After God is Dibia

After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures Lectures & Poems By Friends of Emeagwali Comment: With an introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

Ichoputaghari Ihe Banyere Umu Igbo Furu Efu

Ozi Nkwado Ndi Igbo nke Ma'zi Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali degara Igbo Cultural Association of Calgary, Canada n'oge emume afo ncheta Igbo August 23, 2003 na Calgary di na obodo Canada Ndi b'anyi ndeewo nu O! Obi bu m so an~uli oge Ma'zi Kene Ufondu kpokurum ka m bia buru onye obia puru iche na emume ncheta Ndi Igbo 2003 na Calgary. Ya mere nji were si ka m'gwa unu okwu nkwado. Iji kwado emume unu, ana m akpoku nwa Igbo obula ka ochee echichi ma lotakwa ihe iriba ama puru iche Umu Igbo gara mba imilikiti afo gara aga megasiri ikwado oganiru madu. Ewerem ubochi Icheta Igbo were lota Ma'zi Jubo Jubogha nke ana etu "Ja Ja," onye nke atoro na oru nafo iri na abua ma gbagide mbo we buru Eze Igbo n'Opobo. Ndi ulo ikpe Britain kpurulu Ma'zi Jubogha ga n'ulo ikpe ha ebe ha noro maa ya ikpe na odara iwu site na imebi "nkwa udo okwere" na kwa "igbochi nnukwu uzo azum ahia". Na itaya ahuhu, achupuru Ma'zi Jubogha nobodo ya, buru ya ga n'obodo anakpo Barbados na kwa mba nke St. Vincent, di na West Indies. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Iji kwanyere ya ugwu ruru ya, ndi mba Barbados etinyena akuko maka ndu ya na akuko iro ha, makwa na ukwe. Ozo, ewerem ubochi Icheta Igbo were kene Ma'zi Olaudah Equiano, nwata ozo dikwa afo iri na abua erepulu n'oru onye nke jiri aka ya dere si: "Abu m Igbo". Ewerem ukpa ekene bunye Ma'zi Equiano onye nke mere ka anyi nwee akuko edere ede banyere odinani na omenani ma kwa emume Ndi Igbo oge gboo. Ekenekwasim Ma'zi Equiano ka osi were mee ka uwa ghota ijo ihe din a igbo oru, soro nua ogu iji kwusi ya, ma dekwa akwukwo banyere ajo agwa di na igba oru. Abu na esota bu abu nke ejiri were kwaa obere nwa anyi Olaudah furu efu: "Obu Onye ka anyi na acho? Obu Onye ka anyi na acho? Ikwuano ka anyi na acho. Obu iyi ka ochulu? Biko nya nata. Obu ugbo ka ojelu? Biko nya nata. Ikwuano ka anyi na acho." Ma'zi Ikwuano bu ichie, burukwa nna-mmuo. Ndi ogu akwukwo dum, iji bobe ya ndu anwu anwu, nyere ya aha otutu: "Nna akuko banyere ndi ojii." Ewerem ubochi Ncheta Igbo were kponite mmuo Umu Igbo nwoke, nwanyi na umuaka ndi Georgia's Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

Sea Islands ndi nke miri rigbadoo oge ha siri na ugbo oru manye na miri iji gbanari agbam oru. Akuko ndi anakpo n'oyibo ndi Sea Islands nerota etu "Oru ekwe ekwe Umu Igbo", ndi anya miri juru anya siri buru iga akponyere ha na olu makwa na ukwu, kwa akwa alili, were otu olu were tie nkpu akpata oyi na asi: "Oshimiri butel'anyi, Oshimiri g'ebu anyi laa" Omume dike nke Umu Igbo, makwa inupu isi ha nupuru banyere agbam oru madu ewerela onodu anwu-anwu na akuko makwa abu ndi bi na ikpere miri Georgia, ndi anakpo ndi Gullah. Ka mmuo Umu Igbo furu Efu soro unu n'akuku n'ije unu, gbanyere unu izu okwu, makwa dube unu na ochucho amam ihe na ako n'uche unu. Ma'zi Ikwuano kowara onwe ya sin a ya bu "obia na obodo oghotaghi" Dika ndi obia na obodo Canada, ajalum unu ike na nnukwu oghere nke a unu weputara maka umu Igbo iji makorita onwe ha. Ndi ba anyi si na njiko ka, mmadu ka e ji aba. Igbo Kwenu! [Chukwurah nwa Emeagwali bu onye onicha. Ma'zi Emmanuel Chinyeaka Okoli de re nka na asusu Igbo. Udo di ri gi, nwannem.]

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

IGBO By OBU UDEOZO, UDEOZO, University of Jos, Nigeria.

the earth vanished into a pin-hole; I am soaked with songs... My ancestry’s sharp beauty baptized me at the forest’s nipple - a pilgrim of delicious peace. Igbo space-shuttle and speech your civilisation flowers in every face of earth yet your offspring hide in the toilets of foreign tongues your offspring bury your sharp beauty with the inferiority of mad English. mystic damsel Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Comment: According to Chinua Achebe, “Udeozo’s poetry comes to us hot from the foundry of his restless imagination. He is a natural poet ready to take on any subject that touches his people. We shall hear of him more and more in the years ahead.” Igbo is excerpted from Cyclone - an anthology of poems shortlisted for the 2005 Nigeria LNG literature prize.

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

I shiver in your tabernacle’s splendour beyond Bill Gates and microchips, you fathered supercomputer’s Emeagwali - a vapour in the ocean of your maltreated genius. mystery’s powdered face succumbs to insight we must rescue our lone baby from oblivion’s fire we must re-plant our fingerprint against the monologue of English, resurrection awaits those who drink from our roots not our suicidal love of foreign gods.

- by Obu Udeozo.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Comment: “A man with a message, a very heavy and urgent message.” OKIKE: An African Journal of New Writing

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

THE 2001 AHỊAJỌKỤ LECTURE IGBO OR IGBOID: ASỤSỤ N’AGBỤRỤ NDỊ IGBO LANGUAGE IN IGBO CIVILIZATION

by

Prof. Emmanuel Nwanolue Emenanjo B.A. (Hons.) English, Ibadan; Post-graduate Diploma Linguistics: (Ibadan) M.A. (Linguistics) Ibadan; Ph.D (Linguistics) Ibadan

EKELE

Igbo mma mma nụ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

Ekelee m Abịa mma mma nụ Ekelee m Anambara Mmma mma nụ Ekelee m Delta mma mma nụ Ekelee m Ebonyi mma mma nụ Ekelee m Enuugwu mma mma nụ Ekelee m Imo mma mma nụ Ekelee m Rivas mma mma nụ Ekelee m Naịjirịa mma mma nụ Ekelee m Igbo bụ Igbo mma mma nụ Ekelee m unụ Kwezuonụ OKWU MMALITE I meela, Chineke, I meela I meela, Chineke, I meela o Imeela, Chineke, Imeela Onyeaweanyi nara (ekele) I meela (otito) Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

(onyinye) CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ

Nkịta nyara àkpà Nsị àgwụ n'ọhịa Ọhịa ogwū mara ọkụkọ A naghị epio yà epiọ Òke bàa na mkpọ Àzụ gwụ na mkpọ Dinta buru egbé Anụ àgwụ n'ọhịa Isi akwu daa n’àlà Nwaànyị arịa ya elu Agụ bàa n'ọhịa Mgbada achịri ume n'aka Mmiri riri nwa awọ À naghị egwū ya ègwù

Ahịajọkụ agbaala afo iri abụo na abụo. Ọ mụtala umu iri na isii, na ederede iri na isii. Ozugbo ha, n'asụsụ Bekee. Na ndị ochie dike ndị a, na ndị diji ndị a, na Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

ndị ọkà okwu na otụ ilolo ndị a, ọ dịbeghị nke ọ bula n'ime ha nwere ụdi nsogbu mụ onwe m nwere n'asụsụ m ga-eji akpụpụta echemeche m ma ọ bụ kwupụta mbunoobi m Ihe kpatara nke a bụ na na 'Citation on The Ahịajọkụ Lectures' ekwuru ya n'akpughị mmiri n'onụ na: Each lecturer is to choose his or her Language of delivery bearing in mind that the audience understands both Igbo and English. Ụmụnne m na ụmụnna m, unu anụla ya nụ. Ọ bu ihe a ka Igolo. Gius Nkemjika Anọka, Ode Nguru, na ndị komiti ya chepụtara ma kwuo n'afo 1o7o mgbe ha naewube Ahịajọkụ. Ndi niile maara ihe e jiri mara m na ihe mere m jiri bụrụ ihe m bụ, maara na anọ m na nsogbu. Ezigbo nsogbu o. N'ezie, adi m ka onye chi ya na ogo ya rịorọ olụ, n'ọnọdụ a m hụrụ onwe m n'asụsụ m ga-eji. Chi m n'ebe a bụ asụsụ Igbo; Ọgo m abụrụ asụsụ Bekee. N'ezie, ọ na-adị m ka na ụfọdụ - ikekwe otụtụ ndị bịara Ahịajọkụ n'afo a, bịara ihụ etu nwoke ga-esi anabata aka mgba asụsụ cheere ya. Ma a kpọrọ ya Ahịajọkụ ma ọ bụ Ufiejọku o, ma ọ bụ Njọkụ ma ọ bụ Njọkụji, ma ọ bụ Ajamaaja, - ha niile bụ otu ihe ma bụrụkwa okwu ọkpụ Igbo. Ahịajọkụ bụ mmemme. Ọ bụkwa evueme ndị Igbo. Otụtụ ndị bịara mmemme a, n'ebe a, n'afo a, bụ ndị Igbo. Nga a anyi guzọrọ ugbuaaka a bụ ala Owere Nchi Ise, n'ala Igbo. Ebe ihe ndị a niile dizi etu a, ọ bụ gini gbochiri anyi iji asụsụ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

Igbo gawa n'ihu? Nga olee ka mba ọ bụla si akpata nkụ ha ji esi ihe? Kedụ ebe mba ọ bula si enweta mmiri ha na-anụ? Ọ bụ na mba ndị ọzọ? Olee ebe e si agbata mmiri e ji esi ụgụ? Eche m na ọ bụ mmiri ụgụ gba(pụ)tara ka e ji esi ya? ELo m na ọ bụ ife di n'ubi ka wa ji esili ubi nni? CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ Ladies and Gentlemen, the point I have tried to make is that no Ahịajọkụ lecturer before me has had my dilemma in the choice of the language for preparing and delivering his lecture. All before me who have trodden this road had no problem with their language of delivery. Not necessarily because of what they had to talk about but necessariiy because of their training. Luckily, in the extant and pristine citation crafted by those who thought of and through Ahịajọku, it was explicitly stated that each lecturer is free to choose his or her 'language of delivery' because the audience understands both ‘Igbo and English.’ Simple, children like statements are rarely childish. Are choices really ever free? Aren't they hemmed in by the imperatives of context-time, space, dramatis personae? Again, who says the typical Ahịajọku audience 'understands' both Igbo and English? And when we talk of both Igbo and English, are we talking about conjunction, Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

disjunction or co-ordination? Are we talking of a monolingual presentation through and through in either Igbo or English or of the bilingual presentation in both Igbo and English, in one text, or of the same text presented simultaneously in Igbo, and in English all bound together as a book in the Aboyedean sense? We know that bilingualism has as many types as it has varieties. Ladies and Gentlemen, I will stoutly resist the temptation of being drawn from ikpọta ụtaba to iba n 'ime ahịa.

Ndị nwe m, we all have our own different proverbs and anecdotes for why it is the mad man uses so many words. That is really stream-of-consciousness at work. I have mentioned the Igbo, Ode Nguru, Ambassador Gaius Nkemjika Anọka, master bureaucrat 'and administrator, International diplomat, Poet, Scholar, Linguist, Thinker, Traditionalist and a Knight in the Anglican Communion, Master Facilitator and Strategist in Igbo Lore. Have you ever heard of The Readings on the Igbo Verb, The Dictionary of Igbo Place Names and the still-born Standard Igbo Dictionary (Project) scuttled by the ndorondoro between persons, offices and location? Division of Culture in the Ministry of Information and Culture and The Imo State Council for Arts and Culture? What of the Añụ? The Journal of Igbo Arts and Culture? Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

How many of us are aware that the design, popularization and the wearing, of Igbo traditional dress by ndị ọlụ oyibo is one of the projects in Anọka's multi-coloured calabash of practised and practical Igbo wisdom? The Mbari pavilion down there which now houses the Imo State Council for Arts and Culture. And the Ikenga status, two different versions of them once stood like resplendent ijele at strategic road junctions here in Owerri, to remind those who knew, and to teach those who did not know, that the metaphor of Ikenga is the driving force for success in Igbo life and endeavours. Until, during the Zubairu era of collective forgetfulness and anti-Igboness some heaven-bound dreamers appeared, claiming to see into tomorrow and claiming to be able to make the blind, walk. They came and saw those Ikenga status. And they said God said they were not good. And since then we have ceased to see them. Ashịnze Ikenga, those heaven-bound seers never made it to Damascus! Chiifu G.M.K. Anoka. He is now dead.

CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Gwa m gwa m gwa m, ... Gwanụ m.(ihe) ... Ị mara, Ị marala, Ị marala ...

O befọrọ be onye? Nri ọ na-adighị, Onye nà ọ gaghị eri? Ụgwọ onye ọ bụ la aghaghị ikwụ Ihe nyirị dike? Ihe a gụrụ aha, O di ka aha a gụrụ ya? Ozuru ụwa nille? E zuru ezu gaa E zughị ezu laa? Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

Maazị Chiifu, Dọkịta Frederick Chiedozie Ọgbalụ has paid his own debt. Whatever anyone likes, let him say about Ọgbalụ. Nobody can take away from him the fact that between 1944 - 1992, he literally facilitated the empowerment of the Igbo language for functional literacy, numeracy, creative literature and in the collection, transcription and description of Igbo orature. F.C. Ọgbalụ, he is also now dead. So, too, another Frederick, Professor Doctor Nnabuenyi Ogonna, the authority on Mmanwụ, in particular, and Igbo dramatic arts in general. The diegwu of the Lagos School of Igbo Studies. Maazi Tony Uchenna Ubesie proved to the international world of literary creativity that the Igbo language, can contribute its own to all genres of fiction, faction and radio-television productions. Mr Chairman, I am not aware that any or all of this ouartet-facilitators, masters, practitioners and analysts of Igbo language, literature and culture have ever had any mention at an Ahịajọkụ. With your revered permission Mr. Chairman, I pray that this highly esteemed and respected audience rise on their legs, and remove their hats, caps and headgears - in their names and in their honour, n'ugwu unu niile. May their great and large Igbo souls rest, nwa jụụụ, in the bossom of Chineke, Olisaburuuwà, Ọpụtaobie! May they become ndịichie n’ala Igbo niile. And saints Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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of the Most High.

Ise Ise Ise ọ ise

Amaala, mma mma nụ Ekeleenụ Mma mma nụ Ekeleenụ

Okwu m chighaa! Back to my language of discourse. It will be Igbo and English in complementary distribution and in line with the principle of complementary dualism which pervades Igbo thinking, Igbo mode of thought and the grammar of structures in the Igbo language. Igbo and English. Not Engligbo, for that would be Igbo oxide, Igbo carbon monoxide! Nor Igbo and English with code-mixing. Or with code-switching. Those are not allowed or Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

tolerated in 'native like' or symmetrical microbilingualism. That will be our language of discourse. I would really have preferred it through and through in Igbo as I did in the first in the series of the Odenigbo Lectures: Olumefula. But do all of us here; really, understand Modem Spoken Igbo with all its complex internal dynamics and the evolving protean language for talking about Igbo IN Igbo; otherwise called Igbo metalanguage? We all are familiar with the ụkabụilu of the sick mart who went to the traditional doctor for treatment. After he had reeled off his mind, the doctor asked him to put himself at ease, comfortably. While trying to do so, a huge fart was heard. And the doctor asked him what the matter was. The patient replied, well, 'you can hear and see things for yourself. That is one of my ailments.' You all can now see with me, why it has taken Ahịajọku so long to recognize the other side of the Igbo identity and reality - the Igbo Language! Is it because we were waiting for the young to grow, in s milieu where age is something? Or is it because what concerns us most, must be treated last?

MBÈ àgaba Ajambène MBÈ àgaba Ajambène Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

MBÈ gaa gaa Ajambène

ALA IGBO

Inu m, na akụkọ m na okwu m enupụụnọọ faa faa gidigwom wee nukwasị ofu nnukwute ala, otu obosara ala. Ọ bụghị ala Ịgala, ala Ọnọja Oboni.

Agadaaga ala a di, site n'ala ndị Nsụka n'Ugwu ruo na nke ndị Ikwere na Ahoada, na Ndida; ma sitewe n'Ehugbo n'Ọwụwa Anyanwụ ruo n'ala Ndịosimili, Ụkụani na Ịka, n’Odida Anyanwụ. Ala Igbo di mbụ dịrị tupu ndị Potokori eruo Ose Naịjirịa n'afo 1472. Ọ tọrọ Berlin. Ọ tọrọ Naịjirịa ka Naịjirịa na siri dịrị ugbu a. Ọ dị adi tupu a lụo agha Bịafra. Ọ di adi tupu e kerisiwe ala Naịjirịa na Steeti na Steeti olemaole ha di ugbu a, ma olemaole ha ga-abụ echi. A chọọ Naịjirịa echi ma a hụghị ya, ala Igbo ka ga-adikwa. A gaghị Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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achọ ya achọ ma ọlị.

E mee elu mee ala, mbo tọrọ eze. Ma ọ masịrị ndị di ka Bala Usman na ndị ọdịka ya. Ndi a bụ ndị ka nọ n'afọ 2001 na-eso onye di ka Hugh Trever Roper naako ka ọ siri masị ha, ka Naịjirịa siri malite ma ọ bụ ka Naịjirịa kwesịrị ịdị. Iji tupịa okwu m ọnụ. E kwesịrị ikwusị ya ike na ala Igbo kwupụrụ iche n'ala mba ndị ọzọ soro mepụta Naịjirịa ka anyị siri mara ya ugbuluaka a! N'ugwu ala Igbo, Ndị Nsụka ka ma oke ala ha na ndị Igala, na ndị Idoma. Etu ahụ ka ọ di ndị Abankeleke (Izii) na ndị Idoma na ndị Tiv na ndị Mbembe. Wee ruo echi, ndị Ehugbo na ndị Arọchukwu maara oke ala ha na ndị agbataobi ha ndị a - ndị Mbembe, ndị Yako, na ndị Ibibi. Ndị Ngwa na ndị Ụkwa maara nke oma oke ala ha na ndị Mmom. Ndị a niile bicha n'Ọwụwa Anyanwụ. Na Ndịda (Naịjirịa) ndị Ikwere na ndị ụmụnne ha, ma oke ala ha na ndị Ịjo na ndị Ogoni na ndị Andoni. Ndị Ekpeye na ndị Ahoada masịrị oke ha na ndị Ịzon na ndị Ogbịa. N'Odida Anyanwụ, Ndịosimili na Ndi Ụkwani na ndị Ịka, ka mara oke ha na ndị. Urhobo na ndị Isoko na ndị Okpe. Ala Igbo, ọ teela ya. Ọ teela ya na ndị egede nwere ya. Ala Igbo bụ ọkpụtụrụọkpụ ala. N'Ugwuele, n'Ehugbo, na Nsụka na n'Igboukwu e gwụputala ọtụtụ ihe okpu kabon - 14 na-egosi na ọ peka mpe, ndị mmadu ebiwela n'ala Igbo site n'afo 100,000 tupu a Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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mụo Jesu wee ruo afo 5,000 tupu a mụo Jesu. Ọ bu ezi okwu na ndị ọkaa na mmụta ka kaa-asụ ngongo n'ikwekorịta ma ndị (mmadụ) ahụ bi n'ala Igbo, n'oge ahụ, nke ka nke, n'Ugwuele - ma ha bụ ndị Igbo ma ọ bụ ee. Ma otu ihe di n'enweghị mgbagha bụ ebe Ugwele di taa. Ọ bụ n'ala Igbo. Mana ka m jụkwaa o, mmadụ ole na ndị nọ ugbu a, na-ege m nti ma ihe ndị a m na-arụtụ aka maka Ugwele n'akụkoala ndị Igbo? Ihe a abụghị akuko mbe na ajambene. Ihe a bụ ọkpụtọrọọkpụ okwu nwere njirimara ya.

N'ezie ọ bụrụ na ọ bụ ndị mba ndị ọzọ nwere Ugwuele n'akụkoala ha, ha ga-egi ikòrò na ògele na ngwa ndị di ugbu a, e ji ezisa ozi na redio n televishọn, na opike na ederede dịgasị iche na-ekwu maka ya, na-ako maka ya, na-ama njakịrị, na na-agba oke ogbondu na egbe onụ maka ya. Ma na-agwa ndị mmadụ, ndị mba ọzọ n'ụwa niile: bịa lerenụ, bịa hụrụnụ, bịanụ kilibenu. A ga-ewu oke ụlọ ọkpụ e ji ọla edo chọọ mma, ka ọ gaabụ oge onye - na ndị - chọrọ, na ka onye ahụ-na ndị ahụ siri chọọ, ha bịa, a sị ha:

Kilibenu Kilibenụ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Kilibenụ o Kilibenụ Ihe kara mere n'ekobe Kilibenụ Kilibenụ Kilibenụ o Kilibenụ Ihe ndị ọkpụ mere n'akụkọ

CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Kà Ị mà nke à Ị mà nke ọzọ ụ Kà Ị sị na Ị ma nke a Ị mà ñke ọzọ

Ị nụbela maka Thurstan S na Maịk Angulu Ọnwụejeọgwụ na Frank Anọzie na Lawal. Ọ kweghị Lawal na ndị ogbo ya na di ọdịka ya ghọta ma ọ bụ chemie na oze di n'ọkpụtorọọkpụ ngwongwo na ngwoloko ndị ahụ e gwupụtara na Nri tọrọ nke oma, oze nke ahụ e gwupụtara n’Ife na n'ala Idụu - n'usoro e jiri meputa ya. Azi gbakwaa, otoro gbakwaa ndị kwuru na ndị dere na ndị hụrụ ihe a! Tufiakwa! Kabon-14 aruola ala! Gini ka nsị na-achọ n'agba? Nwata (ya bụ ndị Igbo) ọ na-ebu nna ya ụzọ amụta ọkpara? Nwata ọ na-egosi nna ya oke ala! Ma ọ masịrị Lawal, ma ọ masịghị ya, ndị maara maka ola dịgasị iche iche, na-ekwu ma na-akowa na oze nke e'gwupụtara na Nri bụ ezigbote oze e jiri kọpa, tiin na leedi gwọọ. Mana oze nke e gwupụtara n'Ife na Benin Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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abụchaghị ezigbo ya. N'ezie, ha bu braasị eji kọpa na zinki gwọọ.

Ka Maịk Angulu Ọnwụejeọgwụ na Lawal nọsịrị naeme ndọrọndọrọ a, na-agba egbe onụ na egbe ederede a mmadụ ole n’ogbakọ a, mara maka ya, gụrụ maka ya nụrụ maka ya? Ọ bụghị atụmatụ ọzọ n'Igbo oxide! Ezechitaoke, Olisabuluụwa na Chi Okike kenyere anyi Ugwuele, na Nri na Nsụka na Ehugbo n'ala Igbo na ọkpụtụrụọkpụ ihe ọkpụ, n'akụko anyi. Ozọkwa, ihe gbasara anyi agbasaghị anyi. Olee uru Ugwuele baara anyi n'oge ugbu a, n’ụwa taa? Ka ọ bu Ehugbo ma ọ bụ Nri Oreri, Aguleri na Nsuka? Ugbu a, uwa niile naekwu maka w.w.w. ma ọ bụ: sayensi @niile.yahoo.com. Mana ndị Igbo, ha bụ yahoo! Lee ihe J.C. Obienyem dere maka 'Akwa Ala Igbo Na-Ebe'

A zụrụ unù n'isụ ọhịa Ma unù nọrọ na-èlè m anya ọcha Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ụmụ m, oleè ihe m mere unu? Amamihe unù na-anyụ osụ Unù jiri ha ètere ni ọzọ ofè Mgbè unu hapụrù m n'ida ajo ọhịa Ndị m, oleè ihe mere unu?

J.C. Obienyem Akpa Uche 1975:66-7

CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ

Ihe niile anyị nwere n'ụwa à Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ònye nyèrè ànyị ha Chi nyere anyị o

Chi nyere anyị o

Mba niile Igbo nwere n'ụwa à Asụsụ niile e nwere n'ụwa a Olu niile e nwere n'Igbo

ASỤSỤ IGBO: OLUMBA NA IGBO IZUGBE

O wee bụlụ ma okwu. Ogbu a, inu m, na okwu m na akụko m enukwasala asụsụ Igbo. Asụsụ Igbo na Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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olumba ndị dịgasi na ya adịrịla adịrị asụrụla asụrụ, n'oge ọkpụ, tupu Bekee na Ụka abịa n'Ala Igbo. Site n'Ugwu wee ruo na Ndịda n'Ala Igbo, site n'Ọwụwa Anyanwụ wee ruo n'Odida Anyanwụ n'Ala Igbo, mba ọ bụla nwere olu ha na-asụ e jiri mara ha. Anyi ekwuola ya na Ala Igbo bụ obosara ala gbanyere ụkwụ na steeti isii, dị ka Naịjirịa sịri dịrị ugbu a.

Ndị a bụ: Anịọma (na Delta State) Anambara, Imo, Ebonyi, Enugwu, Abịa na Rivers. N'obosara ala di etu a, ọ di ndị na-atu anya na ọ bu etu nd Agbo Obi n'ala Ịka si asụ, ka ndị Ọgba ga-esi na-asu? N'obosara ala di etu a, ọ di ndị na-atụ anya na ebe na ebe onye esila pụta ma ọ bụ bịa n'ala Igbo, ozugbo ọ mepere onụ ya kwuwe ụka na onye na onye ya na ya na-ekwu ụka, ma ọ bụ nọ ketara ya nso, gaanụtacha ma.ghọtachaa ihe ibe ya na-ekwu, ma ọ bụ na-ako? Ọ di ihe so na ibe ha na-eji otu okwu, ndị ọzọ ana-eji okwu ọzọ? N'asụsụ ọ bụla otụtụ ndịiche pụtara ihe na-adi site n'otu mba gaa na mba ọzọ na site n’otu olu gaa na nke ọzọ. A gaahụ ndịiche n'ebe na n'ihe ndị a.

Mkpụrụụda asụsụ, na mkpọpụta nke ọ bụla Mkpọpụta ụdaasụsụ - ngowire, ndebeolu, ọdịdị olu, Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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olu nka, n'abụ na n'ukwe Mkpụrụasụsụ na mkpụrụkwu Mkpọkpụta mkpụrụsasụsụ na mkpụrụokwu Mkpọnuume, mkpọnaakpo, mkpọna egbagbere Nkebiokwu, nkebiahịrị, ahịrịokwu na ndịnaya Nnyemaka ngwaa, mmejupụta ha na mpụtara ha Ndị Igbo niile maara nke a, ofụma ofụma, kpatara ha ji ebee otu akpata onụ na:

Mba na-achi n'olu, n'olu Ma ha kwaa ụkwara Ya adaa kwa kwa kwa

Ilu a bụ mmanwụ tiri onwe ya. N'ihi na achọghị m ka ego e jiri lụo nne m laa ọkpọrọ, agaghị m agbali ikowa ya. Mana n'ihi na nne m azụchaala ahịa nke ya soro igwurube laa mmụo, ka m gbalịa zipụta ụmi ilu a. Ihe Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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ọ na-ekwu bụ na e gemizie nti na rịịị na tịịị dị n’olumba gasị anyị were anya ahụ e ji ahụ nsị osa, na ntị ahụ e ji anụ ikiri ụkwụ esu, anyị ga-ahụ ma nụ otụtụ ndịiche, site n’otu ebe gaa n’ebe ọzọ n’olumba ndị Igbo. Mana anyị bịa n’ihe ndị ahụ asụsụ jiri bụrụ otu njirimara ndị, na omenaala ha, olu na ibe ya bụ otu, site na nghọta na mpụtara dị n’iminiimi ha, na n’ọkpụ ndịrị ha – na mpụtara na nghọta ha.

Asụsụ Igbo nwere otụtụ olumba. E nwebeghị ike imatacha olumba ole di n'asụsụ Igbo. Otu ihe anyị maara bụ na ọ karịrị steeti ole a na-asụ Igbo ka asụsụ mbụ, maka ụfọdụ ma ọ bụ niile, na ha. Otu ihe ọzọ anyị maara bụ na olumba ndị a erughị ka komuniti ndị nweere onwe ha, na goomenti ndị di ugbu a n'Ala Igbo, na-ekewapụta aghara aghara. Otu ihe ọzọ anyị maara bụ na e nwere otu olumba, oge, ndị mmadụ na adimkpa nyeela ndị Igbo. Ọ bụ nke a ka a na-akpọ Igbo Izugbe. Asụsụ di ka Igbo, a na-asụ n'obosora ala di dika Ala Igbo, asụsụ nwerela abidii ya oke mgbe, asụsụ nwerela otụtụ ederede na ya, asụsụ so asụsụ abụo ndị ọzọ bụrụ asụsụ Ala Naịjirịa, a na-akụzi site n'otaakara wee ruo yunivasiti dị ka A1 na A2, asụsụ a na-asụ na redio na televishon, were ya na-eme otụtụ ihe ndị digasị iche iche, asụsụ bụ na ndị na-asụ ya ruru 20m ma ọ peka mpe. Asusu di etu a kwesiri inwe Izugbe abuo - nke osusu na nke odide. Izugbe Osụsụ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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na Izugbe Odide abụghị ebiri. Nke osụsụ tọrọ nke odide. Izugbe asụsụ Igbo malitere kemgbe ndị Igbo si na mba digasị iche bidoro nwewe mmekorịta n'ọgbako, n'azụmahịa, n'ụlo ụka, n'ama egwuregwu, n'ụlo akwụkwọ, n'egemnti na mkpịrịta ụka na ejije na ihe ndị ọzọ a na-eme na redio na televishon. Izugbe Odide malitere kemgbe ndị ụka Siemesi tinyere anya n 'asụsụ Igbo imepụta na ikpụpụta otu olu Igbo gaabụ ozuruigbo niile onụ. Na mbụ na mbụ ndị Siemesi wubere Isuama site na mgbali. Schon, na Saro.' Mana ka Schon garuru Abo sụo Isuama n'enwegbhi onye ghọtara ya ka ọ kpụpụta na akamere anaghị adi n'asụsụ. Achịdikịn Denis ewee gbalịa chopụta Yunion Igbo ka ọ bụrụ Igbo Izugbe. Nke ahụ kụkwara afo n'ala. Ida Ward ewee haziwe Central Igbo, etu Welmers na Welmers siri hazie Compromise Igbo. Na ndị a niile ọ dighị nke a nabatara ka ọ bụrụ Igbo Izugbe. Ma ka agha Bịafra biri, n'afo 1970, Otu Iwelite Asụsụ na Omenaala Igbo bidoziri haziwe Igbo Izugbe nke e jizi ede ederede Igbo ugbu a. Na mkpọkọta okwu m, ọ kwesịrị ka anyị mata na Isuama, Yunion, Central na Compromise Igbo jikọrọ aka mee ka mpupụta na nhazi Igbo Izugbe na-aga were were. Ọ bụ naani Igbo Izugbe a nwere ọkaasụsụ Igbo. Ọ bụ nke a bụ otu oke ndịiche di n'etiti olumba ndị ọzọ e nwere n'asụsụ Igbo na Igbo Izugbe.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Sọọ nwata ụ nọ n'ikpele mmili Kwe m eke Ekene Oma O ma Oma na udo Údo Ùdo obele O bele Obele nza Nza Nza atụle Atụle Atụle òbò O bo Obo n'ụgbo Ụ gbo Ụgbo n'amì Amì Amị gololịo Osikapa Joloof O nà-àsonashị kombiìfu Osụwayịwayị Ìyaà

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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THE IGBO OF INNOCENCE THE ESSENCES IN IGBO CIVILIZATION

In the age of innocence the indịgenous, native and original Igbo were simple child-like, hardworking, imbibing from their elders who were steeped in essence, in the lores and mores of Igbo culture and civilization. As the young Igbo grew up they were exposed to and imbibed four crucial 'cults' (but without the pejorative senses of today).

Ikengà – ‘the cult of the right hand which symbolizes indịvidual achievement through hard work (with one's hand); Iru-cult – ‘the cult of the face which sytnbolise one's commandịng personality and influence; Ùhu-cult - 'the cult of the body and tongue which symbolise personal charm and persuasive eloquence; Ụkwụ nà ije - 'the culture of the limbs which symbolise success in adventures. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Essential in his inculturation programme, the Igbo amika and ntoroobia, were taught to recognize the Alusi or supernatural being forces for what they were. Even though they could have the features of men, the Alusi were neither living human beings (mmadu) nor dead human beings (mmuo). In the age of innocence, the Igbo, whatever was their location in Igboland, shared an identical conception of the Cosmos. To them the universe was divided into four complementary departments:

Ùwà, Mmuo, Alusi and Okike. Uwa (-wa break open; split open, be cracked) in the world of the senses is seen in Igwe (the heavens or firmament) and Ala (the earth) Uwa is inhabited by Mmadu (living human beings), Mmuo (dead ancestors who, as ndịichie, the canonized ones, can re-incarnate, or as Akalaogoli can't re-incarnate, or Ekwensu, mischievious spirits, and Agwu, the maverick ambivalent trickster spirit which through divination, Afa, reveals to human beings the complex nature of the cosmic relationships in the Igbo world. Very close to but distant from Uwa ndị Igbo, is Chi Ukwu (Chukwu), the Great Chi (God), Chi Okike = Chinaeke (the Creator), Olisabuuwa (the God that carries the world). In the pristine world of their bucolic innocence, the Igbo revered Chukwu Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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(God), the Great Enigma, Amaamaamasịghịamasị (The-known-and-not-so-known). Ọnọnsomateeaka (One-that-is-near-but-still-far). The innocent Igbo venerated Chiokike because:

Ikeechukwuebuka Chukwunọnso Chukwuebuka Chukwuenweghịiwe Chukwunweikeniile Chukwunwendu Chukwukadibịa Chukwujindu Chukwumụanya Chukwumaobimmadụniine Chukwubụike

In the philosophy of Igbo knowledge

Chukwu kere Ala na Mmadụ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ma Ala ka mmadụ

In the age of innocence the rural Igbo had very great respect for Ndu (life) because it comes from God. It is greater than money or wealth. It cannot be foundered by blacksmith. All things are only useful if they have life.

Osondụagwgụike Ndụbụeze Chukwụbụndo Ndụbụisi Chukwunwendụ Ndụkaego Chukwujindụ Ndụkaakụ Ekejindụ Ụzụakpụndụ Ifebụnandụ Mdịkaanwụifemgaemedị Ifesinandụ Obụlụnamdịndụifemgaemedị Ifeakandụ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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In the age of pre-innocence, God allowed Death to be in order to checkmate Man. There are many versions of the aetiology of death in Igbo cosmology. The race to deliver the message of life and death from God to man by the Dog and the Tortoise exists in Igbo folklore. God had to bring death to the world so that:

Onye lote ọnwụ O mea nwayọọ

N'ihi na

Ọnwụatụegwu Ọnwụenweiro Ọnwụatụaka Ọnwụamaoke Ọnwụasoanya Ọnwụakpaoke Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ọnamaoke Ọnwụnọnso Ọnwụeliego Ọnwweteaka Ọnwụelingo Ọnwụejeọgwụ Ọnwụenweoyị Ọnwụamaife

In the age of innocence the Igbo respected age and the elders almost to the point of reverence because:

Ife okènye dànà àni fụ Nwatà kwụlụ ọtọ ọ má-afụ yá

A hụ, e kwughị nà-ègbu okènyè E kwuo, a nụghị nà-ègbu nwatà

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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In their ranking of professions or attributes, the igbo of innocence ranked brain over brawn:

Kalịa aya gà-èli ọtụ ilòlò Ya lia dike

Thus the strategic thinker, the philosopher, a bundle of brains is preferred to the warrior, the military strategist, the man of strength. For, whereas the latter is replaceable and dispensable, the former is not replaceable, and is indịspensable. Tied to the virture of thinking and geometric reasoning is the indgenous Igbo ranking of amamihe (absolute wisdom) amamizu (absolute wisdom) over:

Àkọ 'smartness, ‘wit’ as in Nwa Ebule Ako Uchè ‘commonsense’ (without real wisdom) Àkọ nà uchè ‘wisdom’ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ñtụbịrịkọ ‘diplomacy’

If the above analysis is correct, what then do these mean?

Àkọ bụ ndụ Uchè bụ ndụ Uchè bụ afa Uchè bụ àkpà

The autochthonous Igbo of innocence prized material possessions but would not make a fetish of them because material possessions come from God.

Chukwunweụba Chukwujiụba Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ekèjiụba Ụbàsìnàchi

But if:

Ndụbụàkụ Nwabụàkụ Mmadụbụàkụ Madụwụụba

And then:

Nwakàụba Mmadụkaụba

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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In the light of the above what is?

Àkụ ụba àkụ nà ụbà Possessions possessions of assets wealth

· Eluluù (animal resources) · Akụmakụ (forest resources) · Ala (land) · Ndịinyom (wives) · Ụmụ (children) · Ohù (slaves)

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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In terms of wealth, the Igbo of innocence were concerned more with the creation and acquisition of wealth - than with the spinning of money. The image of the King in Every man which the Ikenga and the Ụkwu na Ije cults seem to portray, is only partially correct. Adventure and success are not only carried out and achieved in society, they are measured against other people in and the virtues society. Persuasive eloquence, rhetoric and oratory associated with the Uhu-cult are society-determined. So, too, is commandịng personality and influence of the Iru-cult, society-driven. The Igbo of innocence was a community dweller and a team worker.

For while he knew that:

1. Onye ya na chi ya kwụ O dighị ihe ga-eme ya

Or

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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2. Onye kwe, chi ya ekwe

He also knew and believed that:

1. Mmadụ bụ chi ibe ya 2. Ịhà mè ịha me ịhà 3. Ọgọ bụ chi ogbenye 4. Ofu onye adị-abụ ebò 5. Ofu aka adị-eke ngwugwu 6. Ofu onye adị-ebu ozu enyì 7. Ofu onye adịghị mma n'ije 8. Otu mkpịsị aka rụta mmanụ Ya eruo ndị ọzọ 9. Ihe kwụrụ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ihe akwụdebe ya 10. Onye maani ya kwụ Odudu atagbuo ya 11. Ọkọ kọba mmadụ O gaa kwụde mmadụ ibe ya Ka ọ kọọ ya; kọba anụ ọhịa O gaa n'ahụ osisi 12. Otu onye lie onwe ya AKA ya ga-apụtarịrị 13. Nwata nwe ọkpà Mana n'ezi okenye Ka ọ na-akwa 14. Onye fee ezè, Ezè eruo ya Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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15. Ọhà nwè tutuu Tutuu nwè ọhà 16. Aka nri kwọọ aka ekpe AKA ekpe akwọọ aka nri

All the above proverbs emphaize the complementry roles of indịviduals with indịviduals - inhuman society. So, too, does the aetiological anecdote about why 'Fowls go in twos - because the thing that kills fowls (hawks) come from above. If one fowl sees the enemy first, it alerts the others. So too do personal names like:

Adimabua Nwaìgbò Adaọha Igboanụgo Nwaọha Igbonaekwu Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Obiọha Igboakalụzịa

emphasize complementation, reciprocity and group plidarity.

What I have been saying so far suggests complementation rather than polarity, inclusivism rather than exclusivism, and holism rather than indvidualism. Too much: exists in the political, sociological and cultural literature about the Igbo being an extreme indịvidualist, a lone ranger (= I-gobefore-others). I would not, however, like my audience to go away with the impression that the Igbo society of innocence and the Igbo people of innocence did not have their fair share of mavericks, madmen and deviants. They had. But they believed these were the exceptions that give vibrancy and relevance to the rules.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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O dighị ala na-enweghị ngwere Some people among the Igoo of innocence did do what they were not expected to do. The ten, universal commandments were broken. There was incest. There was adultery, fornication and abortion. For the Igbo language has words for these. People ate animals, fishes and fruits they were forbidden to eat. People went to other people's farms and removed yams and cocoyams from their farms and barns. But there were sanctions for those caught in the act. There were public confessions, executions, and suicides for those who offended grieviously against ala. For:

Ògbu mma nà-àla na mmà Ogbùru onye nà onye ọ gbù yị àla Ajụghị àjụ eri kpàtàrà A rịàghị àrịà ànwụ

For those who confessed their transgressions, there was forgiveness. For:

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After God is Dibia Igbo Lectures & Poems by Friends of Emeagwali

Mmehie dịka-àdị Mgbayàlị adị-àdị

The Igbo of innocence lived in and operate within his umunna, at the three levels of partilinage: minimal, major and maximal. He also lived and operated within the Ikwunne or Nnamochie - the matrilinage. At the widest level, he operated within a village. Beyound that, he went into an mba - another or foreign land adjacent to his and with which it had all sorts of alliances and relationships. Even in some of the known (Igbo) kingdoms the king, even where there was a primogeniture, was treated as a President-foras long as he proved himself people-centred, democratic and republican - and his people were satisfied with his reign not rule. For:

Ọhà nwè ezè Èzè nwe Ọhà

In conclusion, the Igbo of innocence loved and Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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coveted wisdom and applied it to all he thought, said and did. For him Chukwu himself created wisdom and so all true wisdom came from Chukwu. This true wisdom is not just one of intellect, derivable from facts but a passion for truth. The young garnered it from counsel, instruction and observation from the elders and the wise, through informal traditional education whose unwritten texts were the folktales and other narratives the proverbs, anecdotes, tongue twisters, riddles, songs and poems of all descriptions and genres, feasts and festivals. Whether as technical knowledge, or hypostratic knowledge, true knowledge as against spurious wisdom is what kept the Igbo going in their arcadian innocence.

THE BACKGROUND TO EXPERIENCE

Mutual trans umunna, trans ogo, trans mbam, trans mba contacts, with other sub-cultural Igbo groups within Ala Igbo. This was one factor. Mutual trans Igbo culture contacts with their non-Igbo neighbours (Edo, Ịgala, Isoko,' Urhobo, Ịjọ, Ịzọn, Ogoni, Mbembe, Idoma, Ibibio, Yoroba, Awụsa). This was another factor. Then the economic contacts with the Royal Niger Company. Then the colonial intervention from Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Berlin through 1900, 1911, 1914, 1954 and 1960. From punitive military expeditions to occupation and colonization. And the introduction of the culture of the hustlings and ballot-box democracy. Add to these the missionary enterprise of the orthodox Christian groups from 1857 for the CMS, and 1885 for the RCM, and the laisser faire modern-day freaks and charlatans that have come with the halleuyah Revolution. (Cotton, 1995; Obiora, 1998). Here irrationalism, counter culture, ecstasy, induced conversions, link up with the cutting edge of neuroscience and pseudo-christianity. And the romance with Western Education. Then the Biafran debacle and the post-Biafran military and civilian potitics, .post-Biafran monetary and fiscal policies, and the grammar of pauperizatin and marginalization. The effects of all of the above were seen in varied perspectives and, at various levels of religious, sociopolitical and economic realities.

THE IGBO OF EXPERIENCE

According to Onwuejeogwu (1987) exprience intergrated the theatre of Igbo civilization into what is today called Nigeria. ‘Igoland ceased to be .a theatre Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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of civilization. It became a periphery of a larger periphery whose capital is at Lagos and its centre is London.’ From being simple and child-like theIgbo of experience became rather naive and childish as their shattered psyche grew from tragedy and tragicomedy, to slapstick comedy and farce. Nkem has replaced Nkeanyị. I-go-before-others has replaced Erima (eriri Omumu Nwa) Group Solidarity (Anyanwu, 1993; Mozia, 1982/87). The punitive military expeditions that imposed Pax Britanica and the Biafran experience, all these made nonsense of egbe cham and traditional charms, gunpowder and machetes. The descration - and deposition – of Eze Nri, Eze Aro, Obi Agbo Obi, all before 1911; the demystification of the oracles at Arọchukwu, Oka, Diobu, Ụmụnneọha, the introduction of a monetized economy. The birth of Eastern Region and Nigera. The replacement of open consultative and consensual democracy with Westminster type of democracy and the secrecy of the ballot box. The treatment of Christianity as Mammon and the elevation of Jesus into an Industry or a corporation with the features of a LTD. Or a PLC. The incorporation of syncretism into some pseudochristian assemblies and communions, in their beliefs and worship. The replacement of traditional secret societies with modern Eruo-American brotherhoods and sisterhoods which meet in Lodgies! The romance with Western Education and its devaluation of traditional education. The enthronment of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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indịvidualism and materialism, the enthronment of the English Language not only as The Language of Wider communication, God's own language, with Latin for the Catholics in the post-Sanahan era, and, later, the Official Language of Nigeria. From some twenty-seven traditional monarchies and kingdoms at Abo, Agbo, Isele Ukwu, Nri, Ụbụlụ-Ukwu, Ọsọmale, Ọnịcha Ado, Ugwuta, etc., we now have well over 800 autonomous communities each with its own Eze. And, in Aniomaland, we have, in addition, modem political contraptions designed for and co-existing with a bicameral polity with the Okpara system in places like Asaba, Okpanam and Ibusa, The Asagba of Asaba, The Asagba Okpanam and the Obuuzo of Igbouzo are really not eze but Presidents-for-Life! All these because, as Obienyem has observed in his poem 'Di Anyị, I Bụrụla Eze'

Ezè Ìgbò di mfe nweghị omà: Aju e ji èbu ezè dọ nà ngwùrù niile Di n'ime Olu nà Igbo Ebe m nwèrè òkpu mmèe mmèe Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Jide ija nà ñkù akpukpọ Ezè, ọ fọrọ ihe ọzọ

N'Olu nà Ìgbò ezè na adà n'obi ọ masịrị ya; Àjàdu nà-akpọ isi àlà, ọ na-akpọrọ onwe ya Ebe ọ bu ego bu igidigi oju eze

Àjadu chi ya mụ any a, ọ majite ego Ego tụa ahụ, eze adawaa! Ma eze naịrà, ọ bụ eze gini? Eze ụra atụ na eze nkwōro E gbue ebi naabo, e zoo otu Okwu sie ike, ndị uwe ojii na ndị dibia erie ego Bikonụ, eze naịrà, ọ bụ eze gini? Nolue Emenanjo (ed.) Ụtara Nti pp. 63-4.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Put in the most simplistic language the combination of all the agencies and forces of the post-innocence era resulted in the emergence of men without shape, women without ears, shapes without forms, hollow men without backs; for whom all things are not where they are supposed to be, the spirtus mundị was ambivalence, the zeitgeist; snakes swallowing snakes. Ebe niile abụrụ mmadụ mmadụ, mana mmadụ akoo. Ụkwụ eju ala, mana ije adighị. N'ezie, ọkụkọ agbasaala okpesi. Ndị nọ n'ala bidoziri dagbuwe ndị nọ n'elu. Akwụ wee chaa n’ọdụ igù. Ịkwighịikwighị efebezie n'ehihie. Eỳi n'ehihie. Ndị eze akarịa ndị ha na-achi. Ya abụrụ mpụ n'elu, mpụ n'ala. Enyi mbekwu na Uze ejuzịa n'ebe niile Nke bụzi na n'Abụja na n'Ajegunle, e nwezi eze ndị Igbo? Nke a, abụghị eze akhje! Ka ndị eze siri hie nne ka aha (otutu) ha siri naeyi egwu ma dikwa egwu!

