Burial Practices and Ritual Landscapes at Ptolemaic Abydos: The 2011 and 2012 Seasons of the Abydos Middle Cemetery Project Author(s): Thomas Landvatter Source: Near Eastern Archaeology, Vol. 76, No. 4 (December 2013), pp. 235-245 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5615/neareastarch.76.4.0235 . Accessed: 01/07/2014 08:21 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
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BURIAL PRACTICES AND RITUAL LANDSCAPES AT PTOLEMAIC ABYDOS: The 2011 and 2012 Seasons of the Abydos Middle Cemetery Project
A view of the entrance to the desert cliffs at Abydos. Photograph by T. Landvatter.
Thomas Landvatter
T
he Late and Ptolemaic periods of Egyptian history (664 b.c.e. to 30 b.c.e.) were politically, socially, and culturally tumultuous. This time saw both the final resurgence of the indigenous Egyptian state and its subjugation to foreign rule. This same period was one of the most dynamic in Egyptian history, as Egypt became further integrated into wider Mediterranean networks and saw the influx of large foreign populations: first Greek mercenaries and traders during the 26th Dynasty, and then immigration on a larger scale under the Ptolemies, when Egypt was again an independent state and empire. In such a context of intense cross-cultural interaction and political upheaval, we would expect that personal and social identities be contested and renegotiated as individuals were confronted with change in old social and political structures, as well as the creation of new ones. From an archaeological perspective, the material remains of mortuary practices are particularly useful for the analysis of changes in social structures and identities. Mortuary remains are dense with social information since, unlike many archaeological deposits, a burial is nearly always an intentional deposition and is treated according to certain rules and within certain boundaries which a given society deems appropriate. Burials are often
specifically marked to reflect identities such as age, gender, and socio-economic status, through the treatment of the body, the burial architecture, or the inclusion of specific pieces of funerary equipment. In order to examine such changes in social structures and identities in Egypt during the Late and Ptolemaic periods, I fielddirected an excavation sub-project in 2011 and 2012 as part of the University of Michigan’s Abydos Middle Cemetery (AMC) Project, under the overall direction of Professor Janet Richards, focused on the funerary remains of the Late and Ptolemaic periods. As a cemetery site continuously in use from ca. 3700 b.c.e. to the Arab conquest in the seventh century c.e., Abydos is ideal for the study of shifting social identities over time. The material culture and funerary landscape of Late and Ptolemaic-period Abydos has only recently become the focus of sustained modern archaeological excavation and publication. It appears that, well into the Ptolemaic period, individuals exhibited elite status partly through an explicit association with the other monuments, geographic features, and landmarks which shaped ritual practice at Abydos. Yet, at some point during the Ptolemaic period, a reorientation of the ritual landscape caused a shift in the ways by which people exhibited their elite status through mortuary practice.
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Figure 1 (above). Labeled satellite view of North Abydos, focused on the North Cemetery, Middle Cemetery, and the processional wadi. In red are the approximate locations of excavation areas from early twentieth century expeditions. Garstang 1907 is the unpublished Ptolemaic-Roman period cemetery in the processional wadi. The Osiris temple is the origin point for the processions to Umm el-Qa’ab. Includes material © 2007 DigitalGlobe, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Labels by T. Landvatter Figure 2 (below). Example of Greek graffiti in the Seti I temple. Photograph by T. Landvatter.
