first mid-first millennium , , the  game o   twenty  was   was distributed in arflung regions, rom Iran to the Levant (Finkel (Finkel 2007:17; 2007:17; de Voogt et al. 2013) 2013) (fig. 4.1). 4.1). Te game appears in the Egyptian archaeological record or a shorter period, rom the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Dynasty, where it was combined with senet  on   on reversible boxes. Egyptian carpenters were already accustomed to manuacturing game boxes with drawers to keep the playing pieces and dice or the game o hounds and jackals (see Chapter 5). We may 81

 

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attribute to Egypt the invention o the biacial game box with a drawer or the shared accessories but this innovation could also have been elaborated in the Levant where both senet   and the  game o twenty   were known by the early secondd millennium secon millennium   .. Te Egyptian climate may explain the large number o better b etter--preserved examples rom the game box category.

Origins and chronological distribution Te game is also known as the royal game o Ur ,  afer the amous boards rom Sumer in southern Mesopotamia (modern Iraq) (fig. (fig. 4.2). 4.2). Several boards made o wood, inlaid with shell, red limestone and lapis lazuli, were discovered in the 1920s by Leonard Woolley at Ur in the Royal Cemetery (Woolley (Woolley 1934:274–9, 1934:274–9, pls. 95–8; Becker 2007). 2007). Tey were ound with sets o seven round gaming pieces as well as two kinds o dice: our-sided our-sided sticks and tetrahedrons. Te Sumerian board, dating to about 2600–2400 ,  , consists o a rectangle o twelve squares (4 × 3) joined by two squares to a smaller rectangle o six squares (2 × 3). It has been claimed that the game originated in the Indus Valley on the basis o finds rom sites that flourished during the Harappan civilization (2600–1900 ). ). Possible ragments o the  game o twenty  were   were discovered at Mohenjo-daro Mohenjo-daro (Mackay (Mackay 1938:575-6, 1938:575-6, pl. CXLII.82) CXLII.82) and Lothal (Rao 1985:504, 1985:504, pl. CCXIX.1) CCXIX.1) whereas a characteristic block o 3 × 4 squares, with one additional square rom the broken middle row, is recorded at Dholavira (Soni (Soni & Bagchi 2011:75–6; 2011:75–6; Bisht 2015:594–6, 2015:594–6, figs. 8.308–11). Te possible Indian origin o the  game o   twenty   is ofen accompanied by its comparison to pachisi , a traditional race rac e game played in India (Parlett (Parlett 1999:65). 1999:65). It would be rash to rely on such evidence because the origins o pachisi remain uncertain. Its earliest testimony in India dates to the sixteenth century  (Finkel 2004:47). 2004:47). Te emergence o the game o  twenty  in  in widely separated s eparated areas attests attests to the cultural contacts across the vast region that stretches between the Euphrates and Indus rivers during the mid-thir mid-thirdd millennium millennium    . Te Indus cities were involved in the long-distance long-distance trade o semi-precious semi-precious stones such as lapis lazuli and carnelian (Aruz (Aruz 2003:243). 2003:243). Sites like Shahr-i Shahr-i Sokhta, in the eastern Iranian region called Seistan, were part o this commercial network (osi (osi & Lamberg-

 

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Figure 4.2 

Te royal game o Ur  with  with gaming pieces and tetrahedrons, board: 30.1 × 11 × 2.4 cm. Te British Museum, 120834, 1928,1009.379a-n. 1928,1009.379a-n. © Te rustees o the British Museum.

Karlovsky 2003:349). 2003:349). A wooden board with the twenty fields outlined by the coils o a snake, carved in relie, was ound by the Italian expedition at that site, again in a unerary context (Piperno (Piperno & Salvato Salvatori ri 1983). 1983). At the turn o the third to the second millennium , , the playing surace underwent a slight change. It unolded the rightmost squares o the royal game o Ur  into   into a straight tail (fig. ( fig. 4.3). 4.3). Te middle row extending a urther eight squares lead to the appellation “head“head-and-tail” and-tail” type (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi & Schädler 2009). 2009 ). Te reduction o the number o playing pieces rom seven to five is attributed to the same period. Special squares can be marked every ourth square. Te new arrangement o the track was first observed at two sites, epe Yahya and Jirof, in the Kerman region in southern Iran (Finkel ( Finkel 2004:95; 2004:95; Dunn-Vaturi & Schädler 2006). 2006). At At Jirof, illicit illic it “excavations” “excavations” in the early e arly 2000s brought to light several stone gaming boards in the shape o birds o prey, scorpions and antastic creatures (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi & Schädler 2006:4–6, 2006:4–6, pls. 1–3). 1–3) . Tese figures are characteristic o the so-called so- called Intercultural Style visible on

 

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 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Figure 4.3  Te game o twenty  in  in the second and first millennia , , and the route

o play.

carved chlorite vessels and handle-weights. handle-weights. Kerman, Kerm an, epe epe Yahya Yahya in partic particular, ular, is an important production center o these objects distributed rom Central Asia to Syria (Aruz (Aruz 2003:325). 2003:325). Te active network o trading routes acilitated the development development o the evolved orm o the game elsewhere in the early second s econd millennium , , especially in Mesopotamia. Several games scratched on pavement bricks attest that the game was played at the time o the Amorite king Zimri-Lim (c.  1775 ) ) in the palace o Mari, an important trading center on the Euphrates banks (Parrot (Parrot 1958:12–13, 1958:12–13, 47, 182, 247, 275; Sauvage 1991).). Te Mariote grid usually bears three special squares marked with “X”, 1991 i.e., squares eight, twelve and sixteen. Te game, probably known a ew centuries earlier as a graffi g raffito, was ound on a brick inscrib inscribed ed with the name o Ilumishar, Shakkanakku o Mari, c.  2064  (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012c), 2012c), unless the game was added later. Te spread o the th e Amorite culture throughout the Levant rom 1900 to 1700   resulted in the oundation oundation o Amorite Amorite dynasties (Burke (Burke 2014:405). 2014:405). Mariote texts at the beginning o the Middle Bronze Age II ( c.  1750 ) ) mention long-distance trading caravans traveling to the Eastern Mediterranean regions long-distance (Burke 2014:407). 2014:407). Sites in the southern Levant—ell el-Ajjul, ell Beit Mirsim—havee yielded examples o the game o  twenty  rom Mirsim—hav  rom contexts dating to the Middle Middle Bronze Bronze Age Age II and III II I (c. 1750–1  1750–1640/1 640/1540 540    ) (Petrie (Petrie 1933:Pl. 1933:Pl. 28, 25–9; Albright 1938:49, 1938:49, pl. 37, a). From there, the game would soon be transmitted to Egypt.

 

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 Beni Hasan playing scenes Beni Some scholars think that the  game o   twenty   may have been introduced in Egypt as early as the Middle Kingdom and is depicted at Beni Hasan (Jéquier (Jéquier 1922:18; 1922 :18; Kendall 1982:265). 1982:265). Teir theory is based on the association o two playing scenes painted side by side in the tomb o the nomarch Baqet III (omb ( omb 15), and appearing in reverse revers e order in the tomb o his son Khety K hety (omb (omb 17) (Newberry (Newberry 1893:Pls. 1893:Pls. 7, 13; Needler 1953:64–5) 1953:64–5) (fig. (fig. 4.4). 4.4). Te tombs o Baqet III and Khety, generally dated to the welfh Dynasty, have been redated to the Eleventh Dynasty on the basis o textual, archaeological and artistic evidence (Spanel (Spanel 2001:176). 2001:176). Te two scenes, scenes , indicated as A and B, show two players engaged in games occurring on tables. Scene A has two sets o seven alternating opposing gaming pieces and scene B has five opposing gaming pieces arranged in two camps. Te captions o scene B, read ᾽ı sb or ᾽ı Ꜣ sb  sb , are unknown in other game contexts, whereas the legend h. Ꜥ b  5,  “playing five” above scene A is attested in Old Kingdom scenes related to senet   (Jéquier 1922:18; 1922 :18; Kendall 1982:265). 1982:265). Jéquier Jéquier suggests that scene B is the game o  o  twenty   because it is associated with senet  just   just as these games are ound together on double-sided doublesided games in later times. times. Te paintings paintings in the tombs tombs o Baqet II I I I and

C

A

B

A

B

F Figure   igure 4.4 

C

Playing scenes A,rom B and andNewberry C in the tombs tom bs:Pls. o Baqet II I and Khety, Khety, Beni Hasan. Drawing reproduced (1893:Pls. (1893 7, 13).III

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 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Khety could prefigure the later connection between the two games. However, the inscription ᾽ı sb was tentatively translated “consumed”—implying that the game was finished—by Birch (1865 (1865:62) :62) so that some scholars are inclined towards interpreting the scenes as two stages o senet   (Nash 1902:347; 1902:347; Petrie 1927:51). 1927 :51). Hoerth (1961 (1961:4, :4, 85) argues argues that the scenes describe a second orm o senet  because   because the pieces do not fit the reconstruction o the  game o   twenty  

whereas Kendall (1982 (1982:265) :265) in contrast states they correspond “precisely to what one would expect ex pect in a view o ‘twenty squares.’ squares.’ ” I the game o  twenty  is  is described at Beni Hasan, it means that the game was known much earlier than the Hyksos period, which is the date generally considered or the introduction o the game in Egypt (Finkel ( Finkel 2008:152). 2008:152). One possible source or the transmission o the game is immigrants coming to settle in Egypt, such as oreigners employed in the Egyptian army or in the mines. Long-distance Long-distance caravans o Western Asiatic peoples, identified as a group o migrant workers, are are depicted carrying oreign objects at Beni Hasan in the tomb o Khnumhotep II ( (omb omb 3) dated to the welfh welfh Dynasty (Kamrin 1999:94–5). 1999 :94–5). Te game o  twenty  could  could have been brought to Egypt on such an occasion. Te grid may have been on perishable material (such as textile) or simply reproduced on the ground, which would explain the absence o evidence or three hundred years, until it became standard in New Kingdom burial equipment. Although this interpretation is conceivable, there is to date no archaeological or physical evidence or the game o  twenty  in  in Egypt during the Middle Kingdom. Nash (1902 (1902:343) :343) reports the presence in the British Museum o a wooden board “marked “marked out with 20 2 0 squares only” onl y” rom a welfh welfh Dynasty tomb at Deir el-Bersha. Tis inormation is problematic since this board could not be located at the time Pusch worked on the British Museum boards (Pusch (Pusch 2007:70, 2007:70, note 19).

Ancient names Te ancient name o the  game o twenty   is still a subject or debate. In the nineteenth century, Egyptologists thought it to be called the  game o tjau,  which translates as “ game o the robbers,”  because the name t Ꜣ  Ꜣ  w is associated with playing scenes in the t he Late Period tomb o Aba at Tebes (Pusch (Pusch 2007:69). 2007:69).

 

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Tis incorrect identification is ofen repeated although Pusch (2007 (2007:84) :84) suggested that the term t Ꜣ  Ꜣ  w,  previously translated “robbers,” meant in act “marbles” and described a game “combining dexterity and guessing” (Decker ( Decker 1992:133). 1992 :133). Te game may have been known as ᾽ı sb  or ᾽ı Ꜣ sb  sb,  i scene B in Beni Hasan proves to represent the game o twenty .  Te difference difference o spelling between the two captions in omb 15 and omb 17 is not meaningul as the interchange o ᾽ı and Ꜣ  is  is common, particularly at the beginning o words. Tey may be written w ritten with either o the th e two, or a combination o both, both , and has no urther ur ther significance. sign ificance. Te indefinite term ᾽ı sb has been compared to the Babylonian name, patti apsu  (“canal o the deep”), listed among the gifs sent by ushratta, King o Mitanni (c. 1365–1330 ), ), to Amenhotep III on the occasion o his marriage to a Mitanian princess (Kendall (Kendall 1982:265). 1982:265). Te objects described in the Amarna letter EA 22 (Column II, II , line 54) have been interpreted as games because astragali are associated but some authors suggest that, in act, two bows with astragal-ornamen astragalornaments ts were listed (Cochavi-Rainey 1999:65). 1999:65). Finally the root has been linked to the Egyptian word ᾽ı sb .t  “beam/throne,”  “beam/throne,” also used with the orm ᾽ı sb,  as it could reer to the block o wood used to carve the game (Jéquier (Jéquier 1922:19, 1922 :19, 219). On the urin Papyrus, described below, it is inscribed: “Uniting o the twenty squares” (see fig. 4.7) 4.7) above the representations o the game o thirty-one thirtyone,  which is a combination o two  game o   twenty   tracks. Tis inscription suggests that this game was simply known as “twenty squares ” (Pusch 1977:209–11). 1977:209–11).

Boards or the game o twenty   Due to its Near Eastern origins, orig ins, the game o  twenty  is  is generally believed to have been introduced to Egypt by the Hyksos, Asiatics who ruled the eastern Nile Delta in the Second Intermediate Period, because it is first attested archaeologically during this period (Pusch (Pusch 2007:70; 2007:70; Finkel 2008:152). 2008:152). But it should be noted that to date no evidence o that game is reported rom Hyksos levels at sites in the Delta. Excavations in Egypt have revealed a great number o  games o   twenty  

 

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thanks to the climate in the Nile Valley. Te reversible game box is the most represented type in Egypt with at least thirty-two thirty-two examples, dating rom the twenty   Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Dynasty. D ynasty. A wooden box with the th e game o twenty  on its top surace, said to be rom Akhmim, was purchased by Breasted in the 1890s or the Oriental Institute Museum in Chicago (E 371A) (Hoerth (Hoerth 1961:33). It could be a precursor because it has no senet  on 1961:33).   on its reverse. Some games are too ragmentary to be b e assigned to a specific category. category. Tree ostraca with a game o  twenty  have  have been identified so ar and several ostraca with senet   are known too (see Chapter C hapter 3) 3) but no double-sided double-sided ostraca are recorded. Boxes are typically made o solid wood, solid aience or wood with ivory, bone or aience inlays. Tey are usually provided with a drawer locked by means o a bolt sliding in three staples. In most o the cases, the  game o  twenty  is  is on the uppermost side, with senet  on   on the reverse, according to the orientation o the hieroglyphs or scenes on side panels. Te playing surace consists o twenty rectangular (rather than square) spaces because the twelve fields o the middle row have to fit within the same length as the ten squares fields o the senet   game on the opposite side (Pusch (Pusch 2007:70, 2007:70, note 10). Te earliest examples o the  game o   twenty   come rom Tebes and are dated to the late Second Intermediate Period, when the Teban rulers o the Seventeenth Dynasty began to drive the Hyksos kings rom the Delta. Te oldest excavated example is a wooden and ivory (or bone according to iradritti 2010:338) 2010:338) box ound in the tomb o Hornakht at Dra Abu el-Naga North and now in the Egyptian Museum (J (J E 21462, C G 68005). Te tomb tomb was excavated by Luigi Vassalli while working or Auguste Mariette, during the 1862–3 season on the West Bank o Tebes. Te name Hornakht inscribed on the coffi c offin was initially misread Aqhor (iradritti (iradritti 2010:336, 2010:336, note 44). Mariette (1889 1889:17, :17, pl. LI) LI) described the box as a double board with twenty squares and thirty-six thirtysix squares but only illustrated one surace with thirty-six thirty-six squares, according to the Italian excavator’s sketch and notes (“schizzo della tavola da gioco con le case numera numerate te da 1 a 12”) (iradritti ( iradritti 2010:Pl. 2010:Pl. 117). Tereore this board has been repeatedly misinterpreted as a single playing surace with thirty-six thirtysix squares including a track or the  game o   twenty   (Murray 1951:17, 1951:17, fig. 6; Hoerth 1961:23; 1961:23; Parlett 1999:68, 1999:68, fig. 4.7). 4.7). Te reconstructed box (26 × 7.6 × 4.7 cm) has, in act, a senet  on   on the verso o  twenty  with and Pusch suggested a reconstructio reconstructionn or the game o   with eight panels

 

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along the middle row (Pusch (Pusch 1979:197, 1979:197, pl. 45; Decker & Herb 1994:665–6; 1994:665–6; Rothöhler 1996:102–3). 1996:102–3). Te Te object has been assigned to the Sixteen Sixteenth th Dynasty (Allen 2002) 2002) but the tomb is generally dated to the reign o aa, ruler o the Seventeenth Dynasty, Dy nasty, afer a cartouche carved car ved on a throwing club. Ivory carved relies are divided into three panels on the long side. Tey show a wild goat, a pair originally, eating rom a tree in the central panel ramed by a pair o Egyptian couchant sphinxes. Only the sphinx on the lef panel is preserved. It is a typical figure o the International Style, a set o artistic conventions common throughout the Near East and Aegean worlds (Caubet (Caubet 1998:109). 1998:109). In its protective appearance, appearance, the sphinx is here associated with symbols o lie and renewal. Tis is the earliest  game o   twenty   attested in Egypt so it is not surprising to see the influence o the Near East in the decoration o the imported game. Te moti o a pair o ibex or goats flanking a tree belongs to a long Near Eastern tradition (Ornan (Ornan 2005:155). 2005:155). Known since the third millennium  in Mesopotamia, the moti spread in the Levant during the second millennium . . It is attested on two other ivory game boards rom the Levant (Megiddo) and Cyprus (Enkomi) dating to the thirteenth and twelfh century . . Te Hornakht board shows the adoption o the Horus hieroglyph to mark the special squares usually indicated by “X” on the oreign playing suraces. Horus Horus alcons alc ons were incorporated like other Egyptian motis into the Syro-Levantine glyptic repertoire during the Middle Bronze Age ( (eissier 1996 1996:90). :90). Different orderings o the three squares marked with Horus have been proposed (Mariette (Mariette 1889:Pl. 1889:Pl. LI; LI; Falkener 1892:97; 1892:97; Wiedemann 1897:40). 1897:40). Mariette’s placing o birds in the eighth and twelfh squares conorms better with the majority o the other known boards (Hoerth 1961:23–4). 1961:23–4). According According to Mariette, the game box was accompanied accompanie d by seven playing pieces, spool-shaped spool-shaped and conical, made o different material (Mariette 1889:17, 1889:17, pl. LI), LI), but Vassalli reerred to only one conical “pawn” in the drawer (iradritti (iradritti 1994:70). 1994:70). Finally, Falkener is the only one to mention an oblong die with sides numbered one to our preserved with this game, but his description cannot be verified (Falkener (Falkener 1892:97–8). 1892:97–8). Hornakht’s burial held several objects inscribed with prominent individuals’ names. He must have played a key role at the Teban court (iradritti ( iradritti 2010:340) 2010:340) and this could explain the presence o the game box, a newly introduced element in elite burials.

 

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Figure 4.5  Game o twenty  rom  rom Tebes with senet  on  on the opposite side, board:

25 × 6.7 × 5 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Rogers Fund, 1916, 16.10.475. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art.

Tee next datable board was  T w as discovered during the Metropolitan Metropolitan Museum o Art expedition in 1915–16 in a late Seventeenth–early Eighteenth Dynasty burial at el-Asasi in western Tebes (Lansing (Lansing 1917:26; 1917:26; Finkel 2008:152–3) 2008:152–3) (fig. 4.5). 4.5). It It is a doubledoubl e-sided sided game box restored in modern wood woo d overlaid with ivory squares and panels acquired by the Metropolitan Museum o Art in the division o finds (16.10.475). None o the squares are marked but the panels flanking the middle row are decorated with animal scenes. One panel shows a lion acing two gazelles, while on the other panel is a lion acing a hound. Te animals are rendered in a manner called the “flying gallop,” characteristic o the International Style. Tis object is not only remarkable or its decorations but also or its extensive assemblage in ivory, comprising six conical pieces, six spool-shaped spoolshaped pieces and two knucklebones. Te six wands rom  rom Pit 3 associated with this set (Hayes (Hayes 1959:25–6) 1959:25–6) were not ound with it in chamber E but in chamber B (Christine Lilyquist, personal communication, June 4, 2015) (see Lilyquist orthcoming). orthcoming).

 

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91

 IIvory vory panels with pastoral scenes depicted in the International Style were similarly placed on either side o the tail o a  game o   twenty   whose original wood structure did not survive (Egyptian Museum, JE 40680, CG 68183). Tey depict bulls, hunting lions, eeding antelopes, brush, bushes and rosettes (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:398). 1990b:398). Parallels Parallels in the Levant and Cyprus are discussed discuss ed below. Te bulk o the game boxes in the archaeological record date to the New Kingdom (Eighteenth to Nineteenth Dynasty), with a peak during the Eighteenth Dynasty. Te majority was excavated in Upper Egypt (fifeen rom the Teban region, regi on, two rom Abydos, one rom Qau) while only three t hree examples were ound in Lower Egypt (Zawiyet el-Aryan, Saqqara and el-Qantir). Fifeen examples, now in museum collections and ofen said to be rom the Teban region, are missing a precise provenance. Te southernmost example o a box with the game o o twenty  and  and senet  on  on opposite sides was ound in the cemetery o Kubban in Nubia (Firth (Firth 1927:49, 1927:49, 83) (Nubia Museum Aswan, 664). It is dated between the sixteenth and thirteenth centuries  when this region was part o Egypt. Te structure o the game boxes remained the same throughout the period and the changes mainly affected the special squares and/or the decoration outside the playing surace.

Special squares and decorations Special squares, which are placed every ourth square, are attested on fifeen boards and three boards have their final square made in a distinct shape (table 4.1). Marks are ound in all five positions p ositions (our a, our b, eight, twelve and sixteen) or only in three (eight, twelve and sixteen) (Pusch (Pusch 2007:71). 2007:71). Sixteen boards are unmarked and eight examples are either too ragmentary or not adequately described to determine whether they had plain squares or not. Tey may originally have been b een emphasized, but motis have disappeared; others were probably lef blank because b ecause the squares did not always a lways need to be differentiat differentiated. ed. In the Near East, special squares are either marked with a rosette or “X”, whereas in Egypt more variants are attested. Te Egyptian labels have been assigned to three groups that include “X” and geometric symbols symb ols (Group I), sacred symbols s ymbols (Group II), II), titles and owner’s names (Group III) III) (Pusch (Pusch 2007:71–3, 2007:71–3, fig. 8.3).

 

  m   o   r        n   e     k   a    t   s     h    p   y     l   g   o   r   e     h    i     (   e    p   a     h   s    t   c   n    i    t   s    i     d   a   s   e    t   a   c    i     d   n    i    *  .    t    p   y   g    E    i   n   s   e   r   a   u   q   s     l   a    i   c   e    p   s   r   o        s   e    p   a     h   s    t   c   n    i    t   s    i     d     d   n   a   g   n    i     k   r   a   m        o   s   e    p   y    t  .     h    t    i    )    4  .   w   8  .   e   g     l    i     b   a    F   :        7    0    1  .    0    4   2    e    h     l   c     b    a   s   u      P     T

92

 ,     l        o   o   o    3    p    1  ,   r   m    9    E   e   m    J   u   v    E  ,   e   u    i  ,   s   e    L   m   e   s   u  ,    n   r   u   u    o    M   v   e   m     i   s    t    M   u   u   n   o   u    a   s   e   a   a   e    c    t    L   s    M    i    1    o    1   u   u     l     l  .     h   c    4   n   o   4     d    t   m   9  .   s    9   a    n    p   1    i  ,   e    i    e    s   o   r  ,    p    t   y   s    t    2     l    7     d   r    2  .    t   y    e    t   e    0   o   8   u    p   r   g   n   o    é    r   g   3    5    5      A    Ä      6    W     P      M      B    M      E      5    6    1    e    r    a    u    q     S

 

   2    1    e    r    a    u    q     S

 

   8    e    r    a    u    q     S

    ]    X     [  

    ]    X     [  

   X  

   E    J  ,   m   u   e   s   u    M   n   a    i    t    p    1    6   y   g   0    E      2    6

   G    C  ,   m   u   e   s   u    M   n   a    i    t    p    7   y   g   0    E      8    6   e     l   c   r    i   c      i   m   e   s     *

   G    C  ,   m   u   e   s   u    M   n   a    i    t    p    5   y   g   0    E   8    6

   X  

  e     d     l   r   g   e   e   n   a     k    t   c   c   e   e     h   r    c 

  n   w   o   n     k   n   u  

  e   r   a   u   q   s     *

  e   r   a   u   q   s     *

   X  

  e     d     l   r   g   e   e   n     k   a   c    t   c   e   e   r      h   c 

    d   e   r   e     k   c   e     h   c 

  – 

  – 

  – 

   X  

  e     d     l   r   g   e   e   n     k   a    t   c   c   e   e   r      h   c 

  n   w   o   n     k   n   u  

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

 

    )     b     (    4    e    r    a    u    q     S

  – 

  – 

  –    – 

  n   w   o   n     k   n   u  

    )    a     (    4    e    r    a    u    q     S

  – 

  – 

  –    – 

  n   w   o   n     k   n   u  

  s   o     d   y    e    t     b     i     S      A  

  n   w   o   n     k   n   u

 

  y    t   s   a   n   y     d    D    o     i     h    r    e    t     8      1     P

   E    J  ,   m   u   e   s   u    M   n   a    i    t    p    6   y   g   0    E      2    6

  n   s   w   o   o   s   e     d   n     b   y     k   e     b   n   u       T      A  

   ?   m   y    t   y    t   o   s     d   a   s   a   g   n   n   y   n   y    i    K    D    D   w     h     h   e     t     1    8    t     8    N    1

  y    t   s   a   n   y    D     h    t     8    1

   E    J  ,   m   u   e   s   u    M   n   a    i    t    p    9    5   y   g   0    E   2    6

 

 

  n        o        o   w   o   y   y   s   s   n   e   e   g   g     l     l     k     l     l   n   n    i    i   a   a   n    V      K    V      K   u  

       o   s   e   y   s   e     b   g     l   e     l    i   a   n     T      V      K

  y    t   s   a   n   y    D     h    t     8    1

  y    t   s   a   n   y    D     h    t     7    1

  y    t   s   a   n   y    D     h    t     8    1

  y    t   s   a   n   y    D     h    t     9    1

  y    t   s   a   n   y    D     h    t     8    1

 

 ,   e     l   a    t   n   e    i   r   s    O    i   a    1   e    6   ç    i    1   n   g    4   a   o  .   n   r     l   v   o    F   n    é    i ,   w    t    h    i    t   u   c    i   r   o   r   o   n   s    ’    A   a     k   n   n    I     d   C   u     n   w   o   n     k   n   u  

  n   w   o   n     k   n   u  

  n   w   o   n     k   n   u

  n   w   o   n     k   n   u  

    n   w   o   n     k   n   u     n   w   o   n     k   n   u  

    d   6    0  ,   n    5  ,    1   o   u    7    G   n    7   n    0   e    E    i    C    2    1   m    J     d   r  ,  ,  ,    E   a   u   o   g   m   e  ,   u   e     b       m   s   a   n   s    i   r   s   u   u   e   u   u   s    i   v     d     l   e   e   a   s   s   u   o    M   m   u   u    i   o    N   W   s  ,    z    L   e   m    i   g   r    M   g     h   a    M   u   e   n   m   s   c   n   n    E    i   s     d   u   ü   s   a   a     l    i   u    i   o   e    t    p    8   s    5   e    1    p    t   y   r    p   y    t    0    1    é   s    t   r    0   e    8   y   m   u   5     l   g   p   g   0   g   8   u   a   y    2    4   a    E   6    M   8     Ä   P    E   6    M    S   A   3    2

  n   w   o   n     k   n   u     n   w   o   n     k   n   u

 

 

 

 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

  – 

 

 

 

  a   n    i     d   e   r    i    M   e    l      D     e

  a        a   n   n   n   w    i    i   o     d     d   s   e   y   e   o   n   e   g   r   r     l   n    i    M    k    i    M   e    l   e   -     l      i   a   n    D     e    V      K    D      l   e   u  

  a   r   a   q   q   a     S

  n   n   w   w   o   o   n   n     k     k   n   n   u     u  

  m   o     d   g   n    i    K   w   e     N

  m   y    t   o   s     d   a   g   n   n   y    i    K    D   w     h   e     t     8    N    1

  y    t   s   a   n   y    D     h    t     9    1

  m   y    t   o   s   a     d   g   n   n   y    i    D    K     h   w    t     9   e     1    N

  y    t   s   a   n   y    D     h    t     8    1

  y    t   s   a   n   y    D     h    t     8    1

93

 