Mmirinaezònaọkọchi I Otuonyeanaetuụnuabịala I Oshìmìrìrieonyeorieọgwụya I Odịụkonamba I Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Gwugwuga I Odụmnaegbuagụ I Anụanaagbaegbeọnaatahwịọhwịọ I Mmirinaarịugwu I

Ndị bụ na karịa ha ga-echepụta ma rụpụta ngwa ọhụrụ, ha alaa defence, rụo ngwa ahụ akpụrụka ma mepụta ajasa ya, adịgboroja ya, ijebu ya! Nke a emezie ka n'Ala Igbo niile mana ọ karịrị n'Aba na Ụlụ diwazịa ka Lo Wu, oke obodo ahịa di na Shenzhen na China. Ebe a ka a na-asị na ọ bụ ya bụ isi obodo ngwa ahịa ọ bụla adịgboroja n'ụwa niile. N'ezie, a na-asI na, n'ahịa Aba, ngwa ọ bụla nwezuru ezie ya, de main de main, na oyiri ya, y.b. akpụrụka ya, zuru iri. Ọ bụ ihe a soro mee e ji asị na ị chọọ ịmata Aba i ga-etukwuru ala. I kwụrụ oto i gaghị ahụ tụtụrụ rachaa. Onye ọ bụla n'Aba, ọ kachasị ndị ahịa, tukwuru etukwu na-ede ibe ya ka ọ rụo ya akpụrụka, mee ya emeghị erne gosị ya na nwa Aro di iche, mkpọọlà adịkwa iche; kuzie ya na ahịa na-aka mma n'etiti Arọ na Mbàise.

I will now end my observations and impressions about Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the Igbo experience with this poem, (a little adapted) from an anonymous hand. It's title:

(THE) NOTHING PEOPLE

They do not lie. They just neglect to tell the truth. They do not take, They simply cannot bring themselves to give. They do not steal, They scavenge. They will not rock the boat, But did you ever see them pull an oar? They will not pull you .down, They'll simply let you pull them up, Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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And let you pull them down. They will not hurt you, They merely will not help you. They do not hate you, They merely cannot love you. They will not burn you, They'll only fiddle while you burn. They are the nothing people, The sins-of-omission folk, The neither-good-nor-bad, And, therefore, worse. The good, at least, keep busy, trying, And the bad try jut as hard. Both have that character, That comes from caring, action and conviction. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The honest sinner with God and Satan. They know the price of everything, But do not know the value of anything They scream about national character. But, given the chance, They live and practise family character. Or sell out their own quota and the character Or scatter everything, like the fowl Who says: Scatter and scatter lest another eat!

CHIAKPII wọọọ CHIAKPII wọọọ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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CHIAKPII wọọọ

Enye m i ọkwụlụ inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom Enye m i ọkwụlụ inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom Enye m i ọkwụlụ inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom Okwụlụ àkpàjili inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom Asụsụ neafụ o inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom

THE IGBO LANGUAGE OF EXPERIENCE

...n'okwu Igbo Ndị gboo kpara ụka n'asụsụ a Ha kọrọ akịkọ ọchị, daa kwàkwàkwà; Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Iwe hà pụtàrà n'okwu zuru òke; Ha gbàrà ìzù, ghọta ònwe hà n'Ìgbò Ha bụrụ Mbe n'echìche okwu Ìgbò Ha bụrụ Ndùrì bụkwa nwa Ọkịrị Ha zara ọkwà nka, zaakwa ọchị agha A kpọrọ ha mà ọkà okwù mà ọkà alò N'ọnụ na nghọta, ha nọrọ bụrụ Ìgbò

J. C. Obienyem, 'Mbo m Na-Agba' Akpa Uche p. 69.

The Igbo language of innocence was, as should be expected, a closed circuit phenomenon. Each person spoke his dialect (D1) in his umunna, his ogo, his onumara, his mbam - essentially and unrepentantly, undịluted. The smiths who produced the Igbo-Ukwu bronzes must have spoken an undịluted Aguukwuoeri D1. So too the axe makers at the foundries at Ugwuele, an Okigwe D1. And the salt makers of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Uburu, and undịluted Ehugbo D1. What did the Nri aka nshi speak when they went on their religious njem across those parts of Igboland within the Nri hegemony? At the axe foundries of Ugwuele what language did the master axe makers, their patrons and their clients speak? When the Aro went on their exploits beyond Ibiniukpabi, and, for Ibiniukpabi, how did they communicate along their routes? What language was used by the Ekumeeku Warriors who were drawn from all parts of Aniomaland? At the salt markets in Uburu and the horse markets at Nsukka, how did the buyers and sellers communicate? My haunch (given today's experience) is that Igbospeaking people who left for other Igbo-speaking mba modified their D1 - or learnt and used the more prestigious D1, for purposes of intra-group communication. Let it be emphazised that inspite of the political independence of the mba, there were many forms of formal and informal contacts and for inter-dependence between various Igbospeakingpeople before the dawn of experience: trade, marriages, fairs, festivals, feasts, and even wars. These were veritable avenues for mutual exposure to different lects, varieties, jargons, sound systems, syntactic structures, lexical elements and semantic systems in the Igbolanguage.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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With experience came greater mobility within ahd beyond Igboland, as the Igbo and their land now had greater contacts with other peoples, other cultures and other languages. The nascent Spoken Standard Igbo began to grow and grow in its lexical inventory, especially, in the names of plants, animals, geographical features and phenomena alien to Igbo culture. Words like osikapa, otanjele, jakị, dawa, akamu, alakwuba, agidi akpoto, elele, munchi from Ugwu Awusa, ụrooshi, ichafo, abada, panya, from European Languages via the Coast; oloma, agboro, wayo, ashawo, jedijedi from yorubaland; Iduu, iyase, Agwuele, from Edoland; banga, bonga, ogogoro, agogo from the Niger Delta, mmom, abasị afaniko, Ibibi from Ibibio-Efikland. Just as new words were coming in and being domesticated to the realities and imperatives of the Igbo sound and lexical systems, so too, new tales, proverbs, and anecdotes were being welcomed and added to the repertoire of Igbo folkore, poems and songs. Collectors of unwritten Ibo literature are used to choruses, non-ideophonic words, phrases and sentences which they often treat as either 'archaisms', 'nonsense words or 'obscurities'. These so-called archaisms and nonsense words may well be from languages which are either siblings of the igbo language or 'live' languages spoken by non-Igbo neighbours of the igbo or others who have come in contact with the Igbo. As for the 'obscurities', those references which may now look opaque may well be Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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references to phenomena in cultures and literatures which are neighbours to th igbo. Among the Anioma, for example, references to Ala Iduu are copuous. And characters like Giant Alakwukwu, an Agwuala (i.e. Giant), Gbanwula Asigie, Ogiso and Ezechime, feature robustly in their folklore and oral histories. These and many more features of the language contacts between Igbo and the languages of their neighbours are begging for urgent studies.

IGU AKWUKWO NA IGU EGO

Onye ọ bụla chọrọ iga n'ihu, ndị ọ bụla chọrọ iga n'ihu, ezi na ụlọ ọ bụla, ụmụnna ọ bụla, ebe ọ bụla, ogo ọ bụla, uhe ọ bụla, mba ọ bụla, obdo ọ bụla, n'ezie, agbụrụ ọ bụla chọrọ iga n'ihu ga-ebu ụzọ gwọọ ọgwụ mmadụ tupu ya agwọọ ọgwụ ego. Maka na mmadụ bụ mma di na ndụ na n'elu ụwa a. Leekwa aha ndị a ndị Igbo na-aza:

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Mmadụbụakụ Mmadụbụuko Mmadụwụụba Mmadụnaecheibeya Mmadụkaego Madụmereụwajiasoụso Mmadụbụchiibeya Ihekanammadụ Mmadụbụike Mmadụkaife

Ị gwọ ọgwụ mmadụ apụtaghị iga na dibịa. Ọ bụ iga akwụkwọ gaa nweta mmụta na mmụba si n'akwụkwọ. Ọ bụ ima akwụkwọ wetara ka mmadụ ghara iko mmadụ ibe ya ma ọ bụ mba ya. Ọ bụ ụko mmadụ kpatara mmadụ ga-eji eju, a ka na-achọ mmadụ. Iga akwụkwọ bụ isi dọkpụ nti n'etiti ndị na na mmepe obodo na agbụrụ. Ọ bụ ezie na:

Akwụkwọ nà-àtọ ụtọ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ọ nà-àra ahụ na mmụta Mà onye nwere ntasi obì O ga-amuta akwukwo

Ịga ezi akwụkwọ na-eweta mmụta na mmata. Ndị a na-eweta amanihe na amamizu. Ịga akwụkwọ na-enye mmadụ orụ aka na aka orụ. Ịga akwụkwọ na-achụ ma na-egbochi

Amaghị nka asụsụ Amaghị ege ntị Amaghị echebara ihe echiche dị omimi Amaghị agụ ederede na akwụkwọ ndị dịgasị iche iche Amaghị aghọta ma ọ bụ akota eserese na diagram, na tebulu, na fịgo ndị dị iche iche Amaghị atụ ihe na isì ihe Ịga akwụkwọ na-akụzi nka ndị dị ịche iche

Nka ọgụgụ na odide ihe Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Nka e ji aghọta ma ọ bụ. akota eserese na diagram, tebulu, na fịgo gasị Nka otụtụ na osịsị ihe Nka nzụlite amamonwe Nka maka opịpịa ihe gasị Nka mpiako na nhazi Nka nzulite aka orụ na orụ aka Nka maka mkpata na ndokọ àkụ Nka maka mmata aka ọrụ na ọrụ aka Nka maka àmụmihe Ịga akwụkwọ na-enye mmadụ ike na ikike karịrị akarị n'ih ndị a:

(a) mmata na mmụta maka

Ịchọpụta na idokọ esinaaka Nyocha esinaakonauche Ozụzụ ọgụgụ isi Iji aka na ako onye chọwa ihe ndị ọzọ dịịrị mmadụ mkpa (b) nka dịgasị iche iche maka: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ọgụgụ isi na ntụrịch….e Nchepụta na nhazi ir Mkpebi esinaọgụgụisi Iji ako na nka tinye n'echemeche Ikwu na ibe imeko ihe na ibiko onụ (gb) Mmaraonwe y.b. mmadụ imara onwe ya site n’ijụ ma ichọpụtasị oziza ajụjụ ndị a:

Onye/gịnị ka m bụ? Olee ihe ndịm nwere ike imeli? Aga m ejiko aka m nọrọ duu n'agbaghị mbo ọ bụla n'ihi na onye kwe, chi onye ahụ ekwetakwala? (c) ngwa ndị na-ezipụta na mmadụ adịrịla ezigbo niikere maka ibi nke oma n’ụwa nke ubu a:

Orụ aka na aka orụ pụtara ìhe e jiri mara onye Mkpata akụ na-abawanye ma na-amụwanye, kwa daa, kwa izu, kwa onwa, kwa afo Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Nkwere n’onwe onye n’ime ihe ọ bụla (d) mmadụ ihụ onwe ya n’ụzo zịri ezi na n’emume kwụrụ oto. Nke a ga-enyere mmadụ aka ikwusị ike na:

O bụ m di ihe a. Ọ bụghị onye ọzọ. Eji m anya m ahụ ụzo ma werekwa ntị nke m na-anụ ihe Aga m emeli ihe a n’eleghị onye ọzọ anya, n’ajụghị onye ọzọ nke a na-eme Ọgbọ dị iche, ibe dị iche Otu nne na-amụ man ọ bụghị otu chi na-eke Onye kwe, chi ya ekwe Mmadụ ibu onwe ya n’eleghị anya n’azụ Mmadụ itinye onwe ya niile, ndu ya niile, ike ya niile, echichle ye niile, n’ịhe ọ bụla ọ na-eme n’ajụghị ihe (ojoo) ga-esi na ya pụta Ịga akwụkwọ bụ oke ihe. Ọ na akụziri mmadụ nka ndị a bụ ọkachasị ibe ha:

(i) nka ntoala,

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Maka ọgụgụ na odide Ọnụọgụgụ na nọmba Iji akara, ma eserese na fịgo dịgasị iche mee ihe Otụtụ na osisi gbasara aka na uhịe: volum, aro, ago, njem (ii) nka maka obibi ndu gbasara nzụlite onwe

Opịpịa ihe Mkpezi na nhazi Mwughari ihe - iji nke a rie/mee nke a

(iii) nka enwemakaolụ maka

Mmụta akaolụ na olu aka Nzulite aka olụ na olu aka Nzụlite akpamakụ Mmụwanye na ntowanye Nka omụmụ ihe Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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(iv) nka maka amụmihe ebighị ebi, agwụ agwụ

N'ezie, igụ akwụkwọ abụghị nnanị maka inweta asambodo e ji achọ ọlụ oyibo ma ọ bụ e ji agụwanye akwụkwọ. Ọ bụ maka izụ mmadụ, ahụ mmadụ dum, obodo niile na agbụrụ niile ka mmepe na ọganiihu wee jupụta n'echiche na n'echemeche ndị mmadụ na mba ha.

O bụ maka ịzụ anu ahụ mmadụ na nke ime mmụo ya. Ọ bụ maka ịzụ anya onye ka ọ na-aru ma ọ bụ rụkarịa olụ dịịrị ya. Ka mmadụ wee nwee ike leruo ihe anya iji hụ nsi osa na iji mara anya nke e lere ele na nke a rọrọ arọ. Ọ bụ maka ịzụ echiche ndị mmadu ka ha wee mata na tutuu nwe ọhà, mana ọhà nwekwa tutuu; na ofe na-atọ ka ọkwụrụ ma n'agbaghị mkpụrụ ka ọkwụrụ abụghị ofe ọkwụrụ. Ịga akwukwọ na-azụ imi mmadụ ka ọ nwee ike iminyere imi na mmiri ịchọpụta ebe ndị mmụo si abata n'elu ụwa. Ịgụ akwụkwọ naazụ ire mmad ka ọ dị ire, nti mmadụ ka ọ wee nwe ike mata myiri na ndịiche dị n'etiti egbe na egbe. Ọ bụrụ na iga akwụkwọ bụchasịrị ihe ndị a niile anyị kwuputarala, ọ bụ gini bụ mbunuuche ndị a na asị na: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Unù na-àgu akwụkwọ, Anyi àna-àgu egō, Fa ncha bụ ife ọgụgụ.

Onye na-asị na igụ akwụkwọ na igụ ego bu otu ihe naagwa ụwa niile na ọ maghị asụsụ Igbo ma ncha. Isi ngwaa a bụ – gụ dị n’ịgụ akwụkwọ na igụ onụ (ego) abụghị otu n'ụtoasụsụ Igbo, na na nghọta ha. Akwụkwọ enweghị onụ ma ọ nọmba: A naghị agụ ya ka e si agu ego nwere onụ na nọmba. Ka ị sị na ị ma nke a, I mazigo nke ọzọ ahụ? Ya bụ, onye sị na ịgụ akwụkwọ na ịgụ ego bụ otu, ihe ọ na-agwa uwa niile bụ na ọ bụ iti, iti bolibo, okpe, mumu, ewu Nupe! Ọ na-agwa uwa niile na ọ maghị na amaghị akwụkwọ, amaghị agụ na amaghị ede, bụ orịa, orịa ogbugbu kariri AIDs dị ire. Ọ na-agwa ụwa niile na ọ maghị agụ na amaghị ede bụ njo, njo kachasịrị njo niile - njo ogbugbu. Ọ na-agwa uwa niile na ọ jiri aka ya chụpụ onwe ya n'ụgbo. Ya asịkwala na ụzo erukwaghị ya. Ọ chụpụla onwe ye n'orụ bekee na ihe ndị soro ya. Ọ chụola onwe ya n'agụmakwụkwọ di elu. Ọ chụola onwe ya n'iso ndị isi n'otu ndọrọndọrọ ọ bụla. Ndọrọndọrọ ughu a, n'ebe ọ bụla, aghọọla anụ enyi. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Otu onye enweghị ike ibuli ya. Ndọrọndọrọ abụghị ahịa, nke ọ ji abụrụ azụmahịa. Ọ bu okwe e ji birikambiri, onye daara ibe ya, onye daara ibe ya. Ọ bụ ako, uche na ntụbịrịko ka e ji egwu ya. Ọ bụghị gbata gbata. Ọ bụghị a nọrọsịa n’ime ogwu ma ọ bụ ahụhụ a na-achọ ikwo ya. Ọ bụ ọhịa ogwu jupụtara. A na-arụ ụkwụ aba ya. Ọ bụghị okwu e ji njakịri akpa. Ọ bụ akpaalaokwu ka e ji eso ya bụ akpa okwu. Ọ bụghị anụ e ji akpụtụ mma egbu. Obụghị ọgụ a na-etu onụ aba. Ọ bụ ọgụ e ji akpa uche aba. Ọ bụ ijele nwegasịrịr ijere n’ụzo ya, na n’ahuya niile. Onye na-agụghị akwụkwọ achụola onwe ya n’iga n’ụlo ezemeezu ịtụpụta aro onya ga-eji ala, n’ala anyi. N’ezie, ọ jirila aka ya kpaara onwe ya oke n’ihe ọ bụla, n’ebe ọ bụla, n’ọgbakọ ọ bụla n’otu ọ bụla. Ọ meela onwe ya ihe akaje n’ezi na ụ’o ya, n’etiti ụmụnna ya, n’ụlo ụka, nga na naga ọ bụla. Otu na otu ọ bụla ọ nọ na ya, ọ ga na-agbara ndị ma akwụkwọ boịboị, na-agbabara ha oso ahịa, naagbara ndị ọzọ apịlịko! Kedụ ka udi onye dị etu a gaesi ebizi n’elu ụwa nke ugbu a? E-mail, Internet, Komputa, Ifo! Bekee aruola ala!

Ebe ndị ọzọ na-ekwu maka yunion – European Union, Africa Union – ọ ka na-ekwe maka Ọtọnọmọs komuniti. N’ebe ndị ọzọ n’ụwa ugbu a nnukwute kompịnị ole na ole na-ejikozị aka abụrụ otu agadaga kompịnị, ọ ka na-ekwu maka kompịnị nke ya na ụmụ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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ya nwoke naanị. Ịhe ụwa ugbuluaka a, abụkwaghị nwa Arọ iche, mkpọọla iche, nwa ọhụhụ/isoma ichie; amaala iche, nwaofo iche. Ọ bụ aka weta, aka weta, onụ eju. Ọ bụ a gbakọọ nwa mmiri ọnụ, ọ gbaa ụfụfụ. Ọ bụ ihe kwụrụ, otụtụ ihe ndị ọzọ akwụnyere ya. Ọ bụ ony aghala nwanne ya. Ịgwebụike. Onye naanị ya kwụzi ugbu a, odudu emee ya otụtụ ihe! Onye naagaghị akwụkwọ agaghị aghọta izụ a, ugbu a. Onye naamaghị akwụkwọ ọ nwere ike nwee otu agadaga ụlo, ma ọ dịghị ụzo e sị aga ya. N’ime onụ olụ ọ bụla dị n’ụlo ya, e nwere televịshọn (na Akwụkwọ Nsọ) Mana ọ dịghị nkọwaọkwu ọ bụla n’ụlo ahụ niile. N’oge ugbu a, olee eve onye, na ndị dị etu a, ji azụ aga? Ọkpaakụerieri. Mmirịnaezonaọkọchị. Ibe ya jiri ugbo elu na-aga njem, ọ were moto abalị ebe ọ ga-anọ n’obere oche! Ọ were bụrụ ụka bụrụ ilulu.

IGBO OR IGBOID

Mba na-achị n’olu n'olu Ma na-asụ n’olu n’olu Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Mana ha kwaa ụkwara O daa kwa kwa kwa O daa n'olu olu

Time was when it was fashionable to be Igbo. It was then a mark of achievement to know and speak Igbo, with pride and gusto especially among the neighbours of the Igbo. Northcote Thomas recorded in 1914 that during those times it was nothing strange beyond the Nsukka frontier to find ‘a knowledge of Igbo extendịng fully one day’s match into Igara country but no correspondịng knowledge of Igara on the Ibo side of the frontier.’ The Ovie of Abraka paid tribute and received recognition from the Obi of Abo. Igbo ritualists, smiths and traders from the Igbo heartland were not strangers in Isokoland, Ogoniland and Ijoland. Just as Igala, Nupe and Idoma traders were common sights in Ohambele in Ndokiland. On the southern flank at least in the Niger Delta, at that time, and up to fairly recently, it was fashionable and a mark of achievement to be born of an Igbo mother. For the belief was that:

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Onye nne ya na-abughị onye Igbo O naghị aba n'ihe

CHIAKPII CHIAKPII wọọọ CHIAKPII CHIAKPII wọọọ

Once upon a time Timer

Once upon a time and it was a very long time ago, the Igbo, the Yoruba the Edo among many others of their present day neighbours, spoke one very big language. Then some 6000 years ago, so say some historians of language, the Igbo, the Yoruba and the Edo began to speak diffrent languages. And each of the 'new' languages began to develop dialects. But the dialects Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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did not prevent people from understandịng themselves. But one thing happened. Those dialects at the culture margins retained, in different respects, the original features of the original Igbo language which historians of language call Proto-Igbo. The Igbo at the centre and periphery of the igbo speech community continued to live and communicate without much difficulty, even though traveling then was severely limited by very many realities. But there were contacts between and among Igbo people who needed to. Trade, trade fairs, politics, marriages, festivals, skirmishes and wars provided veritable avenues for permanent contacts between and among various Igbo people and their neighbours. At that time, the English Language and its syncretic scion, Pidgin were still to be in Igboland. And so transactions between these people must have been in some form of spoken Igbo the predecessor of our Modern Spoken or Standard Igbo without a Received Pronunciation. It is true that there were written texts here and there in Igboland in different types of scripts - Nsihidi, Uriala, Uri Mmuo and Nwagwu Anieke's. But these were used by 'closed' secret groups and societies for their in-group transactions. And so their influence was very limited. And so the evolving spoken Standard Igbo continued to hold sway especially among the Igbo who had to travel beyond their mba. Even at that, such travelling or travelled igbo must have added diglossia to their Igbo, while for the Igbo at the culture margins Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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bilingualism of the 'native like' type must have been acquired. We are not unmindful of the ambilingualism of the Olukwumi among the Enuani in Aniomaland of Delta state or of E and Ika at Igbanke in Ikaland. Among the Igbo at the culture margins there could have been a sprachbund or language convergence involving the mixture of languages not only in vocabuary but also in the overall structures of Igbo and the languages enjoying convergence with Igbo. It is a pity we have no written records in this area!

And all these came to pass. Then came the Europeans as traders, missionaries and colonial administrators. And Igboland was conouered by force. And sacred Igbo institutions, icons and their language got into a terrible bind. And the English Language was subtlely introduced and imposed through the Education Codes and Ordinances, grants-in-aid to Schools, and the missionary activities of the Catholics, especially during the Sanahan and post-Sanahan eras. The massive bombardment of all these on the Igbo psyche led some of them to the point of believing that 'the native' was a bushman who continued to use his language. The new elite - the Igbo kotuma otue ntu, the interpretes, the cashiers and the non-Igbo colonial administl.ators carried out all their transactions in English, not Igbo. Then came the 'great' Igbo Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Orthography Question - that big ferocious storm in a tea Cl.lP perpetrated, fuelled and confounded by the CMS and the RCM over the writing of just a few letters of the Igbo Alphabet. So, from 1929 - 1961, no serious creative literahlre was produced in the Igbo Language. Afigbo (1981), and Emenanjo (1974: 1993) among others, have said most of all there is to say about how the Igbo were used by the Igbo to underdevelop their language.

Then came the Nigeria-Biafra War. And the Igbo were again conouered by force. And this came with a new type of linguistic dilemma - the displacement of glossotomy or languag unity, with glossogamy or language splitting. On the eve of the Biafran adventure, the Igbo had a high profile in Nigeria and so it was fashionable to be Igbo. At the end of the adventure, the Igbo had no profile in Nigeria. And so it was not fashionable to be Igbo.

One of our weak points as a people is that we do not know how to manage crises, adversity failure or misfortune. As an either... or people not a both...and people we cannot understand, let alone reconcile why, in Chinese, the symbol for crises and adversity is the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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same for challenge, prosperity, success, growth and development. As something likeu, a NothIng People when we charter a society association or group in the interest or service of our people we seem to make it our own, not allowing for new or other synergies and conglomerate action. Why is it that we have so many societies today' fighting' for Ndị Igbo'? Where is Otu Iwelite Asusu na Omenaala Igbo - The Society For Promoting Igbo Language and Culture? Why was Igbo Language Association never allowed to stand?

Okwu m chighaa. With the Fallen House of Biafra, many Igbo-speaking peoples and groups started to say that they are no longer Igbo. This has resulted in new myths of origin in certain communities. If it is not Benin or some other empire, it must be Oriental. Clearly, all these people have got their anthropology, history, and historiography all wrong. Igbo personal names did not sound well. And so, Ngozi had to be changed to Blessing, Ihuoma to Fineface and Anuri to Happiness, to sound better. Their Igbo place names did not look or sit well in their new states and environment. And so some affixes had to be excavated from the archeology of protor-Igbo for synchronic use. All these irked Obienyem so much that he said so, very despondently but picturesquely, in his poem: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ihe Ọkwa Ekwe Nà-Ekwu

Unu gbaa akwa mmìri gafere anyịm gbasaghị m Ma ọ bụ kwọrọ ụgbọ gaa onwa Ma ọ bụ wuo ụlọ elù Nke ọla edò gbùru egò Mgbe unù eleghìghàrị Asụsụ na Òmenààlà unù anya Ihe unù nà-eme agbasaghị m

Unu gaa Roshịà mà ọ bù gaa Amerikà Unù mara sụọ Frenchị ma ọ bụ dee Jaman Ma ọ bụ gaa ụka na London ma ọ bụ na Rome Unù mara sọm mà ọ bụ mara anya ahịa Mgbe asụsụ unù nà-àdachigha àzụ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ihe unù nà-eme agbàsaghị m

J.C. Obienyem in Akpa Uche pp. 64-5.

Add that in the spelling practices, the Onwu Orthography and the conventions in use for Igbo since 1961 had to be re-written in all sorts of ways to deIgbonize them. An agu can discredit its agutude. But it cannot disown it. Or wish it away. It cannot. Never ever!

THE IGBO LANGUAGE AND HUMAN COMMUNICATION

There is nothing new in the observation that there is a one-to-one relationship between language and culture, especially, among a people for who there has not been any language shift and language death. Nor is there any originality in the view that not everything in the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis was headed in the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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wrong direction. In spite of all that have happened to the Igbo people and their culture, their language has shown a great deal of resilience and vitality, moreso in the spoken medium. The ire-cult survives in the njakili phenomenon which has become a veritable source for word-smithery in the Igbo language. This is found especially among the agbero, mechanics, petty traders, members of the underworld, popular musicians, itinerant magicians, acrobats and vendors of all sorts of mechandịse including Christianity, pimps and prostitutes, and their fellow travellers. There now exist hundreds if not thousands of words, structures, proverbs, anecdotes, wellerisms, as well as slang, argots, and colloquialisms in the Igbo lexicon. It will not be out-of-place to hypothesize that all these may constitute a subculture language of its own, completely closed to outsiders. This language is full of Igbo words with new 'underground' meanings, Engligbo and X-Igbo, where X is any language in contact with Igbo.

If a new 'underground' language for which Igbo is the substratum currently co-exists with Igbo, this is simply because languag is essentially a medium for intra-group human communication in response to the many variables of its dynamic environments and needs. The Igbo language has always been a link and Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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bridge between and among the people rather than a gulf or a gully. Over the 6000 years of its existence, the dialects of Igbo were always media for mutual understandịng through mutual intelligibility. How?

(i) Human communication, in the same language, but, in different dialects, is only possible among those who share genetically the same linguistic community and so 'feel they belong to the same language and believe they speak alike in all respects' (Martinet: 1967).

(ii) Igboland constitutes one culure area and, by the same token, one linguistic community: The Igbo linguistic communiiy is a very large one in terms of territory, terrains and population. A large culture area, of necessity, has sub-culture areas. In many respects, dialects are the linguistic equivalents of subcultures.

(iii) When people belong to the same culture area, speak the same language but use different dialects, they are more concerned with understandịng what is said rather than the way it is said. At their relaxed Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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moments, they make fun of and laugh at the idiosyncracies of the different ways they all say the same thing. With time, these idiosyncratic ways begin to disappear and we have the emergence of a spoken standard. 'What disappears when the speakers of different dialects of the same language meet and speak, each speaking his own dialect are for th'e mot part those peculiarities which people first - or always notice - in others and are inclined to make fun of (Jespersen: 1946).'

(iv) Human language is essentially a cultural construct. It is a sociofact, a mentifact and a artifact fashioned by man for intra-group communication. It is a behaviour that is learned and used by all who believe they belong together in the same culture area.

(v) In spite of present-day differences in the surface structures of different Igbo dialects, they share lots of common things in their underlying structures, from sounds to meanings. Emenanjo' s (1981) comparative study of auxiliaries in the grammar of Igbo reveals that there are correspondences between the various dialectal elements used to express negation, tense and aspect across Igbo dialects. These elements include Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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auxiliaries, tones and tonal patterns which are extraordinarily stable and systematic. Anagbogu's (1991) study of nominalization, Uwalaka's (1983) study of verbal-nominal combinations, Nwachukwu's (1975) study of noun phrase sentential complementation or Igwe's (1974) study of afiixes in the grammar of Igbo, all these reveal unity in basic structures but diversity in dialectal forms for which regular correspondences are available across the dialects. Armstrong's (1967) Comparative Word Lists of Five Igbo Dialects reveals 'one striking unifying factor which is obvious from these lists. There is an extraordinary stability of tone through the whole range of dialects studied. Igbos who speak or understand other dialects than their own are relying to a very great extent on tone. Tones are one of the principal means to mutual intelligibility of dialects.' Tones are also basic if not precondịtions for the mutual 'modification' or 'accommodation' of dialectal forms, when 'unsophisticated, rural', 'traveled' and 'intelligent' Igbo people meet and have to communicate in Igbo. These were the first-hand field experiences and findịngs of foreigners like Westermann (1929), Ward (1935; 1941) and Green (1936) concerning how and why the Igbo handle the issue of one language, many dialects. But the significant thing about their findịng for us now is this - they all predate the application of lexicostalistics to the study of the Igbo language. They all predate the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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introduction of glossogamy into Igbo studies. They all were carried out at a time when the Igbo had not become a problem to Nigeria or to themselves. Williamson's study of Ika and Ukwuani and of the Lower Niger Group of Languages where carried out or had their gestation period during the Nigerian civil war. And most, if not all her informants were Igbo students marooned on the Nigerian side of the Nigeria - Biafra war. This whole attempt at creating and reproducing new languages out of Igbo could be called Igbomosaic, following the same phenomenon that has been called Euromosaic in European linguistics.

(vi) Human language is essential to human communication. But human communication involves much more than speech sounds arranged in a structured systems of words, phrases and meanings. It is a complex and intangible phenomenon that is linked to and associated with many variables which unclude physical well being, one's definition and identification of self and group, socia1 needs, the nature of direct and indịret experiences within and beyond self and group. It involves dialogue and is thus bidirectional, context-sensitive, culture-driven, simultancous, relatively unstructured, with an interdependence of participants requiring explicit and immediate feedback. Human communications only Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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meaningful in communication contexts in which all the interlocutors who may be two, many or a mass, may be in private or in public. It may be intra-cultural or extra-cultural. So crucial and critical is human communication to the definition of man-in-society that the normal literate person is believed to spend some 70% of his working hours daily communicating. And so central is human: communication to human understandịng and intra-, and extra group cohesion that words alone are not and cannot be the only carriers of meaning, in a speech act. This is what is called 'The Container Fallacy' (Haney: 1986). Human communication through speech is conveyed by verbal and none-verbal cues. Non-verbal cues include spatial, temporal, visual and body movements. It is estimated that well over 700,000 possible signs can be transmitted via body movements in the form of eye movements, facial expressions, body mannerisms that accompany speech acts, dresses and costumes, hand gestures, voice cues: volume, loudness, timbre, pitch among other features of paralanguage. Verbal and non-verbal communication are mutually complementary and mutually reinforce, replace or even contradict each other and one another. Whereas non-verbal cues are known to convey messages that are prmarily relational or emotional, the verbal ones convey messages that are lexical - and lingual. For relational., emotional and lexical communication to effectively take place, the participants must belong to Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the same speech community, speak the same language, dialects notwithstandịng, enjoy robust and warm relationships which filter all the interference and noise which are associated with mistrust, anger or confusion; the impenetrable barriers to mutual understandịng, desired feedback, misconception, distortion, improved relationships and action. When all these condịtions are met, the input will produce the desired output, and the receiver's meaning will be equal to the sender's meaning. When all these condịtions are met it is then, and only then, that real communication takes place. In terms of verbal communication per se, of the four crucial language skills that make up the total communication time, 53% is expended on Listening, 16% on Speaking, 17% on Reading and 14% on Writing. In other words, 69% of 70% of communicating time is expended on the Audion - Oral skills. Listening: effective listening, attentive listening, active listening, is what makes human communication possible moreso for interlocutors involved in intra-cultural communication through dialects. Listening, strategic listening, listening with the 'third ear', listening 'between the lines', empathic listening - these are the condịtio sine qua non for intra-group communcation. It is these types of listening that sensitize the participants to the unspoken messages embedded in the non-verbal cues. Listining, and especially discriminatory listening, enables interlocutors to Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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selectively attend to, hear, understand and remember sounds and symbols. Through listening, interlocutors are able to discriminate properly between and among different speech sounds, words, structures, dialectal forms and deconstruct them for the meanings desired. Through hearing interlocutors are able to successfully filter noises from real speech. Through understandịng they are able to audit, interpret, re-interpret what they hear and assign meanings to these. In the speech acts of human communication, as in life, empathy and empathic listening enthrone a willing suspension of disbelief and the absence of effective understandịng. They establish relationships rather than break them. They keep wide open ALL the channels from speaker to hearer and vice versa. They block the tendency, out of mistrust, fear and prejudice to unduly criticize, summarize, conclude, agree or disagree with the speaker. They block deliberative listening which tends toward minimum understandịng of speaker's comments from the speaker's point of view. With empathy and empathic listening, the speakers hearers are more concerned with understandịng what is said rather thah how it is said. Thus, they ignore internal and external distractions. Empathy and empathic listening are very careful and focused. Their thrust is a stubborn willingness not to judge, evaluate, or criticize but rather to be an accepting, permissive and understandịng listener. They help interlocutors to mutually get into their inner frames of reference Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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rather than, indịvidually, listening and respondịng from their different non-mutual frames of reference. From the foregoing, therefore, it is clear that in the pragmatics paralinguistics and ethnography of human communication, many more things are as involved as, if not more relevant than words, the building blocks of language, the concerns of descriptive linguistics and the basic items of which are considered in lexicostatistics. When, therefore, Ika, Ikwere, Ịzi, Ekpeye Ukwuani or Ahoada people say they do not hear or understand Igbo, it is either:

(i) They have become serious victims of the virus of glossogamy, a post-Biafran epidemic in parts of Igboland; or (ii) They have refused to use and exploit the potentials inherent and genetic in intra-Igbo communication; (iii) They are completely devoid of, and lacking the LAD - devices and the audio-oral skills in Igbo; or (iv) They have forgotten that as a component of ethnicity and group awareness, human language can be used to give or hide information as well as to communicate and exclude; or Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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(v) They are being plainly and fashionably dishonest playing to the gallery of those who are slavishly interested in the phenomenon of Igbomosaic; or (vi) They have refused to heed the findịngs in the Container Theory or the warnings of honest historians or archeologist of language, and of psychologists and sociologists of human communication, that words alone without empathic listening are meaningless in intra-group communication within the same speech community. Some more words about glottochronology and its handmaid, lexicostatistics, for creating so many 'new' languages out of the Igbo language Hicks and Gwynne (1996) and Renfrew (1987), among very many others, have drawn attention to the many flaws in glottochronology - and lexicostatistics as techniques for historical linguistics and dialectology. In the words of Renfrew (1987: 117) 'Glottochronology in its single assumption is just too good to be true. Onwuejeogwu (1975) has drawn attention to some fundamental problems in the application of lexicostatistics in the study of Igbo. And this critique not only forced Williamson to look again at the technique but also to change the nomenclature and classification of Igbo from the Izi Ekpey Group of Related languages or language cluster to the Lower Niger Languages which are essentially all dialects of Igbo. The title of Paul and Inge Meier and John Bendor-Samuel's 1973 book Grammar of Izi: An Igbo Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Language is mischievious, patronizing and misleading for imposing Euro-American post-Biafran prejudices on Igbo, and mixing politics with academics in general, and linguistics, in particlar. How about a title like this for a book on English linguistics: A Grammar of Cockney: An English Language?

IGBO LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

Language is primarily spoken. It's survival in the spoken medium is the mark of a people robustly loyal to their language. But its survival in robust creative literature and other literary classics is the mark of a true civilization. For, it is the texts in all the genres of literature, and other ancillary and cognate areas, like phiosophy, literary critisism and stylistics that valorize and perpetuate a language and its civilization. Even if the language eventually dies! Not the linguistic studies or grammars in or about the language. In the use of the Igbo language for creative literary purposes, orature appears to have done better than written literature. With Igbo orature, the genres have been largely identified and established, their structures or forms have also been identified. Hefty collections of some ọ these have been made and studied. While the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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minor genres have been reduced to writing (even if amateurishly) - the folktales, proverbs, songs, poems, anecdotes, tongue twister, conundrums; the more mature genrs, - the epics, the sagas and the extended prose narratives are only now beginning to have serious mention in the collections and critiques of the Azuonyes, the Okpehwos, the Ugonnas and the Uzochukwus, among others. It is unfortunate that the rich corpora of tales, epics and sagas which where being collected from the Aguleri areas of Anambra State and studied by the Nsukka School of Igbo Studies under the assiduous professional leadership of the Azuonyes and the Udechukwus, have suffered some serious setbacks with the 'brain drain' that has taken away the duo. For example, from some of the corpora collected and studied under their guidance, it has been established that there are tales which take one long (big) Igbo week i.e. eight days, to tell. I have in my corpora an egwu une, partly narrative and partly sung to the accompainment of the une, a string instrument, a folktale collected from Ibusa. I have transcribed this in some fifty pages of A.4 paper, typed. There is not much problem collecting orature by the professionals. But there is with its transcription. Two problems, among others, stand out. What is the nature of the 'line' in Igbo poesy? For the scholars in the Lagos School of Igbo Studies, 'something' appears to have been extablished. But this 'something' was not quite acceptable to the late Prof. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Donatus Nwoga who was battling with this problem at the time that he left. The second problem - the dialect into which the text should be rendered. I believe it should be in the dialects of the performers. Attempts to reduce texts to the sound system and orthography of a Central or Standard variety of Igbo does irreparable damage to the spontaneity vibrancy, unioueness, and authenticity of these texts. Texts collected in any lect or variety of Igbo should be faithfully reproduced in writing, in the lect or variety of the performers with their entire local colour, phonological and structural idiosyncrasies, in full and intact. To do anything different, as the scholars of the Lagos School are doing and teaching their students, does not appear to me to be doing sufficient justice to these works of great creativity.

But why has creativity in written Igbo not fared so well? The Orthography controversy? The Dialect issue? The linguistic and literary 'immaturity' of the practitioners? The neglect of publishers and the formal school system: The absence of receptive and willing audience? The abandonment of literature in Igbo by the 'mature' Igbo creative writers for Literature in English? The genres of Igbo written literature? The shape or structure of the serious, wellcrafted prose narrative: cylindrical, curvilinear or Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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linear? Then, the language of creative Igbo literature? Emenyonu's Rise of the Igbo Novel is good schlarship in mellifulous prose for which Emenyonu is known. That book is now a classic. But is it conceived, executed, titled and headed in the right direction? Some scholars brought up in the Euro-American and Anglo-Saxon traditions of literature see everything right and exellent about the contents and argumentation in the book, and tend to trivialize the reactions of scholars of African literature in African languages, to the praxis and crisis of identity thrown up by the text.

Ladies, and Gentlemen, what really is creative literature? It is, simply put, the use of language to create domes of pleasure. It is the use of language through displacement and the exploitation of deviation in its multifarious forms, to provide entertainment, provide food for thought and thought for food for the readers wherever they might find themselves - Ala Bingo Otu Ebe, Ala Iduu, Erewhon, Utopia, Umuofia, Wonderland, Treasure Island etc. Essential to the definition of literature is human language. If written literature is meant to grow from and expand the horizons of the orature of a culture and its people in THE language autochthonous to the culture and its people, shouldn't the written literature Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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of a culture and its people be in THE language indịgenous to the culture and its people? If one of the definitions of poetry is the best words in the best order, or whatever was thought but never so well expressed In a named language should the best words in English crafted'to the best order in English be used to express a poem in Igbo? The essential difference between English Literature and Literature in English lies somewhere between endogamy and autochthony right there in the bowels of identity.

Now, lastly, - another impression and another problem for Igbo written literatur. Shouldn't great literature flow from the barrels of spontaneity in tranquility? Omenụkọ, Akpa Uche, Udo Ka Mma are the firsts in their respective genres. And all of them were thrown up by literary competitions. Competitions have time frames. They are prizedriven. They are context-sensitive. They are mechanical. Great written literature takes time to be. It consumes celebral energy. It is not written for a prize or to raise money, like Rasselas. It is not even written by those with formal training in creative writing and literary criticism. Tony Ubesie's works were all written before he went to the university. His Isi Akwu Dara N'Ala and Jụọ Obinna are great prose narratives. Tony Ubesie confided in me that his biro Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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went dry after his exposure to literary aesthetic in the university. The posthumous festschrift we have put together in his honour is seeing its debut at Ahiajọku 2001. The Igbo language can do with many more Ubesies in the different genres of creative literature short stories, novels, plays, poems, faction, etc, etc. Let people write in their dialects if they are not comfortable in or conversant with Standard Igbo. (But why shouldn't they be?) And here I agree with Chinua Achebe. If the works are good and with great potentials they can be re-done in Standard Igbo or translated into English and other Languages by competent hands who should not distort the flavour, the internal logic and dynamics of the works. But will we be ready to read the prose narratives and go to the theatres to watch the plays, and buy the printed texts?

LITERACY AMONG THE IGBO

Literacy in Igbo is very low and I doubt that our people are a theatre-going people. Our people are very selective in expendịng their money on written texts. Hence church bulletins and denominational newspapers are rarely bought by the faithful. Given my very close association with publishing houses as Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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an editor, a literary agent and assessor, I am aware of hundreds of texts in genres of all sorts IN Igbo.

Some of them are of excellent quality. All these are begging to be published. Publishers, we all know, are into hard-nosed business: not into vanity publishing and philanthropy! Can the Igbo governments of today in all the Igbo states not follow the example of the Literature Bureau of the early colonial governments? And can these governments not help out with Igbo newspapers like the Ogene of old? Abiola is no longer there to give us Udoka. Neither is Ogbalu there to give us Anyanwu. We hope Nzisa, which the Catholic Archdiocese of Owerri has established, will succeed and survive like the Odenigbo Lecture Series. What as become of the Imo State Anu - A Journal of Igbo Arts and Culture; the defunct Anambra State Ugo, and the extant Abia State Onwa? All these are veritable outlets for creativity and analyses in Igbo. They all should be revived. For me, these count much more than the Mmanwu Festival of Enugu State, and the Omenimo and Ugwuabia of Imo and Abia States respectively. I think we have had more than enough of traditional dances and such spectacles. A discussion of language and literacy among the Igbo cannot lose sight of the pervasive (some may say pernicious) presence of and preference for English in Igboland. Igbo ga-adị. Bekee Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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ga-adị. These are realities nobody can or should wish away. Igbo and English laguages are not in competition but in complementation. Igbo is our own. But its use should go beyond phatic communiction and tokenism in public places. English is the one that works! Hence, at World Igbo Days or Congresses whether in the United States of America or in Enugu, the language of most transactions is English, spoken by people in three piece suits or in three-piece babariga or overflowing up-and-down caftans, the Malian style. Yes. We certainly need English Igboland because in Igboland, English occupies an intermediate position between a 'Foreign Language' and a 'Second Language'. On account of this, therefore, just as we are spoiling for 'resource control' in our states, we should also use the concurrent status of education in a democratic federal republic to plan and implement an educational policy that best suits our circumstances. Such a policy should have a robust bilingual education component. A recent World Bank - sponsored project which the National Institute for Nigerian Languages, Aba, has just completed in selected classes in selected primary schools in the Bende LGA of Abia State has thrown up some findịngs akin to those from the Ford Foundation sponsored Six Year Primary Project in Yoruba, in parts of Yorubaland. In the whole of Igboland, we need a bilingual education in Igbo and English so that the products will have the necessary language skills to be useful citizens who enjoy reading Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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and writing in Igbo and English. Because, not only are the reading nations the leading nations and the winning nations; those who know how to read and write lead mankind.

NCHIKOTA, NA MKPOKOTA

What we have tried to present you in this year's festival is an okwu, an uka, an ilu, an ụkàbụilu - all these rolled into one. Where is the cohesion? Where are the links? Our interpretation of civilization is not one about large empires and monarchies, military campaign and conquests, big feats and the subjugation of othcrs. No. Civilization for us, is a mental construct populated by ideals, fired by ideas which are the undersoil of Igbo life and cosmos: the four cults that motivate and moderate the Igbo, respect for traditional authority in age and in other institutions including constituted authority; the inscrutability and fear of God, reverence for life and the awe and usefulness of death; wisdom to appreciate that man, nations and civilizations are not great by the virtue of their wealth but by the wealth of their virtues; wisdom to distinguish between appearance and reality, and the ephemeral (Ezemfu the wastrel; Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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ụzọ nkụ, enyi) from the permanent (Ezeji: the achiever; ụzọ mmiri; ụzọ). We have argued against group illiteracy and the dropout syndrome. We have emphasized that illiteracy is a sin, a mortal sin; a crime, a capital crime. Illiterate people are liabilities. They have no dreams, no theoretical thinking, no strategic planning. They have no focus and lack long term durable ideals. They lack all the skills of language and cannot use language to articulate ideas. They cannot engage in geometric reasoning and can neither be proactive nor synergize. They lack Stevn Cowen's seven attributes of the Effectiveness, and the seven desirable virtues in the Vision 2010 Report needed to steer Nigeria and her plural ethnic nationalities, of which the Igbo are one, into modernity and economic prosperity.

The Igbo of the 21st century must see education for what it is - the summation of all the processes for developing abilities, attitudes and all other forms of positive attributes needed for self and group socialization, realization and the total empowerment; the acquisition of skills of all sorts including the skill of being civilized. Ability to live with problems and paradoxes and find solutions to them. We need language transmission in Igboland. We abhor the issue of lack of inter-generational transmission Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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leading to language shift, and the absence of language loyalty among the Igbo. There are, among the Igbo, population movements, urbanization, mixed marriages, pressures to learn the official language. These should not be seen as liabilities but as challenges to the Igbo language - and the Igbo people.

CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ CHAKPII wọọọ

Igbo and Igboid have been used in this work as metaphors. Igbo is unity with diversity; Igboid, diversity without unity. Word compoundịng, derivational processes and holistic dualism in the language of the civilization point in the direction of one rather than of the other? Kedụ nke anyị chọ?

THANKS AND APPRECIATION

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Permit me now, Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Ladies and Gentleman, to do the first thing last. Thanks and appreciation. I feel highly elated. My family, friends and associates feel very happy. My discipline feels fully recognized, for all the honour done to all of us for being the first Ahiajọku lecturer in the new millenium. We thank, most profusely, all those who have made this possible. Igbo bụ Igbo mma mma nụ Alawala m, nụ Amaala, mma mma nụ Alawala m, nụ Igbo bụ Igbo mma mma nụ Alawala m, nụ Naịjirịa kwezuonụ Alaala m Naịjirịa alaala m nụ Kwezuonụ

E. Nolue Emenanjo National Institute for Nigerian Languages, Aba Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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OPERATION KPOCHAPU By OBU OBU UDEOZO, UDEOZO, University of Jos, Nigeria. with swords longer than one year and sharper than acid horse whips and python clubs they combed the teeth of every rock armpits of mountains bowels of forests and surveilled ant-holes across the land for Igbos to roast across the land waves, upon waves, upon waves trainloads, trailers, and trucks, in wheelbarrows and body bags; football fields and market squares their massacre was aflame... Igbos blossomed in graveyards saturating streets with blood and bones

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Comment: According to Chinua Achebe, “Udeozo’s poetry comes to us hot from the foundry of his restless imagination. He is a natural poet ready to take on any subject that touches his people. We shall hear of him more and more in the years ahead.” Igbo is excerpted from Cyclone - an anthology of poems shortlisted for the 2005 Nigeria LNG literature prize.