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The Abydos Ritual Landscape
rhetoric of death throughout Egypt, with tomb paintings depicting and texts describing a “journey to Abydos” of the deceased to be with the god Osiris. Abydos received near-continuous royal patronage from the
Abydos is one of the most important sites in Egypt, as the burial place of the first pharaohs of the united Egyptian state and the center of the cult of the god of the dead, Osiris (see O’Connor 2009). The site is complex, consisting of cemeteries, settlements, and ritual spaces, divided into two main sections: South and North Abydos. North Abydos (fig. 1) is, in turn, divided into the Middle Cemetery and the North Cemetery, separated from each other by a wadi which leads to the area known as Umm el-Qa’ab, where the Early Dynastic royal tombs are located. While mortuary activity was initially restricted to royal burials in Umm elQa’ab, the rest of the site was gradually opened to private funerary activity beginning in the later Old Kingdom. This can be seen, for example, in the late Old Kingdom mortuary landscape centered on Figure 3 (above). Satellite view of the Middle Cemetery, with results of the AMC Project geophysical survey overlaid. Blue boxes represent excavation units of the AMC Project. The 2011–12 excavation area is closest to the wadi. the monumental mastabas Includes material © 2007 DigitalGlobe, Inc. All Rights Reserved. of Weni the Elder and Iuu, Figure 4 (below). Plan of the AMC 2011–12 excavation area, showing the three contiguous architectural agglomerations, Areas A, B, and C. GIS by G. Compton, with additions by T. Landvatter. excavated by the AMC Project (see Richards 2002, 2007; Middle Kingdom onward Richards and Herbich 2005). (see again O’Connor 2009). A major shift occurred There are multiple monumenduring the Middle Kingdom, tal buildings from both the when the tomb of the First Middle and New Kingdoms, Dynasty pharaoh Djer in such as the tomb of SenwosUmm el-Qa’ab had been idenret III (r. 1870–1831 b.c.e.), tified as the tomb of Osiris. the royal pyramid complex of Djer’s tomb then became Ahmose (r. 1550–1525 b.c.e.), the focus of annual procesthe Osiris Temple complex sions from the Osiris temple constructed by Seti I (r. through the wadi with atten1294–1279 b.c.e.), and two dant large-scale deposition of temples built by Ramesses II offerings. A large private vo(r. 1279–1213 b.c.e.). In the tive zone developed consistThird Intermediate Period, ing of cenotaphs dedicated to high officials and royals were the god Osiris, outside Osiris’ sill buried and commemomain temple at the beginning rated at the site, such as prince of the processional route. The Iuput of the 22nd Dynasty wadi became sacred space, (945–715 b.c.e.), and princess and construction and burial Paabtomeri of the 25th Dynaswithin it was expressly forbidty (747–656 b.c.e.). den, as recorded in the Neferth From the seventh century hotep stele of the 13 Dynasty b.c.e. through the end of the (Leahy 1989). Abydos had Ptolemaic period, Abydos also become prominent in the
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Figure 5 (above). View of Hypogeum 1, with components labeled. Photograph by T. Landvatter. Figure 6 (below). Plan of Hypogeum 1 with vaults labeled, showing the location of limestone coffins. Original GIS by G. Compton, with additions by T. Landvatter.
maintained its importance as a ritual center, and its landscape continued to develop. Abydos still received state-level patronage, such as the construction of a new Osiris temple by the pharaoh Nectanebo (r. 380–362 b.c.e.) in the 30th Dynasty, likely on the site of the previous Osiris temples. There is also evidence of Ptolemaic royal interest in Seti I’s temple complex. An inscription in a foundation deposit attributed to the reign of Ptolemy IV (r. 221–205 b.c.e.) is associated with the construction of a monumental stone gateway of the Seti temple enclosure (Petrie 1902a). Ptolemaic votive deposits have also been found associated with a structure along the processional route out from the Osiris temple (Pouls-Wegner 2011). The quantity of offerings at Umm el-Qa’ab also increased dramati-
cally, with great numbers of mass-produced vessels dating from the eighth to the second centuries b.c.e., indicating that the tomb of Djer continued to be the focus of cult (Budka 2010). Despite the continuing focus on Umm el Qa’ab at this time, this was also a period of change. Beginning in the Late Period and continuing into the Ptolemaic, Seti I’s temple complex, which includes both the temple proper and the socalled “Osireion” – a subterranean cenotaph built immediately behind the main temple – became a site of pilgrimage. The temple complex’s status as a center of pilgrimage is attested by the great quantities of graffiti found throughout both structures (fig. 2). The earliest graffiti at the Osireion date to the 21st Dynasty, around 1000 b.c.e. Pilgrimage activity at the Seti temple itself seems
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to begin in the fifth century b.c.e., with graffiti particularly in Greek, but also in Phoenician, Carian, Aramaic, and the Cypriot script (Perdrizet and Lefebvre 1919; Rutherford 2003). Tourists from all over Upper Egypt visited the temple steadily from this time, up through the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. The Seti temple was well-known as an oracular center, first associated with Osiris, then Serapis, and then ultimately the god Bes. The increased attention paid to the Seti temple, as opposed to the original Osiris temple complex, was accompanied by a shift in the ritual landscape. This is most evident in the blocking of the processional wadi by a cemetery, excavated by Garstang in 1907 (Abdalla 1992). This cemetery was never fully published, but appears to date to either the late Ptolemaic or Roman periods. The
The 2011 and 2012 AMC Project Excavation Seasons
The immediate and most general aim of the AMC Project’s two seasons was to add to our knowledge of the later, post-New Kingdom periods of Abydos by excavating a number of graves which dated from the Late to the Roman periods, and by working towards an understanding of what constituted “typical” elite funerary treatments at Abydos during this time. More specifically, the project had two main research questions: first, to investigate how mortuary practices at the site related to the ritual landscape during the Late, Ptolemaic, and early Roman periods; and second, to explore what social, cultural, religious, and political factors may have shaped mortuary practice at Abydos.
