Amenophis the son of Hapu Author(s): W. R. Dawson Source: Aegyptus, Anno 7, No. 1/2 (Maggio 1926), pp. 113-138 Published by: Vita e Penseiro – Pubblicazioni dell’Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41213858 . Accessed: 12/12/2013 05:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
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Amenophisthe son of Hapu. the son of Hapu is a notablefigurein Egyptian history,but apart from the brief referencesto him whichare to be found in thevariousstandardHistories of Egypt,and fromsuch notes as accompanythe editions of various specificinscriptionsassociated with him, I know of no studyspeciallydevoted to Amenophisexcept that published by Prof. Sethe nearly thirtyyears ago (1) and a popular article by Maspero (2). As the volume in which Sethe's memoirappeared is rare and very difficultto obtain (3), and as, moreover,several importantdocuments have come to light since it was compiled, there seemed some justificationfor a brief summaryof what is now known concerningthis remarkablepersonage. I have undertaken the task at the request of myfriendDr. J.B. Hurry,who is about to publish a memoiron Imhotep,whose career is in many ways similarto that of Amenophis. My paper has been compiled in leisure hours with such equipment as my own small library afforded.It makes no prétentionsto completeness,but I trustthat nothingof importancehas been overlooked.
I. - Introduction. As far as we know fromthe records which have come down to us, but fewmen in ancient Egypt were rememberedby posterity in their own countryfor long afterthey died. It was not a habit für Georg Ebers, Leipzig, 1897,pp. 107-116. (1) Aegyptiaca:Festschrift December des 31st, 1901. Reprintedin Causeries Débats, (2) Journal d'Egypte, Paris, 1907, pp. 221-228. (3) In spite of every e frortI did not succeed in obtaininga sight of this importantpaper until my manuscriptwas completed. I have since insertedreferméesto it in theirappropriateplaces, but withoutmodifying what 1 had already written. Aegyptus - Anno VII - 8
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Of the Egyptianmrnd to recall the past, and the reason for this is easy to understand.Each Pharaoh was a god: and each regarded himselfas perfect,a paragon of virtue never surpassed nor even equalled by his predecessors. He could not tolerate an equal, far less a superior.Consequentlyin everyroyal inscriptionwithwhich the kings adorned theirtemples,we findthe same self-praiseand It is quite by exception that we do occasionally self-sufficiency. find a Pharaoh paying honour to his ancestors or even to his immediatepredecessors. That the kings held their ancient line in scant venerationis amply proved by the numerous instanceswe have of one Pharaoh usurping the monumentsof another. What was done by the kings was copied by their nobles and officials. Numerous biographical inscriptionshave come down to us, in which the subject, with a monotonous insistence on the first person,relates the events of his career, his personal braveryor merit,the favours and promotions bestowed upon him by the king,and last, but not least, a long and eloquent testimonial, composed by himself,to his many good qualities and virtues. Two extractswill illustratethe tenor of these texts: The just man in the Two Lands, truly equitable like Thoth, masterof the ceremonies in the temples, superintendent of all the works in the palace, . . . benevolent of heart, kindly in advice, utteringgood words, speaking that which endears, benevolent of heart without equal, courteous when he listens,wise when he speaks,a magistratewho weighs his words and one chosen by his lord fromamongst many,... (1). The only wise, equipped with knowledge,the really safe one, distinguishingthe simple from the wise, exalting the craftsmanturning his back upon the ignorant,. . . void of deceit, useful to his lords, accurate-mindedwith no lie in him. . . protectorof the weak, husband of the widow, shelter of the orphan . . . praised on account of his character,for whom the worthythankgod because of the greatness of his worth . . . (2). (1) Stela oř Sehotepibrê*at Cairo. Maspero, Études de Mythologieetc. vol. IV, p. 137. (2) Stela oť Anteř. ' (Louvre с. 26). Breasted, AncientRecords,vol. II, pp. 298, 299, § 786.
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To cite the name of anyone who had gone before was to admit tacitlythat anotherhad lived who was comparable in efficiency and virtuewith the writerhimself- an unthinkablething for an Egyptian noble. And yet he wished to be remembered himself,otherwise there could be no possible purpose in composing and engravingthe long inscriptionswhich cover the stelae and the walls of many a tomb-chapel at Thebes and throughout Egypt. Indeed most of the inscriptionsterminatewith a petition to the passer-by to recite a funerealformulafor the welfare of the soul of the occupant of the tomb. Were we credulousenough to believe the statementsin these biographical inscriptions,we should picture an Egypt governed by saints and supermen,wholly incapable of error,not to say of wrong. But the verysamenessof the theme,however much it may be varied in detail, reveals too glowing a picture to carry conviction,and besides, hard factsbelie the felicitousverbiage of the texts. We have abundant evidence, not of a Utopia, but of a countryin which every sort of corruptionand malpracticewas rifeamong the governing classes. When the writersof the inscriptionsuse, as they frequentlydo, such expressionsas 4 did not despoil the poor, I did not oppress the weak f the French proverb« Qui s1excuse s' accuse » must at once occur to our thoughts.In spite of the reiteratedstatementsof a nomarchor a vizier that duringhis administrationno man hungeredand none was wretchedthroughoutthe land (1) we have very definiteevidence that the lot of the poor in Egypt was hard, hard almost to the pitch of brutality.The fellâhîn were overworkedand underpaid, and were deprivedeven of their scanty rations by the rapacityand greed of self-seekingofficials,who appropriatedmuch to themselvesand battened on their ill-gotten gains. At times the workmencould bear their oppression no longer,and they lefttheirwork in turbulentbands, formedmass meetingsand demanded justice. Such are the earliest strikeswhich historyhas recorded. In the reign of Ramesses III and again under one of his successors, Ramesses IX, serious strikes occurred amongst the workersin Western Thebes (2). (1) Inscripton of Ameni at Beni tfasan. Newberry, Beni Hasan, I, pl. VIII, line 19. (2) These strikesare recorded in two papyri in the Turin Museum. in Pharaotireich, 1892; See Spiegelberg, Arbeiterund Arbeiterbewegung Maspero, Struggleof theNations,pp. 539-541; Elliot Smith and Dawson. EgyptianMummies,pp. 171-183.