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from Kano to Kaura Namoda, Kafanchan to Fadan Karshi, from Bornu to Timbuktu Igbos were cleansed from rooftops and market squares until the ocean vanished and the sea surrendered her last plea of moisture... -and they are not appeased their revenge is aflame... the universe froze at the ferocity of mankind darkness ruled the hearts of men Africa’s holocaust unmapped.... and daylight vomited blood and reconstructed graveyards groaned from saturations afresh in streetsful of dead Igbos the climate was: blood and bones Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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but these they labelled flies void census and statistics for their revenge is aflame... with the pogrom’s switch in automatic mode and the 3-year war on song

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Nweke Udeozo my father said: witness history’s first colour blind marriage across the compass; Communism and the West in a strange and sudden tango to pepper Igbos with one annihilating blow... Agrippa and Pilate’s romance over the blood of Christ and our brothers arrived in fractions our brothers arrived as spare parts Gabriel Okoh, Theo Okeke, ... Chief George Mbonu; and Mrs. Adekunle whose knife is sacred but her teeth craves forbidden meat: punctiliously signalled Nwandu to assassins... Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the

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from Kano to Kaura Namoda, rooftops to market squares until the ocean vanished and the dark census awakes:

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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ỤZỌ NDỤ NA EZIOKWU Towards an Understanding of Igbo Traditional Religious Life and Philosophy by Rev. Professor Emmanuel Nlenanya Onwu 1. INTRODUCTION Ndi Igbo have suffered the double misfortune of being misunderstood and having a bad press. In spite of their stupendous achievements in every area of human endeavour, particularly in science and technology, religion and education, the Igbo nation has been deliberately and systematically marginalized. At the risk of sounding patriotic and accommodating, Ndi Igbo have suffered the loss of their human rights and dignity but have also shown great courage and determination to survive as a people. The questions arise. What is it that keeps Ndi Igbo going despite all odds? What is it that makes them behave, act, and move the way they do? What is the power behind the Igbo? Why was Igbo religion in conflict with Christianity? Why do the Igbo love the Christian way of life? The answers to these questions are the main focus of this paper. These answers definitely are rooted in the traditional Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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religious life and philosophy of Ndi Igbo. It has been rightly observed that the Igbo are a highly religious people. Writing about the Igbo in the early 1900, Major A.G. Leonard in his book The Lower Niger and Its Peoples remarked that: They are in the strict and natural sense of the word a truly and a deeply religious people, of whom it can be said that they eat religiously, drink religiously, bathe religiously, dress religiously and sin religiously. In a few words, the religion of these as I have all along endeavored to point out is their existence and their existence is their religion.

This observation is not only true of the Igbo but also of other Africans. Professor J.S. Mbiti (1969:1) more than fifty years later in the opening sentence of the very first chapter of his book, African Religions and Philosophy has re-echoed similar statement which summarized the traditional religious attitude of Africans when he said: Africans are notoriously religious, and each people has its own religious system with a set of beliefs and practices. Religion permeates into all the departments of life so fully that it is not easy or possible always to isolate it. A study of these religious systems is Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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therefore, ultimately a study of the people themselves in all complexities of both traditional and modem life. Religion is the strongest element in traditional background, and exerts probably the greatest influence upon the thinking and living of the people concerned. Similarly, after observing how religion thoroughly permeated the life of every Igbo, Bishop Shanahan was cited by John P. Jordan (1971:115) as having come to the conclusion that: The average native (Igbo), was admirably suited by environment and training, for an explanation of life in terms of the spirit; rather than of the flesh. He was no materialist. Indeed nothing was farther from his mind than a materialist philosophy of existence. It made no appeal to him. In the context of this paper, Igbo religion and philosophy are perceived as two sides of the same coin which Leonard, Shanaham and Mbiti acknowledged. In order to understand and arrive at the meaning of Igbo religion and philosophy, it is not necessary to engage in a definition or analysis of concepts. On this I agree with Kunirum Osia that this is because in Igbo, religious categories are not bound together in a purely ideal order. The categories do not form a system, a bundle of abstractions, as it were. Rather, they define Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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a style of life, and a guide to practical living. Unlike the major world religions, Igbo religion is not codified or formulated into systematic dogmas. It is culturally learned and adopted. It is a tradition. Religion is an intrinsic part of culture. Culture is itself the totality of knowledge and behaviour, ideas and objects that constitute the common heritage of a people in a given society. And as a lifestyle, culture covers every aspect of the society's life in their efforts to relate with their environment, with one another and as well as the ideational elements within the society. Scholars agree that they are layers of culture. Kato (1976:8) had identified the philosophical level of culture as its core. Philosophical not in the sense of abstraction but in the sense of reality -- what is viewed as the real thing that gives answers to life's problem. The philosophical level is the basic thinking or idea of a community. It answers the question as to what gives meaning to life. Close to this hard core of culture is the mythical level, which is made up of the basic beliefs of the people, which gives meaning to life. In a sense, people's culture constitutes their beliefs, customs, ethos, and manners which of course enshrine morality. Whereas, on the one hand, cultural elements can be discerned from the people's religion, the people's religion itself is an intrinsic part of the people's culture in a broader sense. Therefore studying one is by implication studying some of the vital elements of the other. Philosophy is therefore the heart of culture. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Religion and philosophy are therefore concerned with the beliefs and practices of the people. T. U. Nwala (1985:26) in his book Igbo Philosophy argues that the best word or concept which expresses Igbo philosophy is Omenala or Omenanị which literally means that which obtains in the land or community and refers to what accords with the customs and traditions of the Igbo people. For Nwala, Igbo philosophy is the philosophy of Omenala, Omenala referring to the spirit, the underlying principal or idea behind a particular custom/act. The inseparability of the two concepts are similarly recognized by Professor N.S.S. lwe when he argued that the African, Traditional Religion is inseparably interwoven with the traditional African society and culture. This is because African traditional religion is essentially a philosophy and a spiritual way of life, which permeates, pervades and animates the traditional social institution, norms and celebrations. Nwala (1985:112-200) also agreed with the inseparability of Igbo religion and philosophy. He rightly noted that generally a people or an individual may have a philosophy but no religion, but no people or individual may have a religion without a philosophy. Religion and philosophy are intimately related both in the belief and practice content. We must note here that every Igbo ritual act - sacrifice, dance, festival, has a philosophy or idea behind it; it is such an idea that Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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motivates such act. Both involve basic belief, a philosophy, an underlying principle, or an idea, which generate actions and behaviours, which influence individual or group. Therefore it is obvious that a discussion of traditional Igbo religion must involve a discussion of Igbo philosophy. The main justifications rest on: 1) That Igbo religion and philosophy are centered on Chukwu, the Supreme God and 2) The fact that the sacred and the secular are held together. In other words, the secular life of the Igbo like all other traditional communities has been inseparable from their religious life. Their cosmology has a deep religious root and their practical life and moral values are interwoven with their religion. The only weakness is that their philosophy has often lacked what Nwala rightly called “critical and analytical content"

The point being emphasized is the appropriateness of the expression Igbo religion and philosophy. Religion and philosophy originated from native African soil (Onyewuenyi, 1993) and therefore indigenous to the Igbo as well. Both are about our way of life, concerned with meaning and explanation. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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In other words, the burden of our argument is that one of the challenges of Ndi Igbo in the 21st century is religious. Therefore, our intention is to engage .in a hermeneutical exposition of some aspects of Igbo religion and philosophy from the Igbo African point of view. It is here we find the essence of the reality of Igbo scholarship in the traditional Igbo religion.

I am not, however, ignorant of the propaganda mounted by western writers about the sub-humanity of Africans as a people without history, without religion, (Green, 1964:52) denying them any conception of morality (Basden; 1966:34) and lacking in intellectual and technological accomplishments. I am not unaware of how African religions in general, and Igbo religion in particular suffered neglect, misinterpretations and distortions in the hands of missionaries and colonial government and their agents.

Without any intention to criticize any of these previous writers who had done veritable work in the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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study of African religions, our position is rather to indicate a positive contribution to the on-going quest for a meaningful and contextual interpretation of some aspects of Igbo religion and philosophy from the African point of view. The work will draw attention to the great potential Igbo religion and philosophy hold out for the unity, peace and progress of the people was well as to argue that Igbo religion and philosophy has been the key to Igbo self-understanding, identity and achievement within the Nigerian State. We will emphasise within that context that the religious challenge of the 21st century is for the Igbo to take a leap of faith and be fully restored in their relationship with 'Chukwu' first entered into by Igbo first ancestor and to insist that Christianity and education which act as sources of empowerment remain the only viable option that can equip the Igbo with character and knowledge that can transform us into instruments of change in the 21st century world which is knowledgebased, technology- driven and responsive to environmental concerns. We will begin this study by probing into the origin of the Igbo and their religion.

2. ORIGIN OF IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION

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2.1. Who are the Igbo?

The puzzle about Igbo origin has been attributed to lack of interest in Igbo studies either from our own people or from outsiders. This problem was compounded by the fact that some Igbo people did not accept others as being ‘lgbo,’ for instance, Mbieri people did not regard the Onitsha people as ‘Igbo’ (Green, 1964:7; Isichei, 1976:19)

Similarly, some groups in Onitsha who traced their root to Benin kingdom used the expression 'nwa onye Igbo’ (an Igbo person) in a spiteful manner to refer to other Igbo people (Onunwa, 1990:2). Most scholars are agreed that there was no real sense of pan-lgbo identity in the pre-colonial period, that the village groups felt a strong sense of local patriotism (Isichei, 1976:19; Talbot, 1926:404). The Igbo studies by C. K. Meeks (1937) and M.M. Green (1964) only helped to perpetuate the bad press the Igbo already had as a lawless and ungovernable people.

We do not intend to go into the old speculative Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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arguments about the theories of Igbo origin and expansion. The people we intend to focus on in this work are found in the South-eastern part of Nigeria and are presently comprised of the people of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo and parts of Delta, Rivers, Cross River and Akwa-Ibom States. The Igbo have common boundaries with the Igala and Idoma on the north, the Ijaw and the Ogoni on the South, the Yako and the Ibibio on the Eastern boundary and the Bini and Warri on the West. The Igbo geographical area are what scholars call a culture area, rural or urban, manifesting distinctive characteristics or traits. Ọnwụejeọgwụ (1975) in his Article "the Igbo Culture Area" identified six basic traits which include: the linguistic, social, political, economic, ritual, and cultural traits.

There are five identifiable sub- culture areas within the Igbo culture area made up of:

(1) Eastern or Cross River Igbo (2) Southern or Owerri Igbo, (3) northern or Onitsha Igbo (4) Western Igbo and (5) North-Eastern Igbo (Forde and Jones, 1950:10) Inspite of the obvious sub cultural differences, the Igbo see themselves as one people and Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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at the same time outsiders see them as a homogeneous entity. They are a unique people. While the Yoruba could find their kins in Burkina Faso and the Hausa could find their kins in Chad and Niger, historians are yet to tell us where- the Igbo could be found other than in the South- eastern part of Nigeria.

In recent times, our scholars have engaged in an exciting and fruitful research into Igbo origin. Their efforts are highly commendable. Professor A.E. Afigbo has ably articulated the scholarly views on Igbo origin in his books Ropes of Sand (1981) and more recent monograph - Igbo Genesis (2000). The weight of scholarly opinion rests mightily on situating Igbo origin within the Negro race generally but particularly in West Africa because of the Kwa language family in which the Yoruba, Edo, Igbo, Igala, Ijo, and Idoma fell. It may sound funny but historians should not snub the Igbo Nri myth which claimed that man's origin started from Igboland when God created Eri and sent him down. The Nri creation myth says that Chukwu the Igbo high God sent down the Igbo ancestor Eri and his wife Nnamaku somewhere in Aguleri. From these two human beings originated the Umueri and Umunri clans of the Igbo. Though the myth did not assert that the rest of Igbo people originated from Eri, many Igbo scholars have come to Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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believe and treat Nri town as the heart of Igbo nationality. Similar myths of creation are found among the Bini and Yoruba. The importance of the Nri myth is not only historical but also religious. The Igbo acknowledged their divine origin and not that they came into existence by chance. It is a figurative expression that has tremendous historical import. In Time Magazine of July; 22, 2002 pages 50-55 and also the Guardian Newspaper of Thursday, September 19, 2002, we find the recent archeological findings of the earliest ancestor of modern homo sapiens named 'Toumai’ (hope of life), with the scientific name sahelanthropus tchadensis (Sahel hominid from Chad) dated about 7 million years old in the Lake Chad region. That man first settled in Africa is no longer an archeological statement, but a historical fact. It has also further disproved the theory of Charles Darwin that man originated from the apes.

In fact conventional wisdom ostensibly based on earlier discoveries had placed the origin of man around the Great Rift valley of East Africa, the new Lake Chad findings by Professor Michael Brunet, a paleontologist from the University of Poitiers in France has challenged the current thinking on human origins and also "the migratory patterns of the world. One fact is obvious; the myth of Igbo origin may be Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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taken more serious. This is because the current findings have shifted attention from East Africa to the Lake Chad region which is closer to Nigeria. In the past three decades nobody thought about this, perhaps a little patience may lead to another finding East of the Niger.

Speculations about Igbo ancestry whether it was Eri as in Nri myth Digbo as contained in Nwosu’s Ndi Ichie Akwa Mytholody and Folklore Origins of the Igbo (1983) cannot be historically confirmed. However, both Igbo myth of origin and archeological discoveries show that Igbo history and culture go far back into human history.

2.2. ORIGIN OF IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION

2.2.1. VIEWS ON THEORIES OF ORIGINS OF RELIGIONS

As far as we know, all human societies have possessed Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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beliefs and practices which have come to be grouped and known under the name ‘religion.’ Religion is thus a universal phenomenon. Speculation about which religion would be superior has never been of scholarly interest but rather why religion is found at all in all societies.

The quest for the origins of religion has centered on four main views. The first refers to the psychological theories, which cover a variety of postulations, which 1ocate the origin, of religion in primitive people’s concept of ghosts, the soul and even in the deification of natural phenomena. One of the most enduring strands was that the origin of religions is in fetishism – worship of the animate and inanimate things, which the early Portuguese observed in West Africa. Edward Tylor credited as having constructed the first theory of religion assumed that belief in the existence of the soul stemmed from speculation about such states as dreams, trances and death (Ember, 1977, 246-250). Thus in Tylor’s view religion may have arisen out of an intellectual curiosity concerning mental states and other things not fully understood. This is the basis of the religious belief which Tylor called 'animism.’ It was Herbert Spencer who modified Tylor’s view by giving prominence to belief in ghosts rather than in souls as the source of religion. Spencer moved the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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idea further by linking the belief in ghosts to the belief in gods which he also equated with the ghost of ancestors (Nwanunobi 1992: 166-169). It was Crawley’s Idea of the Soul that primitive man’s fear was posited as the root of religion.

In sum, all psychological theories agreed that whatever the origin or purpose, whatever the belief or rituals, religion served to reduce anxiety, and uncertainly which are common to all people. Second Sociological theories suggest that religion stems from society's needs. Emile Durkhein recognized that it is the society not the individual which is the society; not the individual which distinguishes between sacred and profane things. He suggested that a sacred object symbolizes the social fact that society considered something sacred. In other words the sociological theories concentrate on religion as significant to social solidarity and the integration of the relevant society within which the feelings, belief and practices are common.

It was argued that societies from ancient times modeled their cosmology after their own experiences. Aristotle in Politics (1.1.7} tersely stated as follows: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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As men imagine gods in human form, so also they suppose their manner of life to be like their own.

Aristotle's view was extended by later scholars who saw a relationship between political sophistication and the nature of a people's cosmology (Nwanunobi, 1992:168). Thus Fuste1 de Coulanges argued that ancestor worship as the origin of religion since in ancient societies before the larger forms of political organizations: the family was the basis of co-operation and survival.

The third suggestion is the combination of the psychological and sociological approaches. This position argued that religion is a response to strain or deprivation which is caused by events in society. Thus, when the society is stable, its efforts and its energy are employed to maintain its equilibrium. But when the stability is threatened either by internal dissension or by outside force, the society many ‘revitalize’ itself by various means. Perhaps this revita1ization is achieved by a new cult, sect, denomination or religion. Aberle Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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(1971: 528-531) has argued that relative deprivation, whether economic or social, is the cause of the stress which generates new religious movements. Wallace {1966:30) suggested that the threat of societal breakdown forces people to examine new ways to survive. It is the hope they gain from the new ways not deprivation for people can live for centuries in deprivation-which leads them to revitalize their society.

The last view for the origin of religion which anthropologists and psychologists do not like to mention is that of revelation. Revelation is God’s disclosure of himself to man. The Bible tells us in Hebrews 1:1-2, God has in the last days finally and fully revealed himself to humanity. Christ is the full expression of God's revelation, better than anything in the Old Testament, and so the author warns his readers to depend on Christ alone. Igbos believe in God’s revelation to their ancient ancestors, including revealing his name as Chukwu. It is with this conviction we now discuss the origin of Igbo traditional religion.

2.2.2. IGBO TRADITIONL RELIGION: IT'S GENESIS Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Our Igbo ancestors were philosophers who were inspired by Chiukwu/Chukwu, the Supreme Being. In other words, our Igbo ancestors like other ethnic groups received the revelation of God. Igbo religion is as old as humanity. It is a well-established fact that religion in Africa in general is at the root of African culture. Its is the determining principle of African life. Thus religion is their basic philosophy and philosophy is their religion.

It is for this reason that one comes to the conviction that the Igbo people are born religious. In Igbo world, time and space, objects and persons are made sacred. People born into the Igbo world approximate to the spiritual. Thus people are born with their personal ‘Chi’ or personal god or protective spirit.

The question here is what is the origin of this religious sentiment in the Igbo? In other words what is the origin of Igbo traditional religion? This question has not been a scholarly focus. Many renowned Igbo scholars have written on many aspects of Igbo Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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traditional religion but that question has never attracted their conscious attention.

Professor A. E. Afigbo (1981:9) in his Ropes of Sand first muted the idea of the origin Igbo Traditional religion, and I share his insight on the subject.

The history of the origin of Igbo traditional religion must be sought within Igbo history of origin. Igbo lived a hazardous wandering life of the hunter and gatherer of wild edible plants. The tradition of Nri disclosed how the Igbo entered a settled 1ife which brought him further development of skills.

The Nri Myth has it that the father of all Nri was Eri. When Eri was sent by Chukwu from the Sky to the earth, he sat on an anti-hill because he saw watery marshy earth. When Eri complained to God Chukwu, sent an Awka blacksmith with his fiery bellow and charcoal to dry the earth. After the assignment, the Awka blacksmith was given ọfọ as a mark of authority for his smithing profession. While Eri lived, Chukwu fed him and his people with azu-igwe! But this special Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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food ceased after the death of Eri. Nri his first son complained to Chukwu for food. Chukwu ordered Nri to sacrifice his first son and daughter and bury them in separate graves. Nri complied with it. Later after three-Igbo-weeks (Izu atọ = 12 days) yam grew from the grave of the son and cocoyam from that of the daughter. When Nri and his people ate these, they slept for the first time; later still Nri killed a male and female slaves burying them separately. Again, after Izu Ato, an oil palm grew from the grave of the male slave, and a bread fruit tree (ukwa) from that of the female-slave (Afigbo, 1981:41-42). With this new food supply, Nri and his people ate and prospered. Chukwu asked him to distribute the new food items to all people but Nri refused because he bought them at the cost of sacrificing his own children and slave. Nri and; Chukwu made an agreement. According to M. D. W. Jeffreys (1956:123) a tradition has it that:

As a reward for distributing food to the other towns Nri would have the right of cleansing every town of an abomination (nso) or breach, of crowning the eze at Aguleri, and of tying the Ngulu (ankle cords) when a man takes the title of ozo. Also he and his successor’s would have the privilege of making the Oguji, or yam medicine, each year for ensuring a plentiful supply of yams in all surrounding towns, or in all towns that Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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subjected themselves to the Eze Nri. For this medicine all the surrounding towns would come in and pay tribute and Umunmdri people then could travel unarmed through the world and no one would attack or harm them.

Another tradition claims that because Nri would not sell yam to his neighbours, he then demanded seven fowls, chalk, a pot and goats, with these he made medicine Ifejiọkụ, the yam spirit, which he gave to the applicants. They took this home with the new crops and sacrificed to it. This tradition has some variation but basic facts still remains (Isichei, 1977:22-23; Thomas, 1913:50).

The discovery of yam cultivation formed not only the economic base of Igbo civilization but it also carried tremendous religious import. It was of such great importance that it was given ritual and symbolic expressions in many areas of Igbo life -- (Sacrifice at Nfijoku/ Ifejiọkụ during Yam festival/Iriji). The Nri myth suggested how agriculture and iron technology brought tremendous changes in the life of the Igbo. These changes Afigbo rightly indicated includes (1) the more effective mastery of the land, (2) the growth Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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of population, (3) the elaboration of the archetypal Igbo social institutions (4) the evolution of a cosmological system in which the Earth (Ala, Ani, Ali) then became deified and occupied the central place as the ordainer and guardian of morality, the source of law and customs.

It is significant to note here the emergence of Igbo cosmology from the Nri myth in which Ala {Earth goddess) became the arch-divinity in Igboland. Thus from the myth the Earth (Ala, Ani, Ali) was so important to the Igbo that it became the most vital function of Eze Nri to preside over its worship.

This development accords with the otiose character of Chukwu - the Supreme Being - in Igbo cosmology and the domination of the lgbo world by the Earth goddess. This is not only peculiar to the Igbo; it is a common perception of the Supreme Being as Deus Otiosus in primal religions.

The Nri myth which contains Igbo cosmology also has in it an important dimension of historical truth not yet Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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hitherto recognized, namely, the origin or evolution of Igbo traditional religion (Afigbo, 1981:9). We wish to suggest and maintain based on Nri myth that Igbo traditional religion is going through a three-stage development. The first stage is what we may call the Eri period. This period agrees with Professor Afigbo's periodization in 1983 which he labeled the a-horizon. This first stage is the earliest period of human existence, the probable dynamic age of Chukwu, when God created and dominated the earth, including the Igbo world. The age of pure intuition marked by the over powering awareness of the presence and nearness of Chukwu the creator. The God fed Eri and his people and Eri had intimate contact with Chukwu and worshipped him alone. This was the age of innocence and what existed at period was pure religion. This was because man had not come to need intermediaries between him and his creator. Igbo myths and folklores lend validity to this claim (New; 1985:15-32 Iwuagwu).

'The second stage is the hunting and gathering stage of existence when the Igbo had not fully come to a full appreciation of the value of the land. This I call the Nri period, when with the coming of agriculture and iron technology the Igbo attention shifted from the sky above to the earth below, with Ala, Ani, Ali Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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displacing 'Chukwu' into a supposedly remote inactivity. This is the supposed period in primal societies including Igbo when 'Chukwu' came to be perceived as the Deus Otiosus the withdrawn God, the absentee landlord. This period marked the dominance of the Earth goddess in Igbo traditional life and the origin of Igbo traditional religion. Based on Nri myth, it became the chief function of Eze Nri to preside over the worship, veneration and purification of the Earth through rituals and sacrifices. Professor Afigbo calls this period the b-horizon marked by recession of pure intuition, the fall of man, the withdrawal of the creator and the domination of man's daily existence by a hose of gods and spirits. At this time the Igbo adopted divinities which appear to work in controlling their world.

The dominance of the Earth goddess in Igbo land at this period is well acknowledged. On this Professor Anene (1966:12-13) stated:

Among the Igbo law and custom were believed to have been handed down from the spirit world from time immemorial from ancestor to ancestor. The spirit world comprised a hierarchy of gods: the most Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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important perhaps was the god of the land-the unseen president of the small localized community. No community is complete without the shrine of the god of the land.

The god of the land in context refers to the Earth goddess whose influence is very great in a society whose economy is primarily agricultural. It is at this stage that the Igbo abandoned the worship of Chineke God to the worship of the created things. The acknowledgement of the High God, the Creator, at the same time as he is dealt with as remote or withdrawn forms the major basis of the concept of deus otiosus or deus remotus or deus absconditus which many writers have given attention to at various times (Pettazzoni, 1954:Horton, 1971 85-108)

Apart from the worship of Ala, other divinities arose in several other communities. Some of the prominent ones included Ibinukpabi of Arọchukwu, Amadiọha (or Kamalụ) also known as the "god of: thunder" whose shrine was at OZUZU (now in Rivers State); the Ogbunworie of Ezumọha, Mbano; Igwekaala of Umunọha (South-Igbo sub-culture area); Agbala of Awka and Ọha Mmiri of Oguta to name a few. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The organizers of these cults were diviners, priest, medicine men, traders and other ritual experts as well as men of note in the community who considered their life, political and economic interests threatened. Quite often people go to these divinities to take oath. Their origin in most of those communities is unknown, they do not have documentary history but they were believed to have been brought by their respective ancestors many of whom were unknown to them. Some of them are said to have taken their origin from outside Igbo territory and especially from Igbo neighbours such as Efik, Ibibio Yako and Ekoi. (Onunwa, 1990:11, 21, 31).

Two of the prominent Oracular divinities - Ibinukpabi of Arọchukwu and Ogbunworie of Ezumuọha were destroyed by the British in 1901/02 and 1910 respectively, but their influence still linger. At the moment there are severa1 millions of deities and divinities in Igbo land.

In this second stage, however, it is obvious that Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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something definitely went wrong. It is the stage that Igbo ancestors abandoned the worship of God the Creator to the worship of the created things - Ala and other divinities. At this point, the created being becomes so powerful that it took the place of 'Chukwu' in Igbo traditional life. Ikeji or Iri ji (yam festival) which Ndi Igbo celebrate with fanfare is part of the ritual that goes with the worship of the yam spirit (Ifejiọkụ; Ahiajọkụ). Many rituals and sacrifices accompany this celebration even in our time. Loss of contact with 'chukwu' generated insecurity and fear which necessitated the development of seeking help from powerful deities for protection and for doing evil.

Thus there came a great gap, a lacuna in Igbo spirituality. As the Nri myth would tend to suggest there arose a broken link between chukwu and Igbo ancestors, a broken link that has to be restored.

The development gained impetus in the third stage of development of Igbo traditional religious life. This period Prof.. Afigbo called the c-horizon but which we now refer to as the Arọ Era. The Arọ Era is what Professor Afig designated in his Ropes of Sand as the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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era of Arọchukwu Ascendancy with its Ibinukpabi Oracle - their famous Long Juju. The era, which we regard as "the most tragic" for the Igbo race because of the evils of slave trade and slavery. A lot has been written about it. It is obvious that Eze Arọ one of the highly recognized kingship stools in Igbo land predate the existence of Ibinukpabi Oracle. It is an Oracle, which no Arọ person would like to discuss. However, it is generally believed to have been imported from a small Ibibio shrine (Isichei, 1976:59). The influence of the oracle in Igbo land was like a harmattan fire. It is believed to have conferred so much prestige and authority on the Arọ to such an extent that in 1896 an Arọ person proudly announced to a white man at Aba in "broken English" that he was an 'Arọ man' and a 'God boy' (Isichei, 1976:59). Scholars agreed that the oracle rested on a deliberate deception. The Arọ civilization of the period was extremely idolatrous, materialistic and dehumanizing. The Arọ civilization generated trade in which the Igbo were commodities of trade. The slave trade bred a disregard for human life. It is reported that in Nsukka ten human slaves sold for a horse and in Uburu in the 1880's a horse was exchanged for four to six adult human slaves (Isichei, 1978:47). Professor Ọnwụejeọgwụ indicated that Ibinukpabi supported slave trade, which brought into Igboland depopulation due to instigated wars, family disorganization, ritual cannibalism and human sacrifices (1987:56). Thus Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Arọ at this period combined slave trade and manipulation of the oracle by a highly intelligent group or kinsmen for their religious and economic interests. Thus fear of insecurity, constant wars, headhunting at this period led many Igbo resort to seeking the protection of divinities and deities most of which were imported.

Similarly there emerged highly developed secret societies as a new (p.12) instrument of social control. This is not to say that secret society was absent in Igbo land but it became prominent. The Arọ brought secret societies from Efik-Ibibio areas into Igbo land, such as Ekpe, Okonko, Obong, Akang. The Arọ made great use of them and because of their influence cult houses were erected for them at the village centers of several Igbo communities, for effective control of communities. They also made use of nsibidi sign for communication which made the need for initiation quite attractive. Thus it was common to hear that the need to belong to a secret cult would enable one pass through the road (ka ewere ya ga n'uzo). In effect, this period brought about the multiplication of deities or divinities for security.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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In sum, according to Igbo myth Igbo religion in its purest form originated as a direct revelation of 'Chukwu, 'Chineke' to the Igbo earliest ancestor. In course of time, the subsequent earliest Igbo ancestors lost touch with the original revelation, and turned their back on 'Chukwu' but focused on the worship of created things -- Ala/Anị (the Earth goddess) not as creator but as their sustainer and protector. This leads to the theory of the origin of Igbo traditional religion as a combination of psychological and sociological needs for their protection and survival.

Thus in their various studies Basden, (1938), Meek, (1943), Forde and Jones, (1962), Ilogu (1973), and other numerous researches conducted on Igbo traditional religion in the department of religion, all agree that the idea of 'Chukwu,' Chineke,' is central to Igbo traditional belief and life. We agree with Nwanunobi (1992) that the overwhelming situation is such that even though there is a belief in the Supreme God in Igbo traditional religion, the brand of belief is characterized as polytheistic. It is a type of polytheism in which the High God, 'Chukwu' presides over the lesser gods often perceived as intermediaries in the cosmic hierarchy. The Earth goddess was the archdivinity with omenala as its governing moral code which regulates human relationship with the land Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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according to what obtains in the land or community.

Having therefore examined rather briefly the origin of Igbo man and his traditional religion let us then inquire into how the Igbo man perceived his world, his person, his vision and his mission.

3. IGBO PERCEPTION OF THEIR WORLD

Igbo world-view is significant in understanding the Igbo man and his identity, his vision and his mission in the world.

The Igbo traditional understanding of the world and reality as a whole is religious and holistic. The universe is conceived of a cyclical order as the seasons of the year, the sun, the moon, the stars and natural events in general repeat themselves in an interminable way. Mircea Elide calls this repetitive order in nature as the "myth of eternal return" (1959). This ordered succession symbolized harmony, Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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persistence and dynamism. This order must not be disrupted in the Universe in which the different levels of space as perceived are inhabited.

A critical look at the Igbo world -- view would throw light on the rationale for man's insistence on maintaining the delicate balance or cordial relationship between him and the spirit beings in the spirit world as well as ensure the maximum success of his life on earth.

3.1. GOD AND gods IN IGBO

As a matter of fact, Igbo religious philosophy (religion and philosophy) begins with his conception of the Supreme God variously called Chiukwu, Chukwu, Chineke (Obasi di n'elu). The Supreme Being is the primal being.

Though the Igbo traditional religious thought cannot lay any special claim as to a clearer and more Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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comprehensive perception of the nature of the Supreme God than any other group of mankind, yet there are numerous references and attributes which the Igbo use to express their keen awareness of the supreme reality and ultimate explanation of all the things. Philosophically in this regard, the Supreme Being is conceived under two major principles - (1) the principle of creation (Chi-Okike) (Chineke) (2) the principle of Absoluteness (Chi-Ukwu) (Chiukwu).

Both principles are implied in the principles of (i) divinity and (ii) absolute dependence, which are expressed in the conception of "Chi" or personal god (Nwala, 1985:115-116). In creation, Chukwu or Chineke is the creator of all things including man whom he endows with his nature and his destiny. This nature and destiny are referred to as 'uwa' and 'chi' which every person possess. The principle of creation (Okike) (Chineke) shows man's divine origin.

The second principle - the principle of absoluteness means absolute/perfect in power and might in everything. Here he is Chi-Ukwu (the Great God Chukwu), his other names such as Chukwuka (God is supreme), Onyekachukwu (who is greater than God), Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ifeanyịchukwu (Nothing is beyond God's power) Chukwunweike (In God rests all strength) also express this principle of abso1uteness. On the basis of this principle, the Igbo invoke the ultimate power and protection of the Supreme Being especially when all else has failed them.

Generally Chukwu's power is constantly sought in oral prayers. The principle of absolute dependence earlier referred to shows the source of man's nonexistence and welfare.

This keen awareness of God is also expressed in the Igbo traditional ritual of Igbo Ọfọ by the elders. Ọfọ symbol itself is a clear expression of the concept of the Supreme Being's authority, justice and-truth. The belief in the Supreme Being among the Igbo has been strongly attested to by many other foreign writers like O'Connell, Schon and Crowther, Talbot, Basden, Meek and others.

Thus the concept of the Supreme God as a 'loan god' introduced by the missionaries as a "stranger" in Igbo Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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religious thought (Nwoga, 1984) is definitely unfounded and irrelevant. The Supreme God is seen as the chief guest of honour at every Igbo traditional religious festival or ritual, the ultimate recipient of sacrifices even though there is no elaborate cult for him in Igbo land.

As a matter of fact Archival records showed that early Christian missionaries to Igbo land drew abundantly from Igbo terminologies including the idea and name for the Supreme God, in their preachings and translations (CMS, 1862). Moreover, research works by some Igbo scholars like R.A. Arazu, S.N Ezeanya, E,C. Ilogu , E. Ikenga-Metuh and E.I. Ejizu have also proved that the generalization that 'Chukwu' was not acknowledged in public cults among the Igbo, is also an over-simplification. Public altars and rituals in honour of Chukwu, though not elaborate, did exist in certain traditional Igbo sub-cultural units as Ihembosi, Okija, Ihiala, Aji, Nsukka and Ututu (Akum, 1983), (Ezeanya 1969:39-40).

3.2. DIVINITIES AND DEITIES

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However, the stronger belief in and pre-occupation with the divinities and deities, and patron spirits, are manifestly the most striking feature of Igbo traditional religion.

No matter what other writers say, polytheism (which means belief in or worship of many gods) is practised among the traditional Igbo. But it does no imply that all the local deities are of equal importance and power to the people. Although a lot of local variation exist in names, categories and details of belief in and worship of these divinities, a number of them are believed to be major divinities and are widely acknowledged. These include: Anyanwu (the sungod), Igwekaala (the sky god), Ala (Earth goddess), and Amadiọha/Kamalu (the god of thunder and lightning); others include Ahiajọkụ (god of agriculture), Ikenga (god of fortune and industry) and Agwunsi (god of divination and healing). Many other deities which constitute the Igbo pantheon are major deities to individual communities. For instance Ebumiri of Umunumu in Mbano, Ọfọ Itu in the Mbaise, Idemili in Uga, Aguata, Haba in Agulu, Nnagwurugwu of Isu in Arọchukwu, and Ọha Mmiri of Oguta and many, many others.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Of all the divinities Ala-the Earth goddess is generally worshipped in Igbo land as the arch-divinity and seen as the goddess of fertility and guardian of Igbo morality, a power which controls - divinities and a force which brings fortune and economic prosperity. There are numerous other lesser deities which constitute the dominant feature of Igbo religious cult. Many of these we personifications of natural forces and phenomena while others are man-made for the people's survival and well being. This indicates the extent of the influence of ecology on Igbo religion. In addition, there exists myriads of lesser deities which are good or bad spirits which besiege the Igbo religious horizon. These spiritual entities inhabit physical realities like streams, forests, hills and animals. Some want to reincarnate in those to be born, others make life uncomfortable for the living causing calamities, barrenness, diseases and untimely death. Caught up in the midst of physical insecurity (which could also come from his fellows witches and sorceries) the Igbo resort to divination, sacrifices, traditional medicine and protective charms or amulets in order to cope with the uncertainties of life. They also resort to the ancestral spirits and some of the deities for protection and progress.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The Igbo belief in the ancestors is a clear expression of the people's faith in "after-life" even though perceived in the context of external return to the earth again in reincarnation. And it is believed that one's status in the after-life depends entirely on one's status here on earth since the spirit- world is a mirror of the human world with same topography and similar organization. The motion of judgment which everyone is afraid of is clearly spelt out by the Igbo belief in reincarnation.

Seen from the anthropological perspective, Igbo traditional religion, as evident from the pantheon of spirits and deities acknowledged in worship in various localities, is a religion of structure, inextricably bound up with the total structure of Igbo traditional life. For the Igbo, man's existence, his welfare and destiny are totally caught up the general behaviour of the forces above, under and around him, Igbo believe that the more man can control nature and the force, the more he is able to enjoy protection, longevity, progress, success and peace with God, the divinities and the ancestors. This perception of his world-view and control methods is borne out of the conviction about the constant interaction between the world of the spirit d the world of men. Igbo religion relies heavily on divination in this regard. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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3.2.1. Divination: Igbo religion relies on a diviner or divination to provide answers to problems and puzzles of daily life-experiences. Divination therefore becomes the mechanism for connecting observed effects to causes that lie beyond the powers of common sense to comprehend.

In other words, the essence of divination in Igbo religion is the provision for resolving one difficulty or the other that the individual or the community encounters as he attempts to understand the world around him. The diviner (dibiaafa/Igba aja) is thus a busy person among the adherent of the Igbo religion. He is consulted for practically all problems, sicknesses and failure in business or failure to have a male child, boundary disputes, sudden death, etc. After determining the cause of the problem, the diviner then prescribes remedies which more often than not are sacrifices to be made to the ancestors or to the spirits believed to be angry about something. The centrality of Igbo religion is defined by divination. It offers a lot of attraction to many Christians who have not yet committed their lives to Christ. In other words, Divination is therefore a common key that unlocks the door into the interpretation of various Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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aspects of Igbo religion. It plays an important role in the Igbo belief in reincarnation.

3.2.2. Reincarnation: Reincarnation is one of the Igbo beliefs that have persisted in spite of the influence of westernization or christianity. The issue of reincarnation is a problematic one in Igbo thought and life, Damian Opata's Essays on Igbo World View (1998) argues that it is to be understood around two principal Igbo concepts: ilua uwa and Ogbanje. Both involve some kind of re-embodied existence after having lived and died in the world. This is better understood in the Igbo conceptualization of two types of existence uwa mgbede and uwa Ututu. The ogbanje phenomenon is the repetitive coming and going of people especially of children into one's family. It is an undesirable thing in a family. The principle of reincarnation is seen as a positive one because it is believed that only people who have lived well and died well are the only person entitled to reincarnate or reembody themselves in a beneficent manner. Thus it is common experience through divination to identify who reincarnated a new born baby. This is the work of a diviner. In Igbo a diviner is dibiaafa (ogbaaja), and could be a medicine man or a priest. Some of them undergo special training in the use of herbs, in clairvoyance, divination and reincarnation. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The concept of reincarnation makes meaningful the Igbo belief of life after death. Since the biblical concept of resurrection is not clearly understood by many, in traditional Igbo setting, the concept of reincarnation assures an Igbo that his attempt to lead a good life here on earth, obey the deities and the ancestors are not in vain. Death is not the end of life. There is another life after death and the most practical way to make it meaningful is the belief in reincarnation which includes physical resemblance, character traits, oracular pronouncements all of which point to the fact that the dead are somewhere waiting for their return to the world of time and space. The notion of judgment which people fear is so clearly spelt out by reincarnation belief. This implication of judgment also brings in the moral and ethnical implications of the belief. Thus it becomes obvious that death and reincarnation explain quite a lot about the Igbo realization of a meaningful existence. Within the concept are woven some principles of existence, some deep and lasting motivation for decent living among the Igbo, motivation based on everlasting and transcendent reward. It is the idea of living well among the Igbo that constitutes for them an authentic existence such that it could be said that to have died well is to have lived well. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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3.3. MAN IN IGBO THOUGHT

Inspite of the Igbo concept of 'Chukwu', the Igbo world remains homo-eccentric. In other words, although 'Chukwu' is the foundation of Igbo religion and philosophy, yet Igbo world and Igbo philosophy is focused on man.

Igbo philosophy begins with his conception of life (Ndụ). Life is the consciousness of 'being' or existing. Man (mma ndụ) is made up of "life' (Ndụ), intellect (Uche) and body (ahu). When there is no life in a person he is ozu (corpse). It is the sole function of life to hold body and intellect firmly in their positions and sustains them. As far as life is doing this, man is said to be living a human life and is capable of showing the act of knowledge. Thus the source or origin of human knowledge is life. This life comes from God (chinwendụ).

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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For the Igbo like the others life is simply a gift (Ndụ bụ onyinye). Thus according to the Igbo, "life is a gift owned by God and is given to somebody" or "some thing by God only." Hence the Igbo say that "Ndụ bụ Onyinye Chukwu" (Life is the gift of God).

To mention God in an epistemological treatise like this is definitely disapproved of by some philosophers. But the Igbo people do not have any apology to render to any of such people because their sense of God is deeply rooted in our Igbo philosophy. For the Igbo, philosophy without God who is the first philosopher is no philosophy. That is why it is unthinkable for the Igbo to have a religion without philosophy. As Fr. J.J.C. Akunne (1995) rightly put it:

For us Igbo philosophy without God is like a house without a roof. To philosophize whether there is God or not and to marshal out argument for or against it is the most absurd thing any lgbo man is expected to do.

A basic question has been asked as to what a human being is for the Igbo in regard to the origin of human Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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knowledge.

Greek philosophers' positions have varied. For instance, the Rationalists concluded that human knowledge originated from reason alone. The Empiricists asserted that human knowledge originated from experience, while the Kantians maintain that some human knowledge originated from reason, and some in experience and others in their necessity. With the fact established that Greek philosophy originated from African philosophy (Onyewuenyi, 1993) tremendous contributions have come from other African thinkers. Using the theory of Ndụakpunyereuchenaahụ, it is rightly argued that knowledge originated from life. Man has within him the gift of life which carries within itself essentially the gift of knowledge. As a man starts developing in the womb, the intellect and body become the effects of this development, which reaches its high point in man's 'awareness' which is the human knowledge. This is what the concept of Ndụakpunyeruchenaahụ is all about (Akunne, 1995). This life which is enclosed with intellect and body is what we call human being, Mma Ndụ (the goodness/beauty of life). It is this concept which brings out what a human being is for the Igbo in regard to the origin of human knowledge. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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For the Igbo, God is life (Chi bụ ndụ) and God owns life (Chinwendụ). Since we have life we have a share in God. This lifeness of the life in us makes our morality which has eschatological under-tone meaningful. This is because for the Africans to be is to live, and therefore, one continues to live even after death when he continues to live in another form. This is where the Greek philosophers failed. They fai1ed to recognize the inseparability of the intellect and body. They separated intellect and body respectively and gave them independent existence. For the Igbo, this proves the fact that not only that life continues after death but also that it is the same person when alive in this untranscendental world is responsible for all his/her good and bad action done in this world. In other, words a person starts life in the transcendental world following the occurrence of death, it is the person who is now living on this earthly world that will continue to live the transcendental world with his full identity. His life will be the same life because life is not affected by the action of death. Because life is not affected, it carries the implication of one's action in our mundane world into that of our transcendental world, acquiring a new form of intellect and body. In other words, in Igbo thought and life, man finds ultimate meaning in transcendence even though it is a homo-centric world. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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3.4. KOLANUT AS LIFE AFFIRMING PRINCIPLE

Igbo philosophy is life-affirming because it centered on human being. Igbo people usually say Ndụ bụ Isi (Life first). It has been observed that the overall conceptualization of the kolanut among the Igbo is that it is a life affirming principle. Kolanut presentation, ritual, breaking and sharing is significant in Igbo land. The ritual invocation will include Chukwu, ancestors, the clan deities, the spirit forces especially the market days. Finally the invocation would normally end with an affirmation of life:

Ndi ebe anyị anyị ga adị anyị goro ka anyị dịrị ọ bụghị ka anyị nwụọ Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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(Our people we shall live we have prayed for life not for death). This final affirmation of life is significant because one of the first statements surrounding kolanut breaking ritual in Igbo land is:

Onye wetara ọji wetara ndụ (He who brings kola brings life).

Among the Igbo, everything that is, has a life and to be alive is the aspiration of every living thing. Ọji (kolanut) is life because he who brings it brings life in the dual sense (1) that signifies welcome and friendship and (2) that the prayer for good and long life which precede its breaking and eating would be accepted by the ancestors. From the biological point of view, the kolanut is also life affirming. Paul E. Lovejoy (1980:2) listed forty medicinal uses of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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kolanut, collected at the beginning of the 20th century, and included relief from hunger, fatigue and thirst as important properties along with cures from headaches and sexual impotence. This list is interesting because the medicinal uses noted is all life affirming. Of special importance is the fact that it could be used as cure for sexual importance. For the Igbo, nothing can be more life affirming than this very fact. In other words, kolanut in Igbo world view touches on the principal essence of existence: being alive and sustaining it. This principle of life affirmation as constituting the essence of the kola is also supported by the Igbo myth surrounding he emergence of the four Igbo market days. It is aid that four enigmatic people once visited a place. They would neither eat nor talk. But by mere coincidence, some one gave them a piece of kolanut to eat. To the surprise of all assembled, the people suddenly were given to speech in which they revealed their names as Orie (Oye), Eke, Nkwọ and Afọ. By this singular act, the kola is said to have gained significance not only as the food of the spirits, but also something that gives life. This is because somebody who can neither talk nor eat anything is as good as dead. It is only something that can give life that worked the wonder of giving back life even to the spirits. This is the basis of the Igbo saying: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Onye wetara ọjị wetara ndụ. Apart from being an affirmation of life, it is also a symbol of continuity, of the entire life process as a continuum. Kolanut ritual is always a feature of the Igbo society, in social functions and ceremonies, which has resisted westernization and Christianity. In addition, numerous researches conducted on ritual practices that have to do with consecration of time, space, animate and inanimate objects have also confirmed this affirmation of the life principle in Igbo cosmology. The ritual practice of itu aka (ritual offering of food to the spirits in general in Agukwu Nri, or itu aka ezi (ritual throwing of food outside for the spirits) as in Ututu, Arọchukwu, Ezza/Izzi are highly illuminating because they also show the purpose for such a practice. For instance, the research conducted by Anthony Ekwunife, of the department of religion, University of Nigeria shows that in Ovoko, Nsukka; the ritual of itu aka is aimed at giving the spirits their share. In Ngwa, the purpose is thanksgiving offering - an acknowledgement of favours from the spirits. In Arọchukwu and Ututu, the aim is that of sanctification of food (and it is called igo nri), so that it becomes a vehicle for communion with the spirits. Thus the whole ritual is designed to effect communion with the spirits through the agency of the celebrant and food. The ritual words of itu aka or igo Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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nri shows the dependence of the human life on the transcendent life of the invisible spirit world. The practice as Ekwunife rightly noted is a way of inserting the participants to the source of their spiritual life - the transcendence. The word Isee is a definite symbolic word in the Igbo language and culture. A human being has five fingers, five toes. Among the Igbo the number five has great symbolic significance. If a kola nut is broken and it has five lobes it means good luck to the sharer. It also refers to stability. Thus isee reflect axiomatic values, five definite realization on which the life of every Igbo rests. They are: life, children, wealth, peace and love (Ekwunife, 1990). 3.5. ‘CHI’ IN IGBO WORLD VIEW We have seen that inspite of the remarkable awareness of spiritual forces, the Igbo like the other Africans, place man at the center of the universe, yet there is the irony that his destiny is determined by the 'chi' variously interpreted as his 'personal god' or guardian angel. In creation, Chineke, the Supreme Being brings man into being, at the same time endows him his nature and destiny. This nature and destiny are spoken of as 'uwa' and the personal 'chi' which every human being possesses. Thus if any person does something characteristics of him/her, the Igbo say ọ bụ etu ụwa ya dị (i.e. it is how his/her nature is}. The Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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idea of 'chi' explains the elements of luck, fortune, destiny or fate unique to an individual. The Igbo say of a lucky man ọ bụ onye chi ọma. Igbo mythology is replete with examples illustrating the fact that the " Supreme Being used to be very close to human beings but later withdrew to the sky because a woman used to poke her pestle in the sky while pounding her foofoo late in the night. This incessant disturbance made God to withdraw. It is this that probably gave rise to the concept of deus otiosus - the withdrawn God, a concept that at God does not enmesh himself in human affairs. It has also been suggested that it could be that it is this withdrawal of God that gave rise to the Igbo expressions: Mmadụ bụ chukwu a na afụ anya n'ụwa (A human being is the god that is seen in the world). Madụ bụ chi ibe ya (A human being is a god to another person). Both expressions imply that human beings also can Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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play vital roles it influencing the destiny of others. This is the point D.I. Nwoga tried to make in his very much misunderstood book, The Supreme God as Stranger in Igbo Religious Thought. T.U. Nwala (1985:46) tried to summarize the concept of destiny among the Igbo by citing two Igbo Sayings to the effect that Whatever befalls a man is - ihe ya na chi ya kpara (What he settles with his chi) but onye kwe chi ya ekwe, (If a man wills, his peronal 'Chi' wills also) provides him an escape route from the clutches of fatalism. Thus the element of fatalism, where man is left to the mercy of destiny is mitigated by ascribing some will power and initiative to man. One can influence one's 'chi' by brave or good conduct and this knocks the horn out of fatalism in Igbo philosophy. It is here that we find the traditional Igbo escape from this apparent fatalism through the basic principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe. The Igbo believe that if a man is at peace with his god and his ancestors his harvest will be good or bad depending on the strength of his arm. What is implied as Nwala rightly indicated is that the efficacy of the human will depend on a sound moral life because that is the only way he can be at peace with his god and his ancestors. 'Chi' is like a personal guide which pilots a man's prospects and determines his fortune. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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For the Igbo three principles are operative in the shaping of a person's life. We have already pointed to the principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe, the other two are: (1) akara aka and (2) lfe si na chi. Akara aka literally refers to lines inscripted on a person's palm. Among the Igbo it is believed that what one would be in life is already inscripted on the person's palm. What can hinder the actualization of what is inscripted are incorrect reading and misinterpretation as well as lack of sustained personal effort. The principle of lfe si na chi implies things that are already predetermined from birth for somebody. However in both principles we observe that: (I) what comes to people are predetermined and so no escape and (2) the relationship between chi and personal effort in the total shaping of a person's life and (3) the principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe is a normative paradigm in the conduct of one's affairs in life. It is a manifestation of optimism and dynamism so evident in the Igbo attempt at self actualization and achievement orientation.

Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart brought out the working of the 'chi' principle in Igbo life. Unoka had Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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gone to the oracle to find out why he still had poor harvest inspite of the prescribed sacrifices he offered to the gods, and he was also in good standing with his 'chi'. The oracles confirmed that Unoka was in good standing with his 'chi' but insisted that he should go home and work harder because mere offering of sacrifice would not make him reap bounteous harvests. Thus having a good 'chi' must be accompanied by being industrious. On the other hand, it is said of Okonkwọ that he is an example of one who said 'yes' to his 'chi' but his 'chi' refused to give assent to his affirmation. The explanation is that no one can go beyond his 'chi.' As a matter of fact the Igbo does not give up or get discouraged. The principles of akara aka, lfe si na chi and onye kwe chi ya ekwe serve as ideology of consolation, encouragement, and determination. In Achebe's Things Fall Apart, Okonkwọ contributed to his own fate. He was consumed by his personal ambition. He failed to understand the basic Igbo philosophy of complementary dualities and consequent accommodationists principle inherent in that philosophy. This suggests that saying 'yes' must be understood within the framework of the dominant world view of the people. The Igbo hardly ever resign to fate, they hardly give up in a struggle which they set their minds on. This is supported by their wisdom sayings: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Otụ egwu mgbagbu adịghị eje ọgụ (If you are afraid of death you won't go to war). di ochi anagị akwụsị ịrị enu akwụ maka na ọ dara n'enu ya (A palm wine tapper does not stop tapping because he fell from a palm wine tree). ebe ọkụ nyụrụ achịsa ọwa (Surrender comes only after one had tried all one could). This is also why the traditional Igbo consult diviners and move from one sacrifice to one deity to the other in the hope that some how they would succeed. A world-view as this makes a people rugged and does not encourage the doctrine of fatalism. The Igbo like other Africans pays high premium on life and would therefore go to any length to preserve it.

The Igbo world is principally a world of interacting realities the spiritual and the physical, each impinging on the other. It is both the world of spiritual beings Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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and the world of man and other animate and inanimate beings. But man's existence, his welfare, and destiny are totally caught up with the general behaviour of forces above, around, and underneath him. And while deploying the power of his reason, and utilizing his mental and physical skills to better his lot, man expends as much energy and ingenuity in trying to sustain the delicate balance between the various orders of his world view in order to ensure the continued welfare of his life and that of his family. This in brief outline is the Igbo cosmology whose ideas and ideals infuse meaning and coherence into the entire gamut of Igbo religious life and philosophy. We now focus on the dominant religious and philosophical ideas derivable from this Igbo world view to understand how they have served as key to Igbo self understanding and identity. 4. DOMINANT IDEAS IN IGBO RELIGIOUS PHILOSOPHY The relevance of the foregoing Igbo perception of their world to the emotional and psychological levels of the traditional life of the Igbo is of great significance to the argument of this paper. This is because in the daily life of the Igbo, their values and attitudes which they aspire to and exhibit are the direct off-shoot of their dominant religious and philosophical ideas. These ideas include: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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4.1. RESPECT FOR LIFE (NDỤ) Igbo world is principally anthropocentric. It is for this understanding the Igbo say Ndụ bụ isi (life first). Because of the heavy accent which the traditional Igbo place on human life, they go to any length in order to preserve it. As a matter of fact the traditional Igbo attitude to the divinities and ancestors appears on many occasions to be primarily manipulative, as the Igboman moves from shrine to shrine for definite material satisfaction bordering on life, off-spring and health. Igbo traditional prayers {Igọ ọfọ) and sacrifices to the deities are mainly petitionary for the welfare of man. Even when sacrifices are made to malevolent spirits, the only reason for doing so is to ward them off from causing harm. Igbo constantly resort to divination, traditional medicine, magic, the use of protective charms or amulets and initiation into secret cults in order to cope with the uncertainties of life, for protection and progress. Childlessness was considered a threat to life among the Igbo as it hits the very root of that traditional primary value, life. Thus Igbo traditional religion provides for the people a viable system by which they seek to explain, to predict, and to control all space and time event for the preservation of life. In traditional Igbo society, human life was considered sacred. That it cannot be taken Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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away with impunity. Suicide is considered a most abominable crime against the human society and so any person guilty of suicide is denied formal burial. In most cases when human beings were killed (twin killing and human sacrifice) the traditional Igbo saw such as a fulfillment of convinced religious obligation and for the good of the land. For them, sacrifice was different from killing a fellow human being, for which life must go for life. Nevertheless, the Igbo respect life more than any other ethnic group in Nigeria, because the Igbo respect life, kolanut breaking will always remain for them a celebration of life. Emenanjo (2001) lent emphasis on the great respect the Igbo have for life when he said that in the philosophy of Igbo knowledge the: rural Igbo had very great respect for Ndụ because it comes from God. It is greater than money or wealth. It cannot be foundered by a blacksmith. All things are only useful if they have life. Let me remind you that it was not a mere coincidence when under the Igbo war commander Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu, Biafra (the Igbo) fought a thirty months gruesome war from 1967 to 1970 to preserve the life of the Igbo people. Let me remind you that it was not mere accident when the great Zik of Africa along with other notable Igbo leaders (Dr. Ojike, Dr. Mbadiwe, Dr. Okpara, Dr. Akanu Ibiam, etc) of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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blessed memory unanimously agreed that "To Restore the Dignity of Man" was to be the motto of the first indigenous University, the University of Nigeria. That motto represents the finest formulation of the finest Igbo minds, the collective affirmation of Igbo faith in the worth and dignity of man. It remains for the Igbo a vision; a mission and a commitment. 4.2. RESPECT FOR MORALITY The traditional dominant Igbo orientation to the ultimate is their great respect for morality and so dreaded the consequences in-built in committing any offence against the Supreme Being, the ancestors, local divinities and deities. We have earlier indicated that part of what the traditional Igbo were known for is that they were a very spiritual people. That is the philosophical understanding behind their morals, customs, traditions, beliefs, and myths. The ultimate which a traditional Igbo person cherishes is to live a good and worthy life here on earth, die and receive full and proper burial rites and finally rejoin his ancestors who lived well and died a good death. This could only be achieved within a decent moral order.

This perception of Igbo cosmology meant that the moral order must be maintained so that they can live Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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in peace and have abundant life. The Igbo ancestors constructed a number of socio-cultural controls. The first was to emphasize characters. Character refers to moral uprightness, peace with the gods and peace with human beings. Purity among the Igbo was seen as essential in blocking the anger of the gods or the ruin of evil spirits, this is the implication of onye aka ya di ocha. Hence seasonal festival included purification rites. They devised elaborate system of moral codes known as omenala or omenani, which regulate the behaviour of the people including their social, economic, and political lives. Omenala is believed to have been handed down from Ala (the Earth goddess) through Ndi Ichie (the ancestors) and so literally means action in accordance with the stipulation of the land. Omenala in Igboland contain prohibitions which regulate human behaviour, maintain purity and sustain community life. These prohibitions are known as Nso Ala (taboos). They also involve seasonal celebrations like Iri ji/Ahiajoku and Igo Arọ. Ndi Igbo explain some aspects of their life- experiences, namely, natural disaster and calamity, as resulting from pollution of the land somewhere along the line by which harmony between man, nature/environment and the spirit would have become broken. Hence the essence of Igbo morality was primarily to keep the harmony, well- being and effective co-existence of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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members of the 'community' made up of the living, the dead ancestors and children yet unborn. The implication is that among the Igbo omenala is communal rather than individual. Every Igbo is born into a community where the person shares in the community life, spirit and collective responsibility. Thus the concept of a man as a person who co-exists with others gives rise to the idea of collective responsibility, inter-dependence and humane living which is an important aspect of Igbo social and religious life. As Chieka Ifemesia (1978:70) rightly argued that interdependence is a fundamental principle of Igbo philosophy of life because ‘a tree does not make a forest.’ The Igbo ideology of interdependence recognizes that unity is strength – ọha/Igwe bụ Ike, it among others promotes discipline, reduces crime, and humanizes relations. Igbo religion recognizes personal/individual salvation, but it exists mainly for the preservation of the collective life (umunna/ikwunne) and of the community (ọha). Respect for religious philosophy which inspires them to look up to future with hope and expectation for a good reward here and hereafter. 4.3. TRUTH AS IGBO PRINCIPLE OF LIFE Truth is a noble value in all human culture including the Igbo. Though an important religious and Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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philosophical idea, it has received little attention from scholars. Nze C., (1994.4) has rightly suggested two Igbo words descriptive of truth: eziokwu and ezigbo. Eziokwu is used to represent utterances while ezigbo is used ontologically or materially for substance and entity to mean good, true or genuine. Damian Opata (1998:73-80) in addition referred to the Igbo expressions for truth: ihe mere eme meaning 'what really happened.' The Igbo words signifying falsehood or untruth or lie are, okwu asi and asi In Igbo community onye okwu asi or onye asi are used judgmentally for someone who cannot be trusted, believed or relied upon. Other related Igbo words are used, for instance asiri or onye ogba asiri refer to gossip, rumour mongering or someone who goes about spreading rumours saying what is true or untrue. Such a person is dangerous and that is why Mike Ejeagha's minstrel maintains that asiri brings misunderstanding among friends and causes instability in family. Chidi Osuagwu's study on truth in Igbo land is very illuminating. He points out that the Igbo word for truth is ezi. Ezi means correct, order, positive, proper rectitude, genuine, upright or valid. When ezi is used to qualify okwu which is Igbo word for 'word' or statement then the word eziokwu becomes what is valid, positive, genuine and truthful. Truth is paramount in Igbo life. Ezi is from the root word zi. From this root, Igbo language generates such Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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words like izi, to show, imezi, to rectify, to correct; ikozi, to explain correctly, to teach; igbazi, to strengthen, ihazi, to arrange, to organize idozi, to order, to arrange, idazi, to fall into place, igozi, to bless, iduzi, to lead aright, ikwazi, to mend, to arrange properly; this word-study is significant and it is deliberately done to emphasize that in Igbo 'truth' is order. In Igbo igha means to scatter. This word links up all chaotic processes as the Igbo see it. Such include aghara, commotion, disorder. Agha means 'war', ighasa, to scatter, to spread out; ghaghagha, chaotically bad and igha, to scatter, spread, to lie; onyeaghara, troublemaker, madman. Thus igha means 'to lie'. To lie in Igbo mind is to cause a thought scattering, a mental disorder. From the above it can be deduced that falsehood is disorder; a disorientation. The traditional Igbo pictured falsehood as simulated disorder, disarray or chaosgenerating expression. A liar in Igbo is basically a chaos - generator. Just like eziokwu is okwu dabara adaba, ordered train of thought, falsehood is okwu nadabaghi adaba -- a disordered thought. Thus the Igbo picture of ezi is the ordered, the truth, whereas 'ugha' is falsehood. In an ugha system only guesses can be made, while the order in an ezi system allows for prediction. Truth is synonymous with order hence its predictability. Falsehood is disorder, amplifying Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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unpredictability. For the Igbo, the notion of truth is so central and important that there are a number of ways in which it is characterized. Among the Igbo it is said: Eziokwu dika ehihie (efifie). Truth is like noonday

This stresses the fact that truth is self-evident and there is nothing anybody can do to destroy it. That is why the Igbo say: Anaghị eli eziokwu n'ala Truth cannot be buried in the ground This asserts the indestructible character of truth. You cannot suppress it even though the Igbo also say: Eziokwu na'elu ilu Truth is bitter. All traditional societies have a strong moral orientation in their conception of truth. Truth sustains relationships with God, the deities and their fellow men. Truth is paramount in Igbo life and they believe it is what gives life to any society. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Traditional Igbo society is built on truth and the basis of this is trust which is primarily dependent on the ability of the individual members to tell the truth to one another. It is the basis of our faith in God and in people. Truth is the foundation of any Igbo community. The greater the tendency to lie in a society, the greater will be the social disorder which no doubt increases the tendency to lie. Thus I share Osuagwu's insight when he said that: "A truth - telling society would be a highly ordered society." "A better ordering of society would enhance the tendency of its members to tell the truth." The Igbo use the ọfọ symbol to designate truth and justice as a principle of life. The Igbo say: Ọfọ ka ide ji awa ala Truth and justice are the content of life Oji ọfọ anaghị atọ n'ije The man of truth is never stranded in a journey In these sayings, the Igbo are emphasizing the centrality of truth in human relationship, organization and morality. This is further made obvious in the Igbo saying: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ezi okwu bụ ndụ Truth is life The philosophy of the Igbo founding fathers of the University of Nigeria shows that in order to restore the dignity of man and protect life you must seek the truth, teach the truth and preserve the truth. The commitment to Truth is a fundamental Igbo philosophy without which there would be neither regard nor respect for human life and dignity. 4.4. ACHIEVEMENT - ORIENTED VALUES It is important to notice that the history of Igbo origin as legend has it, reveals that the word 'Igbo' refers to 'forest-dwellers'. We are aware that at this time the primitive Igbo lived a hazardous wandering life of the hunter-gatherer of wild edible plants. The Nri myth which preserved for us how agriculture came meant that the Igbo became 'farmers' who had to be directly dependent on the land for their livelihood. Definitely these kinds of job descriptions will require among other qualities - strength and intelligence. The implications that right from the Igbo genesis, the Igbo man was born into a tough world that demanded Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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him to be rugged, courageous, fearless, determined and hardworking to survive. Thus I will agree with D.I. Nwoga (1984:48) who said: …the .most prominent aspect of Igbo concept of man is that of a struggler for survival, a hard and determined person in confrontation with the environment to force out of it a means of sustenance.

Luckily enough, this Igbo nature of hard work had been acknowledged right from the pre-colonial period. It is reported of Igbo slaves in Haiti that they were … excellent for work in the fields yet difficult to manage. They kept a strong sense of their Igbo identity and gave help, care and instructions to new arrivals from Igbo land. (Isichei, 1976:44; Herskovit, 1931:20-21; Uchendu, 1965:37). Even in the New World Igbo slaves were outstanding for their hard work and intelligence. Igbo slaves became much more productive than the other slaves, by exhibiting higher degree of intelligence, honesty and craftiness. Nwosu (1983:7) argued that the Igbo slaves showed an uncommly greater degree of brotherly 1ove among themselves, which was lacking Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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also in slaves of other nationalities. This discovery made the American Masters of Igbo slaves to become more productive, and wealthier than their counterparts in Cuba and South America, Igbo slaves there became more expensive than others. Admittedly, this Igbo achievement orientation as an important aspect of Igbo life is one area in which the Igbo have been badly misunderstood and misrepresented. Many non-Igbo use it and argue that the Igbo are materialistic. Interestingly enough on this kind of accusation (Jordan, 1971:115) reported that Bishop Shanaham who had worked in Igbo land for years had come to the conclusion that: The average native was admirably suited by environment and training, for an explanation of life in terms of the spirit, rather than of the flesh. He was no materialist. Indeed nothing was farther from his mind than a materialistic philosophy of existence. It made no appeal to him.

This was several years ago and I wish to categorically Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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state that the Igbo do not cherish money more than the other ethnic groups. In fact, if money has today become an Igbo problem, it is a problem which Nigeria created for them. So it is a Nigerian problem. This achievement orientation has been found in their industry, courage, determination and in itinerancy in search of adequate means of livelihood in all nooks and crannies of the world, in all human endeavours. The dynamism of the Igbo is found in their history and in the psychological structure of the Igbo man and his society. In other words, it is a reflection of the Igbo perception of 'self.' First, the Igbo is afraid of failure in life. He believes that nature has endowed him with the ability to subdue his world and succeed and therefore had to do just that. Definitely the mandate to control the land is a mandate to be successful. This position is wellsupported and articulated by Afigbo (1974) when he said: It is thus quite clear that the Igbo saw failure in his world as a terrible calamity which implied damnation and so did every thing possible to avoid it. It is this fear of failure, this drive to succeed here, and attain the status of Ogaranya (a rich man) which he could carry across to the next world, which helped him to account for the economic drive of the Igbo man, as for Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the high score and prestige set on hard work, resourcefulness, foresight, and rugged individualism. Second, the Igbo is not prepared to attribute any failure to his personal 'chi.' Thus the Igbo saying that onye kwe chi ya ekwe locates the Igbo in the context of determination and faith to succeed. It is for this reason he has to get all forces on his side. The achievement orientation finds the Igbo in reverence of Ikenga, the cult of strength, a symbol for personal achievement, heroism and success. The Igbo people love to be rewarded and recognized after having worked hard. Thus recognition for achievement is well entrenched in Igbo life. For instance, far from despising manual labour, the Igbo esteem the successful farmer. Some parts of Igbo land award them the titles of Eze ji (King of yam), Oko ji (yam planter). There is an Igbo saying: egbuwa ọfịa a hụ akụ When you clear the forest you see wealth. The Igbo people believe so much in the dignity of labour (work) probably more than any other ethnic groups in Nigeria, and it is for this same reason, the Igbo are also hated. Everywhere in Nigeria you find Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the Igbo working for his livelihood. It is a new phenomenon seeing an ‘Igbo’ begging for alms. We know as Oluadah Eouiano wrote centuries ago, that begging was unknown to the Igbo society. The only circumstance that begging was probably accepted was rather than being a thief (Onye arịrịọ ka onye oshi mma). Stealing was a terrible crime in traditional Igbo society and its punishment could be death, at times. Creating wealth is based on hard work and intelligence. It is just recently we started seeing people who do ‘nothing’ but we find them building ‘estates.’ It is only recently we find people who do nothing and yet become leaders. In traditional Igbo society, you can’t lead without your being an accomplished person, having something doing. We have what is called the British pride, the American pride; we also have from time immemorial what is known as the ‘Igbo pride’ which some historians refer to as ‘Igbo identity’. Precisely, handworker as an important philosophical Igbo idea is centered on Igbo pride. This ‘Igbo pride’ is that Igbo spirit, that Igboness in every Igbo person, that courage, that determination, that fearlessness, that self-confidence in every Igbo person. He knows that he is not judged by what his father or relations have but rather by what he is able to achieve by himself for his community. 4.5. IGBO REPUBLICANISM Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The traditional Igbo had a deep sense of community. The popular sentiment among the Igbo, as found in most other Africans is as J.S. Mbiti (1969:108) puts it:

“I am because we are and since we are, therefore I am.” Individual existence and freedom are appreciated, but they are delicately balanced with the underlying philosophy of life-in-community. This life-in-community is captured by the Igbo concept of Umunna/Umunne/Ikwunne. Part of Igbo problem is using foreign concepts to define Igbo life and thought. Umunna is a spiritual idea embedded in Igbo origin. The concept of democracy (ọha, umunnakwuru) which is contained in the Igbo philosophy of republicanism is deeply rooted in Igbo life and thought as embodied in the Ummuna concept. Before taking any decision, the Igbo have the tradition of gathering together to discuss matters of interest in order to arrive at a consensus and agreement. This is call in Igbo Igba izu (consultation). This is the basis of Igbo republicanism which E.G. Ekwuru (199:134) calls the Consensus philosophy, but referred to as Unanimity by T.U. Nwala (1985:168). Thus modern Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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democracy is not after all foreign to the Igbo because it has its root in Igbo origin and thought. The Igbo life did not start with colonization rather before the advent of the Europeans Igbo already had a philosophy, established structure of government, education and technology. According to Webster’s Encyclopedic Dictionary, republic is defined as an affair, interest, a state or nation in which the supreme power is rested in the whole voting community which elects indirectly or directly, representative to exercise the power; a group whose number are regarded as having a certain equality or common aims, pursuits, ect. in other words, republicanism is a system with clear pattern of organization and a mode of behaviour.

Here we find that the republican idea recognizes individual worth and input. People who deliberate and take decisions that arc of common interests, Ndi Igbo live and still live in units of villages, and clans called Umunna. The relationships among them are so close from the family to the clan level including the age grades system. Similar close relationships are found in the Eastern and Western Igbo. Power resided with Umunna or Ọha. People to represent each unit are chosen on the basis of age, ability and character. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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There is consensus, constant consultation covering every aspects of their lives from individual to group levels - including marriage, education, funeral. It is common to hear such expressions like: Ihe anyị kpara akpa Something discussed/agreed Igwebụike/ọha bụ ike Umunna is strength Umunnakwe Umunna agreed In Igbo republicanism, individuals and groups of individuals up to the clan level aspired to relevance, had rights and responsibilities, worked harder to better their lots and welfare and contributed to policies (Nwajiuba, 2001:19-25). Igbo republicanism is hinged on people's rights and founded on forthrightness, hard work, truth, and character.

The democratic spirit in Igbo checks any possible excesses arising from seniority, status and Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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achievement. This is further strengthened by the Igbo principle of equality and equivalence which Prof. Afigbo rightly says is fundamental in Igbo democracy. Ndi Igbo don't worship people; they don't even have sanctions against rude people. They respect people. In fact, there is great respect to the elders in an Igbo society but they allow people express themselves. Ndi Igbo do not tolerate of acts of rudeness to their elders. Osagie Jacobs's generalization and insults against Ndi Igbo in his (This day, September 17, 2002 page 11) where he claimed that Igbo do not respect the elders, and that they respect money not age is unfortunate. Osagie himself knows that he is dishonest, rude and crude, how because of one person he has the guts to insult a whole race. Igbo people respect their elders, but they resent oppression and authoritarianism. It is reported that during the slave trade period Igbo slaves who were constantly starved by their European masters organized a revolt to resent their starvation. They had to be fed by force. They refused to be treated as sub-humans. In modern times it could be seen that Nigerian colonial Politics had remained passive until the arrival of the lgbo intellectuals on the scene in the person of Hon. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe, Mr. Mbonu Ojike, Dr. Akanu Ibiam, Dr. Nwafor Orizu, etc. Igbo republicanism does not mean the freedom to Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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insult, maltreat or abuse people because of one's position. It should be noted that the Igbo expressions like: Igbo-ama-onye-ukwu I na-enye m nri Igbo enwe-eze were not in traditional Igbo thought. They have become Igbo expressions in the mouth of those who harbour envy, hatred and jealousy for others, those who do not appreciate 'excellence,' people influence by the Hebrew saying: "a prophet has no honour in his own community." They served a colonial interest of destabilizing Igbo unity. I have become personally worried that even our Igbo intellectuals are accepting the expression - Igbo enwe eze - as reflecting traditional Igbo situation. It does not and it is arrant nonsense. It has its origin in the early colonial European writers who spoke about the Igbo in particular as people without any universal conception of God (CI), and without history. We must take note of the fact that Igbo history did not start with the advent of the white man. The man who denied that you had a history could not possibly come to believe you had a 'king’ or 'chief' which ever title Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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you may prefer. The truth which historians have agreed on is that all the ethnic groups in Nigeria, it is only the Igbo that really resisted the white man, not months but several years. Igbo historians have also agreed that the Europeans had a basic dislike for the Igbo whom they found ungovernable and what was worse irreverent in their attitude to members of the 'master race' (Afigbo, 1981:2). Put simply, they hated the Igbo. This is what informed their introduction of the indirect rule in Eastern Nigeria. This colonialist created the warrant chiefs. These chiefs were installed to serve the interest of those who established them (Nwajiuba 2001:25): 1), to assist them hold down the Igbo 2), to serve their economic interest including collection of taxes and settlement of local cases. The colonialists distrusted the original Igbo chiefs. Thus the colonialists used the Indirect rule to remove and destroy the legitimacy of Igbo rulers and them imposed their own subjects who ruled in their stead. We must not forget the fact that right from time in Igbo history there is what we call 'Igbo pride.' The Igbo saw himself from time as a superior race. King Jaja of Opobo treated the European traders and administrators as his inferiors. They latter feared him and tricked him to go aboard the British warship for friendly discussion but was carried away into exile Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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where he died. Do we not know the implication of the fact that he died in exile, he died with the history of his people in his memory. The Arọchukwu people and most Igbo royal princes never removed their hats or stood up or prostrated for the British colonialists unlike most other subservient African tribes. Specifically in 1896 at Aba an Aio man refused to remove his hat for a white man (Isichei, 1976:59) (Leonard, 1966:191), because he felt he was superior to the white man. Have we even bothered to ask why up till today 'Eze Nri' is not listed among the first class chiefs in Igbo1and (along with Eze Arọ, Oguta, Nnewi and, Obi Of Onitsha). Nri model. Of kingship which controlled many parts of the Igbo land for several centuries was finally liquidated by the British imperialists to exploit the Igbo (slave trade). The truth of the matter in our view is that the Igbo enweEze concept was introduced into the Igbo psychic, and in practice by installing warrant chiefs in order to destabilize the Igbo society and make it impossible for them to retain their 'Igboness,' their uniqueness, their industry, their confidence and their pride/identity as a people. You will realize that this concept is introduced into our 'Culture,' the very essence of a people. It has succeeded to work like magic in the Igbo nation which presently is the most destabilized and disunited ethnic group in the world. It brought the culture of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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disrespect and greed as well as that of falsehood thereby destroying every evidence of a well laid down functional leadership pattern prior to the advent of the white man. How else could we explain that our people in government could not be united to promote Igbo cause. We saw what happened in the period of Shagari government. It was a near impossibility for the vice president and the governor to work together to promote Igbo interest. It is what is happening today. Today many of our state governors are in conflict with our people in government at the federal level. Does it happen elsewhere? Indirect rule is not yet over. Igbo land still remains its testing grounds. This sys em was and is still the basic instrument being employed to destabilize the Igbo race, incapacitate and frustrate any plan of the Igbo people to form a common force where together they can challenge the ills done to them. There is hope. This ray of hope comes from the Arọchukwu example. The modern Arọ understand the- Igbo enwe eze concept as an instrument of destabilization. They are the only community in Abia state that has up till today rejected the creation of autonomous communities. They know that creating many autonomous communities is creating many autonomous troubles and it will destroy their kingship institution and traditions, which is centered on Eze Arọ as an institution, and not as a person. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Let me ask you, who is afraid of Igbo unity? The Igbo people say: Igwe bụ ike = unity/strength is power. We know even as the Igbo Bible puts it, that divided we fall, but united we stand. Igbo enwe eze concept is strange to Igbo psyche and history of the origin. It should be discarded, forgotten and formal education at reorientation of every Igbo undertaken. A family regarded as the smallest unit in a locality has the 'father' as the head, how much more a village, a clan and a tribe. Let the issue of Igbo enwe eze be laid to rest. We Igbo people are not crabs; we are men and women with great propensity for leadership and followership we do not need to invoke the expression to support our philosophy of republicanism for selfreliance. Nor as a way of checking the excesses of any Igbo leader. Lastly, Igbo republicanism goes with the consensus philosophy of Igbo-kwenu. Emeka G. Ekwuru (1999:134) has drawn attention to the importance of Igbo-kwenu in his recent book. In Igbo 1and it represents constituting symbol of the gathering of Umunna, which allows for the full deliberative and consultative participation of every adult for decisionmaking. It not only recognizes the freedom and right of each individual but more importantly it awakens the Igboness in every Igbo person. I agree with Emeka Ekwuru that Igbo-kwenu in the Igbo land underscores Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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a social formula of action, a call to order and unity and collective will vital in all Igbo relationships to fashion its destiny as a people. There was a time when we hear - Igbo kwe - Enyim Mba Enyi - we see with our eyes Igbo solidarity, the clearest expression of Umunna. W need to recover that time and to offer to our country the best that is in us, because we have what it takes to move Nigeria forward. 4.6. 'CHUKWU': THE ULTIMATE IN IGBO THOUGHT Igbo scholars agreed that the Igbo world is principally a world of two interacting realities - the material and the spiritual, each impinging on the other. In this world, the material mirrors the spiritual in the different degrees. The Igbo believe in a life thereafter like many other Africans and also that the status achieved now in this life can be carried over to the next world. Thus though homo-centric in practice, yet the Igbo find ultimate meaning in transcendence. In other words, the Igbo see existence as future-oriented. This is the implication of the word 'Nkiruka' - future is greater. As we indicate, reincarnation is the central Igbo concept which captures this Igbo sense of the future. This is related to the idea of death. Every Igbo believes that death is a necessity. The traditional Igbo believes Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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that when you live well you die well in a good old age. Though Igbo myths, folklore and rituals, they believe that at death they rejoin their ancestors. In other works, their expectation of future is a rejoining of their ancestors whose abode is underneath the earth, the supposedly land of the dead. The world underneath is the abode of the ancestors and evil spirits. Ala Mmuo. On the other hand, christians look upwards - elu-igwe - the abode of 'Chukwu' and they believe that when they die they go to God in heaven the sky. Chukwu is the foundation of Igbo religious philosophy. Even though the people make sacrifices to the other gods who quite often fail them, Ndi Igbo still believe that Chukwu, Chineke is the last port of call. I makwa na Chukwu no Don't you know there is God? This is a saying referring to people who think they can do anything and that God will not see them or they believe they will go free. Their concept of God in terms of his creative power and absoluteness, the source of man's origin dependence and protection when all others have failed is original in Igbo thought. The irony is why Igbo man inspite of this noble conception preferred to worship the spirit of the earth, and to also look downwards in rejoining the ancestors, instead of looking upwards in returning to his 'Chukwu' his Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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maker. It is important that Igbo myth established the fact that originally Igbo ancestors had acknowledged that God created them and had maintained contact with him, a contact which was broken because they now moved away from God and focused on a created thing (the earth) as their god with elaborate sacrifices and worship. The coming of christianity into Igbo land in 1841 was rightly perceived as a civilizing mission. It meant the introduction into the relatively stable Igbo traditional religious framework of an alternative view of the world, a rival cosmology and a different way of understand the place of Igbo man in particular in creation. This encounter marked the beginning of the restoration of the broken link and what has been the developmental implication of either looking downwards to rejoining our ancestors or looking upwards to returning to Chukwu on Igbo man and his society. 5. IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION AND CHRISTIANITY Chinua Achebe (1958:123-125) gave us the first Igbo description of the impact of that encounter between Igbo traditional religion and christianity when Obierika said: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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How do you think we can fight when our own brothers have turned against us. White man is very clever. He came quietly and peacefully with his religion. We were amused at his foolishness and allowed him to stay. Now he has won our brothers and our clan can no longer act like one. He has put a knife on the things that held us together and we have fallen apart.

The above words articulate the sentiments expressed by an Igbo elder after realizing how the new religion (Christianity) had gone in terms of winning converts and dividing the members of the clan. And it is true that henceforth things were never the same for the Igbo. The question that comes to mind is whether the Igbo did misunderstand him? If the missionary had not posed as quiet and peaceable, could the Igbo have been less tolerant with him? How exactly did the missionary manage to win some Igbo over into christianity? In Achebe's Things Fall Apart, Nneka wasted no time in joining the Christian when she became pregnant because she has been losing her children through ogbanje. The outcasts in Mbanta flocked the church. Christianity offered freedom from evil spirits and oppression. There was the case of Nwoye who was shocked because twins were thrown Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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away into the forest to die and about Ikemefuna who was killed for sacrifice by his father Okonkwo. We remember how Ndi Igbo gave out the shrines of their various gods to Christian missionaries who cleared those sites, erected churches and nothing happened to them contrary to the expectations from the people, their gods and shrines. The Igbo are not sufficiently stupid to hang on to those failed shrines and gods, even if they had not completely imbibed christianity. The gods were dead and the people became convinced that the white man's God was very powerful. There were those who failed at this time to become part of this dynamic process and they lost out. The priestess of Agbala in Umuofia spitefully called the christians the excrement of the clan and the 'new faith' was a mad dog that had come eat it up (Achebe, 1958:101). Thus when the colonials and missionaries wanted the chiefs and the chief priests to surrender their children for education, these principal Igbo chiefs who were custodians of true Igbo history refused for fear of being treacherously enslaved. Rather less privileged people like the 'osu' caste, outcasts and personal servants regarded as 'worthless and empty' men as described by Achebe were given to the Europeans for education. When this class of people became educated they had no enthusiasm to engage in the collation and preservation of Igbo history in view of their past shameful family background. This negative motivation or social resentment even led many of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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these educated elites to join in the colonialist propaganda that the Igbo had no common history (Nwosu; 1983:6). Thus christianity and Igbo are weighted for what they are worth and a choice is made accordingly. Therefore the advent of christianity in Igbo land had meant the introduction of a christian world view. Admittedly, christianity made tremendous achievements. They abolished slave trade and slavery, human sacrifices and twin killing, introduced education, built hospitals and charity homes. They destroyed some level of superstition, increased human knowledge that brought about improved human welfare. Igbo traditional religion was incapable of achieving this because it was static as well as looking downwards. Through education and christian religion it was possible for the Igbo to re-shape their faith and world view. Nevertheless syncretistic practices among many Igbo christian show that Igbo traditional religion is still alive. But this encounter with christianity means it will ever be the same again. The early missionaries saw themselves as social and religious reformers. However, while they tried in their own way to achieve their mission goal, which was the conversion of Africans into christianity, their approach and attitude did not produce a wholesome result. They thought by condemning African religious Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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beliefs and practices, social and political means of control. That they would produce 'a new man' born in a new faith; but this 'newman' produced became a split personality - who could neither totally return to the old nor firmly be rooted in the new. This was made worse by the fact that most of the missionaries were not only ignorant of the Igbo people but also lacked adequate knowledge of the content of the christian message. For instance, one of the listeners in Achebe's This Fall Apart asked the missionary thus: If we leave our gods and follow your god, who will protect us from the anger of our neglected gods and ancestors? In response, the missionary nastily said angrily: Your gods are not alive and cannot do you any harm. They are pieces of wood and stone. The impatience and unwillingness of the white missionary to educate the traditional Igbo on WHO JESUS IS and WHAT HE CAN DO for them in relation to their gods marked the beginning of a false start in communicating the christian message to the Igbo. It was a brand of christianity, which did not affect all facets of Igbo life. It was that failure which gave rise to ambivalent christianity in Igboland whereby most Igbo christians resort to their local deities, ancestors, medicine men, divination, sacrifices and use of charms or amulets to seek for solution and protection in their crises moments. Nevertheless the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Christian message has continued to challenge Igbo man and his environment. It is important that we be reminded that the various ethnic groups in the world have their traditional religions as an answer to the reality of their existence. The Philistines, the Babylonians, the Greeks and the Romans, all indulged in idolatrous worship. The Arabs used to worship many spirits (Jinns). Stonehenge in southern England is a living evidence of Druidism, which was the heathen worship of the early inhabitants of the United Kingdom. Human sacrifice was a part of Druid worship and was only abolished in the Roman period, (Kato, 1985:33).

Whatever rationalization we may try to make, the worship of God in traditional Africa and the primitive nations of the world is idolatrous. Idolatry is worshipping God in pictures, and this was thought to be normal, not sin, since in their view, God is always represented in visual symbols, and so there must always be pictures, idols and statues in their shrines or places of worship. True worship must be spiritual, not material and idolatrous. Pictures designed to encapsulate divinity necessarily diminish God's honour, and transcendence and sovereignty. It is impossible to capture God's power and majesty in a Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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visual image and all attempts to do so deteriorate into magic, superstition and idolatry. Images in worship destroy the human spirits; distort God's spiritual identity and they promote the lie of idolatry. The depravity evident in African traditional religion is evident among all peoples of the earth (Psalm 14:2-3). Traditional Igbo ancestor turned away from 'Chukwu' and set up his gods, with Ala as the arch-divinity. The Igbo myth of origin as shown by Nri myth reveals how Nri sacrificed his first son and first daughter. We don't know why Nri could not be patient to be fed by 'Chukwu' as he fed his father Eri and his people. As with Adam the Igbo man's ancestry to search for answers (about his welfare) away from God broke the link between him and 'Chukwu.' It is important to observe that while pagan worship was a part of the religion of the peoples of the world, they could still change to other religions of their choice. Most Arabs accepted Islam and became Muslims. The British no longer claimed Druidism as their religion, but Christianity. It was the white missionaries who brought the church to Igbo land. Why should this not be the case in Igbo land? 5.1. RESTORING THE BROKEN-LINK The question that is being asked today is that of Igbo traditional religion in relation to Christianity. The Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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question has become more urgent today following the explosion of christianity in Africa where the population is more than 300 million people. The great Apostle Paul categorically points to the fact that the worship of the pagan gods is a distortion of God's revelation in nature (Rom. 1:18-23). In Acts 17:16-34 he told the people of Athens that the 'Unknown God' they worship is Jesus Christ. In the book of Hebrews 1:1, Paul disclosed that the God who spoke to our forefathers in various ways had now spoken in the last days by his son Jesus Christ. The incarnation has made all people savable. The Igbo people are lucky people. Our great grand ancestor 'Eri' in Nri myth knew God - "Chukwu". 'Chukwu' has offered the last and final revelation in Jesus Christ, and he is the only foundation for humanity, there is no other. (1 Corth 3: 11), and every veil which had hitherto covered people is destroyed and taken away by him for us to have freedom (2 Cor3:16-18). We are told in the book of Proverbs 16:25 that: There is a way that seems right to a man but in the end it leads to death. In acts 14:8-18 Paul made it clear to the people of Lystra that God had never left himself without a Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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witness and had also in time past let all nations go their own way and then wed them in the words of Samuel the prophet (1 Samuel 12:21) to turn from their useless idols that can do them neither good nor rescue them but to turn to the living God who made heaven, and earth and sea and everything in them. It is Jehovah who alone is both God and Saviour (Isaiah 43:11-13).

The Bible makes it abundantly clear that God himself does not give his glory to another or his praise to idols (Isaiah 42:8) Isaiah 42:17. And whenever people pour libation to other gods, Jehovah's anger is always provoked (Jeremiah 7:19-19). Thus in Exodus 20:3-5, God commanded: You shall have no other gods before me. You shall not make for yourself an idol in the form of anything in heaven, above or on the earth beneath or in the waters below. You shall not bow down to them or worship them --Nri thought he was right in his worship of the Earth goddess and his sacrifices. He saw the created beings as intermediaries. He became a captive of Satan and lost his freedom. In Igbo traditional religion, the concept of Deus Otiosus is explained by appeal to the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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lesser gods and the ancestors as intermediaries (middlemen). On this the Bible declared in John 14:6: Jesus answered I am the way, the truth and the life. No one comes to the father except through me. Similarly in reacting to the great tendency of elaborate sacrifices in Igbo traditional life, Christ offered himself as sacrifice once for all (Heb. 10:10, 14). Salvation is found only in Jesus (Acts 4:12, John 3:16). Jesus is the only foundation for humanity. The foundation laid by Igbo ancestry in their purest contact with 'Chukwu' has yielded fruit right from the time the first missionary set foot on Igbo soil. Christianity is not a white man's religion. It is the religion of those who have accepted faith in God through Jesus Christ. The Igbo christians have joined the list of noble African church leaders like Origen, Athanacius, Tertullian and Augustine. Recently Reverend Father Tansi is canonized as Saint in the Roman Catholic Church and again Cardinal Arinze is the first black to be elevated to the 4th powerful position in the Roman Catholic hierarchy and by this he can even become a Pope. Great developments can come to Igbo land and Nigeria, if we commit ourselves to Jesus Christ as Lord. Jesus Christ alone is the answer to Igbo spiritual and material needs. According to Acts 17:28, we hear: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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For in him we live and Move and have our being. In him alone we find satisfaction and meaning for our life in this world and hereafter. This kind of choice, faith commitment has tremendous developmental implication for us as a people and as a nation. No one can deny that looking upwards to Chukwu has been more beneficial than looking downwards to our ancestors. They were men who lived and died in their time. Where we are today has been the fruit of Christianity and western education. The 21st century challenges the Igbo to take a leap of faith and be properly restored in our relationship with God first entered into by Igbo earliest ancestor, A.O. Anya {2002) recently has rightly drawn attention to the demand of the 21st century marked by a transition from a resource-driven economy, society and culture to the new and emerging economy and culture which is knowledge-based, technology driven and responsive to environmental concerns. Igbo Christianity and spirituality must respond to this new demand. Because we must not allow our culture to retard our development as a people, we must let our culture be judged and transformed by the word of God as contained in the Bible. The Bible makes it clear that people perish for lack of knowledge (Hosea 4:6) this Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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we can avoid by engaging in aggressive education of ourselves and our people. Igbo religion can accelerate economic development of the Igbo nation, and the nation at large. This education can emphasize knowledge and character formation that comes through changing our general orientation in terms of values and attitudes, knowledge that would include acquiring skills and idea that can change the mind. You change man and his environment when you succeed in the mind. Ignorance is one of our destructive hindering forces in our society. With sound knowledge of God, man and society, we will appreciate the danger of superstition, idolatry, caste system and sacrifices to their idols and with good character formation whereby we imbibe christian values, we become major resource for economic and spiritual growth which will minimize corruption, improve human relations and increase our productive capacity for personal growth and social development. This religious demand of the 21st century demands risk, choice and commitment. Risk because once you put your hand on the plough there is no more looking backwards. Choice because it is a matter of life or death. Commitment because it involves vision and mission. The dominant Igbo religious and philosophical ideas require those three dimensions, which constitute Igbo man's identity, vision and mission rooted in our faith in Chukwu who not only creates but sustains and protects. Christianity and Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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education which act as source of empowerment will equip us with character and knowledge that- can transform us into agents of change in our time. 5.2. CONCLUSION We have argued that our Igbo religion and philosophy is embedded in our world view. We observed among other things that the Igbo had a clear concept of ‘Chukwu’ from the Igbo genesis but was distorted by idolatrous and polytheistic tendency thereby disrupting the original cordial relationship between the earliest Igbo ancestor and ‘Chukwu.’ We indicated that the Igbo cosmology is expressed in our respect for human life and dignity, respect for morality, our commitment to truth, our achievement orientation centred on hard work, courage and determination, our deep sense of republicanism with its democratic values which also not only recognizes the uniqueness of the individual but affirms the importance of Umunna/Ikwunne and insist on our faith in ‘Chukwu’ as the foundation of Igbo life and thought. We argued that these dominant religious and philosophical ideas constitute the key to Igbo selfunderstanding and identity as well as providing the Igbo their vision and mission in the world. We call for the restoration of the broken link started with the advent of Christianity into Igbo land and urge all Igbo Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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to be fully united with one another and be restored back to ‘Chukwu’ their creator through Jesus Christ the one and only Universal Intermediary of humanity which is vital for the full realization of our capacity which is our ‘Igboness’ in national development which the Igbo enemies would want to destroy for their own advantage. We observed that the religious and philosophical challenge of the 21st century portrays Christianity and education as the only viable option, which act as source of empowerment will equip the Igbo with character and knowledge, which can transform us into instruments of change in our time. NDI IGBO NDEWO Nu. We are not here to sing the praise of a people, but we see a people who have the capacity to change their world. Nke a Bụ Ụzọ Ndụ Na Eziokwu Igbo, Chukwu Gọzie Ụnụ Ọha na Eze mma nụ Igbo mma mma nụ Naijira mma mma nu Rev. Professor Emmanuel Nlenanya Ọnwụ Department of Religion Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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University of Nigeria Nsukka 4th November 2002

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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CASUALTIES DURING THE 1966 POGROM AND 1967 TO 1970 CIVIL WAR.* By OBU UDEOZO, UDEOZO, University University of Jos, Nigeria.

Mr. Brown Agbogu of ATMN Bukuru Morris Okam Nwibe Enweani Samuel Anudu Mr. C.C. Nwokoye of Akwa Mr. Nwari of Awka (All of these killed in Jos) Mr. Nweke Ufele Godwin Okeke of Nguru fame Clement Nwankwo of ACB Nguru Lawrence Okeke Eric Okonkwo of Gusau Iliemene Nweke Mene Louis Nwoyeocha Reuben Nwandu Oji Okoye Okwubunne Emmanuel L. Nkwocha Nwankwo Okika Lawrence Ifitezue

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Comment: According to Chinua Achebe, “Udeozo’s poetry comes to us hot from the foundry of his restless imagination. He is a natural poet ready to take on any subject that touches his people. We shall hear of him more and more in the years ahead.” Igbo is excerpted from Cyclone - an anthology of poems shortlisted for the 2005 Nigeria LNG literature prize.