Figure 7. View of Vault B from its entrance. Photograph by T. Landvatter.
obstruction of the wadi likely marked the end of some 1800 years of ritual processions up to Umm el-Qa’ab using this route, and therefore was a significant change. There is, however, a second major processional route, leading from the Seti temple to the so-called “south hill” near Umm el-Qa’ab (Effland and Effland 2010). It is possible that the Seti temple, rather than the original Osiris temple, became the primary focus for cult by the Roman period (Pouls-Wegner 2011), and consequently the processional route originating there may have increased in significance after the closing off of the wadi.
The AMC Project chose to excavate an area of the Middle Cemetery along the processional wadi, based on patterns seen in late nineteenth and early twentieth century excavation data, ceramic survey, and geophysical survey, all of which indicated that there was extensive Late and Ptolemaic period activity in or near that area. Late and Ptolemaic material at Abydos was recorded by nearly all excavations prior to the current American and German missions, in particular the excavations of Petrie, Naville, and Garstang in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Petrie 1902, Peet 1914, Abdalla 1992). Though the precise
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Figure 10 (above). Box of shabtis in situ. Photograph by T. Landvatter. Figure 11 (below). Decorated wood fragments of a shabti box. This box is a different example than that in fig. 10, but it has identical decoration. Photograph by E. Platte.
Figure 8 (above). Close-up of inscribed coffin lid from Vault B. Figure 9 (below). Fragments of the coffin lids showing the names of their occupants (highlighted). Harsiese (Ḥr-s3-3s.t) is on the left and Nesqaishuty (Nsq3j-šwty) on the right. Photographs by T. Landvatter.
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locations of many of these early excavations remain unknown, the areas which yielded extensive Late and Ptolemaic remains appear to have been close to the processional route and wadi (see again fig. 1). A ceramic survey conducted by the AMC Project also showed an increased percentage of Late to Ptolemaic/Roman wares relative to Old Kingdom wares near the wadi, indicating probable activity of that time period in the area. The extent of activity near the wadi was revealed by the extensive geophysical survey conducted in the Middle Cemetery between 2002 and 2009 by Tomasz Herbich for the AMC Project (fig. 3). Much of what was revealed in the geophysical survey of this area seems similar to
mudbrick-lined pits meant for multiple interments, and mudplaster surfaces; this architecture likely post-dates Area A. Area C also consists of a range of funerary architecture and may also post-date Area A. Area A yielded the most significant remains given the research questions of the project. Hypogeum 2, which postdates Hypogeum 1, was badly robbed, to the point that its structural integrity was compromised, and it could not be safely investigated. Hypogeum 1 was well-preserved. Though the structure was robbed in antiquity, it does not seem to have been excavated in the early twentieth century. A significant portion of the funerary assemblage remained intact, which would not be expected if this
Figure 12. Shabtis from the box shown in fig. 10. Photograph by E. Platte.
the typical “Late” tomb types that are described in the early excavation reports (see e.g. Petrie 1902b on Cemetery G, and Peet 1914 on Cemetery E). The geophysical survey also showed that the area along the wadi contained a range in architectural types, from smaller tombs to monumental enclosures, with larger structures tending to be closer to the wadi. Six excavation units (see again fig. 3) were laid out over the course of two seasons, revealing a dense agglomeration of mudbrick funerary architecture that can be divided into three distinct areas: Areas A, B, and C (fig. 4). These divisions are based on architectural stratigraphy; soil stratigraphy in the Middle Cemetery is nearly non-existent, due both to early modern excavations that heavily disturbed the site, and the nature of the sand-soil matrix. Two large structures, termed Hypogeum 1 and Hypogeum 2, formed the core of Area A. Area B consisted of a range of small funerary architecture, including mudbrick vaults,
structure had been subject to early excavation techniques. Hypogeum 1 (figs. 5 and 6) is large, approximately 10 m on a side, and is broadly similar to other Late Period to Ptolemaic tombs identified by excavators such as Petrie and Peet. The structure consists of the hypogeum itself, with three parallel pitchedbrick vaults, a forecourt, a platform, and a superstructure wall. Pitched-brick vaults such as Hypogeum 1 are noted as common in Peet’s report on the later period vaults in Cemetery E and elsewhere (Peet 1914). Similar to other “late” vaults reported by Peet and Petrie, Hypogeum 1 may have supported a mastaba-like structure or perhaps a dome. The broadly “late” attribution based on the architecture is confirmed by the ceramic assemblage from within the structure, which contained nearly no examples of pottery that could date before the Late Period. Ceramic finds were similar to those found in other Ptolemaic contexts in Abydos. In addition, the