94

 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Tee use o “X”, widespread in the Near East, is attested on two Egyptian  T boards. One was ound at Abydos in omb D99 o the scribe Merymaat dated to the reign o Tutmose III by a scarab bearing a cartouche o this pharaoh (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 01.4.1). Te board was previously restored with three crossed lines in positions eight, twelve and sixteen (Pusch (Pusch 2007:Fig. 2007:Fig. 8.4). Only one complete aience square with a painted “X” was retrieved rom the tomb o the scribe s cribe Merymaat. Tereore Tereore the new reconstruction o the wooden box displays the unique crossed square at the twelfh square while the other special squares were lef plain (Metropolitan (Metropolitan Museum o Art 2015). 2015). According to Hoerth (1961 (1961:29): :29): “It is uncertain where, or even whether, this crossed square fits into the twenty-square twenty-square surace.” Tis symbol could belong to the senet  track   track since it is also used to mark the senet  squares   squares fifeen and twentyseven on a board rom Abydos dating to the welfh Dynasty (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:390). 1990b :390). On square fifeen it is a boon, according to the Great Game ext o the New Kingdom (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:391), 1990b:391), whereas on square twenty-seven, twenty-seven, it designates a hazard or a pitall (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:264; 1982:264; Piccione 1990b:244). 1990b:244). Te other board with an “X” on squares eight, twelve and sixteen and not on every special square as described by Pusch (2007 (2007:72–3), :72–3), has an unknown provenance (Ägyptisches Museum, Bonn, 941). Other geometric patterns indicated special squares on boards dating to the Eighteenth Dynasty. Every ourth square is filled with a slightly smaller and darker rectangle on the Hatshepsut board at the Louvre (E 913) (May (May 1992:145, 1992:145, fig. 137b). A checker pattern pattern is preserved on three squares on a Teban board now in the Egyptian Museum (J (J E 65372) (Hayes (Hayes 1935:33, 1935:33, fig. 18) as well as on square twelve on the t he ragmentary rag mentary aience board b oard rom omb omb 499 A’08 A’08 at Abydos (World Museum, Liverpool, 55.82.9). Square sixteen, the final square, on game boards 393 and 585 rom the tomb o utankhamun utankhamun is precisely preci sely square whereas wh ereas the other fields are, as usual, slightly oblong (ait ( ait 1982:18). 1982:18). Apart rom its shape, ait did not describe any difference in the appearance o this square, so Hoerth’s comment about the square o board 585 being darker might just be due to the shade on the photograph (Hoerth (Hoerth 1961:30). 1961:30). Te final square on a limestone board dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty has a semi-circle (Pusch ( Pusch 2007:Fig. 2007 :Fig. 8.4) (Egyptian Museum, C G 68007). Te oldest example o the  game o   twenty  in   in Egypt, ound in the tomb o Hornakht and already discussed above, illustrates the adoption o the Horus

 

Te Game o wenty

95

alcon, an Egyptian sacred symbol, to mark at least three positions. During the New Kingdom, other symbols are attested such as Ꜥ nh, “lie,” nr  , “good “good,,” double doub le ˘ nr  and  and wd   d  Ꜣ t  t . Some o these signs were also used or senet  as  as well as the game o hounds and jackals to mark special positions. Board 345 (JE (JE 62058) rom the tomb o utankhamun has sacred symbols incised in three positions that bw-sd  sd   Ꜥ n˘h- d  d  dw  Ꜣ  s, s, “Millions o sed  could be read as a short ormula: h. h. h. bwestivals, lie, eternity and well-being.” well-being.” (Pusch (Pusch 2007:72) 2007:72) (see table 4.1). 4.1). Five boards rom the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties have the titles and names o the board’s owner marked, broken into five groups corresponding to the total o special squares (Pusch (Pusch 2007:72–3, 2007:72–3, fig. 8.4). Markings were painted, and and when incised incise d they could be filled filled with pigment or stone inlays. Te special squares o the game 593 rom the tomb o utankhamun were, according to Carter’ Carter’ss records, “aintly marked upon up on the ivory in white wh ite paint” so ait (1982 (1982:25) :25) suggested “that a pigment contained in this paint has aded, or possibly that a gold lea laid over it has entirely disappeared.” During the New Kingdom, boards bore decorations outside the playing surace that differ rom the pastoral scenes seen on the earliest boards. Decorations and offering ormulae were along the tail, tai l, on each panel bordering the central row, as well as on the long and short sides o the box. One theme was “tied to the meaning o the senet   game as offering ritual” (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:406). 1990b :406). Senet -playing  -playing scenes are accompanied with ood offerings in  vignettes o Chapter Seventeen o the Book o the Dead. D ead. Tis episode is ofen represented on the tomb walls rom the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties. Boxes are adorned with offering ormulae as well as acts o gif scenes (ood,

lotus and wine). wo wooden boxes with unknown provenance, now in Berlin and New York, show a banquet scene on the end opposite the drawer. Te owner o the box is seated in ront o a table with offerings. On the box rom the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung in Berlin (10756), Senneer is accompanied by his wie and they both sniff lotus blossoms (Piccione ( Piccione 1990b:406–7). 1990b :406–7). Te box rom the Metropolitan Museum o Art (12.182.72) shows aya and his wie seated opposite opp osite her mother m other who wh o is sniffi sn iffing a lotus (Piccione 1990b:418–19). 1990b:418–19). Both boxes are dated to the Eighteenth Dynasty. Te Berlin box is dated to the reign o Tutmose III or Amenhotep II afer the style o the incised scene (Kendall (Kendall 1982:267) 1982:267) whereas the Metropolitan Museum o Art box is dated to the reign o Tutmose IV or Amenhotep III. III .

 

96

 Ancientt Egyptians at at Play   Ancien

Te back end o box 585 rom the tomb o utankhamun shows “the King seated upon a throne with the Queen standing beore him offering a lotus flower” (ait (ait 1982:18, 1982:18, note 4, pls. IX, IX, XXI XXIV V ). On a box dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty a playing scene is depicted (Dunn-Vaturi ( Dunn-Vaturi 2012d) 2012d) (Musée du Louvre, E 2710). Te deceased Imenmes is probably playing with an invisible opponent as the person, standing on the other side o the table and offering him a drinking cup, does not seem to engage in the game (see cover image and discussion in Chapter 3). 3). Te conic pawns are differentiated rom the reelshaped ones and two knucklebones are also represented. Te back end o game boxes can hold apotropaic motis motis such as Bes B es on the aience box inscribed with the name o Hatshepsut (Deveria ( Deveria 1897:88). 1897:88). Te image is not clear so it was identified as a sema tawy ,  a stylized representation o the windpipe flanked by lungs and tied with the lotus and the papyrus, representing the unification o Upper and Lower Egypt (Pusch (Pusch 1979:207). 1979:207). In act, the figure o Bes holding snakes has been confirmed by the Louvre curators (see object file E 913). Te decoration o the small side on the board o Ptahmay, “overseer o the crafsmen” during the reign o Amenhotep IV, IV, is described as unerary with nrw  centered between two wd   d  Ꜣ t  t  eyes, all surmounting nbw,  “gold” (Sammlung Nassau Altertümer, Wiesbaden, 2308). A ragment o a limestone board rom Deir el-Medina shows, on one o the long sides, a kneeling man probably with his hands in ront o his mouth as a blessing gesture, but most o the object is missing so the scene cannot be ully interpreted (Pusch (Pusch 1979:297–8, 1979:297–8, pl. 98). Other boxes have repeated motis on the long sides. Te ivory plaques o box 593 rom the tomb o utankhamun are carved and stained with a floral pattern (ait (ait 1982:20, 1982 :20, pls. X, XI). XI ). Hieroglyphic offering ormulae are attested on about ten game boxes in the New Kingdom whereas the previous examples did not have traces o such inscription. Te board rom the tomb o Hornakht may have been inscribed but the inscription was not preserved. Maspero (1871 ( 1871:78) :78) wrote that this object bore the name o “ûaû”/Tuyu (Winlock (Winlock 1924:258, 1924:258, note 3) so it is repeated by Piccione (1990b (1990b:395) :395) but no indication o the board being inscribed with its owner’s name appears in the archaeological report (Mariette 1889:17). 1889 :17). Plain panels o game boxes may have originally held painted inscriptions or motis.

 

Te Game o wenty

97

 Archaeological contexts Archaeological Game o  twenty  boards  boards were mostly mos tly ound in unerary u nerary contexts. Smith’ Smith’s studies

o Teban unerary assemblages point to the presence o double-sided double- sided game boxes in middle- to high-status high-status tombs (Smith (Smith 1992:204, 1992:204, 218–19). Te tomb o utankhamun housed at least our double-sided double-sided game boards, including one prestigious ebony and ivory example on a sledge-stand sledge- stand identical to those described in the tomb o Senneer S enneer and Rekhmire Rekhmire (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:412) 1990b:412) as well as “pocket-size” “pocket-size” editions (ait (ait 1982; 1982; Reeves 1995:160–2) 1995:160–2) (Egyptian Museum, JE 62058-62061). Te range o appearances, rom ornate boxes made o exotic material to graffiti on slabs, slab s, show that the game was w as popular popul ar with Egyptians Eg yptians o different social classes. o date only one example in a domestic context is known. It is a slab o limestone probably probably hastily engraved with the game by an inhabitant o the village o Deir D eir el-Medina, home to the crafsmen who decorated the tombs in the nearby Valley o the Kings (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012a). 2012a). Other ostraca were ound at Deir el-Medina but they are ragmentary and no inormation about their findspot is known to the authors. One ostracon bears the game o  twenty   painted in red, its eighth square marked with double nr  (V  ( Vandier D’Abbadie 1959:231, 1959 :231, pl. C LI LIX X ) (fig. (fig. 4.6). 4.6). Originally described as an architectural plan, the configuration o the game can be recognized despite its ragmentary state o preservation. It is now in the collection o the Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo (inv. 4116). Another grid or the  game o   twenty   (o which only the last seven squares o the “tail” remain) is visible on a delicately painted ostracon depicting a nude dancer with a long flute that is stylistically dated to the Nineteenth Dynasty. It was ound by the German expedition in 1913 and is now in the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung in Berlin (21445) (Brunner-raut 1956:63–4, 1956:63–4, no. 59, pl. XXIII). XXIII). Te aience  game o   twenty  rom   rom the private apartments in the palace o Rameses II I I at el-Qantir el-Qantir was part o a vast program o glazed decoration decoration (Hayes (Hayes 1959:338; 1959 :338; Pusch 1979:303) 1979:303) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 35.1.140). Te board, which is very ragmentary—only one complete and three broken squares are preserved—may have been or a game table. It It is inscribed with the name o Rameses II on the side and, on the top surace, on a panel bordering the middle row.

 

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 Figure 4.6  Ostracon rom Deir el-Medina Figure el-Medina.. Institut Français Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo, inv. 4116.

Rules or the game o twenty   Unlike the descriptions o senet  there Unlike  there is not much inormation as to the rules o the game o twenty  twenty  in  in Egyptian Eg yptian sources. ItIt is generally assumed ass umed that the two

 

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players started on each o the opposite sides o the board (Kendall ( Kendall 1982:265; 1982:265; Finkel 2007:27) 2007:27) (see fig. 4.3). 4.3). Ten they moved their pieces down the central aisle until the final field and then off the board to win the game. Te new  version, the “head“head-and-tail” and-tail” type, with a single path all the way to the end increasedd the difficulty o the game as a player about increase ab out to win could be overtaken overt aken at the last minute (Finkel (Finkel 2007:18). 2007:18). Special squares, signaled by a rosette, another symbol or inscriptions, are marked every ourth square. Tese squares may have unctioned as lucky fields, so that a playing piece was sae s ae rom being captured or that the player was given another throw. A late Babylonian cuneiorm tablet dating to 177–176  provides significant detail on how the game proceeds (Finkel (Finkel 2007) 2007) (British Museum, 33333B). Te game is called “a pack o dogs,” whereas the pieces, five on each side, bear the names o birds. Tey are moved according to the throw o two astragali, one belonging to a sheep and another rom an ox, and special results are needed to enter each o the bird-counters bird-counters into the game. Te obverse o the tablet is inscribed with a zodiacal divinatory diagram, and one would be tempted to interpret the five birds o the game and its central row o twelve squares in an astrological context. Te oretelling oretelling aspect aspe ct o the game o twenty   is corroborated by Late Bronze Age liver-shaped liver- shaped boards rom the Levant, which reers to hepatoscopy or divination by the liver o an animal or bird (Meyer 1982; 1982; Finkel 2007:25–6). 2007:25–6). Finally, a link has been proposed between the first Book o the prophet Nahum (c.  615 ),  ), and the  game o twenty   (Guillaume 2009). 2009). Guillaume’s concordance o the Psalm verses o Nahum 1, interpreted interpr eted as a set s et o rules, ru les, to the squares o the board, is based on alphabetic acrostics. Te use o sacred texts or biblical divination supports the possible connection established between the writings o Nahum and the game o twenty  twenty  , but with the current state o evidence only speculations about the practice o this particular prophetic scripture remain.

thirty-one one  “Uniting o the twenty squares” or thirtyMost authors reer to the existence o the  game o   twenty  in   in Egypt up to the wentieth Dynasty because they consider that the game was replaced by a  variant o the game o  twenty  with  with “olded symmetry” (Decker (Decker 1992:131). 1992:131). wo

 

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Figure 4.7  Drawing o the urin Papyrus with our games:

wo times senet , hounds and jackals and thirty-one  , c. 70 × 13 cm. Museo Egizio di orino, 1775. Drawing afer Decker and Herb (1994 (1994:pl. :pl. CCCLXXXV). CCCLXXXV ).

blocks o 3 × 4 squares are linked by a bridge o seven squares. Tis new  version, with thirty-one thirty-one squares and every ourth square marked by a rosette, is known to us in Egypt through three examples dating to the wentieth and the wenty-First Dynasties: one drawing annotated with the inscription “Uniting o the twenty squares” upon the urin Papyrus (fig. (fig. 4.7) 4.7) and two boards with senet   on the opposite side (Pusch (Pusch 1977:199–212) 1977:199–212) (Egyptian Museum, J E 88006; British Museum, Museum, EA 38429). A similar layout was seen by E.J. Banks on a baked clay board in a shop in Baghdad in 1904–15 (Banks ( Banks 1912:355–6). Tus, it has been suggested that this game with rosettes, a typical 1912:355–6). moti or special squares on Near Eastern game boards, bo ards, could could have a Babylonian origin (Kendall (Kendall 1982:265). 1982:265). Unortunately, we lack inormation about the provenance and date o the Iraqi board to relate it to the Egyptian examples. Te track may have been modified in the late New Kingdom to include thirty-one thirtyone squares or a religious meaning (Pusch (Pusch 2007:70). 2007:70). Te Great Game ext reers to the deceased’s desire to be admitted into the divine pantheon as the thirty-first thirty-first god: “[that they might permit] me to enter the Council Chamber o the Tirty, [so that I may become a god, as the thirty-first]” thirty- first]” (Piccione (Piccione 1990b:123). 1990b :123). For this wish to be ulfilled, one may have had to win this new  version o o the game.

 

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 Te Levant and Cyprus: Games as heirlooms Te Among the great variety o game boards b oards that existed in the Levant during the Bronze Age and the Iron Age (Macalister (Macalister 1912:299, 1912:299, pl. CCI), CCI), the  game o   twenty  is  is the best represented. A tradition o game boards with ivory or bone inlays existed in the Levant rom the Middle Bronze Age until the Iron Age. Despite the ragmentary state o preservation o the earliest examples, dating to the Middle Bronze Age II and III (c. 1750–16  1750–1640/15 40/1540 40   ),), it is more likely that they were or the  game o   twenty   and that they may have inspired the Egyptian production. An ivory ragment o 3 × 4 squares, which could correspond to the block o twelve squares, was ound with two kinds o playing pieces—one with rounded tops, the other with pointed tops—and a teetotum die at ell el-Ajjul in omb 364 dated to the Fifeenth Dynasty (Petrie ( Petrie 1933:Pl. 1933:Pl. 28, 25–9). At ell Beit Mirsim, twenty ivory squares originally rom a wooden game board were retrieved in the Palace Stratum D, dated by the excavator to the Middle Bronze Age III, III, late seventeenth to early sixteenth century  (Albright 1938:49, 1938:49, pl. 37a). Among the square s quare inlays was wa s only one field marked mark ed with “X”. Albright estimated that the board measured at least 26 cm long. Tin ivory strips were inserted between the rows o squares and wider inlays may have been set on both sides o the middle row o squares. en aience playing pieces—five cones and five three-cornered three-cornered pyramids—and an ivory teetotum were excavated in the adjacent room (Albright (Albright 1938:48, 1938:48, pl. 21, b). Te double-sided double-sided ivory game box b ox rom Tebes decorated in the Int International ernational Style finds parallels in the Levant and Cyprus in the Late Bronze Age (Finkel ( Finkel 2008:152–3). Such 2008:152–3). Such artiacts were important components components o the social practices and exchanges taking place in the Eastern Mediterranean in the second millennium . . Moreover, game boxes (e.g., Kamid el-Loz, Enkomi) and containers (e.g., Hazor, Morphou oumba tou Skourou)  with incised inlays, produced sometime sometime in the sixteenth to early fifeenth fifeenth century   ,, were passed on rom one generation to the next resulting mainly in the discovery o such boxes in a much later context dating to the thirteenth to twelfh century  (Ben-or 2009:52–4). 2009:52–4). Cypriot examples examples o the game o  twenty  represent  represent the westernmost evidence o this game (Crist (Crist et. et . al. in press). press). Te practice o the game o  twenty  in  in Cyprus seems restricted to Protohi Protohistoric storic Bronze Age (c. 1700  1700–105 –10500    ) contexts and

 

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is thereore connected to the exchanges between elites, whereas it remains  vivid during during the early early first millennium millennium    in the Levant (Bieliński (Bieliński & aracha 1992:50, 1992 :50, fig. 7). Tere are three examples o the  game o   twenty  etched   etched on a limestone block rom the cemetery o Kouklia Skales (  (Karageorghis Karageorghis 1983:122), 1983:122), which may demonstrate a brie reintroduction during the Cypro-Geometric period (c.  1050–750 ). ). Crete is sometimes suggested as a possible destination or this game (Finkel (Finkel 2007:17) 2007:17) but no firm archaeological evidence rom a Minoan context is known to the authors. Tis statement is made by analogy with the unique so-called so-called royal draughtboard  discovered   discovered by Evans at Knossos and compared to the boards rom the Royal Cemetery o Ur (Hillbom (Hillbom 2011:255–8) 2011 :255–8) (Archaeological Museum o Heraklion, YE 46). Yet, the layout o the cells on the Knossos game board is different rom the  game o twenty   so comparisons can only remain general. In Egypt and the Levant, the game o  twenty  accompanied  accompanied senet  on  on doublesided boxes and stone slabs as described above ab ove (see fig. 3.9) rom the second s econd to the early first millennium . . Physical associations o the game o twenty  to  to other race games are not attested in Egypt. In contrast, during the second millennium    in the Near East, itit has been linked to the game o hounds and  jackals  jacka ls,  a discussion o which ollows in Chapter 5, 5, as illustrated by the prestigious boards rom Megiddo and Susa.

 



Houndstoand Te Game FromoTebes SusaJackals :

Figure 5.1 

Distribution o Distribution o the game game o o hounds and jackals in Egypt and the Near East during the second and first millennia . .

Te archaeological evidence or the game o hounds and jackals points to its origin in Egypt at the turn o the second millennium . . Te oldest material or this game was ound in the necropolis o the capital Tebes and at provincial sites in the region o the Fayum (Sedment, Lahun and Lisht). 103

 

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 Hounds and jackals  is almost exclusively attested during the Middle Hounds Kingdom within Egypt, and later boards are dated stylistically but lack solid archaeological provenance. Military campaigns and trade relations acilitated the game’s spread to Nubia and to central Anatolia as early as the beginning o the second millennium . . Te game was popular throughout the Near East, including the Iranian plateau, until the mid-first mid-first millennium  (fig. 5.1). Tere are about seventy known examples o boards. Seven are rom Egypt, three rom Nubia, eight rom Anatolia, thirty rom Mesopotamia, eight rom Iran, ten rom the Levant and two rom Syria (de ( de Voogt et al. 2013:1718–19, 2013:1718–19, fig. 3, table 2). Te ancient name o the game is not known but many modern descriptive names have prolierated such as hounds contra jackals  or  palm tree game — afer a unique set rom Tebes—,  pegs and holes  and shield game  (Parlett 1999:68–9). 1999 :68–9). Other designations derive rom the track o peg holes that characterizes the game. Petrie (1927 (1927:55) :55) was the first to use the term game o  fiy-eight  fiyeight holes,  which reers to the two parallel rows o twentytwenty-nine nine holes. Te field is completed at the end by a thirtieth hole, larger or at least specially marked. Tis led to the appellation game o thirty thirty points (  (Drioton Drioton 1940:186). 1940:186).

Boards or hounds and jackals  Early examples were ound in unerary and domestic contexts dating rom the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom. Te shape o these boards is compared to an axe-blade axe-blade (Carnarvon (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:56) 1912:56) or a shield (Drioton (Drioton 1940:188, 1940 :188, fig. 4). Te boards measure rom 6.2 to 19.7 cm long, 3.7 to 14.3 cm wide, and the tables are between 5 and 8.4 cm high. Tey ollow the same arrangement but two boards are adorned with additional holes, interpreted as starting posts. Six pairs o special holes plus the goal are made distinct by their larger size and/or a mark. A nr  sign,   sign, meaning “good” or “beautiul,” marks holes fifeen and twenty-five twenty-five whereas lines connect holes six and twenty and holes eight and ten. Te game ound in 1921 at Sedment in a disturbed shaf tomb, Grave 2122, has been assigned different dates rom the Ninth to Eleventh Dynasty (Petrie ( Petrie & Brunton 1924:7–8, 1924:7–8, pls. XXI,14, XXI,14, XXII, XXII, 8–9; Petrie 1928:18) 1928:18) to the early

 

 Hounds and Jackals Te Game o  Ho

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(Petrie Collection Online Catalogue) or late Middle Kingdom (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:349). 2009:349). Te board is resting on three legs (Petrie Museum, U C 31348). A square storage space was carved on the reverse and closed by a door astened by a bolt. Te loops, bolt and hinge pins were made o horn. A board ound at Deir el-Bahari, Tebes, in the cemetery dated to the Eleventh Dynasty is considered the oldest known (Winlock (Winlock 1928:10) 1928:10) (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 26.3.154). It is a small wooden table resting on our animal legs with only one original leg lef. l ef. Te drawer is missing but one metal loop remains. Its small size could argue or a votive unction, but Winlock, on the contrary, thought that the patch in the th e outer right row indicates that the holes were worn out because it was played ofen (Winlock ( Winlock 1928:10). 1928:10). Te repair resulted in the loss o a hole between numbers ten and fifeen that “was overlooked by Drioton who included the missing hole in his drawing” (Hoerth 1961:61, 1961:61, note 4). Te engraved line at the bottom o the board may imitate the cutout visible on the Sedment board. In 1910, a unique game set was w as ound in the tomb o Reniseneb (C (C C 25) at at el-Asasi, Tebes (Carnarvon (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:56, 1912:56, pl. L) (fig. (fig. 5.2). 5.2). Te tomb is dated to the welfh Dynasty afer a toilet box with the name o Amenemhat I V that was ound there. Te board o sycamore wood overlaid with ivory and ebony rests on our bull legs (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 26.7.1287a–k). 26.7.1287a– k). Te course o play took place around an incised palm tree. Te track has no starting st arting holes, in contrast to the two previous examples. Te final position is surrounded surrounde d by the hieroglyph šn,  commonly interpreted as meaning “eternity.” A bolted drawer was built-in built-in or storing the playing pieces. Tis game set has become iconic not only due to its elegance, but also because it is the only example that retains all o its pegs, five per side. Te pegs are described below. Despite the small number o examples known to date, the importance o the game o hounds and jackals as a burial gif is evident. Te game table represented in the object obj ect rieze  rieze on the th e coffin o It rom the welfh Dynasty D ynasty could be be a game o hounds and jackals  (Lieblein 1873:55, 1873:55, pl. 11) (State Hermitage Museum, 769). Te ragmentary inscription accompanying the object, hntš. ˘ mꜤ      bꜢ Ꜣ    prw prw nj sn.t  “He   “He delights in the senet (?) game board o the thirty fields” Ꜥ (Pusch 1979:55–6), 1979:55–6), could could reer to the thirty holes o each track rather than the thirty squares or senet .  Moreover, rather than senet ,  the appearance o the game leans more in avor o hounds and jackals.  Te game is resting on lion

 

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Figure 5.2  Game

o hounds and jackals rom Tebes, board: 6.8 × 10.1 × 15.6 cm. Te Metropolitan Museum o Art, Purchase, Edward S. Harkness Gif, 1926, 26.7.1287a–k. Image © Te Metropolitan Museum o Art.

eet turned inwards and eight dots are drawn on the upper surace o the board. bo ard. Senet   games on animal eet are represented in playing scenes but no archaeological evidence is known prior to the game rom the tomb o utankhamun, whereas all the games o hounds and jackals  discovered in a Middle Kingdom unerary context are game tables. Playing pieces represented with senet  are   are usually dome shaped or conical, so the dots on the game in St. Petersburg could correspond to the track o holes. Among the finds illustrative o daily lie during the Middle Kingdom in the town o Lahun is a rough clay board measuring almost 20 cm long l ong and dating dating to the welfh Dynasty (Petrie (Petrie 1890:30, 1890:30, pl. 16) (Petrie Museum, UC16722). UC16722). Also, a wooden board with a drawer is stylistically sty listically assigned to the same s ame period because its track is similar to the earliest examples (Hoerth (Hoerth 1961:63). 1961:63). It is now in the Egyptian Museum (CG (CG 68128) but its provenance is unknown. Te nr  signs   signs indicated next to the twenty-fifh twenty-fifh holes (Petrie (Petrie & Brunton 1924:Pl. 1924:Pl.