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a grim chronicle from Enugwu— Enugwu—Agidi, a mere single town, out of the several hundreds of towns and cities in Igbo Land. Nwamadi Ifitezue Uyanwune Ifitezue Ernest Onyejeli Anthony Ofoedu Simon Onwuemene Bernard Okoye Nwune Benson Ogu Ogu Okeke Okwubunne Nweke Nwine Okonkwo Nwine (genealogy wiped) Mgbeke Nwine Kutanya Okoye Igwikolo Moses Okoye Nkili Nwafor Okongwu Nweke Ivenso Okoye Nmoh Okonkwo Ego Ementa llodigwe Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Okeke Odigili Ama Ofoedu Ivenso Okoye Enweana

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Okeke Ibeki Nwokike Ibeki Aghaegbune Okoye Akuakor Nwafor Anagor Oranu Okolobu Nwamadu Idegwu Hyacinth Ibeki Nweke Okonkwo Ego Nwanne Okoye Anagbogu Reginald Okeke Odii Nwaku Andrew Anikpe Okeke Arize Okoyenta Onuorah Joseph Ifitezue Felix Ifitezue Nwanebe Ifitezue Okoye Ifitezue Mgboye Ifitezue (nee Igboanugo) Nwokeke Kameme Mgbafor Enemmor Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Nwamgboye Nwolisekwe Mankwocha Nwokoye Okekenta Okoye Okafor Ndife Nwankwo Igboanusi Nwankwo Eligwo Okeke Okeke Anaduaka Nweke Chilete Okeke Akamala Christopher Okafor Chidebe Ogadi Afocha Nwankwo Adunma Eric Obunabo Chukwuma Okafor Akuafor Onyeibo Ani Modozie Agwuncha Nwokafor Nwanmadi Mgbajiaka Anene Uluekwu Nwanyaegbo Nwankwo Okafor Patego Tabansi Anaoji Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Mgbekeocha Ogadi Mgba Nwodu Anareñe Nwije Ilozor Mankwocha Udeozo* Peter Ilozor Mgbeke Okoye Eric Anenwe Nweke Nwego (and his wife) Anaso Igboanugo Ojukwu Añuta Thomas Anenye Anakpu Okonkwo Nwufo Mokwuo Nwaku Nwufo Patrick Nweke Cordelia Ilozor Israel Sunday Chinyelu Ejiofor Chinyelu Ilojianya Chinyelu Nwaomunu Chinyelu Mgbeke Chinyelu Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Josiah Nwandu My Paternal Grandmother died 8 October, 1968.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Sunday Josiah Nwandu Chukwuma Okonkwo Uchendu Mgbeke Uchendu lwuchukwu Okonkwo Nwandu Okonkwo Okafor Obuah (and his wife) Okoye Onwurah Okoloudo Nkeakwa Nwafor Ifenacho Okafor Ejinaka Nkwocha Nwokoye Nwokoye Nwaku Nkwocha Cecilia Nkwocha Nwokoye Nechi Nkwocha Nwokoye Mr. Iwotor of the Nigeria Rail Ways, Bauchi. Mr. Onyali of the General Hospital, Bauchi. Meniru Ikpeamana Amechi Okoye Peter Nwaneki Peter Nogeli Samuel Okoli Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Okafor Chilete Patrick Onuorah Onuorah Okeke Nwanma

Bernard Okeke Nwanma Christian Nwaneki Nweke Obiorah Nathaniel Nmoh Eduzor Nkwonta Abalaora Chieme Okoye Menu Nwobu Egwuekwe Christopher Egwuekwe Nwakuabia Obiorah Akueke Mbonu Mgboye Isidaenu Chieme Akunkwo Uchenu Okeke Nwezele Igboekwe Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Mgbeke Anaeme Okoye Nwanyaka Ekenma Dozie

Okafor Duaka Unoaku Morah Jeremiah Nwankwo Nwamgboye Egwuekwe Ekpe Nwaogalanya Caroline Ikeanyi Akuekwu Nwoyeocha Albert Igboanugo (and his wife) Okoye Mgbeke Nwoduijele Nwanisobi Nwambu Ogadi Nwude Nwokeke Paul Okafor Onuekwusi Enumele Nwanna Enemmor Okoye Enemmor Nmonwuba Okoye Enemmor Chigbata Okoye Enemmor Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Okoye Anawana Anyaora Uregwu Daniel Ayeke Okeke Ofiaeli Chinwude Okoye Ezeudu Simeon Ezete Anaesolu Ezete Jonathan Nwankwo Silvanus Okonkwo Joseph Omaefi George Okam Innocent Omaefi Nwafor Obike Ekemezie Enunwoke Innocent Okwubunne Mgboye Mpuatu Ojukwu Duaka Nwoye’gbune Okeke Mgbogafor Modozie Ebenezer Omaefi Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Okoye Nwanyakonwu Okeke Nwanyakonwu Tabugbo Duaka Chianumba Okeke Ibeki Obuorah Obed Oraegbune Nweke Nga Onwumelu Nnangwu Moses Okoye Nmoh Patrick Onyekwelu Solomon Okeke David Amanambu Chidume Okonkwo Ego Eric Obunabo Onuorah Okeke Egwuekwe Onuorah Amazigwom Enweani Nwankwo Udozo Nebeolisa Nwamadu Ojukwu Nweneteanya Chinwuba Okonkwo Igweonwu Benedict Ekesi Ogbonnia Richard Okonkwo Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Nwankwo Ifenacho Cecillia Ifenacho Ugoye Ifenacho Nwankwo Nwegbo Nwora Okafor Onwanuo Onwanuo Anyaegbune Anameze Felix Anameze Biamali Anameze Margaret Anameze Mankwocha Anameze (nee Nechi) Nduba Onwudi Nworamali Anagbo Okoye Anaefune Mankwo Anafune Okoye Ogalanya Ifeanyi Okolobu Benson Benson Akabueze (and his wife) Ifeanyi Akabueze Chidebe Okeke Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Nwamadu Anaduaka Okoye Nwogo Nwankwo Okafor Obodoaku Jonathan Aguolu Josiah Aguolu Emmanuel Okeke Anene Chedom Okoye Aguigwo Okoye Ibeilo Ibeilo Chukwura Okoye Emekwisie Ojukwu Ojukwu Mgbajiaka Umeadu Ilora Lewis Ekwealor Nwankwo Akunkwo Okonkwo Ilora Nwoye Nñuli Jonathan Duaka Hyacinth Mpuatu Nwanyaerie Chukwura Okonkwo Ekesi Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Nwonwu Ayaebu Nwilo Aguolu

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Okonkwo Nwanyako Nwanyako Ibegbune Emekwisie Mankwo Nnanyelu Nnanyelu Nwankwo Nmo Aghogbune (and his two wives) Okolo Duaka Victor Okoye Akuakor Mgboyeocha Okoye Akuakor Theophilus Okafor Nwafor Obike Nweke Chedom Okafor Obidike Nwankwo Onwuakpa Philip Ezendu Okonkwo Uregwu Okafor Nkilo Nkilo Nathaniel Uzoka Nwanaebene Obuogu Nwobu Igbo

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Nwokonkwo Nwadogbu Nwudu Nkilo John Aghuche Paul Okonkwo Nonyelu Agbonma Nweke Mkpaja Obed Agwuncha Okafor Augustine Nwandu Nwanjo Okeke Chinwoke Ibenegbu Chiedozie Egwuonwu Sunday Sunday Okonkwo Nkwo Anyaorah Sussana Anyaorah Obeleokoye Ekeokwu Nwankwo Ubosi Isaac Nwobu Ozo Nwobu Maneke Nwanna Okafor Duaka Ugonwa Nwokoye Chinweaku Akuekwu Nwokoye Chinweaku Nwunye Joel Udeze Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Adolphus Ndulue Anakwuba Okeke Ama Nwoye Okeke Okeke Ama

Mgbafor Udeji Nweke Nwanadile Michael Okafor Aru Alice Okafor Aru Igwevi Ogadi Nwanaigwe Okafor Okeke Onunkwo Uchendu Ovulunne Nwaku Anyaorah Alexander Ezue Amoge Ezue Ogechukwu Igweonwu Anyanechi Nwalado Jacob Nwabuji Mgbeke Mgbeke Nwabuji Anyankwo Nebechi Onuorah Obunwa Emerenti Obunwa Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Obiageli Onuorah (nee Obunwa) Tagbo Obunwa Ilonwa Onyeocha Nwoye Onyeocha Njideka Okeke Odogwu Anene Okonkwo Anawana Nwafor Okonkwo Anawana Jerome Okoye (Captain Lee)... The Late Children of Sampson C. Okoye of Etiti Village Enugwu— Enugwu—Agidi: Chika Okoye Ngozi Okoye Nkemdilim Okoye Josephine Okoye Nwakego Okoye Osita Okoye*

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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*First cousins of the poet who perished in the Biafran War. This list however, does not include children and adolescents, whose memories have curiously been swallowed by Time.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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- dead Igbos were dumped in decimals: left femurs, threethree-quarter trunks, cracked clavicles, crushed girdles, limping ears, yanked genitals, flying heads, heads, precursors of the Gideon Akaluka arrogant show unscratched cadavers putrid and wet mutilated bodies, babies, foetuses which fanatical axes split waves, upon waves, upon waves of dead Igbos saturated a season and Nigeria’s soil was drunk but these they labelled flies void census and statistics for their revenge is aflame...

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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their revenge is aflame and foists slavery upon us their revenge is aflame Ironsi, their revenge is aflame and fake lions flee your memorials in Abuja and Lagos but garnish the anniversary of Butchers with Harvard tinted grammar and champagne Igbos flee from your memorials across the land for their revenge is aflame...

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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every blade of grass fed the massacre every tributary fuelled the graveyard graveyard every face of earth pumped profits of Igbo blood every village boasted kilometres of martyrs every cycle of slaughter amplified their outrage we fell in swoops and squadrons in trucksful and trainloads an African Auschwitz; with London’s morals at 4 O’clock an African Gallipoli with Washington kissing Moscow in Kubla Khan; Yugoslavia, Egypt and the Gulf States “fanning the embers...” Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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- prognosis of the debacle in Hamman Gog.

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Igbos perished like locusts locusts some buried alive but at last Rome’s neck spread for Nero’s fanciful blade to roast. their swords, guns, pickaxes, and python clubs drank the blood of kings and merchandise but they are not appeased - their anger is aflame... aflame... so they chase us beyond the jugular profaning our Ikenga and Cross uprooting our teeth alive: pixilated, our nativity’s Ogbu Chi battles the pityriasis of hatred for their revenge is aflame...

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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they chase us into twilight with castration as their Coat of Arms our regression as Constitution subliminal slaughter punctuates our footsteps a dirge escorts our toil in every sphere and now that the first pilots are dishwashers across the globe and without one firm finger on their switch of milk and honey honey this bearded cruelty blossoms because they are not appeased... our oblivion is their goal their anger glows their anger grows their anger sharpens at sunrise Major General J. T. U. Aguiyi Ironsi their revenge is aflame.... aflame.... Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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- by Obu Udeozo.

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THE 2000 AHỊAJỌKỤ LECTURE IGBO ENWE EZE: THE IGBO HAVE NO KINGS PROFESSOR CYRIL AGODI ONWUMECHILI BY SIR FESTUS CHUKWUEMEKA EZE, NOVEMBER, 2000 Ndu isi ọchịchị e kenee mụ ụnụ Ndu Eze ekene nụ Ndu Nze na Ndu Ọzọ ekene nụ Ọha na Eze e kenee mụ ụnụ 1. INTRODUCTION The legacies of the various cultures in a country tend to remain ingrained as they are transmitted from generation to generation. In spite of this, colonial and subsequent governments have grafted uniform governmental structures on the different ethnic communities in Nigeria. That has helped to legitimize the recognition of Ndu Eze even while discussing Igbo Enwe Eze (The Igbo have no kings). In fact, the saying “Igbo Enwe Eze" is a reference to the characteristic traits of the Igbo. It should not be taken literally as a total denial that any king ever existed anywhere in the entire Igboland. There was at least one exception. The Nri people had pre-colonial kings. Nri is part of Northern Igbo, many of whom were believed to have immigrated from Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Benin or Igola, and kept their tradition of chiefs and kings. If this view is sustained, the very long eventful epic - Akụkọ Eze Dba na Iduu – some of my age mates or older learnt and recited as teenagers, may well have been the relics of their exodus or odyssey. Despite this, most Igbo communities had no kings. The pre-colonial traditional government of the Igbo without kings imbued in them the characteristic traits that prompt the saying that “Igbo Enwe Eze”. It appears that in recent times the phrase is sometimes used in circumstances that suggest unwholesome connotation. Perhaps this is because the traditional governments of certain other influential ethnic communities in Nigeria had kings. Let us not disparage this legally without due consideration.

Our purpose here is to examine the legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze in the light of our times before pronouncing it a good or bad heritage of the Igbo. To provide a contrast, we briefly outline the traditional governments of certain Nigerian communities with kings and summarize their legacies. We then take a deeper look at the traditional government of the Igbo without kings: its structures and conduct, its religious and cultural setting, and its response to the external threat of colonization before summarizing its major Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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legacies. The role of self-reliance in the fortunes of the Igbos is then examined because it appears to because it appears to be salient among specific local examples are given wherever possible. Finally, certain parallels are drawn between the legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze and scientific culture before reaching our conclusion.

2. SOME NIGERIAN TRADITIONAL GOVERNMENTS WITH KINGS

Hausa

The Hausas had kings who were regarded as sacred. A king owed his rulership to his aristocratic descent. Members of the royal family assisted them in the affairs of the government. They appointed district and village heads to administer parts of their kingdoms. Loyalty was a major factor in the promotion of their appointees. Stride and Ifeka (1971 P. 109) stated:

"One reflection of the cultural unity of the Hausa Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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peoples is the similarity of their systems of government. Early rulers were both political and religious heads of their people, their authority being enhanced by their sanctity, their key role in local religious ceremonies and their traditional descent from the founder of the state".

Benin

The Oba of Benin was a King very much revered by his people. But we learn from Elizabeth Isichei (1985 p. 91) that a certain class of chiefs from noble families known as the Uzama, represented the government of Benin before the foundation of the dynasty. Since the inception of the dynasty "successive Obas undermined their powers as time went on, and added the crown Prince, Edaiken, to their number." They eventually became of less political importance. “All free born Binis were theoretically the King's servants.”

The Oba appointed two classes of chiefs that formed the Council of State and advised the Oba. The palace chiefs undertook various duties in the court including Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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responsibility for the guilds. They remained intensely subordinate to the king. The other class comprised the town chiefs who had no palace duties. The only chief that had right to argue with or even censure the Oba in public was a town chief, the Iyasere. But when the Iyasere died "his jawbone was sent to the Oba to show that the jaw which had disputed with the Oba in life became the Oba's in death." (Isichei 1985). Thus, it was affirmed that, the Iyasere not excepted, every Bini was the subject of the Oba.

Yoruba

The Yorubas had powerful kings. They lived in palaces in splendid ceremonials among their many wives, slaves; palace eunuchs, court officials, drummers, and praise singers. They were regarded as sacred and were deeply revered by their subjects (Isichei 1985 p.70). The ancestors of the very powerful Obas were believed to be descendants of Oduduwa, the progenitor of all Yorubas, and indeed of all human kind according to popular Yoruba legends. Such mighty Obas had the right to wear beaded crowns as the symbol of their authority. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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A Yoruba king ruled with nobles. In all important matters, decisions rested in the hands of the king and a minority of nobles (Basil Davidson 1981 p. 123). This makes for quick decision and is supposed to foster unity. In this regard, Akinjogbin (1966 p. 451) opined "all these kingdoms believed in and practised the Ebi system of government. Under this system, a kingdom was regarded as a larger version of a family, and a country as a collection of kingdoms whose rulers look on one another as relations. Seniority was based on the believed ages of the various kingdoms."

But disagreeing to some extent, Basil Davidson (1981 p.123) states: "government by kings and nobles make it possible to unite the people of each main town firmly together, but difficult or impossible to unite the different towns. Each town's nobles tended to feel themselves in rivalry with those of neighboring towns, even though the ebi family system, as mentioned above, made all the towns part of the same big Yoruba family."

According to Davidson (1981 p.123), the Yoruba Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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system of government mixed up politics with religion. Governance rested not only on the political power of the rulers appointed from the leading ruling families but also on their religious power. To illustrate, I was once told that ancient Ile-Ife had 201 gods. The 201st of these gods was the Oni of Ife, the King of Ife himself. If this is true, it must not be regarded as extraordinary. All the kings worldwide reported as sacred or divine were believed to be gods by their subjects. Outside Nigeria, some still exist in modern times. Indeed, it was an act of moderation and humility if the people of ancient Ife ranked their King last among their gods.

The following quotation from Professor Bolagi Idowu (1962) evinces the great impact the above governance model can have on the life of the Yoruba:

"The real keynote of the life of the Yoruba is neither in their noble ancestry nor in the past deeds of their heroes. The keynote of their life is in their religion: In all things they are religious…As far as they are concerned, the full responsibility of all the affairs of life belongs to the deity; their own part in the matter is to do as they are ordered through the priests or Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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diviners whom they believe to be the interpreters of the will of the Deity..."

We may summarize the major attributes of traditional governments with kings as follows:

1. The king owes his enthronement to the accident of his birth in a royal family. 2. The king is regarded as a god by the citizens of his kingdom who are all his subjects. He is deeply revered by his subjects. 3. The king wields both political and religious power. 4. The king rules with an advisory council of state consisting of nobles who owe their positions to appointment by the king and/or to their ancestry. They remain loyal to the King in order to retain their positions.

3. IGBO TRADITIONAL GOVERNMENT WITHOUT KINGS Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Most Igbo governed themselves without giving power to chiefs or kings. They organized themselves into many independent village governments. Village councils and assemblies met periodically, and could also be summoned as the need arose to discuss and take decisions on both internal and external affairs of the village. The councils might be limited to certain age grades but the assemblies were for all and sundry. Every man could and did have his say on all matters under discussion. Nobody had any special privilege because of ancestry.

There are however some social structures in the communities. The entire community is divided into age grades. Each grade has its recognized rights, duties and responsibilities for the good of all. The age grade of elders includes those that hold the Ọfọ stick. Each holder of the Ọfọ stick is regarded as the titular “father” of an extended family group that originally descended from the same ancestor or what may be called lineage. His privilege ends with the right to keep and administer the Ọfọ stick as the need arises according to tradition. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The Igbo have title societies open to all free borns of the community. There are however certain qualifications. Depending on the community, these may include: age, virtuous life style, contributions to development of the community, dedication to truth, peace and service, prowess in some human affairs, and of course sufficient wealth to pay the cost of investiture of the title. The title holders carry respect, honour and prestige. They have recognized rights, duties and responsibilities. Among the Southeastern Igbo in the Cross River areas, there is also the Ekpe political association.

Certain traditional duties and functions are reserved for elders and/or title holders. These include: conducting funeral rites, marriage ceremonies, libations, kola nut ceremonies; communing with ancestors, etc. The traditional government also delegates certain powers to the age grade of elders and/or title holders as appropriate. In such matters they function like standing committees of the village assembly. These include: determination of general policies, guidance and decisions on traditional issues, handling of extremely abhorrent acts known as abominations such as iru ala (defiling the earth); Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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adjudication of cases involving traditional rights, sharing of inheritance, ownership of land and economic trees thereon, etc.; as well as settlement of difficult and prolonged disputes referred to them. Sometimes, if serious miscarriage of justice is feared their adjudication may be appealed to the village council. It is noted that title holders are also members of their appropriate age grades. But even within their age grades, they enjoy their respect, honour and prestige. In the above ways, the elders and title holders enjoyed greater participation in Igbo traditional government than others.

Igbo traditional government often consisted of two or more tiers. The lineages of all the people of a village are descendants of the same ancestor. There are ancestral ahiajoku and ndu ichie shrines, and a holder of the ancestral Ọfọ stick for the village. The village government comprises the first tier. Secondly, in most cases, the respective progenitors of a group of villages, in what we may call a town, are believed to be the descendants of a common ancestor, the founder of the town. The villages take their seniority from the seniority of their progenitors. There is an ahiajoku shrine and a holder of the Ọfọ stick for the town. In such a case there is a larger second tier of government, the town government, for the group of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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villages making up the town. There is a town council, a town assembly and all the structures described at the village level. The only difference is that villages send representatives to the town council except as may be otherwise stipulated. Quite often there is a third tier of government where the progenitors of a group of towns, in what may be called a clan, are believed to have a common ancestor. As in the second case above, there is a clan ahiajoku shrine, a holder of the Ọfọ stick for the clan, a clan council and a clan assembly. The towns elect representatives to the clan council. The seniority of the towns follows the believed seniority of their progenitors.

The kinship stories on the basis of which the larger group of villages or towns affiliates are often uncertain. They may appear purely legendary, lurid and tenuous. Sometimes, they appear like mere rationalizations of names and sayings. Because the events are supposed to have taken place at the inception of the communities in the great past, beyond the reach of living memory, they can hardly ever be verified. Nevertheless, they arouse strong emotions; they are passionately believed and their appeal is sufficiently strong to bind the affiliated communities together. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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We may illustrate such kinship legends with our case at lnyi clan. Inyi is a clan of nine towns, namely: Umuome, Enugu, Obule, Amankwọ, Agbariji, Arum, Ụmụagụ, Akwụ, and Nkwere. The founder of the clan was Inyi Omire and his wife Ukagbantu. There are detailed lurid stories of where Inyi came from, his childhood under foster parents, the fortune teller's prophecy that this brave child had a great future, the two abominations associated with him, his banishments, his means of survival and how he got his five sons.

Following the history of Inyi I was taught in primary my own research about 1940, my own research about 1950 and the account given by Dr. Agwuna (1981), the first five towns listed above descended directly from the five sons of Inyi in that order of seniority. Because the ahiajoku shrine of Inyi clan is Enugu, some put Enugu first and explain that Enugu lost his birth right to Umuome by insisting on choosing the bigger part of the chicken which is not the part for the eldest son. It was believed that Arum descended from the daughter of Agbariji, that Umuagu was picked in the bush where he was abandoned because of some abomination as was the practice then; and that both Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Akwu and Nkwere were the descendants of groups that escaped from communal upheavals at the neighbouring towns of Akwu Achi and Nkwere Ubaha respectively.

Indeed, some such kinship legends might have originated because the Igbo knew the benefits of and desired large territorial governments, or at least cherished acting together on matters of common interest of all the components. But being essentially pacifists and lacking large armies, they rejected empire building by conquest and looked for other bases for common action. Indeed, there were other bases for further extensions for common action beyond the kinship of the clan. There is the concept of iji ala (having common grounds). On this principle, clans that may not necessarily have common boundaries cooperated with each other as if they were in a loose confederation. Iji ala is the concept that associates various clans that have common mores, regarded as the laws of the land.

Even beyond the concept of iji ala, the Igbo had sometimes sought for wider bases for association. One such basis is the invocation of natural boundaries Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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from geographical features. Such groupings include: Ndu Ọhaozara (peoples of scrubland), Ndu ala ike (peoples of stony land), Igbo Ufesi Odo (Igbos around Odo River). "Furthermore, the incidence of trade both internal and long distance, brought various sections of Igbo into frequent contact. One significant source of intercourse was the practice of exogamy among the Igbo, that is, the practice whereby men took wives not from their own but from other villages. In this way there developed an interesting ramification of personal relationships over a considerable area” (Osae and Odunsi 1973 p. 98).

There should be no doubt that ultimately, all Igbo must have ancestral and sociological affinities. This is evidenced by their common language and the strong similarity of their mores. Sociological and anthropological researches have continued in their attempts to elucidate the origins and relationships of the various Igbo peoples. One of the most comprehensive attempts so far is the work of Oriji (1990). He has woven together the origins of practically all the Igbo groups.

"The early history of the Igbo people is yet to be Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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systematically reconstructed. Archeology will play an important part in such a reconstruction.” (Alagoa 1985 p. 401). Indeed, Archeology is already illuminating the history of the Igbo and elucidating its interpretation. Excavations discovered at Ugwuele, near Okigwe, the stone axe factory site dated about 500,000 years ago which was described as one of the largest in the world. Exquisite 9th century bronze and clay artifacts were discovered at Igboukwu (Shaw 1970). They were older, distinctive in quality, style and material from the better-known bronzes of Ife and Benin, and therefore could not be related to Benin and Ife. Doubtful attempts were made to relate them to very far places like India, North Africa, and Middle East. But later archeological finds in Igboland and the anthropological researches of Onwuejeogwu (1972) appear to have now changed the interpretation of the Igboukwu artifacts.

It is now thought that the political organization responsible for the bronzes was born at a place near Aguleri under a founder known as Eri. Some of his descendants spread north into Igala, and some moved south and established at Nri. Alagoa (1985) argues that they could have got some of their materials from trade at the Niger Delta. The interesting accounts of the influence of Nri people over a large area of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Igboland and their pacifism are relevant to our topic.

Onwuejeogwu (1972) described how the Nri People spread their religious and ritual power and authority over a large area of Igboland. The Nri were constant visitors to Inyi but they did not confer political, social ritual nor religious titles or authority to Inyi people as Onwuejeogwu (1972) suggested. They did not invest the Ọfọ stick nor the staff of office. They could remove abomination, but in Inyi, after the necessary propitiation this can be done by any man from any village outside those believed to have common mores (iji ala) with Inyi. However, Alozie and Uchendu (with fully tattooed faces signifying their title of ichi) regularly visited Inyi from Nri during the season of iru nkpu (which early Europeans called fattening). In addition to selling copper and bronze anklets (nja), and whistles, they tattooed a line of design (mbubu) from the neck, through the chest to the waist of rich and brave girls.

Meanwhile, we now turn to the influence or religion in Igbo traditional government and life. In the first place there is no equivalent of the king elsewhere who combined political and religious powers. "The village Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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society had its social norms and a strict sense of what was lawful and just. Its members allowed their daily lives to be governed and guided by such norms and concepts. Above all, the strong belief of the Igbos in the Supreme deity they called Chukwu gave remarkable religious colour to the life and work of every Igbo. All this helped to create effective government at the village or local level which adequately met the day to day needs of Igbo people" (Osae and Odunsi 1973 p.97). In addition to the Supreme deity, Chukwu Okuke (God the creator), the Igbos had some spiritual forces to whom they also prayed. In Inyi clan, for example, Aja ala (earth force) was influential. An elderly man had a shrine for Ndu ichie (Spirits of ancestors) and a shrine for ahiajoku (Yam force). An elderly woman had a shrine for Chukwu Okuke, who gives children to mothers. The intercession with the minor spirits and forces is like Christians praying to angels and saints but there is no doubt in either belief system that these are inferior to the supreme deity. When a woman died, her father's relations who came to bury or permit her burial destroyed her Chukwu Okuke shrine after receiving the traditionally-codified accompaniments. When a man died, his male children maintained his shrines. As his descendants increased, they strove to maintain the shrines of their ancestor. Ultimately, the shrines of a lineage progenitor were maintained by the whole lineage. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The remarkable influence of Igbo oracles that spread widely far beyond Igboland has attracted the interest of historians from the early ones like G. Jones (1939) to the later ones like Alagoa (1985). Oracles provided avenues for appealing cases to a god. After offering sacrifice at the shrine, the judgment of the god was pronounced by the priest who was the god's mouthpiece. The oracles could also bestow the blessing of fertility to a childless woman. The oracle could kill those disobeying its verdict and disputants who invoked it falsely. For fear of the latter, most litigants told the truth.

The nationally famous oracles of Igboland widely believed to give impartial verdicts were: the Ibini Ukpabi of Arọchukwu, the Igwe-ka-Ala of Umunneọha, the Agbara of Awka, the Amaduọha of Ọzụzụ, the Ojukwu of Diobu, and the Onojo Oboni of Ogurugu. The influence of Ibini Ukpabi covered most of the Igbo hinterland and stretched through the Cross River and the Niger Delta and beyond to Urhobo, Idah and Idoma. The influence of Onojo Oboni covered Igala outside Igboland and their royal house at ldah consulted this oracle. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The influence of an oracle was spread by its agents who traveled widely. This factor made Ibini Ukpabi pre-eminent. The Arọ who acted as its agents maintained thriving trade activities and organized settlements at all important centres in Igboland, the Niger Delta and the Cross River areas, especially along the main trade routes. There was a kind of symbiotic arrangement between them and the oracle operators. They were respected and no one dared harm them for fear of the oracle. This enabled them to procure and channel slaves and their merchandise to the Delta markets without impediment. In the name of lbini Ukpabi tracking down wrong doers, they used mercenaries from Abam, Edda, Ọhaọfịa and Abrịba to ravage communities as in the case of Ogeni at Enugu Inyi, looting properties and capturing people to sell as slaves. The Ogeni community was surrounded and completely wiped out. They also used mercenaries against their trade rivals.

Although the Arọ had the religious power of lbini Ukpabi and the military might of the mercenaries available to them, they never attempted to build an empire by force. This again points to the pacifistic Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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nature of the Igbo. Nevertheless, the British then in the Niger Delta feared the dominating influence of the Arọ and believed that an Arọ empire virtually existed. This was regarded as a threat to the British empirebuilding strategy. As a result, a punitive British expedition arrived at Arọchukwu on 24 December 1901, destroyed the shrine of lbini Ukpabi and hanged some Arọ chiefs in 1902 (Crowder 1968 p.129).

4. CONFLICTS OF COLONIAL AND TRADITIONAL GOVERNMENTS

Historians have often drawn attention to the military weakness of segmentary governments like those of the Igbo. On the other hand, large kingdoms can raise strong armies. Possibly, the realization of their military limitations contributed to the pacifist tendencies of the Igbo to which attention has already been drawn. In the light of this, it is relevant to briefly outline the conflicts between colonial and traditional governments in the period of the establishment of colonial rule.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The British began the establishment of their rule over Nigeria by negotiating, persuading and signing treaties of protection with the big kings and chiefs holding sway over large areas and peoples. They believed that the protectorates treaties transferred the sovereignty of the areas to them, even if the people were not consulted by their traditional rulers. Later: they preferred the swifter method of military conquest taking advantage of their superior weapons and technology. In southern Nigeria, the British swiftly imposed their rule by overthrowing King Jaja of Opobo in 1887, and easily conquering Ijebu in 1892, Nana of Itsekiri in 1894, Benin and Ilorin in 1897. The events were similar in Northern Nigeria. Sir Frederick Lugard easily captured Bida and Kontagora in 1901, Bauchi in 1902, Kano and Sokoto in 1903. In Eastern Nigeria there was no single state or power whose defeat would put the whole region or any large part of it into British hands. Although Arọchukwu was captured in 1901-02, it was not until about 1920, after 20 years, that the whole of Igboland was subdued in a series of small military expeditions (Afigbo 1984).

Michael Crowder (1971) edited a book on the West African resistance to the establishment of European colonial rule. The following is cited from page 15 of his overview: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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"The nine case studies in this volume are concerned with the confrontation of African and European armies, and as such do not cover the resistance of the segmentary societies or peoples divided into numerous petty chiefdoms which had no coordinated military organization beyond the level of the village. Nevertheless, such societies in particular the Benue peoples of the Benue valley in Nigeria and the peoples of Southern Ivory Coast - provided some of the stiffest resistance the colonial forces of occupation experienced. Since each village offered its resistance, there was no identifiable army to defeat among the Igbo as there was, say, among the Tukulor, the Emirates of Nigeria or Samori's Mandingo empire. Each village or federation of hamlets had its own war leader. These societies conducted what was in effect guerilla warfare against the invading armies, quite the best tactic that could have been adopted in the circumstances. Unfortunately no detailed study has yet been made of the military resistance offered by these societies to colonial occupation."

In view of his last sentence we briefly outline the encounter between the British and Inyi community. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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After taking the neighbouring clan of Ufuma, the British delayed attacking Inyi probably because an article in the National Geographic in about 1908 cautioned special preparations before attacking the warlike peoples of "Inyis and Ishielus". On the other hand Inyi people were planning to attack and loot the British and sent reconnaissance groups to study their outlines.

Eventually, benefiting from the information of their spies, the British attacked at noon on Nkwo Abia day when the Ọzọ title investiture ceremony of Alfred Obika was at its peak, merry makers crowded the market and the Inyi clan was engrossed in festivities. Their firing from afar from the direction of Amankwo Inyi tore down twigs and branches of trees in the market They exploited the resulting pandemonium. With some research this event can be accurately timed because Nkwo Abia is always on the Nkwo day nearest to the 24th day of the third lunar month after the Aja Ala lnyi festival which takes place on the first full moon in October of each year.

The British attack swept through Inyi against unplanned and ill-equipped resistance. Maduekesi Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ekwele, the third member of his family to become the leader of Inyi in succession, came out of his shelter in the double-face cave at Awla to surrender to the British with a cow, although his son was killed in the battle. The British settled on the outskirts of Amankwo and ordered the surrender of guns. All attempts to remove them by juju power and guerilla tactics failed. There was a second invasion and burning of houses associated with a certain McGregor. The exact cause of the second invasion was not clear from investigation but it was probably a reprisal for the continued harassment of the British.

Later, the British asked Maduekesi to nominate one of his sons to replace him as Inyi leader. Maduekesi suggested Ọhaka to the council but had to present his other son Ezechukwu, preferred by the clan council. Ezechukwu was made the first Warrant Chief of Inyi. The leaders of the British were identified as a certain Ọgba aji aka (one with hairy arms) and a ruthless Major. In the 1950s, I read a book, Juju and Justice in Nigeria, by Frank Hives. He recorded that the natives called him Agbajaka because of his hairy arms. I therefore believe that Frank Hives was the man Inyi people called Ọgba aji aka.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The above has outlined the military resistance related to the establishment of colonial rule. The introduction of taxation engendered another series of widespread insurrections. Indeed, the British approach to taxation was indicative of double standards. One of the causes of the unrest that led to King John granting the Magna Carta to the British people on 12 June 1215 was taxation. The British are proud of that event and also cherish that John Hampden resisted the tax imposed by King Charles I because neither the people directly nor their representatives were consulted to discuss and approve the taxation. In spite of these 'precedents', the British imposed taxation on Nigerian communities without the necessary consultation.

There were numerous riots in Nigeria, indeed all over West Africa against the introduction of taxation by European colonial rulers (Afigbo 1984 and Crowder 1968). After rationalizing why West Africans reacted so strongly against taxation, Afigbo (1984 p.480) recorded:

"The last and most famous riot against such imposition (of taxation) was the women's (Aba) riot of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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1929-30 in Eastern Nigeria during which the women, among other things, asked the British to leave the country so that the people would run their own affair as they had done in the days of yore"

The introduction of taxation in Inyi clan has an interesting story. According to Inyi oral historians, the British gave the directive in about 1928 that all male adults be registered for the purpose of utu ala (contribution for the land). Arising from a serious misinterpretation of English into Igbo, it was believed that according to tradition the British would offer oji ala (land rent normally paid for using another person's land) to be shared by those being registered. Adolescent males reaching the age of puberty were enthusiastically registered.

When it transpired that the people were to make the contributions, there was a commotion. A delegation was sent formally requesting the British to pay land rent for occupying the people's land. When that failed and the tax had to be paid, the reverse argument was made that the age of puberty was no indication that the young male had an independent livelihood. My investigations in the 1950s through oral history could Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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not establish how the misunderstanding of the age of liability was resolved, but the taxes were eventually paid under duress.

5. THE LEGACIES OF IGBO ENWE EZE

From the above review we note the major legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze as follows:

In general the Igbo have no kings. They respect age but respect is not servility. Leadership comes from elders and great achievers but parentage does not grant privilege to any person. The strong belief of the Igbo in Chukwu Okuke (the Supreme deity) gave remarkable religious colour to their life and work. Their daily lives are guided and governed by special norms and strict sense of what is lawful and just (Osae and Odunsi 1973 p. 917). Igbo traditional government was participatory and extremely democratic. Every grown up male could have and indeed had his say at the assemblies discussing the taking decisions on matters of interest to the village or group of villages. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Igbo traditional government could not raise large armies because of its segmentary structure. On account of that the Igbo developed pacifist tendencies. In place of empire building through military might, they sought other subtle ways of promoting affiliations and common action by larger groups of communities and peoples. Being egalitarian, every Igbo man considers himself as good as everyone else. Their traditional cultural competitions graduate into competitions in life-long activities between individuals as well as between villages (Webster and Boahen 1992 p: 98-99). Promotion is by achievement and service to the community. Davidson (1981) opines that "village governments of this type were very much in line with the democratic habits of the modern world;" and the people accustomed to these conditions are "people with a great deal of individual self confidence: they tend to be enterprising, always ready to deal with new problems, easily adaptable to new conditions." Indeed, Davidson (1981 p.113) posed the very fundamental question at the core of our topic.

"Does it mean that peoples without chiefs or kings were less successful than the peoples who formed Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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themselves into states with central government?"

He answered emphatically as follows:

"Far from it. Some of these people without kings were to be among the most go-ahead of all the peoples of West Africa: very active in trade, very skillful in politics, very shrewd in dealing with their neighbours. Prominent among them were the Igbo who have lived since times beyond the reach of history, in the fertile land to the east of the lower part of the Niger. Most Igbo have governed themselves without giving power to chiefs."

6. LEGACY OF SELF-RELIANCE

Perhaps we should say more about self-reliance, which is strongly influenced by the legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze. It is clear from our review that the Igbo were among the last Nigerians to come under British colonial administration. Very soon there was no Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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disguising their appetite for the trappings of Western civilization. Indeed, there was a local song glamourizing Western civilization. Their competitive spirit emerged in education as the vehicle for the acquisition of the good things of Western civilization.

Within 10 to 15 years of the last Igbo village being subjugated by the British, some Igbo were already working and settling in various parts of Nigeria. The Igbo took their destiny in their own hands. All over Nigeria, they were very active in the public and private sectors mainly as clerks, teachers, members of the security forces, artisans, petty traders and domestic servants to foreigners. Even without their kindred in high positions to act as godfathers, they began to improve their positions by dint of hard work. But their rapid progress did not go unnoticed. Indeed, it later contributed to ethnic rivalry in Nigeria.

The Igbo in the cities organized their traditional assemblies of people from the same village, town or clan, and often one person belonged to the movements at these levels. The assemblies at home and "abroad" (away from the clan) rendered mutual help to their members, promoted development in Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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their clans of origin and often awarded scholarships to their sons and daughters. The various clan assemblies in a city federated to become an Igbo city union especially in cities outside Igboland. Some of the unions built Igbo schools in the cities of their abode such as in Kano: As time went on, individuals and assemblies mustered enough resources to build private schools in Igboland but the demand for education still appeared insatiable. In 1943 the Igbo State Union, a federation of the Igbo city unions, was created and its first assembly met at Aba. It had an anthem and an ambitious programme including the building of five secondary schools.

However, this was not unique. The lbibio National Union was already in existence. Some other ethnic groups with segmentary traditional governments like the Urhobo and the Tiv also experimented with national unions (Webster 1984 p.573). In 1948 the Yoruba joined the others with the formation of Egbe Omo Oduduwa. With limited success (Webster 1984), this was followed by the Egbe Omo Olofin.

The regionalization of Nigeria introduced by the MacPherson Constitution in 1951 acerbated the ethnic Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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rivalries and bitter disunity in the nationalist movements in Nigeria. The regional governments provided focus for the major ethnic groups. The Eastern region controlled by the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) was dominated by the Igbo; the Western region controlled by the Action Group (AG) was dominated by the Yoruba; and the Northern region controlled by the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) was dominated by the Hausa and Fulani.

As full political independence and withdrawal of the British was becoming imminent, fears of domination of one ethnic group by the other began to loom. The Northern region had suspicion and deep fear of domination by the more educationally and economically advanced South. The Southern regions talked of the threats of the Fulani either to continue their interrupted march to dip the Quoran in the sea or to withdraw from the Nigerian Federation (Aluko 1984 p. 639). The Yoruba were becoming uneasy about the fast rise of the Igbo into prominence. Indeed, there were the allegations of threatened Igbo domination of the Yoruba (Coleman 1958 p.312; and Enahoro 1965 p.98). P.28

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In the circumstance, when the British virtually offered self-government to the people of Nigeria "on a platter of gold", the Nort1len region refused to accept self government until they declared their readiness for it. The attempt by the Action Group to force the pace of self government against their wish precipitated the Kano riots of May 1953 in which at least 36 persons were killed and 240 were wounded (Aluko 1984 p.640). The Northern region seriously considered secession from the Nigerian federation. True to their legacy, the Igbo embraced the slogan of "One Nation, One Country, One destiny" and worked very hard to keep the Nigerian federation together. The NCNC wanted the Northern region "to be given time to decide on the date for independence and were anxious that no step should be taken on the issue which might push them towards secession" (Aluko 1984 p.641).

We may continue this sketch because it provides the background to an event that fully tested the selfreliance of the Igbo. In 1957 the Northern region declared its readiness to accept full internal self government by 1959 and Nigeria became an independent country under the British Commonwealth on 1st October, 1960. Ominously, this provided potent weapons to the defeated distrust Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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among the regions and ethnic groups. The spiral of events that inexorably changed the course of Nigerian history from democracy to cycles of military rule began with a split among the leaders of the Action Group in the Western region.

The split led to the breakdown of law and order in the Western region. The Federal Government intervened with the appointment of a sole administrator for the region. The use of soldiers to control the ugly events in the Western Region introduced them into Nigerian politics. A military coup occurred in 1966, ostensibly to engender a Nigerian federation more peaceful than the one ruled by the politicians. Ironically, the effect was exactly the opposite.

Before the military rulers fully settled down, unprecedented riots occurred all over the Northern Region and parts of Western Region. Northern Nigerians wantonly massacred thousands of men, women and children of Eastern Nigeria origin in all walks of life and asked them to go home. In its wake, the second military coup occurred and eventually the civil war of 1967-1970 followed, as the Eastern Region declared secession as the State of Biafra. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The Biafran war tested the self-reliance of Eastern Nigerians, especially the Igbo, to its limit. The small Biafra was totally and effectively blockaded. Britain comprehensively armed Nigeria with modern and heavy weapons of attack by land, sea, and air. Initially, armed with machetes, and small fire arms, the hopelessly outnumbered and ill-equipped Biafrans faced the awesome armaments of Nigeria with great courage and determination. Then Biafran scientists and engineers began to fabricate grenades, mines, bombs, mortars, rockets, pontoons, plated vehicles etc. The contributions of these scientists and engineers were severely limited by lack of materials, tools and workshops but they greatly boosted morale.

Perhaps the most difficult problem was hunger. There was campaign for growing food crops everywhere in whatever land was left in Biafra that was being squeezed almost to a point as Nigerian forces advanced. People were urged to eat wild vegetation pronounced safe by scientists. Despite that and massive relief by the international charitable organizations, Kwashiokor was widespread and many people died of starvation. These was exploited by the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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powerful Biafran propaganda.

The Research and Production (RAP) wing of the defense effort built mini-refineries which together with the widespread home-made boiler refineries kept the vehicles going on Biafran roads. The RAP units manufactured salt, soap, soft arid hot drinks, perfumes and so on. Telex links with the outside world and Radio Biafra station, which were constantly re-located, were effectively maintained throughout the war. Thus the self-reliant efforts of Biafrans kept them going for about 30 months of the war against fearful odds. The BBC (1995) Time Watch television and video documentary titled, "Biafra Fighting a war without guns” shows only a glimpse of the heroic Biafran epic. The self-reliant efforts of village assemblies, their improvement and development unions that quickly projected the Igbo into the front line of Nigerian affairs, saw them through the dreadful civil war and the reconstruction thereafter, have continued ever since. As the improvement and development of rural communities progressed, these village development unions mustered greater resources for bigger projects like the establishment of secondary schools that was earlier tackled by the entire Igbo State Union. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Again, I illustrate with examples nearer home. We spearheaded the founding of Inyi Welfare Association (IWA) in 1952 and Enugu Community Union (ECU) in 1968. These development unions have been responsible for expanding the main market and building market stalls, road improvement, building a post office and a town hall, facilitating village health clinic, promoting pottery industry, giving scholarship, establishing a secondary school and so on. These were projects selected by the town and the clan, as the case may be, as most important to them at the time. The projects were achieved through the self-reliant contributions of the communities. Most other development projects after these have been sponsored by the Government.

Federal government policy has articulated the need to develop rural communities at the grassroots level. So far, this has been pursued through the enhanced funding of local governments. Unfortunately, there has been little evidence of its impact at the village level. It should be possible to link the efforts of these development unions with the local governments through some cost-sharing arrangement for mutually Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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approved projects. Hopefully, this may also promote greater accountability.

7. SCIENTIFIC CULTURE AND IGBO ENWE EZE

We find some parallels between scientific culture and the legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze. Scientific culture recognizes no kings and chiefs with divine knowledge. The tests of demonstrability and conformability are applied to the views of all scientists. The ancestry, country of origin and position in society do not confer any privilege on the discoveries and views of a scientist. The long-standing researchers and great achievers in a field of science may be respected and may be invited to write or review progress in the field but there is no servility to their views. Thus like the Igbos, science has no kings.

Scientific culture does not recognize any priest who speaks as the mouthpiece of nature. Views of the established religions and their interests are not allowed to influence the course of scientific enquiry. The celebrated case in history is the discovery by Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Copernicus in the 16th century that the Earth revolves round the Sun. The Church was greatly displeased and vehemently opposed it. It would have been a monumental set back if the discovery had been hidden or abandoned in deference to the Church.

Science thrives through open discussion in seminars, symposia and assemblies. Everyone has a right to attend and to speak at the scientific assemblies. Treaties on the freedom of movement of scientists are sought to ensure that the host country admits participants from all countries including those currently in conflict with the host. Life in Igbo traditional government, kinship among scientific disciplines is invoked to widen the fields covered and to enrich the intellectual and data resources available to the scientific associations and their assemblies. The scientific associations are also structured like the Igbo development unions. They federate from town to national and then to continental and world scientific unions. Scientific culture encourages competition in scientific investigation. It honours hard work and excellence. Like in Igbo legacy, promotion is by achievement and service to the scientific and the general community. Indeed, a systematic procedure is in place for assessing the achievements of those to be elected for awards of fellowships and prizes. Scientific Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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inquiry develops self-confidence in its practitioners. Scientists are always ready to deal with new problems and to seek their solution. They have the propensity to question conventional wisdom and are easily adaptable to new situations in accordance with the latest discoveries. These are very much akin to Davison's (1981) conclusions on the legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze. 8. CONCLUSION We have reviewed the traditional governments of the Igbo without kings. We have briefly outlined the contrasting traditional governments of certain communities in Nigeria with kings. Attention has been drawn to the major legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze, and their endorsements by historians. Certain relevant experiences of the Igbo have been discussed in the light of the legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze. At appropriate junctures, specific local events have been used as illustrations to provide the flesh of reality to the bones of the generalizations of history. The legacies of Igbo Enwe Eze are found to accord with modem trends and scientific culture. Our conclusion is that the implications of Igbo Enwe Eze are democratic. self-reliant, scientific, modern and in tune with the best traditions of human kind. Indeed, in modern times, nations that have kings have Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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been divesting them of political and religious powers that used to be their royal prerogatives Ọha na eze Let us proclaim Igbo enwe eze Let us say it loudly Let us say it proudly E Kenee mu unu

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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CATHARSIS: for IGBOS. By OBU UDEOZO, UDEOZO, University of

Comment: According to Chinua Achebe, “Udeozo’s poetry comes to us hot from the foundry of his restless imagination. He is a natural poet ready to take on any subject that touches his people. We shall hear of him more and more in the years ahead.” Igbo is excerpted from Cyclone - an anthology of poems shortlisted for the 2005 Nigeria LNG literature prize.

Isaac’s obedience to the hot sword must awake into freedom across our nation we are flowing tongue tonguengue-tied into sunset... after our submission to automatic slaughter, after Ironsi, Onwuatuegwu, Kalu Ezera, Nzeogwu, Christopher Okigbo... after decades of Igbo massacre their anger glows their anger grows their anger sharpens at sunrise their revenge is aflame ....

STOP!!! Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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“For three sins of Edom, even for four, I will not turn back my wrath. Because he pursued his brother with a sword, stifling all compassion, because his anger raged continually and his fury flamed unchecked ...” ...” - says Jehovah, the LORD of Israel. Igbo blood and bones saturate the landscape, Igbo slaughter decorate their anger but GOD has halted Abraham’s hot sword over Isaac... We must now wear electronic shields and hibernate our patriotism in the antianti-ballistic silos of Nevada “Do not go gentle into that good night... Rage, rage against the dying of the light.” We have scaled Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the fence of slavery; how many holocausts must Jews digest before Zion is licensed to exist? How many Golan Heights must we surrender surrender to download a glass of water without singing swords at our throats? For centuries atrocities kissed Israel; yet over a single somersault Igbos are out wailing labour wards the blood of bulls and stainless sheep capsized the ancient tabernacle before our salvation with Christ after Ironsi and our kilometres of martyrs against the logic of eternal sacrifice oxygen is our birthright. ignore the fallacy of holocaust fatigue Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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after Ironsi, Onwuatuegwu, Nzeogwu, Christopher Okigbo... Gabriel Okoh, Theophilus C. Okeke, Daniel Nwaefulu, Rowland Nwangene, James Osineme, J. Nwachukwu of St. Andrews Primary School, Chukwu of St. Joseph’s Primary School, S. I. Ikenwe, Richard Onyemah, M. C. Ogalue, William Nwabueze, J. Nwokolo, Jonathan Chukwueke, Okoye Ibekwe, Ibekwe, Matthew Amakuru, James Obinna, ‘Mallam’ ‘Mallam’ Isaac of NEPA fame et al. All are the casualties of 1966 pogrom in Vom environs alone in Plateau State, Nigeria.*

*in the fragile Diary of one witness, Nweke Udeozo the Poet’s Dad.