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The above remarks,it must be admitted,do not display the Egyptian ruling classes in a very favourable light. Undoubtedly there were amongstthem men of integrity,meritand ability. The materialachievementsof the Egyptians,to take only one example, show that their undertakingsmust have been conceived, planned and supervisedby men of genius and ability, and a very high was demanded of his ministers standardof honour and efficiency the But we cannot king (1). by escape the conclusion that the them selfish were greaternumber of braggarts,fawning and obthe ever before Pharaoh, ready to curryfavourand consequious their own advancement and materialwelfare. For tinuallyseeking a pictureof the real Egyptianwe must turn to the documents which give us some account of the daily life of the rank and file. In the Storyof the Two Brothers and the Storyof the Eloquent Peasant for instance,thereis moresincerityand more realitythan can be found in a thousand tomb or temple inscriptions(2). The papyri and ostraca which record the events in the daily life of the workpeople at Thebes, the evidence given by and against them in legal prosecutions,the letters,scribblings and jottings made by them,of which we have so large a store, all provide a mine of informationand human interest(3). In this connection also referencemay be made to the stelae dedicatedin the Theban Necropolis by the humblermembersof the population (4). In spite of their grandiloquent inscriptionsand reiterated selfpraise,most of the nobles and officials,however great in their day, were soon forgottenand passed into oblivion. There are, however,some few who acquired great reputationsand whose memories were kept green for many generations,some of them actuallybeing deifiedmany centuriesafterthey had died. There lived, for instance,in the time of the Pharaoh Assa (or Issi) of (1) E. g. the Instructionsto the Vizier in the tomb of Rekhmere. See Newberry, Life of Rekhmara,pls. IX & X and Breasted, Ancient Records,vol. II, 268 ff.,§§ 666 ff. (2) Maspero, Popular Stories of AncientEgypt, 1915, where translations and full bibliographieswill be found. (3) See above page 115, footnote2. Also Реет, fournal of Egyptian Archaeology,vol. XI (1925), pp. 37-55. Graberstadt published in (4) tRMAN,Denkstein aus der thebanischen the Sitzungsberichte der KöniglichpreussischenAkademieder Wissenschaften,vol. XLIX (1911, pp. 1086-1110,and Gunn, fournal of EgyptianArchaeology,vol. HI (1916), pp. 81-94.
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the FifthDynasty,a certain vizier named Ptah-hotp. Feeling old age creeping upon him he composed a book of precepts or instructionsfor the benefitof his children,to impart to them the moral conduct and behaviourproper to personsof high rank and entrustedwith authority.This book, which certainlyhas outstanding merits,became a literaryclassic, and was currentin Egypt many centuriesafter its author died. The oldest survivingcopy, known to-day as the Papyrus Prisse, dates from the Middle Kingdom,and in the BritishMuseum is anotherfragmentary copy of about the same age. The late Earl of Carnarvondiscovered at Thebes a writing-tableton one side of which is written a long extractfrom the Proverbs of Ptah-hotp,and on the other is a historical text which enables us to date the manuscriptot the verybeginningof the EighteenthDynasty(circa 1580 B. C.)» Finally in 1910 Sir Ernest Budge published yet anothercopy of the text froma papyrusin the BritishMuseum,also dating from the EighteenthDynasty(1). Dr. Alan Gardiner has pronounced the Precepts of Ptah-hotp to be the most difficultof Egyptian texts, and up to the present no wholly satisfactorytranslation has appeared (2). The text is of the highest interestand is the oldest Wisdom Book in the world. Anotherman who attainedgreat celebritywas Imhotep,who was architect,priest and physician to king Zoser, a Pharaoh of the Third Dynasty,the builder of the celebrated ' Step-Pyramid' at Sakkara. Imhotepwas venerated for nearly thirtycenturies, and was finallydeified, becoming the god of medicine. The Greeks, who called him Imouthes,identifiedhim withtheirown god of medicine,Asklepios or Aesculapius (3). Yet another instanceof posthumousfame is affordedby the prince Khamwëse (otherwisetransliteratedKhaemuast),one of the numerous sons of Ramesses II. He acquired a great reputation (1) EgyptianHieratic Papyri, (First Series) 1910, pp. XVII-XXI and pls. 34-38. The CarnarvonTablet was published by Maspero, Recueil de Travaux, vol. 31, pp. 136 ff. All the texts have been republished by Déntaud,Les Maximes de Ptahhotep.1916. (2) By far the best of the numerous translationshithertoattempted is that of Battiscombe Gunn: The Instructionof Ptah-hotep,2nd. Ed., 1912, In thisbook a bibliographywill be found to which must be added the publicationsrelatingto the since discovered duplicate texts. (3) For an admirable and very full account of Imhotep,see J B. Hurry, Imhotep,shortlyto be published.
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for his learning and for his knowledge of magic, and centuries after his death, he became, in Graeco-Roman times, the hero of two popular romances and is also mentionedby Herodotusunder the name of Sethon (I). Finally,we will mentiononly one more - the subject of the present study- Amenhotpthe Son of Hapu. Although familiar to Egyptologists,he is not so widely known outside that circle, and as his claims to celebrityare at least as strong as those of certainothers,it may be interestingto glance throughthe records of him which have survived,and to reconstructhis storyas far as possible. The name Amen-hotp,which means 'Amen is satisfied', was a common one throughoutthe New Empire,and was borne by four kings of the EighteenthDynasty,when the city of Thebes was the capital of the World and her god Amenobtained supremacy over all other gods. The Greek forms of the name are Amenothesand Amenophis,and it is by the latter of these names that we shall refer to our Amenhotp. The words which follow his name, 'the Son of Hapu' were as necessaryto th$ ancient Egyptiansas they are to us to distinguishhim fromhis many namesakes.
II. - The Career of Amenophis. Amenophis the son of Hapu was born at a propitious time that is to say, duringthe reignof TuthmosisIII the greatwarrior king, who carried out extensivemilitarycampaigns in Asia and elsewhere, and under whose rule Egypt could, to use a contemporary phrase, « set her boundaries where she would ». The enormous wealth and prestige which resulted from this rapid expansion of the Empire gave unprecedentedscope for men of mark. Amenophis was descended froman ancient familyof the city of Athribisin the Delta. His ancestors had been nomarchs, or local governors,and his fatherbore the title of Chief Prophet in the temple of his native town. Of his motherwe know nothing except that her name was latu. Athribiswas a provincial town, at that time of no great importance,although under the (1) Griffith, Stories of the High Priest of Memphis,the Sethon of Herodotus,and the Demotic Tales of Khamuas, Oxford, 1900. Also Maspf.ro,Popular Stories of AncientEgypt, 1915, pp. 115-171.