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presence of what was preliminarily identified as an Egyptian tents of the entire vault, including natron balls and embalming Amphora Type 3 suggests activity in this tomb at least through materials used in the mummification process, at least one limethe late first century b.c.e. to early first century c.e. There will be stone coffin, multiple ceramic coffins, and a number of whole a full treatment of the ceramor reconstructable vessels (fig. ics in a future study season. 17). The majority of the vesThe other contents of sels appear to be consistent Hypogeum 1 are consistent with ceramics from other with the ceramic chronology. Ptolemaic contexts. Though Vault A was nearly completethe burials are less monumenly robbed and barren, except tal and elaborate than those in for large disturbed deposit of Vault B, they were still quite mummified cats near the enrich, evidenced on one mumtrance. However, the interior my by the application of gildof Vault B – the main burial ing directly to its bandages to vault (fig. 7) – contained at create armlets, bracelets, and least five human burials, and nipple covers. four monumental limestone coffins, the largest of which The AMC Excavations was 3.4 m long. The lids of the in Context two rearmost coffins were inHypogeum 1 is one of a few scribed (fig. 8). Though broPtolemaic-period tombs at ken into about 130 pieces and Abydos excavated using modnot yet reconstructed, the inern recording techniques, and scriptions are complete, namis therefore key to our undering the two initial occupants standing of this period at the Figure 13. Wooden stele in situ with painted ankh. Photograph by T. Landvatter. of the tomb, both of whom site. Based on initial analyare identified as priests: Harsis of the tomb architecture, siese (Ḥr-s3-3s.t), son of his mother Isetweret (3st-Wrt); and ceramic assemblage, and the types and variety of grave goods Nesqaishuty (Ns-q3j-šwty) son of Harsiese (fig. 9). At least inifound, the construction of Hypogeum 1 can be dated to the early tially, then, Hypogeum 1 appears to have served as a communal Ptolemaic period or the latter-part of the Late Period, perhaps tomb for a family of priests. The funerary assemblage from Vault around the 30th Dynasty. Ceramic evidence indicates that depoB is also extensive, including boxes of worker figurines (shabtis) sition of burials or other activity continued through the Ptol(figs. 10–12), small wooden stelae (fig. 13), faience vessels, and emaic period and possibly into the early Roman. A future study the remains of inscribed interior wood coffins. Fragments of season is planned focusing on Hypogeum 1, including a full Ptah-Sokar-Osiris statues, which were common in elite burial study of the ceramic material, a more thorough bioarchaeologiassemblages in the Late and Ptolemaic periods, were also found cal study of the human remains, and epigraphic work on the in(fig. 14). All these classes of scriptions. Once the inscripobjects are typical for Late tions are reconstructed, there and Ptolemaic elite burials. will be more clarity as to the Vault C (fig. 15) contained foundation date of the tomb, at least 19 human burials. the occupants’ places of oriIn addition to the remains gin and titles, and potential of bead nets, which were connections to other elites in commonly used as mummy the area. decoration, there were small Hypogeum 1 confirms the falcon figurines, which may pattern seen in other excavahave been meant to stand tion data and the AMC Projalone, or may have been part ect’s ceramic and geophysiof a canopic or shabti box, and cal surveys: that elite burial fragments of a stone and glass practice during the Late and eye inset for a mask. A large Ptolemaic periods was foFigure 14. Fragment of the horn of a Ptah-Sokar-Osiris statue. Photograph by E. Platte. amount of painted mummy cused to some extent on the wrappings (fig. 16) was found area adjacent to the procesin this vault, all of which is similar to Ptolemaic and Roman styles sional wadi. Hypogeum 1 is situated on a high point overlookknown from other sites. Just outside of the entrance to Vault C, a ing the wadi with little apparent obstruction from other tombs. large deposit was discovered which appears to be the ejected conIn the geophysical survey, the largest structures tend to abut the
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Figure 15 (above). View of Vault C from its entrance. Photograph by T. Landvatter. Figure 16 (below). Example of painted mummy wrappings from Vault C, with a depiction of a jackal. Photograph by E. Platte.
wadi, with smaller structures further away (see again fig. 3). Elite status, then, seems to have been expressed not only through elaborate grave architecture and tomb assemblages – as could be seen with the material in Hypogeum 1 – but also through association with the ritual landscape: constructing a tomb near the processional wadi associated the occupants of that tomb and their family with the prestige of the Osiris cult. Smaller structures, as in Areas B and C of the AMC Project excavation area, tend to cluster around larger structures, showing a desire of less-elite individuals to be associated with the prestige of the monumental tombs. There are also some clear differences between the burial assemblage in Hypogeum 1 and other reported Ptolemaic burials at Abydos. The wealth of material from Hypogeum 1 is in stark
contrast to what was found, for example, in E422, an intact tomb excavated by Peet (Peet 1914). There were almost no reported grave goods from that tomb, other than simple limestone coffins and cartonnage mummy cases. The stark difference between Hypogeum 1 and E422 only emphasizes the potential variety in Ptolemaic period mortuary practice at Abydos.