Irrigation is the debt which memory owes her martyrs. After decades of Igbo massacre Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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after the 1945 Jos slaughter, the 1953 crisis in Kano, after oceansful of the 1966 pogrom; the abyss sang of stomachsful of Igbo blood and bones in the civil war; after the Maitasine firestorms in Kano and their domino cousins in Maiduguri, Jimeta Yola, and Gombe; after drinking the foaming blood of Igbo kings and merchandise in Kaduna and Kafanchan in 1987; Bauchi, Katsina and Kano plugged into their circus of automatic slaughter - whose paradise was the Gideon Akaluka’s spiked and bleeding head as an anthem of hatred…. “Phlebas the Phoenician, a fortnight dead, Forgot the cry of gulls, and the deep sea swell... A current under sea Picked his bones in whispers. As he rose and fell... fell... Gentile or Jew... Consider Phlebas, who was once handsome and tall as you.” Beyond Gandhi, Mandela or Isaac; Ebune abia: our sacrificial ram, has slaked the appetite of rational altars.... Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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And the canonical Joe Igbokwe said: “We have accepted for 55 years, the senseless killing of Igbo from 1945 to year 2000. now we will fight back.” STOP!!!

“For three sins of Edom, even for four, I will not turn back my wrath. Because he pursued his brother with a sword, stifling all compassion, because because his anger raged continually and his fury flamed unchecked....” - says the Almighty GOD of all Creation.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Their masterpieces are floods of our blood and bones but GOD has halted Abraham’s hot sword over Isaac... - inhale bulletproofs for your peace. peace. Germany awoke from two sunsets into the blood tonic of Europe Japan digested Hiroshima’s furnace and the insanity of Nagasaki; yet her mother tongue garnishes the catechism of world trade; as the Vatican of velvet cars and silent husbands of the earth. earth. To attain your Creator’s mandate in your lives, must you prostrate for oxygen in Kontagora? When fear is the emperor how will the tortoise Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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navigate into his chamber’s serenity?

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Igbos reject Amen to madness, do not flow tonguetongue-tied into sunset to appease appease the Managing Director’s senseless fury. Shall we surrender our chickens to cool the fox’s dissonant screams? Say NO to professional mutilators who brag of monopoly to slaughter lobotomise marginalisation from your idioms; listen to your prophets when did you inherit obeisance? You who shattered slavery’s neutron bomb with your Walking In The Water Revolt* and tutored democracy to Greece, when has subservience become your ice cream? do not submit your manifesto to the aluminium fingers of testicle crushers. Say NO Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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to professional mutilators who brag of monopoly to slaughter....

*Chinua Achebe disclosed in his 1999 Odenigbo lecture that several Igbo captives jumped into the ocean on disembarking in America in order to register their soul’s soul’s rejection of slavery.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the peace of warriors is forever earned, and Gandhi’s eye for eye is anarchy’s honey; but do Igbos owe blindness a gold medal in their monopoly of slaughter? Without Moshe Dayan, Golda Meir, Ben Gurion without the infatuation infatuation of bombs, the hymns of jet fighters, without the Yom Kippur, the 66-day war miracle; without the Heavenly Father’s Mighty and outstretched Arm; peace would never have perched on Israeli soil! So Igbos, drop your crutches and walk!

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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o bu ta ka anyi fubalu buffalo na uta? retrieve your manhood from the compassion of razor blades. reinforce the Centre Court and quench hostility’s backhand with genius and fire. Udeozo Ekwughe my messianic grandfather snapped rascality’s spine in the pavilion of inin-laws; laws; our peace must wear bulletproofs...

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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we have saturated senseless slaughter’s appetite with our blood and bones with Major General J. T. U. Aguiyi Ironsi and our kilometres of martyrs whose uncertificated massacre lubricated the vengeance of madness madness our loyalty to blind hatred must be divorced from the guillotine. We must patent the orangutang’s silver circuit to his sanctuary since freshest psychotherapy’s Hail Mary Play outlaws Jean Charcourt, Sigmund Freud, Carl Jung, Alfred Adler, B. F. Skinner; with their kpakpankolo Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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of prognosis and retroretro-rocket dollars... Psychotherapy’s eureka is now a sweet epiphany: “Don’t Tear Paper” which is a marvellous window to legitimate cure! against oblivion’s deadline Igbos need the primal shriek and Gurdgieff’s Gurdgieff’s warheads against suicidal sleep... “Who despises the day of small things? Men will rejoice when they see the plumb line in the hand of Zerubbabel.” - says the LORD. reinforce the epicentre of your priests with prayers choreograph the chaos at the NorthNorth-Western sector of Nero’s kingdom into tingling Tequila Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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harvest the rainbow of your offspring: the Eastern Mandate Union, Arthur Nwankwo, Edward Oparaoji, the Oha na Eze Congress, Izu Umunna, Emeka Obasi’s Hallmark, Hallmark, and the GodGod-sent Ralph Uwazurike’s Uwazurike’s Biafra option; and prognosticate the aroma of America’s firm flag on Mars! titrate the swansong across your compass into the amnesia of Joe Louis’ bombs; that is the magic consensus of ants against a limping lunch; and the antibiotics over the tyranny of the fish hook. with a ruffian’s scream at Christ the blind beggar received his miracle healing Igbos I love you beyond the gold of words… we want to be healed... Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Igbos of Nigeria, and your bifurcations across the globe: whose profits flower flower in the armpits of rocks and canopies in village ponds; believe me incandescent seeds of the Most High GOD Abraham’s hot sword over obedient Isaac has been lifted over your face; receive your miracles bewildered dwellers in the land of the rising sun. sun. receive your salvation for the bridegroom’s awaited feast: your compassionate LORD has now heard Ephraim’s wailing forsake your foreign gods of mind shattering material quests; and intoxication with titles and chieftaincies as the freshest apostles of feudalism’s sugar; prune your passion Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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to swallow the earth, and gun salutes to robbery across the land; plant your dreams into righteousness by reversing to your kolanut and the Cross; which is the cryptic power of St. Paul’s fiesta beyond the prison gates. the grasscutter’s invisible scents laser guides him to laughter beyond the wolf’s claws. for our Saviour said: “I was found by those who did not seek me; I revealed myself to those who did not ask for me.” And wondered why the hypocrites who dissect dissect the psychology of the stars cannot diagnose the eloquent signals of the present hour... Incomprehensible peace Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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shall enkindle you even in dungeons when you flow in the footsteps of Christ: this is the hotline from Micah; after the Passover at Zion. Zion. Amen. - by Obu Udeozo.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The 1995 Ahiajoku Lecture

EZI NA ULO: THE EXTENDED FAMILY IN IGBO CIVILIZATION BY VICTOR CHIKEZIE UCHENDU University of Calabar Ochi agha Imo State Ndi isi ala Oha n'eze Ekele na udo diri unu: Igbo bu Igbo; Igbo buru miri ga ogu kpo ya ijiriji; Kele nu: Igbo na aru ji, aru ede: Kele nu. Igbo n'azu ahia eke ukwu, azu eke nta: Kele nu: Igbo n'azu ahia orie ukwu, azu orie nta: Kele nu: Igbo n'azu ahia afo ukwu, azu afo nta: Kele nu: Igbo n'azu ahia nkwo ukwu, azu nkwo nta: Kele nu: (3) Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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INTRODUCTION

Thirty years ago, I faced the challenge of introducing Igbo society and culture to the world. My response was The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria (Uchendu, 1965). Today, I face a more formidable challenge: the task of interpreting Igbo society to its custodians and its culture to its culture-bearers, and through them, to the world. My task is nor, unique. Since 1979; fourteen Ahiajoku Lecturers, drawn from various disciplines and professions, had faced this challenge, each lecturer utilizing the most effective tools in his discipline: And they have succeeded in providing us with differing "windows" to Igbo culture.

As I address you, in the largest "classroom" for Igbo studies anywhere in the world, a Persian folktale comes to mind. There lived in Persia, in the 8th century, an Islamic teacher popularly called Mulla Nasrudim. He lost his key and came to the village square in search of it. Soon after, a villager arrived at the square, and seeing that the eyes of the learned Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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man were attentively focused on the ground, and not wanting to disturb him, the villager, unobtrusively bent down and started an aimless search. After a few minutes which appeared to have stretched into hours, the villager mustered some courage and asked the learned man:

”What are you looking for, Mulla?" "My key", said the Mulla.

The villager became better focused, went down on his knees and diligently looked for the Mulla's key. After a while, the villager became curious and asked the Mulla:

"Where exactly did you lose the key?" "In my house", the Mulla replied. "Then, why are you 1boking for the key you lost in your house in the village square?", asked the villager. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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"There is more light in the village square than inside my own house", answered the Mulla.

Mr. Chairman, this lecture could have been given anywhere: in a classroom; at a symposium or as an "after-dinner" talk; but I assure you that I find "more light" among you today than I could have ever found anywhere else in the world.

The topic for my lecture is EZI NA ULO: The Extended Family in Igbo Civilization. In selecting this topic, I was mindful of the limitations which "generative ideas ---the wealth of formulative notions with which the mind meets experiences" impose on human understanding. According to Susanne Langer (1962:19-31), a Harvard philosopher, a generative idea is like

...a light that illuminates presences which simply had no form for us before the light fell on them. Yet it is the most natural and appropriate thing in the world Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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for a new terminology to have a vogue that crowds out everything else for a while. It becomes a word that everyone snaps up... the "Open Sesame" of new positive science. The sudden vogue of such a key-idea is due to the fact that all sensitive and active minds turn at once to exploit it, we try it in every connection, for every purpose, experiment with possible stretches of its strict meaning, with generalizations and derivatives.

Whether or not EZI NA ULO is, in fact, a centrally important scientific concept for the analysis of Igbo civilization, I don't know. What I do know is that no single concept can resolve so many fundamental problems at once and also promise to resolve all fundamental problems, clarify all obscure issues for all times.

We are interested in furthering our understanding of Igbo culture through analysis and explanation. In his The Savage Mind, the French anthropologist, Claude Levi-Strauss (1966) remarks that scientific explanation does not consist, as we have been taught to accept, in the reduction of the complex to the simple. Rather, what the analyst seems to confront is Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the substitution of a complexity more intelligible for one which is less. With specific reference to the study of man, Clifford Geertz (1975:33) argues that the explanation of cultural behavior often consists of "substituting complex pictures for simple ones, while striving somehow to retain the persuasive clarity that went with simple ones". These contrasting positions seem to put Alfred North Whitehead's advice to natural scientists on its head. Whitehead urged natural scientists that in the process of understanding they should "seek simplicity and to distrust it". On the other hand, the social scientists tend to "seek complexity and order it" (Geertz, 1975:34).

Our approach would lie mid-way between idiographic and nomothetic, that is, between situation-centered description and law-seeking global generalizations, without ignoring either. Our analytical strategy is anthropological, not in terms of techniques and received procedure6 which define the traditional anthropological enterprise, but in what Clifford Geertz (1975:34), drawing from the collected works of Gilbert Ryle calls "thick description". In his essays, Thinking and reflecting" and "The thinking of thoughts", Gilbert Ryle illustrates the method of inferring cultural behavior from ethnography. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ethnography is a scientific process of observing and recording field data and also an end result. As an end result, ethnography is a historical document created by the ethnographer to assist him in cultural comparison and analysis and it serves others as a source-book for history. It is in "doing ethnography" that the distinction which Ryle makes between "thick" and "thin” descriptions can be illustrated.

Consider two boys, Okorie and Nwafo, rapidly contracting the eyelids of their right eyes. In Okorie, this is an involuntary twitch; in Nwafor, a conspiratorial signal to Mgbokwo hiding away from the observer. From a phenomenalistic point of view, the two eye movements are, as movements, identical. The observer could not distinguish which was twitch and which was wink or indeed "whether both or either was twitch or wink". Yet, in terms of communication and cultural analysis, the difference between a twitch and a wink is vast. The winker is communicating precise information in a unique medium. His message is deliberate; it is addressed to someone in particular. The content of the message is specific; and the mode of communication is through a socially established code; and the message is strictly inter-personal and Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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not public. "Contracting your eyelids on purpose when there exists a public code in which so doing counts as a conspiratorial signal is winking" (Geertz, 1975:6). It is a "fleck of culture".

The description "thickens" when a third boy, Okonkwo, enters the picture. Innocently assuming that Okorie and Nwafor were engaged in a twitching contest, and asking a poor job of it, their efforts appearing amusing, clumsy and amateurish, Okonkwo began to parody the two boys, laboriously exaggerating their patterns of twitching, and dramatizing his mimicking abilities. If he does not find his efforts satisfactory, he could practise twitching .it home before a mirror, in which case his is "not twitching, winking or parodying, but rehearsing".

The point of all this is to re-state the fact that the object of ethnography is to reveal a "stratified hierarchy of meaningful structures• embedded in simple human acts and social designs. Twitches, winks, fake winks, parodies, rehearsals of parodies are produced by what appears a single observable human act, the twitching of eyelids. Our task is to explore the different layers of meanings which are embedded in Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the concept of ezi na ulo and how these help to shape our cultural life and civilization.

A PROFILE OF CULTURE

Ezi and ulo are two clusters of culture-traits. They are separately identifiable units in Igbo cultural organization, embodying both material aspects of the environment and the non-material structures of meaning which influence the attitudes of properly enculturated Igbo 'individuals. On the other hand, ezi n'ulo constitutes a unity, a single culture-complex, carrying with it a hierarchy of meanings which we will make obvious later Since culture-traits and culturecomplexes do not make much sense outside their relevant contexts, we will begin our exploration by specifying our notions and conceptions of culture and outlining what we regard as the defining Characteristics of Igbo culture and civilization.

Popular and technical definitions of culture abound, So also do ethnocentric notions of the concept. In historical perspective, the Enlightenment view of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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culture predated the Tylorean idea of culture which is a "trait list" of all man-made aspects of the human environment, including man's thoughts and worldviews. The Enlightenment view of man, nature and culture was essentially uniformitarian except that the non-western man had no place in it. The Enlightenment constructed a view of culture inspired by Bacon's idea of natural science as guided by Newton's notion of the universe. In that construction, culture, like human nature, was conceived as "regularly organized, as thoroughly invariant and as marvelously simple as Newton's universe”. Clifford Geertz (1975:35) reminds us that the "image of a constant human nature independent of time, place and circumstance, of studies and professions, transient fashions and temporary opinions, may be an illusion, that what man is may be so entangled with where he is, who he is, and what he believes that it is inseparable from them". Modern anthropology was born when arm-chair theorizing was replaced by scientific field investigations which confirmed the fact that man "unmodified by the customs of particular places do not in fact exist, have never existed, and most important, could not. in the very nature of the case, exist" (Geertz, 1975:35). A culture-bearing animal therefore, remains a bundle of the natural, the universal and the constant, and also of the conventional, local and the variable. To draw a line between the two remains always arbitrary and can be Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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justified only by analytical purposes.

In popular terms, a man of culture is a person who Can speak languages other than his own, who is familiar with history, literature, philosophy, politics or the fine arts and especially in the Western tradition of literary scholarship, the cultured person is one who can talk about James Joyce, Scarlatti and enjoy Picasso but it would not have mattered if he had not read Chinua Achebe or Wole Soyinka. At a symposium on Ozo title system hosted by the Cultural Division of the Ministry of Information, Youth, Sports and Culture, Enugu, in 1977, which I had the privilege to chair, I was mildly surprised, when a delegate from one of the States in northern Nigeria argued that "Religion is not a part of culture" (Uchendu, 1988:1718), Religion is nothing if not an essential part of culture, What makes aspects of religion so emotionally contentious is that they are eminently cultural, whatever other elements society and managers of religious organizations attribute to them.

On a more technical level, I agree with Clyde Kluckhohn (1963:24) that "to be human is to be cultured". Believing, that "anthropology holds up a Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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great mirror to man and lets him look at himself in his infinite variety", Kluckhohn (1963:19, 24, 28, 29, 3134) goes on to define culture in turn as: that part of the environment that is the creation of man; a way of thinking, feeling, believing; a theory that helps us to understand a mass of otherwise chaotic (social) facts; a store-house of the pooled learning of the group found in the memories of old men and women, in books and material objects created by man; anti the learned experiences by individuals as the result of belonging to some particular group. Cultures praduce needs as well as provide a means of fulfilling them; every culture is a precipitate of history; culture throws up to history social facts which the seive of history can hold, in changed or unchanged form but always with altered meanings, to maintain the cultural and ideological integrity of a living people. Culture is like a map, an abstract but approximate representation of a particular cultural entity which enables the young and the stranger to find their way in particular cultures; and all culture bearers are creators and carriers of culture as well as consumers of culture and its products.

Culture is all these and more. I share with Clifford Geertz the semiotic view of culture. "Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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of significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meaning” (Geertz, 1975:5). Culture is meaning-centred and a public property. It is this public character of culture that led me to the strategic concept of culture. Permit me to quote from my early work on the subject:

Culture is more than just a heritage, a historical product. It is more than the expression of man’s mode of living, something that individuals in each society must undergo as a kind of fate or rites de passage. Social engineering in society demands a notion of culture as a strategic instrument... as an instrumental agent, as another mode of intervention in our social and economic life. ...the notion of culture as an interventionist agent has led man to subsume the roles of nature within normative rules that are subject to cultural direction (Uchendu, 1988:18-19), 1977:72).

Culture is public because meaning is shared. Cultural meaning is not, however, uniformly or equally shared but every culture-bearer is made to receive enough knowledge to make him or her culturally competent. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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This is what Ralph Linton (1936:272-75) implied when he reminded us that every culture embodies three separate but related spheres, cultural universals, cultural alternatives and cultural specialties. Cultural universals refer to those elements of a culture open to all and shared by every culture bearer. To be competent in Igbo culture requires sharing in its cultural universals. We do this through the socialization of the young in our ideal ways and the resocialization of the way-ward or delinquent adults, including strangers, in Igbo ideals and values. Cultural transmission, the process of producing Igbo citizens through their participation in our institutions and informal life, is a never ending process. To ask a person whether he or she is an animal is another way of questioning whether he has lost all the benefits of his cultural transmission. As we shall see in the discussion of Igbo social structure, Igbo society is an ideologically open society where equal opportunities are provided for the individual to achieve his goals.

No individual can master all the aspects of his culture. Individual participation in his culture, therefore, tends to be highly selective. Society therefore provides cultural alternatives to enable individuals satisfy a given cultural end. In the domain of religion, we have a great passion to ”find out" the wishes of the gods or Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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ancestors who have sent us a symbolic message. Consulting a diviner may be one alternative source of communicating with them; going into a trance, or to one of he major oracles in Igboland may be others. The marriage institution is an important part of our life and culture. Until the Catholic Christian religion introduced celibacy as a virtue, an unmarried Igbo male cuts a sad picture of hopeless poverty; and the unmarried female was a social disaster. Our ancestors in their wisdom provided us cultural alternatives in the form of polygamy and concubinage which give every adult access to a spouse or consort (Uchendu, 1965:187-97).

Our society provides institutions for specialized training and knowledge needed by our cultural specialists. Membership of these institutions may be voluntary or ascribed. Ezes, Igwes, Dibia and other classes of medical practitioners; and the Umu ada in our society are examples of our cultural specialties. It follows therefore that no individual can master all the knowledge of his culture since part of a culture must be learned by everybody; part may be selected from alternative institutions; and part is open to only those who perform special roles in society. Culture is not a hodgepot of traits and ideas; it is relatively integrated and patterned. Margaret Mead (1970) sees cultural Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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integration and patterning as a matter of cultural transmission and commitment to a given tradition of social heritage. She distinguishes three possible styles of life which contribute to cultural patterning and she describes these patterns as post-figurative, cofigurative and pre-figurative.

A post-figurative, is one in which children learn primarily from their forebears; the past of the adult is the future of each new generation; and the blue print of Culture is essentially complete and therefore unchallenged by foreign models. In the absence of a written language for documenting the past, the perception of the new is denied by the ”elders who edit the version of the culture that is passed on to the young". Igbo society still embodies aspects of the post-figurative culture. Post figuration requires unquestioning commitment to the essentials of culture and is perpetuated because the elders were needed not only to guide the group but to provide the complete model of what life was. The post figurative Culture depends upon the actual presence of three generations. Its defining characteristic is that the culture is taken for granted (Mead, 1970:1-34)

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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On the other hand, a co-figurative culture is one in which both children and adults learn from their peers and the prevailing cultural model is the behavior of their contemporaries. Co-figuration has its beginning iii a breakdown of the post-figurative system. Indiscipline in Our contemporary society is rooted in the co figurative system of a culture which fosters shared expectation that members of our generation can model their behavior on the indiscipline of their contemporaries. To change this behavioral orientation is the challenge to the youth and society (Mead, 1970:25-50).

A pre-figurative culture is one in which adults learn from their children. Igbo society is still far away from pre-figuration, although the generational differences in access to formal education has made unschooled parents victims of a pre-figurative culture (Mead, 1970:51-76).

One of the insights derived from Margaret Mead's figurative thesis is that the youth must make and occasionally reaffirm their commitment to their culture. The question to every generation remains: to what past, present or future can the idealistic young Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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commit themselves? This question was not relevant to the youth in most traditional societies. You will recall Okonkwo, the hero of Chinua Achebe's (1958) Things Fall Apart His principal commitment to the ideals of traditional Igbo culture arose from the fact that he could not conceive of or be subjected to co ting styles of life and traditions. Okonkwo was who he was. He suffered exile, lost friends and property but was never alienated from his culture or his country. He could not change his commitment because he found no meaningful alternative.

A PROFILE OF IGBO CULTURE

Anthropological theory makes a distinction between culture, the collective achievements and heritage of the human race and a culture or cultures, the achievements and heritage of an identifiable population or populations. Igbo culture is rather complex. Its complexity is misunderstood by the foreign scholars who forget that the Igbo utilize a limited budget of organizational principles for their social system. This apparent paradox creates two problems. First, the foreign scholar is fascinated and puzzled by an open, decentralized society which Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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exhibits cultural strengths and resilience under stress but lacks any observable overarching institution to account for this strength. He ends up asking the wrong question and of course gets the wrong answers. Cultural strength does not lie in a single over-arching institution. Second, the Igbo student is forced into a defensive position. He goes into a fruitless search for institutions which the Igbo culture does not need, and if such an institution were to be forced on it, Igbo culture would lose its integrity. A holistic culture, which Igbo is, cannot just be "part society and part culture" because it does not draw its cultural wellspring and inspiration from outside. One of the great achievements of Igbo scholarship in the last three or four decades is the demonstration, further reinforced by the Ahiajoku Lecture series since 1979, that Igbo society owes no apology for any social institutions it had or did not fully develop. To have done otherwise would have done' violence to Igbo worldview.

Igbo Worldview

A people's worldview and their social structure are two elements of the socio-cultural system; and they Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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play a pervasive role in the social system. The worldview shapes the social structure, the body of rules which governs society and gives direction to its institutions. On the other hand, the social institutions, including ezi na ulo, reinforce the social structure and re-affirm the worldview. As we shall show, ezi na ulo makes a statement on the social structure and aids our understanding of our worldview, that is, the basic notions underlying our cultural activities, the definition of cultural goals and social relations.

Drawing from my work, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria (Uchendu, 1965:11-21) we may summarize Igbo worldview in seven propositions, as follows:

First, the Igbo world is an integrated one in which all created beings, the living and the dead, are in communion through symbolic interactions and other communication channels. In Igbo view the world of man is not strictly divorced from the world of the spirits Lineage continuity is a cooperative enterprise between the world of man and the world of the spirits. Existence in this world involves interaction between the visible and the invisible, and the living and the dead, each honouring a contract based on mutual Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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interest and reciprocity.

Second, the Igbo world is a dynamic world which demands that cosmological balance be maintained at all times to sustain the social structure. When this balance is threatened by evil men, women or evil spirits, the cause must be ascertained through divination and the appropriate ritual remedy must be put in place to restore the cosmological balance. Every imbalance has its appropriate ritual remedy.

Third, the Igbo world is conceived in market terms. It is a "market place" involving a bargaining strategy but guaranteeing only "equality of opportunity" but not "equality of outcome". Individuals as a party and the spirits as another, are subjected to this bargaining process. The socially deprived individual is not denied alternative opportunities to demonstrate his talents and abilities. He can still negotiate a more rewarding social status for himself during the next cycle of reincarnation through the institution of ebibi. Misfortune in this world can only be a temporary setback since ebibi and reincarnation promise a better chance in the next cycle of life. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Fourth, in a world of status instability, status seeking in Igbo society is cyclical and therefore a never-ending quest. Every elder tries to live a transparent life to guarantee for himself a place of honour among the ancestors. The elder "confesses" his transgressions every morning as he breaks the morning kola-nut and does not spare those who wish him and his ezi na ulo any evil. On the other hand, the ancestors try to bring prosperity to the living lineage because they have a vested interest in reincarnating into it. To die young in Igbo society’ is to die unfulfilled and for the ezi na ulo an unbroken series of such deaths is a corporate disaster.

Fifth, "in a world where life processes are delicately balanced and where individuals enjoy a wide latitude in manipulating human relationships, it is necessary for individuals to live a transparent life". To live a secret life from ezi na ulo, from the kin and social groups, is to court the charge of sorcery or other antisocial activities, personality traits that spell disorder in Igbo communities. The Igbo say that "a country is spoilt by man, not by gods" implying that a community is as good as its citizens. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Sixth, although the Igbo seek explanations for social disasters through the medium of divination, they know from life experiences that their society is not "spoiled" by the spirits but by evil doers in society. They therefore impose a strict code of conduct with penalty for infraction that may stretch into many generations. In Igbo worldview, accountability enjoys no time limit or benefit of doubt. The individual is held accountable for his wrongs, moral and otherwise, and he faces retribution in this life if he can be detected or in any number of his cycles of reincarnations. It is not uncommon for divination to hold a wrong doer accountable for wrongs committed in his third or fourth reincarnation, as long as the living memories could recollect the event. The only redeeming feature is that ritual remedies are available.

Seventh, the Igbo live in a world of constant change and are socialized to adapt to it where possible or take a courageous exit by suicide where society or the forces do not permit individual dignity. The ethnographic history of Igbo slaves in the various parts of the New World makes the point. In Haiti, for instance, Melville J. Herskovits, my teacher, who Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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ruled and reigned as the Dean of African Studies in the United States for nearly fifty years and whose seminal research in West Africa and the Black World in the Americas is widely acknowledged, reported of:

Igbo tendency of despondency, noted in many p arts of the New World, and a tradition of suicide as a way out of difficulties has been remarked, as, for example, in Haiti where the old saying "Ibos pend cor a yo" -"the lbo hang themselves" is still current (Herskovits 1941:36).

This Igbo trait of achieving freedom, liberty and human dignity through suicide, to escape the inhuman slavery conditions that prevailed in the Americas, was confirmed by my doctoral students who worked in South Carolina, United States, in 1970s. Paradoxically, the suicide of these Igbo freedom lovers in pursuit of liberty, earned their descendants in the New World "family respect". Their action was based on the logic that the time difference between death and birth was no more than nine months, the period it takes a pregnancy to come to term. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Igbo Social Structure

It is easier to make statements about social structure than to define it. Let me take you back to village, any Igbo community, for glimpses of cultural statements we make on our social structure. When a guest visits an Igbo household, there is a compulsive necessity to serve him with kola nuts. The presentation of kolanut, that ubiquitous symbol of Igbo hospitality, follows a "path" which helps the Igbo to reinforce their "model" of social structure. The presentation of kola may follow any one of the following principles depending on the commensal group: it may follow the principle of genealogical distance, the social distance, social differentiation; and of course, status structure (Uchendu, 1964:47-50). If the guests are drawn from different Igbo communities, an expanded "model" is invented to accommodate the new situation. When a child is born, the umbilical cord must be buried and this ritual may require the presentation of an economic plant or a symbolic gift. When a young child brings home his or her first calabash or pot of water, he or she is directed to present it to the most senior woman having a close genealogical of affinal relationship to the child's father or mother. This Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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creates a new bond of reciprocity between the two. When a child dies in the village, there are immediate, uncontrolled bursts of wailing as opposed to the rigid discipline that fosters "business as usual" when an elder dies. The dignity and the status of the dead elder and the prestige of his living relatives demand that the elder's death must not be formally announced until there is due consultation with all interested parties, and even then, there is a compelling necessity to assemble critical items for the "first burial rites" before any formal announcement is made. A premature wailing would be totally irresponsible in the circumstance. These random samples of behaviors are among many that are distinctively Igbo, although the behaviors are neither limited to Igbo society nor universal in all Igbo villages and communities. They have been selected to illustrate the proposition that we need not have precise knowledge of our social structure to make cultural statements about it. In a literal sense, social structure can be regarded as the "building block" of society. But social structure is not a concrete phenomenon. It is a statement of principles embodied in objective reality. One of those realities is ezi na ulo.

Ezi na ulo: Founding a new homestead in Igbo society is always a political act, an assertion of independence Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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from a parental homestead. Expanding an existing homestead is an indication of prosperity and harmony in the domestic domain; but abandoning a homestead in a hurry is always a response to crisis of monumental proportions - crises of death, particularly of the young, that defy ritual prescriptions and remedies or man-provoked disasters like murder or homicide which leave the members of the homestead no option but to seek security in flight.

Ezi n'ulo is more than a homestead. It is a cultural phenomenon of great complexity. A basic spacial unit in Igbo social organization, analytically ezi precedes ulo in structural time, but ezi loses its functional integrity once ulo disintegrates. It is the peace of ezi that brings prosperity to ezi n'ulo and poverty that leads to its fusion. Ezi n'ulo should not be confused with ezi na ulo. Although in structural time, ezi precedes ulo, both protect ezi n'ulo. In cultural terms ezi na ulo constitute a unity. You cannot meaningfully think of the one without thinking of the other. In structural analysis ezi na ulo are polar concepts but they are also complementary. Their complementarity lies in the fact that it is the social life in the ulo that activates the cultural life of the ezi, the achievements of the ulo that are celebrated in ezi and vice-versa. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ezi is a complex word, used in a primary or literal sense and also in its secondary, idiomatic sense. I recall a short discourse between Ogbonna, my father's eldest brother (FB), and his wife, Ikodiya (FBW) during my "period of innocence", to use Prof. Adiele Afigbo's (1981) term. I was stroking a fire for my father's brother as he dried some tobacco leaves in our ezi, preparatory to grinding it into powder. He called out in a loud voice to Ikodiya, who was in her kitchen, and asked her to bring him a drink of water. Ikodiya replied: Dim, a nom na ezi wo: As a child I understood the primary meaning ezi, a courtyard but did not worry about the apparent contradiction in DaIkodiya's assertion that she was in ezi when in fact she was in her usokwu (kitchen). Like a "good child", who enjoys the company of elders as long as he minds his own business, I asked for no explanation and none was expected of me in the circumstance. My father's brother understood his wife. I thought that I did; but as it turned out, I did not. This is a communication environment in which what Paul Bohannan (1964:11) describes as "the principle of the working misunderstanding" occurs. Bohannan was characterizing communication in a colonial situation but the communication between mp father's brother and his wife assumed a "cultural", not a colonial environment. My presence introduced a "generational Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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gap” which made the use of an idiomatic expression necessary. Nwa Disi and Lamoji Ugoji, in their very highly successful TV situation comedy, called Icheku, dramatically and effectively illustrated the "principle of working misunderstanding" in a colonial communication. My case was one of incremental enculturation. It was much later, and under different circumstances, that I learned what the Igbo mean when they say - na nwanyi no na ezi. More than two hundred years ago, Olaudah Ekwuanu, a young Igbo caught in the net of the trans-atlantic slavery and who was able to work himself into freedom and wrote about it, recorded this experience about ino na ezi nwanyi:

Every woman, at certain times, was forbidden to come into a dwelling house or touch any person or anything we ate. I was so fond of my mother I could not keep from her or avoid touching her at some of those periods, in consequence of which I was obliged to be kept out with her in a little house made for that purpose till offering was made and then we were purified (Olaudah Equiano (First Published 1789):1967:12).

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ino na ezi nwanyi is a perfectly natural and indispensable process in the perpetuation of a race. It is a symbol of womanhood; and it is in symbols that cultural meanings are stored. In Igbo worldview, this symbol of life, which they term ino na nso is at the same time a threat not only to social and ritual status, but to life itself. It is pollution and a danger; and lies at the heart of the gender patterning which paradoxically limits the opportunities open to women in a society that claims to be equalitarian in ideology.

Ezi is not just a "purifying shrine" for the menstruating woman, it is also a social theatre where cultural events are enacted and celebrated. The moonlight plays, folk entertainments, marriages, births and funerals are staged at the ezi. In many parts of Igboland, ezi serves as the "official" burial ground" for the elder as the ulo is the "grave yard" for the male home owner. These cultural events and activities create a deep seated historical sensitivity which strengthens the emotional attachment and interest of the Igbo individual in his ezi na ulo as well as in his okpulo (former homestead).

While ezi and ulo are culturally complementary, ezi Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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and ama are structurally opposed but functionally interactive. Ama is the path to ezi and it does not discriminate between the "good and the evil” which it carries to the ezi. It is therefore compelled to limit "evil traffic" at the onu obu by ritual fortifications. Simon Ottenberg (1968), the American ethnographer on Afikpo, describes in his provocative essay, "Statement and Reality...”, the role which protective shrines, egbo, located above the compound entrance, plays in guarding against evil entering ezi. The antagonism between ezi and ama is further demonstrated by the fact that the path used during the construction of a compound (ezi) is usually abandoned and a new path (ama) would be constructed, with a protective shrine in place, therefore the new compound could be occupied by its residents. Ezi n'ulo is not just a bundle of material cultural traits; it is a people -- people united by a bond of kin network and interlocking functions and reciprocities. We term this network of people ezi n'ulo, an extended family.

The Extended Family: To create order out of many competing social facts and to understand at least part of the diverse cultural forces that shape human behavior, social science teaches us to examine the complicated facts from a particular point of view and Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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to assume, implicitly or explicitly, that "other things are equal". We can easily see that "other things" are never equal, even in a shared cultural environment. But the alternatives are to assume the impossible task of covering all the variables or give up the effort.

All societies, no matter the level of their technological, industrial or socio-cultural achievements, have the same genealogical capacity to construct and maintain an extended family. Many do; a few don't; and some of those which developed an extended family network have reversed it because of the hostility of their changing environment. The common element in all types of extended family systems is marriage; and without marriage, there would be no genealogy. Marriage creates four kinship matrices: husbandfather, wife-mother, brother-brother and 'sister-sister, which are repackaged into eight basic kinship syndromes: husband-wife, father-son, mother son, mother-daughter, father-daughter, sister-sister, brother-brother and brother-sister. No society can claim more or less of these basic structures but each society decides how much importance to attach to each of them. The basic structure that is attached the most importance gives a focus and direction to a particular culture. For instance, the father-son and the brother-sister emphases provide these directions Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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in the two contrasting Igbo kinship structures.

The Concept of the Extended Family: What is an extended family? Permit me to answer from a previous work (Uchendu, 1971:183-85). The classic conception of the extended family is a kinship unit with four major characteristics: a unit marked by geographic propinquity, of occupational integration, strict authority of the presiding elder or patriarch over the component nuclear families and stress on extended rather than nuclear family relations. Operationally, we may define the extended family as a social system lacking a fixed number of specifiable positions (e.g. husband/father, wife-mother, etc.), but consisting of two or more familiar positions of which one or more resulting dyads is not a nuclear dyad. Implicit in our notion of the extended family as a social system is the fact that it is marked by persistent- patterns of social relationship which prevail from generation to generation; and that as an on-going social unit, it commands certain resources (facilities and a territorial base) and certain integrative mechanisms and sanctions such as norms, power, status and prestige which facilitate the attainment of its objectives.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Theoretically, the extended family concept may concept at least four different notions. First, it may be used as an ideal type construct, in the Weberian sense, in formulating family theory. In this sense, the extended family represents the polar limit of the nuclear or conjugal family system. Characteristics which are associated with the ideal type extended family system sharpen the contrasts which exist between it and the nuclear family. Second, the extended family may be viewed as the ideal family culture with a varying range of value characteristics and ideological patterns exhibited by societies in which this institution is a cherished value. The extended family ideal is shared world-wide by most cultures, and in the traditional prestige system, it is the ideal that motivated the aspiring individual to accumulate wealth and use it to build up "social 'power”. Third, we can view the extended family as a cultural goal realized in a social system. The distinction that anthropologists make between the "real culture" and the "ideal culture" might be conceptually useful here. The ideal of the extended family is not attained by every aspirant. The degree to which aspirants achieve an extended family status which their fellow culture bearers would recognize as "legitimate", or "proper", is a measure of the existence of the extended family system in action. Finally, there is-the extended family which can be viewed as a Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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structural construct – a structure with several central variables. Theoretically, the extension of kin boundaries is potentially limitless. The structural aspect of the extended family is the most flexible quality of the system. What sets the boundary is not geography but social frame of reference. Depending on this social frame of reference, African societies like the Nuer and the Tiv – to cite classic ethonographic examples – have no problem claiming to be members of the same extended family. However, the amount of resources available to the extended family, the technological level of the total social system of which it is a part, are two important factors which shape the organizational form of the extended family, its corporate quality, the degree of interaction among the membership and its general viability during the industrialising and post industrial periods of development. The central feature of the extended family is its structural extension. From this, a number of attributes which characterize the ideal system, and which are the synthesis of our four-fold view of the extended family may be deduced (Goode, 1963:237255): 1. The extended family includes a wide range of affinal and blood relatives. Some of the relatives are immediate and interact in the day to day affairs of the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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extended family; others are remote and are articulated by family crises. Some are attracted by the improved fortunes of the system, and in contemporary Africa their presence may give rise to the social phenomenon called parasitism; others may be motivated by the opportunity to acquire technical skills or get a job. 2. In the African situation, while the husband/wife relation is gaining in importance, it is seldom the hub of the system. The father/son or mother’s brother/sister's son relationships are the traditional emphases in Igbo sub-cultures with consequences for the radical adjustment of the nuclear families in the system which face conflicting loyalties. 3. By definition, members of the extended family have many rights with respect to one another, and at any given time these reciprocal rights may be active or dormant. 4. Following from the reciprocal rights are the moral sanctions and control over one another. 5. Ideally, the interests of the extended family affect the behavior of the nuclear components in the system. For instance, fertility and residence are influenced by kin consideration. In an industrial system this raises questions about labour mobility and appropriate family size. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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6. In the Umunna belt of Igbo sub-culture, the value attached to lineal continuity creates the need for androcentric culture and tends to perpetuate widow inheritance and plural marriages.

In a summary of the relevant literature on the extended family, Gelia Castillo et al (1968:1-40) isolates the following ten elements which in their view characterize the extended family: 1. In an extended family, relatives other than husband, wife and unmarried children share residence or live adjacent to the nuclear family. 2. There is a pooling or sharing or joint ownership of resources which is usually formalized or legally recognized and these resources normally include symbolic estates, that is, the inheritance of rights in relatives. 3. Recognition of kin relations either of a lineal or. of a collateral character but usually of both. 4. Recognition of common responsibilities. 5. Allegiance to a common ancestor and pts worship. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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6. Reciprocal assistance pattern. 7. Joint economic activities either on production or consumption or both. 8. Maintenance of expressive relations among extended family members through visits and support at crisis periods. 9. The use of the extended family as a reference group in decision-making. 10. Authoritarian control over relationships and decision- making by the elder who has command over the corporate resources and his house, the centre for all formal activities, both ritual and social. This list is far from exhaustive and I have added to it in a subsequent publication (Shimkin and Uchendu, 1978:393-94). The Extended Family Universe: Kinship systems manifest themselves in many areas of social life. They are involved in domestic activities such as cooking and eating; in sexual activities like sleeping and copulating; in the transmission of knowledge, values, status and property from one generation to another; in the terms of address we use; and in how we perpetuate the memory of the dead and of our heroes. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Claude Levi-Strauss (1963:46-75) stresses that all kinship systems are built up out of a single "universe", a single type of what he calls "elementary structure". He identifies this structure as consisting of a woman, her brother, her husband and their son. His thesis that "exchange is the universal form of marriage" can be shared by all Igbo elders. Because of the universally recognized prohibition of incest, a woman cannot find a husband within her family of orientation. She and her brother have to seek spouses outside this family group. This fact places the destinies of women in marriage in the control of men. The consequences are many, and one of them is the creation of a diverse extended family universe, each a corporate group with important role in allocating and guarding the family symbolic estate, that is, the wealth in their women, who may be daughters or sisters. In his study of "The kinship terminology of Ezinihitte Mbaise, Edwin Ardener (1954:85-99) provides a chart from which we recreate Igbo extended family universe. (Figure I)

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ideally, Igbo extended family universe consists of three ascendant and three descendant generations from EGO. Very few Igbo live long enough to be personally acquainted with members of all these three categories, but as corporate groups, they exist and can be activated when such important events as titletaking, the burial of elders or other major life crises occur. In a patrilineal system, the durability of the ties with EGO's father's lineage is easy, EGO being a member; that of mother's and mother's patrikin is less difficult than that of father's and father's patrikin Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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because the functional linkages with the former have greater emotional content than the latter. The durability of kin ties is reversed for EGO in a double descent system. Each generation of the extended family can be grouped into a number of clusters or categories. Cluster I: This consists of EGO, the parents, siblings and children. Cluster II: It consists of EGO’s father's wife or wives, their children and children's children. Cluster III: This is located in the ascendant generation and consists of EGO's mother's siblings, their children who belong to EGO’s generation and EGO's mother‘s and father’s father. Cluster IV: This consists of a category of relations with whom EGO might not have much contact with. But a successful Igbo is "found" by his remote relatives. This category of relations consists of EGO’s father's wives mothers and fathers as well as EGO's mother’s, mother's father and mother. Cluster V: This consists of the in-law group of relations for whom Ogo is a reciprocal term of address, no matter the generation. EGO's daughters Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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create this relationship, which is further strengthened by EGO's grand children who in the status of Okene or Okene ukwu, depending on the generation, are treated with privileged consideration and indulgence. In summary, we may picture the Igbo extended family as an onion with many layers. Igbo individuals peel as many layers of the bulb as their social status since kinship is a reciprocal relationship, individual tends to reactivate dormant relations. Social Structure: Concrete Reality or Body of Rules? We have presented ezi n'ulo as a concrete reality from which structural rules can be inferred. In social anthropology, the meaning of social structure is still debated. In the development of social structure as a technical concept, the effort is in many ways linked with Radcliffe-Brown (1959:190-91), who used social structure to "denote the network of actually existing relations". As to the content of social structure, he emphasized two elements, dyadic relations and social differentiation as critical. The dyadic relations would refer to what Levi-Strauss described as "elementary structures", such as father-child or mother's brother and sister's son relationship. Social differentiation or stratification refers to the social roles attributed to individuals and classes or social categories. Radcliffe-Brown did not resolve all our conceptual Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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problems, still various writers on social structure start off by paying him an intellectual obeisance. Nadel's treatise on the subject is a case in point. It is based on the assertion that "...in anthropology, the very concept of social structure is still in a sense on trial". He found the prevailing definitions of social structure by Radcliffe-Brown, Fortes, Eggan, Evans-Pritchard, Leach, Levi-Strauss, and others rather unsatisfactory (Nadel, 1956:2, 5). He defines social structure as "...the pattern or network of relationships obtaining between actors in their capacity of playing roles relative to one another" (Nadel, 1956:12). He takes issue with both Levi-Strauss and Leach for viewing social structure as a "model" that has no empirical reality. His statement on this could not be more forthright: I am not prepared to dismiss empirical reality so completely from the positional picture we call social structure. I consider social structure to be still the social reality itself or an aspect of it, not the logic behind it (Nadel, 1956:150). Levi-Strauss's contribution to our expanding concept of social structure is widely acclaimed. I call attention to the distinction he made between social structure and social relations, two terms that were often fused and confused. He sees social relations as consisting of “…the raw materials out of which the models making Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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up the social structure are built, while social structure can, by no means, be reduced to the ensemble of the social relations to be described in a given society” (Levi Strauss, 1967:271). His view that "every culture has its own theoreticians whose models of social structure deserve the same attention as that which the anthropologist gives to his colleague" will command the respect of Igbo elders (Levi Strauss, 1967:274). In Levi-Strauss's view, structure is a systemic property and social structure refers solely to those aspects of the social system chat have demonstrably systemic properties. He posits the following as the four elements of a structural model:

(a) a structure is made up of several elements, none of which can undergo a change without affecting changes in all the elements.

(b) it should be possible to subject a model to a series of transformations (both synchronic and diachronic) without changing its fundamental character.

(c) the properties (of a system and transformation) Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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make it possible to predict how the model will react if one or more of its elements are submitted to certain modifications.

(d) the model should be so constituted that it makes all the observed facts immediately intelligible (Levi Strauss, 1967:271).

Raymond Firth had also been helpful. He argued that the use of social organization as synonym for social structure, a practice too common in ethnography of his day, is most unacceptable. He points out:

The more one thinks of the structure of a society in abstract terms, as of group relations or of ideal patterns, the more necessary it is to think separately of social organization in terms of concrete activity...social organization implies some degree of unification, a putting together of diverse elements into common relation…people getting things done by planned action (Firth, 1963:35-36).

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Each of the subsystems of Igbo society, such as kinship the polity, the economy, religion, warfare, law and medicine has its appropriate organization. A social organization means more than a collective action drawing from organization theory, Firth identifies four important elements or principles involved in social organization: the coordination of individual efforts, a matter that calls for leadership, foresight, which calls attention to planning and prudent management of available resources; responsibility which has two elements, assumption of responsibility by the ultimate decision-maker and an assignment of responsibility among those individuals who help to realize the organizational goals; and a reward system that may take various forms (Firth, 1963:75-78).

If conceptual clarification and rigour in the terms needed for the analysis of social structure are among our intellectual debts to Radcliffe-Brown, Levi-Strauss and Firth, we must turn to M.G. Smith for a theory of social structure which seems to do justice to the complex social system in Igboland.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Defining Characteristics of Igbo Social Organization: Iqbo society is complex and as far as current scholarship stows, this social complexity is not a recent development Students who approached Igbo society from the perspective of its decentralized political structure had tended to misrepresent Igbo social system and had actually denied its complexity. In a provocative essay, "The Comparative Study of Complex Societies", M.G. Smith (1975) suggests a list of twelve characteristics which, in his opinion, are common to complex societies. The Igbo society ranks high when scored on this measure, and depending on the frame of reference, some Igbo communities rank higher on this measure than others. Of the list of complexity suggested by Smith, only the criterion of "some traditions of literacy" was lacking, if we exclude Nsibidi and the Okonko signs (akara ala) as symbols of literacy. In Smith's (1975:249) view, a complex society tends to have or incorporate:

1. Sufficient levels of structural differentiation. All the Igbo communities "ensure differences in the distribution of differentiated roles" among their adult men and women on the one hand and between them and children, on the other hand.

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2. Some nucleated settlements with relatively large and heterogeneous populations. Studies of riverine city states of Abo, Oguta, Osomari and Onitsha by Nzimiro (1972), Henderson (1972) on Onitsha, Ottenberg (1971) on Afikpo and Onwuejeogwu (1981) on the Nri suggest a nucleated form of settlement pattern. R.I. Udo (1965) has suggested that the dispersed settlement pattern characteristic of a large proportion of Igbo communities today represents a "disintegration" of a formerly nucleated settlement pattern.