 

 Hounds and Jackals Te Game o  Ho

107

XXII,  X XII , 12) are missing on Drioton’s drawing (Drioton (Drioton 1940:Fig. 1940:Fig. 7). Drioton may have omitted this detail as he worked rom a photograph o the board because it was not available or study at the time o his research (Hoerth (Hoerth 1961:63, 1961 :63, note 2). A pair o eyes incised above the central rows may have indicated a starting point, whereas a “butterfly” moti is located at the bottom o the track and pierced. Drioton (1940 ( 1940:190–1) :190–1) suggested a later date or this example because it does not rest on legs and he compares it thereore to the senet  boxes  boxes o the New Kingdom. Afer the Middle Kingdom, Egyptian Egyptian examples are scanty and chronologically disparate. Te increasing importance o senet  in   in unerary rituals during the New Kingdom may explain this phenomenon. Te older practice o senet   would resume during the early New Kingdom (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:361, 2009:361, note 127). Te late examples o hounds and jackals in Egypt belong to a category o ellipsoidal boards, described as violin/fiddle-shaped, violin/fiddle-shaped, with a round appendage added at the top o the board. It has been suggested that this appendix, reerred to as “the labyrinth labyri nth”” by Drioton (1940 ( 1940:193), :193), represents the goal. Te additional holes, varying rom six to eight around a centrally marked hole, would receive the winning pieces at the end o the game. Te connecting lines and the hieroglyphs no longer need to mark the special positions. A wooden plank, cut in the shape o a violin, was brought to the Egyptian Museum by Eugène Grebaut rom his trip to Upper Egypt in 1888 (C (C G 681 68127) 27) (Drioton 1940:193, 1940:193, fig. 9) (fig. (fig. 5.3). 5.3). ItIt resulted rom a purchase purchas e (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:350), 2009 :350), not rom the excavations at Dra Abu el-Naga (DuQuesne ( DuQuesne 2002). 2002). Te special positions are surrounded by incised circles. Te numbering o the holes is not evident because there is no distinction or space between the central rows and the finishing holes. We may deduce the numbering rom the tenth holes that are marked at the bottom o the middle rows. An incision in the center o the board rames holes three to seven. s even. Te ourth ourth holes are placed side by side with the twentieth holes. Tis Tis is atypical as it is the sixth hole that is usually connected to the twentieth. Tis board is morphologically dated to the New Kingdom by comparing it to similar excavated examples outside Egypt. Te next datable evidence o hounds and jackals in Egypt belongs to the wentieth or wenty-First Dynasty. It appears as a ragmentary drawing on the urin Papyrus, also illustrated by two detailed senet  boards  boards and a thirty-one  (Decker & Herb 1994:686–7, 1994:686–7, pl. CCCLXXXV) CCCLXXXV) (see fig. 4.7). Te presence o

 

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Figure 5.3  Violin-shaped Violin-shaped game board, 17.5 × 9.5 cm. Egyptian Museum, Cairo, CG 68127. Photograph by James VanRensselaer.

the round appendix—seven plain holes around a special hole—indicates that the board is o the violin-shaped violin-shaped type. Te ellipsoidal board is inscribed in a rectangular rame. Rosettes Rosettes placed in the corner o the rame may indicate an influence rom the Near Eastern boards, whose special positions are usually marked by rosettes. Te German scholar Seyffarth examined the papyrus in the urin museum in the early nineteenth century, during a time in which knowledge concerning Egyptian games was nascent, so he produced two anciul circular reconstructions with a celestial interpretation o the dots (Seyffarth 1833:Pl 1833:Pl.. II IIII ). When Petrie ound the board in Lahun in the late nineteenth century, he wrote, “no such game is known in Egypt as yet” (Petrie (Petrie 1890:30, 1890:30, pl. 16). In act, a unique piece was already in the Louvre collection since 1827 but was not identified as a game until Petrie and Brunton (1924 (1924:7, :7, pl. X XI XIII , 25) published it with other games a century later (fig. (fig. 5.4). 5.4). Tis object was part o the vast collection o the British consul Henry Salt Sa lt (no. 832) purchased by Jean-François Champollion or the Louvre (N 3043). No urther inormation about its provenance is known. It had been cataloged in the inventory as a aience rogshaped writing case, the larger holes being interpreted as ink-cups ink- cups and the

 

 Hounds and Jackals Te Game o  Ho

 Figure 5.4  Figure

109

Drawing o hippopotamushippopotamus-shaped shaped game board based on an illustration by Christian Décamps and Nathalie Couton-Perche, Musée du Louvre, N 3043.

 

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smaller holes as holders or the brushes (Guichard (Guichard 2013:228). 2013:228). Tis game board stands out rom the others as much or its large size (21.5 cm × 18 cm) as or its zoomorphic shape, that o a hippopotamus not a rog.  rog. Drioton Drioton (1940 (1940:198) :198) dated this object to the wenty-Second wenty-Second Dynasty based bas ed on the style o the rosette moti in the border. Tis dating has been revised to a later date (Pierrat-Bonneois (Pierrat-Bonneois 1998:219). Te turquoise aience (fine and matte) and the colorul glass 1998:219). decoration indicate a date during the Late Period, between the t he wenty-Seventh wenty-Seventh and Tirtieth Dynasties, around the sixth to ourth century .  . During the wenty-Seventh Dynasty, Egypt was under Persian rule. Tis exquisite piece may have been manuactured or the elite close to the Persian satrap who came rom a region where this type o game was still played afer it had declined in Egypt. Te arrangement o identically-sized identically-sized holes on the back o the animal ollows the elliptic track o the violin-shaped violin-shaped boards. Holes six and twenty, which are connected by lines on the early examples, are here placed side by side on the same horizontal bar painted in red. Additional holes on the head o the animal could correspond to the labyrinth. Te open mouth o the hippopotamus is broken so that two extra holes can be imagined to correspond to the nostrils.

Gaming pegs Te ivory board rom Tebes is the only extant set ound with its gaming pieces (fig. (fig. 5.2). 5.2). Many pegs, being made o wood, have perished. Others have probably been ignored or erroneously catalogued as hairpins. Te opposing pieces in the ivory sets rom Tebes were differentiated by their decoration and their size. Five pegs end with the head o a lop-eared lop-eared hound (6 cm to 6.8 cm in height) and five taller pegs end with the head o a jackal with pricked ears (7 cm to 8.5 cm in height). Residues o red pigment indicate that color might have contributed contributed to their distinction. Tanks to the Teban assemblage we know what the pieces look like and isolated finds could be identified rightly as gaming pieces when boards are missing. Some pegs attributed to later periods are evidence o the continuity o the game in Egypt, which is questionable afer the Middle Kingdom (Hayes (Hayes 1959:38, 1959:38, 199–200; Hoerth 2007:65). 2007 :65). Te presence o pegs with a jackal head as well as pegs with diskshaped heads or plain knobs in the North Cemetery at Lisht points to the

 

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existence o the game at this site (Metropolitan Museum o Art, 22.1.721, 15.3.946–50). Such wooden and ivory pins are known in other museum collections (May (May 1992:156–9, 1992:156–9, figs. 153, 155) (Musée du Louvre, N4265 A; British Museum, EA 13594; Museo Egizio di orino, cat. 6934). Te canine animals described as hounds and jackals are sometimes reerred as dogs and oxes, or as two kinds o dogs. do gs. During the Middle Kingdom, dogs are portrayed requently and with a great variety, notably in the Beni Hasan tombs. Te creaturee with upstanding, pointed creatur pointed ears is “requently “requently seen as the sacred animal o the god Anubis” (Hayes (Hayes 1959:250). 1959:250). In any case, the choice o ast-running ast-running animals or playing pieces is appropriate or a race game. A group o six ivory pegs, p egs, five five with the head o a hound and one with a head o a jackal (between 5.4 and 7.9 cm long), was discovered in the tomb o Neerhotep at Dra Abu el-Naga (fig. (fig. 5.5). 5.5). Tis burial previously assigned to the Sixteenth Sixteen th or Sevent Se venteenth eenth Dynasty has been re-examined re-examined and dated to the midTirteenth Dynasty (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:357). 2009:357). Te sticks were originally described as hairpins and associated with a wooden turtle-shaped turtle-shaped “pincushion” having our rows o five and one row o three holes, ound in the same tomb (Bénédite 1911:19, 1911:19, pl. X) (Egyptian Museum, JE 6146–6152, CG 44414). Te unction o the pegs as gaming pieces was later established by Bénédite but the identification o the turtle as a gaming board has been questioned due to the abnormal number and configuration configuration o the holes (Fischer (Fischer 1968:33–4). 1968:33–4). Te turtle, measuring only onl y 5.5 cm long, is considered, rather, rather, as a holder or gaming pieces (DuQuesne (DuQuesne 2002; 2002; Miniaci & Quirke 2009:349–50). 2009:349–50). No parallel or a peg stand is known so another interpretation is conceivable. Amulets o the game  fiy-eight eight holes with an irrelevant number o holes bored into them were o  fiydeposited in tombs in Iran (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012:22–3). 2012:22–3). Te turtle could be a miniature board imitating the game to unction as simulacra or the next world. Its presence in the tomb o Neerhotep may be related to a birth theme like other burial goods deposited there (Miniaci (Miniaci & Quirke 2009:361). 2009:361). Te Drovetti collection in urin holds bronze pieces with jackal or sparrowhawk heads heads and pointed pointed ends (Museo (Museo Egizio Egizio di orino, orino, cat. 6327, 6328). Te urin urin sticks were included in the hounds and jackals section in the exhibition Jo  Jouer uer dan danss l’Antiquité  held  held in Marseille but they measure 32 cm high so they would be rather tall or this game (May (May 1992:156, 1992:156, fig. 154). Tey may have been used as stakes or the game known today as horseshoes (  (Donadoni Donadoni Roveri 1988:247, 1988:247, fig. 350).

 

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Figure  Figure 5.5 

urtle stand or simulacra simulacr a rom Dra Abu el-Naga. Egyptian Museum, Cairo, CG 44414. Drawing by Paul Whelan.

Beni Hasan playing scenes  Mehen  Meh en  and senet   playing scenes are extensively described in ancient Egypt, whereas the depiction o hounds and jackals  is uncertain—apart rom

the drawing on the urin Papyrus—and remains absent rom the game literature. In act, it may have been associated with the double board games scenes at Beni Hasan discussed in Chapter 4, relative to the possible

 

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representation o the  game o twenty  in   in the tombs o the nomarch Baqet III (omb 15) and his son Khety (omb 17). Te scenes painted side by side in both tombs but in a different order are indicated here with letters A, B and C (Newberry 1893:Pls. 1893:Pls. 7, 13) (see fig. fig . 4.4). Scene C, on the lef in omb omb 15 and on the right in omb 17, could represent the th e same or a similar si milar game. Tese scenes, s cenes, which are situated in the lower part o the decorated walls, are ragmentary. Tey have been reconstructed differently by Rosellini (1834 (1834:Pl. :Pl. CIII,C), CIII,C), Wilkinson (1853 (1853:194, :194, fig. 211, right) and Newberry (1893 ( 1893:Pls. :Pls. 7, 13), because by the time Newberry recorded these tombs in 1890, the paintings had been damaged. Rosellini, who visited the site in 1828, published a drawing without indicating its provenance that is probably more complete than Newberry’s  version o omb 17 (fig. 5.6). 5.6). Te drawing shows two players engaged around a large bowl sitting on the floor with a zoomorphic table above. Te table imitates a long-snouted long-snouted animal unless the orientation o the legs implies that the appendix represents the tail. Te five sticks mounted on the table are missing on Newberry’s plate (see fig. 4.4, scene C). Tis scene

Figure 5.6 

scene in(1834 B eni:Pl. Beni Hasan, prC). obably rom omb omb 17. Drawing reproduced Playing rom Rosellini (1834:Pl . CI CIII II,,probably

 

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could be a representation o hounds and jackals,  which would perectly fit a Middle Kingdom context o playing scenes. wo examples o game tables with animal eet or the game o hounds and jackals  rom Tebes were described above, whereas the number o sticks could reer to one set o playing pegs. Te bowl may have been used by the players in which to throw the equivalent o dice and can be compared to the cut boulders used as a rolling device discovered at Megiddo in the southern Levant (Guillaume ( Guillaume 2013:1111–12). 2013 :1111–12). Scene C in omb 15 shows our sticks mounted on a base—the lower part o this element eleme nt is missing—between missing—betw een two players. Te caption above is rendered imby .  Decker and Herb (1994 (1994:631, :631, pl. CCCLII, CCCLII, P.8.3) include this scene in their group o guessing/counting games whereas Vandier (1964 (1964:511–12, :511–12, fig. 280, right) records it in an undetermined category. A similar scene with two players, a bowl and our sticks on some sort o zoomorphic base— resembling a hippopotamus with an open mouth—has been published by Wilkinson with games o guessing/counting (Wilkinson (Wilkinson 1853:194, 1853:194, fig. 211, right). No indication about the tomb is given but Wilkinson sketched this scene next to a type B scene so it could well correspond to the scenes in omb 15 (M (M S . Wilkinson dep. a. 21, ol. 292, Bodleian Library, Oxord). Te pegs in Wilkinson’s drawing have flat horizontal heads possibly imitating the jackal’s long muzzle. Te caption is rendered iꜢ Ꜣ  bi  bi with a possible playing piece determinative. Elements rom different scenes may have been mixed in the reconstruction. Future campaigns in situ might help understand what was originally described. desc ribed.

Te game outside o Egypt Eg ypt Te military, diplomatic and commercial relations that connected Egypt and its neighbors acilitated the spread o board games. Te game o hounds and  jackals  jacka ls  crossed more borders than any other Egyptian game. It traveled to Nubia and had a wide diffusion in Western Asia as ar as Anatolia northward, and Iran eastward. In the Middle Kingdom, Lower Nubia was conquered by the Egyptians, who built a chain o ortresses along the Nile to guard their rontiers. During

 

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the welfh Dynasty, under Senusret I a huge ortress was built at Buhen and restored by Senusret III. III. Buhen was not only a military stronghold, but also a trading and dispatch post o economic importance. Egyptian soldiers lived and played here. Clay ragments o gaming boards are attested rom Buhen but unortunately unortuna tely not rom  rom stratigraphically stratigraphically sealed s ealed contexts (Emery (Emery 1979:145–6). 1979:145–6). Tey were ound in the debris o the east inner ramparts, and at the south inner ditch between owers 1 and 2. Middle Kingdom and New Kingdom pottery and objects objec ts were ound in the th e debris rom  rom the town site so it is difficult to ascertain a date other than stylistically. stylistically. One ragment (932) is similar to the rough clay version rom Lahun so it probably dates to the Middle Kingdom. wo other ragments (I9 and J9), which may belong to the same board, probably date date to the New Kingdom as they the y recall the violinviolin-shaped shaped board with an appendix (Petrie Museum, Museum, UC21182 UC 21182 and Sudan National Museum,14140). No playing pieces were recorded at Buhen but finds rom Serra East, Amara West and el-Kurru give an idea o the pieces used in Nubia. An undated bone peg carved with a dog or jackal head was retrieved at Serra East (Oriental Institute Museum, E 19794). Recent British Museum excavations in the cemetery o the New Kingdom town o Amara West brought to light twelve ivory sticks in grave 244 (F9835) (Vandenbeusch (Vandenbeusch & Salvador 2014). 2014). Te sticks are o two distinct lengths, i.e., seven shorter (about 11 cm) and five taller ones (about 14 cm). Te tops o the sticks are decorated with red painted patterns. Six o them have a horizon horizontal tal band and a vertical band while our o them have a zigzag moti. Finally, the continuity o the game in Nubia during the first millennium  is deduced rom an ivory set o opposing pegs rom the site o el-Kurru. Tree pegs carved with the heads o hounds and three with the heads el-Kurru. o horses were discovered in omb Ku.72 dated to about 698–690  (Dunham 1950:81, 1950:81, fig. 28; 102, fig. 35h, pls. 35D–E, 36D) (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 24.1037a–). Although examples with additional posts have a total o holes exceeding sixty, the appellation fiy fiy-eight eight holes is preerred when talking about the Near East because no pegs with hounds and jackals were ound at Near Eastern sites. Te game was transmitted to the Near East during the beginning o the second millennium . . It is attested during the nineteenth to eighteenth centuries  in Anatolia. At this time the Old Assyrian merchant colonies were active and traders rom the northern Mesopotamian city o Ashur were established at

 

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a number o central Anatolian cities. It suggests that Anatolians learned this game rom the Assyrian merchants responsible or the introduction o writing and cylinder-seals cylinder-seals in Anatolia. Central Anatolia was part o a vast trading network that took place in the Eastern Eas tern Mediterranean in the second millennium ,, so the game also could have been passed to that region without the  Mesopotamians playing a role. A trade route connected Cappadocia and Egypt overland and, when maritime connections were avorable, by sea via ports o Ugarit, ell Sukas, Byblos, Ashkelon and ancient Gaza, among others (Collon ( Collon 2008:99). 2008 :99). Te Middle Bronze Age is a time during which, not only at Byblos but also urther north at Syrian Ebla, we find an imposing Egyptian artistic presence but no evidence o the game is attested at these sites. Only one clay board, said to be rom yre in Lebanon, is attributed to this period, dating to about 2000– 1500  (Museum o Fine Arts, Boston, 1996.62). Middle Kingdom imports and examples o Egyptian influence are known rom sites in central Anatolia. Te growth o the Anatolian corpus since the 1960s raises the question o the dispersal o the game. Seven examples examples o games o fiy fiy-eight eight holes are recorded rom this region. wo complete boards were ound in merchant houses at Kültepe, ancient Kanesh, our ragmentary gaming boards—one in Egyptian blue—in a palace at Acemhoyük as well as one ragment at Karahoyük (Dunn( DunnVaturi 2012e). 2012e). Te oldest example, rom level II (c.  1919–1840 ) ) at ancient Kanesh, shows linkages between unusual holes whereas the special holes on the other boards, dated to the eighteenth century , , are distinguished by their size and/or inlays. No evidence was ound in the home city Ashur where the levels corresponding to the Assyrian colonies in Cappadocia were barely brought to light. In the end, the Mesopotamians may not be responsible or the diffusion o the game in Anatolia.  fiy-eight eight holes have been circulating in the rest o the Near East Games o fiyduring the beginning o second millennium  but the dating o early examples rom  rom Mesopotamia and Iran is difficult. Boards Bo ards attributed to this period lack clear archaeological contexts. Further discoveries may help to better understand how these games spread in the Near East. Five Five ragmentary stone gaming boards and astragals have been discovered in the deposit o the temple o Inshushinak, a group o objects ound in the temple precinct o the city god o Susa (fig. (fig. 5.7). 5.7). Tis deposit, buried at the end o the Middle Elamite period, in the late twelfh century , , gathers objects rom different periods.

 

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Figure 5.7 

Boards rom the deposit o the temple o Inshushinak, Susa, max. 10.5 × 10.5 × 1.5 cm. Musée du Louvre, Sb 2911, Sb 10190, Sb 10189 (top row, lef to right), Sb 2912 (bottom row, first two on lef), Sb 10191 (bottom row, right). Drawings reproduced rom Mecquenem (1905 (1905:: Figs. 345–50).

Te boards have been assigned to the early second millennium  afer an unprovenanced game with a carved scene stylistically attributed to the Old Babylonian period, around the mid-nineteen mid-nineteenth th century  (Ellis & Buchanan 1966:199) (Yale 1966:199) (Yale Babylonian collection, Y B C 2439). One o the Susa boards, Sb 2911, has preserved a contrasting inter-hole inter-hole link that physically shows that pieces could cross rom side to side, involving interaction between the players. Tis element is also repeated on later Iranian Iranian boards dating to the beginning o the Iron Age, at the turn o the second to the first millennium  (Musée du Louvre, AO 19438; British Museum, 1991,0720.1 and 2003,1201.1). During the New Kingdom, the Egyptian empire embraced Nubia and parts o the southern Levant, and these regions shared the same type o violinshaped board, also reerred to as Palestinian-type Palestinian- type boards (Hoerth (Hoerth 2007:65). 2007:65). Te elaborate boards ound in the Ivory Hoard o the palace at Megiddo are the most amous (Loud (Loud 1939:9–10, 1939:9–10, 19, pls. 47–50). Special holes are indicated

 

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by a rosette as well as blue paste and gold inlays. Other boards were ound in the southern Levant, at Gezer (Macalister (Macalister 1912:416, 1912:416, fig. 501), ell Jemmeh, previously identified with ancient Gerar (Petrie (Petrie 1928:18, 1928:18, pl. 39, 22) and Beth Shean (Oren (Oren 1973:Figs. 1973:Figs. 41, 37 and 45, 23). Tey are dated rom the fifeenth to the twelfh centuries . . As stated earlier, no pegs with hounds and jackals were discovered in the Near East but new interpretations o Mesopotamian texts suggest that such zoomorphicc playing pieces zoomorphi piec es existed. Vermaak Vermaak (2011 (2011:124) :124) connects the Sumerian words gishellag  ellag and gishillar,  illar, generally translated transl ated “wooden throw stick, st ick,” to a game board. Vermaak’s new translation is based on a Sumerian proverb “a ox/jackal walked around the game board” (SP (SP 8 Sec B 34). In other proverbs, dogs and oxes are defined as opposites and could reflect the gaming pieces carved in the shape o two distinct animals. Tese Sumerian proverbs fit well in the contextt o our game. Most o the proverbs date rom the first hal o the second contex millennium , , a time when the game o hounds and jackals  travels out o Egypt. Eg ypt. apered pegs with notched heads possibly p ossibly imitating the pointed ears o the  jackals were used at Megiddo (Palestine Archaeological Museum, 38797; Oriental Institute Museum, A22316, A 22364, A 22367). Erdös (1986 1986:83) :83) might reer to these when she mentions ivory pins with a dog or jackal head rom Megiddo. Some pins identified as hairpins in the archaeological literature may in act be game pegs, like those ound in Neerhotep’s tomb discussed above. It has been suggested that ivory and metal pins with animals at the top ound at Kültepe/Kanesh in central Anatolia were used to play (Michel (Michel 2008:359). 2008:359). Finally, monkey-headed monkey-headed pins ound in the deposit o the temple o Inshushinak at Susa may have been used with the ragmentary  ragmentary boards rom the same hoard (Dunn-Vaturi 2000:109–10). 2000:109–10). Examination o traces o use at the end o pins may help identiy their real unction.

Reconstructed rules A description o the rules has not survived, but several attempts have been made to reconstruct them (Carnarvon (Carnarvon & Carter 1912:58–9; 1912:58–9; Petrie & Brunton 1924:7; 1924 :7; Murray 1951:15–16; 1951:15–16; Bell 1979:21; 1979:21; Hoerth 2007:66–8). 2007:66–8). Archaeologists

 

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and experts on the history o games unanimously interpreted it as a race game in consideration o the arrangement o the board, despite the absence o casting implements directly associated with any board in Egypt. Disks with one side marked, accompanying boards at Megiddo in the southern Levant and Nippur in Mesopotamia, are presumably counting devices (Hoerth 2007:64). 2007:64). Astragali were ound in the same contexts as boards at Susa and epe Sialk in Iran and their use with the Teban ivory board has been suggested, but in Egypt they are better attested rom the Seventeenth Dynasty and later so we are not sure how Egyptians were induced to move their pegs along the board. Carter’s reconstruction shown in fig. 5.8 is the most likely route o play because the middle rows o holes are separated rom the central position at the top that clearly stands out as the goal. One side o the board is attributed

Figure 5.8 

o&the numbering sequence reproduced Reconstruction rom Carnarvono Carter (1912:57, (1912 :57, fig. 14).o the holes. Drawing

 

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to each player. Te players competed by moving their pieces down the center o the board, o either ten or eleven holes, around the outer edge, o nineteen holes, and up to the thirtieth and ending position. A separation between the two tracks is indicated on some boards so it is suggested that no interaction was happening between the opposing pieces. Connecting lines incised on some Near Eastern boards show that, at least in this region, pieces did come into conflict. Each player had five pegs according to the number o pieces ound with the Teban board. Carter’s rule about each opponent having only one piece at a time on the board may not be valid. I players have more than one piece on the board at a time, a piece may simply not be moved to an occupied space. Other aspects remain unknowable, such as how a piece enters the board and how its final move to the goal was determined i the result o the dice was higher than the spaces to be traversed. Some boards bear additional holes that are considered as starting posts. Te progress o the race was affected by inter-hole inter-hole links and hieroglyphs. wo pairs o holes (six and twenty, eight and ten) are linked by lines. Te links could be shortcuts or penalties, like in the modern game snakes and ladders , with a playing piece sent orward or backwards. From ten onwards, every fifh hole is emphasized. It is assumed that nr ,  marked on two positions, i.e., fifeen and twenty-five, twenty-five, was beneficial to players that landed on them, similar to square twenty-six twenty-six on senet  boards.   boards. Te goal is a larger hole clearly surrounded on the example rom Tebes by the hieroglyph šn,  “eternity,” that may have meant “end o the track.” Tis ultimate destination counts as space number thirty, an important number in ancient Egypt. Te player who reached this sign won the game and possibly succeeded in his quest or immortality.

Symbolism Symbolis m o the game Playing accessories, as well as objects imitating games, are linked to the deceased’s journey to the aferlie and the game o hounds and jackals ofen ound in unerary contexts seem to be no exception. Te jackal deity, Anubis, whose imagery was part o the gaming pegs, was symbolically responsible or mummification and protection o the dead through the netherworld. His

 

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connection to games used as unerary devices is relevant and may also be illustrated by the throwing sticks decorated by a canine head and the action they command (DuQuesne (DuQuesne 2002; 2002; or passage about jackals in the Great Game ext, see Chapter 1). Te development o the game board into an anthropoid ormat occurs in the course o the second millennium  (V (Vermaak 2011 2011:118). :118). Te connection between the game and a human representation representation with the addition additionss o anato anatomical mical details, such as eyes, was made relatively early i we consider the Cairo board C G 68128 to be rom the Middle Kingdom. Anatomical vocabulary is used to describe the head and the eet o the boards rom Susa (Ellis (Ellis & Buchanan 1966:195). 1966 :195). Te Gezer board initially identified as a “degenerated Ashtoreth plaque” by the excavator (Macalister (Macalister 1912:416, 1912:416, fig. 501) may have reinorced the anthropomorphic and religious implications or the boards with a round projection. Te anthropomorphism anthropomorphism o the board supports the idea o rebirth, essential essential in ancient unerary rituals. Erdös (1986 (1986:118–19) :118–19) suggests that the insertion o pegs into the sequence o holes would allow the deceased to be reborn. Anubis pegs could perorm the necessary necessar y ritual on the board, which would symbolize the deceased’s body. Schuster and Carpenter (1996 (1996:665) :665) also include the game o hounds and jackals  in the “Rebirth Gaming board” category and make comparisons with a traditional Indian game, an antecessor o snakes and ladders,  which unctions like a genealogical chart, a path to be ollowed into the aferworld. Furthermore, Schuster and Carpenter (1996 (1996:671–5) :671–5) compare the shield-shaped shield-shaped boards to a drawing made by the Malekulans o Vanuatu, located in the otherwise unconnected region o Melanesia in Oceania, to achieve reunion with one’s ancestry by connection with joint-marks: joint-marks: “Te Malekulan artist first punched a ramework o dots in the sand, then drew an unbroken, never-ending never-ending line around these dots to orm a figure identified as, simultaneously, Human Ancestor and Cosmic urtle.” Te special holes o our game would correspond to joint-marks. joint-marks. welve marks—a complete set with shoulders, elbows, wrists, hips, knees and ankles—are observed on certain boards. It is interesting to note that the ellipsoidal board with an appendix has been interpreted as a human orm, but has also been compared to a turtle (DuQuesne 2002) 2002) whereas the stand or votive game in Neerhotep’s tomb adopts the shape o a reptile.

 

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Tee wooden turtle rom Dra Abu el-Naga as well as the miniature game  T table rom Deir el-Bahari are votive artiacts deposited in the tomb or the next  fiy-eight eight holes  with an irrelevant world. Amulets imitating the game o  fiynumber o holes bored into them were ound among burial offerings at epe Sialk and Dinkha epe, in Iran (Dunn-Vaturi (Dunn-Vaturi 2012:22–3). 2012:22–3). At Susa, games had an important place in the oundation deposit o the temple o Inshushinak. Five broken boards, some double-sided double-sided with the game o twenty  or   or a  game o thirty   squares, astragali and possible pegs were dedicated to the god Inshushinak, the Lord o the city o Susa, who had among other attributes, that o the judge responsible or the last judgment judgmentss o the deceased. Te recreational unction o games is a subject o debate, especially in the absence o casting devices and textual evidence. Some board games offer astronomical and astrological reerences. Te sequences o twenty-nine twenty-nine or thirty holes equivalent to the number o days in a lunar month have been considered consider ed as a device to record the phases o the moon (Novacek ( Novacek 2011:50). 2011:50). It has also been b een suggested recently that the fify-nine-hole fify-nine-hole board was a calendrical tool or lunar-solar lunar-solar synchronism, like the Greek calendar with holes that would develop into a Coptic version (García (García Martínez 2014). 2014).