A Shifting Landscape
It is clear that well into the Ptolemaic period, the very old ritual landscape of Abydos focused on the processional wadi was maintained, and elites, such as the priests Harsiese and Nesqaishuty, selected their burial locations in relation to it. The processional wadi was still considered sacred space, association with which conferred some level of prestige. Indeed, desire for burial locations near the wadi may have helped
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Figure 17. The contents of Vault C piled outside of the vault. This material likely was deposited here during the robbing of the tomb in antiquity. Photograph by T. Landvatter.
maintain its ritual importance. Elites had a vested interest in keeping the wadi open and maintaining the ritual processions originating at the Osiris temple, since the prestige of the wadi was derived from entrenched cultural meanings attached to its geography, and elites defined themselves in part by associating themselves with this prestige through tomb construction. Given the long-standing importance of the processional wadi for both ritual practice and elite identity, the significance of its closure cannot be overstated. Increasing pilgrimage to and ritual activity associated with the Seti temple, in particular the devotion of Greeks and other foreigners, seems to be accompanied by a decrease in activity associated with the original Osiris temple complex and therefore the processional wadi (Pouls-Wegner 2011). The Ptolemaic-Roman cemetery excavated by Garstang in 1907 in the wadi should be interpreted in this context. With increasing attention paid to the Seti temple complex, in particular by non-Egyptians, came a decisive shift in the ritual landscape of Abydos overall. The wadi was no longer inviolate, and was now open to burial. This changed not only the ritual landscape of Abydos, but potentially patterns in mortuary practice as well. Since the processional wadi was no longer sacred space, it was not as prestigious, and so likely was no longer as prominent in the construction of elite identity through mortuary practice. Hypogeum 1 must have been constructed before the wadi lost its significance, but this tomb and the 2011–12 AMC Project excavation area as whole dates to around the time when the shift in the ritual landscape occurred. The chronology of the shift in the
landscape is not fully understood as of yet – whether it was sudden or gradual – nor is diachronic change in the spatial distribution of mortuary activity during the Late and Ptolemaic periods. Our understanding of the Abydos landscape and mortuary practice in these later periods is only beginning to develop, and will continue to be refined as more material is excavated and old excavations are examined in more detail. But it is clear that during the Ptolemaic period Abydos underwent significant change.
Acknowledgments
I am grateful to the Ministry of State for Antiquities of Egypt and its then-director Dr. Mohammed Ibrahim, and Dr. Mohammed Ismail Khaled, director of foreign missions, for granting permission for this project. I am indebted to the American Research Center in Egypt (ARCE) for its support. I also thank University of Michigan’s Abydos Middle Cemetery (AMC) Project and its director Janet Richards for allowing me to conduct this research under the AMC Project’s aegis. This fieldwork would not have been possible without the support of a National Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant (BCS Proposal 1038765), an International Research Award from the International Institute at the University of Michigan, and a Graduate Student Research Award from the Rackham Graduate School at the University of Michigan. I would like to thank again Professor Richards, as well as Seth Button; Claudia Chemello; Henry Colburn; Geoff Compton; Suzanne Davis; Christian Knoblauch; Peter Lacovara; Elizabeth Platte; Heather Tunmore; and Korri
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Turner, who all participated in the project. I would also like to thank the MSA inspectors assigned to the AMC Project for the 2011 and 2012 seasons, Mr. Sayyed Mohammed Abd el-Rahim and Mr. Mahmoud Mohammed Amer.
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR Thomas Landvatter received his Ph.D. in Classical Art and Archaeology from the University of Michigan, and is currently Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of Classics at Kalamazoo College. His primary research focuses on the archaeology of identity and cross-cultural interaction in Egypt during the Late, Ptolemaic, and Roman Periods, as well as interaction between Egypt and other ancient Mediterranean societies. A specialist in mortuary archaeology, he has worked at Abydos with the University of Michigan’s Abydos Middle Cemetery Project for several seasons, concentrating on the post-New Kingdom remains at the site.
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