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Saite kings of the Twenty-sixthDynastyit became an important religious centre,and played a more prominentpart in the history of the country. It was the capital of the tenth nome of Lower Egypt, and a formof Horus - Horus Khentekhthai- was its patron god. Amenophismust have early migratedto Thebes, but he never severed the connectionbetween himselfand his native city,for he associates himselfwith the Nome of Athribisin many of his inscriptions,and bore the title of « Chief of the Prophets of Horus the Lord of Athribis» side by side with his distinctively Theban titles. He also obtained from his Theban master, the Pharaoh AmenophisIII, certainbenefitsfor the city of Athribis, as we shall presentlysee, and finallyat his death,the local Horus of his city was invokedin an inscriptionupon his sarcophagus. By what steps he first rose to eminence we do not know, but in the reign of AmenophisIII we find him in the full confidenceof the sovereign,and risingto higherand higherpromotion by the favourof that king, who eventually paid him the great honour of allowing him to place statues of himselfin the great temple of Karnak. These statues, five of which have been found (1), are describedin the Appendixto this paper, and all of them bear inscriptionsto which we are principallyindebtedfor particularsof his career. The long inscriptionon statue No. I, after the introductoryfuneraryprayers and the usual eulogistic expressions, which state amongst other things, that Amenophis was learned in the hieroglyphs,gives us an account of three successive promotionsconferredupon himby the king. He was first appointed InferiorRoyal Scribe, and therebyobtained initiation into the secret wisdom of the god Thoth. From this position he rose to be Superior Royal Scribe, and Scribe of the Recruits. In this capacity Amenophisassumed both civil and militaryresponsibilities. He tells us that he was responsible for the placing о troops in appropriatepositionsfor the enforcementof tributeand customs, and also for the purposes of defence against raids of the Bedouins. He was also placed over the expeditionaryforces who warred in Syria and Nubia, and had charge of all the spoils of war. Finallythe king appointed him Chief of all Works. By this thirdpromotion he became the Architectin charge of the building and embellishingof the temples and other buildings. He made and transportedto Thebes statues of the King, a point to which we will allude again. As a furtherfavourto his miVideinfra. (1) One of theseis not contemporary.
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nister, the Pharaoh conferredgreat benefitsupon Athribis,con structinga great lake with its banks radiant with flowers. He likewiseembellished the temple of Horus. In the Cairo Museum is a great granitestatue of a serpent,which was placed as a protectingdeity in the temple of Athribis,where it was discovered in recent times. As this statue bears the cartouches of AmenophisIII it is doubtless one of the giftsmade by thatking(1). As a finalfavour,through the generosityof the sovereign,Amenophis gave his parents,Hapu and Iatu, a splendid burial, a fact which he records with pride. « There is no citizen for whom the like has been done » states the text (2). A second statue, a colossus, representsAmenophisstanding upright with his leftfoot slightlyadvanced. He wears the thick short wig and kilt,and is portrayedin the prime of life. Against the back of the figureis a pillar which bears an inscription,but this adds no new particulars,except that Amenophis is called « General of the Army» in addition to his other titles (3). The third statue is of greaterimportance,and representsAmenophis as an old man, with a senile expressionand a wrinkledface, and it is one of the masterpeicesof Egyptiansculpture. The face was retouched, according tho Maspero, in Ptolemaic times (4). This statue bears on its pedestal an inscriptionrecordingthe fact that it was placed in the temple of Karnak by the favourof the king. A longer inscriptionengraved on the knees of the same statue gives us some more personal details. His titles are here given as « Treasurerof the King of Lower Egypt, Royal Scribe, Scribe of the Recruits,Amenophis the son of Hapu, of the Nome of Athribis». The text is an address to the god Amen in which he demands the favourof the god, recountinghis good deeds and (1) Maspero, Guide du Visiteurau Musée du Caire, 4th ed., 1915, p. 140. (2) For a descriptionand bibliographyof this Statue, see Appendix. The textwas firsttranslatedby Brug~ch,Zeitschrift für ägyptischeSprache, vol. XIV (1876), pp. 96 fř.Certain erroneousconclusions which he drew foni this text were corrected by Sethe, Festschriftfür Georg Ebers, pp. 110-112,and by Breasted in his translation,AncientRecords, vol. II, pp. 373-377, §§ 913-920. (3) See Appendix,Statue n. 2. This statue,according to Sethe is of Graeco-Roman age. (Art. Heroes and Hero Gods (Egyptian), in Hastings Encyc. Religion & Ethics, vol. VI, p. 651. (4) Art in Egypt (Ars Una), 1921 ed., p. 176.
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high reputationas a justificationfor all that he asks, concluding with the assertion « I have attainedthe age of 80 years, may I live to be 110 ». Whetherhe realised his ideal or not we cannot tell. The age of 110 was the most honoured goal an Egyptian could reach, in a countryin which old age was greatlyrespected. Many biographical and funerarystelae state with pride that their owners reached a good old age, and a common epistolaryformulawas a polite wish that the recipientmightenjoy prosperity, good health and «a ripe (lit. 'high') old age». In this connection we may quote a few other ancient Egyptian referencesto a longevityof 110 years. At the end of the Precepts of Ptah-hotp,we read the concludingwords of the aged author« I have gathered 110 years of life, for the king granted more favours than my ancestors, because I acted with truthand justice for the king until my old age » (1). In the Westcar Papyrus, the wonderfulprodigies performedby an aged magician are described. « There is a man of humblebirthand Djedi is his name ... he is a poor man of 110 years of age, but he can eat 500 loaves and a leg of beef and drinks a hundred jugs of beer to this very day » (2). A model letter contained in a papyrus in the British Museum is full of pious wishes*and expresses the hope that the recipientwill fulfil 110 years upon earth before he is gatheredto his fathers(3) and anothersimilartextin the same collectionvoices the same hope (4). In the decree of our Amenophis,dealt with below, it is stated of the faithfulthat « theirbodies shall rest in the necropolis aftera life of 110 years» (5). In October 1913, Legrain made the extremelyimportantdiscoveryat Karnak of two more inscribedstatues of Amenophis(6). In these, which are exact duplicates,Amenophis is represented sitting,cross-legged,with an open roll of papyrusupon his knees, (1) Papyrus Prisse, 19, 7. (2) Papyrus Westcar,7. 2 (3) Papyrus Anastasi, IV, 4, 4. (4) Papyrus Anastasi, III, 4, 8. (5) Decree of Amenophis,Brit.Mus. no. 138, line 16. It may be noted in passing, as one of the many Egyptiantouches in the Books of Moses, thatJoseph died in Egypt at the age of 110. Genesis, 50, 22. (6) Appendix,nos. 4, 5. Legrain, Annales du service, vol. iv (m*;, pp. 17-29 & pls. I- III.