3. The institutionalization of production for exchange. Igbo traditional economies, based on cultivation and fishing, incorporated specialist craftsmen and women who formed trade guilds in some communities. The principle of reciprocity dominated the domestic and kinship spheres of the economy; that of redistribution characterized extra domestic relations and particularly relationship with the political structures; and the exchange principle was characteristic of the extra-territorial market places, fairs, and other market institutions. The overall objectives of the Igbo "prestige economy" is to convert tangible, productive assets into intangible, status, and prestige symbols (Uchendu, 1965:92-3), Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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4. Forms and degrees of social stratification that differentiate the life-chance of individuals and social categories within the society. It is our argument that the Igbo "conscious" model for their social stratification has led some scholars into the mistaken belief that Igbo social structure is homogeneous. The status distinctions that the Igbo make between Diala or Amadi and Ohu (oru) and within the Diala category, the differentiation between Nze (Eze), and Oke Okporo, are not empty terminological distinctions but rather stratification terms that differentiate significant life chances of individuals and social groups

5. Differential distribution of opportunities for spatial and social mobility. The Igbo are best described in the words of LeVine (1966:3) as "pragmatic frontiersmen with a persistent history of migration, settlement and resettlement of new lands". Prof. Adiele Afigbo (198i) gives us tantalizing glimpses of this phenomenon in his Ropes of Sand. This distribution of Igbo in all parts of Nigeria reaffirms this tradition in a modern setting. The Igbo encourage migration and travels. The proverb, Onye ije ka onye ishi awo ama ihe (the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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traveller is more knowledgeable of the world than the stay-at-home elder) makes the point. They also remind the migrant of his risks, Onye ije na eri abirika ocha (the traveller may claim no more for a meal than a ripened banana). Migration is a selective process, and not all Igbo communities have a reputation for this mode of adjustment. Today, education and economic opportunities are central vehicles of social and geographical mobility. In the traditional past, such factors as one's position in the status structure and the amount of land a people have at their disposal were the significant factors in the decision to migrate.

6. Relatively clear separation of the private and public domains of social life. The corporate character of Igbo social system makes a clear distinction between the familial or private domain and the collective or public domain. Leaders are made accountable for public property which they hold as a sacred trust. Igbo lineage members make a distinction between interests that are personal, sub-lineal or familial and interests of the whole lineage. These distinctions are further symbolized by the types of ofo held. The family ofo and the lineage ofo, to which, in some communities, specific farm Hands are attached, institutionalize the difference between private and public affairs. The current trend in our political life where some leaders Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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convert public property into personal property is not an Igbo heritage.

7. The allocation of an increasing number of public roles on criteria other than sex and age. Igbo society stresses achievement -- both individual and group achievement -- and in constructing their social institutions, they try to maintain a delicate balance between the need to retain the wisdom of the elders and the demand for technical and professional knowledge of energetic and enterprising young men so as to achieve efficiency and economy in public administration. The greatest failure of Igbo stratification system is the few opportunities it offers to women before they attain menopause.

8. A significant number of impersonal and instrumental forms of social relations Igbo society possesses and applies, in varying degrees, among its public, complex and universalistic bases of social order. Some of these are personal and others impersonal, and still the most successful were institutional. Simon Ottenberg (1958:295-317) shows in a comparative analysis of Igbo oracles how the Ibini Okpabe of Aro Chukwu, Agbala of Awka, Igwe-ka Ala Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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of Umuneoha, Amadioha Ozuzu of Ikwerre, each in its sphere of suzerainty, combined to provide pan Igbo contacts and political protection.

9. Significant areas of social relations and activities formally open to individual choice and initiative. Practically, most areas of Igbo social life were open to those who enjoyed the Diala or Amadi status. But the most important single failure in Igbo social structure was the osu system, a form of ritual slavery that is sometimes wrongly described as a caste system. Traditionally, the osu belonged to a special, low status group and played only a restricted ritual role for the dominant group. Social discrimination against the osu was almost total and contradicted the princip1es of equality on which Igbo culture was constructed.

10. Diversity in the forms and units of social grouping. Great civilizations accommodate contradictions. Igbo society is well known for the diversity of its social arrangements and groupings. It compensated for its organizational diversity by utilizing a limited budget of structural principles for their articulation and integration. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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11. An increasing number of alternative forms of secondary groups in which communications are mediated through some intervening link or set of links. Igba Ndu (literally means joining lives together) is an institution that creates "blood brotherhood" among the Igbo and is designed to "build trust" among enemy lines, and establish secondary group communications and social links in Igbo society.

Igbo Society as a Corporation: The corporate descent group is one concrete structural arrangement that is characteristic of all Igbo Communities, irrespective of their other organizational forms and levels of complexity. Of the four varieties of descent system known to anthropology, two have been reported in Igbo society: the patrilineal and the double descent systems. It is the corporate character rather than the linearity of these descent groups that must be emphasized in a comparative sociology of Igbo descent system. The corporate descent structures, irrespective of their directional emphasis, contain micro-structures. They also aggregate themselves into larger structural forms that may be identified as intermediate structures and macro-structures. By micro-structures we mean primary group relations Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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such as families, peer groups, work-groups and various interpersonal dyads. The intermediate structures include neighborhoods and social categories like age sets, title associations, etc. Macrostructures represent the widest units of collective action and they constitute the polity. By invoking an accepted charter, macro-structures can and do lay claims to the widest use of resources and regulatory powers. They also give assurance of continuity as micro-structures and intermediate structures are more subject to fission and fusion than macro structures.

Following Henry Maine (1905) we call these structures corporations. Corporations are boundary maintaining units, "perjuring units", which regulate interactions and activities in Igbo communities. They provide the Igbo with a framework for formal organizations. Maine thought of corporations in terms of the ownership and transmission of property. He distinguished two classes of corporations -- the Corporations Appregate which requires several members and the Corporations Sole, which can only have one member at a time. The Igbo lineage would be a good example of a Corporation Aggregate.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Corporations are names groups. They are capable of taking group action, which implies an acceptance of group responsibility. They presume or assume indefinite life, have precise rules of recruiting membership, and maintain social boundaries. Corporations of either type -- Corporations Aggregate and Corporations Sole -- integrate and articulate a complex of differentiated roles. Because of their organizational autonomy, corporations are relatively free in prescribing distinctive forms of social and economic relations that govern in-group and outgroup behavior among their members. "Most emphasize some set of functions or interests as primary, though few pursue these exclusively. All exploit some collective resources or privileges and rely on collective criteria for the recruitment of members, while most possess directorates to administer their affairs by procedures regarded as effective and appropriate" (Smith, 1975:248).

Smith (1975) has advanced our thinking on corporations in three ways. His notion of society as corporations furthers our understanding of social structure in a way that few other theoretical models have done. He has elaborated on the conceptual distinctions made by Maine, showing the utility of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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these distinctions in sociological analysis. His exposition on the various modes of incorporation utilized by corporations is seminal. Smith accepts Maine’s distinctions between Corporations Aggregate and Corporations Sole but, however, subdivides Corporations Aggregate into two major types: Corporate Categories and Corporate Groups. Corporate Categories have open membership, lack exclusive affairs, and allow mobility in membership. A college of chiefs or priests in an Igbo community may be cited as examples; so also are statuses of dibia (diviner, priest), ohu, osu (slave, ritual slave), uke, ogbo (age sets) examples of corporate categories. On the other hand, Corporate Groups have an organizational capacity and most of the characteristics of corporations. They have common but exclusive affairs, the capacity for collective action, and sufficient autonomy to regulate their affairs. A namea lineage like Umueke is a corporate group. Within the corporate group are embedded social units or status structures like the college of Amala or commissions such as Ndi-Iwu, or the okonko.

The mode of achieving membership in the corporations may be universalistic, consociational, or differential. Lineage membership is categorical. As the individual lineage member expands his interactions Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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from the micro-structural unit to the mico-structural level, he correspondingly assumes multiple membership in units of varying scope, type and levels. As he acquires wealth and begins to convert it into respected status symbols that confer prestige, his membership in corporate categories, colleges, and commission is accepted. In this sense, most Igbo villagers enjoy consociational mode of incorporation; and members of a village group, city-state, or kingdom enjoy universalistic mode of incorporation. On the other hand, the osu and ohu by reason of their categorical statuses, are differentially incorporated. They are in Igbo society but not of it. Nzimiro found differential incorporation a major principle of political organization in the state of Osomari. He writes, "The three…dominant migrant (ruling groups in Osomari) each...has incorporated two other groups, namely an autochthonous and a servile group...the three servile ebo are responsible for the internal government of their respective ebo but have no political representation outside it at the divisional or state levels (Nzimiro, 1972 113-14, 78). The segmentary model which Nzimiro employed in his analysis leads him to interpret this differential incorporation as a fact of segmentarism. Our theory of corporations suggests it is a structural fact of domination. When domination in a traditional macro-structure occurs in the context of a new corporation, the traditional structure tends to accommodate new servile members Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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through differential incorporation.

The Institutional Patterns in Igbo Society: We started with a view of social structure as a model for understanding social relationships. Since we cannot directly observe social structure, the pattern of Igbo society must be sought in its social interaction, in its concrete spatial dimension. The locus is ezi na ulo.

Studies of Igbo social structure remain rather uneven, although statements on aspects of Igbo social structure abound (DeLancey, 1967, 1972). Igbo political culture and structure has received most attention. The pioneer efforts by Meek (1937), has been followed by Nzimiro (1972), Henderson (1972), Afigbo (1972) and Ottenberg (1971). Important monographs on aspects of Igbo social organization include the ethnography of Umueke by Green (1964), Afikpo by Ottenberg (1968), of Igbo-Igala Borderland by Shelton (1971), and Ohafia by Nsugbe (1974). General ethnological studies of the Igbo remain few indeed: Forde and Jones (1950), Uchendu (1965). In general, our knowledge of Igbo communities that emphasize patrilineal descent is good. We still badly need a solid ethnographic statement on the Western Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Igbo communities. Generalizations about the Cross River basin Igbo communities are still limited, the ethnographic contributions by Ottenberg and Nsugbe notwithstanding.

With available ethnographic data, we are able to delineate Igbo pattern of social organization as well as the structural principles that govern them. Forde and Jones (1950) pioneered this effort. They divided Igbo society into the following five "cultural" provinces or divisions: Northern or Onitsha Igbo, Southern or Owerri Igbo, Western Igbo, Eastern or Cross River Igbo, and North Eastern Igbo. Their approach was to isolate diagnostic cultural traits for the major subdivisions in each "cultural" province. The weakness of this method, as is the culture area hypothesis that inspired the approach, is that we are never certain what traits or combination of traits determine the boundaries of the cultural province. For instance, in the Northern Igbo cultural province, which includes the subdivisions of Nri-Awka, Elugu and Onitsha Town, there are two major traditions of origin: the Igala origin, claimed by Elugu and Nri and the Benin origin, claimed by Onitsha. It is not clear why other Niger city-states, which have similar political and cultural traits as Onitsha were excluded. The priestly cult was the specialty in Nri; and Awka people were Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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known for their blacksmith guild. It is the absence of the practice of clitoridectomy in Onitsha, and the replacement of the Ozo title by the Ama title in Elugu that tended to set them culturally apart.

If the Northern Igbo cultural groups are known for their kings and an elaborate hierarchy of ozo system, it is the importance of the okonko institution that distinguishes the Southern Igbo from them. Each of the four cultural divisions in Southern Igbo has its distinct cultural trait: the Oratta are known for their Mbari houses; the Ngwa for their double-climbing ropes. Here again, the negative traits raise questions about the cultural unity of the divisions. Isu-ikwu-ato is unusual in not having the ofo system, a universal symbol of ritual and political authority in the area. Although the osu system is highly institutionalized in the culture area, its reported absence in many OhuhuNgwa-Umuahia areas shows the linkage between the institution of the powerful oracles in southern Igboland and the institution of the osu system.

In political structure the Western Igbo have a mixed tradition of Obiship and Okpara uku or Di-Okpa, the former distinctive of the Northern Ika group and the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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latter of the Southern Ika. The Oru, who are identified by Forde and Jones (1950) as a Riverain Ibo, are a mixed group. They have an elaborate title system and live in compact settlements, as do other Niger citystates, and unlike some of them, have a hereditary obaship. In the Eastern Igbo (Cross River basin), are grouped the Ada, Abam-Ohaffia and the Aro. Forde and Jones (1950:52-53) inform us that:

Among the Ada and Abam land rights pass matrilineally…these groups are generally distinguished by the importance attached to headhunting…by 'secret societies' of the Cross River type (e g. Okonko)…Ritual staves of lineage headship (ofo), Ikenga and other typical Ibo religious deities and symbols are absent. Cult slaves osu are absent…

It is not clear why the Aro, who are strongly patrilineal, are grouped together with the matrilineally dominant Ada and Abam-Ohaffia groups.

The North-Eastern Igbo (Ogu uku) are a most Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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heterogeneous group. Forde and Jones (1950:57) isolated eight village groups and five "tribal" units in this culture area. A region known for its large yamheaps and unusually large circular blade hoes (hence the name Ogu uku), the North-Eastern Igbo region has been characterized as "...singularly free from the fear of witchcraft. The 'horse title'…is found as a sole title among them other than the Isis" (Forde and Jones, 1950:59). The osu system is not recognized in this area (Jones, 1949:156).

This brief survey shows that the distribution of cultural traits in Igbo society does not tell us very much about the pattern of social structure. For a full understanding of our problem, we must not ignore the way the individual Igbo thinks of his society and its structural arrangements.

Models of Igbo Social Structure: In the analysis of social structure, contemporary anthropology is integrating the "analytical model" or "outsider's" point of view with the "folk model" or the "insider's" point of view -- the view of the culture-bearer. Borrowing from linguistic theory, the two points of view have been termed the etic and the emic orientations. Etic, Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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from phonetic, signifies a scientific statement or principle that can be verified by any trained observer. An emic point of view, on the other hand, is one from within a particular culture -- the view of an insider developed from the conceptual categories of his culture. Both the etic and the emic orientations must be regarded as complementary rather than in opposition. What are the Igbo emic orientations of their social structure?

The Emic Model of Igbo Social Structure: The traditional Igbo social structure is a status structure rather than a class structure. Ours is still a "culture that permits a child who washes his hands clean to dine with his elders". Viewed from the emic perspective, Igbo social structure is rooted in a common equalitarian ideology. This ideology is expressed by the corporate groups through the principle of lineage equality and by individuals through a process we may term "social conversion", a mechanism by which individuals and corporate groups transform their wealth into highly valued prestige symbols. The distribution of social advantage and the differentiation of life styles in our society are the functions of the individual's willingness to engage in competitive "social conversion". Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The Igbo world is based on an equalitarian principle. Equality or near equality among lineages was a structural obstacle to the development of an authoritarian political culture within our various polities. It gives individuals of Diala status an equal opportunity to achieve political office. It has fostered a highly competitive society with a political culture that is conciliar and democratic. This pattern of political culture is principally rooted in the pattern of kinship and family structure; in the absence of literacy, and in the principle of social conversion for all status seekers. With all the variations in content, Igbo kinship rests upon the principle of exogamous unilineal descent groups. Except in the highly localized "slave communities" in Nike, exogamy produced a set of affinal ties that inhibited subcultural differentiation among descent groups. A second factor inhibiting rigid political and cultural stratification was the absence of literacy in the society. Fallers (1961:108-110) has argued that these two factors had inhibited social structural differentiation in tropical Africa. Probably central to the Igbo is what we have characterized as "social conversion", a principle that makes social status an unstable affair that requires constant revalidation in order to retain its prestige level. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The Social Status Model: The most important status distinctions that the Igbo make are those between Diala/Amadi and non-Diala. There are also categorical distinctions between the status of freemen and that of bondage. The structural principle of duality embedded in the Diala-non-Diala distinctions divides Igbo society into two clearly defined social strata. The non-Diala is generally socially or ritually subordinate to the Diala. Everywhere in Igboland, the ritual precedence of the autochthonous groups is recognized. "One of their special roles is to provide the priest, Eze Ani, the land deity" (Nzimiro, 1972:24). As far as I know, the privilege to offer communal prayers and sacrifice at Ihu ala belongs to the Diala, often the descendants of the founding lineage or the first settlers in a multi-lineage corporation.

In spite of its clear status reference, and its pan-Igbo application, the Diala-non-Diala dichotomy is weak from the etic point of view. Each social category is in fact highly differentiated. The Igbo recognize and make further social distinctions among members of each status category depending on their political, economic, and religious achievements. A paradigm of the Igbo status structure is presented in Figure II. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Igbo status structure is dichotomous at one frame of reference and multi-layered in internal differentiation at the other frame. The dichotomy lies in the distinction between the Diala or Amadi and the nonDiala categories. The multi-layered status system falls into seven categories: kinship, political, associational, wealth and poverty, ritual and residence statuses.

Diala is a free born, full citizen, who enjoys an ascribed, generalized status which implies no particular distinction or achievement for the individual except his capacity to be called upon to enact or initiate important societal roles, normally ritual in nature. However, Diala status confers a pan Igbo citizenship in the sense that a Diala in one Igbo corporation is guaranteed the same status in other corporations. In most communities, the status of Diala is symbolized by the burial of his naval cord, preferably at the foot of an economic tree, which for most areas, is the oil palm tree. To be a Diala is to have the doors of title societies and other associations open to one. While the Diala status opens the door to social climbing, one's place in the stratification system depends on economic success and willingness to engage in "social conversion". Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Non-Diala status is reserved for the oppressed and dominated groups in Igbo society. The generic term, Ohu (oru), applied to this group, is also misleading sociologically unless it is further differentiated. Ohu is a slave. As the Igbo conceived the status, a slave is a person whose links with his own corporation has been severed forever. Slaves had some rights, and their treatment varied in many Igbo communities "Not infrequently, a slave became the companion of his master and was put in a position demanding great trustworthiness" (Basden, 1921:109). In most communities, slaves were generally absorbed into the lineage of their masters, and with this incorporation, it became tasteless to mention the fact of their origin among people who had no right to know (Uchendu, 1977).

Pawns are distinguished from slaves: In the fine status distinctions that the Igbo make between the two, "slaves and pawns are referred to by a generic term, Ohu, but pawns are often terminologically distinguished from ohu by a descriptive term – nvu nvu aku (collateral for wealth)". Pawns enjoyed special privileges and legal protection that slaves never had. They could not be re-pawned by a creditor Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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master; their natural death did not terminate the debt obligations by their family; and since the pawnmaster relationship was contractual, the pawn was usually allowed a number of days in the week to practise his own crafts or to hire out his labour to any employer, including his master.

The system of ritual slavery practiced by many central and riverain Igbo communities has been a subject of comments in both literary and academic journals. Osu is a cult-slave tied to the service of the dedicator's deity. The descendants of such a cult slave were also osu. The osu system was legally abolished by the Eastern Nigerian Government in 1956. In a few communities, the status of osu is ranked with that of ume (those who wither away), a social category that is also considered ritually polluted, and on which we have practically no ethnographic documentation. Osu and ume should have no place in any civilization.

The Kinship State Structure: The foundation of the Diala/non-Diala status structure rests on the position of an individual within the kinship system. If we define stratification as the principles which regulate the distribution of social advantages, then kinship as Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the network of interrelated statuses is central to the stratification processes Igbo kinship structure emphasizes male precedence, seniority by birth order irrespective of sex, sex linked roles and for most communities, agnation.

Seniority by birth order in the lineage is the normal basis for Opara and Ada statuses; and also succession to those positions. By the extension of the structural principles, the first male child in the family is Opara and the first female child is Ada. Affinal relationship creates an important status position for one's children. Every patrilineally dominant Igbo enjoys an okene (okele) status in his or her mother's lineage, a privileged position that ensures support, which may be emotional, political, or economic. In the double descent systems of Cross River basin Igbo, individuals enjoy rights rather than privileged in their ikwu nne. Ottenberg (1971:17) estimates that about 85 per cent of the farmlands in Afikpo are controlled by the matrilineal groups. This means that an upward mobile individual farmer must depend on his matrikin for a large measure of his economic success.

Our discussion seems to have ignored women. In the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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kinship domain, distinction is made between two categories of women: umu okpu, lineage women who may be married, unmarried, divorced or widowed and ndom or ndinyom, or okporo alu alu, who belongs to the lineage by marriage. In most communities, first wife ranks highest no matter her age or other social disabilities. In the public domain, the sex-linked roles. which clearly foster sex segregation, have a leveling effect of leaving women and men to manage their own affairs. Although practices vary, Igbo women have the freedom and the opportunity to engage in trade on their own account. Wealthy Igbo women, in their role as "social father", traditionally contracted a legal marriage with other women and enjoyed all the rights and privileges of husband, except the role of a genitor. The institution of gynaegamy, a term I coined for woman marriage (Uchendu, 1968), enables wealthy women to convert their wealth into one of the most prestigious rights of Igbo society, the exercise of rights in the reproductive powers of women. Those who confuse sex with marriage, no doubt protest this institution. But marriage is not co-terminous with sex. While marriage is associated with sex, and in fact, formally gives husband and wife mutual sexual access, which cultures may define as exclusive or not, many societies still fall short of this ideal.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The conversion Principle: We have so far considered the major ascribed statuses. The Igbo are also known for their achieved status, a point emphasized by all students of this society. In a very enterprising theory of social structure and personality that combines historical, sociological and psychological factors into one frame in an effort to uncover the determinants of achievement motivation in Nigeria, LeVine postulates that Igbo status system is occupationally oriented. In his formulation,

...among the Ibo, the acquisition of wealth led to political power. Thus, status mobility was achieved... through the demonstration of economic skills of an entrepreneurial sort. The ideal successful...Ibo appears to have been the energetic and industrious farmer or trader who aggrandized himself personally through productive or distributive activity (LeVine, 1966:33-37).

LeVine's occupational orientation hypothesis has support in Igbo ethnography. I contend, however, that to understand the dynamics of the "associational status" system in Igbo society, we have to apply the notion of "social conversion", that is, how wealth is Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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transformed in society. The process by which the individual Igbo transforms his material wealth into highly desired intangible symbols is what we call social conversion. The Igbo lay a great emphasis on wealth in their stratification model. They distinguish between Ogbenye or mbi (the poor), from aka ji aku (hand that command wealth) or uba (the wealthy). The Igbo make clear status distinctions between wealth (aku). They treat wealth and prestige as two different variables. For instance, a person impoverished by costly title-taking may have no wealth but still commands high prestige. The conversion process is at the heart of Igbo title system which is the concrete structure or institution which mediates the social conversion process. The conversion principle is applied to every occupation that the Igbo could think of. It is a unidirectional process, never reversible. A successful occupation leads to the acquisition of wealth which generates pressure to convert it into prestigious symbols. While the occupations and prestige institutions do vary among Igbo communities, the principle of conversion is invariant.

Wealth is a social product. It is not an end in itself. Rather, it is viewed in Igbo society as a means of achieving prestige; and prestige is the reward which Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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society bestows on those social climbers who use their wealth in ways approved and most esteemed by their neighbors and communities. The object of wealth is to further achievement both personal and communal. Traditionally, wealth was not used for things that would not effect a positive change in status.

REGIONAL VARIATIONS IN IGBO SOCIAL STRUCTURE

Our review of Igbo social structure demonstrates its complexity, both in form and content (Uchendu, 1991: 27-47). Variations in Igbo social structure can be explained situational factors; and such variations are practically limited to the kinship domain. We have noted that the attempt by Forde and Jones (1950) to contour these variations by pointing out critical cultural traits was not convincing. In a recent statement on the subject, I suggested that kinship is the key diagnostic cultural trait to the variations in Igbo social structure and isolated the rules of exogamy, endogamy and incest as critical variables. The application of these variables revealed that a distinction must be made between the Ikwu and the Umunna belts of kinship systems (Uchendu, 1994). Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Two Kinship Belts: Umunna is a common term used in both belts but it is given a different content in each. Both Umunna and Ikwu kinship belts share some marriage features. Post-marital residence is patrilocal in both belts and the kinship structure is differentially corporate. Marriage is legitimized by bridewealth payment which is comparatively a token in Ikwu but high in the Umunna belt

The Umunna kinship belt coincides with the strictly patrilineal areas of Igboland, which is the whole Igbo territory less the eastern portion of the mid Cross River basin. Marriage rules provide for the payment of comparatively large bridewealth in the Umunna belt resulting in the acquisition of full genetricial and uxorial rights in their wires and the incorporation of such rights in their descent lines, no matter who fathered the children. The logic of bridewealth payment is that "the child belongs to the man who paid the bridewealth". Widow inheritance is practiced because the patrilineage and not just the bridegroom, has an enduring interest in every marriage. The rule of exogamy excludes cross-cousin marriage but gynaegamy and wife exchange are reported and fit Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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into the structure of the kinship system.

The Ikwu kinship belt lies in the mid Cross River basin and spills into Yakurr (Ugep) in Cross River State. It stretches from the Okpoha-Amasere-Edda in the north to Abiriba-Ohaffia axis in the south The western boundaries are approximately AkaezeNkporo borderlines; but the kinship status of these borderlines is not well documented.

The most important and therefore unique kinship feature of this belt is the double descent system. In this kinship a person enjoys concurrent matrilineal and patrilineal descent, his or her affiliation is unambiguously matrilineal but movable and immovable personal property, some lineage lands, palm groves and fish ponds are subject to partition between the matrilineal and patrilineal groups. As can be predicted from the kinship structure, widow inheritance is either absent or unimportant, the child bearing capacities of women are not transferred at marriage, because they belong to their descent group and while the socialization of the child is the formal responsibility of the patrilineage, this may also be shared. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The patrilineage and the matrilineage are both corporate in character but while residence in the matrilineage is highly decentralized, the patrilineage is residentially concentrated in various villages. The lines of cleavages are drawn by marriage and activated by death and other crises which draw interest in sharp focus. Property rights, including the rights in women, are highly focused on the matrilineage and the administration of these rights is in the hands of the male descendants even though that women provide the seeds of lineage continuity through children fathered and socialized by husbands who come from different descent groups.

The kinship and marriage traditions of the Ikwu belt were identified by Darly Forde in 1930s for the Yakurr of the Cross River State and by the Ottenbergs for the Afikpo in the late 1950s and by Nsugbe on the Ohaffia in the 1960s. Nsugbe (1974) caused an academic furor for classifying the Ohaffia system of kinship as matrilineal. Paradoxically, it was those who had not apparently read the Ohaffia: A Matrilineal Ibo People who led the outburst. What are the general features of the double descent system and where did Nsugbe get Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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it wrong?

Features of the Double Descent System: Parenthood is a duality. If recognition of descent were symmetrically accorded through both parents at each generation, kinship ties would so "proliferate indefinitely in ever widening aggregates" that we would need a computer to work it out. Human cultures have tended to simplify this problem by adopting a limited number of principles in the classification of their descent. These principles yield four varieties of descent systems: bilateral, patrilineal, matrilineal and double descent. The patrilineal descent system is far too common and so dominant that is characteristics are not easily confused with those of other descent systems. This is not so with the double descent system which combines both the features of the matrilineal and patrilineal descent systems and vary its corporate character so widely that its identification and classification have posed some theoretical problems (Goody, 1961).

The patrilineal and matrilineal kinship systems have highly focused marriage types and characteristics. David Schneider and Kathleen Gough (1962), in their Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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synopic survey, Matrilineal Kinship, suggest a set of "minimum conditions or constants" which distinguish matriliny from other kinship types. The constants are:

(a) affiliation is with the matrilineal descent unit. (b) descent group exogamy is imperative. (c) each child is the responsibility of a specified woman; and women in the descent unit have the duty to promote and protect the reproductive capacities of all women in the unit no matter their residence. (d) men are in authority over women and children, no matter the descent system.

The Schneider-Gough analysis simply re-states and affirms the facts characteristic of marriages in matrilineal systems, that is, the husband is to exercise the rights in genetricem but the rights in personam are limited because they are partitioned rights. The rights in a woman's reproductive capacities are owned by her lineage, policed by her sisters but the fruits of her womb descend not to the pater (physiological or social father), but to the woman's lineage. The Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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husband has a right of sexual access but the exercise of this right may not be exclusive. The only exclusive right to the husband on both sides of the middle Cross River basin, is that the post-marital residence is patrilocal.

Descent poses a different theoretical problem where the father's role is more important than the strength of the lineage in matters relating to women married to their members. This is one of the unique features of the double descent system which defines a kinship situation in which a person belongs to a pair of unilineal groups, one based on the patrilineal, the other on the matrilineal, mode of reckoning. This type of kinship embodies two corporate descent groups, patrilineal and matrilineal, accompanied by "double inheritance" in which a person inherits property both from patrilineal and matrilineal descent groups simultaneously. Double descent groups in Igboland are property-holding corporations and they are concentrated in the region we defined as the Ikwu marriage belt. Forde and Jones (1950:52) list Ada, Abam and Ohaffia; Ottenberg (1959) studied (1961:12), Jones expands the list to include Akeze, Amaseri, Okpoha, Afikpo, Ada, Unwana, Abiriba, Abam and Ohaffia. Nsugbe's (1974) study of Ohaffia is a masterly ethnographic documentation but his Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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analysis is theoretically flawed for failing to recognize the double corporations in Ohaffia kinship which clearly make it a double descent, not a matrilineal system.

Igbo Marriage Types: One important function of descent in corporate lineage systems is to act as the guardian of the family estate. This is precisely what it does in Igbo culture in which married life is the normal condition for both men and women, and polygyny, the ideal.

Igbo marriage types are strongly linked to their kinship structures. The marriage types that are structurally compatible with the patrilineal system and therefore unique to the Umunna marriage belt include the Mmaji-Njoku marriage, woman marriage, widow inheritance and wife exchange marriages. These marriages reflect the high degree of incorporation achieved by wives into the lineage of their husbands resulting from the acquisition at marriage of the reproductive capacities of wives by husbands. On the other hand, certain marriage types are unique to the Ikwu marriage belt, and they are marriage that are clearly taboo in the patrilineal Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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system. Nsugbe (1974:81) lists four such preferred marriage-forms in the Ikwu marriage belt to include two varieties each of nwa nna di and nwa nne di marriages.

(a) Nwa nna di marriage forms:

(i) FSD marriage: Ego marries the daughter of his male half-sibling, that is, Ego’s wife is a close patrikin, the grand-daughter of Ego's own father. (ii) FBD marriage: Ego marries the daughter of his father's male half-sibling, the same woman whom Ego's father could marry.

(b) Nwa nne di marriage forms:

(i) FZD marriage: Ego marries the daughter of his father's female half-sibling, in a situation where Ego's father and Ecro's father's half-sister are of the same mother but of different fathers. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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(ii) MBD marriage: Ego marries his mother's brother's daughter because both husband and wife do not belong to the same matrilineage.

In the Umunna marriage belt, FSD, FBD, FZD and MBD marriages, would be an abomination because they break the rule of patrilineage exogamy. However, in the Ikwu marriage belt, the rules are reversed, the emphasis being on matrilineage exogamy. "Whereas Ego cannot marry mother's sister's daughter because both belong to the same matrilineage, he can marry mother's brother's daughter because both husband and wife do not belong to the same matrilineage" (Nsugbe, 1974:81).

"Woman marriage", for which I coined the term "gynaegamy", is widely reported in Africa. It is strictly a patrilineal institution, inherent in the logic of the transfer of a woman's reproductive powers to her husband’s lineage. Thomas (1914:83-85), Talbot (1932:93, 195-6), Meek (1937:275) and Uchendu (1965:50) have called attention to "woman marriage" in the Umunna kinship belt of Igboland. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Gynaegamy gives us an important insight into gender issues in marriage. It is an institution that is grossly misunderstood by our elite in the name of our imported religions. Once the rights in marriage can be analytically distinguished, the confusion as to which gender should do the "marrying", be the husband, for instance, and whether marriage is coterminous with sex or not, becomes irrelevant. In a gynaegamous marriage the seed raiser or genitor is different from the genetrix and the social father. The JudaeoChristian tradition of marriage treats all the rights in a woman as a "bundle of rights” and transfers them to the husband as an inseparable bundle. Other civilizations don't. Before science advanced to the stage that yielded test-tube babies and gave us surrogate mothers, Igbo civilization had made it possible for wealthy and respectable Igbo women to play a husband role, not as a legal fiction but as social and legal reality.

Widow inheritance is another marriage type that grows out of the logic of the retention by the husband's lineage of the reproductive capacity of the wife. It is a marriage type that is structurally inconsistent with the double descent or matrilineal Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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system. In either kinship system, a woman's reproductive capacities are not transferred at marriage but retained by her descent unit.

Wife exchange has been reported for the Umunna marriage belt by Meek (1937:265) and Uchendu (1965:51). It is based on the principle of strong patriliny and for the reasons that explain other marriage types unique to the Umunna marriage belt.

AHIAJOKU IN IGBO SOCIAL STRUCTURE

Whenever we touch upon sensitive institutions – and some think that Ahiajoku is one such primitive deity that should be consigned to the museum of history – we tend to strike a cord with many echoes. In fact, more often than not, what we strike is not a chord but a discord, not a harmony but a disharmony because the Ahiajoku deity appears to be a bundle of contradictions in its roles. It gives prosperity and protection to yams, our most important prestige crop; eze ji, an important title guild, functions in its name as it sets the annual farm calendar; and Ahiajoku Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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created and set the rules for the Mmaji and Njoku marriage, the only prescriptive marriage in Igbo culture.

Ahiajoku is impossible to conceive outside the context of the yam crop. The yam belt of the world stretches through the equatorial tropics with the edible yam clustered around four distinct centres of origin: the Indo-Chinese peninsula; Southern China; the fringe of the West African forest; and the Caribbean area. Each centre of origin is associated with varying species of the genus Discorea (Coursey, 1967:11). While the peoples of these yam belts practically produce all the world yam crops and engage in elaborate ceremonies connected with yam cultivation and harvest, no other society but the Igbo succeeded in building a unique "civilization" based on the cultivation of the yam crop.

The Yam Title: The Ezeji (yam title) tradition is widely shared in Igboland. It is highly elaborated within what might be described as the "nuclear" Igboland from which the title system diffused to other parts of our culture area; and in this century, it was adopted across the Western Cross River basin with the Yakurr area of the Cross River State as one of its major Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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centres of diffusion outside Igboland.

To be initiated into the yam title, the aspirant requires a long period of indoctrination, re socialization and motivation by the lineage elders. The aspirant would not only work hard on the farm, but needed the labour of a large network of relatives, with his extended family showing leadership, dedication and devotion. In the tradition of the Old Bende Division, which includes Ngwaland, Ubakala, Umuopara, Ibeku, Ikwuano and other communities in Bende area, an aspirant must exhibit in his barn at least one hundred stakes of the "approved" yam type (ji efu) (this excludes all yams harvested more than once in their growing cycle). The first group of people to "inspect" the yams would be the elders of his extended family who had taken the "first step" in the initiation process to the yam title. If they are satisfied with the quantity and quality of the yams and are encouraged by the number of collateral yams which are not in the prescribed list, the elders would summon their "worthy" son to take the "first step".

The "first step" in the initiation into eze ji guild was a purely religious affair. It involved the dedication of a Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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goat (eghu Ahiajoku) to the yam deity who would be prayed to make the aspirant's efforts on the farm more prosperous. For a large number of Igbo aspirants, the dedication of eghu Njoku might be their first and last step to the coveted eze-jiship. They end up in a status of liminality. For the more successful aspirants, their yam crops and eghu Ahiajoku would show tremendous increases as they cultivated and reactivated their potentially large and diverse groups of the extended family networks who would add pageantry to a future ime ihe ji (yam title taking) ceremonies. Ime ihe ji could take off with a single title of Ihu iri or a double title of Nnu. An aspirant who exhibited two hundred stakes of "approved” yams would be awarded Ihu iri title; and he could qualify for a double Ihu iri title by exhibiting two hundred stakes of ji efu and two hundred stakes of a pu ji (i.e crested yam yam harvested more than once). The Nnu title was about the terminal point of the yam title. Igbo status climbers who claimed a double Nnu title, that is four hundred stakes of ji efu and four hundred stakes of apu ji, would not be many in any community. I am not describing our modern Igbo society where "suit-case" farmers, without farms, wives or extended family support could depend on the market to provide yams for their yam titles. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The yam title creates for its holders an opportunity to be involved in an exclusive but prescriptive hypergamic connubium popularly called Mmaji Njoku marriage. It is a high status marriage restricted to the children of those who had taken the yam title. Mmaji and Njokuji are carefully identified by diviners at birth. Because of the serious extended family obligations they impose, no parent would take the opinion of one diviner as final; second and third opinions might be sought, with members of the extended family involved.

Mmaji, literally means the "yam’s knife", the knife that cuts .yams into pieces. She is sociologically an uncommon child and a rare bride. She must be the first wife of her husband, who must be of Njoku status by prescription. If there is an Njokuji in the core extended family, he is formally allocated the bridewealth from the "family," Mmaji, irrespective of the fact that they might be of different fathers and mothers. The logic of Igbo worldview assigns Njokuji and Mmaji ambiguous ritual statuses. Njokuji, a male servitor of the yam deity, must assume a female role when mourning the death of his father and dedicator. In that role, he must join his late father's wives in the mourning room and eat with his left hand during the mourning period. To assume these assigned roles, he Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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would literally keep the yam barn under interdiction until all his demands were met. Njokuji and Mmaji do not ordinarily make any extraordinary demands on the extended family or society while alive; and as individuals, they have no distinguishing marks that separate them from other individuals. Paradoxically, they constitute a cultural threat at their dedicator's death or at their own death. Their remains must be ritually disposed of as prescribed by tradition when they die. Tradition prescribes and cultural practices reaffirm that the skull of Njokuji and Mmaji must be protected from rain and sunshine and rest on a pedestal in a house, as long as the extended family lasted. Although there is no sacrifice made to the skulls of Njokuji and Mmaji, they still impose a longterm responsibility on society. Religious change, operating under a radically different logic and worldview, has turned the responsibility imposed by Njokuji and Mmaji into an incompatible and therefore totally unacceptable burden. The extended family ofo and Njokuji and Mmaji are alike in one respect. They reaffirm the continuity of the extended family. While the extended family ofo is highly decentralized, the Njokuji and Mmaji are the products of chance, achieved through the yam title, but selectively endowed, as "family estate". Both still symbolized to Ndi-Igbo the continuity of culture and civilization.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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CIVILIZATION IN IGBO CIVILIZATION All civilizations are the products of intellectual culture; and they draw inspiration and support from such a culture. By intellectual culture, I mean the paradigms for understanding a people's cultural achievements. An intellectual view of civilization is essentially idea-centered; it is a system of ideas, a communicable intelligence identified with a given tradition. Civilization is a symbol which cannot be understood in itself but must be taken correlatively with what it is mean to convey. It stands for something other than, or at least more than, what it immediately signifies. For instance, extended family in Igbo culture is an illustration of a unit of social organization which stands for more than a group of relatives. It is a concept which opens the doors of Igbo civilization so that through it, we can truly understand what it means to be Igbo.

Civilization is more than a symbol or an idea. It is also the ennoblement of culture which may occur through one focal culture trait at the same time. According to George Adams (1959:49-61) the idea of civilization demands that we distinguish between “life as it is lived and life as it is observed". Civilization is a supreme human achievement and it is constructed Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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with the "energies and the life of man". Life as lived is life felt from within. Life as observed is the life of other living creatures. "The observed and observable is objective and phenomenal, the home of evidence, of verifiability of fact, the area to which description, prediction and scientific hypotheses are relevant" (Adams, 1959 50). The observed civilization is the "many diverse civilizations studied and surveyed by historians". Most of these are dead. They have finished and completed their careers. They now live in the museums and come to life through intellectual efforts which re-enact their activities. When civilization is used as a "class term" usually in the singular, it is civilization as observed" usually in the singular, it is "civilization as observed" that is meant. Igbo civilization is "civilization as lived". It is a civilization that is being lived and enacted, a civilization in the making, a civilization that pursues certain ends, makes certain policies, practices its arts and sciences and prescribes a morality and imposes a code of conduct. Civilization as lived denotes the content of human life, its directional processes as well as the structure, organization and machinery of its social system. Organization is not a privileged prerogative of human societies, nor of civilization. A chaotic society, like the one we in Nigeria are working hard to leave to our children, does not mean lack of organization but rather one with a type of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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organization which bars it from incorporating significant ideas and values, such as equality of opportunity as opposed to equality of result, justice, freedom and liberty for all.

Civilization is like a totem, ofo, ishi Njoku, ishi Mmaji – all containers and vehicles of culturally significant values. As long as totemism or Njokuism; or Mmajism endures, the totem remains a container adequate for its content and its meaning. The content of which the totem is the bearer is not a "class idea". It is an ideal. It provides a criterion by which to measure the adequacy of the meaning which the totem embodies. Once the content of a totem -- and it is sacred, awesome or numinous -- is disincorporated from the totem, the search for a new totem, adequate for the meaning, begins all over again. Under the colonial contact situation, our totems were discredited as bad containers, no longer suitable for their contents; new meanings crowded out the old meanings; and all meanings outgrew their visible embodiments (Adams, 1959:61). The challenge, and it is our challenge, is what symbols of civilization should carry the meanings created by our living civilization.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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The transformation of a civilization occurs when its "generative" ideas and ideals are fundamentally changed. History and ethnology provide some illustrations. The Greek Sophists and Protagoras gave us the insight that "man is the measure of all things"; and that man as a creator of culture, must artistically mould himself and society in conformity with his beliefs and ideals. The classic Greek and traditional Chinese cultures made aesthetic configuration a dominant aspect of their civilization. In China in particular, "form” and "face-saving" became dominant preoccupations of the culture; and in classic Greek culture, the importance assigned to music, literature, drama, gymnastics and mathematical sciences attested to its aesthetic orientation. Even Plato's attempt to re-orient Greek culture from an aesthetic to a moral focus succeeded only in reaffirming the Greek primacy of aesthetic values. From a sociological point of view, the Greek aesthetic cultural orientation made much sense in the Athenian society of Plato's time. Their value orientation was consistent with a culture of the leisure class, made possible by the utilization of slave labour for all the menial, utilitarian tasks. As educators know, Plato and Aristotle's philosophy of education is not as democratic as it sounds. They were concerned with the education of free-born Athenian citizens and gentlemen who had the social opportunity and the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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leisure to cultivate the liberal arts and sciences (Bidney, 1964 402). Nearer home, the 19th century Efik or Aro nobleman was not quite distant from the Greek nobleman of another age. Both lived in a society where emancipation from menial work made leisure pursuit necessary, and the pursuit of aristocratic social status made it obligatory. The liberal educational tradition of the Greek cultural aristocracy found its way to the Romans who transformed it into a universal human ideal, the ideal of humanitas. The Middle Ages refined it into the “humanities" comprising the trivium (grammar, rhetoric and logic) and the quadrivium (arithmetic, music, geometry and astronomy). There have since been further transformations. In the modern age of science and technology and amusement parks, aesthetic culture is no longer an integrated pursuit of knowledge; it has ceased to be a total vision of life or a "testament of beauty". It has become a luxury, an ornament created to enable a few to escape from the vulgarities of daily life: Bidney (1960:403) captures the irony of this development: The major paradox of our contemporary democratic culture is the fact that our education system is based upon abstract, aristocratic cultural values, whereas, our social system is organized on democratic lines; and our scientific technology is geared to material Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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wealth and national power. The incompatibility of our cultural ideals and practices is demonstrated by the social esteem in which our educational system is held and the distrust of the educated man in practical affairs. If a dominant aesthetic cultural orientation is based on the theme that a society is good when it is beautiful, a moralistic cultural orientation subscribes to the view that a society is beautiful when it is organized according to some dominant idea of the good that fits its "way of life". The Medieval world provides some illustrations. While the ancient Greeks cultivated the wise man, the philosopher in quest of rational wisdom; the medieval world cultivated the saint, the righteous man, dedicated to a life of ascetic holiness, a man but sometimes and reluctantly a woman, imbued with faith in divine grace and love. Since life on earth was conceived as a “pilgrim's progress", the whole process of living became of direct concern to the Medieval Church. The Summa theological of St. Thomas Aquinas and the Divine Comedy of Dante gave classic theoretical and poetic expressions of the ideals of this moralistic cultural orientation. The growing secularization of thought which began in the 17th century and the commercialism and industrialism of the 18th and 19th centuries, have combined to produce a world and a civilization in which ethical and political theories have Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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won autonomy from theology, thus eroding the moralistic orientation of culture. This emancipation of morality from secular culture is far from complete. But a moralistic orientation is now seen as an endangered species which must be protected by "Fundamental Human Rights" clauses in the United Nations Charter, in the Nigerian Constitution and as the doctrine of inalienable rights in the United States Constitution. VALUE ORIENTATIONS: ANCHORS TO IGBO CIVILIZATION The central values of Igbo culture are rooted in the social structure, particularly in the extended family. Among such values are the importance attached to mutual dependence; to lineage continuity; to a man as a value; to life affirmation; and to a strong occupational orientation. Mutual Dependence is a central value in Igbo culture, an attribute of an inclusive kinship system inherent in the primary descent group whether patrilineal or double descent. The other important attribute of this descent stem is continuity. Every father-son or mother daughter of sister brother relationship is link in an endless chain of the descent system. Enmeshed in a network of continuous relationships, the individual is conditioned to orient himself linearly, and in a secondary way, laterally within a well defined Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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kinship system. An individual's place in this line of descent is specific and inalienable. While the obligations are mutual between parent and child, they are not equal throughout the stages of each generational cycle. The child owes the parent obedience, which is transformed into filial piety, a ritual obligation at the death of the parent. The parent owes the child protection. Succession to property, name and status is a fact of descent principle, not of the arbitrariness of law or a testamentary will. In a system where parent-child bond is dominant, the wife in a patrineal society remains as much a stranger as the husband is in a matrilineal or double descent system. The primary duty of a wife in a patrilineal society is to provide members to her husband's lineage, and if she falls in this task, she is easily dispensable. The same is true of the husband in a matrilineal system. His primary function is to seed the continuity of his wife’s lineage. The need for lineal continuity and horizontal solidarity in Igbo kinship system tends to reduce individual privacy. Children participate in the adult world as they grow up. Mutual dependence requires that children share the problems of the adult, to empathize with family history, and to share in its prejudices. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Lineage Continuity: Deriving from the value orientation of mutual dependence is lineage continuity. The lineage is seen as the building block of a peoplehood. To maintain the lineage is a preoccupation reflected in the demands made in prayer: more children and wives and general prosperity to support them are usual refrains. Since women, as wives and daughters, are the vehicle of lineage continuity, plural marriages are sanctioned everywhere. Furthermore, the concept of paternity, which is central to the legitimacy of children, is given a broad interpretation. A legitimate child is not necessarily fathered by the social father, rather it is a child who can lay a claim to a social father and social fatherhood is validated by bridewealth payment. This interpretation of legitimacy places a premium value on marriage as an institution, particularly on those processes of the marriage institution which are designed either to transfer the potential offspring of a woman's womb from her husband or to retain it in her lineage. Man as Value: Following from mutual dependence, is the value placed on the importance of man. Man is valued above things in Igbo society. The society demanded, and still demands, a large family, a demand that makes polygyny a desirable goal and the position of ancestors a dignified one. The emphasis on man as the measure of value is not new in history; but Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the Igbo give it a unique value. To live till the ripe age before one joins the ancestors is the cherished wish everywhere. Unlike Asia which glorifies ascetic life and seeks to withdraw from the mundane world, or the Western culture which accepts the JudaeoChristian worldview of a heaven as the last place for retirement for the good, the Igba construction of the world is that reincarnation after death and the need to join the living lineage, make the world of man and the world of the dead a single universe providing an alternating abode for man. Life Affirmation is an important Igbo value that supports the centrality of man in the scheme of things. It does not mean that Igbo do not take their own life. Suicide is not valued, and where it occurs, it is of a "protest" type, designed to call attention to one’s social failure in this world. After a suicide, a ritual remedy lets the living get on with their life.

Occupational Orientation: Central to work attitudes and the values they create, is the occupational orientation manifest in a particular status system. Exploring the thesis that certain occupational orientations, mandated by a status system, provide greater incentives for status mobility than others, LeVine (1966) calls our attention to the different Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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cultural and value implications of a "politically oriented" and "occupationally oriented" status systems. Using the Hausa and the Igbo as illustration, he observes: The Hausa status system was politically oriented, where the Igbo one was occupationnally oriented. Among the Hausa, political office led to wealth, among the Igbo, the acquisition of wealth led to political power. The status mobility was achieved in one instance (Hausa) through demonstrating capability of playing a role in an authoritarian political system, and in the other instance (Igbo) through the demonstration of economic skills of an entrepreneurial sort. The ideal successful Hausa man seems, to have been the office holder who faithfully supported his superior and rewarded his followers; the Igbo ideal appears to have been the energetic and industrious farmer or trader who aggrandized himself personally through productive or distributive activity. By Igbo standards, the Hausa ideal was over dependent and confining to the individual, by Hausa standards, the Igbo ideal was dangerously selfish and anarchic (LeVine, 1966:36-37). CONCLUDING REMARKS Historians warn us against identifying civilization with any one individual civilization, implying that civilization is not tied to one specific way of life. Nor is Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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it tied to one specific approach to understanding or method of analysis. Abstract structures, like grande ideas, can lead to the explication of the concrece event, and vice versa. Ezi na ulo which transforms itself into ezi n'ulo is a concrete form of Igbo social system and it provides insights into other structures of Igbo social life and the theories and organization of such life. We can learn much about civilization and civilizations or achievements of the human race on one hand and the individual achievements of diverse populations on the other, by exploring at Marchall Sahlins (1983:518) describes as "other times, her customs" according to "the otherness of the suctoms". I have attempted to show that the "otherness" of Igbo customs constitute an important civilization in its own right and contributes to the pool of human civilization.