Te Coptic board game A board with peg holes, attested by five examples, is designated as the Coptic board game (Decker (Decker & Herb 1994:687–8, 1994:687–8, pl. CCCLXXXVII). CCCLXXXVII). wo game boxes, measuring 18.1 cm and 19.5 cm long, are made o wood and ivory plaques (Musée du Louvre, E 11717, E 21047). Tree smaller examples, between 11.5 cm and 13.2 cm long, are carved out o solid bone (Egyptian Museum, JE 78126; Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels, E 2667; Swiss Museum o Games, 2282) (fig. (fig. 5.9). 5.9). Drioton (1940 (1940)) insisted on shared characteristics with the game o hounds and jackals and drew up the inventory o the pieces known at that time. Te game boxes have a step-type step- type structure divided in three parts. Te lower landing is the longest one; it has two groups o twenty holes. Te intermediate landing has ten holes on the outside and a varying number o positions in the center. Tis part is described as a labyrinth and compared to the projection o the violin-shaped violin-shaped boards (Drioton (Drioton 1940:185, 1940:185, 192–3). Te

 

 Hounds and Jackals Te Game o  Ho

Figure 5.9 

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Coptic board game, 12.4 × 2.9 × 3.1 cm. Swiss Museum Museum o Games, 2282.

upper part is the smallest one. Tere is a central hole, considered the goal, surrounded by other holes. Some perorations, not ully ormed, served as decorations. Drioton (1940 (1940:184–6) :184–6) reconstructed a track o twenty-nine twenty-nine holes—ten downward and nineteen upward—or each player plus the goal, go al, and suggested calling it the game o the thirty points.  Despite the similarity o their structure, nothing can relate this game to a late version o hounds and jackals  (May 1992:164; 1992:164; Finkel 2008:154). 2008:154). Te playing pieces were stored in a drawer or a hollow in the reverse o the board but none have an archaeological context so it cannot be known what a complete assemblage would be. Bone pegs associated asso ciated with the game are decorated with human heads or with moldings and knobs (Drioton 1940:180–1, 1940:180–1, 183, fig. 2, pl. II). II). Rounded disks made o bone with two different types o markings were probably used as dice (Drioton (Drioton 1940:181, 1940:181, 183). Only one such game, previously in the Guimet museum and now in the Louvre (E 21047), has a documented provenance and illustrates the continued presence o games in a unerary context. It was discovered in 1901 by Albert Gayet at Antinoë in a emale burial attributed to St Taïs by Gayet who identified the pierced box as a prayer marker (Gayet (Gayet 1902:47–8, 1902:47–8, 51). Te burial was dated to the ourth century  (May (May 1992:164) 1992:164) or sixth century  (Drioton 1940:186) 1940:186) but is now considered to date to the second part o the seventh century  afer C14 analysis o textile and human remains (Calament (Calament

 

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& Durand 2013:330). 2013:330). Te other step-type step-type boards are attributed to the Byzantine period in general.  fiy-eight eight holes,  have been Boards or the game o hounds and jackals,  or  fiyound in elaborate and humble versions, in materials ranging rom gold-inlaid gold- inlaid ivory to wood and clay, clay, suggesting that the game was played by members o all classes. Te present study shows that problems o identification o the gaming equipmentt should be addressed not only archaeologically (ragments o boards equipmen with consistent arrangement o special holes, pegs versus pins, associated randomizing implements) but also visually and epigraphically, such as recent attempts at identiying the game in Sumerian proverbs.

 

6

Roman Games Crossing theBoard Borders o Egypt o Tee Ptolemaic period began with Ptolemy  T Ptolemy I Soter in 305   ,, some years afer the death o Alexander the Great in 323 .  . It was ollowed by the Roman conquest o Egypt in 30  when Egypt became a province o the Roman Empire. Empir e. During the Ptolemaic period there was a strong Hellenistic influence throughoutt Egyptian material culture that may be reflected in board throughou b oard games o the times but other than dice with Greek lettering (Pedrizet (Pedrizet 1931), 1931), there is no physical evidence or Greek gaming practices. Te ensuing Roman conquest may have introduced introduced games played by Roman soldiers who w ho were based in the country and evidence or such games is still increasing. Some game practices are likely to have continued until at least the Arab conquest in the seventh century  even though datable finds in Egypt have been limited to account or the period afer the ourth century. Although one board game o Greek origin is discussed below, it is the gaming practices o the Romans that are ound in the archaeological record thus ar and that are discussed here in some s ome detail. Te climate o Egypt played an important role in the preservation o game boards, playing pieces and dice; even i Egyptians played only a marginal role in the distribution o Roman board games, with the possible exception o providing a link to present-day present-day Sudan, the examples rom the Egyptian archaeological record are numerous. Preserved Roman game boards remain rare even in Egypt and Roman games have mostly been ound carved in pavements and buildings. Te presence o these latter so-cal so-called led graffi g raffiti games ga mes in Egypt has conused archaeologists working on different time periods. Games ound on monuments or next to other games have been requently but erroneously associated with the period and the people associated with the 125

 

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building. Tis problem, which was touched upon in previous chapters as well, has also given several board games an Egyptian origin while the carvings may have occurred centuries afer the building’s erection. Despite the presence o Roman games on several archaeological sites in Egypt, most o this material has remained unpublished. A study by Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) as well as the work by Brun (2003 ( 2003,, 2011) 2011) and Matelly (2003 2003)) are important exceptions to materials ound in ortresses in the eastern desert o Egypt. Eg ypt. Te year 2003 also als o provided a publication pub lication o all the th e graffiti, including games, ound on the roo o the temple o Khonsu in Karnak, Luxor, by Jacquet-Gordon. Most other publications reer to games ound elsewhere in the Roman Empire or on sites in Sudan. Tey also include earlier studies o the Latin and Greek sources that provide the necessary background on game rules and game names. With the help o the photo archive o the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project in Egypt conducted by Maria Nilsson and John Ward, it was possible to confirm the presence o Roman game boards in a series o sites. Te dimensions o these boards have not yet been recorded and their presence on each o these sites still needs urther analysis. Te study o game boards ound at Silsila, Egypt and the games ound at Sedeinga, Sudan, are part o current research projects by Alex de Voogt together with Maria Nilsson and Vincent Francigny, respectively. Tis is, thereore, a preliminary overview o Roman gaming practices in Egypt Eg ypt and serves ser ves as a reer reerence ence or ongoing and uture research on Roman games in this region.

Te sources Both Greek and Roman game boards are occasionally ound as grave goods but more requently as carved outlines on rock aces, temple roofops and pavements. Tis complicates the possible association o a game board with playing pieces and dice. Dice may be ound in tombs or as surace finds unassociated with boards, and typically cannot be linked with game boards carved in public spaces. Casting devices including cubic dice, throwing sticks and astragali are associated with most board games o antiquity but may also have been part o dice games not requiring a board. Which Greek or Roman

 

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Ephesos Aphrodisias

  Palmyra

Alexandria Giza

Cairo

Petra

Fayum Oasis

Egypt 

Beni Hasan

Abu Sha’ar Dendera Qusur al-Banat/Krok al-Banat/Krokodilo odilo Medamoud Dawwi Karnak  Didymoi Luxor Kharga Oasis Edfu el-Kab Silsila Kom Ombo

Qasr Ibrim

Nubia Sedeinga

Qustul Sai Island

Musawwarat el-Sufra F Figure   igure 6.1 

Map o sites mentioned in Chapters 6 and 7.

 

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dice games were then popular in ancient Egypt remains unclear. Cubic and twenty-sided twentysided dice with Greek lettering have been attested in Egypt but their particular partic ular use us e is unknown. unk nown. Instead the graffi ti game boards b oards can tell us only on ly about which Roman board games were played in Egypt as Greek game boards are still absent rom the archaeological record. From the literary and iconographic sources, our board games have been given most o the attention. For instance, Rieche (1986 ( 1986)) mentions ludus latrunculorum  (henceorth latrunculi),  ), duodecim scripta as well as threethree-men’smen’smorris also known as the Roman mill  or  or merels game (henceorth merels), ), or which the Latin name is unknown. Her Her work already suggests that the written and art historical sources do not necessarily describe all Roman board games ound in the archaeological record. Lamer (1927 (1927)) and, more importantly, Schädler (1998 (1998)) added the Greek game o  five lines  to this list. Schädler analyzed the Roman and possible Byzantine orms orms that are as ubiquito ubiquitous us as the other Roman games. It is not possible to claim that this list is complete, moreover,, as Schädler (1998 moreover ( 1998)) already pointed p ointed out, some game boards b oards may have been used or multiple games and some games may have been played on different configurations o boards. Te discussion o the material is only a starting point rather than a definitive statement statement on these board games in Egypt. Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) attested mancala , merels  (although with only one unclear example), several duodecim scripta boards as well as multiple partial and complet c ompletee latrunculi boards. Tis provides a convincing context or Roman games, except that mancala should probably be reinterpreted as the game o five lines lines.  Jacquet-Gordon (2003 (2003:17, :17, 18, 21) in her work on the temple roo in Karnak mentions a ew unfinished seeja boards (see Chapter 7) that in some cases can also be interpreted as unfinished examples o  five lines.  Since no other known Roman game boards were attested, it leaves these circular depressions open to explanations unrelated to Roman gaming practices. In the eastern desert, more specifically in the ortresses o Dawwi and Didymoi, ragments o latrunculi and duodecim scripta are attested mostly rom datable strata going back to the second century  (Brun (Brun 2003, 2003, 2011). 2011). From the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project, the temple o Kom Ombo, built in the Ptolemaic period, shows multiple examples o merels  and duodecim scripta  as well as latrunculi  and a game o  five lines.  Again this provides a clear example o Romans playing multiple games in the province Aegyptus. An agglomeration

 

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o different games or games context (see fig. 6.2) 6.2) acilitates the interpretation o the time period p eriod and the players i they the y are all acknowledged Roman games. Unortunately, configurations that cannot yet be interpreted, as well as Arab or Ottoman games discussed in the next chapter, complicate such efforts. In the Greco-Roman period the types o board games ound in antiquity are beginning to multiply in the archaeological record. Games popular in Pharaonic Egypt are joined by Roman games and may have coexisted with them. Setting precise preci se dates or Roman graffi g raffiti games is usually impossib impossible le (see Lamer 1927:2010 1927:2010 or a possible exception). Although only a relative date or these graffiti games can be b e ascertaine asc ertained, d, some excavated boards b oards have been dated and, unlike the Pharaonic examples, the rules o play are better understood. Te sources that hint at games’ rules are ound in literary texts in both Greek and Latin. Te Latin sources mention books written by Suetonius on Greek children’s games and by Emperor Claudius on board and dice games (Lamer 1927). 1927). While the works have not been preserved, reerences to them in later texts as well as poetic allusions and dictionary entries in both Greek and Latin allow some knowledge to be gleaned about the rules o play. play. Apart rom allusions to game rules, the written and iconographic sources also provide inormation about the presence o dice with a game board, the contexts o game play and their role in society. Tis inormation on Roman play culture may be identical in the Egyptian context. However, Roman games as well as Ottoman and Arab games, as discussed in the ollowing chapter, are ofen associated with soldiers. Tis limits the players’ group and may affect the common play contexts in Egypt. Descriptions o men and women playing Amatoria (or a discussion, see board games together as ound in Ovid’s  Ars Amatoria Rieche 1986:42, 1986:42, 44) may not apply to Egypt. Despite the richer contextual inormation inorma tion provided by the Roman sources, itit is this societal part that is most likely different in Egypt. On the other hand, the game rules and board designs are not likely to be affected as studies o other board games in antiquity have already shown in detail (de (de Voogt Voogt et al. 2013). 2013 ). Apart rom the occasional game board or dice that can be dated as part o an excavation, the monuments on which Roman games were incised provide a terminus post quem  or the game and are not necessarily o the same time period. Te ability to identiy i dentiy a pattern as Greek, Roman, Arab and/or and/ or Ottoman, as explained in this and the ollowing chapter, is essential or identiying the

 

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Figure 6.2  Example o a Roman games context at Palmyra, Palmyra, Syria: merels , five lines lines 

and the outline o duodecim scripta (  (de de Voogt Voogt 2010 2010:1060). :1060).

correct time period to which these games belong rather than the other way around. Buildings rarely r arely provide a useu useull date or the graffi gr affiti games ound upon their stone.

Te game o five lines or πέντε γραμμαί   Schädler (1998 (1998)) was the first to link the different appearances o two rows o five playing fields in Greco-Roman contexts. Tese two rows may consist o lines, holes, squares or a combination thereo. When the configuration consists o rows o holes or sets o squares they can be classified as the Roman version o the Greek game o five lines (  (Schädler Schädler 2008, 2008, 2013c:65). 2013c:65). Tis shape has been attested in multiple contexts throughout the Roman Empire and ofen in the context o other Roman games. Despite Schädler’s observation, this configuration also continues to be interpreted as mancala,  in most cases a problematic assumption that is discussed in more detail in the ollowing chapter. Te game has been discussed comprehensively in several sources either using its Greek name πέντε γραμμαί   or the English equivalent  five lines .

 

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Although it is originally a Greek game it seems closely connected with the Roman Empire as well and its introduction to Egypt can, at this stage, not be disentangled rom the Roman games. As Schädler (1998 (1998:16) :16) mentions, the existing literary and archaeological evidence gives a good picture o the game. Te game was probably part o Suetonius’s book on Greek dice games, to which some reerences exist. Te literary reerences have been discussed at length (e.g., Lamer 1927). 1927 ). It is said that both players o this game owned five lines and between these was the sacred line. Te player who first managed to place his pieces on the sacred line was the winner. According to Schädler (1998 (1998,, 2008, 2008, 2013c) 2013c) two players played either on five or eleven lines or on separate groups o five lines. Te earliest reerence dates to the sixth century  and is attributed to the Greek poet Alkaios or Alcaeus who speaks about the rules (Schädler (Schädler 2008:174). 2008:174). For that same period Schädler (2008 (2008:175) :175) also mentions a terracotta model o a gaming table rom Attica Attica that th at approximates the game. Te game rules and other artistic art istic representations suggest the use o one cubic die, possibly two. Te consistent design o two rows o exactly five cells in Roman Asia Minor made the possibility o five lines more plausible than that that o a very early orm o mancala . Te same situation exists in Egypt. Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003:605–8) :605–8) identified a number o configuratio configurations ns o two rows o five as mancala games at Abu Sha’ar. Te context alongside other Roman games strongly strongly suggests that here also the game o five lines lines was intended. Other than that a configuration o holes resembles a modern mancala game, there is neither any evidence nor a necessity to identiy them as representations o mancala as it is only rows o five or ewer fields that have been attested in Abu Sha’ar. Sha’ar. wo rows o holes that have been scratched s cratched in rock suraces sur aces and monuments lines and mancala  are easily conused with so-called so-called mancala games. Both five lines games were ound in Palmyra, or instance, where rows o five holes were used by Romans and rows that were longer than five holes were used by Arabs or, more likely, Ottomans (de (de Voogt Voogt 2010 2010).). Te latter may even have expanded the Roman carvings to accommodate acc ommodate their own game. Schädler (1998 (1998)) goes as ar as to suggest that mancala  may have succeeded  five lines  in late antiquity, possibly beore the arrival o the Arabs in the seventh century. Te evidence known rom Egypt does not support this suggestion as the arrival o mancala 

 

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 Figure 6.3  Five lines at the Luxor temple (top) and at Qasr al Ghweita (bottom), Figure which is located south o the Kharga Oasis, based on photographs photographs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.

 

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is so ar connected only with the presence o the Ottomans and not the Christian and later Arab influences in the region. Te Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project photographed a ew examples o two rows o five depressions, one at the Luxor temple and one at Qasr al Ghweita, which is located about 18 km south o the town o Kharga (fig. (fig. 6.3). 6.3). Elsewhere in the Kharga Oasis, some designs suggest a similar game but, unortunately, the site does not provide much o a context or Roman games apart rom one merels game design with two diagonal lines.

Duodecim scripta or ludus duodecim scriptorum  Despite the predominance o incised games, Egypt, or more precisely, the Egyptian border with Sudan, is home to one o the best-preserved best- preserved wooden examples o the Roman game duodecim scripta.  Tis particular board was ound in a grave at Qustul dating to the period afer the ourth century  (Emery (Emery & Kirwan 1938:345). 1938:345). It shows three rows o squares arranged in the same manner as the many examples o this game recorded throughout the rest o the Roman Empire (fig. (fig. 6.4). 6.4). Te wooden example rom the Qustul grave, ound in near perect condition in Sudan, illustrates that a tradition o wooden boards may have escaped the archaeological record in most o the Empire. Te game o duodecim scripta or the  game o twelve signs is considered a precursor o the modern game o backgammon  with which, according to Austin (1934 (1934)) and Schädler (1995 (1995),), it shares a number o characteristics. First, it consists o rows o twelve fields, visibly visibly separated in the middle making two sections o six, and is played by two players using two cubic dice. A later  version, called alea  or dice,  was played with three instead o two dice, on a similar board using fifeen pieces or each player. Games tables rom the fifh and sixth centuries  rom Aphrodisias and Ephesos, but also the example rom Qustul, confirm the survival o this game into the centuries up until the Arab conquest. Te most common representation o duodecim scripta in the archaeological record is a carving into a marble slab where the game is ormed by rows o letters, each letter indicating a playing field. Tese ranges o letters look rather

 

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Figure 6.4  op: Drawing Drawing o the wooden duodecim scripta board rom Qustul,

77.5 × 37 cm (afer Emery & Kirwan 1938:pl. 1938:pl. 87). Bottom: Drawing o a partially scripta preserved stoneaduodecim  board rom recorded (afer photograph by J.-P. Brun 2003Dawwi 2003:184). :184). or which no dimensions were

different and Lamer (1927 (1927:2010) :2010) and Merkelbach (1978 (1978),), among others, did not believe this game to be duodecim scripta,  but a different thirty-six-fields thirty-six-fields game or a latrunculi board. Since the work o Austin (1934 ( 1934,, 1935) 1935) this is, or should no longer be, in contention. Te letter combinations make so-called so- called hexagrams, ofen witty comments categorized by Austin (1934 (1934:32, :32, note 1) as “(a)  maxims or players, (b)  jeers . . ., (c)  reerences to the circus, eating and other pleasures.” Tere are examples using a Greek text (Lamer ( Lamer 1927:2010; 1927:2010; Merkelbach 1978) 1978) but the remainder seems to be b e exclusively in Latin or which

 

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the hexagram was popular. Te ollowing example was ound on a board in rier, Germany (Austin (Austin 1934:31): 1934:31): VIRUS IMPERI HOSES VINCI LUDAN ROMANI

In English this hexameter could take the ollowing orm (tr. Alex de Voogt): EMPIRE L AUDED RIVALS RIV ALS BEAEN ROMANS ROMA NS A PLAY

Egyptian locations have so ar not rendered any duodecim scripta boards o this kind. Te boards attested in Abu Sha’ar, Dawwi and Kom Ombo have small depressions, a eature that is sometimes ound in addition to the lettering or instead o circles, squares, vertical bars, leaves, crosses and crescents cres cents (Murray (Murray 1951:30). 1951 :30). Te three boards at Abu Sha’ar date to the third and no later than the ourth century    afer which the ortress was abandoned. Te table-size table-size board at Dawwi can be dated to the second century  (Brun ( Brun 2003:134). 2003:134). It has been partly preserved with three rows o small black circles o which w hich about eight are still visible in each row. Te marks separating each set o six fields are also  visible (see fig. 6.3). 6.3). A small ragment o a possible duodecim scripta board was ound at Qusur al-Banat with only our small playing circles preserved as well as an outline o a semi-circle semi-circle divider (Matelly (Matelly 2003:594, 2003:594, 605), but this example is too small sm all or a positive p ositive identification. identific ation. Te ofen rough carvings car vings o graffiti games reerring to duodecim scripta in Egypt are in contrast with the decorative or more appealing examples ound elsewhere but it is also possible that hexameters on stone in Egypt have not yet been recognized as reerring to a board game. Qustul (Emery (Emery & Kirwan 1938:345–6, 1938:345–6, pl. 87) provides one o ew wooden examples o the game: a perectly preserved inlaid board with three rows o twelve squares divided in the middle to create six sets o six fields. It is associated with fifeen black wood and fifeen white ivory pieces. In addition, a  pyrgus or dice tower was preserved as well as five ivory cubic dice. Due to the extraordinarily good preservation o objects in these graves, the practice o playing on wooden boards can be attested and may indicate that many

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boards once existed in Egypt in the private sphere that have not been preserved. Te grave in Qustul dates to the Post-Meroitic era, i.e., afer the ourth ou rth century century   . Another example example o a wooden woo den board o which the ivory inlays are preserved together with some wood ragments is ound across the border in Sedeinga, Nubia. Tis find is part o ongoing research on the game board discoveries at this location by Vincent Francigny and Alex de Voogt. Most o the material dates to the first centuries  and was ound in a rich elite cemetery o the Meroitic Mer oitic Kingdom. One grave had two associated cubic dice with fifeen black and thirteen white glass pieces preserved. Another had three dice associated with twenty-seven twenty-seven gaming pieces, some o black wood and others o white ivory as well as several game board ragments. It It is evidence that the game was not just played in Roman Egypt but crossed the rontier o the Empire and ound its way into the Meroitic Kingdom where at least two graves claimed claime d this game among their grave goods. Te presence o duodecim scripta outside the Roman Empire was already attested or Germania (in Vimose, Denmark) where wooden remnants o the board were also ound. Krüger (1982 (1982:163) :163) remarks that letters that make up the playing fields are understandably less common in this region as, in general, the players would not have understood Latin. In Germania Krüger (1982 (1982:162) :162) attests two biacial boards that eature duodecim scripta  on one side and latrunculi  on the other. It is again evidence that these games coexisted and were played by the same people. In addition to the examples at ortresses in the eastern desert, the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project identified our duodecim scripta  boards near the temple in Kom Ombo (fig. (fig. 6.5) 6.5) showing that their presence is not limited to soldiers’ quarters. Te presence o duodecim scripta  boards carved in monuments or pavements is relatively limited compared to other Roman games. Te preservation o this game in Qustul confirms, however, that the game’s popularity was widespread and crossed into enemy territory. Each o the game boards recorded here has three rows o play. A variation o duodecim scripta with two rows is known as alea and became the standard in Rome during the first century  (Schädler ( Schädler 1995). 1995). Tis variation has not been attested in Egypt. Te practice o playing duodecim scripta  continued afer the ourth century    as examples rom Aphrodisias Aphrodisias and Ephesos already

 

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F Figure   igure 6.5  Duodecim scripta boards at Kom Ombo based on photographs rom the

Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.

 

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indicated but which is also illustrated by the find at Qustul. oday’s game o backgammon  was preceded by the Arab version known as nard ,  which has been attested throughout the Islamic Empire. Nard  most   most likely replaced the Roman version in Egypt.

Latrunculi or ludus latrunculorum  Falkener (1892 (1892:39) :39) suggested that ludus latrunculorum had its origin in Egypt, Eg ypt, equating it with the Egyptian game o t Ꜣ  Ꜣ w (see Chapter 4 or a discussion o this game). His comments are part o a long and problematic tradition in which board games rom outside o Egypt are given an Egyptian origin. Falkener had only Latin descriptions o the rules or the Roman game and Egyptian depictions depic tions o the board or the Egyptian game, i.e., representations o people playing a board that was shown in profile. Only the pieces and not the configuration o the spaces on the board were visible to him when observing Egyptian iconography. oday it is clear that none o the Egyptian game boards have a configuration even comparable to latrunculi;  that there is no reason to assume that latrunculi was played by the ancient Egyptians; and that their connection can no longer be supported. Connections with later games such as chess  and checkers  are equally problematic. Austin (1934 1934:25) :25) correctly points out that there is no proo that  five lines  or latrunculi  have any connection with chess  and finds such a suggestion “inaccurate and misleading.” Te Roman game o latrunculi  or ludus latrunculorum has been ound at the ar ends o the Roman Empire Empire (Schädler (Schädler 1994a). 1994a). Te configuration o this board varies but a field o 7 × 8 squares is quite common. Schädler (2013c (2013c)) includes 7 × 7, 8 × 8, 9 × 9, 9 × 10, 10 × 11 and even 12 × 12 in the range o possibilities. Unlike duodecim scripta  this game does not require any dice. Te game does not seem to have a modern counterpart despite its popularity in antiquity. Te Greek game πόλις,  which is also played on a grid with pieces o two colors and without dice, is understood to be largely the same as the Roman game latrunculi  (Schädler 2013a:2844). 2013a:2844). Tis game is not discussed here as there is little evidence even outside o Egypt to assist the Egyptologist with identiying a board o this kind and to distinguish it

 

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Figure 6.6 

Drawing o a terracotta game board, 9 × 7.3 cm. Petrie Museum, UC59258 UC 59258 (afer Petrie 1927:pl 1927:pl.. XLVI XLVIII II.177). .177).

rom a latrunculi  board. Apart rom graffiti boards and the occasional occa sional gaming table, latrunculi  is also attested in literature and art, and as a board game in progress in terracotta (see Schädler 1994a). 1994a). An example o the latter was also ound in the Fayum in Egypt and is now in the Petrie Museum (U C 59258). It shows a board o 6 × 7 squares with seventeen “low domed” playing pieces, neatly neatly placed on the individual squares (fig. (fig. 6.6). 6.6). Te placement o the pieces was evidence or Petrie (1927 (1927:55) :55) that this was not a checkers  game. Instead its configuration fits the description o a latrunculi  board, although a small one. Rose (1996 (1996:160) :160) speaks sp eaks o a “chequerb chequerboard” oard” in the Meroitic temple complex o Qasr Ibrim, which was a Roman-Egyptian outpost as well as a Meroitic one. Te board on which she reports, consisting o 8 × 7 squares o approximately our by our centimeters each, has the appearance o a game. Modern gaming

 

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boards, such as those or chess  and checkers,  can have eight rows o eight squares and perhaps that is the reason why she mention mentionss a possible p ossible eighth line in her notes. South o Qasr Ibrim there were images o 8 × 7 squares ound in Mussawarat el-Sura (location 526.524.02) as well as one with 7 × 14 squares (location 529.525s.26). At this site, the period in which w hich the board was made is less clear cle ar since graffi gr affiti o many time periods p eriods has ha s been attested atteste d along its walls wal ls and pavements and in large quantities. In line with other Roman games, it is likely that latrunculi  also reached the Meroitic Kingdom, which adopted its playing practice. In the study o the ortress at Abu Sha’ar, Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 ( 2003)) ound multiple examples carved in stone blocks, dating to the third and no later than the late ourth century . . Brun (2011 (2011)) reports several ragments o latrunculi  boards excavated at Didymoi that can be dated with more precision with the help o an archaeological context. Te corner o a board with our rows o three squares still visible is dated to 96  or not long thereafer (Brun (Brun 2011:121, 2011:121, 143). A ragment with seven rows o at least our squares and another with three rows o three squares discernible comes rom the period between 123 and 150  (Brun ( Brun 2011:126, 2011:126, 153). Te latter was ound with ragments o boards eaturing small circles and lines that may point to another game. At the ortress o Krokodilo, Matelly (2003 ( 2003:594, :594, 605) reports on a board o which at least five rows o seven squares are visible. At this ortress two playing pieces made o quartz and one o stone as well as one cubic die made o stone were reported. Tese finds also date to the beginning o the second century . . At the stone quarry o Silsila, recent surveys have uncovered a number o board games rom Roman and later periods, including at least two latrunculi  boards. In the associated Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project it became clear that latrunculi may also be ound in Kom Ombo (fig. (fig. 6.7). 6.7). Although the game has been associated mainly with soldiers, these sites suggest that its appearance is not restricted to the ringes o the Roman Empire nor the outposts o its soldiers, but is ound throughout Egypt and likely across its southern border in the heart o the Meroitic Kingdom as well. Its uture afer the seventh or even the ourth century    is unclear as no comparable board games datable to that period have been attested so ar.

 

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Figure   Latrunculi  board at Kom Ombo based onJohn photographs el-Silsila6.7 Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and Ward. rom the Gebel

 Merels  Mer   els or mill  game  game Although the merels  game (Murray (Murray 1951:37) 1951:37) played by the Romans seems insignificant in shape, it stands out as an easily recognized carved game in several excavations throughout the Empire, including Egypt. Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) attested only one that was w as partially part ially preserved pres erved and diffi d ifficult to interpret, but the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project revealed clear examples in

 

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F Figure  Merels els boards at Dendera (top lef), Kom el-Dekka in Alexandria (top   igure 6.8   Mer

right), two boards together at Kom Ombo (second row), three single boards at Kom Ombo and a board at Silsila (bottom right) based on photographs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.