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like the celebrated« cross-leggedscribes» of the Old Kingdom(1). Here again, he is in the prime of life. The inscriptionsare traced upon the open papyruswhich he holds and upon the pedestal of each statue. Both are stated to have been placed in the temple of Karnak by the favour of the king. On the pedestal of the first statue,the inscriptionreads : Oh ye of the South and North,all who behold the Aten (the sun's disk) and who fare up the Nile to Thebes, come ye to me! I will transmityour words to. Amen of Karnak if ye will recite for me the Offering-formula (2) and pour out for me a libationfromthat which is in yourarms. For I am the intercessorappointed by the king to hear yourwords of supplication,and to transmiton high the needs of those upon earth». On the other,we read the following: Oh ye people of Karnak who desire to behold Amen, come ye to me ! I will make known your prayers,for I am the intercessorof this god, and Nebmere (AmenophisIII) has placed me here to repeat the words of those in earth. Recite for me the formula,and invoke my name continuallyas ye do that of a blessed one ». These inscriptionsare of the greatest interest,indicatingas theydo thatAmenophisintercededformortalswith the god Amen. To performthisfunction,he was appointed by the king. We have no otherinstanceof a functionary acting in thisway as the oracle of the god, for the titles of Amenophis were all civil, and not religious,and he must thereforehave acquired during his lifetime the semi-divineattributesfor which he became famous centuries afterhis death. A furtherinscriptionon one of thesestatues states that Amenophis was bidden to summonto Thebes all the persons who had to take part in the celebrationof the firstsčúř-festival, or jubilee, of the PharaohAmenophisIII. It was evidentlycelebratedin some (1) For the Old Kindom statues,pictmes of which have been leproduced in numerousbooks on Egypt,see especially Maspero, Essais sur l'Art Egyptien,Paris, 1912, pp. 53-68. {¿) ror an exhaustiveand admirable study or the Unering-iormula see Gardiner, Tomb of Amenemhët, pp. 79-93.
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place distantfromThebes, and as Legrain has pointed out (1), it was probablythe occasion of the dedicationof the temple of Soleb, in Nubia. This temple was of considerable size and was approached, like great temples of Thebes, by an avenue of ram-headed sphinxes(2). On the walls of the ruined facade is a bas-relief representingthe god Amen and the King attendedby his minister, Amenophis the son of Hapu. The queen, the princessesand the principalofficersof the stats are also present in ceremonial ať tire (3). A statue of this king was placed in this temple,and he was there veneratedas a god. Amenophiswas well versed in the sacred rites proper to such solemn occasions, for we have been told that on his promotionto the officeof Royal Scribe, he thereby had access to the sacred writingsof Thoth. As we have seen, Amenophis lived to be a very old man. When at length he- died, he doubtless had a very magnificent funeral. The site of his tomb is unknown,but it has been supposed, with considerable probability,that his tomb-chapelwas situatedat Deir el Medineh,where in latertimes he was venerated as a god (4). His burial equipment has likewise perished, with the exceptionof some fragmentsof his great granitesarcophagus, which are now preservedin the Museum of Grenoble(5). Enough (1) Annales du Service,vol. XIV (1914), p. 22. (2) Lepsius, LettersfromEgypt, Ethiopia and the Peninsula of Sinai, London, 1853, pp. 223. (3) Lepsius, Denkmäler,Abth. Ill, pls. 83-88 ; Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 301. (4) Weigall, Guide to theAntiquitiesof UpperEgypt, 2nd ed. (1913), p. 276. (5) Described in extensoby Moret. Revue Egyptologique,New Series, vol. I, pp. 174-179. We are told in AncientEgypt,1921,p. 87 that another piece of thismonumentis in the collection at University College, London. It is eve to be regrettedthat museums w II accept fragmentsof monumentswhen the whereaboutsof the original piece fromwhich they have been detached is known. Fragmentsshould always be restoredto their original places, as by themselvesthey ate entirelywithoutvalue. Some missing fragmentsfromthe lid of the sarcophagus of Sethos I have been recoveredin recentyears. One series of these fragments,discovered by German archaeologists,has courteouslybeen sent to the Soane Museum and rest>red to its place, but another ser es of fragments1 es in the Britsh Museum, isolated and bereftof all archaeo ogical value. Lepsius carriedoff to Beri n some fragmentsof the beautiful sarcophagus of Ai : the sarcophagus has been restoredin the Cairo Museum and the Berlin
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can be seen fromthese fragmentsto show that the sarcophagus when entirewas a very magnificentone, similar in technique and design to those of the sovereignsof the EighteenthDynastydiscovered in recent years in the Valley of the Kings by the late Theodore Davis. On this monument,amongst the usual funerary deities invoked,is the god Horus Khentekhthai, the patron god of Athribis,Amenophis'native city. Thus he remainedto the end of his life faithfulto his earliest associations. Granite sarcophagi of this typewere not used forprivateindividualsin the Eighteenth Dynasty,and from the fact that the sarcophagus of Amenophis was of the royal pattern,we are justifiedin assuming that the rest of his equipmentmust have been of a very magnificentkind. We have seen the promotion of Amenophis fromone office to another. His title of HereditaryPrince he bore by birthright, but the othertitles were bestowed upon him by the king. He was made Royal Scribe and then Scribe of the Recruits,and on his colossal statue he is also called General in addition to these titles. His most importantposition however,was that of Chief of all Works. He specificallystates in the account of his promotionthat he made statues of the king. Amongst these was one which measured40 cubits, and it was transportedby river and erected at Thebes. In the text,the word « statue» is, by error,written with the determinativeof the plural, but the pronouns relatingto it are in the singularnumber. Overlookingthis latter point and relying on the writing« statues» it was formerlysupposed by some writers that the two great statues of AmenophisIII, the celebratedColossi of Memnon,are here referredto, and that consequently Amenophis was their architect. Breasted believes that the colossus of AmenophisHI which stands before the pylon of Haremhab at Karnak is meant. This statue is about 15 metresin height,and as he pointsout, the text does not state that the statue was 40 cubits high,but that the block in the quarry was 40 cubits long (1). An inscriptionon one of the more recentlydiscovered portionsreplaceЛ by casts. The body of the sarcophagus of Ramesses III is in the Louvre,and its lid is in Cambridge. Some reliefsand columns taken fromthe tomb of Sethos I are scattered in various European Museums, and theirplaces in the original tomb are taken by moJernbrickworkor plaster.The beautifulreliefsfromthe Memph.tetomb of Haremhab are divided in the collections of three Museums The list mightbe continued indefinitely. (1) AncientRecords,vol. II, p. 376, notes a and b.