What can modern society, including Nigeria, learn from Igbo-type society? The problem is not what analysis of such society will reveal and therefore teach but rather what prejudices, which poet William Coleridge identified as blindspots, "passion and party", would permit us to learn. Let us hear Coleridge on the prejudice:

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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If man could learn from history What lessons it might teach us! But passion and party blind our eyes And the light which experience gives Is a lantern on the stern; Which shines only on the waves behind us.

We live in a politically troubled society where the search for political models consumes a lot of our scarce national resources and the energies of our rulers. If we put aside our prejudices and let the "lantern shine" on problems, we can easily learn four lessons from Igbo political culture, all rooted in the operations of ezi na ulo. The first lesson is the idea of politics as the mutual accommodation of differences; the second is the concept of sovereign power as everybody’s business; the third lesson is the direct consequence of the second lesson; and it is …rotation of, power and authority among politically competing units. The fourth, is the primary of public state and the importance of political discourse among Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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individuals.

The management of diversity is an important challenge in every civilization. Igbo-type society manages diversity through decentralization of power. It teaches that the selective management of institutional and social diversity does not lie in its suppression but rather in accommodating… This can be achieved through the strategy of exploiting an existing "minimum consensus" which is expanded" as mutual confidence and trust are built up during a period of mutually beneficial interaction. The principle of "expandable minimum" consensus leads to the…of politics as the mutual accommodation of differences and to the concept of sovereign power as everybody’s business, just as it is in the ezi na ulo. Following from the central idea that the exercise of sovereignty is everybody's business, is the idea that power must be shared. Like the Nigerian polity, Igbo polity was concerned about political domination, but unlike Nigeria, Igbo political culture found a ready resolution by making domination and submission to authority alternating sides of the same relationship by making lineages competent political units and rotating authority among them following the principle of lineage seniority. Rendering public debate among equals in the public square "where open covenants are Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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openly arrived at, thus developing speech to a preeminence over the instruments of power" appears Greek; but it is equally Igbo. The political training ground for the Igbo citizen begins at the ezi, a domestic political arena, and expands to the village assembly and then to the wider polity. It is a polity where the citizen pleads his own cause and oratory is cultivated and rewarded.

Mr. Chairman, this was not planned as a marathon lecture, nor is it a doctoral thesis, in the mandarin tradition. Permit me, however, to end it the way it started, with a story. There was an old Chinese sage who told a group of his student his dream. "Last night", he said, "I dreamed I was a butterfly flittering from blossom to blossom enjoying the delicious perfumes of various flowers and sipping from their nectar. Then I woke and found myself a tired old man". At this stage he paused and surveyed the reactions of his students. "Now, tell me", he asked them, "Am I an old man who dreamed he was a butterfly or am I a butterfly who is dreaming that he is an old man?"

Let me rephrase the question, in the context of this Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Lecture. Am I an armchair anthropologist creating civilizational roles for our extended family or is our civilization giving us new insights into our extended family and other institutions? Since the format of this Lecture does not permit a dialogue, may I leave you with the Lecture and its puzzles.

Ochi agha, Oha n'eze! Kam mii ya mma 'm na ovo. Oge eruo 'la mgbe onye gburu agu ji afu ahia. Ji fo ufo, onu ala afo ufo. Ikwu n’ibe, ndewo nu!

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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AGBAJA: for MY MUM By OBU UDEOZO, UDEOZO, University of Jos, Nigeria.

slaughter kingdom after our memory dried from counting the perpetual hawk’s goals against us: kwashiorkor’s hotline to the yawning soil we swallowed life in our bowels to brave the death daring lanes… with the foresight of camels we banked tomorrow in our stomachs lambs, limping unto life’s devouring realms… the eagle’s splendour is clarity in flight

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Comment: According to Chinua Achebe, “Udeozo’s poetry comes to us hot from the foundry of his restless imagination. He is a natural poet ready to take on any subject that touches his people. We shall hear of him more and more in the years ahead.” Igbo is excerpted from Cyclone - an anthology of poems shortlisted for the 2005 Nigeria LNG literature prize.

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for a burden of crumbs; is supplication for cheap arrests: like Edozie’s Dad who vanished at the waterfront into slaughter kingdom; severity has auctioned us unto the Maginot Line of blind beggars… My mum clutched her breath her fragility groaned a candlelight in chaos pain awoke her fresh stitches to cure the community’s salt, sugar and stockfish sclerosis and to evade that wrestler who molests victims before their mothers: kwashiorkor’s hotline to the yawning soil my Mother vowed to kiss the blind spot; our lone bridge to salvation and harvest.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Zerubbabels So we gambled on towards hot horizons She, a candlelight in chaos and I, at ten, a tendril flavoured for calamity’s claws; plumbing the dark trade route of futility and faith pure Zerubbabels for the harvest tide: where bombs germinate in hoods of yam tubers and the foliage hosts death sprinkling platoons, or a sniper coiled at the ceiling of an Akpaka tree whose instant fortune nails men, smouldering on the spot. and roaring afternoons, snatch unwilling folks beyond mortality’s curve Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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a perfect homage to the genius of a sage and Great Britain: whose marvellous blockade crowned salt our first Bill Gates beyond our tongues or memory and made soap and sausage the fairy tale of madmen; starvation bewitch our children with the yuletide of expiring tones; and our elders bargain with death in loud hunger-propelled night songs… Mozart and his loyal wife dancing away the cruel winter… yet our lone bridge for salvation and harvest is the bunker of my Mother’s love at every sorrow station; Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the compassion She lends us, with the nuclear power of leopards.

a universe of wolves bowlfuls of sweat calibrated our rare retreats and solitary couriers after eternities of stealth steps barter security briefs in whispers like a column of ants lacing their highways with scarce perfume. and the bereaved farmlands conscripted the bush paths molding each step into a combat as our bodies punctured the bulrushes like agu ngwo against the deaf waists of palm trunks and before our murmuring feet succumbed to gravity’s claims, we staggered after 3 nights upon the brown goddess; Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ezu Ebenebe with her fierce waters roaring like a universe of wolves…

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Ezu Ebenebe over this bleeding bridge the Biafra angel Ogbunigwe snatched us from the fire of acids, razor blades, koboko, rape and sunset of the Hottentots upon our heels

Ezu Ebenebe her amputated bridge is a key hole of suicidal Passovers with her fragment’s head buried in the skies and broken feet in fierce waters the ascent for pilgrims is crawling upon a skyscraper with red monsters yawning at our feet… - with our chi alert we awoke Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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upon the crown of the barricade…

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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and after seven strides beyond the bridgehead, with the voyage’s halfway house wrapped in our palms we surrender again to rest and rice: a voyage of long shadows where a hair’s misprint upon that barricade mails victims into the feast of fierce waters… a voyage of long shadows -after such wahala of ascents and assaults the Di gbakwa oku ladies sold marriage, manhood and fruits.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Divine Cup of Wrath a register of cadavers outside the compass of trade routes: in Biafra yawning fabrics or leaves map the passage rites of pilgrims whose luggage eclipsed

in the fever of flight… … roaring afternoons snatch unwilling folks beyond mortality’s curve bullets pluck persons from the bulrushes for the elephants’ feast; and our elders bargain with death in loud hunger-propelled night songs Mozart and his loyal wife dancing away the cruel winter… Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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we have indeed drunk the Divine cup of wrath promised our ancestors the Jewish Holocaust and Biafra’s open graves is the same kolanut offered our blindness. and the Bible said:

“I swear by myself; declares the LORD, that Bozrah will become a ruin and an object of horror, of reproach and of cursing;…” Jeremiah 49:13 and Okigbo said: “The drowsy heads of pods in barren farm lands witness it, The homesteads abandoned in this century’s brush fire witness. it: The myriad eyes of deserted corn cobs in burning barns witness

it:…”

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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- we endure toxic echoes of petulant babies’ veiled and expiring tones for the sake of their community’s head. air raids saturate us with fatality and fear their electric birds sow death in our farmlands and pillows in tunnels and bunkers we rehearse the wisdom of rodents and the comfort of ant-holes; air raids saturate us with fatality and fear and because we cannot sow tomorrow in our soil starvation salutes us at day break.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Plaza Plaza of dreams

amidst these chaos and throes for their families; certain Esthers spread their lives towards death’s kingdom: we trudged on and after one more night the incense of merchandise sprayed pacifism among debonair shrubs welcome to the apple and ice cream plaza of dreams; Agbaja, the palace of midnight merchandise: Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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canteens of salt and stockfish with gold walking sticks; china wares scream in splendour; eggs and butter laugh in glittering stalls where plump and jocund traders barter goods and banters. proud coins and pounds currency dance mkpokiti in the palms and pockets of merry merchants and Edgar said, “you can buy a planet there…” the god of cash autoclaved the city from sirens, air raids and bombs; whereas our ambassadors pant under Houphet Boigny’s conference table at aeroplane’s shadow Agbaja plays table tennis with peace.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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and beyond the insanity of grenades and mortar the Federal troops and Biafra soldiers freeze their weapons in soccer friendly matches in the palace of midnight merchandise… Agbaja the apple and ice cream plaza of dreams: who can transpose these luxuries unto the tongues of my famished folks only the tapster’s clout can fly this market to douse the famine at home had I wands of noble wood! after the seven seas and seven terrains with the Babylonian capture singing at our feet Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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in Agbaja only cash and commodities speak no minefields, artillery fire or enemies… we saw those who saw those who saw them and who now see us and know that we know that we are all dwellers in this oasis of peace. navigating our funds against commodities for our neutron world. amidst huge oceans of luxuries we ponder how human bonds crack at the terminus of pain: nations, villages, relations mother and child taste the death of self love compassion bleeds like an atom torn; in Biafra families barter cassava leaves, husks and kernels Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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by pecking order, graft or knives among families mercy is monitored to make hunger sleep. human bonds crack at the terminus of pain like the Medusa’s Raft whose passengers aspirated the flesh of expired colleagues to postpone the next dirge or the Daewoo’s option that tranquillize the appetite of children before feeding their parent’s fire or the smug Chinese couple’s plea for the cake of their baby’s corpse to keep warm and awake. human bonds crack at the terminus of pain…

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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dance and laughter as we ambassadors from the palace of midnight merchandise hoist our antenna homewards; my Mother declares me her Samaritan her encomiums drag tears from my eyes and memories of our debt to her compassion deluge me… Mum: your neurons creak to feed and pander; to our thirst and thunder

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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your love is blind to sacrifice and danger every second of your leaping breath: feeds patience, prayers, hope, discipline and sunshine into our lives. Mum: I love you beyond the gold of words

Ijele battalions await your soup pots with fairy tales we hibernate in your dance, mercy and laughter I dream to shoulder the skies for your sake; to paint, sculpt, script your face and compassion into eternity’s mind.

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-by Obu Udeozo.

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THE GREATER IGBO NATION— NATION—IDENTIFYING IGBO VARIANTS DURING THE ERA OF THE SLAVE TRADE By Cultural Education Institute Institute of New Jersey Ishaq D. AlAl-Sulaimani Vernon (Alufiel) Grier, Ed.D

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THE GREATER IGBO NATION-NATION-- IDENTIFYING IGBO VARIANTS DURING THE ERA OF THE SLAVE TRADE I INTRODUCTION It is universally recognized that Igbo is the correct spelling of the tribe that currently comprises the majority of the inhabitants of southeastern Nigeria and of whom are readily associated with the Biafran revolution, however during the time of the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade the “Igbo Nation” was divided into a number of sub-tribe variant identities which were most commonly expressed in the Egbo, Egba Ebo and Ibo forms. The contents of this Chapter establishes the identity of the captives taken from Africa to the Americas and enslaved were of Igbo origins. It further clarifies the role of the sub-tribe variants during the slave trade and their recognized status as being part of a once greater and more inclusive Igbo identity. The majority of Igbo intellectuals continue to teach that the Igbo variants such as the Ibo, Ebo and Egbo are European corruptions of the exclusively indigenous and proper Igbo. In defense of their claim they often cite the words of James Africanus Beale Horton who states that the Igbo spelling is the original of the nation, while avoiding his more Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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detailed description concerning the indigenous usages of Ibo, Ebo and Egbo as it relates to the inhabitants of various towns and regions. “Egbo, Igbo, Ebo and Ibo are the various spellings met within books describing the race that inhabits part of the coast. Amongst the soft Isuama and Elugu the soft Ibo or Ebo is used but amongst the inhabitants of the coast such as Bonny and Okrika the harsher name Egbo is prevalent. In the interior north of the territory the nations are called Igbo which appears more the original name of the inhabitants.” (Horton 1969:154) The altering of the name Igbo was initially implemented with the intent of establishing independence from the “Greater Igbo entity”, while at the same time maintaining the natural ancestral link with the main and originating body. The often hostile reaction and rejection on the part of the Igbo towards the seceding Egbo, Ebo and Ibo gradually weakened the bonds of brotherhood ultimately resulting in the emergence of such “non-Igbo” tribes as the Efik, Ibibio and Oron of Calabar, the Egba and Igbo-Mina of Yorubaland and the Ewe and Ga of Ghana and the Fongbe of Dahomey. II The altering of the letters in a name to create an independent identity such as that of Egbo, Ebo and Ibo which at some “ancient” point derived out of the original Igbo continued after the Biafran War in Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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regards to the Iwerre people as pointed out by Professor Ben O. Nwabueze. “It is well to note that of the Igbo border communities in Benue State as well as those in and around Port Hacourt now strenuously disclaims their Igbo Identity. This disclaimer is manifest in practical terms by the latter changing their names of their villages by prefixing them with a “R” so that Umuokoro becomes Rumuokoro, Umuigbo becomes Rumuigbo, Umumasi becomes Rumumasi, Umukorusha becomes Rumukorosha and so on. The intention is to make them not look or sound like Igbo names.” Throughout this presentation I will be using Igbo as an umbrella term describing the tribe in a general sense and as a specific reference for the majority of the tribe presently inhabiting Southeastern Nigeria and of whom are readily associated with the Biafran revolution. Egbo will primarily refer to the Efik and Ibibio also known as the Cross River or Ekpe Tribes. The term Ebo will refer to the Igbo descended Mina Tribes of Ghana and Benin(Dahomey) which include the Ewe, Fon(Fongbe) and the Ga-Adangbe. The Ebo classification will also include the Igbo descended captives of Angola, while Ibo will be applied historically to the “Western Igbo” and those of Mozambique. Egba will be used to describe the largest Igbo descended tribe living in Yorubaland (Southwest Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Nigeria) inhabiting the Osugun State, while IgboMina will address another Igbo descended tribe living in the Kwara State of Yorubaland.

THE EGBO ARE IGBO The majority of the captives taken to the Americas were from the coastal Egbo tribes and were referred to as Calabaris. Presently in Igboland they are known as the Efik, Ibibio, Oron and Ekoi, etc., and are well associated with a secret society known as the Egbo Society. Although the present day Efik and Ibibio living in Nigeria generally deny ancestral relations with the Igbo; this was not always the case as Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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described by A.E. Afigbo, Professor of History at the University of Nsukka. “Until three or four decades ago there were many Efik and Ibibio communities which proudly laid claims to Igbo origins but today would treat such suggestions as an affront. Here we find the classic example of the trick which time and political consciousness play on historical writings.” The explorer William Balfour Baike writes in 1854 that the Efik mark was formerly the same as that used by some Igbos but more recently they have adopted another. Egbo captives meaning those such as the Igbo descended Efik and Ibibio were targeted throughout the entire period of the slave trade beginning with the Spanish and Portuguese traders of the 16th century and continuing to arrive in the Americas throughout the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries. The Aro slave trading network of Arochukwu first established itself in 1620 with the intent of enslaving the Egbo tribes. In regards to this task they settled in the most southeastern corner of .Igboland, lands belonging to the semi-autonomous Egbo nation called Egbo-Shari. Once settled, the Aro began to emulate and infiltrate the Egbo leaders in an attempt to deceitfully manipulate and redirect their governing institutions into a slave trading operative. The coastal Egbo who were generally known to the slave traders as Calabaris provided the majority of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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“Igbo descended” captives and were often referred to as KWA IBO. The general tendency to associate the Calabaris with “Igbo” is a result of the understanding that the Egbo tribes were related to the “Greater Igbo Nation” and therefore Herskovits refers to Calabari as a generic name for “Ibos” in the United States. In Cuba it is understood that those known as Calabaris descended from the Egbo tribes such as the Efik and Ibibio. During the time of the slave trade the most powerful and numerous of the Egbo tribes were those known as THE KWA. In generalizing the Egbo Nation with the dominant Kwa tribe, all of the Egbo tribes were collectively known as Kwa Ibo. Through the dominance of the Kwa tribe, the Egbo Society was also known as the AbaKwa Society meaning of the Kwa people. To this day the Egbo Society continues to actively function in Cuba. The Egbo Society communicates by using a secret Igbo writing system known as that of Nsibidi. Nsibidi symbols were recently discovered to be engraved on a number of African-American tombstones in Virginia. This most accurately attests to the Egbo ancestry of the deceased as these writings were sacredly maintained by the Egbo Society and were associated as Igbo through the understanding that the Egbo tribes were of Igbo origins. The word Mbakara which African captives used to describe the “white man” in the United States is of Egbo origins as it can be traced directly back to the Efik and Ibibio. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Egbo captives were so numerous and dominant in Virginia that some historians of the Colonial Era actually referred to Virginia as “Igboland”. By the 1700’s Virginia plantation owners gathered to discuss the “Igbo problem” as the hardworking but resistant Egbo are acknowledged to have dominated the Virginia trade. This further lends credence to the alleged Willie Lynch speech of 1712 which advocated the implementation of harsh measures of containment designed to eradicate Egbo culture and in turn slave resistance on all levels. The speech of proposals was delivered by Willie Lynch on the Bank of the James River in Virginia in 1712. 120 years later Nat Turner led a revolt in Virginia that killed approximately 60 whites. In accordance with his Igbo(Egbo) origins, Turner bestowed upon himself the honors of Odogo, a ceremonial ritual in which an Igbo warrior places feathers in his cap to signify the killing of a person of rank in war. After killing Hark Travis, the head of the Travis farm, Turner placed feathers in his cap and a red sash around his waist. Douglas Chambers recently published a book which discusses the alleged role of the Igbo in the murder of President James Madison’s grandfather who was killed in Virginia. Igbo(Egbo) revolts were so frequent and intense throughout Virginia that it was understood that this revolutionary mentality on the part of the Egbo captives was an obvious reflection of Igbo culture as the Igbo proverb states; Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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“What saves also kills and what kills also saves.” It is of interest to note that James Africanus Beale Horton who clearly understood the proper application and usage of the term Igbo and its sub-tribe variants such as the Egbo, Ibo and Ebo chose to dominantly use the Egbo variant when speaking of the tribe in general, while remaining in clear avoidance of using the Igbo spelling. This is obviously a reflection of his descendancy from coastal Egbo captives who were resettled in Sierra Leone. “The Egboes are considered the most imitative and emulative people in the whole of Western Africa; place them where you will or introduce them to any manners of customs and you will find they easily adapt to them.” “The population of Egbo is unknown.” (Horton 1969:157) THE EBO ARE IGBO In accordance with his origins in the Essaka village of Benin, Olaudah Equiano referred to his people as being that of Ebo and never Igbo. “The West Indies planters prefer the slaves of Benin or Eboe.” “Deformity is indeed unknown amongst us. I mean that of shape. Numbers of natives of Eboe in London might be brought in support of this assertion for in regard to complexion ideas of beauty are wholly Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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relative.” (Gates Jr. 1987:17) The Ebo connection to Benin is further supported by Onyebuechi Amene who states the following; “Ebo is a Benin name. It was the Binis that went to and from the Igala Royal families that took the name to Igala.” “The Ebo family of Isiskre still retains their ancestral Bini names.” Those captives who came to the Americas from Ghana and Benin(Dahomey) were those known as Ebo or the Mina tribes. In fact a Mina tribe remains in the Kwara State of Yorubaland and refer to themselves as Igbo-Mina using the original Igbo spelling of the name. It was the Portuguese Jewish slave traders who began selling Ebo captives from Benin to Ghana where they were used to work the Gold Mines. These traders coined the Ebo as “Mina tribes” meaning those destined for El-Mina, a Portuguese word meaning “The Mines”. El-Mina became central to the slave trade in Ghana. The Most powerful amongst the Ebo(Mina) to arrive in Ghana were those called Ewe. The word Ewe derives from the Igbo name Eke. Eke in the Igbo culture refers to the feminine, motherly or birth giving attributes of the Supreme Deity Chineke. Through the interchangeable nature of the letters v and w Ewe is also pronounced with the Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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v sound of Eve(Yeveh). It is from the life giving Eke, Ewe or Eve that a female lamb is called a Ewe and the mother of all humanity Eve. Some reports estimate that over 3 million Ewe were brought to the American South alone. Amongst the followers of African religions in Cuba, Ewe refers to the life giving herbs, while in Haiti, the Ewe deity Nanan Boclou is remembered as the god of life giving herbs and medicine. The Ewe are closely related to the Mina tribe known as the Fon(Fongbe). In fact the word voodoo often associated with Haitian religious practice is a Fongbe word. The last Fon ruler of Dahomey was named Agbo. Agbo was exiled to Guinea where he remained until his death. In 1967, Haiti became the only country outside of Africa to recognize the independent Igbo Republic of Biafra in secession from Nigeria. The vote of confidence in favor of Biafra on the part of this tine Caribbean nation was due to the Haitian’s memory of their own “Igbo” revolutionary past. The numerous and successful slave revolts in Haiti are clearly documented as “Igbo” uprisings but yet we find the strongest presence of the ancestral deity Legba(Eshu) amongst the Haitians. In Haiti Legba is described as the most powerful of all the Loa. He is the guardian of the sun and his color is black. The guardian of the sun is most likely a code for the “Land of the Rising Sun” which is an ancient Igbo reference for the Land of Biafra. The Igbo revolutionaries and devoutees of Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Legba(Eshu) in Haiti were in actuality the Igbo descended Mina tribes such as the Ewe and Fon(Fongbe) who are well associated with the worship and reverence for Legba. The other major non-Akan Igbo descended tribe to be sold from Ghana are those known as the Ga. The Ga like the Ewe are known to have earlier “Nigerian” origins which more specifically equate with that of the Igbo. A section of Belize City is known as Ebo Town. Most of the African captives arriving in Belize were imported from Jamaica and in turn it is acknowledged that the African captives of Jamaica primarily came from Ghana. The Jamaican Festival Jonkonnu evolved out of the Ga Festival of Homowo and thus the African descended population of Jamaica can trace their Igbo origins through the Ga and the Ebo-Mina tribes as they became known. Captives arriving in the Americas from Angola were also known as Ebo. The city Ebo still exists in Angola. The Gullah whose name derives from Angola are an African-American community who live on the Sea Isles off of the coast of Georgia and South Carolina areas which record a majority of Angolan captives. The Gullah are currently engaged in a strenuous battle to secure a memorial at a site called Ebo Landing. Ebo Landing was named in memory of the countless Ebo who drowned themselves in protest of their enslavement. Mr. Utsey is a Gullah meaning a descendant of Angolan-Ebo captives. He recently Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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wrote to the Igbo Studies Association in quest of information concerning his lost Ebo identity. He stated that he was raised in an area which was approximately 45 minutes from Ebo Landing. D.N.A. testing has confirmed his Igbo (Ebo) origins. The presence of Angolan captives in Virginia is reflected in such names as Angola Creek and the Angolan Quarter. What is of interest is the fact that there were many Angolans acknowledged to have been living in Virginia alongside of the Igbo(Egbo), however there is no evidence or documentation that indicates that the Angolans were any different in regards to submitting to enslavement in contrast to the Igbo(Egbo). In accordance with their Ebo culture the Angolan captives were known as runaways. In 1744, a runaway by the name of Angola Tom was captured in Orange County. This being similar to Jamaica where an advertisement for wanted slaves lists the two largest groups of runaways as being those of Igbo and Angola. Igbos and Angolans are acknowledged to have dominantly co-existed in Delaware without any distinguishing differences in temperament and behaviors particularly in response to enslavement. With the abolition of the slave trade Igboland experienced the largest population increase in all of Africa. Since Igboland was the area most affected by the slave trade once left unmolested the population that supplied the most captives would naturally Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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respond with the largest population increase. Angola on the other hand is noted as the area which experienced the largest population decrease after the slave trade ended. Being that Angola provided many captives for enslavement to the New World, a population increase similar to that which was experienced in Igboland would be expected unless of course the captives taken from Angola were not from the native population but were imported Ebos as advocated in this writing. It is also interesting that in the case of the Angolan and Mozambique captives they are generally identified in the classification of country as opposed to any specific tribe. Angola’s role as a Portuguese slave colony was confronted by Queen Nzinga who in 1624 declared all territory in Angola as free country, meaning that all captives reaching Angola would be declared free upon arrival. Queen Nzinga’s efforts only temporarily hindered the mission of the slave traders who continued to import and export Ebo throughout the course of the slave trade. THE IBO ARE IGBO Although Mozambique did become a Portuguese colony similar to that of Angola, the Ibo inhabitants had already been living there centuries before the arrival of the Europeans and were residing under the Ibo tribal heading. The Ibo of Mozambique are presently known as Chi-Mwani and speak a dialect Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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called Ibo. In Mozambique there are two coastal cities named Ibo conveniently located for the importing and exporting of slaves. In their early attempts to colonize Mozambique the Portuguese established their first trading post on what is known as the Ibo Islands and by 1754 Ibo was chosen by the Portuguese as their main clearing house for slaves. It is estimated that by 1807, 80% of the captives destined for the Americas were being imported from Angola, Mozambique and the Igbos of Biafra. Beginning in the 16th century when the Spanish and Portuguese were in charge of the slave trade, they transported 15,000 slaves from Angola to America every year. The Ebos of Angola and the Ibos of Mozambique were classified amongst those of Congo. The Congo slaves began arriving in such places as Cuba in the 1500’s. The Portuguese began dispersing Igbo captives across Africa at the beginning of the slave trade in the 16th century. Thos sent to such places as San Thome and Gabon were of Ibo origins as acknowledged with the first recorded Ibo slave Caterina Ybou who like her fellow Ibo captives arrived at San Thome and Gabon to work on the newly established slave plantations. In Gabon Ibo runaways were so numerous that one of the largest mountains in Gabon became a place of hidden refuge known as Ibounji. It is acknowledged that most of the captives that came to San Thome and Gabon were from the Congo and in turn it is acknowledged that these Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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captives were Ibo. Present day Congo cities such as Ibondo, Iboko and Ibola are reminiscent of the once numerous Ibo captive population. THE EGBA ARE IGBO Southwest Nigeria is commonly referred to as “Yorubaland” which is home to a mosaic of distinct tribes and tribal states who collectively form the present day Yoruba tribal identity, however the original Yoruba designation exclusively referred to the Oyo, a tribe who at one time lived amongst the Hausas in what is presently Northern Nigeria. In fact the word Yoruba is of Hausa origins. Misrepresentations of Nigeria the Facts and the Figures by Yusef Bala Usman, PhD – Center for Democratic Development, Research and Training. “The fact is that the earliest record we have of the use of the very name Yoruba was in the Hausa Language and it seems to have applied to the people of the Alfinate Oyo. Don Masani wrote a book on the Muslim scholars of the Yarriba.” Over the centuries the Oyo were gradually driven southward where they in turn became the conquerors of the indigenous people of “Southwest Nigeria” who like their Southeastern counterparts were referred to as the Igbo. The Southwestern Igbo were protected by an army of masked warriors known as the Egbo or Egba. Olumida Lucas states that the name Egba is synonymous with Igbo. The Indigenous Igbo(Egba) Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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lived in the forest area surrounding Ife. The name Ife derives from an Igbo system of “divination” called Ifa. It was at Ife that the Igbo(Egba) were first confronted by Odudwa who along with his youngest son Oranyan are remembered as the founders of the Oyo(Yoruba) Kingdom at Ife. At the time of Odudwa’s invasion the indigenous Igbo(Egba) resided under the leadership of Obatala whose name means the Oba or Obi Ala. Obi or Oba was initially an Igbo title of authority and Ala is the land deity of the Igbo. Amongst the Egbo tribes of Calabar the Oba appears in the form of the deity Obassi who is also called Abassi. Like the indigenous forest dwelling Igbos, the present day Egbas are historically associated with the Obas. In fact the name of the Egba ruling council known as the Ogboni relates to the Igbo word Ogbonna which indirectly refers to an elder. The Wikipedia Encyclopedia – “Yoruba” “The numerous Egba communities found in the forests below Oyo’s Savannah region were a notable example of elected Obas though the Ogboni, a legislative judicial council of notable elders wielded the actual political power.” (The Ogboni “Cult” played a central role in the Brazil slave rebellion of 1809.) In their initial encounters the Oyo(Yoruba) were unable to penetrate the frightening Egba(Igbo) as these intimidating masked forest dwellers mastered Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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the art of instilling fear into their opponents. In defense of their homeland the Egba(Igbo) went further in raiding and burning down the intruding Oyo(Yoruba) settlements in the town at Ife. The Egba were first defeated through the scheming of a woman named Moremi who allowed herself to be captured as she used her beauty to seduce the Igbo(Egba) King into revealing the secrets of the masked Egba warriors. She later returned to the Oyo providing her countrymen with the necessary information needed to finally conquer the Igbo(Egba) Kingdom. This defeat of the Igbo(Egba) is celebrated every year at the annual Eid Festival of Ife. In 1835, the Egba declared themselves to be independent of the Oyo(Yoruba) and in response the Oyo along with the Ijebu drove them out of Ibadan, Ife and other towns north of their present day capital of Abeokuta. As a result of contact between the Ijebu and the Indigenous Igbo the city Ijebu-Igbo was established. The founding of the Egba Kingdom of Abeokuta in 1837 is considered to be the last kingdom to be recognized within the “Yoruba federation of tribes”. By this time the term Yoruba had expanded beyond its original usage in referring to the Oyo and now generally applied to all of the inhabitants of Southwestern Nigeria. The tradition of the masked Egba(Igbo) warriors is likewise documented in Southeast Nigeria amongst the followers of the Egbo Society of Calabar. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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EGBO – A secret society at one time existing as a political bond between various towns especially Eastern Nigeria. – World Book Dictionary A-K 1974. In 1876, the Scottish Presbyterian missionary Mary Slessor came to Calabar. According to the accountings of Ms. Slessor in the “Igbo” dominated areas a secret society known as Egbo went around in masks and beat people. She claimed to have chased a group of Egbo and tore off a mask. The image of Mary Slessor would later appear on the 10 pound British Monetary note. (The Egbo/Egba warriors seem to have a problem or weakness in defending themselves against foreign women. First Moremi in the west informs her people to burn the masks of the Egba(Igbo) warriors and later in the east Mary Slessor claims to have ripped a mask off of an Egbo man.) The Egba of Abeokuta worship a deity called the Oro. Oro is a god who resides in a bush. In honor of Oro a sacred ceremony is performed at a secluded spot inside the bush. This ceremony is called Igbo Oro and is very similar to bush ceremonies observed by the Egbo Society of Calabar. There are many similar practices and rituals performed by both the Egba of “Yorubaland” and the Egbo Society of the east. In this regard it is of interest to note the name of the Biafran Officer from Ejagham(Calabar), the formidable Captain Ndom Egba. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Although the concept of Legba varies it began as an ancestral memorial designed to maintain the Egba identity during times of persecution and hardship. Legba is also known as Eshu and relates to the deity Isua which is honored in the Egbo Society as the Master of Ceremonies. Legba was also activated in the New World as a means to counter modern slavery and its attempts to wipe out the Egba identity of the captives. The deity is described in Yoruba mythology as the “Divine trickster” because of his ability to outwit his fellow gods. Evidences of Legba have been documented throughout the Americas in such places as Brazil, Guyana, Trinidad, Haiti and New Orleans under various names such as Lebba, Legba, Elegbara and Liba. It is the Igbo descended Mina tribes such as the Ewe and Fon who are most readily associated with the Legba variant. The term Elegbara is of great significance because not only does the name appear in the Americas amongst Igbo descended captives meaning the Egba and the Mina tribes, but is also the name of a tribe that lives on the Southern Sudanese, Northern Ugandan border and of whom are likewise related to the Igbos of Nigeria as they are known by the variant of Elegbara being called the Lugbara. When traveling in Uganda I personally met a Lugbara Doctor of Medicine who previously studied alongside of Igbo students from Nigeria. The Lugbara man stated that he could understand much of the Igbo Language Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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which held a great deal in common with his own Lugbara Tongue. Through numerous and prominent cultural and linguistic affinities the Lugbara man was definitely convinced that the Lugbara and the Igbo are akin. Similar to the Igbo of the east, the western Igbo descended Egba were always known to be revolutionaries in continual revolt against the Colonial British authorities, European missionaries and their traditional Yoruba enemies being primarily that of the Oyo and Ijebu. In 1929 the Igbo market women of the east led a tax revolt against the Colonial British Government which became known as the Abia Women’s Tax Revolt. The Egba women carried out a similar tax revolt in 1947 known as the Abeokuta Women’s Tax Revolt of Egba Market Women. The Egba market women were led by Fumilayo Ransome Kuti, a teacher and wife of a prominent Egba educationalist. The protest of over 10,000 Egba women caused the governing authorities to abolish taxes on women for several years and the Alake who conspired with the Colonial authorities spent three years in exile in Oshogbo. Many of the positive social and ethical traits which are often associated with the Igbo are historically documented as being characteristic of the Egba as well. Robert Campbell who along with Martin Robison Delaney signed a pact with Egba leaders for the right of resettlement of African-Americans to Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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“Egbaland” states that the Egba are the most industrious people on the face of the earth. (Burton 1863:101) James Africanus Beale Horton concerning the Egba(Akus) “It must be admitted without question that there are no people on the coast who are so hard working and so long suffering in proportion to what they expect in return.” He also went on to say that the Egba as a race are amongst the most industrious, persevering and hard working people on the coast of Africa. (Horton 1969:149) In terms of education the Egba like the Igbo are deserving of great acclaim. The first Black-African to receive a Nobel Prize in Literature was an Egba man named Wole Soyinka who like the Igbo actively opposed the Nigerian Government during the Biafran War. Soyinka was detained by agents of the state between 1967 and 1969. In this regard Booker T. Washington whose middle name, Tanifeani, attests to Egba origins should be noted as the founder of the famous Tuskegee Institute. In Brazil an organized Ibo revolt led to the establishment of the Independent “Ibo Republic” of Palmares which lasted 45 years. Being consistent with “Igbo resistance” Palmares ended in a massive suicide of Ibo warriors who preferred death to capture. The city Ibotirama testifies to a strong Ibo presence in the region, however as in the case of Haiti, Afro-Brazilian culture and religious practices are more readily Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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associated with that of the “Yoruba”(Egba) including the worship of Legba. Olukwumu is spoken in Brazil and interestingly enough in a few Western Ibo communities such as Anioma, Idumu-ogu, Ubulubu, Ugbodu, Ugboba and Okwumuzu. In fact communities bearing the name Olukwumu(Olukumi) still exist amongst the Western Ibo. Although this dialect cannot be found in the Yoruba heartland it remains in reference as a “lost dialect of the Yoruba Language”. All of the above clearly indicates that many of the captives in Brazil including those who successfully revolted in the establishment of Palmares were of western Ibo origins and like the Egba are being mistakenly classified as Yoruba. In Brazil the Western Ibo were accompanied by a massive importing of Ebos from Angola and Ibos from Mozambique, the latter further accounting for the dominant and preferable Ibo usage amongst the Brazilian captives. In Cuba the Olukwumu were referred to as the Olukumi, Lukumi or Akumi. The Egba have traditionally resisted identification with the term Yoruba preferring to be called Egbas or Akus. Slaves in Cuba known as the Lukumi or Akumi meaning of the Egba people were well known for suicide resistance which often found them handing from the branches of the Guasima trees. This being very similar to the “Igbo” resisters of Haiti who were likewise remembered for suicide resistance as Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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understood in the Haitian saying, Ebos pend cor a yo, meaning the Ebos hang themselves. The relationship between the names Olukwumu and Olukumi with that of Akumi(Aku or Egba) further solidifies the common origins which link the Western Ibo and the Egba peoples. The Egba who like the Igbo were originally known as forest dwellers are acknowledged to have been at one time living east of their present day location. The process which led to the vanquished links of brotherhood between the Igbo and the Egba can be characterized by the often strained relations that currently exist between some of the eastern and western Igbo communities of today. Biafran Nigerian World Message Board-JAN. 6th 2004 Efulefu of Western Kind. “… lately some misguided Igbo people of Anioma/Ibusa (in short Western Igbo stock), have been making anti-Igbo noises. I read that a group of 419 purporting to represent Anioma and all Western Igbo issued a statement disavowing their Igboness… If you are from Western Igboland and you no longer wish to consider yourself Igbo you have only one option. Pack your damned bags and leave otherwise we are coming!!!” History not only records the common origins of the Egba and the Igbo but their common destiny as they are identified as two groups most devastated by the slave trade which is expressed in the following; Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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“The Egba have suffered more than any other nation in West Africa from the depredation of the slave trade.” (Horton 1969:146) “It is stated that a dispersion of the Egba in st the 1 quarter of the 17th century scattered the exiled Egba to Sierra Leone, United States, Gambia Fernando Po, Hausa, Borneo, Central Africa, The Fezzan, Egypt and even Istanbul.” (Horton 1969:146) “Igboland was one of the areas most affected by the slave trade. Igbos were exported as slaves throughout the whole period of the trade.” (Isichei 1973:45) The Four African Societies of Modern Cuba represent the various elements which comprise the Igbo ancestry of African-Americans. 1. LUKUMI(EGBA) – The Lukumi Society whose name derives from Akumi meaning those of the Akus who are the Igbo descended Egba and their brethren the Ketu. They are often mistakenly referred to as Yoruba, an estimated 275,000 were brought to Cuba. 2. ARARA(EBO) – The Arara Society pertains to the Igbo descended Mina tribes who were designated to work the Gold Mines of Ghana and of whom were sold to the Americas from Sao George which became known as El-Mina (THE MINES). ElMina was the center of the gold trade and the focus of the greater slave trade. The main Mina Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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tribes of Ghana were the Igbo descended Ewe and Ga, while in Dahomey they were called (Fon (Fongbe) or Abo as in Abomey. The origins of the Mina tribes is maintained in the name of the Igbo-Mina tribe of The Kwara State in Yorubaland. Most Mina tribes were known as Ebo and approximately 200,000 arrived in Cuba. 3. The Egbo Society(EGBO) – The Egbo Society consists of the descendants of the coastal “Igbo Nation” of Egbo-Shari. The present day Efik and Ibibio are amongst the most prominent tribes to be historically associated with the Egbo Society, however during the time of the slave trade the largest and most powerful tribe within the Egbo nation were those known as the Kwa and thus the Egbo Society was also known as AbaKwa(Abacua). The majority of the Kwa were sold to the Americas during the Slave Trade. Slave traders often referred to the Egbo as Calabaris or Kwa Ibo. A division of the Egbo Society is called Ekpri Akata. Many present day Yorubas and Africans in general now derogatorily refer to African-Americans as Akata(Akuta). Since there was such a large number of Akata(Egbo) sold during the slave trade the term Akata became synonymously associated with those being enslaved. Approximately 240,000 Egbo were brought to Cuba. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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4. BAKONGO(IBO/EBO) – The Congo Society is made up of the descendants of Ibo captives who arrived in the Americas from Angola(Ebo), Mozambique and the Congo and Gabon. Ibo captives were shipped to the Americas throughout the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries. Their practices are often reflective of that of the slavetrading tribes of whom they encountered such as the Imbangala, MaKua and Lemba.

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Bibliography Bibliography 1. Afigbo, A.E. Professor of History University of Nsukka. The Age of Innocence (The Igbo and Their Neighbors in Pre-Colonial Times). 1981, Ahiojuku Lecture. 2. Baike, William Balfour. Narrative of an Exploring Voyage Up the Rivers Kwora and Binue Commonly Known as the Niger and Tsadde. Frank Cass Ltd, London 1966. 3. Beckwith, Carol and Angela Fisher. The African Roots of Voodoo (National Geographics), August 2005 Issue, National Geographics Society, Washington, DC 4. Blassingame, John W. The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebellum South. Oxford University Press, New York 1979. 5. BriefHistory fMozambique. www.dana.ucc.nau.edu/nms/history.html 6. Burton, Richard Francis, Sir. Abeokuta the Cameroon Mountains, An Exploration by Richard F. Burton. Tinsley Brothers, London 1863. 7. Chambers, Douglas B. Murder at Montpelier: Igbo Africans in Virginia. University Press of Mississippi, Jackson 2005. 8. Courlander, Harold. A Treasury of AfricanAmerican Folklore. Crown Publishers, New York 1966. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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9. Fisher, Mel. The Last Slave Ships (Afro-Cuban Identities). www.melfisher.org/lastslaveships/cuba.html 10. Gates, Jr., Henry Louis (Ed). The Classic Slave Narratives. New American Library, New York 1987. 11. “God and One Are Always a Majority”. Mary Slessor: From Factory Girl to White Queen. Glimpses Issue #128. Christian History Institute, Worcester, PA 2003. 12. Gonzales-Wippler, Migrene. Santeria The Religion: A Legacy of Faith Rites and Magic Harmony. New York 1994. 13. Goodwine, Marquetta (Ed). The Legacy of Ibo Landing Gullah Roots of African-American Culture. Clarity Press, Atlanta, GA 1998. 14. Greenberg, Kenneth (Ed). Nat Turner, A Slave Rebellion in History and Memory. Oxford University Press, New York 2003. 15. Herskovits, Melville J. The Myth of the Negro Past. Beacon Press, Boston 1958. 16. Horton, James Africanus Beale. West African Countries and Peoples. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh 1969 (1868). 17. Iliffe, John. Africa, The History of a Continent. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1995. 18. Isichei, Elizabeth. A History of the Igbo People. Macmillan Publishers, 1976. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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19. Ibid. The Ibo People and the Europeans-The Genesis of a Relationship. Faber and Faber Publishers, London, 1973. 20. Lucas, Olumide. The Religion of the Yoruba. C.M.S. Workshop, Lagos 1948. 21. Matibag, Eugenio. Afro-Cuba Religious Experience. Cultural Reflections in Narrative. University Press of Florida-Gainesville, 1966. 22. McMillan, Hugh (Frank Shapiro). Zion in Zambia. I.D. Tauris Pub. 1998. 23. Middleton, John. The Lugbara of Uganda. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York 1965. 24. Morgan, Philip P. Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the 18th Century Chesapeake and Low Country. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill 1998. 25. Mozambique WWF Expedition in Conservation. www.secureworldwidelife.org/expeditions 26. Nwabueze, Ben O., Professor. The Igbos in the Context of Modern Government and Politics in Nigeria (A Call for Self Examination and Correction). Ahiojuku Lecture 1985. 27. Nwangu, Chido. Are We Igbos or “Ibos”? www.usafricaonline.com/chido 28. Obenge, Theophile. Readings in PreColonial Africa. Karnak House Publications 1995. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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29. Odili, Ogechi. Igbo Efulefo of the Western Kind. January 6, 2004. www.messageboard.biafranigeriaworld.com 30. Onwuejeogwu, MA. Evolutionary Trends in the History of Development of the Igbo Civilzation in the Cultural Theatre of Igboland in Southern Nigeria. Ahiojuku Lecture 1987. 31. Onyebuchi, Amene, Esq. Onitsha, A Child of Egypt. The Eternal Lands of the Living Gods, Pt. 1. www.onitshaado.net 32. Smith, Robert. The Kingdoms of the Yoruba. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison 1992. 33. Talbot, Percy Amaury. In the Shadows of the Bush. W. Heinemann, London 1912. Negro University Press, New York 1969. 34. Time Atlas of the World 9th Edition. Times Books Publications 1994. 35. Utsey, Shawn Ovie, PhD, Associate Professor, Department of Psychology, Virginia Commonwealth University. A Gullah Raised 45 Minutes From Ibo Landing (Igbo origins confirmed through D.N.A. testing) Igbo Studies Association. [email protected] 36. Walvin, James. Making the Black Atlantic Britain and the African Diaspora. Sutton Pub. 1997. 37. Williams, William H. Slavery and Freedom in Delaware 1639-1865. SR Books 1997. Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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38. Woods, Rachel Malcolm. Cheering the Ancestors Home: African Ideograms in African-American Cemeteries. Folk Art Messenger, Vol. 17, No. 1, Spring/Summer 2004 Folk Art Society of America, Richmond Virginia.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Rediscovering Our Lost Igbo Brethren by Chukwurah Emeagwali at Igbo Cultural Day celebration at Calgary, Canada on August 23, 2003. Ozi nkwado Ndi Igbo nke Ma'zi Chukwurah Emeagwali degara Ndi Igbo bi na obodo Calgary, Canada n'oge emume afo ncheta Igbo. Ndi b'anyi ndeewo nu O! I felt honored when Ma'zi Kene Ufondu invited me to say a few words to you. As part of your celebration, I urge you to reflect and remember the contributions of tens of millions of Diasporan Igbos (ndi bi n'Igbo Uzo, nwanne di na mba) that left Ala Igbo a few centuries ago. On Igbo Day, I remember Ma'zi Jubo Jubogha alias "Ja Ja," the 12-year-old slave-boy that became King of Opobo (Eze n'Opobu Igbo). Ma'zi Jubogha was summarily tried in a British court and found guilty of "treaty breaking." For "blocking the highways of trade," Ma'zi Jubogha was permanently exiled to Barbados and St. Vincent, West Indies. He is now immortalized in Barbadian folklore and song. On Igbo Day, I salute Ma'zi Olaudah Equiano, another 12-year-old slave-boy, for proudly writing: "I am Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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Eboe" (Abu m Igbo). I thank Ma'zi Equiano for providing us the earliest written account of the culture and customs of Ndi Igbo. I thank Ma'zi Equiano for chronicling the horrific injustices of slavery. The following chant mourned the loss of young Olaudah: Who are we looking for, who are we looking for? It's Equiano we're looking for. Has he gone to the stream? Let him come back. Has he gone to the farm? Let him return. It's Equiano we're looking for. Ma'zi Equiano is an ichie, nna-mmuo (revered ancestor, great spirit). Scholars immortalized this nwa'afo Igbo (true son of the soil) with the title: "father of black literature." On Igbo Day, I invoke the spirits of the ten heroic "Eboe" men, women, and children of Georgia's Sea Islands who jumped off a slave ship and drowned themselves to escape slavery. Sea Islands folklore recalls how ten defiant and courageous "Eboe" slaves, shackled at their ankles and necks, with tears in their eyes, chanted in unison, the eerie refrain: "The water brought us; the water will take us away." The act of courage and fierce resistance of the "Eboes" to the condition of bondage is immortalized in the folklore and song of the Gullah people of coastal Georgia.

Introduction by Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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May the spirits of those "Lost Igbos" walk beside you, whisper to you, and guide you in your quest for knowledge and wisdom. Ma'zi Equiano described himself as a "stranger in a strange land." As strangers in Canada, I commend you for providing an opportunity for Umu Igbo to know their brothers and sisters. Ndi b'anyi si na njiko ka,

mmadu ka e ji aba. Igbo Kwenu! Comment: Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali

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