 

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the Kharga Oasis, Bachias in the Fayum Oasis, Dendera, Kom Ombo and Kom el-Dekka (Alexandria). Te shape o these examples allows or nine intersecting inter secting points p oints (fig. (fig. 6.8). 6.8). Te final shape, as recorded in Egypt, is a square intersected by two perpendicular lines. In Silsila there is also a version with additional diagonals, which can be considered just a different type (Schädler (Schädler 2013a:2844). 2013a:2844). Although there is no Latin name known or this game, the rules have been deduced rom two poetic lines in Ovid’s  Ars Amatoria (see or a discussion Rieche 1986). 1986). Väterlein (1976 (1976:59) :59) remarks that it is the same as the Kleine  Mühle,  Mühl e, a game still known in German-speaking German-speaking Europe. It is indeed related to three-men’smen’s-morris morris  game, and is perhaps the only board the merels , mill   and threegame dating to Roman times that survived the ages without any significant change. Each player tries to move his or her three pieces into a row. Although many variations o this game have been described descr ibed and ound around the world, today the basic principle is still the same. Instead o a square, there have been requent finds o circles intersected by three lines, making eight intersections with the circle and one in the center where all three lines overlap. Heimann (2014 (2014)) has questioned the act that this is the same game or even a game at all. An analysis o the rules has shown that a “loop takes effect also in everyday playing.” Behling (2013 (2013)) has argued that this is akin to a children’s dexterity game described in ancient Greek literature in which nuts are thrown into the circle where they should not touch the lines. It suffices to state that circul circular ar patterns with w ith intersecting interse cting lines are different d ifferent rom the merels game. nine-men’smen’s-morris morris  or larger According to Schädler (2013a (2013a),), the game o ninemerels  (Murray 1951:43), 1951:43), which is a more complicated version o this game, does not appear in the record until Byzantine times. In Egypt, the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project photographed one such game next to one o the columns in the Ramesseum, across the river Nile rom today’s city o Luxor (fig. 6.9). 6.9). Similar to the game o threethree-men’smen’s-morris morris,  this game and this game board have a wide distribution ar beyond the Middle East. Eas t. Acknowledgin Acknowledgingg its presence in Egypt may assist in documenting this international presence and the people associated with carving car ving them in monuments. Te particular design o the one example spotted in the Ramesseum should not be considered a Roman game.

 

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Figure 6.9  Drawing o a ninenine-men’smen’s-morris morris board as ound on a column at the

Ramesseum based on a photog photograph raph rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project.

 Marbles  Mar   bles  Te Greco-Roman period in Egypt resulted in the introduction o multiple games, including dexterity games and sports. Although only game boards and dice are given attention here, designs meant or dexterity games game s may sometimes interere with the interpretation o the archaeological finds, such as the circle with intersecting lines described above. Rieche (1986 (1986)) explains that board and dice games were played by adults, both men and women, while children played dexterity games such as marbles . Te game o marbles is particularly relevant as it may use a marble lane carved in stone that conuses the identifica identification tion o similarly s imilarly carved board b oard games. Suetonius Suetoni us is credited with a liber de lusibus puerorum or a book on children chil dren’’s games, which, similar to his book on Greek dice games, has not been preserved (Väterlein 1976:13). 1976:13). Rieche (1984 (1984:10–13) :10–13) mentions games played with (wal) nuts and Väterlein (1976 (1976:37) :37) even mentions the possibility o marbles  but neither go beyond the reerences made in the Latin sources. Schädler (1994b ( 1994b,, 2013b)) described and illustrated marble lanes as ound on archaeological sites 2013b in Rome and pointed out their relevance (fig. (fig. 6.10). 6.10). In the basis, a marble lane consists o parallel or irregular rows o holes at one end and a line rom which to start at the other end. Te irregularly irregularly placed holes prevent the marble player rom rolling into the holes at the very end,

 

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Figure 6.10  Drawing o a marble lane (afer (afer Schädler 1994b:56). 1994b:56).

while the line indicates the starting position, possibly with a depression to store some marbles. Te immediate relevance o this game is not ound in the assumption that many children used marble lanes in Egypt, although this may be possible but cannot be ascertained at this time. Rather it encourages the archaeologist who encounters a group o holes in an irregular order to consider the possibility o a marble lane. Tis could consist o a starting line a ew eet away rom these holes, preerably with a largely flat surace, interspersed inter spersed with an occasional hole, between them. Documentation Documentation o groups

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o holes rarely includes a survey o the vicinity that could point to or exclude such a possibility.

Remaining configurations Tere remain a number o configurations o squares and holes that are placed systematically and intentionally intentionally so that their presence does not appear random or coincidental. Tey may be variations o boards that are already known, incomplete, corrected or amended shapes, or they may be part o games not yet described. It is, o course, also possible that they are not game boards at all even i an alternative alternative purpose is unknown. In any case, itit is necessary to depict at least some o these examples or uture comparison comparison as these configuratio configurations ns commonly remain unpublished. Indeed, the suggestion o a new gaming practice is reinorced i the same configurations are ound in different sites as well as in the presence o other game boards. In the Beni Hasan quarries a clearly defined board design o two rows o eight square fields was photographed during the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. A similar design o two rows o seven squares s quares is ound in Silsila West West (fig. (fig. 6.11). 6.11). Such game configurations complicate an interpretation o mancala  as it is rather awkward to play on a square field without depressions needed to hold the multiple counters counters used in a mancala game. Tese game configurations are not yet understood and it is appropriate to state that the games in Egypt are only part o a much larger puzzle. One example rom the Kharga Oasis illustrates how a complicated set o lines can be interpreted multiple ways. In this figure about six rows o ten squares can be distinguished (fig. (fig. 6.12). 6.12). In the center o the configuration, there is a column o squares that has an unusual shape and the bottom row looks eroded. It is possible to distinguish a 5 × 5 seeja board (see Chapter 7) as part o the right-hand right-hand side o this configuration. Te carving at closer inspection suggests a number o attempts at creating creating a seeja board while there is a possibility that a tâb  board was attempted as well. Since these are only suggestions, the presence o a game in this configuration requires a games contextt or other supportive evidence in this location to make a more educated contex guess.

 

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Figure 6.11  wo unidentified game boards at the Beni Hasan (lef) and Silsila (right)

quarries based on photogra photographs phs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson Nilss on and John Ward. Ward.

Although  A lthough a long list o possible game board designs could ollow, most examples are better explained as eroded, partially completed or non-game non-game designs. Without at least one comparable example elsewhere there is also no need to assume a “new” game board design. It remains essential that projects such as the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project document such carvings in addition to the archaeologists active on a site.

Te borders o Egypt Te board games discussed dis cussed in this chapter were illustrated with examples rom Roman sites in Egypt Eg ypt and across its southern souther n border. owards the south is Qasr Ibrim, a temple complex and ortification that was conquered by Romans but

 

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Figure 6.12 

Possible seeja board at the Kharga Oasis based on a photograph rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.

with Meroites alternatingly having control o the site. Qustul, the location o one o the best-preserved best-preserved duodecim scripta  boards, was never Roman and dates to the Post-Meroitic period, i.e., afer the ourth century . . It became part o the Christian kingdoms in Sudanese Nubia, outside o the Roman Empire. Empir e. Sedeinga with its cubic dice and possible evidence o duodecim scripta  is squarely located in the Meroitic Kingdom Kingdom and the discovery o games in that location coincides with the time o Roman Egypt. It was never conquered by the Romans and was an important center within the Meroitic Kingdom. Abu Sha’ar is on the Red Sea Coast and its location can be securely placed within Roman Egypt. Its unction as a military ortress ollows the popularity o the games among the Roman military. Fortifications on the borders o Egypt (Brun 2003, 2003, 2011; 2011; Matelly 2003) 2003) and other parts o the Empire, such as at Hadrian’s Wall (Austin (Austin 1934:26), 1934:26), show a similar pattern. So ar only the work o Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) is specifically dedicated to Roman games in Egypt. Most isolated examples have not yet been published or were part o studies that did not ocus on the understanding o games. games . Te various examples provided with the help o the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project indicate that the presence o Roman games is much more prevalent than the published literature suggests. Although Roman soldiers may still be the main group o players, the

 

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games are not limited to ortresses on the border o the Roman Empire. Te quarry site o Silsila and the Ptolemaic temple at Kom Ombo both eature multiple Roman games that complement the inventory o games ound at the borders o the Roman sphere o influence. Tis chapter provides the background or uture studies o Roman games in Egypt. Game boards can be more readily recognized and interpreted in the context o the sites discussed and their interpretation is acilitated by comparisonss with existing finds rom Roman Egypt and the Roman Empire in comparison general.

 

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7

Arab and Ottoman Invaders Scratching the Surace Although  A lthough the history o modern mo dern board games in Egypt cannot be covered in a single chapter and is not part o our study, both Arab and Ottoman game practices have sometimes conused the understanding o ancient games. Tese Tese games are mainly ound scratched sc ratched on pavements and monuments, erroneously suggesting an ancient history by their association with Pharaonic architectu architecture. re. Tey can also als o be ound next to games that date to Roman or Pharaonic times, so that even the games context in which they are ound gives rise to conusion. Only an understanding o these games in contexts outside o Egypt allows them to be differentiated. Tis chapter disentangl disentangles es the graffiti games introduced introd uced afer the Arab conquest up to modern times rom  rom the Roman and earlier game practices in the record by describing their main characteristics and by pointing at possible problems o identification.

Graffi Gr affiti gam games es Game boards that have been conused with those rom antiquity have been uniquely and consistently discovered as graffi gr affiti games. games . I more recent games g ames are scratched in existing buildings it is the date o the building or the presence o earlier games rom  rom antiquity that may lead to misconceptions. As emphasized in the previous chapter, the date o the building does provide a terminus post quem or the date o the game, but does not imply the game was played at the same time the building was built, or even in use. Whenever possible, an understanding o the taphonomy o the building in which games were ound may provide some understanding understanding o the date o inscribed games. 151

 

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Tee types  T type s o games g ames that can c an be ound as a s graffiti are limited. Tey can ca n be a configuration o holes, usually small depressions, or a grid o lines creating a board with square s quare fields. An instant recognition o these games is particularly helpul to identiy the era in which the incisions were made, or at least to attribute them to the relevant population. Te time period in which Arab and Ottoman games were made is stretched between the seventh century  and the present day, as some o these games are still being played in Egypt Eg ypt and neighboring countries. Even i this occurred oc curred in recent memory the local population may no longer be amiliar with these games. Some games can only be attributed to Ottoman invaders, usually soldiers. Tis appears appears particularly true or mancala games that are rarely ound on rock aces or monuments outside the Ottoman sphere sphe re o influence. Research on this Ottoman tradition o carving games in stone is ongoing and the date and origin o such games is refined each time t ime new finds are made (see (s ee de Voogt Voogt 2010,, 2012; 2010 2012; Charpentier et al. 2014). 2014). Tere are three games that have been associated with the Arab and Ottoman Empires. Te game o seeja commonly consists o five rows o five fields, either small depressions or squares. Te game o tâb ofen has our rows o seven or more fields, requently seen as small depressions as well. Finally, the game o mancala usually has two rows o six or more cup-shaped cup- shaped holes, usually larger than those ound or seeja and tâb.  Te variation that is ound with each o these games and the occasionally overlapping configurations between games has to be taken into account whenever a game board is identified on an archaeological site (see fig. 7.1). 7.1). Arab and Ottoman games can be ound together with Roman games since they ofen share the location o play. More problematic or the archaeologist are those games that were reused by later Arab or Ottoman players. Examples include a reused latrunculi board or making a seeja board at Silsila—which is part o ongoing research on games in collaboration with Maria Nilsson and John Ward—, possible extensions o the game o  five lines to create mancala  boards at Palmyra (de (de Voogt Voogt 2010 2010)) and contexts such as the roo o the temple o Khonsu where w here games rom Pharaonic times are joined by seeja and possibly mancala o  orr five lines games (Jacquet-Gordon (Jacquet-Gordon 2003). 2003). Without an understanding underst anding o the latest o additions in such a games context, itit is impossible to disentangle the different origins origins and time periods in which these games were made.

 

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 Figure 7.1  Figure

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Example o an Arab or Ottoman games context at Petra, Petra, Jordan (top) with a 7 × 7 seeja board, c. 40 × 35 cm and a 4 × 12 tâb board , c. 78 × 29 cm, and on Sai Island, Sudan (bottom) with mostly 2 × 6 mancala boards , a 5 × 5 seeja board, c. 40 × 33 cm and a 4 × 12 tâb board, c. 72 × 21 cm. Photographs by Alex de Voogt in 2014 and 2010, 2010, respectively. respe ctively.

 

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Seeja  Seeja or siga  In 1694 Tomas Hyde remarked on “an interesting game called seejeh  or sutreng  ” as played by the Bedouin Be douin o Israel (translation (tr anslation Keats 1994:97). 1994:97). Without urther explanation he states that the game is “mentioned in Egyptian papyri, and played in Ancient Persia, using glass pieces on carved stone boards.” His description is in the context o his history o chess, and although it is “quite unlike chess, and should not be conused with it,” Hyde is probably one o the first Western Western games historians who became part o a long tradition o relating certain board games to ancient Egypt. Seeja—a  —a transliteration o Arabic that has variations such as sija , siga and seega—is  —is a board game that does not resemble other games rom antiquity. It commonly consists o five rows o five holes or squares, unlike most other games discussed here, which have either two, three or our rows o playing fields. It cannot be ound in documents dating to Pharaonic Egypt nor is the placement o this game on ancient monuments evidence o its supposed long history. On the contrary, there is no evidence in Egypt or in neighboring countries that seeja was played beore the Arab invasion and in several cases beore the Ottoman presence in the region. Jacquet-Gordon (2003 (2003:12) :12) in her study o the graffi g raffiti o the Khonsu K honsu temple roo states that she has no reason to suppose that the game, which she spells as siga,  is not ancient. anc ient. She states that the th e dating o the t he graffi gr affiti on the temple remains obscure. However, on two occasions this game covers earlier graffiti, in one case “a “a tiny ti ny figure o Khonsu” and in the other a lion, suggesting a players’ group that is not associated with the imagery o these figures. Tese two games consist o only two rows o five holes, which she interprets as an unfinished seeja  game (Jacquet-Gordon (Jacquet-Gordon 2003:17–18) 2003:17–18) but, as has been b een discussed elsewhere, it is more likely likely to be an example o the game o five lines lines .

Seeja playing rules Te 5 × 5 configuration o seeja is easily recognized and helps to date the games to the period afer the Roman era. Te grid can be ound as a set s et o twenty-five twenty-five

 

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squares or as a set o small depressio depressions. ns. Te variation variation reminds one o the game o  five lines in that the appearance o the board is either a set o fields, small depressions or a combination o the two. In some cases the nature o the material may explain these preerences. Apart rom the variation o squares and holes, there are multiple examples where the grid is slightly larger or smalle r, usually not larger than seven rows o five or seven fields and commonly smaller common ly not smaller than our rows o our although the latter is ofen interpreted as an unfinished example. Seeja uses two distinct sets o playing pieces (Murray (Murray 1951:54–5). 1951:54–5). When played in the sand, differently colored sticks can be used that are then stuck into the board. On stone, any pebble, seed or small piece may do as long as the two opponents can be differentiated. Tere are no dice needed or this game and the number o players or sides is limited to two. Seeja  is still played today and the board has different sets o rules. For instance, in Sudan a similar and popular game is called dhala,  which uses the same grid, ofen in the shape o depressions in the sand. Lane (1908 (1908:356–7) :356–7) has described what he called seegà  or modern Egyptians with rules similar to those ound elsewhere in the Middle East. He describes the board b oard as commonly consisting o five rows o five holes, or seven rows o seven or even nine rows o nine. As in the game o tâb and the game o mancala,  the size o the board  varies but the rules are are usually identical. Lane (1908 (1908)) calls a hole eyn (eye) and a playing piece kelb (dog). For a game played on a five-by-five five-by-five board there are twelve pieces or each player. Te two sets o twelve are differentiat differentiated ed by appearance. Lane has the first two pieces o each player placed as shown in fig. 7.2. 7.2. Afer this initial placement, pl acement, players take turns putting two o their pieces on the board with each turn. Tey may be placed in any empty space except the central one. Once all the pieces have been placed, one player starts by moving one o his or her pieces rom  rom an adjacent field into the empty central space. I the opponent has no adjacent piece to place into the newly new ly emptied space, the first player loses a piece as he or she is required to open up a place. I such a situation occurs again in the game, the same rule applies. Lane ormulates the aim o the game as ollows (Lane (Lane 1908:357): 1908:357): Te aim o each party is to place any one o his h is kelbs in such a situation s ituation that there shall be, between it and another o his, one o his adversary’s kelbs.

 

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Figure 7.2  Placement o first pieces on a seeja board as discussed by Lane (1908 (1908). ).

Tis, by doing so, he takes; and as long as he can immediately make another capture by such means, he does so, without without allowing his adversary to move.

Other sets o game rules rule s may be present in Egypt but the rules r ules above suffi ce to explain the nature o the game and the design o the playing board b oard that comes with it. Lane (1908 (1908:357) :357) adds that several boards “have been cut upon the stones on the summit o the Great Pyramid, by Arabs who have served as guides to travelers.” Tis early observation by Lane should inorm those who need to interpret the history o this game on top o ancient monuments in Egypt. Te Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project revealed examples o seeja  in el-Kab, Medamoud Medamo ud and several at Silsila (fig. 7.3). 7.3). Also there th ere are examples o our rows o five holes ound at Edu that may be related. In Silsila there are a ew examples where more rows o depressions are ound but where the five-by-five five-by-five configuration stands out. ransormations o one game into another by adding or accentuating the desired configuration have been attested across time periods in Palmyra (de (de Voogt 2010) 2010) but can also be ound in Silsila where a latrunculi board was partially reused or seeja .

 

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 Figure 7.3 Examples Figure

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o seeja boards at Silsila (top lef), Medamoud (top right) and our at el-Kab, based on photographs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward.

 

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 âb  Te game o tâb  is not as well known today as the game o seeja  but it is also ound in the Middle East, including Egypt and Sudan. Four rows o seven or more depressions are used while the players use a set o throwing sticks or stick dice as the preerred randomizer or the moves. Te game is played by two opposing sides, each moving one set o colored pieces around the board. Each opposing side may have two players that work as a team. Te team members alternate throwing the dice to determine the next move. Unlike seeja , which uses u ses five rows and ofen has fields, fie lds, the our rows o holes used or tâb create a similarity with mancala games. Four-row Four-row mancala boards that are known or East Arica can be b e identical in configuration to a tâb board. Te size o the playing holes is likely to be different. In mancala games, the holes should be able to contain multiple counters at a time while in tâb,  each depression usually holds just one or two pieces. âb,  which is a transliteration o Arabic, has different spellings including t .áb  as it is used by Lane (1908 (1908:353–6). :353–6). It is attested or modern Egypt with a published complete description o the rules as they are used today. Similar descriptions are ound in Niebuhr (1774 (1774:188–9) :188–9) and the earliest attestation o this game in the Western literature is ound with Tomas Hyde (see Depaulis 2001:56). 2001 :56). Te game commonly requires our sticks, according to Lane ofen cut rom a palm-branch. palm-branch. Tey are cut so that they have two sides; one is called white and the other black (Lane (Lane 1908:353): 1908:353): Next, it is necessary to be provided with a “seegà.” Tis is a board, divided into our rows o squares, called “beyts” or “dárs,” each about two inches wide; or it consists o similar rows o holes made in the ground, or in a flat stone: the beyts are usually seven, nine, eleven, thirteen, or fifeen, in each row.

As Lane points out, the board varies in size and the size merely affects the duration o the game but not the playing rules. Te value o the throws o the sticks are defined by the number o white (or flat) sides that are visible. Each white side counts c ounts or one. For For example, three whites and one black bl ack scores sc ores three.

 

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Te only exception is our black sides, which score six. A score o one—called t .áb  or weled  (child)—,   (child)—, our or six requires the player to throw again and the player only stops throwing throwing when a two or three is thrown in which case it is the turn o the opponent. Each player owns two rows o beyts,  the outer rows are commonly filled with pieces, also called “dogs” according to Lane (1908 (1908:354). :354). Te word “dog” or gaming piece is also ound in ancient Greece (Schädler (Schädler 2002) 2002) and Pharaonic Egypt (see Chapter 3), but contrary to Falkener’s suggestion (Falkener 1892:39) 1892:39) that does not link the game boards or game rules. Te game o hounds and jackals (see Chapter 5), also eatures dog-shaped dog-shaped pieces so that a continuous tradition o such pieces can be ascertained rom ancient Egyptian to ancient Greek and Ottoman times. In each period, however, the games are known to be b e different and the majority did not originate orig inate in Egypt. In order or a piece to move rom the outer row the player has to throw a one. Afer this piece leaves the back row counterclockwise, it circulates in the inner two rows in a clockwise clock wise direction. direc tion. I it lands on a field with an opponent’s piece, then this piece is captured and removed rom the board. b oard. I I it joins a piece o its own, it may move as one, i.e., two or even three pieces move as i they are one piece. A three-piece three-piece combination combination is made by either moving a set o two to a field with one piece, or by moving one piece onto a field with already two. Tey can only be separated again by throwing a one. Once a player moves a piece into the outer row o the opponent, opp onent, it can no longer be captured although alth ough it may capture pieces that have not been removed rom that row by the opponent. Te object o the game is to capture all the opponent’s pieces. Tis technical inormation about the playing rules is relevant here since it determines the size o the playing fields as well as the playing pieces. Each field ideally accommodates three pieces, at least where the Egyptian variation is concerned (see also als o Murray 1951:95). 1951:95). Te game has been attested or Sudan, on the island o Sai (de ( de Voogt Voogt 2014 2014), ), where it was ound carved next to a series o mancala  games as well as one seeja game. In the context o two-row two-row mancala and seeja , tâb is shown to belong to a particular group o people active in a specific time period. So ar, this time period has coincided with the presence o the Ottomans but the period between the arrival o the Arabs and the colonial conquests o the

 

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Figure 7.4 Examples

o tâb boards at el-Kab with one possibly combined with a seeja  board, based on photographs rom the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project. Courtesy Maria Nilsson and John Ward. Ward.

French and the British in the nineteenth century is such that perhaps other periods can be associated with these games or other sites. In the Gebel elSilsila Survey Project, only the site o el-Kab showed possible p ossible examples or the game o tâb (  (fig. fig. 7.4). 7.4).

 Mancala  Ma ncala  As with almost any board game discussed here, the origins o mancala have at some point been placed in ancient Egypt. Parker (1909 ( 1909:589–91) :589–91) enumerates

 

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several examples o rows o holes h oles cut “in the roo-slabs roo-slabs o the Kūrna temple temple in Upper Egypt,” “on the summit o the damaged portion o the great pylon built in Ptolemaic times at the entrance to the temple o Karnak, as well as on the tops o the walls there” and “at the Luxor temple.” Tese were also mentioned by Murray (1951 (1951),), Walker (1990 (1990:34–5) :34–5) and mentioned but finally criticized by Schädler (1998 (1998).). Parker (1909 (1909:Fig. :Fig. 256) adds a photograph o the holes at the “Tird Pyramid, Gizeh” (fig. (fig. 7.5), 7.5), an image that is not much dissimilar o the rows o holes ound on the remains o the temple o iye at Sedeinga or those ound on top o the Soleb emple, two New Kingdom Egyptian monuments both ound in Sudan (fig. (fig. 7.6). 7.6). Also, the Gebel el-Silsila Survey project revealed two such games at Dendera; one consisting o two rows o six holes and the other o two rows o five holes with two end-holes, end-holes, i.e., an additional hole at each ar end. Johnston (1913 (1913:384) :384) states that as early as 4000    “there “there came all musical instruments superior superior to the musical bow and the drum, several types o games played with hollowed or divided boards and counters, and a good many Egyptian Egypti an notions about religion reli gion”” that “began to penetrate pe netrate Negro Arica. A rica.”” Again this comment was picked up and repeated by Murray (1951 (1951:159) :159) and Walker (1990 1990).). While Johnston placed the origin o all these matters in ancient Egypt, Schweinurth (1874 (1874,, 2:28) speaks about a game known by the Nubians as

Figure 7.5 

o a mancala  board not recordedDrawing (afer Parker 1909:Fig. 1909:Fig. 256).at the “Tird Pyramid, Gizeh,” dimensions

 

162

F Figure   igure 7.6  A

 Ancien  Ancientt Egyptians at at Play 

× 6amancala  board2carved in the  board templeon o iye, Sudan, partly eroded × 6 mancala top oSedeinga, the temple o Soleb, c. 21 × 61 cm, 2and Sudan, c. 20 × 54 cm. Photographs by Alex de Voogt, 2011.

 

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“mungala.” He stated it to be “singular that this pastime be so amiliar to the Mohammedan Nubians, who only within the last twenty years have had any intercourse at all with the negroes o the south; but in all likelihood they received it in the same way as the guitar, as a legacy rom their original home in Central Arica.” Te accompanying illustration (Schweinurth (Schweinurth 1874, 1874, 2:26) shows a board o two rows o eight holes with two end-holes, end-holes, a design and configuration unknown in the Middle East. oday’s Nubians do not seem to play this game anymore and it does not seem to have traveled down the Nile. Although these early twentieth-century twentieth-century sources may be considered dated, and today it is difficult to find Nubians playing this game, g ame, the connection connec tion with Egypt is not a thought that has vanished. Te esteemed games researcher Bell (1979 (1979:12), :12), who based his view partly on rows o holes ound on Egyptian ruins, suggested that it may have originated rom  rom “black Arica Ari ca and had been b een taken to Egypt Eg ypt at a very early e arly date.” A previous publication edited by Gruneld (1975 (1975:20) :20) but with Bell acting as a consultant states: “mancala  games . . . have been played or thousands o years in Egypt, where boards have been ound carved into the stone o the pyramid o Cheops and the temples at Luxor and Karnak.” It is the presence o games on Egyptian monuments that has created a series o other connections as the temple o “Kurna” is mentioned to eature an unfinished “ alquerque  diagram” (Gruneld (Gruneld 1975:38) 1975:38) as well as a ninenine-men’smen’s-morris morris game “probably carved by the workmen who built the temple around 1400 B.C.” (Gruneld ( Gruneld 1975:59). 1975 :59). Both the identification o the game and the associated date are problematic. It cannot be emphasized enough that the date o the erection o a building is not necessarily related to the period in which the game was scratched into its roo. Graffiti games g ames on Egyptian, Eg yptian, Nubian, Roman or other oth er monuments rom antiquity should not be immediately interpreted as dating to the time o the monument itsel. Te latter can only be assumed i the games are revealed within an archaeological context that leaves no doubt as to its origin and age. Te accessibility o the temple at Karnak, but also structures such as the Nubian pyramids (de (de Voogt 2012) 2012) and the many monuments dating to Roman times (Schädler 1995, 1995, 1998; 1998; Mulvin & Sidebotham 2003; 2003; de Voogt 2010, 2010, 2012) 2012) have shown that games rom different periods and origins can be present. Contrary to the belies o Gruneld, Bell and other authors on game history, the temples

 

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o Kūrna and Khonsu eature games played by the ancient Egyptians as well as later Roman or Arab and Ottoman visitors that came afer them. Jacquet-Gordon attested a “twelve-hole “twelve-hole game board” (Jacquet-Gordon (Jacquet-Gordon 2003:13) 2003 :13) consisting o two rows o six holes on the roo o the temple o Khonsu but rerains rom speculating that this is a mancala game or that it was carved by ancient Egyptians. She mentions two games that were not assigned an entry number, one o which obliterated an older inscription. Only one “coh coherent erent graffi gr affito” is assigne ass ignedd a number, number, i.e. i.e.,, it received receive d a separate sep arate graffi g raffito entry entr y number, representing this board bo ard configuration. Te presence o games covering inscriptions also makes an ancient Egyptian origin less likely. Mulvin and Sidebotham (2003 (2003)) identified two and three rows o holes o mostly five and sometimes our holes. Tey concluded that mancala games were present and, in light o the games context and the presence o mancala  games in nearby geographical locations in today’s world, this seemed a correct conclusion. But the places where mancala  is played on two rows o five or our are ew.  Ma  Mancala ncala games with three rows have been attested in modern times as well but only with six holes per row. More importantly, the game o  five lines  is a more likely candidate and has already been attested in other Roman sites and fits with the limited number o holes per row as well as the presence o several other Roman games present on their particular site. Te absence o any additional evidence that Romans played mancala,  such as imagery or literary reerences, urther questions the conclusion o Mulvin and Sidebotham. Te Gebel el-Silsila Survey recorded two boards at Dendera that have a configuration and an appearance consistent with mancala.  Tey are not ound in a context that could identiy their makers. More extensive examples were documented or Sudan, particularly on Sai Island (de ( de Voogt 2014) 2014) where also an Ottoman games’ context is present (see also fig. 7.1). 7.1). Modern Egyptians play a version o mancala,  but they are not known to use the rows o holes carved in rock and monuments even though that may not have been the case in Ottoman times. Tis is also true or its immediate neighbor to the south, Sudan. In South Sudan, i.e., south o Sudan, there is a lively tradition o mancala that does not seem to have reached the Nile Valley since they preer our rows o holes and do not preer rock but rather sand to play their games. Te same is true or Ethiopia and Eritrea where mancala  is

 

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popular, mostly ound as wooden boards, and quite distinct rom the mancala   versionss in South Sudan and the rest o the Middle East. I anything, the Nile  version Valley has been an obstacle in the distribution o mancala games with games rom the Middle East not traveling traveling urther south, and games rom sub-Saharan Arica not travelin travelingg urther north. Te earliest description o mancala  rules, as opposed to possible game boards, in modern Egypt is probably by Carsten Niebuhr in 1774 who w ho mentions Maronites playing in Cairo (Niebuhr (Niebuhr 1774:185). 1774:185). Te board has two rows o six holes and a starting configuration o six counters in each hole. A player picks up the contents contents o one o the holes on his or her side and spreads them oneone-bybyone in counterclockwise direction. I the last counter ends up in a hole where the contents becomes either two, our or six, the player can capture its contents and also the contents o the holes directly preceding this hole i these holes happen to have two, our or six counters as well. Te rules are similar to those still ound in the Middle East. For instance, in artus, Syria, the board has two rows o seven holes but the rules o play are similar with captures o all those that have two or our in one hole (Alex de Voogt, field notes). Ottomans are known to have played mancala,  as there is evidence ound in illustrations and within the historical geographical confines o the Ottoman Empire. For instance, there is a banquet scene ound in a sixteenth- or seventeenth-century seventeenthcentury urkish album o miniatures and calligraphy that shows men drinking coffee, playing backgammon  and mancala  (Chester Beatty Library/Bridgeman Art Library CBL71659, CBL71659, Ms 439 .9r).  Man  Mancala cala games are still ound in urkey and Syria that share a more or less common appearance. Tere is also a requently quoted reerence to mancala  in Arabic (Murray (Murray 1951:165), 1951 :165), a name o a game rom which today’s word mancala  has been derived. Yet, outside o the Ottoman Empire there has been little evidence that mancala  games were played on stone suraces and, even on the illustration mentioned above, it is a wooden game board. Since the ancient history o mancala is not suffi s ufficient ciently ly known, k nown, the attri attributi bution on o stone or graffi gr affiti mancala  boards to ancient Egypt cannot be accepted without additional evidence. Te identification o mancala games in rock is complicated by the act that they may be conused with other games such as tâb or the game o five lines lines or it may not be a board game at all but a game o marbles or part o an area where other activities using stone give the appearance o a set o playing holes.