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statues however,makes it seem probable that Amenophis was indeed the architectof the Colossi of Memnon. Here ' statues' is clearly writtenin the plural,and the related pronounsare likewise in the plural (1). As the text specificallymentions these « great monumentsin the formof Statuesof His Majesty» and that « they rested in theirplaces on the West », it seems probable,as Legrain has pointed out, that the Colossi of Memnon are referredto (2). The Egyptianswere naturallyvery proud of their great feats in the transportand erectionof great monuments.The well known cases of the Obelisks of queen Hatshepsowetand the Colossus of El Bershehwill at once occur to the mind. Many other instances could be added to these. Amenophis has been stated to be the architectof the original temple of Deir el Medineh,which stood on the spot now occupied by the Ptolemaic building. For this opinion,however,there is no foundationand it is based upon the of a passage in the Decree with which we shall misunderstanding deal (3). It is a possible and even probable supposition presently thatmostof the building operationsof AmenophisHI were planned and carried out by Amenophisthe son of Hapu in his capacity of ministerof works,but the fact remainsthat we have not at present any documentaryevidence which enables us to say definitelythat this or that work was due to him. As AmenophisHI reigned for thirty-five years, and as Amethe son of reached the of Hapu nophis age eightybefore the end of that reign, he must have been of middle age at the time of the king's accession. Only one of his statues representshim as an old man, but it does not necessarilyfollow that the others are earlier. It must always be rememberedthat to the Egyptians statues were not lifeless figures of wood or stone, they were animatedby the f(a or « double » of the person portrayed.It was for this reason that the artist strove to make them faithful likenessesof their models. « Soon, however,the same interested motive which had induced it [Art] to carve faithfulportraits,led it to disregardthis exactitudein certainpoints. It was, of course, necessarythat the Doubles should find their fictitiousbodies suf(1) See the hieroglyphictext, Annales du Service,vol. XIV, p. 18. (2) Op. cit. p. 22. (3) Bruqsch, Zeitschrift Jär ägyptischeSprache,vol. XIII (1875), p. 125; Se the, op. cit., p. 110, has pointed out the error of this opinion, the erroris neverthelessrepeated by Budge, Historyof Egypt, vol. V (1902), p. 108.
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ficientlylike their actual ones to feel at ease in them; but their second existence would hardly have seemed a blessing to them, had they been condemnedto spend it with limbs weakened by of old age. By substitutingfor the sickly or all the infirmities decrepitrealitythe figureof the individualas he was in his youth, the artistconferredon him more or in the vigour of his maturity, his full of strengthand faculties. This is enjoyment certainlythe statues of men beforethe Saite period; few old so are why there was a centenarian when even represented,Amenophis the son of their to what or RamesesII, protraitsare not verydifferent Hapu, » in their been have youth (1). they must The statue which bears the inscriptionrelating to the sedfestivalof AmenophisHI was evidentlymade long afterthe event, of the king,which would not as it specifiesthe First $¿rf-festival have been so designated had it been inscribed immediatelyafter the event,nor is it likely that Amenophis would have obtained the honour of being allowed to set up effigiesof himselfin the temple of Karnak until he had reached the heightof his fame. We have already pointed out that he was far fromyoung at the accession of his patron,and it is thereforeprobablethat he began his officialcareer under the two preceding kings,AmenophisII and TuthmosisIV. It is quite evidentfromthe favourshe received and fromthe fact that not less than four statues of him were erected in the temple during his lifetime(2), that Amenophis was a man of between exceptionalmerit. His appointmentto act as intermediary mortals and their god foreshadowsthe belief,expressed in later times,that he was of semi-divine nature. This fact must have paved the way for his posthumouscelebrityand subsequent deification, which we will consider in the next section.
III. - The posthumous fame of Amenophis. How long afterhis death Amenophisretainedunimpairedhis reputationas an intermediarybetween Amen and his suppliants we do not know. Under the successor of his patron,his namesake AmenophisIV, there arose the great religious revolutionwhich (1) Art in Egypt (Ars Una) 1921 ed., p. 297. For the animation of statues see Capart, EgyptianArt (transi.Dawson), 1923, pp. 164 ff. (2) AdmittingwithSethe,that the Colossus is of Graeco-Roman date.
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placed Amen and his devotees, at least for a time,into the background. A new capital was founded at Tell el Amarna, which became, for the short time it lasted, the political and religious centre of Egypt. Afterthe death of AmenophisIV, who had in the meantimechanged his name to Akhenaten,his successors forsookhis teaching and his capital and returnedto Thebes and to the orthodoxyof the worship of Amen. It was the triumphof Amen and his priests,and under the Pharaohs Tutankhamen,Ai and Haremhab the worship of Amen regained its supremacy. Haremhab extended the temple of Karnak, and placed therein statues of himself. It was at the foot of a colossus of this king that Legrain unearthedthe two seated statues of Amenophis in 1913: so it would seem that he too regained his prestigeand his statues were moved from whatever position they had thitherto occupied and placed next to that of the reigningmonarch. We have no records whateverrelating to Amenophis dating from the NineteenthDynasty,when Sethos I and Ramesses II occupied the throne,nor fromthe Ramesside kings who made up the TwentiethDynasty. Towards the close of that Dynastythe high priestsof Amen became more and more powerful,until one of them,Hrihor,took the reins into his own hands, inscribedhis name in the royal cartouche, and mounted the throne of the Pharaohs as the founder of the Twenty-FirstTheban Dynasty. We must not digress into any discussion,however brief,of this remarkableperiod, but confineourselves to taking up the threads of the historyof Amenophisfromthe point at whichwe lost them at the end of the EighteenthDynasty. Many years ago the British Museum aquired a remarkable documentwrittenin hieratic characters upon a limestonetablet, which is a decree of Amenophisthe son of Hapu, dated in the 31st year of AmenophisIII. It was at firsttaken for grantedthat this monumentwas contemporarywith the events it records,but to later scholars it appeared to be a late copy of a contemporary original. As the fame of Amenophisbecame prominentunder the Ptolemies,as we shall presentlysee, it was believed to be a Ptolemaiccopy of a lost EighteenthDynastyoriginal(1). In 1910 the (1) First published in transcriptionby Birch in Chabas, Mélanges Egyptologiques,2nd series, vol. II, pp. 324-343. Facsimile in Birch, Inscriptionsin the Hieratic and DemoticCharacter,1868, pl. 29. Photograph in Budge, Guide to the EgyptianGalleries (Sculpture)in the British Museum, 1909, pl. 15. Translated by Brugsch, Zeitschriftfür ägyptische
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late Dr. Möller, the foremostauthorityon hieratic palaeography, submittedthe documentto a minutestudy,and on palaeographical as well as philological grounds,proved that the text was not a Ptolemaic copy, nor even a copy at all, but a forgeryof the Twenty-FirstDynasty(1). It was a pious « fake» made by the priestsof Amen to bring into prominencethe memoryof a notable devotee of their god, the recollection of whom had fallen into abeyance. This forgeryis not withoutparallel. The storyof Wenamen,an officialof Hrihor who was despatched to Syria, and who had a parlous and adventurousjourney,is drawn up in the formof an officialreportof the officerto his king,and gives a detailednarrativeof his adventures.Althoughat firstit was generally consideredan authentichistoricaldocument,Maspero formed quite a different opinion. « Without doubt it is an attempt to into bring prominencea formof Amon that bore thattitle [Amon of the Road], which was supposed to protecttravellersin foreign countries... It formedpart of the officialcharterof this Amon, and the redactorhas borrowed the historical mannerismsnecessary to give it an appearance of probabilityto documentsof this nature» (2). In the same way the priests of Khons, at a later period strove to bring their god and his priesthoodprominently forwardand to invest him with greaterantiquityand prestige,by drawing up a stela recording how he had delivered a princess froma possessing spiritunder one of the Ramesside kings. Prof. Erman was the firstto discern the artifice; he removed the text fromthe place it had thithertooccupied as a historicaldocument of one of the Ramessidekings and placed it in its true orientation as a priestlyforgerymade some centurieslater (3). The Decree of Amenophis purportsto be an edict, dated in the 31styear of AmenophisIII to establishin legal formthe tombchapel endowmentof Amenophis,and it was read to an assembled company in the temple in the presence of the King, with his vizier and other high officials. After the preamble, the decree begins as follows: Sprache, vol. 13 (1875), pp. 123 ff. and by Breasted, AncientRecords, vol. II, pp. 377-379, §§ 922-927. (1) Das Dekretdes Amenophisdes Sohnesdes Нар и. Sitzb.Beri Akad., vol. XLVII, 1910, pp. 932-948. (2) Maspero, ThePopular StoriesofAncientEgyptyLondon,1915,p. 203. (3) Zeitschriftfür ägyptischeSprache, vol. XXI (1883), pp. 54-60; Maspero, op. cit., p. 173.
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Hear the commandwhich is given, to furnishthe ka~ chapel of the hereditaryprince,the royal scribe, Amenhotep, called Huy, Son of Hapu, whose excellence is extolled, in orderto perpetuatehis ka-chapelwith slaves,male and female, forever: son to son, heir to heir; in order that none trespass upon it forever.It is commendedto Amon-Re,king of gods, he is proas long as it is upon earth; he is king of eternity, tector of the dead (1). A long and remarkablepassage follows,calling down curses upon all and any who shall allow the chapel to fall into decay, or shall mis-appropriatethe endowment. Neglect of duty in this respect will incur the immediate displeasure and wrath of the king,who will deprive the malefactorof his officeand inflictdire punishmentupon him. If any such there be, they shall be slain, and their bodies dishonouredand deprived of the advantages of proper burial,and the curse shall pass fromfatherto son. If any of the officialspresentat the reading of the decree shall disregard it, they shall be especiallyliable to its penalties (2). The following sections of the decree promise the highest favours to all that shall performtheirtrust. They shall be rewarded and promotedby the king,and their bodies shall repose in the necropolisof the West aftera life of 110 years. The final clauses are addressed to the necropolis police, who are bidden to exercise the greatest vigilance,under the threatof death but with the reward of goodly burial if faithfulto theirtrust. Contractswere oftenmade wi+h the mortuaryprieststo per form the necessary ceremoniesfor the ka of the dead man and and contractswere even entered to supply the requisiteofferings, into with the god Amen under the priest-kingsof the TwentyFirst Dynasty(3). This decree of Amenophis,however,in its legal form,its royal patronage,and its dire retributionon all who may transgressits terms, stands quite alone. It was formerlyunder(1) Breasted, AncientRecords,vol. II, p. 378, § 924. (2) A similarseries of penalties and curses is detailed in tne stela oi AntefV discovered at Coptos, which deposes a nomarch fromoffice. p. 10). (Phtrie, Koptos, pl. VII and translationby Griffith, (3) Such is the contract in the papyrus of Eskhons published by Mas pero, Les Momies Royales de Deir el Bahari, pp. 594-614. Other similar documentsof the same kind and period are known. Aegyptus - Anno VII - 9
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stood to refer to the establishmentof the temple of Deir el Medineh, but this erroneous view has long since been abandoned (1). After this sporadic documentof the Twenty-FirstDynasty, we have no furtherrecord of Amenophisuntil we reach the time of the Ptolemies. In spite of our lack of documents,his reputation must have not only continuedunbroken,but increased,and Amenophis once more reappears on the scene not as a mere mortal, but as a god. I may here mentiona document contained in a demotic papyrusat Berlinwhich was cited some yearsago by Spiegelberg(2). As I cannot read demotic, I applied to Prof. Griffithfor informationrespectingit, and with his well-knownkindnessarid courtesy he promptlyreplied to my query, as follows: «Pap. 3111 is a sale of land at Thebes in the sixth year of PtolemyVI (B. С 176) by a certain Ammonius to Amenhotp,an « Opener » (Pastophorus) of the cemetery of ibis and hawks, priestand pastophorusof the house (?) of all the title-deeds(?) of the royal scribe Amenhotpson of Hape. That is all. I do not know what is meant by his title-deedsexactly». In certaintemples of the Ptolemaic period we findAmenophis associated with the traditionalgods of Egypt in company with Imhotep,the physician and architect who flourishedin the time of king Zoser. I) Templeot Piali, ¡(arnak. This temple, which lies to the North of the great templeof Amen and withinits boundarywalls was built by TuthmosisIII and enlarged under the Ethiopian and Ptolemaic Dynasties. On a large bas-relief is depicted a scene in which,behind Ptah, Hathor, Samtawi and Imhotep is represented « the royal scribe, scribe of the recruits,Amenophis,justified,son of Hapu, the servantof Amen who loves him ». He holds in his right hand a scribe's palette,and in his left,a roll of papyrusand the symbolof life. On the southside of the northern boundary wall of the temple of Amen, are three reliefs representingPtolemyXI veneratinga series of gods, which in-
für ägyptischeSprache,vol. XIII, 1875, p. 123. (1) Brugsch, Zeitschrift The error was corrected by Sethe, Festschriftfür Georg Ebers, 1897, pp. 110-112, but it was neverthelessrepeated in some subsequent works, e. g. by Budge, Historyof Egypt, vol. IV, 1902, p. 108. (2) Recueil de Travaux, vol. XXIII, p. 9S.