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Identiying mancala on a rock surace requires a careul outline o two rows o at least six holes, each hole with a size that accommodates a small hand, and and a location that seems suitable or playing games. Even Even with these characteristics one cannot always be sure, but usually other games in the vicinity may point to the possible origin and may create a so-called so- called games conte c ontext xt that could confirm the presence o mancala . Tere is no archaeological evidence that the ancient Egyptians played mancala  or seeja,  nor alquerque and ninenine-men’smen’s-morris morris or that matter. When mancala boards appear in the archaeological record they are always ound in locations where an Ottoman or late Arab presence can be assumed. When mancala boards are ound at archaeological sites in Syria, Sudan and Egypt, usually seeja  boards are present as well, suggesting that these games were played by the same people. Boards with two rows o five holes, particularly in the vicinity o Roman games, can be saely dated to Roman times and were most likely used or the game o  five lines (  (Schädler Schädler 1995, 1995, 2008). 2008). Te material ound in Egypt does not contradict this reading o the evidence.

 



Te Role o Board B oardAntiquity Games in Understanding Te archaeological and historical records o Egypt have supplied about five thousand years o games history. Te documentation o such continuity is a rare but crucial occurrence or understanding the roles board games played in the ancient world. Te overview in this volume shows commonalities in the ways board games were harnessed or societal processes, as well as a changing array o social niches in which they were preerred. preerred. Tis kind o research into ancient games is only a beginning and the evidence that is currently available should advance rather than finalize the conversation about the role o games in culture.

Spread o board games Te major board games in Egypt were either transmitted to neighboring regions or came to Egypt rom oreign lands. Even in the third millennium  mehen  spread to Cyprus and possibly Mesopotamia. Shortly thereafer, senet   was brought to the Levant and Cyprus. Perhaps as early as the th e Middle Kingdom, the  game o o twenty  ound  ound its way rom Mesopotamia and the Levant to Egypt, and became popular during the New Kingdom, only to disappear quite suddenly during the Late Period. Hounds and jackals ound its way rather quickly rom Egypt to Anatolia and Mesopotamia, and maintained a long popularity outside o Egypt. Five lines , duodecim scripta  and latrunculi all came to Egypt once increasing Greek and Roman influence took hold in the years ollowing the conquests o Alexander and Augustus. Finally, Finally, tâb , seeja and  mancala appear to have arrived through Arab and Ottoman invasions and occupations. 167

 

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Tis  T is simplified narrative narrative o game playing in Egypt masks multiple kinds o interactions that were relevant to the spread o all o these games. For mehen  and senet ,  trade is likely the primary mechanism by which the games were introduced into new lands. For senet   in particular, the changing pattern o game board-producin board-producingg sites appears to reflect what we know o shifing trade patterns. rade is accompanied by migration as a mechanism by which games arrived in different regions, and evidence or the game o twenty  suggests  suggests that it initially came to Egypt through the migration o Levantine peoples during the Middle Kingdom. Migration may be seen in the appearance o tâb  and seeja  as well. Te diffusion o hounds and jackals  outside o Egypt is less obvious, as it seems to have spread very quickly to distant regions that lack strong cultural or exchange relations (e.g., Anatolia), suggesting there is a lacuna in the evidence or the existence o this game in other portions o the Near East. Greco-Romann games in Egypt can be Greco-Roma b e explained by a complex combination o conquest, trade and emulation. O course, the incorporation o Egypt into the Hellenistic world afer the conquest o Alexander and the subsequent division o his empire into autonomous regions with Greek rulers led to the promulgation o Hellenic culture throughout the Near East, which encouraged the migration o Greeks and emulation o them by the indigenous population. Similar processes happened during the Roman Empire when legionnaires were stationed throughout through out the eastern part o the Empire. Complex interactions between Roman citizens living outside o Italy and local peoples led to processes o Romanization that were neither one-directional one- directional nor universal, and games can be seen as part o this process. All o these processes—trade, migration, emulation—are ways in which people address a need to interact with one another across linguistic, political, socio-economic socioeconomic and religious boundarie boundaries. s. Te concept o a “soci social al lubricant, lubric ant,” a practice that acilitates interaction across such boundaries, is relevant here. Research on social lubricants has traditionally ocused on intoxicants and psychoactive substances, but games unction similarly with regard to the acilitation o interaction. Board games are commonly played by two people. Tis requires people to interact beore a game can take place, and thus the location o a game board may point to places where people were in contact with one another. Te liminal nature o games, which allows or people to

 

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ignore socially-constructed socially-constructed boundaries (urner (urner 1982:27), 1982:27), unctions similarly to ingested social lubricants in that they ofen take place in specific places and times, during which relationships can be strengthened, changed or created (Crist 2015; 2015; Crist et al. in press). press). Unortunately, the archaeological evidence rom Egypt Eg ypt is predominantly mortuary mortu ary in nature such suc h that it is difficult to identiy places and spaces in which games were played. Instead, the broader geographic distribution distribution o the games and comparison to contemporary contemporary social so cial processes may provide insight on this unction o Egypt’s games. Since the appearance o mehen around 3000 , , board games have shown a regional popularity. When senet   increased in popularity, Egypt’s main interactions with the outside world were to build relationships with local peoples with the purpose o creating economic ties in order to secure important goods that were absent abse nt rom Egypt itsel, such as copper and cedar, ce dar, as discussed discu ssed in Chapter 3. Te appearance o hounds and jackals  in Anatolia and Mesopotamia Mesopota mia could point p oint to a similar economic impetus, although although the specific sp ecific mechanisms by which they would have traveled to these regions are not readily apparent. Tough migration was the process that initially brought the game o twenty  twenty   to Egypt, it was the popularity o the game among Late Bronze Age elites throughout the Near East that appears to have led to its adoption by the Egyptian nobility. Te game was decorated in the distinctive International Style, using shared symbols o power among the elites. Tis orm o emulation was the primary cause o the spread o this game, and not the Egyptian conquest o the Levant. Little evidence or the presence o senet  exists   exists in the Late Bronze Age Levant even though it was at the height o its importance in Egypt. Afer the region-wide region-wide Late Bronze Age collapse, the  game o twenty   disappeared rom Egypt, never to reappear, as its unctionality was eliminated along with the extinction o the system o elite exchanges. exchanges. More emulation can be seen in a potential re-introduction re-introduction o hounds and  jackals  jacka ls during the Persian occupation o Egypt, as well as the arrival o GrecoRoman and later games. Whereas previously the clearest evidence or the adoption o a oreign game into Egypt was the game o o twenty ,  all o these later games demonstrate demonstrate the changing political realities in Egypt, in which the Nile Valley’s power was diminished but played a key role in the empires to which it was subject. It was through an influx o transplanted Greeks and Romans, such

 

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as at the ortress at Abu Sha’ar, that brought Greco-Roman games to the Nile Valley, but the state o the evidence ev idence at present makes it difficult to t o determine the degree to which these games were played by local Egyptians. Attitudes toward pagan practices likely brought about a changing landscape o games with the adoption o Christianity, and a Coptic game gained in popularity during Late L ate Antiquity, Antiquity, as did tâb, seeja and  mancala during the Islamic periods. Tis discussion o the changing landscape o games is again simplified, as the interactions that brought games to new places and the processes that affected their th eir popularity popula rity across complex c omplex social soci al networks are diffi cult to assess ass ess in the archaeological record. Ongoing archaeological research and new approaches appr oaches to board games in Egypt will enrich, correct correct or confirm the above histories.

Religiosity Religiosi ty o board games In researching cultural transmission o board games, de Voogt et al. (2013 (2013)) ound that games cross cultural boundaries with remarkable fidelity. Tey retain much o their morphology and, likely, many o the rules. Tat is not to say that people adopting a new game will assign it similar social connota connotations. tions. One cannot assume that the religious connotations connotations a game had in one culture were transerred to the adopting society. Te religious use o senet  is   is ound prominently during the New Kingdom when texts, representations, and symbols on the boards b oards themselves demonstrate dem onstrate its importance in this arena o lie. What is less understood is whether the game always had this connection. Its importance in mortuary ritual is made clear, as is its presence in tomb assemblages, assemb lages, but the nature o the archaeological archaeol ogical record in Egypt does not provide much evidence or how it was played in domestic contexts. Graffiti games rom various sites do sugges suggestt a non-cultic non- cultic use, as does its presence in the Levant and Cyprus. In contrast, Levantine and Cypriot contexts do not support a religious or ceremonial unction or senet   or or mehen,  which also had strong cultic symbolism in Egypt (Sebbane ( Sebbane 2001;; Crist 2015). 2001 2015). Te symbolism o these games was not translated into the cultures receiving these games; rather, they were adopted into existing cultural milieux.

 

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Tee connection between divination and the game o twenty   T twenty  outside  outside o Egypt did not translate to its use in the New Kingdom. While it is possible possi ble the practice pract ice existed among the Levantine peoples settling in Egypt, Eg ypt, there there is no indication in the textual evidence that Egyptians used it or this purpose once it became popular among the nobility. Its divinatory use continued in Mesopotamia and the Levant alongside its symbolic use by elites, and lasted long afer its demise in Egypt. Te game o twenty  also  also does not appear to have been adopted into any orm o Egyptian cosmology relating to the aferlie. Tough it appears opposite senet  on   on game boxes, texts and scenes are silent on the game. Tis suggests a non-religious non-religious use or the  game o twenty ,  like many o the other games ound in Egypt about which texts reveal no inormation. Greek and Roman games, particularly those involving dice, are associated with gambling practices rather than divination and religious practice. Senet   did not become part o this tradition, and, with its eventual demise, the religious connotation o games disappeared rom Egypt. At the rise o Christianity during Late Antiquity, pagan symbolism related to Egyptian games was long abandoned, and games rom then on and continuing throughoutt the Islamic periods appear to have been strictly a secular throughou se cular practice.

Site use As has been b een stressed stress ed throughout throug hout this volume, v olume, attribution o graffi g raffiti games to certain time periods or practices requires care, as the structure on which they are ound merely provides a terminus post quem or the game pattern itsel. Te appearance o a Roman or Islamic game on a Pharaonic monument does not imply that the appearance appearance o the game in Egypt should be ascribed as cribed to the date o that monument, rather it implies that the monument was in use or at the least unburied during later later periods, and was utilized as a place in which to play a game, or whatever reason the players deemed fit. Identiying Iden tiying the game itsel is a crucial cr ucial first step in dating the carved pattern. Some patterns, such as merels , duodecim scripta and the  game o twenty  are   are sufficiently diagnostic di agnostic that their presence on monuments allow all ow or an easy eas y identification. Others, such as mancala ,  five lines  and latrunculi  are open to interpretation, and require urther lines o evidence to positively identiy them.

 

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Site taphonomy helps to ascribe ascr ibe graffiti games to certain cer tain time periods p eriods and aids archaeologists in understanding the chronology o the individual games’ existence. Much o this inormation is lost, since major Egyptian monuments were excavated beore scientific methods were adopted by archaeologists, but ongoing and uture excavations identiy identiying ing graffi g raffiti games gam es already a lready help in in understanding how and when some o these monuments were buried and which populations visited the remains.

Unidentified board games and new approaches Tere are patterns that do not easily fit any o the currently known types. Tey are arranged as intersecting lines making fields o squares or rectangles as well as rows or other patterns o cupules. While it is likely that games existed in Egypt that we have yet to discover, the identification o patterns as games can only be made in conjunction with other kinds o evidence. Tese include patterns that appear multiple times, have associated gaming paraphernalia (playing pieces or casting devices), exist alongside other known games in games contexts (de (de Voogt 2010; 2010; Crist et al. in press), press), have a certain social context rom the archaeological record (Crist (Crist 2015) 2015) or appear with corroborating textual or artistic evidence. While efforts to identiy new games are ongoing, there are undocumented examples o known types throughout Egypt as well. Newly ound games at Palmyra in Syria, as well as at the pyramids o Meroe (de ( de Voogt 2010, 2010, 2012), 2012), and those documented at various sites by Pusch (1979 1979),), Piccione (1990b (1990b)) and Jacquet-Gordon (2003 (2003)) suggest that there is a wealth o evidence or games that remains mis- or unidentified. unidenti fied. For For Egypt, this volume not only adds a range o Roman games ound through the Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project but also contributes unpublished u npublished examples o graffiti senet ,  misinterpreted hounds and  jackal l  boards,  jacka   boards, unpublished photographs o a series o Egyptian games and a scientific examination attempting to authenticate a long-disputed long-disputed mehen  board as well as correction c orrectionss o interpr interpretations etations in earlier scholarly texts. Te discovery o games outside o Egypt has helped to refine our understandingg o the ways in which Egyptian games were adopted and urther understandin elucidates the types o interactions Egyptians had with local peoples. In the

 

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past orty years, evidence or Egyptian games in Cyprus has ballooned significantly to the point where there are now more senet   boards that have been ound outside o Egypt than within. Cyprus Cyprus experienced this increase o awareness during the late 1970s and 1980s, and now most Bronze Age sites excavated since then have produced games. Te Levant may be experiencing a similar expansion o awareness o this artiact type, as more games have been identified there over the past decade de cade and a hal than t han had been ound previously. prev iously. Methods rom anthropological archaeology (de (de Voogt et al. 2013; 2013; Crist 2015)) examine existing material in the light o cultural and anthropological 2015 theory. Tis interest rom other disciplines coupled with a better identification o cruder examples o games helps to reinvigorate the study o games in Ancient Egypt. Our work serves as a basis or Classical and anthropological archaeology as well as the field o Egyptology in general to provide a thorough understanding o existing evidence and an overview o the sources used or identiying and interpreting games in Egypt.

 

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Rieche,  R ieche, A. 1984. 1984. Römische Kinder-und Kinder-und Gesellschasspiele.  Schrifen des Limesmuseums Aalen 34. Gesellschaf ür Vor-und Vor-und Frügeschichte in Württemberg und Hohenzollern e.V e.V.. Rieche,, A. 1986. Rieche 1986. Römische Spiele in Schrif- und Sachquelle. Sachquelle. Der Altsprachliche  29(3): ):40–55 40–55.. Unterricht  29( Rilly,, C. & de Voogt, Rilly Voogt, A. 2012. 2012. Te Meroitic Language and Writing System.  New York: York: Cambridge University Press. Press. Röder,, G. 1961. Röder 1961. Der Ausklang der ägyptischen Religion mit Reormation, Zauberei und  Jenseitsglau  Jensei tsglauben ben.  Zurich: Zurich: Artemis Artemi s Verlag Verlag.. Rose,, P. 1996. Rose 1996. Qasr Ibrim: Te Hinterland Survey .  London: London: Egypt Exploration Society. Society. Rosellini,, I. 1834. Rosellini 1834. I monumenti dell’Egitto e della Nubia. omo omo Secondo: Secondo : Monument  Monumentii Civili.  Pisa: Pisa: Presso Niccolo Capurro. Capurro. Rothöhler,, B. 1996. Rothöhler 1996. Ägyptische Bretts Brettspiele piele außer außer Senet .  Unpublished M.A. Tesis, Tesis, Bayerischen Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg. Würzburg. Rothöhler,, B. 1999. Rothöhler 1999. Mehen, god o the boardgames. boardgames. Jou  Journal rnal o Board Games Games Studies Studies  2:10–23 10–23..  Myth yth and and Symbo Symboll in An Ancien cientt Egypt  Egypt .  London: Rundle Clark, Clark, R.. 1991. 1991. M London: Tames & Hudson. Hudson. Saad,, Z.Y. 1969. Saad 1969. Te Excavations at Helwan.  Norman, Norman, OK: OK: University o Oklahoma Press.. Press Saqqara Expedition. Expedition. 1938. 1938. Te Mastaba o Mereruka.  Chicago: Chicago: University o Chicago Press.. Press Sauvage,, M. 1991. Sauvage 1991. Quelques exemples de jeux gravés sur des briques. briques. Orient-Express:   4–5.. 4–5 Schädler,, U. 1994a. Schädler 1994a. Latrunculi: ein verlorenes strategisches Brettspiel der Römer. Römer. In G. Bauer (ed.), Homo ludens: der spielende Mensch IV ,  47–67. 47–67. Schädler,, U. 1994b. Schädler 1994b. Murmelspieler au dem Forum Romanum: ein Volk von Müssiggängern und Faulenzern. Faulenzern. Spielbox  5:  5:54–7 54–7.. Schädler,, U. 1995. Schädler 1995. XII XI I Scripta, Alea, abula: abula: New New evidence or the Roman history o “backgammon.” In A.J. de Voogt (ed.), New Approaches to Board Games Research:   Asian Origins Origins and and Future Future Perspective Perspectivess.  Leiden: Leiden: IIAS IIAS,, 73–98. 73–98. Schädler,, U. 1998. Schädler 1998. Mancala in Roman Asia Minor. Minor. Jou  Journal rnal o Board Games Games Studies Studies  1:10–25 10–25.. Schädler,, U. 2002. Schädler 2002. Te almud, Firdausî and the Greek game “city.” In J. Retschitzki & R. Haddad-Zubel (eds), Step by step: proceedings o the 4th Colloquium Board Games in Academia.  Fribourg, Switzerland: Switzerland: Editions Universitaires Fribourg Suisse,, 91–102. Suisse 91–102. Schädler,, U. 2007. Schädler 2007. Sort, hasard, ortune: les nombreuses aces des dés. dés. In U. Schädler l’humanité. nité. 5000 ans d’histo d’histoire ire culture culturelle lle des jeux de société  société .  Geneva: (ed.). Jeux de l’huma Geneva: Éditions Slatkine, Slatkine, 9–19. 9–19.

 

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 Author Index Author Multiple author publications and editors are indexed under the name o the first author. al- Ma’shani, al-Ma’ shan i, A. see Charpentier al-Maqdissi, M. (ed.) see Oates, J. Albright, W.F. 10–11 10–11,, 84, 84,  101 Allen, J. 30, 89 Amandry, P. 9 Amélineau, E. 20, 26 Amiran, R. 71 Anderson, J.R. (ed.) see de Voogt Arnold, D. 10, 67 Aruz, J. (ed.) xi, (ed.) xi,  82, 82,  84 see also  Finkel, osi Austin, R.G. 133–5, 138, 148 Ayrton, E. 43 Bagc hi, . see Soni Bagchi, Bagnall, R.S. (ed.) see Schädler Banks, E.J. E. J. 100 Bardanis, M. 36 Bardiès-Fronty, I. (ed.) xi (ed.) xi see also  Dunn-Vaturi Bauer, G. (ed.) see Schädler Becker, A. 82 Behling, C.-M. 143 Bell, R.C. 118, 118,  163 see Ben Zvi, E.G.(ed.)  Guillaume Bénédite, 1,  56, 1, 56,   111 Ben- Ben -or, or, A. 101 Benzel, K. (ed.) see Finkel Berger, J.-F. see Charpentier Bhattacharya, R.K. (ed.) see Soni Bielińsk Biel iński,i, P. P. 102 Birch, S. 66, 66,  86 Bisht, R.S. 82 Blackman,, A. 47, Blackman 47,  49 Boaretto, Boarett o, E. see Shai Boraas, R. see Richard Borgi, F. see Charpentier Brandl, B. 71 Breyer, C. 2, 2,  67

Brink, E. see van den Brink Brodersen, K. (ed.) see Schädler Brown, W.N. 11 Brun, J.-P. 126, 128, 128,  134–5, 140, 140,  148 Brunner- Brunne r-raut, raut, E. 97 Brunton, G. 104, 104,  106, 106,  108, 118 Bruyère, B. 55, 64 Bryan, B.M. (ed.) see Allen, DuQuesne Buchanan, B. see Ellis Buchholz, H.-G. 74 Burke, A.A. 84 Calame nt, F. Calament, F. (ed.) 123 Capart, J. 26, 29 Carnarvon, Earl o 11, 11,  53, 53,  104–5, 104–5,  118–19 Carpenter, Carp enter, E. see Schuster Carter, H., 95, 95,  119–20 119–20  see Carnarvon Caubet, A. xi, A. xi,  89 Champion, C.B. (ed.) see Schädler Charpent Char pentier, ier, V. V. 152 Clarysse, Clar ysse, W. W. (ed.) (ed. ) see ait Claudius 129 Cline, E.H. (ed.) see Caubet, Guillaume Clogg, P. see Philip Cochavi-Rainey, Cohen, R. 72 Z. 87 Collon, D. 116 Crassard, R. see Charpentier Crist Cr ist,, W. W. 12, 12,  34–6, 74, 76, 76,  101, 169–70, 169–70,   172–33 172– Cuvigny, H. (ed.) see Brun, Matelly Dales, G.F. 11 Dandoy, J.R. 10 Daressy, G. 54 Dasen, V. 10 David, A.R. 51 Davies, N. 29, 29,  56 Davies, R. 33

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 Auth  Author or Index  Index 

 ddee Garis Davies, N. 57 de Mecquenem see Mecquenem de Miroschedji, M iroschedji, P. P. (ed.) see Ilan, Schulman de Morgan, J. 26 see also Mecquenem de Voogt, A.J. xiii, A.J. xiii, 12, 81, 81,  104, 126, 126,  129–31, 129–31,   135, 136, 136,  152–3, 152–3,  156, 156,  159, 162–5, 170, 170,   172–3 see also Charpentier, Crist,

Fischer, H. 17, 17,  111 Fiske, P.N. (ed.) see Eyckerman Förster, F. 45 Fourrier, S. 76 Francigny, V. V. xii, xii, xiii,  xiii, 7, 12, 12,  126, 136 Franco, I. 66 Frankel, D. xi, D. xi, 74, 74,  76 see also Webb

Francigny, Rilly, Schädler Decker, Decke r, W. W. 1, 27, 87, 89, 99–100,, 107, 99–100 107,  114, 122 Depaulis, . 33, 33,  158 Deveria, T. 96 T. 96 Dickmeyer, C.G. xii Donadoni Roveri, A.M. (ed.) 111 Donadoni, S. (ed.) see Kendall Dorn, A. 58 Dreyer, G. 19 see also Kaiser Drioton, E. 1, 1,  104–5, 107, 107,  110, 110,  122–3 Dunand, M. 36, 36,  72 Dungworth, D. see Philip

Frankort, H. 10 Freed, R. (ed.) see Kendall Frewer, E.F. E.F. (translator) (tran slator) see Schweinurth Friedman, R.F R .F.. (ed.) see Eyckerman Fugmann, E. 72

Dunham, D. 11, 11,  45, 45,  68, 115 Dunn Friedman, F. (ed.) see PierratBonneois Dunn-Vaturi, A.-E. 10, 67, 83–4, 83–4,  96–7, 96–7,   111, 116, 116,  118, 122 see also Crist, de Voogt DuQuesne, . 107, 107,  111, 121 Durand, M. (ed.) see Calament

see Gale, R. Gasson,A.P.123 Gayet, Gempeler, A. see Kaiser Gilmour, G.H. 9 Goedicke, H. 47 Greenfield, Greenfiel d, H.J. see Shai Griffi Gri ffith th,, F.L F.L.. (ed.) (ed .) see Naville Grossman, P. see Kaiser Gruneld, F. 163 Guichard, S. 110 Guillaume Guil laume,, P. P. 71, 71,  99, 99,  114

Edelman, D.V. (ed.) see Guillaume Eerkens, Eer kens, J.W J.W.. see de Voogt Effenterre, H. see van Effenterre Eliyahu-Behar, EliyahuBehar, A. see Shai Ellis, R. 117, 117,  121 Emery, W.B. 6, 22, 22,  25–6, 25–6,  37–9, 37–9,  44, 51, 51,  67, 67,   115, 133–5 Erdös, S. 118, 118,  121 Erskine, A. (ed.) see Schädler Eustathius 63 Evans, J. (ed.) see Finkel Eyckerman, M. 43

Gaballa, G. (ed.) see David Gachet-Bizollon, J. 8 Gale, N. see Webb Gale, R. 71 García Martínez, M.A. xii, M.A. xii, 122 Gardiner, A. see Davies, N. Garstang,, J. 38 Garstang

Falkener, E. 2, 89, 89,  138, 159 Faulkner, R.O. 52, 52,  55 Finkel, I.L. I.L. xii,  xii, 2, 2,  9, 9,  81–3, 81–3,  86–7, 86–7,  90, 90,  99, 99,   101–2,  123 see also Becker, Hoerth, 101–2, Kendall, Piccione, Pusch, Soni, ait

Hachmann, R. (ed.) see Meyer Haddad-Zubel, R. (ed.) see Schädler Haeny, P. see Kaiser Hall, H.R. 53 Harcourt-Smith, W. see Francigny Haring, B.J.J. xi B.J.J. xi Harris-Cline, D. (ed.) see Caubet Hassan, S. 47 Hawass, Z. 59 Hayes, W.C. 6, 9, 11, 11,  48, 48,  53–4 53–4,, 64, 90, 90,  94, 94,  97, 110–11 Heimann, Heiman n, F.U.M. F.U.M. 143 Hendrickx, S. see Eyckerman Hepper, N. see Gale, R. Herb, M. see Decker

Finkelstein, I. (ed.) Firth, C.M. 68, 91 see Guillaume

Herodotus Herscher, E.6376 see also Crist, Swiny

 

 Auth  Author or Index  Index  Hillbom,  H illbom, N. 36–7, 36–7,  102 Hoerth, A.J. A. J. 86, 86,  88–9, 88–9,  94, 105–7, 105–7,  110, 117–19 Hood, S. 36 Hornung, E. see Allen, DuQuesne Huebner, S.R. (ed.) see Schädler Huizinga, J. 3 Hyde, T. 154, 158 see also Depaulis, Keats Ilan, O. 71 Iskander, J.M. 60–1 60–1   Jacquet-Gordon, H. 12, 12,  59, 59,  126, 126,  128, 152, 154, 154,  164, 172 see also  Piankoff Jaritz, H. see Kaiser Jéquier, G. 85, 87 see also Mecquenem Johnston, H.H. 161 Junge, F. see Kaiser Junker, H. 28, 47 Kahn, J. see Francigny Kaiser, W. 26 Kamrin, J.J. xi,  xi, 86 Kanawati, N. xii, N. xii, 47 Kaplony, P. 71 Karageorghis, V. 36, 77, 102 Kassianidou, V. (ed.) see Merrillees Keats, Keat s, V. V. 154 Kendall, . 2–3, 2–3,  6, 6,  8–9, 8–9,  11, 17–18 17–18,, 20–2, 20–2,   24–6,  28–30 24–6, 28–30,, 32–3, 32–3,  39, 39,  41, 43, 49, 49,  55, 55,  61, 66–8, 85–7, 85–7,  94–5 94–5,, 99–100 99–100   Keswani, P. 76 Killebrew, A.E. (ed.) see Burke, Sharon Killen, G. see Gale, R. Kirwan, L.P. see Emery Kitchen, K. (ed.) see David Knapp, A.B. A.B. xiii,  xiii, 75 Kochavi, M. 72 Konyar, E. (ed.) see Michel Krüger, . 136 Kurke, L. 63

197

Lee, J. 70 Lepsius, C.R. 28 Levy, . (ed.) see Kaplony Lieblein, J.D.C. 105 Lilyquist, Ch. xii, Ch. xii,  90 Loat,, W.L. Loat W.L.S. S. see Ayrton Loud, G. 117 Macalister, R.A.S. 101, 118, 118,  121 Mackay, E.J.H. 82 Mackenzie, C. (ed.) see Finkel Maeir, A.M. see Shai Maltby, M. (ed.) see Dandoy Marée, M. (ed.) see iradritti Mariette, A. 47, 88–9, 96 Maspero, G. 96 see also  Deveria Matelly, M.-A. 126, 126,  135, 140, 148 May, R. (ed.) 38, 38,  66, 66,  94, 111, 111,  123 Maystre, C. 57 McDonald, G.E. see  Dickmeyer McDonald, H. see Oates Mecquenem, R. de 117 Merkelbach, R. 134 Merriam, A. 31 Merrillees, R. 75 Meyer, J.-W. 72, 72,  99 Michaelides, D. (ed.) see  Merrillees Michel, C. 118 see also Collon Miniaci, G. 105, 105,  107, 111 Montet, P. 25–8, 43 Mulvin, L. 126, 128, 128,  131, 131,  140–1, 140–1,  148, 148,   163–4 Murray, A. 76 Murray, H.J.R. 2, 88, 88,  118, 135, 135,  141, 143, 143,  155, 155,   159, 161, 161,  165 Muscarella, O.W. 9

Lamberg-Ka rlovsky, C.C. see osi Lamberg-Karlovsky, Lamer, H. 128–9, 128–9,  131, 131,  134 Lane, E.W. 155–6, 158–9

Nash , W.L. Nash, W.L. 66, 86 Naville, E. 69 Needl Nee dler, er, W. W. 53, 53,  85 Newberry, P.E. 85, 113 Nicholson, P. (ed.) see Gale Niebuhr, C. 158, 158,  165 Nilsson, M. M. xii, 126, 132, 132,  137, 141–2, 141–2,  147–8, 147–8,  

Lansing, A.47 10, 90 Lauer, J.-P.