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eludes Amen,Mut and Khons, the Theban Triad, and in the last division,Imhotepand Amenophisthe son of Hapu (1). II) Templeof Thothat MedinetHaba. This was built by PtolemyIX (Euergetes II) and on the wall of the second of its three chambers,the king is portrayedsacrificingto Thoth, Imhotepand Amenophis.The latteradresses the kingwith the words « I banish all sickness fromthy body » (2). III) Templeof Deir el Medineh. This temple was foundedby PtolemyIV and completed by PtolemyIX. On the pillars of the pronaos are representedImhotep and Amenophis. An inscription says of the latter « His name shall endure for ever, his sayings shall not perish» (3). On the walls of the chamber the king is seen sacrificingto various deities (4). IV) Templeof IÇasr el Algoaz. This temple also was built by PtolemyIX, and is a small unfinishedstructureconsistingof a vestibuleand three chambers. On the leftentrance-wallof the second chamber,PtolemyIX pays homage to Thoth, Imhotepand Amenophis. The temple is situated some distance to the South of Medinet Habu, not far fromthe ruins of the palace of Amenophis III (5). V) PtolemaicChamberin theGreat Templeof Deir el BaharL This chamber, likewise built by PtolemyIX, was dedicated to Imhotep,here called the Son of Ptah, and to Amenophis,who has likewise exchanged his earthlyfather Hapu for Apis the sacred bull, whence he was called by the Greeks Amenophis son of Paapis (6). There are two scenes; in the first,Imhotep,followed by six deities,plays the predominatingpart. In the second Amenophis is the principalfigure. He wears the long priestlyrobe, and holds in his right hand an emblem resembling the hieroglyphnfr. In his left hand he holds a papyrusroll and the symbol of life. Behind him are five deities,the firstof which is Hathor, (1) Legrain, Annales du Service, vol. XIV, 1914, p. 20; Bouriant, Recueilde Travaux, vol. XIII, 1891, p. 169. (2) Lepsius, Denkmäler,Abth. IV, pl. 32c. für ägyptischerSprache, vol. XIII, 1875, p. 125. (3) Zeitschrift (4) Descriptionde VEgypte,Antiquités,vol. H, p s. 34-37. (5) Mallet, Le Kasr el Agouz, formingvol. XI of the Mémoiresde VInstitutFrançais ď ArchéologieOrientale,Cairo, 1909. See especiallyp. 38. (6) The identityof Hapu and Paapis was pointed out by Erman, Zeitschrift für ägyptischeSprache, vol. XV, 1877, p. 47.
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who is called « the divine mother of the great god », and replaces Iatu, the earthlymotheroí Amenophis(1). It will be noted that in these scenes, Amenophisis always associated with Imhotep. The cult of Amenophishowever, seems to have been confinedto Thebes, whilstthatof Imhotepwas more widespread: he had a temple of his own, for instance,at Philae. Maspero's suggestion that Amenophis was deified by the Thebans in order to place a purelyTheban hero side by side withthe Memphite Imhotep, is worthy of the fullest consideration (2). During his lifetime,Amenophiswas not a physician,although in late times he was especially associatedwith medicine. In addition to the inscriptionat Medinet Habu mentioned above (p. 131) an interestingseries of graffitiin the Ptolemaic chamber at Deir el Bahari makes this connectionvery apparent» From these graffiti, as well as from certainother texts,it appears that Amenophis was consulted by the sick and that cures were administeredby his oracle. A demoticostracon,publishedby Sir HerbertThompson and which he considers to be of mid-Ptolemaic date, is quite specific.It reads as follows: Imouthes says to Horus son of Nes... I have caused enquiryto be made of the gread god Amenhotep. He has given the oracle that there is a fever in the body of Teos the son of Psenamenunis. He has given him two Syrianfigsand they are to be sprinkledwith water fromevening till dawn, and it is to be stopped and their fluid taken; and it is to be put on a vessel (?) of broken bread and theyare to mixed up, and he is to drink(?) this, and he is to do it for four days. He (the god) has given him a ... and a serpent of iron to bind on his arm. There is no deception in it. Signed . . . (3). A fragmentof an offering-table acquired by ProfessorSpiegelberg in Luxor in 1911 has a demoticinscriptioninscribedupon it which reads: « Amenophis,Son of Hapu, give life to N. » (4). The Deir el Bahari graffitiare equally interesting.From them it appears that the chamberbecame a regular resortof the sick, who (1) Naville, Deir el Bahari,partV, pls. 159-160. (2) Etudesde Mythologie etc.,vol. VIII, 1916,p. 131.
(3) Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology,vol. XXXV, 1913, p. 96. (4) Zeitschriftfür ägyptischeSprache, vol. 50 (1912), p. 47.
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recorded their gratitude on the walls. The usual formulaeare « Homage of M. to the lord god Asklepios». « N. came to worship the great god Askleipios», usually with the addition of the name of Amenophis,and sometimesthat of Hygieia (1). Some of the inscriptionsare less formaland more original: « Andromachus, a Macedonian,a workerforhire,came to the good god Amenothes: he was sick and the god succouredhimon thatveryday,Farewell». Or again, « Eugraphios offershis homage before the lord god Asklepiosand Amenothesand Hygieia: be mindfulof us and grant us healing». Mr. Milne believes that the sanatoriumcontinuedin use until the second centuryA. D. (2). Wealthier people recorded their gratitude to the god in a morepermanentformthantheserough scratchingsupon the walls. As evidence of this we may referto the stela, also fromDeir el Bahari, and now in the Cairo Museum,which was dedicated to Amenophisby Leon and Lysandra his wife,in gratitudefor the recoveryof theirchild (3). PerhapsAmenophisacquired his reputation for medicinefrom his association with Imhotep: but for the Egyptianswisdom and learning always implied proficiencyin magic, and magic and medicinewere wery closely related. In the inscriptionin the temple of Deir el Medineh, the с sayings» of Amenophisare referredto. Apparentlyno Egyptian text has yet come to light which can be definitelyattributedto Amenophis.We have nothingassociated withhis name comparable to the « Instruction» of Ptah-hotp,Ani,Dawef and others. A late funerarypapyrusin the Louvre,contains,interalia, some magical jargon,which purportsto be a spell composed by Amenophisthe Son of Hapu for his own protection(4). Another passage in the same papyrus is attributedto Khamwese,a son of Ramesses II who acquired a great reputationfor his wisdom in late times,as we have already mentioned(5). The attributionof magical or religiousspells to famousmen of formerages was a common aril) Milne, TheSanatoriumat Del el Bahri, in the Journalof Egyptian Archaeology,vol. 1 (1914), pp. 96-98 and pls. 12-13. (2) Milne, op. cit. The above translationsare quoted fromthis article. (3) Milne, Greek Inscriptions{Cairo MuseumGeneralCatalogue),1905, p. 37 and pl. IV, no. 9304. (4) Maspero, Mémoiresur Quelques Papyrus du Louvre,Pans, 1875, p. 58. (5) Deveria, Catalogue des Manuscrits Egyptiens..,du Louvre, Paris, 1831, p. 107, no. 3428.
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tificeamongstthe Egyptianpriests,intendedto enhance the value of theirtexts,and is a pious fraud of the kind we have already referredto. We cannot thereforesuppose that Amenophisreally had anythingto do with the compositionof the spells attributed to him in later years (1). A referenceoccurs in the Ritual of Embalming to « The Book of Amenophis» and Maspero believed thatthe Louvrepapyrusabove mentionedwas the book in question. There seems to be no evidence,however,to support this conclusion (2). The inscriptionswhich accompany the scenes in the temple of Ptah at Karnak have been supposed by some writersto be attributableto Amenophis. Here again, the proof is lacking. These inscriptionswere writtenon the walls, one in the time of PtolemyXI, the other in the time of Tiberius. The only scrap of writingwhich we can with any probabilityattributeto Amenophis is a short text,writtenin Greek upon an ostracon,and found at Deir el Bahari. This littletext consists of nine short utterancesor aphorisms,all damaged, which bear the title 'A^evcózouоъоЪгг/.ул. Prof. Wilcken,who has publishedthe text, has found three of these sayings amongstthe « Sayings of the Seven Wise Men » (3)* Although there are other candidates,the seven sages are generally understoodto be : Thaïes of Miletus,Solon of Athens,Bias of Priene, Chilon of Sparta, Pittacus of Mityléně,Periander of Corinth and Cleobulus of Lindus. These men flourishedin the sixth and seventhcenturiesbeforeChrist,and had great influence in their respectivecities as sages and legislatorstheir reputation extendingthroughoutthe Hellenisticworld. The sayingsattributed to them are in some cases borrowed attributions,as even this ostracontestifies.How fartheyare indebitedto Egypt fragmentary is an interestingquestion. It would be a most interestingstudy to work throughthe sayings (4), and to compare them with the (1) Rubrics attributecertain spells of the Book of the Dead to the Fourth Dynasty.A passage in the Ebers Papyrus is likewise claimed as having come down from a king of the First Dynasty. Similar instances in late funerarypapyri have been noted by Renouf, Life-Work,vol. II, pp. 385-399. (2) Maspero, op. cit. p. 23. (3) Aegyptiaca: Festschriftfür Georg Ebers, Leipzig, 1897,pp. 142-5. This ostracon dates from the 3rd century before Christ according to Wilcken. , (4) In addition to the editions cited by Wilcken,see Mullach, FragmentaPhilosophorumGraecorum,Paris, 1860, vol. I, p. 203 ff.
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utterances,manyof whichare verysimilar,in the Egyptianwisdom books,such as the Precepts of Ptah-hotp,the Maxims of Ani,and especially the newly published Papyrus Budge. This last-named papyrusis of especial interest,and Prof.Erman has alreadyshown that its materialwas drawnupon by the compilersof the Hebrew Book of Proverbs. I commend the theme to Greek scholars and may mentionin passing that the author of the book contained in the Budge papyrus is named Amenemope,the Greek equivalent of which is also Amenophis. The Greek translationof the title of the Precepts of Amenemopewould be 'A^ôvú-ou úxoOwat,and although I cannot recognise anythingin the papyrusexactlycorresponding to the fragmentaryutterances on the ostracon,the natureof both is verysimilar,and it is quite possible that if we had more than these mere scraps to work upon,the text of which the Deir el Bahari ostracon has preserved a fragmentmight prove to be a Greek version, not of the Sayings of Amenophis the son of Hapu, but of the Precepts of Amenemope the son of Kanakht (1). We must now turn to the mention of Amenophis in the writingsof the historianManetho,as handed down to us by Josephus. Manetho relates that the Pharaoh Amenophis,wished to behold the gods face to face as his predecessors had done. He communicatedhis desire to Amenophisthe son of Paapis « one that seemed to partakeof a divine nature,both as to wisdom and » (2). The sage informedthe king that the knowledgeof futurities he must firstrid the countryof all lepers and impurepeople, and acting on this advice the king collected some eighty thousand persons and set them to work in the quarries on the East side of the Nile in order to separate them entirelyfromthe Egyptians. After enduring great hardships,these captives begged the king to set aside for themthe city of Avaris,which had been deserted since the expulsionof the Hyksos,a request which was granted. (1) The papyrus Budge and its relationto the Hebrew Proverbshas been studied by prof. Erman, E ine ägyptischeQuelle der « SprucheSalomons» in the Sitzungsberichteof the Berlin Academy,1924, pp. 86-94. The text has been publishedby Budge, EgyptianHieraticPapyri (Second Series) 1920, pls. I-XIV. (2) 0sTaç 8oxt5v (AgTSffxevoci cpuaew; хоста, ts aocpiocv xoci 7rpoYvw