152,k,157, 157,   160 Novace Novacek, G .V. G.V . 122

 

198

 Auth  Author or Index  Index 

Oates,  O ates, D. 34 Oates, J. 34, 34,  72 Oren, E.D. 118 Ornan, Orn an, . 89 Ovid 129, 143 see also Rieche Pankhurst, R. 31–2

Rieche, A. 128–9, 143–4 Rilly, C. xiii C. xiii Röder, G. 55 Rose, P. 139 Rosellini, I. 113 Rothöhler, B. 1, 1,  15, 15,  17, 30, 30,  89 Ruffl e, J. (ed.) (ed.) see David

Parker, 160–1 Parlett, H. D. 82, 82,   88, 104 Parrot, A. 84 Pauly, Paul y, A.F. A.F. see Lamer Pedrizet, Pedri zet, P. 12, 125 Pendlebury, J. see Frankort Petrie, W.M.F. 6, 6,  10–12 10–12,, 17–18, 17–18,  25–6, 25–6,   32,  39, 43–4, 32, 43–4,  50, 50,  61, 61,  67, 77, 79, 79,  84, 84,   86,  101, 104, 86, 104,  106, 106,  108, 118, 118,   139 Philip, G. 75 Piankoff, A. 55 Piccione Picc ione,, P. P. 1–3, 1–3,  6, 8, 8,  10, 15, 15,  17, 17,  22, 22,  27,

Rundle Clark, R. R. . 24

29–31, 29–31 33, 41, 41,   43–57 43–57, 59–66,  68, 76–7, 76–7,   79, 79,   91,, 94–7, 94–7,   100, 100,   172, 59–66, Pieper, M. 54–5 Pierrat-Bonneois, G. 110 Piperno, M. 83 Plato 63 Polak, F. (ed.) see Guillaume Popova, A. 32 Porat, N. 71 Prisse d’A d’Avennes, vennes, É. 1 Pritchard, J. 9–10 Pusch, E.B. 1, 1,  9, 9,  28–9, 43, 45, 47, 47,  50–1, 50–1,   53,  57–9, 53, 57–9,  61, 68, 68,  77, 77,  79, 86–9, 86–9,   91–7,  100, 105, 91–7, 105,  172

Ranke, H. 2, 15, 15,  29, 29,  33 Rao, S.R. 82 Rapp, G. see Swiny Rast Ra st,, W. W. 34, 34,  70 Redord, D.B. (ed.) see Spanel Reeves, N. xi, N. xi, 97 Regev, J. see Shai

Schoors, A., A. (ed.) Schulman Schulman, 71 see ait Schuster, C. 121 Schweinurth, G.A. 161, 161,  163 Schweitzer, U. 26 Sebbane, M. 70–4, 70–4,  170 see also Ilan Seyffarth, G. 108 Shai, I. 71 Sharon, I. xiii Shaw, I. xiii see also Gale, R. Shore,, A.F Shore A. F. 20, 22 Sidebotham, S.E. see Mulvin Silva, J.N. (ed.) see Schädler Silverman, D. (ed.) see Piccione Simpson, Simps on, W.K. W.K. 8, 27–8, 47 Smith, A. see Mur  Murray, ray, A. Smith, S.. 97 Soni, L.N. 82 South, A. 76 Sowada, K. 71 Spanel, D.B. 85 Spencer, A.J. 26 Stager, L. 71 Steiner, M.L. (ed.) see Burke, Sharon Stos, Z.A. see Webb Suetonius 129, 131, 131,  144 Sutton-Smith, B. 3

Retschitzki, J. (ed.) see Schädler Richard, S. 72

Swiny, S. xii,  see S. xii, 3,  17, 3, 17,   20, 22, 24, 24,  27, 27,  29, 34–5, 72,  74–6 72, also  Crist

Quenet, P. (ed.) see Oates, J. Quibell,, J.E. 6, 10, Quibell 10,  17, 17,  22–6, 44, 47 see also  Petrie Quirke, S. xii S. xii  see also Miniaci

Saad, Z.Y. 26 Salvador, Ch. see V  Vandenbe andenbeusch usch Salvatori, S. see Piperno Saqqara Expedition 47 Sauvage, M. 84 Schädler, U. U. xii,  xii, 11–12 11–12,, 63, 63,  83, 83,  128, 128,  130–3, 136–9,  143–5, 136–9, 143–5,  159, 161, 161,  163, 166 see also  Dunn-Vaturi Scharff, A. 17, 26 Schaub, R.. see Rast Schiaparelli, E. see Hall

 

 Auth  Author or Index  Index  ait,   ait, W.J. 6–8, 6–8,  10, 12, 54, 54,  63–4, 63–4,  94–7 aracha, P. see Bieliński arhan, . (ed.) see Michel eissier, B. 89 ibet, A. (ed.) see Michel iradritti, F. xi, F. xi, 88–9 osi, M. 82

Vaturi, A.-E. see Dunn-Vaturi Vermaak, P.S. 118, 118,  121 Vermeule, E. 76 Voogt, A.J. de see de Voogt Voorhies, B. 5

 ournay, ourn ay, S. M.-M. 31 ournay, see ournay, M.-M. owry-Whyte, E. 65–7 unell, O. 34 ur urne ner,r, V. V. 169

Walters, H. see  Murray,  Mur ray, A.141–2, Ward, J. xii, J. xii, 126, 132,  132,  137, 141–2,   147–8,  152, 147–8, 152,  157, 160 Webb, J. xi, J. xi, 75–6 75–6  see also Frankel Welsby, D.A. (ed.) see de Voogt Wenig, S. (ed.) see Kendall Wiedemann, A. 55, 89 Wilkinson, J.G. 29, 29,  66, 66,  113–14 Willems, H. (ed.) see ait Williams, B.B. 33, 33,  38 Winlock, H.E. 96, 96,  105 Wissowa, G. see Lamer Wolff, S. (ed.) see Stager

Ussishkin, D. (ed.) see Guillaume, Sebbane  van den Brink, E. (ed.) see Brandl, Kaplony, Porat  van Effenterre, Effenterre, H. H. 36 Vandenbe andenbeusch, usch, M. 115 Vandier, d’Abbadie, J. 2, 15, 17, 17,  J.22, 22,  26–9,  43–4, 43–4,  114 Vandier 97 26–9, Vassalli, L. see iradritti Väterlein, J. 143–4

Walk alker, er, R.A. R.A . 161

see V Wolsky, F.C.L.  Vermeul Woolley, 82ermeulee

Yad adin in,, Y. Y. 73–4

199

 

200

 

 Subject Index Subject Names o games and transliterations o Egyptian are in italics. Names o gods, places and individuals are capitalized. Entries Entries starting with “el-” are listed under the second part o the name.  nh wꜢ st  st 54 ˘ Ꜥ nh  95 ˘

A-Group 33, 38 Aba 29, 86 Abu Ballas 45 Abu Rawash 16, 16,  25, 25,  42–4 Abu Sha’ar 61, 127, 131, 131,  135, 140, 140,  148, 170 Abydos 9, 9,  16–17 16–17,, 20, 25–6, 25–6,  32, 32,  42–4, 50,

Amenhotep III 87, 87,  95 Amenhotep IV 96 amethyst 26 Amorite 84 amulet, amuletic 18, 38, 111, 111,  122 Anatolia 9, 14, 81, 81,  103–4 103–4,, 114–16, 118, 118,   167–9 animal see playing pieces, zoomorphic zoomorphic Ankheensakhmet 29, 29,  61

66,  69, 66, 69,  81, 91–2, 91–2,  94 Acemhoyük 103, 103,  116 Aegean 34, 36, 36,  89 Aegyptus, province o 128 Arica 161, 161,  163 Central Arica 163 East Arica 158 Saharan Arica 33 sub-Saharan Arica 165 aferlie 2, 2,  15, 15,  22, 30–1, 30–1,  41, 41,  47, 49, 52, 52,   120, 171 Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Papyrussamm lung, Berlin B erlin 52, 93, 93,  

Ankhtifi 28, 32 Ante 49 anthropoid see board anthropological archaeology 14, 14,  173 Antinoë 123 Anubis 111, 111,  120–1 apotropaic 96 Aphrodisias 127, 133, 133,  136 appendage see also projection, protrusion round 107 trapezoidal 22, 22,  27 turtle-head turtlehead 17, 20, 27, 27,  31 Aqhor see Hornakht

95,  97Museum, Bonn xii, 95, Ägyptisches Bonn xii,  92, 94 Akhmim 81, 81,  88 alabaster 43 Alamgirpur 11 alea 133, 133,  136 Alexander the Great 61, 125, 167–8 Alexandria 10, 10,  12, 12,  127, 142–3 alquerque 163, 163,  166 Amara West 103, 115 Amarna, el-Amarna 10–11 Amarna letter 87 Amathus 42, 42,  76 Amenemhat 56, 56,  105 Amenhotep II 95

Arab 14,   154, 14, 125,158, 129,   165 129, 131, 133, 133,  138, 138,  151–67 151–67   Arabic4,66, 66,  158,  Aramatelqo 68 Archaeological Museum o Heraklion 102 Asasi, el-Asasi 10, 42, 42,  53, 53,  90, 105 see also  Tebes Ashmolean Museum, Oxord 17, 38 Ashur 81, 81,  103, 115–16 Assyrian, Assyrians 60, 60,  79, 115–16 115–16   astragali see casting devices

Ꜥ 

bꜢ  w 54, 60, 60,  68 ba 41, 41,  52, 52,  55–6

Bâb edh-Dhrâ‘ 16, 16,  34, 42, 42,  70–2, 70–2,  74

201

 

202

Subject Index 

 bbaboon aboon 10, 67 Babylon 14, 103 Babylonian 2, 66, 66,  87, 87,  99–100, 99–100,  117 Bachias 143 see also Fayum Oasis backgammon 133, 138, 138,  165 Ballas 6, 6,  16–17 16–17,, 20 Baqet III 51, 51,  85, 85,  113

burial 10, 31, 38–9, 38–9,  50, 50,  76, 86, 89–90, 89–90,  105, 105,   111, 122–3 see also unerary, mortuary, offerings Byblos 16, 16,  36, 42, 42,  71–2, 71–2,  116 Byzantine xiv, Byzantine  xiv, 12, 124, 124,  128, 143

Bedouin beer 49 154 Bellapais Vounous 75 Beni Hasan 42, 51, 51,  81, 81,  85–7, 85–7,  103, 103,  111–13, 111–13,   127, 146–7 Bes 66, 96 Beth Shean 10, 103, 103,  118 biacial see board shape bird 54, 54,  67, 67,  83, 89, 99 see also duck, goose, sparrow-hawk, sparrowhawk, waterowl black 6, 6,  8, 50, 50,  135–6, 135–6,  158–9, 158–9,  163 blue 116, 118 board shape

calendar 122 Canaan, Canaanites 34,  36, 69 34, canine 6, 111, 111,  121 see also dog caption 2, 28–9, 28–9,  46, 46,  51, 85, 87, 87,  114 see also  playing scene captives see playing pieces, throwing throwing sticks casting devices 5, 5,  7, 7,  9, 9,  122, 172 see also  randomization astragalus, astragali 5, 5,  7, 7,  9–10, 9–10,  67, 87, 87,  99, 99,   119, 122, 122,  126 cubic dice 5, 5,  7, 7,  10–11 10–11,, 126, 126,  133, 135–6, 135–6,   148 disks, two-sided two-sided 119, 119,  123

anthropoid 121 axeaxe-blade blade 104 biacial 82, 82,  136 see also double double-sided, sided, reversible box type see box double-sided doublesided 11, 11,  66, 66,  85, 90, 90,  97, 97,   101–2,, 122 101–2 ellipsoidal 107–8 107–8,, 121 see also violin hippopotamus 109–10, 109–10,  114 see also  zoomorphic liver 99 Palestinian see violin reversible 81, 88 see also biacial, double-sided doublesided shield 104 turtle 111–12 111–12,, 121–2  violin 107–8, 107–8,  110, 115, 117, 117,  122 zoomorphic 110, 113–14 Bode Museum, Berlin 17 Book o the Dead 2, 2,  41, 52, 55–7, 55–7,   63,  95 63, box, game box 11, 11,  52–3 52–3,, 57–8, 60, 60,  66–7, 66–7,  76, 81–2,  88–91 81–2, 88–91,, 94–7, 94–7,  101–2, 101–2,  107, 107,   122–3,  171 122–3, British Museum, London xi, London xi, xii,  xii,  20–2, 20–2,  46, 52,  61–2, 52, 61–2,  66, 77, 77,  79, 79,  83, 86, 99–100, 111, 115, 115,  117

knucklebones 90,  96 see also  astragalus 9–10, 90, oblong dice 11, 11,  89 pyramidal see teetotum six-sided sixsided see cubic dice sticks, our-sided our-sided 82 teetotums 5, 7, 10–11, 10–11,  101 tetrahedrons 11, 11,  82–3 throwing sticks 5–9, 23–5, 23–5,  44, 44,  121, 121,  126, 158–9 twenty-sided twentysided dice, Greek lettering 12, 12,  128 cat 67 cedar 71, 71,  169 celebration, celebratory 28, 28,  32, 32,  46–7 Chalcolithic 9 checkers 138–40 see also draughts  checkered 20, 54, 92, 92,  94 chess 138, 138,  140, 154 child, children 31, 52, 52,  129, 143–5, 143–5,  159 Christianity, Christian 133, 133,  148, 148,  170–1 170–1   circle 17–18, 17–18,  20–1, 20–1,  79, 79,  107, 107,  135, 140, 140,  143–4 see also game o thirty-three thirty-three circles  semi-circle semicircle 92, 94, 94,  135 circus 134 climate 1, 1,  79, 79,  82, 88, 125 see also  preservation clockwise 17, 17,  36, 36,  159 see also 

brown Buhen 27 42, 50, 50,  67, 67,  103, 103,  115

counterclockwise coffee 165

Cairo Papyrus see Great Game ext

 

Subject Index 

203

Coffi  C offi n ext 2, 2,  51–2, 51–2,  55 color, colored 6, 6,  20, 24–5, 24–5,  33, 33,  64, 64,  110, 110,  138, 155, 158 concentric circle see spiral configuration 38, 38,  97, 97,  111, 128–31 128–31,, 138–9, 138–9,   146, 152, 152,  154, 156, 156,  158, 164–5 connecting lines see linkage

drilled/bored 39, 70, 70,  122 pecked 34, 74, 76 dexterity 87, 87,  143–4 143–4   Dholavira 82 dice see casting devices dice tower see pyrgus Didymoi 127–8 127–8,, 140

conquest Arab 125, 133, 133,  151, 167 British, French 160 Egyptian conquest o the Levant 169 Egyptian conquest o Nub Nubia ia 114 Roman conquest 125, 125,  167–8 copper 36, 36,  71, 71,  169 Coptic calendar 122 game 122–3, 122–3,  170 counterclockwise 17, 17,  36, 159, 159,  165 counters see playing pieces counting devices see casting devices

Dinkha 122devices disks seeepe  casting divination, divinatory 9, 12, 12,  99, 99,  171 Djet 37 dog, hound 63, 63,  66–7, 66–7,  69, 99, 111, 111,  115, 115,  118, 155, 159 domestic 10, 36, 36,  70, 70,  97, 104, 104,  170 see also  public lie double-axe doubleaxe see board shape Dra Abu el-Naga 42, 53, 53,  88, 88,  107, 107,  111–12, 111–12,   122 draughts 52 see also checkers  draughtsmen see playing pieces

Crete 37, 102 seeoalso  Archaeological Museum Heraklion, Knossos cross see “X” crystal see rock crystal cubic dice see casting devices cultural transmission 170 see also  anthropological archaeology Cypro-Geometric 77, 77,  102 Cyprus, Cypriot 3–4, 13, 34–7, 61, 61,  74–7, 74–7,  79, 81,  89, 81, 89,  91, 101, 101,  167, 170, 170,  173

also beer, coffee, drinking 57, 76, 165 seewine social lubricant, drinking cup 57, 96 duat  30, 30,  41, 55 duck 24 duodecim scripta, ludus duodecim scriptorum 14, 128, 128,  130, 133–8, 148, 148,   167, 171

Dakhleh Oasis 42, 45 dance, dancers 28, 31–2, 31–2,  47, 47,  52, 66, 97 Darius III 61 Dawwi 127–8, 127–8,  134–5 Deir el-Bahari 11, 105, 105,  122 see also Tebes Deir el-Bersha 86 Deir el-Gabrawi 16, 16,  29 Deir el-Medina 10, 10,  42, 50, 50,  55, 55,  58, 64, 81, 81,  93, 93,   96–8 Delta, Nile 87–8 Demeter 63 Demotic 63 Den 9, 9,  43 Dendera 42, 42,  61, 127, 127,  142–3, 142–3,  161, 161,  164 Deneia Kafalla 76 depression 35–6 35–6,, 39, 39,  61, 61,  71–2 71–2,, 74, 76–7, 76–7,  79, 79,   133, 135, field 135,  146, 152, 152,  155, 158 see also  playing

ears 6, 6,  110–11 110–11,, 118 Early Bronze Age 34, 34,  69–72 69–72   Early Dynastic Period 13, 33–4, 33–4,  74 East Arica 158 eastern desert o Egypt 126, 128, 128,  136 Eastern Mediterranean 13, 36, 36,  84, 84,  101, 116 Edu 127, 127,  156 Egyptian Museum, Cairo xi, Cairo xi,  1, 1,  8, 17, 17,  46, 46,  51, 53,  58, 53, 58,  64, 88, 88,  91–4, 91–4,  97, 97,  100, 100,  106–8, 111–12,  122 111–12, Eighteenth Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 11, 11,  53–4, 56, 90–1 90–1,, 94–5,  115–16 see also New Kingdom 94–5, Eleventh Dynasty xiii, 85, 104–5 see also  Middle Kingdom elite 13, 13,  31, 31,  89, 102, 102,  110, 136, 136,  169, 171 ellipsoidal see board shape elliptic 110 emulation 168–9 Enkomi 76,   81, 81,  89, 101 Ephesos 42, 127, 76, 127,  133

 

204

Subject Index 

Eritrea  E ritrea 164 eroded 147, 162 Ethiopia 164 Eustathius 63 excavation, excavated 8–9, 12, 33, 33,  44–5, 44–5,  58, 70–2,  74, 83, 87–8, 70–2, 87–8,  91, 91,  101, 107, 107,  115, 115,   121, 129, 129,  140–1 140–1,, 172–3 exchange 4,  13, 4, 13,  73, 101–2, 101–2,  168–9 see also  trade eye 96, 96,  107, 121, 121,  155 aience 11–12, 11–12,  20, 20,  24, 24,  31, 53, 53,  64, 64,  66, 66,  68, 88, 88,   94,  96–7, 101, 94, 101,  108, 110 Famagusta 76 amous 13, 76, 76,  82, 82,  117 see also iconic Fayum, Fayum Oasis 103, 103,  127, 139, 139,  143 easting 36, 36,  76 eet 22, 22,  27, 51, 105–6, 114, 114,  121, 145 ennec 6 estival 95

unerary 28, 31–2 31–2,, 37, 37,  44–5, 44–5,  47, 56–7 56–7,, 59, 59,   83,  96–7 83, 96–7,, 104, 104,  106–7, 106–7,  120–1, 120–1,  123 see also burial, mortuary gambling 63, 171  game o fiy-eight fiy-eight holes see hounds and  jackals   game o horseshoes horseshoes 111  game o the robbers robbers see game game o tjau   game o thirty points points 104 see also hounds and jackals  game o thirtythirty-one one 87  game o thirty-three thirty-three 13, 13,  60, 60,  63, 63,  77–80 77–80    game o tjau 29, 29,  86–7, 138  game o twenty  2, 2,  5, 5,  9, 9,  13, 13,  51, 53, 53,  58, 58,  60, 60,  

64, 73, 76–7 64,  76–7,, 79, 79,  81–102, 107, 113, 113,   122, 167–9, 171 see also rules o play “head-and-tail” “headand-tail” type 83, 99 liver-shape livershape 99

Fifeenth Dynasty xiii, 101 see also Second Intermediate Period Fifh Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 28–30 28–30,, 41 see also Old Kingdom finger, fingertip 6, 8 First Intermediate Period xiii Period xiii,, 28, 32, 32,  45, 45,  49, 104 First Persian Period see wenty-Seventh Dynasty Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 22, 22,  24  five lines lines 14, 14,  128, 128,  130–2, 130–2,  138, 138,  152, 154–5, 154–5,   164–7, 171 see also rules o play flute 66, 66,  97 oot see eet orgery 18 ortress 114, 126, 126,  149 Abu Sha’ar 135, 135,  140, 148, 148,  170 see also  Abu Sha’ar Buhen 50, 67, 67,  115 see also Buhen Dawwi 128 see also Dawwi Didymoi 128 see also Didymoi Krokodilo 140 see also Krokodilo ell Deenneh 61–2  orty-two  ortytwo and pool  39 Fourth Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 15, 15,  38, 38,  45 see also Old Kingdom

royal game o Ur  82–3 games context 129–30, 129–30 , 146, 151–3, 164–6, 172 games o skill 9 gaming pieces see playing pieces gaming/game table 27–8, 27–8,  43, 43,  51, 51,  57, 97, 105–6,  113–14, 105–6, 113–14,  122, 122,  131, 135, 135,  139 garlic 43 Gath see ell es-Safi Gaza, ancient Gaza 116 see also  ell el-Ajjul Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project 126, 126,  128, 132–3, 136–7, 140–4, 146–8, 146–8,  156–7, 156–7,   160–1,, 164, 160–1 164,  172 gender 32 see also women Gerar see ell Jemmeh Germania 136 Gezer 81, 103, 103,  118, 121 Giza 8, 16, 28, 28,  127 glass 53, 53,  110, 110,  136, 154 goal o the game 30, 104, 104,  107, 119–20, 119–20,  123 goose 24, 31 graffi gr affiti games ga mes 4, 4,  12, 31, 44–5, 50–4, 50–4,  59, 61, 69,  74, 97, 125–6, 128–30, 69, 128–30,  135, 139, 139,   140, 151–2, 151–2,  154, 163, 163,  165, 170–2 Greek calendar see calendar Great Game ext 2, 2,  6, 8, 54–5, 54–5,  94, 94,  100, 100,  121

ox 6, 108,  111, 110 118 rog6, 108, 

Greco-Roman 2,  4, 2, 4,  s10, 12, 14, 14,   80, 80,  129–30, 129–30,   144, 168–70 ee also  Hellenistic

 

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Subject Index  Greco-Roman  G reco-Roman period 10, 80, 129, 129,  144 see also Ptolemaic period, Roman period Greek lettering see twenty twenty-side side dice green 66 guessing, counting games 87, 87,  114

205

Hadjiprodromou Collection, Famagusta 76

Ibi 61 Iby 29 iconic 105 see also amous, McDonald, G.E. iconography 10, 10,  30, 30,  54, 58, 60, 60,  128–9, 128–9,  138 Idu 8, 8,  28, 28,  31, 47 Ilum-ishar Ilumishar 84 Imenmes 57, 67, 96

see also peg, pin hairpin 110–11,  110–11, Hama 42, 42,   72  118 Hapy 54, 54,  60 Har Yeroh Yeroham am 72 Har-Behdety 12 Harappa 11, 11,  82 Hathor 12, 12,  28, 28,  32, 46–7 Hatshepsut 54, 58, 58,  65, 65,  67, 94, 96 Hawawish, el-Hawawish 42, 42,  47 Hazor 42, 42,  73–4, 81, 81,  101 Pillared Building 74 head see also “head “head-and-tail” and-tail” animal 110

Indus Valley Valle 11,  82 Inherkau 55y 11, Inshushinak 116–18, 122 Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, Cairo xi, 93, 97–8 interaction 4, 4,  12–13, 117, 117,  120, 120,  168–70, 168–70,  172 Intermediate Bronze Age 72 International Internatio nal Style 89–91, 101, 101,  169 intersecting lines 143–4, 143–4,  172 intoxicant 168 see also beer, psychoactive substance, wine Iran 81, 81,  83, 103–4, 111, 114, 114,  116, 119, 119,  122 Iraq see Mesopotamia

anthropoid canine, dog,121 hound 6, 6,  110–11, 110–11,  121  jackal 110–11 110–11,, 118 leopard 65 serpent, snake 15, 15,  17–18, 20–2, 35 sparrow-hawk sparrowhawk 111 turtle 17, 17,  20, 20,  27, 27,  31 waterowl/goose/duck 24 Heliopolis 4, 60 Hellenistic 12, 125, 125,  168 see also GrecoRoman hepatoscopy 99 see also divination Hesy-Re 6, 6,  22–4, 26–7, 26–7,  31, 31,  37–8, 37–8,  44–5 hexagram, hexameter 134–5 134–5  see also duodecim scripta  hippopotamus 33, 33,  54, 109–10 109–10,, 114 see also  board shape, game piece Hor Aha 18–19 Hornakht 88–9, 88–9,  94, 96 horse 67, 67,  115 horseshoes see game o horsesho horseshoes es  Horus 12, 54, 54,  60–2, 60–2,  64, 68, 89, 89,  94 hound see dog, hounds and jackals  hounds and jackals 5, 5,  9, 9,  14, 14,  81, 95, 100, 100,   102–24,, 159, 102–24 159,  167–9 see also rules o play hunting 26

Iron Age 74, 76, 101, 101,  117 52 IsesiIsesi-merynetjer merynetjer 28,   47, 28, 47,  Isis 12, 12,  63 Islamic xiv, Islamic  xiv,  1–2, 4, 4,  12, 138, 138,  170–1 Israel, Israelites 74, 154 Israel Museum, Jerusalem 70, 73 ivory 6–11 6–11,, 24–6, 24–6,  30–1, 30–1,  38–9, 43, 53, 53,  64, 64,  66, 68,  88–91 68, 88–91,, 95–7, 95–7,  101, 105, 105,  110–11, 110–11,   115, 117–19, 117–19,  122, 122,  124, 135–6 ᾽ı w᾽ı w 63  jackal 6, 66, 69, 69,  110–11, 110–11,  114–15, 118, 120–1 see also hounds and jackals   jeu de dames dames see checkers checkers  Jirof 81, 81,  83 Jordan 153

Hyena Hyksosgame 86–8 33

temple Keramit 60 o Khonsu

Kab, el-Kab 127, 127,  156–7, 160 Kababish 33 Kahep 47 Kaiemankh 28–9, 31, 31,  47, 47,  51 Kairere 47 Kalavasos A  Ayios yios Dhimitrios Dhimitrios 42, 77 Kamid el-Loz 42, 42,  72–3, 72–3,  81, 101 Kanesh see Kültepe Karahoyük 103, 103,  116 Karnak 42, 59, 59,  126–8, 126–8,  161, 161,  163 see also 

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206

Subject Index 

Kerma  K erma 8 Kerman 83–4 Kharga Oasis 127, 132–3, 143, 146, 146,  148 Kheni 47 Khety 51, 85–6, 85–6,  113 Khirbet Iskander 42, 72 Khnumhotep II 86

liminal 168 lines see five lines,  linkage linkage 104, 107, 107,  110, 116–17 116–17,, 120 lion 24–6, 28–9, 32–3, 67–8, 90–1 90–1,, 105, 154 Lisht 11, 11,  42, 42,  79, 103, 103,  110 liver see board shape

see temple o Khonsu Khonsu Khonsumose 57 Kition Kathari 16, 16,  36 Knossos 102 knucklebones see astragali Kom el-Dekka 142–3 see also Alexandria Kom Ombo 127–8, 127–8,  135–7, 135–7,  140–3 140–3,, 149 Kordoan 33 Kotchati 76 Kouklia Skales 42, 42,  77, 77,  81, 102 Krokodilo 127, 127,  140 Kubban 42, 68, 81, 81,  91 Kültepe, ancient Kanesh 103, 116, 118

Lothal 82 Louvre11, see Musée du Louvre ludus duodecim scriptorum see duodecim scripta  ludus latrunculorum see latrunculi  lunar, moon 122 Luxor 126–7, 126–7,  132–3 132–3,, 143, 143,  161, 163

Ku¯ rna 161, 163–442, Kurru, el-Kurru 42,  68, 68,  103, 103,  115 Kushite xiii, 60, 68 see also wenty-Fifh Dynasty labyrinth 107, 107,  110, 110,  122 Lachish 16, 16,  34, 42, 73 Lahun 42, 50–1, 50–1,  103, 103,  106, 106,  108, 115 lapis lazuli 82 Late Bronze Age 8, 13, 72, 72,  99, 99,  101, 169 Late Period xiii, Period xiii,  13, 13,  46, 60–1, 60–1,  63, 63,  73, 73,  77–80, 77–80,   86,  110, 167 see also wenty-Fifh, 86, wenty-Sixth, Tirtieth Dynasties Latin 126, 126,  128–9, 128–9,  134, 136, 136,  138, 143–4 latrunculi 14, 14,  128, 134, 134,  136, 138–41 138–41,, 152, 152,   156, 167, 167,  171 see also rules o play Lebanon 71–2, 71–2,  116 leg, legs 38, 105, 105,  107, 107,  113 Lemba Lakkous 16, 16,  35 leopard 65 letters 12, 12,  113, 125, 125,  128, 133–6 see also  Greek lettering, hexagram, twentyside dice Levant, Levantine xiii, Levantine xiii,  3–4, 3–4,  8, 8,  10, 10,  13, 34, 36, 61,  69, 61, 69,  71–2, 71–2,  75–6, 79, 79,  81–2, 81–2,  84, 89, 91,  99, 91, 99,  101–4 101–4,, 114, 114,  117–19, 117–19,  167–71, 167–71,   173

marbles marble,144–5  24, 24,  26, 26,  28, 33, 87, 87,  133, 144–5, , 166 Mari 81, 84 Marki Aloni  Aloniaa 42, 74 Marki Kappara 42, 76 Mashabei Sade 42, 72 mastaba 22, 22,  31–2, 31–2,  37–9, 45, 47–8 Medamoud 127, 127,  156–7 Medinet Habu 42, 42,  57, 59 Megiddo 42, 71, 81, 81,  89, 89,  102–3, 102–3,  114, 117–19 mehen 2–3, 2–3,  5, 5,  13, 15–38, 15–38,  41, 41,  44, 47, 49, 49,  55, 55,   61,  69, 74, 112, 61, 112,  167–70, 167–70,  172 see also  rules o play Memphis 29, 29,  39 men 13, 15, 15,  22–3, 22–3,  25–6, 25–6,  37–9, 37–9,  43–4 merels 128, 128,  130, 133, 133,  141–3, 171 see also mill game , threethree-men’smen’s-morris morris  Merenptah 63, 66, 66,  68–9 Mereruka 47, 52 Meretseger 57 Meroe 172 Meroitic 136, 136,  140–1 140–1,, 148 Post-Meroitic 136 Mery 49 Merymaat 94 Mesopotamia 11, 11,  13, 34, 34,  67, 67,  72, 72,  79, 81–2, 81–2,  

limestone 4,  12, 4, 12,  38–9,  38–9,  50, 50,  53, 58, 70, 70,   74,  76, 74, 82, 25, 94, 34, 94,  96–7, 102

84, 84,  103–4,  115–16 115–16,, 118–19 118–19,, 167, 167,   169, 89, 171103–4,

Ma’at 54 magical 7, 10, 10,  12 Mahasna, el-Mahasna 42–3 mancala 14, 128, 130–1, 130–1,  146, 152–3, 152–3,  155, 158, 160–6, 170–1 see also rules o play

 

Subject Index 

207

Metjetji  M etjetji 47 Metropolitan Museum o Art, New York  xi,  xi, 7, 9–10, 9–10,  17–19 17–19,, 25, 25,  48, 48,  51, 51,  53, 56, 56,  65, 65,   67,  90, 67, 90,  92, 94–5, 94–5,  97, 97,  105–6, 111 Middle Bronze Age 72, 84, 89, 89,  101, 116 Middle Kingdom xiii, Kingdom xiii,  7, 7,  13–14 13–14,, 38, 41, 41,   44–6,  49–53 44–6, 49–53,, 67–8, 67–8,  85–6, 104–7,

Nekau 67 Nephthys 12 New Kingdom xiii, xiii,  6, 7, 7,  9–11 9–11,, 13, 13,  30, 30,  32–3, 32–3,   41,  45–7, 41, 45–7,  50–3 50–3,, 57, 57,  60, 60,  64, 64,  68, 74, 74,  86, 86,   91–6,  100, 107, 91–6, 107,  115, 117, 161, 161,  167, 170–1 see also Eighteenth, Nineteenth, wentieth Dynasties

110–11 110–11, , 114–16, 121,   167–8 see also  Eleventh, welfh,121, Tirteenth Dynasties Middle Minoan period 37 military 104, 104,  114–15, 114–15,  148 see also  soldiers mill game 128, 128,  141–3 see also merels,  rules o play Mitanni 87 Moalla 16, 16,  29, 29,  32 Mohenjo-daro Mohenjodaro 11, 82 moon see lunar Morphou oumba tou Skourou 42, 76, 101

nr  45, 49–50, 49–50,  53–4, 60, 63, 63,  95, 95,  97, 104, 104,  106,

mortuary 3,  13,see 3, 31–2, 36,   38, 38,  47, 63, 76, 76,   169–70 also36,  burial, unerary mouth 96, 96,  110, 114 see also snout Muhattah Jaqub 45 Musawwaratt el-Sura 127 Musawwara Musée du Louvre, Paris 10, 10,  20, 20,  67, 92–3, 96, 96,   109, 111, 111,  117, 122 Musée Royal de Mariemont 20 Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels 20,  65–6, 122 20, Museo Egizio, Eg izio, urin urin 93, 100, 100,  111 Museum o Fine Arts, Boston 8, 11, 68, 68,   115–16 music, musicians 28, 28,  32, 32,  47–8, 57, 57,  66, 66,  161 Mut 60 mw 54, 54,  59–60 59–60,, 68

66–9, 137, 66–9,  72, 72,  148, 81, 91, 91,   103–4, 114–15, 114–15,  117, 117,   127, 137,  161–3 Nubia Museum, Aswan 91 nude 10, 10,  97 see also naked

Nahum 99 naked 66 see also nude Naqadaa xiii, 16, 17, Naqad 17,  25–6, 42, 44 nard  138 Narodni Muzeum, Prague 50 Naxos 16, 36 Nebenma’at 57 Neerhotep 56–7, 56–7,  111, 111,  118, 121 Neeriretene 47 Neerukekashta 68 Newa 38 32 Neith 30, 30, 

120 nrw 28, 54, 54,  58–60, 58–60,  96 142,  144, 163, 163,  166 nine-men’sninemen’s-morris morris 142, Nineerkaptah 63 Nineteenth Dynasty xiii, xiii,  54, 56, 63, 63,  66, 66,  77, 81,  86, 81, 86,  88, 91, 91,  94–7, 94–7,  108, 115, 115,  117 see also New Kingdom Nippur 103, 119 nomads 33 n-t rw  rw 54, 60 n-t rwy   rwy  54, 60 Nubia, Nubians 4, 13, 16, 16,  33, 33,  38, 42, 127, 127,  

object rieze 105 offerings 15, 37, 41, 41,  45, 45,  47, 56–7, 95–6, 122 burial gifs/goods 105, 111 ormulae 95–6 offering table 36, 43 Old Kingdom xiii, 8, 24, 24,  27, 27,  29, 32–3, 32–3,  37–8, 37–8,   44–7,  49, 44–7, 49,  53, 61, 61,  68, 68,  74, 74,  85 see also  Tird, Fourth, Fifh, Sixth Dynasties Omphale 10 Oriental Institute Museum, Chicago 22, 22,  27, 88,  115, 118 88, Osireion 63, 63,  66, 68–9 Osiris 12, 52, 61 ostracon, ostraca 4, 4,  46, 50, 53, 53,  58, 58,  88, 97–8 Ottoman 4, 14, 129, 129,  131, 131,  133, 151–67 Oxyrhyncus Papyrus 63  pachisi 82

paint 27, 50, 50,  58, 58,  64, 94–7, 94–7,  110, 110,  115 see also  pigment painting 2–3,  6, 22–4 22–4, , 27, 27,   32,see37–8, 44–5,  47, 44–5, 47,   49, 2–3, 49,  51, 51,   56–7, 85,  85,  113 also relie

 

208

Subject Index 

 PPalestine alestine Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem 118  palm tree tree game 104 see also hounds and  jackals  Palmyra 127, 127,  130–1, 152, 156, 156,  172 papyrus 52, 52,  54, 54,  56, 68, 96, 96,  154 see also  Cairo, Oxyrhynchus, urin Papyrus

playing scene 2, 2,  9, 9,  14, 14,  24, 27–9, 31–2, 31–2,  37, 37,   46–7,  64, 66, 85–6, 95–6, 46–7, 95–6,  106, 112–14 pleasure(s) 52, 134 poet, poetic lines, poetry 129, 131, 131,  142 πόλις 138 Post-Meroitic 136 Predynastic xiii, Predynastic  xiii,  1, 1,  6, 6,  12–13, 12–13,  18, 20, 20,  22, 22,  

pavement 4, 140,  31, 31,   151 34, 50, 53, 53,  68, 68,  84, 125–6, 125–6,   136,4, 140,  pawns see playing pieces pegs 14, 14,  104–5, 104–5,  110–11 110–11,, 114–15 114–15,, 118–24 see also pins, playing pieces  pegs and holes holes 104 see hounds and jackals  πέντε γραμμαί see five lines  Pepi I, Pepi II 30 Peribsen 20, 20,  31 Persia, Persian xiv, Persian xiv, 60, 79, 110, 110,  154, 154,  169 Petosiris 61 Petra 127, 127,  153 Petrie Museum, London 7, 10–12, 17–18,

ee also Naqada 25–6, Bronze 25–6,  33, 43 sAge Prehistoric 75–6 preservation 1, 1,  4–5, 18, 18,  22, 22,  24–5 24–5,, 28–9, 35, 35,   38,  44–5, 38, 44–5,  47, 50, 50,  54, 54,  60, 64, 68, 68,  77, 77,   79,  82, 89, 94, 79, 94,  96–7, 96–7,  101, 117, 117,  125, 125,   129, 133–6, 141, 144, 144,  148 see also  climate private collection 20, 20,  24, 64 projection 50, 50,  53, 58–9, 121–2 see also  appendage, protrusion Protohistoric Bronze Age 76, 101 protrusion 17–18, 17–18,  20, 20,  22, 27 see also  appendage, projection

60,   78, 105–6, 105–6,  115, 13963 φόρωρ60, Ὥρου ὄικος,  Φόρωρ ὄικος, Piankhy 68 Piay 57 pigment 27, 27,  95, 95,  110 see also color, paint pins 111, 118, 118,  124 see also pegs, hairpin platter 61–2 playing field see depression, square playing pieces 5–6, 5–6,  8–10, 8–10,  13–14 13–14,, 21, 21,  23, 26–7,, 30–1, 26–7 30–1,  37–9, 41, 41,  44, 44,  63–8 63–8,, 70, 81, 81,   83,  89, 99, 101, 83, 101,  105–6, 111, 114–15, 114–15,   118, 120, 120,  123, 125–6, 125–6,  139–40, 139–40,  155, 159, 172 see also dog animal, zoomorphic 67, 118 bird 67, 67,  99 captive figurine 8, 66 conical 8, 44, 66, 66,  89–90 89–90,, 96, 96,  101, 106 couchant hare 25 couchant lion 24–6, 29 couchant sphinx 89 domed, low-domed low-domed 39, 39,  44, 64, 139 draughtsman 64 halma type 66 hippopotamus 33 pawn 64, 66, 66,  89, 89,  96 pyramidal 101 reel-shaped reelshaped 96

psychoactive substance intoxicant, wine 168 see also beer, Ptahmay 96 Ptolemaic period xiv, period xiv,  10–12 10–12,, 61, 61,  63, 66–7, 66–7,   80,  125, 128, 80, 128,  161 see also Roman period Ptolemy I Soter 125 public lie/space 36, 36,  70, 75, 126 pyramid 30, 45, 45,  68, 68,  79, 156, 156,  161, 163, 163,  172 Pyramid exts 2, 30, 30,  32, 32,   pyramidal see casting devices, playing pieces pyrgus 135

spherical 21, 25–8 spool-shaped spoolshaped 66–7, 89–90

Qantir, el-Qantir 81, 81,  91, 97 Qar 31 Qasr al Ghweita 132–3 Qasr Ibrim 127, 139–40, 139–40,  147–8 Qau 7, 7,  11, 81, 91 quartz 140 Quf 16–17, 16–17,  22 Qustul 16, 33, 33,  38, 38,  127, 133–6, 138, 138,  148 Qusur al-Banat 127, 135 Ra 15, 15,  24, 24,  30–1, 54–5 race game 25, 82, 102, 102,  111, 119–20 Rahotep 15, 31, 37, 37,  41, 41,  43, 45 ram 67 II 97 Rameses

 

Subject Index 

209

Rameses  R ameses III 55, 57, 57,  63 Rameses V 58 Rameses VI 58 Ramesseum 142, 143–4 randomization 5–6, 5–6,  9, 9,  11, 11,  25, 44, 124, 124,  126, 126,   158 see also casting device Rashepses 28, 28,  31, 31,  47

Saqqara 6, 10, 16, 16,  22, 22,  25–6, 28, 37, 37,  39, 39,  42–4, 47,  77, 47, 77,  81, 91, 91,  93 Sacred Animal Necropoli Necropoliss 77 scarab 94 scorpion 10, 83 Second Intermediate Period xiii, Period xiii,  6, 6,  52–3, 52–3,   87–8 see also Fifeenth, Sixteenth,

Re-Horakhty rebirth 31, 31,  12130 red 6, 25, 25,  50, 50,  64, 82, 97, 97,  110, 115 Red Sea 148 Rekhmire 57, 97 relie 2–3, 2–3,  10, 22, 28–9, 28–9,  31–3, 31–3,  45, 47, 51, 51,   56–7,  61, 56–7, 61,  63, 68, 68,  83, 83,  89 see also  painting religion, religious, religiosity 2–3 2–3,, 12–14 12–14,, 30, 32,  41, 32, 41,  47, 49, 49,  51–2 51–2,, 54–5, 54–5,  57, 60, 60,  72, 72,   100, 121, 121,  161, 168, 168,  170–1 170–1   Reniseneb 105 Rhampsinitus 63

Seventeenth Dynasty Sedeinga 7,  126–7, 136, 7, 136,   148, 161–2 Sedment 103–5 14,  128, 146, 146,  148, 152–8, 152–8,  159, 159,  166–8, seeja 14, 170 see also rules o play senet  2–3 2–3,, 5–6, 5–6,  8–9, 8–9,  13, 15, 15,  22–3, 22–3,  25–9, 25–9,   31–82,  85–6, 88, 31–82, 88,  90–1, 94–5, 94–5,  98, 100, 100,   102, 105–7, 105–7,  112, 120, 120,  167–73 167–73   Sennedjem 64 Senneer 57, 95, 95,  97 Senusret I 77, 77,  115 Senusret II 50 Senusret III 50, 50,  115

ritual 3, 3,   12, 32, 121, 38,  44, 38, 44,   47, 49, 51, 51,  54, 54,  63, 76, 95,  95,  107, 121,   170 rock crystal 26 rock ace 4, 4,  37, 126, 126,  152 Roman period xiv, period xiv, 10, 10,  61 see also GrecoRoman period, Ptolemaic period roo 59, 61, 126, 126,  128, 128,  152, 154, 154,  161, 163–4 rosette 54, 54,  79, 91, 99–100, 108, 108,  110, 110,   118 royal game o Ur  82–3 see game o twenty   rules o play 2–3, 126, 129, 129,  170  five lines lines 131  game o twenty  14, 98–9 98–9   hounds and jackals 118 latrunculi 138 mancala 165 mehen 26–7 26–7,, 29–30, 29–30,  33 mill  142 seeja 154–6 tâb 158–9 sacred line 131 sacred symbols/text 91, 91,  95, 95,  99 see  symbols Sai Island 127, 127,  153, 159, 159,  164 sailors 38

see103, serpent  snake Serra East 115 Seshemneer 45 Setne 63, 66 Seventeenth Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 9, 52–3, 67–8, 88–9, 111, 119 see also Second Intermediate Intermedia te Period Shabaqo 68 Shahr-ii Sokhta 81–2 ShahrShatt el-Rigal 50 shield game 104 see hounds and jackals  siga see seeja  Silsila see Gebel el-Silsila Survey Project Silsila West 146 simulacra 111–12 Sinai 36, 36,  71 singers 28, 28,  47–8 Sixteenth Dynasty xiii, xiii,  89 see also Second Intermediate Intermedia te Period Sixth Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 8, 8,  27–8, 27–8,  30–3, 30–3,  45–7 skill see games o skill skittles 26 šn 105, 105,  120 snake, serpent 15, 17–18, 20–2, 27–8, 27–8,  30, 30,   32–3,  35, 32–3, 35,  83, 96 snakes and ladders 120–1 snout 6, 6,  113 see also mouth

see Late Period, wenty-Sixth Saite Period Dynasty

social lubricant 168–9 solar, sun 6,  15, 24, 6, 30–1, 54, 54,  66, 122

sꜢ  Ꜣ  60

 

210

Subject Index 

 ssoldiers oldiers see also military Egyptian 115 Ottoman 152 Roman 11, 125, 125,  129, 136, 136,  140, 148 Sotira Kaminoudhia 42, 42,  74 South Sudan 165 sparrow-hawk sparrowhawk 111

aya 95 teetotums see casting devices el Arad 42, 42,  69–70 ell Abu Hatab 81 ell Ailun 103 ell el-Ajjul 10–11, 10–11,  81, 84, 101 see also  ancient Gaza

special holes, positions, spaces, squares 24, 83–4,  89, 91–2, 94–5, 83–4, 94–5,  99–100 99–100,, 104, 107–8,  116–17, 107–8, 116–17,  121, 121,  124 spiral, spiraling 15, 15,  17, 17,  20–2, 20–2,  27, 31, 31,  33–7 33–7,, 74 sports 28, 28,  47, 144 square 5–6 5–6,, 8, 15, 17, 17,  32, 32,  38–9 38–9,, 43–5, 43–5,  49, 49,  50, 50,   53–5,  58–64 53–5, 58–64,, 67–75 67–75,, 77–9 77–9,, 81–92, 81–92,   94–5,  97–101, 94–5, 97–101,  105, 120, 120,  122, 130, 130,   133–5, 138–43, 138–43,  146–8, 146–8,  152, 154–5, 154–5,   158, 172 see also special holes starting configuration, line, point, position 104–5,  107, 104–5, 107,  120, 128, 128,  145, 165

ell Beit Mirsim 10–11 10–11,, 81, 81,  84, 84,  101 ell Brak 16, 16,  34, 42, 72 ell Deenneh 42, 61–2 ell el-Farah south 81 ell Hala 81 ell el-Hisn 42, 42,  51 ell Jemmeh Je mmeh 81, 81,  118 ell es-Safi 71 ell es-Saidiyeh 81 ell as-Sib 81 ell Sukas 116 temple o/at: Abydos 32

State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg 105 status 31, 57, 57,  97 sticks see throwing sticks stone see limestone strategy game 25 Sudan 6–8, 6–8,  33, 125–6, 125–6,  133, 148, 148,  153, 153,  155, 158, 160–2, 160–2,  165–6 Sudan National Museum, Khartoum 115 Sumer 82 Sumerian proverb 118, 118,  124 sun see solar surace find 45, 45,  71, 76, 76,  126 Susa 81, 102–3, 116–19, 116–19,  121–2 Swiss Museum o Games, La our-de-Peilz our-de-Peilz xii, 12, 122–3 symbolic, symbols, symbolism 3, 3,  6, 6,  30, 32, 38–9,  49, 54, 58, 38–9, 58,  89, 89,  91, 94–5, 94–5,  99, 99,   120–1,  169–71 120–1, Syria 8, 8,  69, 69,  72, 84, 104, 104,  116, 130, 165–6, 165–6,   172

Amun at 61 Karnak 59, 161 Dendera Inshushinak at Susa 116–18, 116–18,  122 Karnak 163 Khonsu at Karnak 59, 126, 126,  128, 152, 154,  164 154, Kom Ombo 128, 136, 136,  149 Ku¯ rna 161, 163–4 Luxor 132–3, 161, 163 Medinet Habu 57, 57,  59 Qasr Ibrim 139–40, 139–40,  147–8 Soleb 161–2 iye at Sedeinga 161–2 Userka 45 epe Gawra 11 epe Sialk 103, 103,  119, 122 epe Yahya 81, 81,  83–4 terracotta 11, 11,  61–2, 61–2,  131, 131,  139 eti 30 tetrahedrons see casting devices Tebes 7, 16, 29, 81, 86, 86,  88, 88,  90, 90,  92, 92,  101, 103–6,  110, 103–6, 110,  114, 120 see also  el-Asasi, Deir el-Bahari, el-Bah ari, Dra Abu el-Naga Tird Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 6, 6,  22–3, 22–3,  44, 71 see also  Old Kingdom Tird Intermediate Period xiii, Period xiii,  60 see also 

-t Ꜣ Ꜣ    w see game o tjau  tâb 14, 146, 146,  152–3, 155, 155,  158–60, 165, 167–8, 167–8,   170 see also rules o play table see gaming/game table

aharqo 59, 59,  61 tail 15,99, 17–18,  17–18, 24,  35, 35,  83, 91, 95, 95,  97, 97,   99,   113 20, 22, 24,

wenty-First–wenty-Fourth Dynasties

 

Subject Index 

211

Tirteenth  T irteenth Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 111 see also  Middle Kingdom Tirtieth Dynasty  xiv,   xiv, 60, 60,  110 Toth 54, 63 three-men’sthreemen’s-morris morris 128, 128,  142 see also merels  throwing cup 11 see also pyrgus  throwing sticks see casting device throwing

unidentified games 147, 147,  172 University o Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia 43 Ur 13, 81–3 81–3,, 102–3

Tutmose III 94–5 Tutmose IV 58, 95 iye see temple tjau see game o tjau  track 20, 20,  83, 87–8, 87–8,  94, 94,  100, 104–7, 110, 110,  120, 123 see also elliptic, spiraling trade 71, 82, 82,  104, 115–16 115–16,, 168 see also  exchange trapezoidal see appendage urin Papyrus 54–5, 54–5,  61, 87, 100, 100,  107–8, 112 urkey 165 see also Anatolia, Ottoman turquoise 110

 violin see board shape  votive 17–18, 17–18,  26, 26,  43, 76, 76,  105, 121–2 Vounous see Bellapais Vounous 

turtle see appendage, board shape, head ushratta 87 utankhamun 8, 8,  10, 10,  57, 64, 94–7, 106 welfh Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 49, 49,  51, 85–6, 94, 94,   105–6, 115 see also Middle Kingdom wentieth Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 54–6, 58–60, 58–60,  66, 66,  77, 77,   99–100, 107 see also New Kingdom wenty-Fifh Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 59, 59,  68 see also  Kushite, Late Period wenty-First–wenty-Fourth Dynasties 60,  100, 107, 60, 107,  110 see also Tird Intermediate Intermedia te Period wenty-Seventh Dynasty  D ynasty  xiv,  xiv, 110 twenty-sided twentysided dice see casting devices wenty-Sixth Dynasty  xiii,   xiii, 29, 29,  60–3, 60–3,  69 see also Late Period wo rows o thirteen 39 yre 103, 116

women 32, 129,  144 see also gender wooden 64 129, board 39, 39,  49, 64, 83, 83,  86, 86,  88, 94–5, 94–5,  101, 105–7, 111, 111,  122, 133–6, 133–6,  165 casting device 8, 8,  10, 10,  118 playing pieces 111 World Museum, Liverpool xii, Liverpool xii, 92, 94

Ugarit 8–9, 116 underworld/netherworld 15, 30–1, 33, 33,  63, 63,   66,  120 66,

Valley o the Kings 42, 50, 50,  58, 58,  97 Vimose, Denmark 136 see also Germania

Walters Art Museum, Baltimore 10, 10,  29, 61, 61,   67 wands 7, 90 see also casting devices warship 38 waterowl 24 wd  - Ꜣ Ꜣ    t 95–6 white 24–5, 24–5,  30, 30,  95, 135–6 135–6,, 158 wine 95 see also beer, psychoactive substances, social lubrican lubricantt

“X” 45, 45,  49, 53, 60, 60,  71–4, 71–4,  84, 89, 91, 91,   94,  101 94, Yale Babylonian collection 117 Yale University Art Gallery 77 Zakros 16, 16,  37 Zawiyet el-Aryan 11, 42, 42,  45, 45,  81, 91 Zer-a 26 Zimri-Lim 84 zodiac 99 see also divination zoomorphic 51, 51,  110, 113–14, 113–14,  118 see also  board shape, eet, playing pieces, table

 

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